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Title: The Religions of India
       Handbooks On The History Of Religions, Volume 1, Edited By Morris Jastrow

Author: Edward Washburn Hopkins

Release Date: December 28, 2004 [EBook #14499]

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HANDBOOKS ON THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS





EDITED BY MORRIS JASTROW, JR., PH.D.

_Professor of Semitic Languages
in the University of Pennsylvania_






VOLUME I






HANDBOOKS ON THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS






THE

RELIGIONS OF INDIA



BY



EDWARD WASHBURN HOPKINS

Ph.D. (LEIPSIC)

PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE






  _"This holy mystery I declare unto you:
  There is nothing nobler than humanity."_

  THE MAH[=A]BH[=A]RATA.





LONDON

EDWARD ARNOLD

37 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND

PUBLISHER TO THE INDIA OFFICE

1896


_(All rights reserved)_



COPYRIGHT, 1895, BY

EDWARD WASHBURN HOPKINS








TO THE MEMORY OF

WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY

THIS VOLUME

IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED

BY THE AUTHOR










PREFATORY NOTE

BY THE EDITOR.


The growing interest both in this country and abroad in the historical
study of religions is one of the noticeable features in the
intellectual phases of the past decades. The more general indications
of this interest may be seen in such foundations as the Hibbert and
Gifford Lectureships in England, and the recent organization of an
American committee to arrange in various cities for lectures on the
history of religions, in the establishment of a special department for
the subject at the University of Paris, in the organization of the
Musee Guimet at Paris, in the publication of a journal--the _Revue de
l'Histoire des Religions_--under the auspices of this Museum, and in
the creation of chairs at the College de France, at the Universities
of Holland, and in this country at Cornell University and the
University of Chicago,[1] with the prospect of others to follow in the
near future. For the more special indications we must turn to the
splendid labors of a large array of scholars toiling in the various
departments of ancient culture--India, Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt,
Palestine, Arabia, Phoenicia, China, Greece, and Rome--with the result
of securing a firm basis for the study of the religions flourishing in
those countries--a result due mainly to the discovery of fresh sources
and to the increase of the latter brought about by exploration and
incessant research. The detailed study of the facts of religion
everywhere, both in primitive society and in advancing civilization,
and the emphasis laid upon gathering and understanding these facts
prior to making one's deductions, has succeeded in setting aside the
speculations and generalizations that until the beginning of this
century paraded under the name of "Philosophy of Religion."

Such has been the scholarly activity displayed and the fertility
resulting, that it seems both desirable and timely to focus, as it
were, the array of facts connected with the religions of the ancient
world in such a manner that the summary resulting may serve as the
point of departure for further investigations.

This has been the leading thought which has suggested the series of
Handbooks on the History of Religions. The treatment of the religions
included in the series differs from previous attempts in the aim to
bring together the ascertained results of scholarship rather than to
make an additional contribution, though the character of the scholars
whose cooeperation has beep secured justifies the hope that their
productions will also mark an advance in the interpretation of the
subject assigned to each. In accord with this general aim, mere
discussion has been limited to a minimum, while the chief stress has
been laid upon the clear and full presentation of the data connected
with each religion.

A uniform plan has been drawn up by the editor for the order of
treatment in the various volumes, by following which it is hoped that
the continuous character of the series will be secured.

In this plan the needs of the general reader, as well as those of the
student, for whom, in the first place, the series is designed, have
been kept in view. After the introduction, which in the case of each
volume is to be devoted to a setting forth of the sources and the
method of study, a chapter follows on the land and the people,
presenting those ethnographical and geographical considerations,
together with a brief historical sketch of the people in question, so
essential to an understanding of intellectual and religious life
everywhere.

In the third section, which may be denominated the kernel of the book,
the subdivisions and order of presentation necessarily vary, the
division into periods being best adapted to one religion, the
geographical order for another, the grouping of themes in a logical
sequence for a third; but in every case, the range covered will be the
same, namely, the beliefs, including the pantheon, the relation to the
gods, views of life and death, the rites--both the official ones and
the popular customs--the religious literature and architecture. A
fourth section will furnish a general estimate of the religion, its
history, and the relation it bears to others. Each volume will
conclude with a full bibliography, index, and necessary maps, with
illustrations introduced into the text as called for. The Editor has
been fortunate in securing the services of distinguished specialists
whose past labors and thorough understanding of the plan and purpose
of the series furnish a guarantee for the successful execution of
their task.

It is the hope of the Editor to produce in this way a series of
manuals that may serve as text-books for the historical study of
religions in our universities and seminaries. In addition to supplying
this want, the arrangement of the manuals will, it is expected, meet
the requirements of reliable reference-books for ascertaining the
present status of our knowledge of the religions of antiquity, while
the popular manner of presentation, which it will be the aim of the
writers to carry out, justifies the hope that the general reader will
find the volumes no less attractive and interesting.

  UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA.

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: In an article by the writer published in the
     _Biblical World_ (University of Chicago Press) for January,
     1893, there will be found an account of the present status
     of the Historical Study of Religions in this country.]

       *       *       *       *       *





CHAPTER I.--INTRODUCTION.


SOURCES.--DATES.--METHODS OF INTERPRETATION.--DIVISIONS OF SUBJECT.


SOURCES.


India always has been a land of religions. In the earliest Vedic
literature are found not only hymns in praise of the accepted gods,
but also doubts in regard to the worth of these gods; the beginnings
of a new religion incorporated into the earliest records of the old.
And later, when, about 300 B.C, Megasthenes was in India, the
descendants of those first theosophists are still discussing, albeit
in more modern fashion, the questions that lie at the root of all
religion. "Of the philosophers, those that are most estimable he terms
Brahmans ([Greek: _brachmanas_]). These discuss with many words
concerning death. For they regard death as being, for the wise, a
birth into real life--into the happy life. And in many things they
hold the same opinions with the Greeks: saying that the universe was
begotten and will be destroyed, and that the world is a sphere, which
the god who made and owns it pervades throughout; that there are
different beginnings of all things, but water is the beginning of
world-making, while, in addition to the four elements, there is, as
fifth, a kind of nature, whence came the sky and the stars.... And
concerning the seed of things and the soul they have much to say also,
whereby they weave in myths, just as does Plato, in regard to the
soul's immortality, judgment in hell, and such things."[1]

And as India conspicuously is a country of creeds, so is its
literature preeminently priestly and religious. From the first Veda to
the last Pur[=a]na, religion forms either the subject-matter of the
most important works, or, as in the case of the epics,[2] the basis of
didactic excursions and sectarian interpolations, which impart to
worldly themes a tone peculiarly theological. History and oratory are
unknown in Indian literature. The early poetry consists of hymns and
religious poems; the early prose, of liturgies, linguistics, "law,"
theology, sacred legends and other works, all of which are intended to
supplement the knowledge of the Veda, to explain ceremonies, or to
inculcate religious principles. At a later date, formal grammar and
systems of philosophy, fables and commentaries are added to the prose;
epics, secular lyric, drama, the Pur[=a]nas and such writings to the
poetry. But in all this great mass, till that time which Mueller has
called the Renaissance--that is to say, till after the Hindus were
come into close contact with foreign nations, notably the Greek, from
which has been borrowed, perhaps, the classical Hindu drama,[3]--there
is no real literature that was not religious originally, or, at least,
so apt for priestly use as to become chiefly moral and theosophic;
while the most popular works of modern times are sectarian tracts,
Pur[=]nas, Tantras and remodelled worldly poetry. The sources, then,
from which is to be drawn the knowledge of Hindu religions are the
best possible--the original texts. The information furnished by
foreigners, from the times of Ktesias and Megasthenes to that of
Mandelslo, is considerable; but one is warranted in assuming that what
little in it is novel is inaccurate, since otherwise the information
would have been furnished by the Hindus themselves; and that,
conversely, an outsider's statements, although presumably correct,
often may give an inexact impression through lack of completeness; as
when--to take an example that one can control--Ktesias tells half the
truth in regard to ordeals. His account is true, but he gives no
notion of the number or elaborate character of these interesting
ceremonies.

The sources to which we shall have occasion to refer will be, then,
the two most important collections of Vedic hymns--the Rig Veda and
the Atharva Veda; the Brahmanic literature, with the supplementary
Upanishads, and the S[=u]tras or mnemonic abridgments of religious and
ceremonial rules; the legal texts, and the religious and theological
portions of the epic; and the later sectarian writings, called
Pur[=a]nas. The great heresies, again, have their own special
writings. Thus far we shall draw on the native literature. Only for
some of the modern sects, and for the religions of the wild tribes
which have no literature, shall we have to depend on the accounts of
European writers.


DATES.

For none of the native religious works has one a certain date. Nor is
there for any one of the earlier compositions the certainty that it
belongs, as a whole, to any one time. The Rig Veda was composed by
successive generations; the Atharvan represents different ages; each
Br[=a]hmana appears to belong in part to one era, in part to another;
the earliest S[=u]tras (manuals of law, etc.) have been interpolated;
the earliest metrical code is a composite; the great epic is the work
of centuries; and not only do the Upanishads and Pur[=a]nas represent
collectively many different periods, but exactly to which period each
individually is to be assigned remains always doubtful. Only in the
case of the Buddhistic writings is there a satisfactorily approximate
terminus a quo, and even here approximate means merely within the
limit of centuries.

Nevertheless, criteria fortunately are not lacking to enable one to
assign the general bulk of any one work to a certain period in the
literary development; and as these periods are, if not sharply, yet
plainly distinguishable, one is not in so desperate a case as he might
have expected to be, considering that it is impossible to date with
certainty any Hindu book or writer before the Christian era. For,
first, there exists a difference in language, demarcating the most
important periods; and, secondly, the development of the literature
has been upon such lines that it is easy to say, from content and
method of treatment, whether a given class of writings is a product of
the Vedic, early Brahmanic, or late Brahmanic epochs. Usually, indeed,
one is unable to tell whether a later Upanishad was made first in the
early or late Brahmanic period, but it is known that the Upanishads,
as a whole, _i.e._, the literary form and philosophical material which
characterize Upanishads, were earlier than the latest Brahmanic period
and subsequent to the early Brahmanic period; that they arose at the
close of the latter and before the rise of the former. So the
Br[=a]hmanas, as a whole, are subsequent to the Vedic age, although
some of the Vedic hymns appear to have been made up in the same period
with that of the early Br[=a]hmanas. Again, the Pur[=a]nas can be
placed with safety after the late Brahmanic age; and, consequently,
subsequent to the Upanishads, although it is probable that many
Upanishads were written after the first Pur[=a]nas. The general
compass of this enormous literature is from an indefinite antiquity to
about 1500 A.D. A liberal margin of possible error must be allowed in
the assumption of any specific dates. The received opinion is that
the Rig Veda goes back to about 2000 B.C., yet are some scholars
inclined rather to accept 3000 B.C. as the time that represents this
era. Weber, in his _Lectures on Sanskrit Literature_ (p. 7), rightly
says that to seek for an exact date is fruitless labor; while Whitney
compares Hindu dates to ninepins--set up only to be bowled down again.
Schroeder, in his _Indiens Literatur und Cultur_, suggests that the
prior limit may be "a few centuries earlier than 1500," agreeing with
Weber's preferred reckoning; but Whitney, Grassmann, and Benfey
provisionally assume 2000 B.C. as the starting point of Hindu
literature. The lowest possible limit for this event Mueller now places
at about 1500, which is recognized as a very cautious view; most
scholars thinking that Mueller's estimate gives too little time for the
development of the literary periods, which, in their opinion, require,
linguistically and otherwise, a greater number of years. Brunnhofer
more recently has suggested 2800 B.C. as the terminus; while the last
writers on the subject (Tilak and Jacobi) claim to have discovered
that the period from 3500 to 2500 represents the Vedic age. Their
conclusions, however, are not very convincing, and have been disputed
vigorously.[4] Without the hope of persuading such scholars as are
wedded to a terminus of three or four thousand years ago that we are
right, we add, in all deference to others, our own opinion on this
vexed question. Buddhism gives the first semblance of a date in Hindu
literature. Buddha lived in the sixth century, and died probably about
480, possibly (Westergaard's extreme opinion) as late as 368.[5]
Before this time arise the S[=u]tras, back of which lie the earliest
Upanishads, the bulk of the Br[=a]hmanas, and all the Vedic poems. Now
it is probable that the Brahmanic literature itself extends to the
time of Buddha and perhaps beyond it. For the rest of pre-Buddhistic
literature it seems to us incredible that it is necessary to require,
either from the point of view of linguistic or of social and religious
development, the enormous period of two thousand years. There are no
other grounds on which to base a reckoning except those of Jacobi and
his Hindu rival, who build on Vedic data results that hardly support
the superstructure they have erected. Jacobi's starting-point is from
a mock-serious hymn, which appears to be late and does not establish,
to whatever date it be assigned, the point of departure from which
proceeds his whole argument, as Whitney has shown very well. One is
driven back to the needs of a literature in respect of time sufficient
for it to mature. What changes take place in language, even with a
written literature, in the space of a few centuries, may be seen in
Persian, Greek, Latin, and German. No two thousand years are required
to bridge the linguistic extremes of the Vedic and classical Sanskrit
language.[6] But in content it will be seen that the flower of the
later literature is budding already in the Vedic age. We are unable to
admit that either in language or social development, or in literary or
religious growth, more than a few centuries are necessary to account
for the whole development of Hindu literature (meaning thereby
compositions, whether written or not) up to the time of Buddha.
Moreover, if one compare the period at which arise the earliest forms
of literature among other Aryan peoples, it will seem very strange
that, whereas in the case of the Romans, Greeks, and Persians, one
thousand years B.C. is the extreme limit of such literary activity as
has produced durable works, the Hindus two or three thousand years
B.C. were creating poetry so finished, so refined, and, from a
metaphysical point of view, so advanced as is that of the Rig Veda.
If, as is generally assumed, the (prospective) Hindus and Persians
were last to leave the common Aryan habitat, and came together to the
south-east, the difficulty is increased; especially in the light of
modern opinion in regard to the fictitious antiquity of Persian
(Iranian) literature. For if Darmesteter be correct in holding the
time of the latter to be at most a century before our era, the
incongruity between that oldest date of Persian literature and the
"two or three thousand years before Christ," which are claimed in the
case of the Rig Veda, becomes so great as to make the latter
assumption more dubious than ever.

We think in a word, without wishing to be dogmatic, that the date of
the Rig Veda is about on a par, historically, with that of 'Homer,'
that is to say, the Collection[7] represents a long period, which was
completed perhaps two hundred years after 1000 B.C, while again its
earliest beginnings precede that date possibly by five centuries; but
we would assign the bulk of the Rig Veda to about 1000 B.C. With
conscious imitation of older speech a good deal of archaic linguistic
effect doubtless was produced by the latest poets, who really belong
to the Brahmanic age. The Brahmanic age in turn ends, as we opine,
about 500 B.C., overlapping the S[=u]tra period as well as that of the
first Upanishads. The former class of writings (after 500 B.C. one may
talk of writings) is represented by dates that reach from circa
600-500 B.C. nearly to our era. Buddhism's _floruit_ is from 500 B.C.
to 500 A.D., and epic Hinduism covers nearly the same centuries. From
500 to 1000 Buddhism is in a state of decadence; and through this time
extend the dramatic and older Puranic writings; while other Pur[=a]nas
are as late as 1500, at which time arises the great modern reforming
sect of the Sikhs. In the matter of the earlier termini a century may
be added or subtracted here and there, but these convenient divisions
of five hundreds will be found on the whole to be sufficiently
accurate.[8]


METHODS OF INTERPRETATION.

At the outset of his undertaking a double problem presents itself to
one that would give, even in compact form, a view of Hindu religions.
This problem consists in explaining, and, in so far as is possible,
reconciling opposed opinions in regard not only to the nature of these
religions but also to the method of interpreting the Vedic hymns.

That the Vedic religion was naturalistic and mytho-poetic is doubted
by few. The Vedic hymns laud the powers of nature and natural
phenomena as personified gods, or even as impersonal phenomena. They
praise also as distinct powers the departed fathers. In the Rig Veda
I. 168, occur some verses in honor of the storm-gods called Maruts:
"Self-yoked are they come lightly from the sky. The immortals urge
themselves on with the goad. Dustless, born of power, with shining
spears the Maruts overthrow the strongholds. Who is it, O Maruts, ye
that have lightning-spears, that impels you within? ... The streams
roar from the tires, when they send out their cloud-voices," etc.
Nothing would seem more justifiable, in view of this hymn and of many
like it, than to assume with Mueller and other Indologians, that the
Marut-gods are personifications of natural phenomena. As clearly do
Indra and the Dawn appear to be natural phenomena. But no less an
authority than Herbert Spencer has attacked this view: "Facts imply
that the conception of the dawn as a person results from the giving of
dawn as a birth-name."[9] And again: "If, then, Dawn [in New Zealand
and elsewhere] is an actual name for a person, if where there prevails
this mode of distinguishing children, it has probably often been given
to those born early in the morning; the traditions concerning one of
such who became noted, would, in the mind of the uncritical savage ...
lead to identification with the dawn."[10] In another passage: "The
primitive god is the superior man ... propitiated during his life and
still more after his death."[11] Summing up, Spencer thus concludes:
"Instead of seeing in the common character of so-called myths, that
they describe combats of beings using weapons, evidence that they
arose out of human transactions; mythologists assume that the order of
Nature presents itself to the undeveloped mind in terms of victories
and defeats."[12] Moreover (_a posteriori_), "It is not true that the
primitive man looks at the powers of Nature with awe. It is not true
that he speculates about their characters and causes."[13] If Spencer
had not included in his criticism the mythologists that have written
on Vedic religion, there would be no occasion to take his opinion into
consideration. But since he claims by the light of his comparative
studies to have shown that in the Rig Veda the "so-called nature
gods,"[14] were not the oldest, and explains Dawn here exactly as he
does in New Zealand, it becomes necessary to point out, that apart
from the question of the origin of religions in general, Spencer has
made a fatal error in assuming that he is dealing in the Rig Veda with
primitive religion, uncritical savages, and undeveloped minds. And
furthermore, as the poet of the Rig Veda is not primitive, or savage,
or undeveloped, so when he worships _Dyaus pitar_ [Greek: Zeus pataer]
as the 'sky-father,' he not only makes it evident to every reader that
he really is worshipping the visible sky above; but in his
descriptions of gods such as Indra, the Dawn, and some other new gods
he invents from time to time, long after he has passed the savage,
primitive, and undeveloped state, he makes it no less clear that he
worships phenomena as they stand before him (rain, cloud, lightning,
etc.), so that by analogy with what is apparent in the case of later
divinities, one is led inevitably to predicate the same origin as
theirs in the case of the older gods.

But it is unnecessary to spend time on this point. It is impossible
for any sober scholar to read the Rig Veda and believe that the Vedic
poets are not worshipping natural phenomena; or that the phenomena so
worshipped were not the original forms of these gods. Whether at a
more remote time there was ever a period when the pre-historic Hindu,
or his pre-Indic ancestor, worshipped the Manes exclusively is another
question, and one with which at present we have nothing to do. The
history of Hindu religions begins with the Rig Veda, and in this
period the worship of Manes and that of natural phenomena were
distinct, nor are there any indications that the latter was ever
developed from the former. It is not denied that the Hindus made gods
of departed men. They did this long after the Vedic period. But there
is no proof that all the Vedic gods, as claims Spencer, were the
worshipped souls of the dead. No _argumentum a fero_ can show in a
Vedic dawn-hymn anything other than a hymn to personified Dawn, or
make it probable that this dawn was ever a mortal's name.

In respect of that which precedes all tradition we, whose task is not
to speculate in regard to primitive religious conceptions, but to give
the history of one people's religious progress, may be pardoned for
expressing no opinion. But without abandoning history (i.e.,
tradition) we would revert for a moment to the pre-Indian period and
point out that Zarathustra's rejection of the _daevas_ which must be
the same _devas_ that are worshipped in India, proves that
_deva_-worship is the immediate predecessor of the Hindu religion. As
far back as one can scrutinize the Aryan past he finds, as the
earliest known objects of reverence, 'sun' and 'sky,' besides and
beside the blessed Manes. A word here regarding the priority of
monotheism or of polytheism. The tradition is in favor of the latter,
while on _a priori_ grounds whoever thinks that the more primitive the
race the more apt it is for monotheism will postulate, with some of
the older scholars, an assumed monotheism as the pre-historic religion
of the Hindus; while whosoever opines that man has gradually risen
from a less intellectual stage will see in the early gods of the
Hindus only another illustration of one universal fact, and posit even
Aryan polytheism as an advance on the religion which it is probable
that the remoter ancestors of the Aryans once acknowledged.

A word perhaps should be said, also, in order to a better
understanding between the ethnologists as represented by Andrew Lang,
and the unfortunate philologists whom it delights him to pommel.
Lang's clever attacks on the myth-makers, whom he persistently
describes as the philologists--and they do indeed form part of that
camp--have had the effect of bringing 'philological theories' into sad
disrepute with sciolists and 'common-sense' people. But the sun-myths
and dawn-myths that the myth-makers discover in Cinderella and Red
Riding Hood, ought not to be fathered upon all philologists. On the
other hand, who will deny that in India certain mythological figures
are eoian or solar in origin? Can any one question that Vivasvant the
'wide gleaming' is sun or bright sky, as he is represented in the
Avesta and Rig Veda? Yet is a very anthropomorphic, nay, earthly
figure, made out of this god. Or is Mr. Lang ignorant that the god
Yima became Jemshid, and that Feridun is only the god Trita? It
undoubtedly is correct to illuminate the past with other light than
that of sun or dawn, yet that these lights have shone and have been
quenched in certain personalities may be granted without doing
violence to scientific principles. All purely etymological mythology
is precarious, but one may recognize sun-myths without building a
system on the basis of a Dawn-Helen, and without referring Ilium to
the Vedic _bila_. Again, myths about gods, heroes, and fairies are to
be segregated. Even in India, which teems with it, there is little, if
any, folklore that can be traced to solar or dawn-born myths. Mr. Lang
represents a healthy reaction against too much sun-myth, but we think
that there are sun-myths still, and that despite his protests all
religion is not grown from one seed.

There remains the consideration of the second part of the double
problem which was formulated above--the method of interpretation. The
native method is to believe the scholiasts' explanations, which often
are fanciful and, in all important points, totally unreliable; since
the Hindu commentators lived so long after the period of the
literature they expound that the tradition they follow is useful only
in petty details. From a modern point of view the question of
interpretation depends mainly on whether one regard the Rig Veda as
but an Indic growth, the product of the Hindu mind alone, or as a work
that still retains from an older age ideas which, having once been
common to Hindu and Iranian, should be compared with those in the
Persian Avesta and be illustrated by them. Again, if this latter
hypothesis be correct, how is one to interpret an apparent likeness,
here and there, between Indic and foreign notions,--is it possible
that the hymns were composed, in part, before the advent of the
authors into India, and is it for this reason that in the Rig Veda are
contained certain names, ideas, and legends, which do not seem to be
native to India? On the other hand, if one adopt the theory that the
Rig Veda is wholly a native work, in how far is he to suppose that it
is separable from Brahmanic formalism? Were the hymns made
independently of any ritual, as their own excuse for being, or were
they composed expressly for the sacrifice, as part of a formal cult?

Here are views diverse enough, but each has its advocate or advocates.
According to the earlier European writers the Vedic poets are
fountains of primitive thought, streams unsullied by any tributaries,
and in reading them one quaffs a fresh draught, the gush of
unsophisticated herdsmen, in whose religion there is to be seen a
childlike belief in natural phenomena as divine forces, over which
forces stands the Heaven-god as the highest power. So in 1869
Pfleiderer speaks of the "primeval childlike naive prayer" of Rig Veda
vi. 51. 5 ("Father sky, mother earth," etc.);[15] while Pictet, in his
work _Les Origines Indo-Europeennes_, maintains that the Aryans had a
primitive monotheism, although it was vague and rudimentary; for he
regards both Iranian dualism and Hindu polytheism as being
developments of one earlier monism (claiming that Iranian dualism is
really monotheistic). Pictet's argument is that the human mind must
have advanced from the simple to the complex! Even Roth believes in an
originally "supreme deity" of the Aryans.[16] Opposed to this, the
'naive' school of such older scholars as Roth, Mueller,[17] and
Grassmann, who see in the Rig Veda an ingenuous expression of
'primitive' ideas, stand the theories of Bergaigne, who interprets
everything allegorically; and of Pischel and Geldner, realists, whose
general opinions may thus be formulated: The poets of the Rig Veda are
not childlike and naive; they represent a comparatively late period of
culture, a society not only civilized, but even sophisticated; a mode
of thought philosophical and sceptical a religion not only ceremonious
but absolutely stereotyped. In regard to the Aryanhood of the hymns,
the stand taken by these latter critics, who renounce even Bergaigne's
slight hold on mythology, is that the Rig Veda is thoroughly Indic. It
is to be explained by the light of the formal Hindu ritualism, and
even by epic worldliness, its fresh factors being lewd gods, harlots,
and race-horses. Bloomfield, who does not go so far as this, claims
that the 'Vedic' age really is a Brahmanic age; that Vedic religion is
saturated with Brahmanic ideas and Brahmanic formalism, so that the
Rig Veda ought to be looked upon as made for the ritual, not the
ritual regarded as ancillary to the Rig Veda[18]. This scholar
maintains that there is scarcely any chronological distinction between
the hymns of the Rig Veda and the Br[=a]hmana, both forms having
probably existed together "from earliest times"; and that not a single
Vedic hymn "was ever composed without reference to ritual
application"; nay, all the hymns were "liturgical from the very
start"[19]. This is a plain advance even on Bergaigne's opinion, who
finally regarded all the family-books of the Rig Veda as composed to
subserve the _soma_-cult.[20]

In the Rig Veda occur hymns of an entirely worldly character, the
lament of a gambler, a humorous description of frogs croaking like
priests, a funny picture of contemporary morals [describing how every
one lusts after wealth], and so forth. From these alone it becomes
evident that the ritualistic view must be regarded as one somewhat
exaggerated. But if the liturgical extremist appears to have stepped a
little beyond the boundary of probability, he yet in daring remains
far behind Bergaigne's disciple Regnaud, who has a mystical 'system,'
which is, indeed, the outcome of Bergaigne's great work, though it is
very improbable that the latter would have looked with favor upon his
follower's results. In _Le Rig Veda_ [Paris, 1892] Paul Regnaud,
emphasizing again the connection between the liturgy and the hymns,
refers every word of the Rig Veda to the sacrifice in its simplest
form, the oblation. According to this author the Hindus had forgotten
the meaning of their commonest words, or consistently employed them in
their hymns in a meaning different to that in ordinary use. The very
word for god, _deva_ [deus], no longer means the 'shining one' [the
god], but the 'burning oblation'; the common word for mountain,
_giri_ also means oblation, and so on. This is Bergaigne's allegorical
mysticism run mad.

At such perversion of reasonable criticism is the exegesis of the Veda
arrived in one direction. But in another it is gone astray no less, as
misdirected by its clever German leader. In three volumes[21]
Brunnhofer has endeavored to prove that far from being a Brahmanic
product, the Rig Veda is not even the work of Hindus; that it was
composed near the Caspian Sea long before the Aryans descended into
India. Brunnhofer's books are a mine of ingenious conjectures, as
suggestive in detail as on the whole they are unconvincing. His
fundamental error is the fancy that names and ideas which might be
Iranian or Turanian would prove, if such they really could be shown to
be, that the work in which they are contained must be Iranian or
Turanian. He relies in great measure on passages that always have been
thought to be late, either whole late hymns or tags added to old
hymns, and on the most daring changes in the text, changes which he
makes in order to prove his hypothesis, although there is no necessity
for making them. The truth that underlies Brunnhofer's extravagance is
that there are foreign names in the Rig Veda, and this is all that he
has proved thus far.

In regard to the relation between the Veda and the Avesta the
difference of views is too individual to have formed systems of
interpretation on that basis alone. Every competent scholar recognizes
a close affinity between the Iranian Yima and the Hindu Yama, between
the _soma_-cult and the _haoma_-cult, but in how far the thoughts and
forms that have clustered about one development are to be compared
with those of the other there is no general agreement and there can be
none. The usual practice, however, is to call the Iranian _Yima,
haoma_, etc., to one's aid if they subserve one's own view of _Yama,
soma,_ and other Hindu parallels, and to discard analogous features as
an independent growth if they do not. This procedure is based as well
on the conditions of the problem as on the conditions of human
judgment, and must not be criticized too severely; for in fact the two
religions here and there touch each other so nearly that to deny a
relation between them is impossible, while in detail they diverge so
widely that it is always questionable whether a coincidence of ritual
or belief be accidental or imply historical connection.

It is scarcely advisable in a concise review of several religions to
enter upon detailed criticism of the methods of interpretation that
affect for the most part only the earliest of them. But on one point,
the reciprocal relations between the Vedic and Brahmanic periods, it
is necessary to say a few words. Why is it that well-informed Vedic
scholars differ so widely in regard to the ritualistic share in the
making of the Veda? Because the extremists on either side in
formulating the principles of their system forget a fact that probably
no one of them if questioned would fail to acknowledge. The Rig Veda
is not a homogeneous whole. It is a work which successive generations
have produced, and in which are represented different views, of local
or sectarian origin; while the hymns from a literary point of view are
of varying value. The latter is a fact which has been ignored
frequently, but it is more important than any other. For one has
almost no criteria, with which to discover whether the hymns precede
or follow the ritual, other than the linguistic posteriority of the
ritualistic literature, and the knowledge that there were priests with
a ritual when some of the hymns were composed. The bare fact that
hymns are found rubricated in the later literature is surely no reason
for believing that such hymns were made for the ritual. Now while it
can be shown that a large number of hymns are formal, conventional,
and mechanical in expression, and while it may be argued with
plausibility that these were composed to serve the purpose of an
established cult, this is very far from being the case with many
which, on other grounds, may be supposed to belong severally to the
older and later part of the Rig Veda. Yet does the new school, in
estimating the hymns, never admit this. The poems always are spoken of
as 'sacerdotal', ritualistic, without the slightest attempt to see
whether this be true of all or of some alone. We claim that it is not
historical, it is not judicious from a literary point of view, to
fling indiscriminately together the hymns that are evidently
ritualistic and those of other value; for, finally, it is a sober
literary judgment that is the court of appeals in regard to whether
poetry be poetry or not. Now let one take a hymn containing, to make
it an unexceptionable example, nothing very profound or very
beautiful. It is this well-known

  HYMN TO THE SUN (_Rig Veda_, I. 50).

  Aloft this all-wise[22] shining god
  His beams of light are bearing now,
  That every one the sun may see.

  Apart, as were they thieves, yon stars,
  Together with the night[23], withdraw
  Before the sun, who seeth all.

  His beams of light have been beheld
  Afar, among [all] creatures; rays
  Splendid as were they [blazing] fires,

  Impetuous-swift, beheld of all,
  Of light the maker, thou, O Sun,
  Thou all the gleaming [sky] illum'st.

  Before the folk of shining gods
  Thou risest up, and men before,
  'Fore all--to be as light beheld;

  [To be] thine eye, O pure bright Heaven,
  Wherewith amid [all] creatures born
  Thou gazest down on busy [man].

  Thou goest across the sky's broad place,
  Meting with rays, O Sun, the days,
  And watching generations pass.

  The steeds are seven that at thy car
  Bear up the god whose hair is flame
  O shining god, O Sun far-seen!

  Yoked hath he now his seven fair steeds,
  The daughters of the sun-god's car,
  Yoked but by him[24]; with these he comes.

For some thousands of years these verses have been the daily prayer of
the Hindu. They have been incorporated into the ritual in this form.
They are rubricated, and the nine stanzas form part of a prescribed
service. But, surely, it were a literary hysteron-proteron to conclude
for this reason that they were made only to fill a part in an
established ceremony.

The praise is neither perfunctory nor lacking in a really religious
tone. It has a directness and a simplicity, without affectation, which
would incline one to believe that it was not made mechanically, but
composed with a devotional spirit that gave voice to genuine feeling.

We will now translate another poem (carefully preserving all the
tautological phraseology), a hymn

  To DAWN _(Rig Veda_ VI. 64).

  Aloft the lights of Dawn, for beauty gleaming,
  Have risen resplendent, like to waves of water;
  She makes fair paths, (makes) all accessible;
  And good is she, munificent and kindly.

  Thou lovely lookest, through wide spaces shin'st thou,
  Up fly thy fiery shining beams to heaven;
  Thy bosom thou reveals't, thyself adorning,
  Aurora, goddess gleaming bright in greatness.

  The ruddy kine (the clouds) resplendent bear her,
  The blessed One, who far and wide extendeth.
  As routs his foes a hero armed with arrows,
  As driver swift, so she compels the darkness.

  Thy ways are fair; thy paths, upon the mountains;
  In calm, self-shining one, thou cross'st the waters.
  O thou whose paths are wide, to us, thou lofty
  Daughter of Heaven, bring wealth for our subsistence.

  Bring (wealth), thou Dawn, who, with the kine, untroubled
  Dost bring us good commensurate with pleasure,
  Daughter of Heaven, who, though thou art a goddess,
  Didst aye at morning-call come bright and early.

  Aloft the birds fly ever from their dwelling,
  And men, who seek for food, at thy clear dawning.
  E'en though a mortal stay at home and serve thee,
  Much joy to him, Dawn, goddess (bright), thou bringest.

The "morning call" might, indeed, suggest the ritual, but it proves
only a morning prayer or offering. Is this poem of a "singularly
refined character," or "preeminently sacerdotal" in appearance? One
other example (in still a different metre) may be examined, to see if
it bear on its face evidence of having been made with "reference to
ritual application," or of being "liturgical from the very start."

  To INDRA _(Rig Veda_, I.11).

  'Tis Indra all (our) songs extol,
  Him huge as ocean in extent;
  Of warriors chiefest warrior he,
  Lord, truest lord for booty's gain.

  In friendship, Indra, strong as thine
  Naught will we fear, O lord of strength;
  To thee we our laudations sing,
  The conqueror unconquered.[25]

  The gifts of Indra many are,
  And inexhaustible his help
  Whene'er to them that praise he gives
  The gift of booty rich in kine.

  A fortress-render, youthful, wise,
  Immeasurably strong was born
  Indra, the doer of every deed,
  The lightning-holder, far renowned.

  'Twas thou, Bolt-holder, rent'st the cave
  Of Val, who held the (heavenly) kine;[26]
  Thee helped the (shining) gods, when roused
  (To courage) by the fearless one.[27]

  Indra, who lords it by his strength,
  Our praises now have loud proclaimed;
  His generous gifts a thousand are,
  Aye, even more than this are they.

This is poetry. Not great poetry perhaps, but certainly not ground out
to order, as some of the hymns appear to have been. Yet, it may be
said, why could not a poetic hymn have been written in a ritualistic
environment? But it is on the hymns themselves that one is forced to
depend for the belief in the existence of ritualism, and we claim that
such hymns as these, which we have translated as literally as
possible, show rather that they were composed without reference to
ritual application. It must not be forgotten that the ritual, as it is
known in the Br[=a]hmanas, without the slightest doubt, from the point
of view of language, social conditions, and theology, represents an
age that is very different to that illustrated by the mass of the
hymns. Such hymns, therefore, and only such as can be proved to have a
ritualistic setting can be referred to a ritualistic age. There is no
convincing reason why one should not take the fully justified view
that some of the hymns represent a freer and more natural (less
priest-bound) age, as they represent a spirit freer and less
mechanical than that of other hymns. As to the question which hymns,
early or late, be due to poetic feeling, and which to ritualistic
mechanism or servile imitation, this can indeed be decided by a
judgment based only on the literary quality, never on the accident of
subsequent rubrication.

We hold, therefore, in this regard, that the new school, valuable and
suggestive as its work has been, is gone already farther than is
judicious. The Rig Veda in part is synchronous with an advanced
ritualism, subjected to it, and in some cases derived from it; but in
part the hymns are "made for their own sake and not for the sake of
any sacrificial performance," as said Muller of the whole; going in
this too far, but not into greater error than are gone they that
confuse the natural with the artificial, the poetical with the
mechanical, gold with dross. It may be true that the books of the Rig
Veda are chiefly family-books for the _soma_-cult, but even were it
true it would in no wise impugn the poetic character of some of the
hymns contained in these books. The drag-net has scooped up old and
new, good and bad, together. The Rig Veda is not of one period or of
one sort. It is a 'Collection,' as says its name. It is essentially
impossible that any sweeping statement in regard to its character
should be true if that character be regarded as uniform. To say that
the Rig Veda represents an age of childlike thought, a period before
the priestly ritual began its spiritual blight, is incorrect. But no
less incorrect is it to assert that the Rig Veda represents a period
when hymns are made only for rubrication by priests that sing only for
baksheesh. Scholars are too prone to-day to speak of the Rig Veda in
the same way as the Greeks spoke of Homer. It is to be hoped that the
time may soon come when critics will no longer talk about the
Collection as if it were all made in the same circumstances and at the
same time; above all is it desirable that the literary quality of the
hymns may receive due attention, and that there may be less of those
universal asseverations which treat the productions of generations of
poets as if they were the work of a single author.

In respect of the method of reading into the Rig Veda what is found in
parallel passages in the Atharva Veda and Br[=a]hmanas, a practice
much favored by Ludwig and others, the results of its application have
been singularly futile in passages of importance. Often a varied
reading will make clearer a doubtful verse, but it by no means follows
that the better reading is the truer. There always remains the lurking
suspicion that the reason the variant is more intelligible is that its
inventor did not understand the original. As to real elucidation of
other sort by the later texts, in the minutiae of the outer world, in
details of priestcraft, one may trust early tradition tentatively,
just as one does late commentators, but in respect of ideas tradition
is as apt to mislead as to lead well. The cleft between the theology
of the Rig Veda and that of the Br[=a]hmanas, even from the point of
view of the mass of hymns that comprise the former, is too great to
allow us with any content to explain the conceptions of the one by
those of the other. A tradition always is useful when nothing else
offers itself, but traditional beliefs are so apt to take the color of
new eras that they should be employed only in the last emergency, and
then with the understanding that they are of very hypothetical value.

In conclusion a practical question remains to be answered. In the few
cases where the physical basis of a Rig Vedic deity is matter of
doubt, it is advisable to present such a deity in the form in which he
stands in the text or to endeavor historically to elucidate the figure
by searching for his physical prototype? We have chosen the former
alternative, partly because we think the latter method unsuitable to a
handbook, since it involves many critical discussions of theories of
doubtful value. But this is not the chief reason. Granted that the
object of study is simply to know the Rig Veda, rightly to grasp the
views held by the poets, and so to place oneself upon their plane of
thought, it becomes obvious that the farther the student gets from
their point of view the less he understands them. Nay, more, every bit
of information, real as well as fancied, which in regard to the poets'
own divinities furnishes one with more than the poets themselves knew
or imagined, is prejudicial to a true knowledge of Vedic beliefs. Here
if anywhere is applicable that test of desirable knowledge formulated
as _das Erkennen des Erkannten_. To set oneself in the mental sphere
of the Vedic seers, as far as possible to think their thoughts, to
love, fear, and admire with them--this is the necessary beginning of
intimacy, which precedes the appreciation that gives understanding.


DIVISIONS OF THE SUBJECT.

After the next chapter, which deals with the people and land, we shall
begin the examination of Hindu religions with the study of the beliefs
and religious notions to be found in the Rig Veda. Next to the Rig
Veda in time stands the Atharva Veda, which represents a growing
demonology in contrast with _soma_-worship and theology; sufficiently
so at least to deserve a special chapter. These two Vedic Collections
naturally form the first period of Hindu religion.

The Vedic period is followed by what is usually termed Brahmanism, the
religion that is inculcated in the rituals called Br[=a]hmana and its
later development in the Upanishads. These two classes of works,
together with the Yajur Veda, will make the next divisions of the
whole subject. The formal religion of Brahmanism, as laid down for
popular use and instruction in the law-books, is a side of Brahmanic
religion that scarcely has been noticed, but it seems to deserve all
the space allotted to it in the chapter on 'The Popular Brahmanic
Faith.' We shall then review Jainism and Buddhism, the two chief
heresies. Brahmanism penetrates the great epic poem which, however, in
its present form is sectarian in tendency, and should be separated as
a growth of Hinduism from the literature of pure Brahmanism.
Nevertheless, so intricate and perplexing would be the task of
unraveling the theologic threads that together make the yarn of the
epic, and in many cases it would be so doubtful whether any one thread
led to Brahmanism or to the wider and more catholic religion called
Hinduism, that we should have preferred to give up the latter name
altogether, as one that was for the most part idle, and in some degree
misleading. Feeling, however, that a mere manual should not take the
initiative in coining titles, we have admitted this unsatisfactory
word 'Hinduism' as the title of a chapter which undertakes to give a
comprehensive view of the religions endorsed by the many-centuried
epic, and to explain their mutual relations. As in the case of the
'Popular Faith,' we have had here no models to go upon, and the mass
of matter which it was necessary to handle--the great epic is about
eight times as long as the Iliad and Odyssey put together--must be our
excuse for many imperfections of treatment in this part of the work.
The reader will gain at least a view of the religious development as
it is exhibited in the literature, and therefore, as, far as possible,
in chronological order. The modern sects and the religions of the hill
tribes of India form almost a necessary supplement to these nobler
religions of the classical literature; the former because they are the
logical as well as historical continuation of the great Hindu
sectarian schisms, the latter because they give the solution of some
problems connected with Civaism, and, on the other hand, offer useful
un-Aryan parallels to a few traits which have been preserved in the
earliest period of the Aryans.[28]

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: Megasthenes, Fr. XLI, ed. Schwanbeck.]

     [Footnote 2: Epic literature springs from lower castes than
     that of the priest, but it has been worked over by
     sacerdotal revisers till there is more theology than epic
     poetry in it.]

     [Footnote 3: See Weber, _Sanskrit Literature_, p. 224;
     Windisch, _Greek Influence on Indian Drama_; and Levi, _Le
     theatre indien_. The date of the Renaissance is given as
     "from the first century B.C. to at least the third century
     A.D." (_India_, p. 281). Extant Hindu drama dates only from
     the fifth century A.D. We exclude, of course, from "real
     literature" all technical hand-books and commentaries.]

     [Footnote 4: Jacobi, in Roth's _Festgruss_, pp. 72, 73
     (1893); Whitney, _Proceed. A.O.S._, 1894, p. lxxii; Perry,
     _P[=u]shan,_ in the _Drisler Memorial_; Weber, _Vedische
     Beitraege._]

     [Footnote 5: Westergaard, _Ueber Buddha's Todesjahr_. The
     prevalent opinion is that Buddha died in 477 or 480 B.C.]

     [Footnote 6: It must not be forgotten in estimating the
     _broad_ mass of Br[=a]hmanas and S[=u]tras that each as a
     school represents almost the whole length of its period, and
     hence one school alone should measure the time from end to
     end, which reduces to very moderate dimensions the
     literature to be accounted for in time.]

     [Footnote 7: _'Rig Veda Collection'_ is the native name for
     that which in the Occident is called Rig Veda, the latter
     term embracing, to the Hindu, all the works (Br[=a]hmanas,
     S[=u]tras, etc.) that go to explain the 'Collection' (of
     hymns).]

     [Footnote 8: Schroeder, _Indiens Literatur und Cultur,_
     p.291, gives: Rig-Veda, 2000-1000 B.C.; older Br[=a]hmanas,
     1000-800; later Br[=a]hmanas and Upanishads, 800-600;
     S[=u]tras, 600-400 or 300.]

     [Footnote 9: _Principles of Sociology_, I. P.448 (Appleton,
     1882).]

     [Footnote 10: Ib. p. 398.]

     [Footnote 11: Ib. p. 427.]

     [Footnote 12: Ib. p. 824.]

     [Footnote 13: Ib.]

     [Footnote 14: Ib. p. 821.]

     [Footnote 15: Compare Muir, _Original Sanskrit Texts_, V. p.
     412 ff., where are given the opinions of Pfleiderer, Pictet,
     Roth, Scherer, and others.]

     [Footnote 16: ZDMG., vi. 77: "Ein alter gemeinsam arischer
     [indo-iranic], ja vielleicht gemeinsam indo-germanischer
     oberster Gott, Varuna-Ormuzd-Uranos."]

     [Footnote 17: In his _Science of Language_, Mueller speaks of
     the early poets who "strove in their childish way to pierce
     beyond the limits of this finite world." Approvingly cited,
     SBE. xxxii. p. 243 (1891).]

     [Footnote 18: The over view may be seen in Mueller's _Lecture
     on the Vedas_ (Chips, I. p. 9): "A collection made for its
     own sake, and not for the sake of any sacrificial
     performance." For Pischel's view compare _Vedische Studien_,
     I. Preface.]

     [Footnote 19: Bloomfield, JAOS xv. p. 144.]

     [Footnote 20: Compare Barth (Preface): "A literature
     preeminently sacerdotal.... The poetry ... of a singularly
     refined character, ... full of ... pretensions to
     mysticism," etc.]

     [Footnote 21: _Iran und Turan_, 1889; _Vom Pontus bis zum
     Indus_, 1890; _Vom Aral bis zur Gang[=a]_ 1892.]

     [Footnote 22: Or "all-possessing" [Whitney]. The metre of
     the translation retains the number of feet in the original.
     Four [later added] stanzas are here omitted.]

     [Footnote 23: So P.W. possibly "by reason of [the sun's]
     rays"; _i.e._, the stars fear the sun as thieves fear light.
     For 'Heaven,' here and below, see the third chapter.]

     [Footnote 24: Yoked only by him; literally "self-yoked."
     Seven is used in the Rig Veda in the general sense of
     "many," as in Shakespeare's "a vile thief this seven
     years."]

     [Footnote 25: _jet[=a]ram [=a]par[=a]jitam_.]

     [Footnote 26: The rain, see next note.]

     [Footnote 27: After this stanza two interpolated stanzas are
     here omitted. Grassman and Ludwig give the epithet
     "fearless" to the gods and to Vala, respectively. But
     compare I.6.7, where the same word is used of Indra. For the
     oft-mentioned act of cleaving the cave, where the dragon Val
     or Vritra (the restrainer or envelopper) had coralled the
     kine(i.e. without metaphor, for the act of freeing the
     clouds and letting loose the rain), compare I.32.2, where of
     Indra it is said: "He slew the snake that lay upon the
     mountains ... like bellowing kine the waters, swiftly
     flowing, descended to the sea"; and verse 11: "Watched by
     the snake the waters stood ... the waters' covered cave he
     opened wide, what time he Vritra slew."]

     [Footnote 28: Aryan, Sanskrit _arya, arya_, Avestan _airya_,
     appears to mean the loyal or the good, and may be the
     original national designation, just as the Medes were long
     called [Greek: _Arioi_]. In late Sanskrit _[=a]rya_ is
     simply 'noble.' The word survives, perhaps, in [Greek:
     _aristos_], and is found in proper names, Persian
     Ariobarzanes, Teutonic Ariovistus; as well as in the names
     of people and countries, Vedic [=A]ryas, [=I]ran, Iranian;
     (doubtful) Airem, Erin, Ireland. Compare Zimmer, BB. iii. p.
     137; Kaegi, _Der Rig Veda_, p. 144 (Arrowsmith's
     translation, p. 109). In the Rig Veda there is a god
     Aryaman, 'the true,' who forms with Mitra and Varuna a triad
     (see below). Windisch questions the propriety of identifying
     [=I]ran with Erin, and Schrader (p. 584^2) doubts whether
     the Indo-Europeans as a body ever called themselves Aryans.
     We employ the latter name because it is short.]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER II.

PEOPLE AND LAND.


The Aryan Hindus, whose religions we describe in this volume[1],
formed one of the Aryan or so-called Indo-European peoples. To the
other peoples of this stock, Persians, Armenians, Greeks, Italians,
Kelts, Teutons, Slavs, the Hindus were related closely by language,
but very remotely from the point of view of their primitive religion.
Into India the Aryans brought little that was retained in their
religious systems. A few waning gods, the worship of ancestors, and
some simple rites are common to them and their western relations; but
with the exception of the Iranians (Persians), their religious
connection with cis-Indic peoples is of the slightest. With the
Iranians, the Hindus (that were to be) appear to have lived longest in
common after the other members of the Aryan host were dispersed to
west and south[2]. They stand in closer religious touch with these,
their nearest neighbors, and in the time of the Rig Veda (the Hindus'
earliest literature) there are traces of a connection comparatively
recent between the pantheons of the two nations.

According to their own, rather uncertain, testimony, the Aryans of the
Rig Veda appear to have consisted of five tribal groups[3]. These
groups, _janas_, Latin gens, are subdivided into _vicas_, Latin vicus,
and these, again, into _gr[=a]mas_. The names, however, are not
employed with strictness, and _jana_, etymologically gens but
politically tribus, sometimes is used as a synonym of _gr[=a]ma_.[4]
Of the ten books of the Rig-Veda seven are ascribed to various
priestly families. In the main, these books are rituals of song as
inculcated for the same rites by different family priests and their
descendants. Besides these there are books which are ascribed to no
family, and consist, in part, of more general material. The
distinction of priestly family-books was one, possibly, coextensive
with political demarcation. Each of the family-books represents a
priestly family, but it may represent, also, a political family. In at
least one case it represents a political body.[5]

These great political groups, which, perhaps, are represented by
family rituals, were essentially alike in language, custom and
religion (although minor ritualistic differences probably obtained, as
well as tribal preference for particular cults); while in all these
respects, as well as in color and other racial peculiarities, the
Aryans were distinguished from the dark-skinned aborigines, with whom,
until the end of the Rig Vedic period, they were perpetually at war.
At the close of this period the immigrant Aryans had reduced to
slavery many of their unbelieving and barbarian enemies, and formally
incorporated them into the state organization, where, as captives,
slaves, or sons of slaves, the latter formed the "fourth caste." But
while admitting these slaves into the body politic, the priestly
Aryans debarred them from the religious congregation. Between the
Aryans themselves there is in this period a loosely defined
distinction of classes, but no system of caste is known before the
close of the first Vedic Collection. Nevertheless, the emphasis in
this statement lies strongly upon system, and it may not be quite idle
to say at the outset that the general caste-distinctions not only are
as old as the Indo-Iranian unity (among the Persians the same division
of priest, warrior and husbandman obtains), but, in all probability,
they are much older. For so long as there is a cult, even if it be of
spirits and devils, there are priests; and if there are chieftains
there is a nobility, such as one finds among the Teutons, nay, even
among the American Indians, where also is known the inevitable
division into priests, chiefs and commons, sometimes hereditary,
sometimes not. There must have been, then, from the beginning of
kingship and religious service, a division among the Aryans into
royalty, priests, and people, i.e., whoever were not acting as priests
or chieftains. When the people becomes agricultural, the difference
tends to become permanent, and a caste system begins. Now, the Vedic
Aryans appear in history at just the period when they are on the move
southwards into India; but they are no irrupting host. The battles led
the warriors on, but the folk, as a folk, moved slowly, not all
abandoning the country which they had gained, but settling there, and
sending onwards only a part of the people. There was no fixed line of
demarcation between the classes. The king or another might act as his
own priest--yet were there priestly families. The cow-boys might
fight--yet were there those of the people that were especially
'kingsmen,' _r[=a]janyas_, and these were, already, practically a
class, if not a caste[6]. These natural and necessary social
divisions, which in early times were anything but rigid, soon formed
inviolable groups, and then the caste system was complete. In the
perfected legal scheme what was usage becomes duty. The warrior may
not be a public priest; the priest may not serve as warrior or
husbandman. The farmer 'people' were the result of eliminating first
the priestly, and then the fighting factors from the whole body
politic. But these castes were all Aryans, and as such distinguished
most sharply, from a religious point of view, from the "fourth caste";
whereas among themselves they were, in religion, equals. But they were
practically divided by interests that strongly affected the
development of their original litanies. For both priest and warrior
looked down on the 'people,' but priest and warrior feared and
respected each other. To these the third estate was necessary as a
base of supplies, and together they guarded it from foes divine and
mortal. But to each other they were necessary for wealth and glory,
respectively. So it was that even in the earliest period the religious
litany, to a great extent, is the book of worship of a warrior-class
as prepared for it by the priest. Priest and king--these are the main
factors in the making of the hymns of the Rig Veda, and the gods
lauded are chiefly the gods patronized by these classes. The third
estate had its favorite gods, but these were little regarded, and were
in a state of decadence. The slaves, too, may have had their own gods,
but of these nothing is known, and one can only surmise that here and
there in certain traits, which seem to be un-Aryan, may lie an
unacknowledged loan from the aborigines.

Between the Rig Veda and the formation or completion of the next Veda,
called the Atharvan, the interval appears to have been considerable,
and the inherent value of the religion inculcated in the latter can be
estimated aright only when this is weighed together with the fact,
that, as is learned from the Atharvan's own statements, the Aryans
were now advanced further southwards and eastwards, had discovered a
new land, made new gods, and were now more permanently established,
the last a factor of some moment in the religious development.
Indications of the difference in time may be seen in the geographical
and physical limitations of the older period as compared with those of
the later Atharvan. When first the Aryans are found in India, at the
time of the Rig Veda, they are located, for the most part, near the
Upper Indus (Sindhu). The Ganges, mentioned but twice, is barely
known. On the west the Aryans lingered in East Kabulistan (possibly in
Kashmeer in the north); and even Kandahar appears, at least, to be
known as Aryan. That is to say, the 'Hindus' were still in
Afghanistan, although the greater mass of the people had already
crossed the Indus and were progressed some distance to the east of the
Punj[=a]b. That the race was still migrating may be seen from the
hymns of the Rig Veda itself.[7] Their journey was to the south-east,
and both before and after they reached the Indus they left
settlements, chiefly about the Indus and in the Punj[=a]b (a
post-Vedic group), not in the southern but in the northern part of
this district.[8]

The Vedic Aryans of this first period were acquainted with the Indus,
Sutlej (Cutudri), Beas (Vip[=a]c, [Greek: Yphtsis]), Ravi (Parushni or
Ir[=a]vat[=i]); the pair of rivers that unite and flow into the Indus,
viz.: Jhelum (Vitast[=a], Behat), and Chin[=a]b (Asikni,[9] Akesines);
and knew the remoter Kubh[=a] ([Greek: Kophhen], Kabul) and the
northern Suv[=a]stu (Swat); while they appear to have had a legendary
remembrance of the Ras[=a], Avestan Ra[.n]ha (Rangha), supposed by
some to be identical with the Araxes or Yaxartes, but probably (see
below) only a vague 'stream,' the old name travelling with them on
their wanderings; for one would err if he regarded similarity or even
identity of appellation as a proof of real identity.[10] West of the
Indus the Kurum and Gomal appear to be known also. Many rivers are
mentioned of which the names are given, but their location is not
established. It is from the district west of the Indus that the most
famous Sanskrit grammarian comes, and long after the Vedas an Indic
people are known in the Kandahar district, while Kashmeer was a late
home of culture. The Sarasvati river, the name of which is transferred
at least once in historical times, may have been originally one with
the Arghand[=a]b (on which is Kandahar), for the Persian name of this
river (_s_ becomes _h_) is Harahvati (Arachotos, Arachosia), and it is
possible that it was really this river, and not the Indus which was
first lauded as the Sarasvat[=i]. In that case there would be a
perfect parallel to what has probably happened in the case of the
Ras[=a], the name--in both cases meaning only 'the stream' (like
Rhine, Arno, etc.)--being transferred to a new river. But since the
Iranian Harahvati fixes the first river of this name, there is here a
stronger proof of Indo-Iranian community than is furnished by other
examples.[11]

These facts or suggestive parallels of names are of exceeding
importance. They indicate between the Vedic Aryans and the Iranians a
connection much closer than usually has been assumed. The bearings of
such a connection on the religious ideas of the two peoples are
self-evident, and will often have to be touched upon in the course of
this history. It is of less importance, from the present point of
view, to say how the Aryans entered India, but since this question is
also connected with that of the religious environment of the first
Hindu poets, it will be well to state that, although, as some scholars
maintain, and as we believe, the Hindus may have come with the
Iranians through the open pass of Herat (Haraiva, Haroyu), it is
possible that they parted from the latter south of the Hindukush[12]
(descending through the Kohistan passes from the north), and that the
two peoples thence diverged south-east and south-west respectively.
Neither assumption would prevent the country lying between the
Harahvati and Vitast[=a][13] from being, for generations, a common
camping-ground for both peoples, who were united still, but gradually
diverging. This seems, at least, to be the most reasonable explanation
of the fact that these two rivers are to each people their farthest
known western and eastern limits respectively. With the exception of
the vague and uncertain Ras[=a], the Vedic Hindu's geographical
knowledge is limited by Kandahar in the west, as is the Iranian's in
the east by the Vitast[=a].[14] North of the Vitast[=a] Mount Tricota
(Trikakud, 'three peaks') is venerated, and this together with a Mount
M[=u]javat, of which the situation is probably in the north, is the
extent of modern knowledge in respect of the natural boundaries of the
Vedic people. One hears, to be sure, at a later time, of 'northern
Kurus,' whose felicity is proverbial; and it is very tempting to find
in this name a connection with the Iranian Kur, but the Kurus, like
the Ras[=a] and Sarasvat[=i], are re-located once (near Delhi), and no
similarity of name can assure one of a true connection. If not
coincidences, such likenesses are too vague to be valuable
historically.[15]

Another much disputed point must be spoken of in connection with this
subject. In the Veda and in the Avesta there is mentioned the land of
the 'seven rivers.' Now seven rivers are often spoken of in the Rig
Veda, but only once does this term mean the country, while in the
'Hymn to the Rivers' no less than twenty-one streams are enumerated
(RV. X. 75). In order to make out the 'seven rivers' scholars have
made different combinations, that most in favor being Mueller's, the
five rivers of the Punj[=a]b together with the Kabul and (Swat or)
Sarasvat[=i]. But in point of fact 'seven' quite as often means many,
as it does an exact number, and this, the older use, may well be
applied here. It is quite impossible to identify the seven, and it is
probable that no Vedic poet ever imagined them to be a group of this
precise number. It would be far easier to select a group of seven
conspicuous rivers, if anywhere, on the west of the Indus. A very
natural group from the Iranian side would be the Her[=i]r[=u]d,
Hilmund, Arghand[=a]b, Kurum, Kabul, Indus, and Vitast[=a]. Against
this, however, can be urged that the term 'seven rivers' may be
Bactrian, older than the Vedic period; and that, in particular, the
Avesta distinguishes Vaikerta, Urva, and other districts from the
'seven rivers.' It is best to remain uncertain in so doubtful a
matter, bearing in mind that even Kurukshetra, the 'holy land,' is
said to-day to be watered by 'seven streams,' although some say nine;
apropos of which fact Cunningham remarks, giving modern examples, that
"the Hindus invariably assign seven branches to all their rivers."[16]

Within the Punj[=a]b, the Vedic Aryans, now at last really 'Hindus,'
having extended themselves to the Cutudri (Catadru, Sutlej), a
formidable barrier, and eventually having crossed even this, the last
tributary's of the Indus, descended to the jumna (Yamun[=a]), over the
little stream called 'the Rocky' (Drishadvat[=i]) and the lesser
Sarasvat[=i], southeast from Lahore and near Delhi, in the region
Kurukshetra, afterwards famed as the seat of the great epic war, and
always regarded as holy in the highest degree.

Not till the time of the Atharva Veda do the Aryans appear as far east
as Benares (V[=a]r[=a]nas[=i], on the 'Varan[=a]vat[=i]'), though the
Sarayu is mentioned in the Rik. But this scarcely is the tributary of
the Ganges, Gogra, for the name seems to refer to a more western
stream, since it is associated with the Gomat[=i] (Gomal). One may
surmise that in the time of the Rig Veda the Aryans knew only by name
the country east of Lucknow. It is in the Punj[=a]b and a little to
the west and east of it (how far it is impossible to state with
accuracy) where lies the real theatre of activity of the Rig Vedic
people.

Some scholars believe that this people had already heard of the two
oceans. This point again is doubtful in the extreme. No descriptions
imply a knowledge of ocean, and the word for ocean means merely a
'confluence' of waters, or in general a great oceanic body of water
like the air. As the Indus is too wide to be seen across, the name may
apply in most cases to this river. An allusion to 'eastern and western
floods,'[17] which is held by some to be conclusive evidence for a
knowledge of the two seas, is taken by others to apply to the
air-oceans. The expression may apply simply to rivers, for it is said
that the Vip[=a]c and Cutudr[=i] empty into the 'ocean', i.e., the
Indus or the Cutudr[=i]'s continuation.[18] One late verse alone
speaks of the Sarasvat[=i] pouring into the ocean, and this would
indicate the Arabian Sea.[19] Whether the Bay of Bengal was known,
even by hearsay and in the latest time of this period, remains
uncertain. As a body the Aryans of the Rig Veda were certainly not
acquainted with either ocean. Some straggling adventurers probably
pushed down the Indus, but Zimmer doubtless is correct in asserting
that the popular emigration did not extend further south than the
junction of the Indus and the Pa[=n]canada (the united five
rivers).[20] The extreme south-eastern geographical limit of the Rig
Vedic people may be reckoned (not, however, in Oldenberg's opinion,
with any great certainty) as being in Northern Beh[=a]r (M[=a]gadha).
The great desert, Marusthala, formed an impassable southern obstacle
for the first immigrants.[21]

On the other hand, the two oceans are well known to the Atharva Veda,
while the geographical (and hence chronological) difference between
the Rik and the Atharvan is furthermore illustrated by the following
facts: in the Rig Veda wolf and lion are the most formidable beasts;
the tiger is unknown and the elephant seldom alluded to; while in the
Atharvan the tiger has taken the lion's place and the elephant is a
more familiar figure. Now the tiger has his domicile in the swampy
land about Benares, to which point is come the Atharvan Aryan, but not
the Rig Vedic people. Here too, in the Atharvan, the panther is first
mentioned, and for the first time silver and iron are certainly
referred to. In the Rig Veda the metals are bronze and gold, silver
and iron being unknown.[22] Not less significant are the trees. The
ficus religiosa, the tree later called the 'tree of the gods'
(_deva-sadana, acvattha_), under which are fabled to sit the
divinities in heaven, is scarcely known in the Rig Veda, but is well
known in the Atharvan; while India's grandest tree, the _nyagrodha_,
ficus indica, is known to the Atharvan and Brahmanic period, but is
utterly foreign to the Rig Veda. Zimmer deems it no less significant
that fishes are spoken of in the Atharvan and are mentioned only once
in the Rig Veda, but this may indicate a geographical difference less
than one of custom. In only one doubtful passage is the north-east
monsoon alluded to. The storm so vividly described in the Rig Veda is
the south-west monsoon which is felt in the northern Punj[=a]b. The
north-east monsoon is felt to the southeast of the Punj[=a]b, possibly
another indication of geographical extension, withal within the limits
of the Rig Veda itself.

The seat of culture shifts in the Brahmanic period, which follows that
of the Vedic poems, and is found partly in the 'holy land' of the
west, and partly in the east (Beh[=a]r, Tirhut).[23] The literature of
this period comes from Aryans that have passed out of the Punj[=a]b.
Probably, as we have said, settlements were left all along the line of
progress. Even before the wider knowledge of the post-Alexandrine
imperial age (at which time there was a north-western military
retrogression), and, from the Vedic point of view, as late as the end
of the Brahmanic period, in the time of the Upanishads, the northwest
seems still to have been familiarly known.[24]

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: We take this opportunity of stating that by the
     religions of the Aryan Hindus we mean the religions of a
     people who, undoubtedly, were full-blooded Aryans at first,
     however much their blood may have been diluted later by
     un-Aryan admixture. Till the time of Buddhism the religious
     literature is fairly Aryan. In the period of "Hinduism"
     neither people nor religion can claim to be quite Aryan.]

     [Footnote 2: If, as thinks Schrader, the Aryans' original
     seat was on the Volga, then one must imagine the
     Indo-Iranians to have kept together in a south-eastern
     emigration.]

     [Footnote 3: That is to say, frequent reference is made to
     'five tribes.' Some scholars deny that the tribes are Aryan
     alone, and claim that 'five,' like seven, means 'many.']

     [Footnote 4: RV. III. 33. 11; 53. 12. Zimmer, _Altindisches
     Leben_, p. 160, incorrectly identifies _vic_ with tribus
     (Leist, _Rechtsgeschichte_, p. 105).]

     [Footnote 5: Vicv[=a]mitra. A few of the hymns are not
     ascribed to priests at all (some were made by women; some by
     'royal-seers,' _i.e._ kings, or, at least, not priests).]

     [Footnote 6: Caste, at first, means 'pure,' and signifies
     that there is a moral barrier between the caste and outcast.
     The word now practically means class, even impure class. The
     native word means 'color,' and the first formal distinction
     was national, (white) Aryan and 'black-man.' The precedent
     class-distinctions among the Aryans themselves became fixed
     in course of time, and the lines between Aryans, in some
     regards, were drawn almost as sharply as between Aryan and
     slave.]

     [Footnote 7: Compare RV. iii. 33, and in I. 131. 5, the
     words: 'God Indra, thou didst help thy suppliants; one river
     after another they gained who pursued glory.']

     [Footnote 8: Thomas, _Rivers of the Vedas_ (JRAS. xv. 357
     ff.; Zimmer, loc. cit. cap. 1).]

     [Footnote 9: Later called the Candrabh[=a]ga. For the Jumna
     and Sarayu see below.]

     [Footnote 10: This is the error into which falls Brunnhofer,
     whose theory that the Vedic Aryans were still settled near
     the Caspian has been criticised above (p. 15).]

     [Footnote 11: Compare Geiger, _Ostiranische Cultur_, p. 81.
     See also Muir, OST. ii. p. 355.]

     [Footnote 12: Lassen, I. p. 616, decided in favor of the
     western passes of the Hindukush.]

     [Footnote 13: From Kandahar in Afghanistan to a point a
     little west of Lahore. In the former district, according to
     the Avesta, the dead are buried (an early Indian custom, not
     Iranian).]

     [Footnote 14: Geiger identifies the Vita[=g]uhaiti or
     Vitanghvati with the Oxus, but this is improbable. It lies
     in the extreme east and forms the boundary between the true
     believers and the 'demon-worshippers' (Yasht, 5, 77; Geiger,
     _loc. cit._ p. 131, note 5). The Persian name is the same
     with Vitast[=a], which is located in the Punj[=a]b.]

     [Footnote 15: On the Kurus compare Zimmer (loc. cit.), who
     thinks Kashmeer is meant, and Geiger, loc. cit. p. 39. Other
     geographical reminiscences may lie in Vedic and Brahmanic
     allusions to Bactria, Balkh (AV.); to the Derbiker (around
     Meru? RV.), and to Manu's mountain, whence he descended
     after the flood (Naubandhana): _Catapatha Br[=a]hmana_, I.
     8. 1, 6, 'Manu's descent'.]

     [Footnote 16: _Arch. Survey_, xiv. p. 89; Thomas, loc. cit.
     p. 363.]

     [Footnote 17: RV. x. 136. 5.]

     [Footnote 18: RV. iii. 33. 2.]

     [Footnote 19: RV. vii. 95. 2. Here the Sarasvat[=i] can be
     only the Indus.]

     [Footnote 20: Pa[=n]ca-nada, Punjnud, Persian 'Punj[=a]b,'
     the five streams, Vitas[=a], Asikn[=i], Ir[=a]vat[=i],
     Vip[=a]c, Cutudr[=i]. The Punjnud point is slowly moving up
     stream; Vyse, JRAS. x. 323. The Sarayu may be the
     Her[=i]r[=u]d, Geiger, loc. cit. p. 72.]

     [Footnote 21: Muir, OST. ii. 351; Zimmer, loc. cit. p. 51
     identifies the _K[=i]katas_ of RV. iii. 53. 14 with the
     inhabitants of Northern Beh[=a]r. Marusthala is called
     simply 'the desert.']

     [Footnote 22: The earlier _ayas_, Latin _aes_, means bronze
     not iron, as Zimmer has shown, loc. cit. p. 51. Pischel,
     _Vedische Studien_, I, shows that elephants are mentioned
     more often than was supposed (but rarely in family-books).]

     [Footnote 23: Weber, _Indische Studien,_ I. p. 228;
     Oldenberg, _Buddha_, pp. 399 ff., 410.]

     [Footnote 24: Very lately (1893) Franke has sought to show
     that the P[=a]li dialect of India is in part referable to
     the western districts (Kandahar), and has made out an
     interesting case for his novel theory (ZDMG. xlvii. p.
     595).]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER III.

THE RIG VEDA. THE UPPER GODS.


The hymns of the Rig Veda may be divided into three classes, those in
which are especially lauded the older divinities, those in which
appear as most prominent the sacrificial gods, and those in which a
long-weakened polytheism is giving place to the light of a clearer
pantheism. In each category there are hymns of different age and
quality, for neither did the more ancient with the growth of new
divinities cease to be revered, nor did pantheism inhibit the formal
acknowledgment of the primitive pantheon. The cult once established
persisted, and even when, at a later time, all the gods had been
reduced to nominal fractions of the All-god, their ritualistic
individuality still was preserved. The chief reason for this lies in
the nature of these gods and in the attitude of the worshipper. No
matter how much the cult of later gods might prevail, the other gods,
who represented the daily phenomena of nature, were still visible,
awe-inspiring, divine. The firmest pantheist questioned not the
advisability of propitiating the sun-god, however much he might regard
this god as but a part of one that was greater. Belief in India was
never so philosophical that the believer did not dread the lightning,
and seek to avert it by praying to the special god that wielded it.
But active veneration in later times was extended in fact only to the
strong Powers, while the more passive divinities, although they were
kept as a matter of form in the ceremonial, yet had in reality only
tongue-worshippers.

With some few exceptions, however, it will be found impossible to say
whether any one deity belonged to the first pantheon.

The best one can do is to separate the mass of gods from those that
become the popular gods, and endeavor to learn what was the character
of each, and what were the conceptions of the poets in regard both to
his nature, and to his relations with man. A different grouping of the
gods (that indicated below) will be followed, therefore, in our
exposition.

After what has been said in the introductory chapter concerning the
necessity of distinguishing between good and bad poetry, it may be
regarded as incumbent upon us to seek to make such a division of the
hymns as shall illustrate our words. But we shall not attempt to do
this here, because the distinction between late mechanical and poetic
hymns is either very evident, and it would be superfluous to burden
the pages with the trash contained in the former,[1] or the
distinction is one liable to reversion at the hands of those critics
whose judgment differs from ours, for there are of course some hymns
that to one may seem poetical and to another, artificial. Moreover, we
admit that hymns of true feeling may be composed late as well as
early, while as to beauty of style the chances are that the best
literary production will be found among the latest rather than among
the earliest hymns.

It would, indeed, be admissible, if one had any certainty in regard to
the age of the different parts of the Rig Veda, simply to divide the
hymns into early, middle, and late, as they are sometimes divided in
philological works, but here one rests on the weakest of all supports
for historical judgment, a linguistic and metrical basis, when one is
ignorant alike of what may have been accomplished by imitation, and of
the work of those later priests who remade the poems of their
ancestors.

Best then, because least hazardous, appears to be the method which we
have followed, namely, to take up group by group the most important
deities arranged in the order of their relative importance, and by
studying each to arrive at a fair understanding of the pantheon as a
whole. The Hindus themselves divided their gods into highest, middle,
and lowest, or those of the upper sky, the atmosphere, and the earth.
This division, from the point of view of one who would enter into the
spirit of the seers and at the same time keep in mind the changes to
which that spirit gradually was subjected, is an excellent one. For,
as will be seen, although the earlier order of regard may have been
from below upwards, this order does not apply to the literary
monuments. These show on the contrary a worship which steadily tends
from above earthwards; and the three periods into which may be divided
all Vedic theology are first that of the special worship of sky-gods,
when less attention is paid to others; then that of the atmospheric
and meteorological divinities; and finally that of terrestrial powers,
each later group absorbing, so to speak, the earlier, and therewith
preparing the developing Hindu intelligence for the reception of the
universal god with whom closes the series.

Other factors than those of an inward development undoubtedly were at
work in the formation of this growth. Especially prominent is the
amalgamation of the gods of the lower classes with those of the
priest-hood. Climatic environment, too, conditioned theological
evolution, if not spiritual advance. The cult of the mid-sphere god,
Indra, was partly the result of the changing atmospheric surroundings
of the Hindus as they advanced into India. The storms and the sun were
not those of old. The tempests were more terrific, the display of
divine power was more concentrated in the rage of the elements; while
appreciation of the goodness of the sun became tinged with
apprehension of evil, and he became a deadly power as well as one
beneficent. Then the relief of rain after drought gave to Indra the
character of a benign god as well as of a fearful one. Nor were
lacking in the social condition certain alterations which worked
together with climatic changes. The segregated mass of the original
people, the braves that hung about the king, a warrior-class rapidly
becoming a caste, and politically the most important caste, took the
god of thunder and lightning for their god of battle. The fighting
race naturally exalted to the highest the fighting god. Then came into
prominence the priestly caste, which gradually taught the warrior that
mind was stronger than muscle. But this caste was one of thinkers.
Their divinity was the product of reflection. Indra remained, but
yielded to a higher power, and the god thought out by the priests
became God. Yet it must not be supposed that the cogitative energy of
the Brahman descended upon the people's gods and suddenly produced a
religious revolution. In India no intellectual advance is made
suddenly. The older divinities show one by one the transformation that
they suffered at the hands of theosophic thinkers. Before the
establishment of a general Father-god, and long before that of the
pantheistic All-god, the philosophical leaven was actively at work. It
will be seen operative at once in the case of the sun-god, and,
indeed, there were few of the older divinities that were untouched by
it. It worked silently and at first esoterically. One reads of the
gods' 'secret names,' of secrets in theology, which 'are not to be
revealed,' till at last the disguise is withdrawn, and it is
discovered that all the mystery of former generations has been leading
up to the declaration now made public: 'all these gods are but names
of the One.'


THE SUN-GOD.

The hymn which was translated in the first chapter gives an epitome of
the simpler conceptions voiced in the few whole hymns to the sun. But
there is a lower and a higher view of this god. He is the shining god
_par excellence_, the _deva, s[=u]rya_,[2] the red ball in the sky.
But he is also an active force, the power that wakens, rouses,
enlivens, and as such it is he that gives all good things to mortals
and to gods. As the god that gives life he (with others)[3] is the
author of birth, and is prayed to for children. From above he looks
down upon earth, and as with his one or many steeds he drives over the
firmament he observes all that is passing below. He has these, the
physical side and the spiritual side, under two names, the glowing
one, S[=u]rya, and the enlivener, Savitar;[4] but he is also the good
god who bestows benefits, and as such he was known, probably locally,
by the name of Bhaga. Again, as a herdsman's god, possibly at first
also a local deity, he is P[=u]shan (the meaning is almost the same
with that of Savitar). As the 'mighty one' he is Vishnu, who measures
heaven in three strides. In general, the conception of the sun as a
physical phenomenon will be found voiced chiefly in the family-books:
"The sightly form rises on the slope of the sky as the swift-going
steed carries him ... seven sister steeds carry him."[5] This is the
prevailing utterance. Sometimes the sun is depicted under a medley of
metaphors: "A bull, a flood, a red bird, he has entered his father's
place; a variegated stone he is set in the midst of the sky; he has
advanced and guards the two ends of space."[6] One after the other the
god appears to the poets as a bull, a bird,[7] a steed, a stone, a
jewel, a flood, a torch-holder,[8] or as a gleaming car set in heaven.
Nor is the sun independent. As in the last image of a chariot,[9] so,
without symbolism, the poet speaks of the sun as made to rise by
Varuna and Mitra: "On their wonted path go Varuna and Mitra when in
the sky they cause to rise Surya, whom they made to avert darkness";
where, also, the sun, under another image, is the "support of the
sky."[10] Nay, in this simpler view, the sun is no more than the "eye
of Mitra Varuna,"[11] a conception formally retained even when the sun
in the same breath is spoken of as pursuing Dawn like a lover, and as
being the 'soul of the universe' (I. 115. 1-2). In the older passages
the later moral element is almost lacking, nor is there maintained the
same physical relation between Sun and Dawn. In the earlier hymns the
Dawn is the Sun's mother, from whom he proceeds.[12] It is the "Dawns
produced the Sun," in still more natural language;[13] whereas, the
idea of the lover-Sun following the Dawn scarcely occurs in the
family-books.[14] Distinctly late, also, is the identification of the
sun with the all-spirit _([=a]tm[=a],_ I. 115. 1), and the following
prayer: "Remove, O sun, all weakness, illness, and bad dreams." In
this hymn, X. 37. 14, S[=u]rya is the son of the sky, but he is
evidently one with Savitar, who in V. 82. 4, removes bad dreams, as in
X. 100. 8, he removes sickness. Men are rendered 'sinless' by the sun
(IV. 54. 3; X. 37. 9) exactly as they are by the other gods, Indra,
Varuna, etc. In a passage that refers to the important triad of sun,
wind and fire, X. 158. I ff., the sun is invoked to 'save from the
sky,' _i.e._ from all evils that may come from the upper regions;
while in the same book the sun, like Indra, is represented as the
slayer of demons _(asuras)_ and dragons; as the slayer, also, of the
poet's rivals; as giving long life to the worshipper, and as himself
drinking sweet _soma_. This is one of the poems that seem to be at
once late and of a forced and artificial character (X. 170).

Although S[=u]rya is differentiated explicitly from Savitar (V. 81. 4,
"Savitar, thou joyest in S[=u]a's rays"), yet do many of the hymns
make no distinction between them. The Enlivener is naturally extolled
in fitting phrase, to tally with his title: "The shining-god, the
Enlivener, is ascended to enliven the world"; "He gives protection,
wealth and children" (II. 38.1; IV. 53. 6-7). The later hymns seem, as
one might expect, to show greater confusion between the attributes of
the physical and spiritual sun. But what higher power under either
name is ascribed to the sun in the later hymns is not due to a higher
or more developed homage of the sun as such. On the contrary, as with
many other deities, the more the praise the less the individual
worship. It is as something more than the sun that the god later
receives more fulsome devotion. And, in fact, paradoxical as it seems,
it is a decline in sun-worship proper that is here registered. The
altar-fire becomes more important, and is revered in the sun, whose
hymns, at most, are few, and in part mechanical.

Bergaigne in his great work, _La Religion Vedique_, has laid much
stress on sexual antithesis as an element in Vedic worship. It seems
to us that this has been much exaggerated. The sun is masculine; the
dawn, feminine. But there is no indication of a primitive antithesis
of male and female in their relations. What occurs appears to be of
adventitious character. For though sun and dawn are often connected,
the latter is represented first as his mother and afterwards as his
'wife' or mistress. Even in the later hymns, where the marital
relation is recognized, it is not insisted upon. But Bergaigne[15] is
right in saying that in the Rig Veda the sun does not play the part of
an evil power, and it is a good illustration of the difference between
Rik and Atharvan, when Ehni cites, to prove that the sun is like
death, only passages from the Atharvan and the later Brahmanic
literature.[16]

When, later, the Hindus got into a region where the sun was deadly,
they said, "Yon burning sun-god is death," but in the Rig Veda' they
said, "Yon sun is the source of life,"[17] and no other conception of
the sun is to be found in the Rig Veda.

There are about a dozen hymns to S[=u]rya, and as many to Savitar, in
the Rig Veda.[18] It is noteworthy that in the family-books the hymns
to Savitar largely prevail, while those to S[=u]rya are chiefly late
in position or content. Thus, in the family-books, where are found
eight or nine of the dozen hymns to Savitar, there are to S[=u]rya but
three or four, and of these the first is really to Savitar and the
Acvins; the second is an imitation of the first; the third appears to
be late; and the fourth is a fragment of somewhat doubtful antiquity.
The first runs as follows: "The altar-fire has seen well-pleased the
dawns' beginning and the offering to the gleaming ones; come, O ye
horsemen (Acvins), to the house of the pious man; the sun (S[=u]rya),
the shining-god, rises with light. The shining-god Savitar has
elevated his beams, swinging his banner like a good (hero) raiding for
cattle. According to rule go Varuna and Mitra when they make rise in
the sky the sun (S[=u]rya) whom they have created to dissipate
darkness, being (gods) sure of their habitation and unswerving in
intent. Seven yellow swift-steeds bear this S[=u]rya, the seer of all
that moves. Thou comest with swiftest steeds unspinning the web,
separating, O shining-god, the black robe. The rays of S[=u]rya
swinging (his banner) have laid darkness like a skin in the waters.
Unconnected, unsupported, downward extending, why does not this (god)
fall down? With what nature goes he, who knows (literally, 'who has
seen')? As a support he touches and guards the vault of the sky" (IV.
13).

There is here, no more than in the early hymn from the first book,
translated in the first chapter, any worship of material phenomena.
S[=u]rya is worshipped as Savitar, either expressly so called, or with
all the attributes of the spiritual. The hymn that follows this[19] is
a bald imitation. In V. 47 there are more or less certain signs of
lateness, _e.g.,_ in the fourth stanza ("four carry him, ... and ten
give the child to drink that he may go," etc.) there is the juggling
with unexplained numbers, which is the delight of the later
priesthood. Moreover, this hymn is addressed formally to Mitra-Varuna
and Agni, and not to the sun-god, who is mentioned only in metaphor;
while the final words _namo dive_, 'obeisance to heaven,' show that
the sun is only indirectly addressed. One cannot regard hymns
addressed to Mitra-Varuna and S[=u]rya (with other gods) as primarily
intended for S[=u]rya, who in these hymns is looked upon as the
subject of Mitra and Varuna, as in VII. 62; or as the "eye" of the two
other gods, and 'like Savitar' in VII. 63. So in VII. 66. 14-16, a
mere fragment of a hymn is devoted exclusively to S[=u]rya as "lord of
all that stands and goes." But in these hymns there are some very
interesting touches. Thus in VII. 60. 1, the sun does not make
sinless, but he announces to Mitra and Varuna that the mortal is
sinless. There are no other hymns than these addressed to S[=u]rya,
save those in the first and tenth books, of which nine stanzas of I.
50 (see above) may be reckoned early, while I. 115, where the sun is
the soul of the universe, and at the same time the eye of
Mitra-Varuna, is probably late; and I. 163 is certainly so, wherein
the sun is identified with Yama, Trita, etc.; is 'like Varuna'; and is
himself a steed, described as having three connections in the sky,
three in the waters, three in the sea. In one of the hymns in the
tenth book, also a mystical song, the sun is the 'bird' of the sky, a
metaphor which soon gives another figure to the pantheon in the form
of Garutman, the sun-bird, of whose exploits are told strange tales in
the epic, where he survives as Garuda. In other hymns S[=u]rya averts
carelessness at the sacrifice, guards the worshipper, and slays
demons. A mechanical little hymn describes him as measuring the
'thirty stations.' Not one of these hymns has literary freshness or
beauty of any kind. They all belong to the class of stereotyped
productions, which differ in origin and content from the hymns first
mentioned.[20]


SAVITAR.

Turning to Savitar one finds, of course, many of the same descriptive
traits as in the praise of S[=u]rya, his more material self. But with
the increased spirituality come new features. Savitar is not alone the
sun that rises; he is also the sun that sets; and is extolled as such.
There are other indications that most of the hymns composed for him
are to accompany the sacrifice, either of the morning or of the
evening. In II. 38, an evening song to Savitar, there are inner signs
that the hymn was made for rubrication, but here some fine verses
occur: "The god extends his vast hand, his arms above there--and all
here obeys him; to his command the waters move, and even the winds'
blowing ceases on all sides." Again: "Neither Indra, Varuna, Mitra,
Aryaman, Rudra, nor the demons, impair his law" We call attention here
to the fact that the Rig Veda contains a strong(stong in the original)
current of demonology, much stronger than has been pointed out by
scholars intent on proving the primitive loftiness of the Vedic
religion.

In III. 62. 7-9 there are some verses to P[=u]shan, following which is
the most holy couplet of the Rig Veda, to repeat which is essentially
to repeat the Veda. It is the famous G[=a]yatr[=i] or S[=a]vitr[=i]
hymnlet (10-12):

  Of Savitar, the heavenly, that longed-for glory may we win,
  And may himself inspire our prayers.[21]

Whitney (loc. cit.) says of this hymn that it is not remarkable in any
way and that no good reason has ever been given for its fame. The good
reason for this fame, in our opinion, is that the longed-for glory was
interpreted later as a revealed indication of primitive pantheism, and
the verses were understood to express the desire of absorption into
the sun, which, as will be seen, was one of the first divine bodies to
be accepted as the type of the All-god. This is also the intent of the
stanzas added to I. 50 (above, p. 17), where S[=u]rya is "the highest
light, the god among gods," mystic words, taken by later philosophers,
and quite rightly, to be an expression of pantheism. The esoteric
meaning of the G[=a]yatr[=i] presumably made it popular among the
enlightened. Exoterically the sun was only the goal of the soul, or,
in pure pantheism, of the sight. In the following[22] the
sin-forgiving side of Savitar is developed, whereby he comes into
connection with Varuna:

  God Savitar deserveth now a song from us;
  To-day, with guiding word, let men direct him here.
  He who distributes gifts unto the sons of men,
  Shall here on us bestow whatever thing is best;
  For thou, O Savitar, dost first upon the gods
  Who sacrifice deserve, lay immortality,
  The highest gift, and then to mortals dost extend
  As their apportionment a long enduring life.
  Whatever thoughtless thing against the
  race of gods We do in foolishness and human insolence,
  Do thou from that, O Savitar, mid gods and men
  Make us here sinless, etc.

But if this song smacks of the sacrifice, still more so does V. 81,
where Savitar is the 'priest's priest,' the 'arranger of sacrifice,'
and is one with P[=u]shan. He is here the swift horse (see above) and
more famous as the divider of time than anything else. In fact this
was the first ritualistic glory of Savitar, that he divides the time
for sacrifice. But he receives more in the light of being the type of
other luminous divinities. In the next hymn, another late effort (V.
82; see the dream in vs. 4), there may be an imitation of the
G[=a]yatr[=i]. Savitar is here the All-god and true lord, and frees
from sin. There is nothing new or striking in the hymns VI. 71; VII.
38 and 45. The same golden hands, and references to the sacrifice
occur here. Allusions to the Dragon of the Deep, who is called upon
with Savitar (VII. 38. 5), and the identification of Savitar with
Bhaga (ib. 6) are the most important items to be gleaned from these
rather stupid hymns. In other hymns not in the family-books
(II.-VIII.), there is a fragment, X. 139. 1-3, and another, I. 22.
5-8. In the latter, Agni's (Fire's) title, 'son of waters,' is given
to Savitar, who is virtually identified with Agni in the last part of
the Rig Veda; and in the former hymn there is an interesting
discrimination made between Savitar and P[=u]shan, who obeys him. The
last hymn in the collection to Savitar, X. 149, although late and
plainly intended for the sacrifice (vs. 5), is interesting as showing
how the philosophical speculation worked about Savitar as a centre.
'He alone, he the son of the waters, knows the origin of water, whence
arose the world.' This is one of the early speculations which recur so
frequently in the Brahmanic period, wherein the origin of 'all this'
(the universe) is referred to water. A hymn to Savitar in the first
book contains as excellent a song as is given to the sun under this
name. It is neither a morning nor an evening song in its original
state, but mentions all the god's functions, without the later moral
traits so prominent elsewhere, and with the old threefold division
instead of thrice-three heavens.

     TO SAVITAR (I. 35).

  I call on Agni first (the god of fire) for weal;
  I call on Mitra-Varuna to aid me here;
  I call upon the Night, who quiets all that moves;
  On Savitar, the shining god, I call for help.

After this introductory invocation begins the real song in a different
metre.

  Through space of darkness wending comes he hither,
  Who puts to rest th' immortal and the mortal,
  On golden car existent things beholding,
  The god that rouses, Savitar, the shining;
  Comes he, the shining one, comes forward, upward,
  Comes with two yellow steeds, the god revered,
  Comes shining Savitar from out the distance,
  All difficulties far away compelling.
  His pearl-adorned, high, variegated chariot,
  Of which the pole is golden, he, revered,
  Hath mounted, Savitar, whose beams are brilliant,
  Against the darksome spaces strength assuming.
  Among the people gaze the brown white-footed
  (Steeds) that the chariot drag whose pole is golden.
  All peoples stand, and all things made, forever,
  Within the lap of Savitar, the heavenly.

  [There are three heavens of Savitar, two low ones,[23]
  One, men-restraining, in the realm of Yama.
  As on (his) chariot-pole[24] stand all immortals,
  Let him declare it who has understood it!]

  Across air-spaces gazes he, the eagle,
  Who moves in secret, th' Asura,[25] well-guiding,
  Where is (bright) S[=u]rya now? who understands it?
  And through which sky is now his ray extending?

  He looks across the earth's eight elevations,[26]
  The desert stations three, and the seven rivers,
  The gold-eyed shining god is come, th' Arouser,
  To him that worships giving wealth and blessings.

  The golden-handed Savitar, the active one,
  Goes earth and heaven between, compels demoniac powers,
  To S[=u]rya gives assistance, and through darksome space
  Extends to heaven, etc.[27]


P[=U]SHAN AND BHAGA AS SUN-GODS.

With P[=u]shan, the 'bestower of prosperity,' appears an ancient side
of sun-worship. While under his other names the sun has lost, to a
great extent, the attributes of a bucolic solar deity, in the case of
P[=u]shan he appears still as a god whose characteristics are bucolic,
war-like, and priestly, that is to say, even as he is venerated by the
three masses of the folk. It will not do, of course, to distinguish
too sharply between the first two divisions, but one can very well
compare P[=u]shan in these roles with Helios guiding his herds, and
Apollo swaying armed hosts. It is customary to regard P[=u]shan as too
bucolic a deity, but this is only one side of him. He apparently is
the sun, as herdsmen look upon him, and in this figure is the object
of ridicule with the warrior-class who, especially in one family or
tribe, take a more exalted view of him. Consequently, as in the case
of Varuna, one need not read into the hymns more than they offer to
see that, not to speak of the priestly view, there are at least two
P[=u]shans, in the Rig Veda itself.[28]

As the god 'with braided hair,' and as the 'guardian of cattle,'
P[=u]shan offers, perhaps, in these particulars, the original of
Rudra's characteristics, who, in the Vedic period, and later as
Rudra-Civa, is also a 'guardian of cattle' and has the 'braided hair.'

Bergaigne identifies P[=u]shan with Soma, with whom the poets were apt
to identify many other deities, but there seems to be little
similarity originally.[29] It is only in the wider circles of each
god's activity that the two approach each other. Both gods, it is
true, wed S[=u]rya (the female sun-power), and Soma, like P[=u]shan,
finds lost cattle. But it must be recognized once for all that
identical attributes are not enough to identify Vedic gods. Who gives
wealth? Indra, Soma, Agni, Heaven and Earth, Wind, Sun, the Maruts,
etc. Who forgives sins? Agni, Varuna, Indra, the Sun, etc. Who helps
in war? Agni, P[=u]shan, Indra, Soma, etc. Who sends rain? Indra,
Parjanya, Soma, the Maruts, P[=u]shan, etc. Who weds Dawn? The Acvins,
the Sun, etc. The attributes must be functional or the identification
is left incomplete.

The great disparity in descriptions of P[=u]shan may be illustrated by
setting VI. 48. 19 beside X. 92. 13. The former passage merely
declares that P[=u]shan is a war-leader "over mortals, and like the
gods in glory"; the latter, that he is "distinguished by all divine
attributes"; that is to say, what has happened in the case of Savitar
has happened here also. The individuality of P[=u]shan dies out, but
the vaguer he becomes the more grandiloquently is he praised and
associated with other powers; while for lack of definite laudation
general glory is ascribed to him. The true position of P[=u]shan in
the eyes of the warrior is given unintentionally by one who says,[30]
"I do not scorn thee, O P[=u]shan," _i.e.,_ as do most people, on
account of thy ridiculous attributes. For P[=u]shan does not drink
_soma_ like Indra, but eats mush. So another devout believer says:
"P[=u]shan is not described by them that call him an eater of
mush."[31] The fact that he was so called speaks louder than the pious
protest. Again, P[=u]shan is simply bucolic. He uses the goad, which,
however, according to Bergaigne, is the thunderbolt! So, too, the cows
that P[=u]shan is described as guiding have been interpreted as clouds
or 'dawns.' But they may be taken without 'interpretation' as
real cows.[32] P[=u]shan drives the cows, he is armed with a goad, and
eats mush; bucolic throughout, yet a sun-god. It is on these lines
that his finding-qualities are to be interpreted. He finds lost
cattle,[33] a proper business for such a god; but Bergaigne will see
in this a transfer from P[=u]shan's finding of rain and of _soma_.[34]
P[=u]shan, too, directs the furrow[35]

Together with Vishnu and Bhaga this god is invoked at sacrifices, (a
fact that says little against or for his original sun-ship),[36] and
he is intimately connected with Indra. His sister is his mistress, and
his mother is his wife (Dawn and Night?) according to the meagre
accounts given in VI. 55. 4-5.[37] As a god of increase he is invoked
in the marriage-rite, X. 85. 37.

As Savitar and all sun-gods are at once luminous and dark, so
P[=u]shan has a clear and again a revered (terrible) appearance; he is
like day and night, like Dyaus (the sky); at one time bright, at
another, plunged in darkness, VI. 58. 1. Quite like Savitar he is the
shining god who "looks upon all beings and sees them all together"; he
is the "lord of the path," the god of travellers; he is invoked to
drive away evil spirits, thieves, footpads, and all workers of evil;
he makes paths for the winning of wealth; he herds the stars and
directs all with _soma_. He carries a golden axe or sword, and is
borne through air and water on golden ships; and it is he that lets
down the sun's golden wheel. These simpler attributes appear for the
most part in the early hymns. In what seem to be later hymns, he is
the mighty one who "carries the thoughts of all"; he is
like _soma_ (the drink), and attends to the filter; he is "lord of the
pure"; the "one born of old," and is especially called upon to help
the poets' hymns.[38] It is here, in the last part of the Rig Veda,
that he appears as [Greek: psuchopompos], who "goes and returns,"
escorting the souls of the dead to heaven. He is the sun's messenger,
and is differentiated from Savitar in X. 139. 1.[39] Apparently he was
a god affected most by the Bharadv[=a]ja family (to which is ascribed
the sixth book of the Rig Veda) where his worship was extended more
broadly. He seems to have become the special war-god of this family,
and is consequently invoked with Indra and the Maruts (though this may
have been merely in his rote as sun). The goats, his steeds, are also
an attribute of the Scandinavian war-god Thor (Kaegi, _Rig Veda_, note
210), so that his bucolic character rests more in his goad, food, and
plough.

Bhaga is recognized as an [=A]ditya (luminous deity) and was perhaps a
sun-god of some class, possibly of all, as the name in Slavic is still
kept in the meaning 'god,' literally 'giver.' In the Rig Veda the word
means, also, simply god, as in _bhagabhakta_, 'given by gods'; but as
a name it is well known, and when thus called Bhaga is still the
giver, 'the bestower' _(vidhart[=a])_. As _bhaga_ is also an epithet
of Savitar, the name may not stand for an originally distinct
personality. Bhaga has but one hymn.[40] There is in fact no reason
why Bhaga should be regarded as a sun-god, except for the formal
identification of him as an [=A]ditya, that is as the son of Aditi
(Boundlessness, see below); but neither S[=u]rya nor Savitar is
originally an [=A]ditya, and in Iranic _bagha_ is only an epithet of
Ormuzd.


  HYMNS TO P[=U]SHAN AND BHAGA.

  To P[=U]SHAN (vi. 56).

  The man who P[=u]shan designates
  With words like these, 'mush-eater he,'
  By him the god is not described.

  With P[=u]shan joined in unison
  That best of warriors, truest lord,
  Indra, the evil demons slays.

  'T is he, the best of warriors, drives
  The golden chariot of the sun
  Among the speckled kine (the clouds).

  Whate'er we ask of thee to-day,
  O wonder-worker, praised and wise,
  Accomplish thou for us that prayer.

  And this our band, which hunts for kine,[41]
  Successful make for booty's gain;
  Afar, O P[=u]shan, art thou praised.

  We seek of thee success, which far
  From ill, and near to wealth shall be;
  For full prosperity to-day;
  And full prosperity the morn.[42]


  To BHAGA (vii. 41).

  Early on Agni call we, early Indra call;
  Early call Mitra, Varuna, the Horsemen twain;
  Early, too, Bhaga, P[=u]shan, and the Lord of Strength;
  And early Soma will we call, and Rudra too.

This stanza has been prefixed to the hymn by virtue of the catch-word
'early' (in the morning), with which really begins this prosaic poem
(in different metre):

  The early-conquering mighty Bhaga call we,
  The son of Boundlessness, the gift-bestower,[43]
  Whom weak and strong, and e'en the king, regarding,
  Cry _bhagam bhakshi_, 'give to me the giver.'[44]

  O Bhaga, leader Bhaga, true bestower,
  O Bhaga, help this prayer, to us give (riches),
  O Bhaga, make us grow in kine and horses,
  O Bhaga, eke in men, men-wealthy be we!

  And now may we be rich, be _bhaga_-holders,[45]
  Both at the (day's) approach, and eke at midday,
  And at the sun's departure, generous giver.
  The favor of the gods may we abide in.

  O gods, (to us) be Bhaga really _bhaga_,[46]
  By means of him may we be _bhaga_-holders.
  As such an one do all, O Bhaga, call thee,
  As such, O Bhaga, be to-day our leader.

  May dawns approach the sacrifice, the holy
  Place, like to Dadhikr[=a],[47] like horses active,
  Which bring a chariot near; so, leading Bhaga,
  Who finds good things, may they approach, and bring him.

As this is the only hymn addressed to Bhaga, and as it proves itself
to have been made for altar service (in style as well as in special
mention of the ceremony), it is evident that Bhaga, although called
Aditi's son, is but a god of wealth and (like Anca, the Apportioner)
very remotely connected with physical functions. But the hymn appears
to be so late that it cannot throw much light on the original
conception of the deity. We rather incline to doubt whether Bhaga was
ever, strictly speaking, a sun-god, and think that he was made so
merely because the sun (Savitar) was called _bhaga_. A (Greek: Zehys)
Bagaios was worshipped by the Phrygians, while in the Avesta and as a
Slavic god Bhaga has no especial connection with the sun. It must be
acknowledged, however, that every form of the sun-god is especially
lauded for generosity.


VISHNU.

In the person of Vishnu the sun is extolled under another name, which
in the period of the Rig Veda was still in the dawn of its glory. The
hymns to Vishnu are few; his fame rests chiefly on the three strides
with which he crosses heaven, on his making fast the earth, and on his
munificence.[48] He, too, leads in battle and is revered under the
title Cipivishta,[49] of unknown significance, but meaning literally
'bald.' Like Savitar he has three spaces, two called earthly, and one,
the highest, known only to himself. His greatness is inconceivable,
and he is especially praised with Indra, the two being looked upon as
masters of the world.[50] His highest place is the realm of the
departed spirits.[51] The hymns to him appear to be late (thus I. 155.
6, where, as the year, he has four seasons of ninety days each). Like
P[=u]shan (his neighbor in many lauds) he is associated in a late hymn
with the Maruts (V. 87). His later popularity lies in the importance
of his 'highest place' (or step) being the home of the departed
spirits, where he himself dwells, inscrutable. This led to the
spirit's union with the sun, which, as we have said, is one of the
first phases of the pantheistic doctrine. In the family-books Vishnu
gets but two hymns, both in the same collection, and shares one more
with Indra (VII. 99-100; VI. 69). In some of the family-collections,
notably in that of the Visvamitras, he is, if not unknown, almost
ignored. As Indra's friend he is most popular with the Kanva family,
but even here he has no special hymn.

  None born, God Vishnu, and none born hereafter
  E'er reaches to the limit of thy greatness;
  Twas thou establish'st yon high vault of heaven,
  Thou madest fast the earth's extremest mountain. (VII. 99. 2.)

  Three steps he made, the herdsman sure,
  Vishnu, and stepped across (the world). (I. 22. i8.)

  The mighty deeds will I proclaim of Vishnu,
  Who measured out the earth's extremest spaces,
  And fastened firm the highest habitation,
  Thrice stepping out with step all-powerful.

  O would that I might reach his path beloved,
  Where joy the men who hold the gods in honor. (I. 154. 1, 5.)

Under all these names and images the sun is worshipped. And it is
necessary to review them all to see how deeply the worship is
ingrained. The sun is one of the most venerable as he is the most
enduring of India's nature-gods.[52] In no early passage is the sun a
malignant god. He comes "as kine to the village, as a hero to his
steed, as a calf to the cow, as a husband to his wife."[53] He is the
'giver,' the 'generous one,' and as such he is Mitra, 'the friend,'
who with Varuna, the encompassing heaven, is, indeed, in the Rig Veda,
a personality subordinated to his greater comrade; yet is this,
perhaps, the sun's oldest name of those that are not descriptive of
purely physical characteristics. For Mithra in Persian keeps the
proof that this title was given to the Indo-Iranic god before the
separation of the two peoples. It is therefore (perhaps with Bhaga?)
one of the most ancient personal designations of the sun,--one,
perhaps, developed from a mere name into a separate deity.


HEAVEN AND EARTH.

Not only as identical with the chief god of the Greeks, but also from
a native Indic point of view, it might have been expected that Dyaus
(Zeus), the 'shining sky,' would play an important role in the Hindu
pantheon. But such is not the case. There is not a single hymn
addressed independently to Dyaus, nor is there any hint of especial
preeminence of Dyaus in the half-dozen hymns that are sung to Heaven
and Earth together. The word _dyaus_ is used hundreds of times, but
generally in the meaning sky (without personification). There is, to
be sure, a formal acknowledgment of the fatherhood of Dyaus (among
gods he is father particularly of Dawn, the Acvins, and Indra), as
there is of the motherhood of Earth, but there is no further
exaltation. No exaggeration--the sign of Hindu enthusiasm--is
displayed in the laudation, and the epithet 'father' is given to half
a dozen Vedic gods, as in Rome Ma(r)spiter stands beside Jup(p)iter.
Certain functions are ascribed to Heaven and Earth, but they are of
secondary origin. Thus they bring to the god he sacrifice,[54] as does
Agni, and one whole hymn may thus be epitomized: 'By the ordinance of
Varuna made firm, O Heaven and Earth, give us blessings. Blest with
children and wealth is he that adores you twain. Give us sweet food,
glory and strength of heroes, ye who are our father and mother.'[55]

The praise is vague and the benevolence is the usual 'bestowal of
blessings' expected of all the gods in return for praise. Other hymns
add to this something, from which one sees that these deities are not
regarded as self-created; for the seers of old, or, according to one
poet some wonderful divine artisan, "most wondrous worker of the
wonder-working gods," created them. Their chief office is to exercise
benign protection and bestow wealth. Once they are invited to come to
the sacrifice "with the gods," but this, of course, is not meant to
exclude them from the list of gods[56].

The antithesis of male and female, to Bergaigne's insistence on which
reference was made above (p. 43), even here in this most obvious of
forms, common to so many religions, shows itself so faintly that it
fails utterly to support that basis of sexual dualism on which the
French scholar lays so much stress. Dyaus does, indeed, occasionally
take the place of Indra, and as a bellowing bull impregnate earth, but
this is wholly incidental and not found at all in the hymns directly
lauding Heaven and Earth. Moreover, instead of "father and mother"
Heaven and Earth often are spoken of as "the two mothers," the
significance of which cannot be nullified by the explanation that to
the Hindu 'two mothers' meant two parents, and of two parents one must
be male,--Bergaigne's explanation. For not only is Dyaus one of the
'two mothers,' but when independently used the word Dyaus is male or
female indifferently. Thus in X. 93. I: "O Heaven and Earth be wide
outstretched for us, (be) like two young women." The position of
Heaven and Earth in relation to other divinities varies with the fancy
of the poet that extols them. They are either created, or they create
gods, as well as create men. In accordance with the physical reach of
these deities they are exhorted to give strength whereby the
worshipper shall "over-reach all peoples"; and, as parents, to be the
"nearest of the gods," to be "like father and mother in kindness." (I.
159; 160. 2, 5.)

One more attribute remains to be noticed, which connects Dyaus morally
as well as physically with Savitar and Varuna. The verse in which this
attribute is spoken of is also not without interest from a
sociological point of view: "Whatsoever sin we have committed against
the gods, or against a friend, or against the chief of the clan
(family)[57] may this hymn to Heaven and Earth avert it." It was shown
above that Savitar removes sin. Here, as in later times, it is the
hymn that does this. The mystery of these gods' origin puzzles the
seer: "Which was first and which came later, how were they begotten,
who knows, O ye wise seers? Whatever exists, that they carry."[58] But
all that they do they do under the command of Mitra.[59]

The most significant fact in connection with the hymns to Heaven and
Earth is that most of them are expressly for sacrificial intent. "With
sacrifices I praise Heaven and Earth" (I. 159. 1); "For the sake of
the sacrifice are ye come down (to us)" (IV. 56. 7). In VI. 70 they
are addressed in sacrificial metaphors; in VII. 53. 1 the poet says:
"I invoke Heaven and Earth with sacrifices," etc. The passivity of the
two gods makes them yield in importance to their son, the active
Savitar, who goes between the two parents. None of these hymns bears
the impress of active religious feeling or has poetic value. They all
seem to be reflective, studied, more or less mechanical, and to belong
to a period of theological philosophy. To Earth alone without Heaven
are addressed one uninspired hymn and a fragment of the same
character: "O Earth be kindly to us, full of dwellings and painless,
and give us protection."[60] In the burial service the dead are
exhorted to "go into kindly mother earth" who will be "wool-soft, like
a maiden."[61] The one hymn to Earth should perhaps be placed
parallel with similar meditative and perfunctory laudations in the
Homeric hymns:

  To EARTH (V. 84).

  In truth, O broad extended earth,
  Thou bear'st the render of the hills,[62]
  Thou who, O mighty mountainous one,
  Quickenest created things with might.
  Thee praise, O thou that wander'st far,
  The hymns which light accompany,
  Thee who, O shining one, dost send
  Like eager steeds the gushing rain.
  Thou mighty art, who holdest up
  With strength on earth the forest trees,
  When rain the rains that from thy clouds
  And Dyaus' far-gleaming lightning come.[62]

On the bearing of these facts, especially in regard to the secondary
greatness of Dyaus, we shall touch below. He is a god exalted more by
modern writers than by the Hindus!


VARUNA.

Varuna has been referred already in connection with the sun-god and
with Heaven and Earth. It is by Varuna's power that they stand firm.
He has established the sun 'like a tree,' i.e., like a support, and
'made a path for it.'[63] He has a thousand remedies for ills; to his
realm not even the birds can ascend, nor wind or swift waters attain.
It is in accordance with the changeless order[64] of Varuna that the
stars and the moon go their regular course; he gives long life and
releases from harm, from wrong, and from sin.[65]

Varuna is the most exalted of those gods whose origin is physical. His
realm is all above us; the sun and stars are his eyes; he sits above
upon his golden throne and sees all that passes below, even the
thoughts of men. He is, above all, the moral controller of the
universe.

  To VARUNA (i. 25).

  Howe'er we, who thy people are,
  O Varuna, thou shining god,
  Thy order injure, day by day,
  Yet give us over nor to death,
  Nor to the blow of angry (foe),
  Nor to the wrath of (foe) incensed.[66]
  Thy mind for mercy we release--
  As charioteer, a fast-bound steed--
  By means of song, O Varuna.

         *       *       *       *       *

  ('Tis Varuna) who knows the track
  Of birds that fly within the air,
  And knows the ships upon the flood;[67]
  Knows, too, the (god) of order firm,
  The twelve months with their progeny,
  And e'en which month is later born;[68]
  Knows, too, the pathway of the wind,
  The wide, the high, the mighty (wind),
  And knows who sit above (the wind).

  (God) of firm order, Varuna
  His place hath ta'en within (his) home
  For lordship, he, the very strong.[69]
  Thence all the things that are concealed
  He looks upon, considering
  Whate'er is done and to be done.
  May he, the Son of Boundlessness,
  The very strong, through every day
  Make good our paths, prolong our life.

  Bearing a garment all of gold,
  In jewels clothed, is Varuna,
  And round about him sit his spies;
  A god whom injurers injure not,
  Nor cheaters cheat among the folk,
  Nor any plotters plot against;
  Who for himself 'mid (other) men
  Glory unequalled gained, and gains
  (Such glory) also 'mid ourselves.

  Far go my thoughts (to him), as go
  The eager cows that meadows seek,
  Desiring (him), the wide-eyed (god).
  Together let us talk again,
  Since now the offering sweet I bring,
  By thee beloved, and like a priest
  Thou eat'st.

  I see the wide-eyed (god):
  I see his chariot on the earth,
  My song with joy hath he received.

  Hear this my call, O Varuna,
  Be merciful to me today,
  For thee, desiring help, I yearn.

  Thou, wise one, art of everything,
  The sky and earth alike, the king;
  As such upon thy way give ear,
  And loose from us the (threefold) bond;
  The upper bond, the middle, break,
  The lower, too, that we may live.

In the portrait of such a god as this one comes very near to
monotheism. The conception of an almost solitary deity, recognized as
watcher of wrong, guardian of right, and primitive creator, approaches
more closely to unitarianism than does the idea of any physical power
in the Rig Veda.

To the poet of the Rig Veda Varuna is the enveloping heaven;[70] that
is, in distinction from Dyaus, from whom he
differs _toto caelo_, so to speak, the invisible world, which embraces
the visible sky. His home is there where lives the Unborn, whose place
is unique, above the highest heaven.[71]

But it is exactly this loftiness of character that should make one shy
of interpreting Varuna as being originally the god that is presented
here. Can this god, 'most august of Vedic deities,' as Bergaigne and
others have called him, have belonged as such to the earliest stratum
of Aryan belief?

There are some twelve hymns in the Rig Veda in Varuna's honor. Of
these, one in the tenth book celebrates Indra as opposed to Varuna,
and generally it is considered late, in virtue of its content. Of the
hymns in the eighth book the second appears to be a later imitation of
the first, and the first appears, from several indications, to be of
comparatively recent origin.[72] In the seventh book (vii. 86-89) the
short final hymn contains a distinctly late trait in invoking Varuna
to cure dropsy; the one preceding this is _in majorem gloriam_ of the
poet Vasistha, fitly following the one that appears to be as new,
where not only the mysticism but the juggling with "thrice-seven,"
shows the character of the hymn to be recent.[73] In the first hymn of
this book the late doctrine of inherited sin stands prominently forth
(vii. 86. 5) as an indication of the time in which it was composed.
The fourth and sixth books have no separate hymns to Varuna. In the
fifth book the position of the one hymn to Varuna is one favorable to
spurious additions, but the hymn is not otherwise obnoxious to the
criticism of lateness. Of the two hymns in the second book, the first
is addressed only indirectly to Varuna, nor is he here very prominent;
the second (ii. 28) is the only song which stands on a par with the
hymn already translated. There remain the hymns cited above from the
first, not a family-book. It is, moreover, noteworthy that in ii. 28,
apart from the ascription of general greatness, almost all that is
said of Varuna is that he is a priest, that he causes rivers to flow,
and loosens the bond of sin.[74] The finest hymn to Varuna, from a
literary point of view, is the one translated above, and it is mainly
on the basis of this hymn that the lofty character of Varuna has been
interpreted by occidental writers. To our mind this hymn belongs to
the close of the first epoch of the three which the hymns represent.
That it cannot be very early is evident from the mention of the
intercalated month, not to speak of the image of Varuna eating the
sweet oblation 'like a priest.' Its elevated language is in sharp
contrast to that of almost all the other Varuna hymns. As these are
all the hymns where Varuna is praised alone by himself, it becomes of
chief importance to study him here, and not where, as in iii. 62, iv.
41, vi. 51, 67, 68, and elsewhere, he is lauded as part of a
combination of gods (Mitra or Indra united with Varuna). In the last
book of the Rig Veda there is no hymn to Varuna,[75] a time when
pantheistic monotheism was changing into pantheism, so that, in the
last stage of the Rig Veda, Varuna is descended from the height.
Thereafter he is god and husband of waters, and punisher of secret sin
(as in ii. 28). Important in contrast to the hymn translated above is
v. 85.


TO VARUNA.

"I will sing forth unto the universal king a high deep prayer, dear to
renowned Varuna, who, as a butcher a hide, has struck earth apart
(from the sky) for the sun. Varuna has extended air in trees, strength
in horses, milk in cows, and has laid wisdom in hearts; fire in water;
the sun in the sky; _soma_ in the stone. Varuna has inverted his
water-barrel and let the two worlds with the space between flow (with
rain). With this (heavenly water-barrel) he, the king of every created
thing, wets the whole world, as a rain does a meadow. He wets the
world, both earth and heaven, when he, Varuna, chooses to milk out
(rain)--and then do the mountains clothe themselves with cloud, and
even the strongest men grow weak. Yet another great and marvellous
power of the renowned spirit (Asura) will I proclaim, this, that
standing in mid-air he has measured earth with the sun, as if with a
measuring rod. (It is due to) the marvellous power of the wisest god,
which none ever resisted, that into the one confluence run the rivers,
and pour into it, and fill it not. O Varuna, loosen whatever sin we
have committed to bosom-friend, comrade, or brother; to our own house,
or to the stranger; what (we) have sinned like gamblers at play, real
(sin), or what we have not known. Make loose, as it were, all these
things, O god Varuna, and may we be dear to thee hereafter."

In this hymn Varuna is a water-god, who stands in mid-air and directs
the rain; who, after the rain, reinstates the sun; who releases from
sin (as water does from dirt?). According to this conception it would
seem that Varuna were the 'coverer' rather than the 'encompasser.' It
might seem probable even that Varuna first stood to Dyaus as cloud and
rain and night to shining day, and that his counterpart, (Greek:
Hohyranhos), stood in the same relation to (Greek: Zehys); that were
connecte(Greek: Hohyranhos)d with (Greek: hyrheo) and Varuna with
_vari_, river, _v[=a]ri_, water.[76]

It is possible, but it is not provable. But no interpretation of
Varuna that ignores his rainy side can be correct. And this is fully
recognized by Hillebrandt. On account of his "thousand spies," _i.e.,_
eyes, he has been looked upon by some as exclusively a night-god. But
this is too one-sided an interpretation, and passes over the
all-important, fact that it is only in conjunction with the sun
(Mitra), where there is a strong antithesis, that the night-side of
the god is exclusively displayed. Wholly a day-god he cannot be,
because he rules night and rain. He is _par excellence_ the Asura,
and, like Ahura Mazdao, has the sun for an eye, _i.e.,_ he is heaven.
But there is no Varuna in Iranian worship and Ahura is a sectarian
specialization. Without this name may one ascribe to India what is
found in Iran?[77] It has been suggested by Bergaigne that Varuna and
Vritra, the rain-holding demon, were developments from the same idea,
one revered as a god, the other, a demon; and that the word means
'restrainer,' rather than 'encompasser.'

From all this it will be evident that to claim an original monotheism
as still surviving in the person of Varuna, is impossible; and this is
the one point we would make. Every one must admire the fine hymn in
which he is praised, but what there is in it does not make it seem
very old, and the intercalated month is decisive evidence, for here
alone in the Rig Veda is mentioned this month, which implies the
five-year cyclus, but this belongs to the Brahmanic period (Weber,
_Vedische Beitraege_, p. 38). Every explanation of the original nature
of Varuna must take into consideration that he is a rain-god, a
day-god, and a night-god in turn, and that where he is praised in the
most elevated language the rain-side disappears, although it was
fundamental, as may be seen by comparing many passages, where Varuna
is exhorted to give rain, where his title is 'lord of streams,' his
position that of 'lord of waters.' The decrease of Varuna worship in
favor of Indra results partly from the more peaceful god of rain
appearing less admirable than the monsoon-god, who overpowers with
storm and lightning, as well as 'wets the earth.'

The most valuable contribution to the study of Varuna is Hillebrandt's
'Varuna and Mitra.' This author has succeeded in completely
overthrowing the old error that Varuna is exclusively a night-god.[78]
Quite as definitively he proves that Varuna is not exclusively a
day-god.

Bergaigne, on the other hand, claims an especially tenebrous character
for Varuna.[79] Much has been written on luminous deities by scholars
that fail to recognize the fact that the Hindus regard the night both
as light and as dark. But to the Vedic poet the night, star-illumined,
was bright. Even Hillebrandt speaks of "the bright heaven" of day as
"opposed to the dark night-heaven in which Varuna also shows
himself."[80]

In the Rig Veda, as it stands, with all the different views of Varuna
side by side, Varuna is a universal encompasser, moral as well as
physical. As such his physical side is almost gone. But the conception
of him as a moral watcher and sole lord of the universe is in so sharp
contrast to the figure of the rain-god, who, like Parjanya, stands in
mid-air and upsets a water-barrel, that one must discriminate even
between the Vedic views in regard to him.[81]

It is Varuna who lets rivers flow; with Indra he is besought not to
let his weapons fall on the sinner; wind is his breath.[82]

On the other hand he is practically identified with the sun.[83] How
ill this last agrees with the image of a god who 'lives by the spring
of rivers,' 'covers earth as with a garment,' and 'rises like a secret
sea (in fog) to heaven'![84] Even when invoked with the sun, Mitra,
Varuna still gives rain: "To whomsoever ye two are kindly disposed
comes sweet rain from heaven; we beseech you for rain ... you, the
thunderers who go through earth and heaven" (v. 63),--a strange prayer
to be addressed to a monotheistic god of light: "Ye make the lightning
flash, ye send the rain; ye hide the sky in cloud and rain" (_ib_.).
In the hymn preceding we read: "Ye make firm heaven and earth, ye give
growth to plants, milk to cows; O ye that give rain, pour down rain!"
In the same group another short hymn declares: "They are universal
kings, who have _ghee_ (rain) in their laps; they are lords of the
rain" (v. 68). In the next hymn: "Your clouds (cows) give nourishment,
your streams are sweet." Thus the twain keep the order of the seasons
(i. 2. 7-8) and protect men by the regular return of the rainy season.
Their weapons are always lightning (above, i. 152. 2, and elsewhere).
A short invocation in a family-book gives this prayer: "O
Mitra-Varuna, wet our meadows with _ghee_; wet all places with the
sweet drink" (iii. 62. 16).

The interpretation given above of the office of Varuna as regards the
sun's path, is supported by a verse where is made an allusion to the
time "when they release the sun's horses," _i.e_., when after two or
three months of rain the sun shines again (v. 62. 1). In another verse
one reads: "Ye direct the waters, sustenance of earth and heaven,
richly let come your rains" (viii. 25. 6).

Now there is nothing startling in this view. In opposition to the
unsatisfactory attempts of modern scholars, it is the traditional
interpretation of Mitra and Varuna that Mitra was god of day (_i.e.,_
the sun), and Varuna the god of night (_i.e.,_ covering),[85] while
native belief regularly attributes to him the lordship of water[86].
The 'thousand eyes' of Varuna are the result of this view. The other
light-side of Varuna as special lord of day (excluding the all-heaven
idea with the sun as his 'eye') is elsewhere scarcely referred to,
save in late hymns and VIII. 41.[87] In conjunction with the
storm-god, Indra, the wrath-side of Varuna is further developed. The
prayer for release is from 'long darkness,' _i.e._, from death; in
other words, may the light of life be restored (II. 27. 14-15; II. 28.
7). Grassmann, who believes that in Varuna there is an early
monotheistic deity, enumerates all his offices and omits the giving of
rain from the list;[88] while Ludwig derives his name from _var_ (=
velle) and defines him as the lofty god who wills!

Varuna's highest development ushers in the middle period of the Rig
Veda; before the rise of the later All-father, and even before the
great elevation of Indra. But when S[=u]rya and Dawn were chief, then
Varuna was chiefest. There is no monotheism in the worship of a god
who is regularly associated as one of a pair with another god. Nor is
there in Varuna any religious grandeur which, so far as it exceeds
that of other divinities, is not evolved from his old physical side.
One cannot personify heaven and write a descriptive poem about him
without becoming elevated in style, as compared with the tone of one
that praises a rain-cloud or even the more confined personality of the
sun. There is a stylistic but not a metaphysical descent from this
earlier period in the 'lords of the atmosphere,' for, as we shall
show, the elevation of Indra and Agni denotes a philosophical
conception yet more advanced than the almost monotheistic greatness
attained by Varuna. But one must find the background to this earlier
period; and in it Varuna is not monotheistic. He is the covering sky
united with the sun, or he whose covering is rain and dew. Indra
treats Varuna as Savitar treats Mitra, supplants him; and for the same
reason, because each represents the same priestly philosophy.

In the one extant hymn to Mitra (who is Indo-Iranian) it is Mitra that
'watches men,' and 'bears earth and heaven.' He is here (iii. 59) the
kindly sun, his name (Mitra, 'friend') being frequently punned upon.

The point of view taken by Barth deserves comment. He says:[89] "It
has sometimes been maintained that the Varuna of the hymns is a god in
a state of decadence. In this view we can by no means concur; ... an
appeal to these few hymns is enough to prove that in the consciousness
of their authors the divinity of Varuna stood still intact." If,
instead of 'still intact,' the author had said, 'on the increase, till
undermined by still later philosophical speculation,' the true
position, in our opinion, would have been given. But a distinction
must be made between decadence of greatness and decadence of
popularity. It has happened in the case of some of the Vedic inherited
gods that exactly in proportion as their popularity decreased their
greatness increased; that is to say, as they became more vague and
less individual to the folk they were expanded into wider circles of
relationship by the theosophist, and absorbed other gods' majesty.[89]
Varuna is no longer a popular god in the Rig Veda. He is already a god
of speculation, only the speculation did not go far enough to suit the
later seers of Indra-Savitar-hood. Most certainly his worship, when
compared in popularity with that of Agni and Indra, is unequal. But
this is because he is too remote to be popular.

What made the popular gods was a union of near physical force to
please the vulgar, with philosophical mysticism to please the priest,
and Indra and Agni fulfilled the conditions, while awful, but distant,
Varuna did not.

In stating that the great hymn to Varuna is not typical of the
earliest stage of religious belief among the Vedic Aryans, we should
add one word in explanation. Varuna's traits, as shown in other parts
of the Rig Veda, are so persistent that they must be characteristic of
his original function. It does not follow, however, that any one hymn
in which he is lauded is necessarily older than the hymn cited from
the first book. The earliest stage of religious development precedes
the entrance into the Punj[=a]b. It may even be admitted that at the
time when the Vedic Aryans became Hindus, that is, when they settled
about the Indus, Varuna was the great god we see him in the great hymn
to his honor. But while the relation of the [=A]dityas to the spirits
of Ahura in Zoroaster's system points to this, yet it is absurd to
assume this epoch as the starting point of Vedic belief. Back of this
period lies one in which Varuna was by no means a monotheistic deity,
nor even the greatest divinity among the gods. The fact, noticed by
Hillebrandt, that the Vasishtha family are the chief praisers of
Varuna, may also indicate that his special elevation was due to the
theological conceptions of one clan, rather than of the whole people,
since in the other family books he is worshipped more as one of a
pair, Varuna and Mitra, heaven and sun.


ADITI.

The mother of Varuna and the luminous gods is the 'mother of kings,'
Boundlessness (_aditi_)[90] a product of priestly theosophy. Aditi
makes, perhaps, the first approach to formal pantheism in India, for
all gods, men, and things are identified with her (i. 89. 10). Seven
children of Aditi are mentioned, to whom is added an eighth (in one
hymn).[91] The chief of these, who is, _par excellence_ the [=A]ditya
(son of Aditi), is Varuna. Most of the others are divinities of the
sun (x. 72). With Varuna stands Mitra, and besides this pair are found
'the true friend' Aryaman, Savitar, Bhaga, and, later, Indra, as sun
(?). Daksha and Anca are also reckoned as [=A]dityas, and S[=u]rya is
enumerated among them as a divinity distinct from Savitar. But the
word _aditi,_ 'unbound,' is often a mere epithet, of Fire, Sky, etc.
Moreover, in one passage, at least, _aditi_ simply means 'freedom' (i.
24. 1), less boundlessness than 'un-bondage'; so, probably, in i. 185.
3, 'the gift of freedom.' Anca seems to have much the same meaning
with Bhaga, _viz.,_ the sharer, giver. Daksha may, perhaps, be the
'clever,' 'strong' one ([Greek: dexios]), abstract Strength; as
another name of the sun (?). Aditi herself (according to Mueller,
Infinity; according to Hillebrandt, Eternity) is an abstraction that
is born later than her chief sons, Sun and Varuna.[92] Zarathustra
(Zoroaster, not earlier than the close of the first Vedic period) took
the seven [=A]dityas and reformed them into one monotheistic
(dualistic) Spirit (Ahura), with a circle of six moral attendants,
thereby dynamically destroying every physical conception of them.


DAWN.

We have devoted considerable space to Varuna because of the
theological importance with which is invested his personality. If one
admit that a monotheistic Varuna is the _ur_-Varuna, if one see in him
a sign that the Hindus originally worshipped one universally great
superior god, whose image effaced that of all the others,[93] then the
attempt to trace any orderly development in Hindu theology may as well
be renounced; and one must imagine that this peculiar people, starting
with monotheism descended to polytheism, and then leapt again into the
conception of that Father-god whose form, in the end of the Rig Vedic
period, out-varunas Varuna as encompasser and lord of all. If, on the
other hand, one see in Varuna a god who, from the 'covering,' heaven
and cloud and rain, from earliest time has been associated with the
sun as a pair, and recognize in Varuna's loftier form the product of
that gradual elevation to which were liable all the gods at the hands
of the Hindu priests; if one see in him at this stage the highest god
which a theology, based on the worship of natural phenomena, was able
to evolve; then, for the reception of those gods who overthrew him
from his supremacy, because of their greater freedom from physical
restraints, there is opened a logical and historical path--until that
god comes who in turn follows these half-embodied ones, and stands as
the first immaterial author of the universe--and so one may walk
straight from the physical beginning of the Rig Vedic religion to its
spiritual Brahmanic end.

We turn now to one or two phenomena-deities that were never much
tampered with by priestly speculation; their forms being still as
bright and clear as when the first Vedic worshipper, waiting to salute
the rising sun, beheld in all her beauty, and thus praised

THE DAWN.[94]

  As comes a bride hath she approached us, gleaming;
  All things that live she rouses now to action.
  A fire is born that shines for human beings;
  Light hath she made, and driven away the darkness.

  Wide-reaching hath she risen, to all approaching,
  And shone forth clothed in garments white and glistening,
  Of gold her color, fair to see her look is,
  Mother of kine,[95] leader of days she gleameth.

  Bearing the gods' eye, she, the gracious maiden,
  --Leading along the white and sightly charger[96]
  --Aurora, now is seen, revealed in glory,
  With shining guerdons unto all appearing.

  O near and dear one, light far off our foes, and
  Make safe to us our kines' wide pasture-places.
  Keep from us hatred; what is good, that bring us,
  And send the singer wealth, O generous maiden.

  With thy best beams for us do thou beam widely,
  Aurora, goddess bright, our life extending;
  And food bestow, O thou all goods possessing,
  Wealth, too, bestowing, kine and steeds and war-cars

  Thou whom Vasistha's[97] sons extol with praises,
  Fair-born Aurora, daughter of Dyaus, the bright one,
  On us bestow thou riches high and mighty,
  --O all ye gods with weal forever guard us.

In the laudation of Varuna the fancy of the poet exhausts itself in
lofty imagery, and reaches the topmost height of Vedic religious
lyric. In the praise of Dawn it descends not lower than to interweave
beauty with dignity of utterance. Nothing in religious poetry more
graceful or delicate than the Vedic Dawn-hymns has ever been written.
In the daily vision of Dawn following her sister Night the poet sees
his fairest goddess, and in his worship of her there is love and
admiration, such as is evoked by the sight of no other deity. "She
comes like a fair young maiden, awakening all to labor, with an
hundred chariots comes she, and brings the shining light; gleam forth,
O Dawn, and give us thy blessing this day; for in thee is the life of
every living creature. Even as thou hast rewarded the singers of old,
so now reward our song" (I. 48).

The kine of Dawn are the bright clouds that, like red cattle, wander
in droves upon the horizon. Sometimes the rays of light, which stretch
across the heaven, are intended by this image, for the cattle-herding
poets employed their flocks as figures for various ends.

The inevitable selfish pessimism of unripe reflection is also woven
into the later Dawn-hymns: "How long will it be ere this Dawn, too,
shall join the Dawns departed? Vanished are now the men that saw the
Dawns of old; we here see her now; there will follow others who will
see her hereafter; but, O Dawn, beam here thy fairest; rich in
blessings, true art thou to friend and right. Bring hither (to the
morning sacrifice) the gods" (I. 113).

Since the metre (here ignored) of the following hymn is not all of one
model, it is probable that after the fourth verse a new hymn began,
which was distinct from the first; but the argument from metre is
unconvincing, and in any event both songs are worth citing, since they
show how varied were the images and fancies of the poets: "The Dawns
are like heroes with golden weapons; like red kine of the morning on
the field of heaven; shining they weave their webs of light, like
women active at work; food they bring to the pious worshipper. Like a
dancing girl is the Dawn adorned, and opens freely her bosom; as a cow
gives milk, as a cow comes forth from its stall, so opens she her
breast, so comes she out of the darkness (verses 1-4) ...She is the
ever new, born again and again, adorned always with the same color. As
a player conceals the dice, so keeps she concealed the days of a man;
daughter of Heaven she wakes and drives away her sister (Night). Like
kine, like the waves of a flood, with sunbeams she appears. O rich
Dawn, bring us wealth; harness thy red horses, and bring to us
success" (I. 92). The homage to Dawn is naturally divided at times
with that to the sun: "Fair shines the light of morning; the sun
awakens us to toil; along the path of order goes Dawn arrayed in
light. She extendeth herself in the east, and gleameth till she fills
the sky and earth"; and again: "Dawn is the great work of Varuna and
Mitra; through the sun is she awakened" (I. 124; III. 61. 6-7). In the
ritualistic period Dawn is still mechanically lauded, and her beams
"rise in the east like pillars of sacrifice" (IV. 51. 2); but
otherwise the imagery of the selections given above is that which is
usually employed. The 'three dawns' occasionally referred to are, as
we have shown elsewhere,[98] the three dawn-lights, white, red, and
yellow, as they are seen by both the Vedic poet and the Florentine.

Dawn becomes common and trite after awhile, as do all the gods, and is
invoked more to give than to please. 'Wake us,' cries a later poet,
'Wake us to wealth, O Dawn; give to us, give to us; wake up, lest the
sun burn thee with his light'--a passage (V. 79) which has caused much
learned nonsense to be written on the inimical relations of Sun and
Dawn as portrayed here. The dull idea is that Dawn is lazy, and had
better get up before S[=u]rya catches her asleep. The poet is not in
the least worried because his image does not express a suitable
relationship between the dawn and the sun, nor need others be
disturbed at it. The hymn is late, and only important in showing the
new carelessness as regards the old gods.[99] Some other traits appear
in VII. 75. 1 ff., where Dawn is 'queen of the world,' and banishes
the _druhs_, or evil spirit. She here is daughter of Heaven, and wife
of the sun (4, 5); _ib_. 76. 1, she is the eye of the world; and _ib_
81. 4, she is invoked as 'mother.'

There is, at times, so close a resemblance between Dawn-hymns and
Sun-hymns that the imagery employed in one is used in the other. Thus
the hymn VI. 64 begins: "The beams of Dawn have arisen, shining as
shine the waters' gleaming waves. She makes good paths, ... she
banishes darkness as a warrior drives away a foe (so of the sun, IV.
13. 2; X. 37. 4; 170. 2). Beautiful are thy paths upon the mountains,
and across the waters thou shinest, self-gleaming" (also of the sun).
With the last expression may be compared that in VI. 65. 5: "Dawn,
whose seat is upon the hills."

Dawn is intimately connected not only with Agni but with the Twin
Horsemen, the Acvins (equites)--if not so intimately connected as is
Helen with the Dioskouroi, who, _pace_ Pischel, are the Acvins of
Hellas. This relationship is more emphasized in the hymns to the
latter gods, but occasionally occurs in Dawn-hymns, of which another
is here translated in full.

  TO DAWN (IV. 52).

  The Daughter of Heaven, this beauteous maid,
  Resplendent leaves her sister (Night),
  And now before (our sight) appears.

  Red glows she like a shining mare,
  Mother of kine, who timely comes--
  The Horsemen's friend Aurora is.

  Both friend art thou of the Horsemen twain,
  And mother art thou of the kine,
  And thou, Aurora, rulest wealth.

  We wake thee with our praise as one
  Who foes removes; such thought is ours,
  O thou that art possesst of joy.

  Thy radiant beams beneficent
  Like herds of cattle now appear;
  Aurora fills the wide expanse.

  With light hast thou the dark removed,
  Filling (the world), O brilliant one.
  Aurora, help us as thou us'st.

  With rays thou stretchest through the heaven
  And through the fair wide space between,
  O Dawn, with thy refulgent light.

It was seen that Savitar (P[=u]shan) is the rising and setting sun.
So, antithetic to Dawn, stands the Abendroth with her sister, Night.
This last, generally, as in the hymn just translated, is lauded only
in connection with Dawn, and for herself alone gets but one hymn, and
that is not in a family-book. She is to be regarded, therefore, less
as a goddess of the pantheon than as a quasi-goddess, the result of a
poet's meditative imagination, rather than one of the folk's primitive
objects of adoration; somewhat as the English poets personify "Ye
clouds, that far above me float and pause, ye ocean-waves ... ye
woods, that listen to the night-bird's singing, O ye loud waves, and O
ye forests high, and O ye clouds that far above me soared; thou rising
sun, thou blue rejoicing sky!"--and as in Greek poetry, that which
before has been conceived of vaguely as divine suddenly is invested
with a divine personality. The later poet exalts these aspects of
nature, and endows those that were before only half recognized with a
little special praise. So, whereas Night was divine at first merely as
the sister of divine Dawn, in the tenth book one poet thus gives her
praise:


  HYMN TO NIGHT (X. 127).

  Night, shining goddess, comes, who now
  Looks out afar with many eyes,
  And putteth all her beauties on.

  Immortal shining goddess, she
  The depths and heights alike hath filled,
  And drives with light the dark away.

  To me she comes, adorned well,
  A darkness black now sightly made;
  Pay then thy debt, O Dawn, and go.[100]

  The bright one coming put aside
  Her sister Dawn (the sunset light),
  And lo! the darkness hastes away.

  So (kind art thou) to us; at whose
  Appearing we retire to rest,
  As birds fly homeward to the tree.

  To rest are come the throngs of men;
  To rest, the beasts; to rest, the birds;
  And e'en the greedy eagles rest.

  Keep off the she-wolf and the wolf,
  Keep off the thief, O billowy Night,
  Be thou to us a saviour now.

  To thee, O Night, as 'twere an herd,
  To a conqueror (brought), bring I an hymn
  Daughter of Heaven, accept (the gift).[101]


THE ACVINS.

The Acvins who are, as was said above, the 'Horsemen,' parallel to the
Greek Dioskouroi, are twins, sons of Dyaus, husbands, perhaps brothers
of the Dawn. They have been variously 'interpreted,' yet in point of
fact one knows no more now what was the original conception of the
twain than was known before Occidental scholars began to study
them.[102] Even the ancients made mere guesses: the Acvins came before
the Dawn, and are so-called because they ride on horses _(acva,
equos)_ they represent either Heaven and Earth, or Day and Night, or
Sun and Moon, or two earthly kings--such is the unsatisfactory
information given by the Hindus themselves.[103]

Much the same language with that in the Dawn-hymns is naturally
employed in praising the Twin Brothers. They, like the Dioskouroi, are
said to have been incorporated gradually into the pantheon, on an
equality with the other gods,[104] not because they were at first
human beings, but because they, like Night, were adjuncts of Dawn, and
got their divinity through her as leader.[105] In the last book of the
Rig Veda they are the sons of Sarany[=u] and Vivasvant, but it is not
certain whether Sarany[=u] means dawn or not; in the first book they
are born of the flood (in the sky).[106] They are sons of Dyaus, but
this, too, only in the last and first books, while in the latter they
are separated once, so that only one is called the Son of the
Sky.[107] They follow Dawn 'like men' (VIII. 5. 2) and are in
Brahmanic literature the 'youngest of the gods.'[108]

The twin gods are the physicians of heaven, while to men they bring
all medicines and help in times of danger. They were apparently at
first only 'wonder-workers,' for the original legends seem to have
been few. Yet the striking similarity in these aspects with the
brothers of Helen must offset the fact that so much in connection with
them seems to have been added in books one and ten. They restore the
blind and decrepit, impart strength and speed, and give the power and
seed of life; even causing waters to flow, fire to burn, and trees to
grow. As such they assist lovers and aid in producing offspring.

The Acvins are brilliantly described, Their bird-drawn chariot and all
its appurtenances are of gold; they are swift as thought, agile,
young, and beautiful. Thrice they come to the sacrifice, morning,
noon, and eve; at the yoking of their car, the dawn is born. When the
'banner before dawn' appears, the invocation to the Acvins begins;
they 'accompany dawn.' Some variation of fancy is naturally to be
looked for. Thus, though, as said above, Dawn is born at the Acvins
yoking, yet Dawn is herself invoked to wake the Acvins; while again
the sun starts their chariot before Dawn; and as sons of Zeus they are
invoked "when darkness still stands among the shining clouds
(cows)."[109]

Husbands or brothers or children of Dawn, the Horsemen are also
S[=u]ry[=a]'s husbands, and she is the sun's daughter (Dawn?) or the
sun as female. But this myth is not without contradictions, for
S[=u]ry[=a] elsewhere weds Soma, and the Acvins are the bridegroom's
friends; whom P[=u]shan chose on this occasion as his parents; he who
(unless one with Soma) was the prior bridegroom of the same
much-married damsel.[110]

The current explanation of the Acvins is that they represent two
periods between darkness and dawn, the darker period being nearer
night, the other nearer day. But they probably, as inseparable twins,
are the twinlights or twilight, before dawn, half dark and half
bright. In this light it may well be said of them that one alone is
the son of bright Dyaus, that both wed Dawn, or are her brothers. They
always come together. Their duality represents, then, not successive
stages but one stage in day's approach, when light is dark and dark is
light. In comparing the Acvins to other pairs[111] this dual nature is
frequently referred to; but no less is there a triality in connection
with them which often in describing them has been ignored. This is
that threefold light which opens day; and, as in many cases they join
with Dawn, so their color is inseparable. Strictly speaking, the break
of red is the dawn and the white and yellow lights precede this[112].
Thus in V. 73. 5: "Red birds flew round you as S[=u]ry[=a] stepped
upon your chariot"; so that it is quite impossible, in accordance with
the poets themselves, to limit the Acvins to the twilight. They are a
variegated growth from a black and white seed. The chief function of
the Acvins, as originally conceived, was the finding and restoring of
vanished light. Hence they are invoked as finders and aid-gods in
general (the myths are given in Myriantheus).

Some very amusing and some silly legends have been collected and told
by the Vedic poets in regard to the preservation and resuscitating
power of the Acvins--how an old man was rejuvenated by them (this is
also done by the three Ribhus, master-workmen of the gods); how brides
are provided by them; how they rescued Bhujyu and others from the
dangers of the deep (as in the classical legends); how they replaced a
woman's leg with an iron one; restored a saint's eye-sight; drew a
seer out of a well, etc, etc. Many scholars follow Bergaigne in
imagining all these miracles to be anthropomorphized forms of solar
phenomena, the healing of the blind representing the bringing out of
the sun from darkness, etc. To us such interpretation often seems
fatuous. No less unconvincing is the claim that one of the Acvins
represents the fire of heaven and the other the fire of the altar. The
Twins are called _n[=a]saty[=a],_ the 'savers' (or 'not untrue
ones[113]'); explained by some as meaning 'gods with good noses[114].'


HYMN TO THE HORSEMEN.

Whether ye rest on far-extended earth, or on the sea in house upon it
made, 'come hither thence, O ye that ride the steeds. If ever for man
ye mix the sacrifice, then notice now the Kanva [poet who sings]. I
call upon the gods [Indra, Vishnu[115]] and the swift-going
Horsemen[116]. These Horsemen I call now that they work wonders, to
seize the works (of sacrifice), whose friendship is preeminently ours,
and relationship among all the gods; in reference to whom arise
sacrifices ... If, to-day, O Horsemen, West or East ye stand, ye of
good steeds, whether at Druhyu's, Anu's, Turvaca's, or Yadu's, I call
ye; come to me. If ye fly in the air, O givers of great joy; or if
through the two worlds; or if, according to your pleasure, ye mount
the car,--thence come hither, O Horsemen.

From the hymn preceding this, the following verses[117]:

     Whatever manliness is in the aether, in the sky, and among
     the five peoples, grant us that, O Horsemen ... this hot
     _soma_-drink of yours with laudation is poured out; this
     _soma_ sweet through which ye discovered Vritra ... Ascend
     the swift-rolling chariot, O Horsemen; hither let these my
     praises bring ye, like a cloud ... Come as guardians of
     homes; guardians of our bodies. Come to the house for (to
     give) children and offspring. Whether ye ride on the same
     car with Indra, or be in the same house with the Wind;
     whether united with the Sons of Boundlessness or the Ribhus,
     or stand on Vishnu's wide steps (come to us). This is the
     best help of the horsemen, if to-day I should entice them to
     get booty, or call them as my strength to conquer in
     battle.... Whatever medicine (ye have) far or near, with
     this now, O wise ones, grant protection.... Awake, O Dawn,
     the Horsemen, goddess, kind and great.... When, O Dawn, thou
     goest in light and shinest with the Sun, then hither comes
     the Horsemen's chariot, to the house men have to protect.
     When the swollen _soma_-stalks are milked like cows with
     udders, and when the choric songs are sung, then they that
     adore the Horsemen are preeminent....

Here the Acvins are associated with Indra, and even find the evil
demon; but, probably, at this stage Indra is more than god of storms.

Some of the expanded myths and legends of the Acvins may be found in
i. 118, 119, 158; x. 40. Here follows one with legends in moderate
number (vii. 71):

  Before the Dawn her sister, Night, withdraweth;
  The black one leaves the ruddy one a pathway.
  Ye that have kine and horses, you invoke we;
  By day, at night, keep far from us your arrow.

  Come hither, now, and meet the pious mortal,
  And on your car, O Horsemen, bring him good things;
  Keep off from us the dry destroying sickness,
  By day, at night, O sweetest pair, protect us.

  Your chariot may the joy-desiring chargers,
  The virile stallions, bring at Dawn's first coming;
  That car whose reins are rays, and wealth upon it;
  Come with the steeds that keep the season's order.

  Upon the car, three-seated, full of riches,
  The helping car, that has a path all golden,
  On this approach, O lords of heroes, true ones,
  Let this food-bringing car of yours approach us.

  Ye freed from his old age the man Cyav[=a]na;
  Ye brought and gave the charger swift to Pedu;
  Ye two from darkness' anguish rescued Atri;
  Ye set J[a=]husha down, released from fetters.[118]

  This prayer, O Horsemen, and this song is uttered;
  Accept the skilful[sic] poem, manly heroes.
  These prayers, to you belonging, have ascended,
  O all ye gods protect us aye with blessings![119]

The sweets which the Acvins bring are either on their chariot, or, as
is often related, in a bag; or they burst forth from the hoof of their
steed. Pegasus' spring in Helicon has been compared with this. Their
vehicles are variously pictured as birds, horses, ships, etc. It is to
be noticed that in no one of their attributes are the Acvins unique.
Other gods bring sweets, help, protect, give offspring, give healing
medicines, and, in short, do all that the Acvins do. But, as Bergaigne
points out, they do all this pacifically, while Indra, who performs
some of their wonders, does so by storm. He protects by not injuring,
and helps by destroying foes. Yet is this again true only in general,
and the lines between warlike, peaceful, and 'sovereign' gods are
often crossed.

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: Such for instance as the hymn to the Acvins,
     RV. ii. 39. Compare verses 3-4: 'Come (ye pair of Acvins)
     like two horns; like two hoofs; like two geese; like two
     wheels; like two ships; like two spans'; etc. This is the
     content of the whole hymn.]

     [Footnote 2: _Deva_ is 'shining' (deus), and _S[=u]rya_
     (sol, [Greek: aelios]) means the same.]

     [Footnote 3: Let the reader note at the outset that there is
     scarcely an activity considered as divine which does not
     belong to several gods (see below).]

     [Footnote 4: From _su, sav_, enliven, beget, etc. In RV. iv.
     53.6 and vii, 63.2, _pra-savitar_.]

     [Footnote 5: RV. VII. 66. 14-15; compare X. 178. 1. In the
     notes immediately following the numbers all refer to the Rig
     Veda.]

     [Footnote 6: V. 47, 3; compare vs. 7, and X. 189. 1-2.]

     [Footnote 7: Compare X. 177. 1.]

     [Footnote 8: X. 37. 9.]

     [Footnote 9: V. 63. 7. Varuna and Mitra set the sun's car in
     heaven.]

     [Footnote 10: 1 IV. 13. 2-5; X. 37, 4; 85, 1. But _ib_. 149.
     1. Savitar holds the sky 'without support.']

     [Footnote 11: VII 63.1; I. 115.11; X. 37. 1.]

     [Footnote 12: III. 61.4; VII. 63. 3.]

     [Footnote 13: VII 78.3.]

     [Footnote 14: I. 56,4; IX. 84. 2; Compare I. 92. 11; 115, 2;
     123. 10-12. V. 44. 7, and perhaps 47.6, are late. VII. 75.
     5, is an exception (or late).]

     [Footnote 15: _La Religion Vedique_, I.6; II. 2.]

     [Footnote 16: Ehni, _Yama,_ p. 134.]

     [Footnote 17: RV., IV. 54. 2. Here the sun gives life even
     to the gods.]

     [Footnote 18: Ten hundred and twenty-eight hymns are
     contained in the 'Rig Veda Collection.']

     [Footnote 19: IV. 14.]

     [Footnote 20: X. 37; 158; 170; 177; 189. Each has its own
     mark of lateness. In 37, the dream; in 158, the triad; in
     170, the sun as _asurah[=a]_; in 177, the mystic tone and
     the bird-sun (compare Garutman, I. 164; X. 149); in 189, the
     thirty stations.]

     [Footnote 21: See Whitney in _Colebrooke's Essays_, revised
     edition, ii. p. 111.]

     [Footnote 22: iv. 54]

     [Footnote 23: Two 'laps' below, besides that above, the word
     meaning 'middle' but also 'under-place.' The explanation of
     this much-disputed passage will be found by comparing I.
     154. 5 and VII. 99. 1. The sun's three places are where he
     appears on both horizons and in the zenith. The last is the
     abode of the dead where Yama reigns. Compare IV. 53. The
     bracketed verses are probably a late puzzle attached to the
     word 'lap' of the preceding verse.]

     [Footnote 24: Doubtful.]

     [Footnote 25: The Spirit, later of evil spirits, demons (as
     above, the _asurah[=a]_). Compare Ahura.]

     [Footnote 26: A numerical conception not paralleled in the
     Rig Veda, though mountains are called protuberances
     ('elevations') in other places.]

     [Footnote 27: The last stanza is in the metre of the first;
     two more follow without significant additions.]

     [Footnote 28: The texts are translated by Muir, OST, V. p.
     171 ff.]

     [Footnote 29: _La Religion Vedique_, II. p. 428. Compare
     Hillebrandt, _Soma_ p. 456.]

     [Footnote 30: I. 138. 4.]

     [Footnote 31: VI. 56. 1.]

     [Footnote 32: In I. 23. 13-15 P[=u]shan is said to bring
     king _(soma),_ "whom he found like a lost herd of cattle."
     The fragment is late if, as is probable, the 'six' of vs. 15
     are the six seasons. Compare VI. 54. 5, "may P[=u]shan go
     after our kine."]

     [Footnote 33: Compare VI. 54.]

     [Footnote 34: He is the 'son of freeing,' from darkness? VI.
     55. 1.]

     [Footnote 35: IV. 57. 7.]

     [Footnote 36: VI. 17. 11; 48. 11 ff.; IV. 30. 24 ff. He is
     called like a war-god with the Maruts in VI. 48.]

     [Footnote 37: So, too, Bhaga is Dawn's brother, I. 123. 5.
     P[=u]shan is Indra's brother in VI. 55. 5. Gubernatis
     interprets P[=u]shan as 'the setting sun.']

     [Footnote 38: Contrast I. 42, and X. 26 (with 1. 138. 1). In
     the first hymn P[=u]shan leads the way and drives away
     danger, wolves, thieves, and helps to booty and pasturage.
     In the last he is a war-god, who helps in battle, a
     'far-ruler,' embracing the thoughts of all (as in III. 62.
     9).]

     [Footnote 39: For the traits just cited compare IV. 57. 7;
     VI. 17. 11; 48. 15; 53; 55; 56. I-3; 57. 3-4; 58. 2-4; II.
     40; X. 17. 3 ff.; 26. 3-8; I. 23. 14; all of I. 42, and 138;
     VIII. 4. 15-18; III. 57. 2. In X. 17. 4, Savitar, too,
     guides the souls of the dead.]

     [Footnote 40: That is to say, one hymn is addressed to Bhaga
     with various other gods, VII. 41. Here he seems to be
     personified good-luck ("of whom even the king says,' I would
     have thee,'" vs. 2). In Ihe Br[=a]hmanas 'Bhaga is blind,'
     which applies better to Fortune than to the Sun.]

     [Footnote 41: The hymn is sung before setting out on a
     forray for cattle. Let one observe how unsupported is
     the assumption of the ritualists as applied to this hymn,
     that it must have been "composed for rubrication."]

     [Footnote 42: After Muir, V. p. 178. The clouds and cattle
     are both called _gas_ 'wanderers,' which helped in the
     poetic identification of the two.]

     [Footnote 43: Compare IX. 97. 55, "Thou art Bhaga, giver of
     gifts."]

     [Footnote 44: _Bhagam bhakshi_! Compare baksheesh. The word
     as 'god' is both Avestan, _bagha_, and Slavic, _bogu_ (also
     meaning 'rich'). It may be an epithet of other gods also,
     and here it means only luck.]

     [Footnote 45: Literally 'possessed of _bhaga,' i.e_.,
     wealth.]

     [Footnote 46: May Bhaga be _bhagav[=a]n, i.e_., a true
     _bhaga_-holder. Here and below a pun on the name (as
     above).]

     [Footnote 47: Mythical being, possibly the sun-horse.
     According to Pischel a real earthly racer.]

     [Footnote 48: I.22.17, etc; 154 ff.; VII. too.]

     [Footnote 49: VII. 100. 5-6. Vishnu (may be the epithet of
     Indra in I.61.7) means winner (?),]

     [Footnote 50: VI. 69; VII. 99. But Vishnu is ordered about
     by Indra (IV. 18. 11; VIII. 89. 12).]

     [Footnote 51: I.154. 5. In II. 1. 3, Vishnu is one with Fire
     (Agni).]

     [Footnote 52: Thus, for example, Vishnu in the Hindu
     trinity, the separate worship of the sun in modern sects,
     and in the cult of the hill-men.]

     [Footnote 53: X. 149.]

     [Footnote 54: II.41.20.]

     [Footnote 55: vi.70.]

     [Footnote 56: I.160.4; IV. 56.1-3; VII. 53. 2.]

     [Footnote 57: I. 185. 8. _(J[=a]spati)._ The expiatory power
     of the hymn occurs again in I. 159.]

     [Footnote 58: I. 185. 1.]

     [Footnote 59: IV. 56. 7.]

     [Footnote 60: I. 22. 15.]

     [Footnote 61: X. 18. 10 (or: "like a wool-soft maiden").]

     [Footnote 62: The lightning. In I. 31. 4, 10 "(Father) Fire
     makes Dyaus bellow" like "a bull" (v. 36. 5). Dyaus "roars"
     in vi. 72. 3. Nowhere else is he a thunderer.]

     [Footnote 63: 1. 24. 7-8. The change in metaphor is not
     unusual.]

     [Footnote 64: This word means either order or orders (law);
     literally the 'way' or 'course.']

     [Footnote 65: 1. 24 (epitomized).]

     [Footnote 66: Perhaps better with Ludwig "of (thee) in
     anger, of (thee) incensed."]

     [Footnote 67: Or: "Being (himself) in the (heavenly) flood
     he knows the ships." (Ludwig.)]

     [Footnote 68: An intercalated month is meant (not the
     primitive 'twelve days').]

     [Footnote 69: Or 'very wise,' of mental strength.]

     [Footnote 70: VIII. 41. 7; VII. 82. 6 (Bergaigne); X. 132.
     4.]

     [Footnote 71: Compare Bergaigne, _La Religion Vedique_, iii.
     pp. 116-118.]

     [Footnote 72: The insistence on the holy seven, the 'secret
     names' of dawn, the confusion of Varuna with Trita. Compare,
     also, the refrain, viii. 39-42. For X. 124, see below.]

     [Footnote 73: Compare Hillebrandt's Varuna and Mitra, p. 5;
     and see our essay on the Holy Numbers of the Rig Veda (in
     the _Oriental Studies_).]

     [Footnote 74: Varuna's forgiving of sins may be explained as
     a washing out of sin, just as fire burns it out, and so
     loosens therewith the imagined bond, V. 2. 7. Thus, quite
     apart from Varuna in a hymn addressed to the 'Waters,' is
     found the prayer, "O waters, carry off whatever sin is in me
     ... and untruth," I. 23. 22.]

     [Footnote 75: But as in iv. 42, so in x. 124 he shares glory
     with Indra.]

     [Footnote 76: Later, Varuna's water-office is his only
     physical side. Compare [=A]it. [=A]r. II. I. 7. 7, 'water
     and Varuna, children of mind.' Compare with _v[=a]ri, oura_
     = _v[=a]ra_, and _var[=i]_, an old word for rivers,
     _var[s.]_ (= _var_ + _s_), 'rain.' The etymology is very
     doubtful on account of the number of _var_-roots. Perhaps
     dew _(ersa)_ and rain first as 'coverer.' Even _var = vas_
     'shine,' has been suggested (ZDMG. XXII. 603).]

     [Footnote 77: The old comparison of _Varena cathrugaosha_
     turns out to be "the town of Varna with four gates"!]

     [Footnote 78: In _India: What Can it Teach us_, pp. 197,
     200, Mueller tacitly recognizes in the physical Varuna only
     the 'starry' night-side.]

     [Footnote 79: _Loc. cit._, III. 119. Bergaigne admits Varuna
     as god of waters, but sees in him identity with Vritra a
     'restrainer of waters.' He thinks the 'luminous side' of
     Varuna to be antique also (III. 117-119). Varuna's cord,
     according to Bergaigne, comes from 'tying up' the waters;
     'night's fetters,' according to Hillebrandt.]

     [Footnote 80: _Loc. cit._, p. 13.]

     [Footnote 81: One of the chief objections to Bergaigne's
     conception of Varuna as restrainer is that it does not
     explain the antique union with Mitra.]

     [Footnote 82: II. 28. 4, 7; VII. 82. 1, 2; 87.2]

     [Footnote 83: vii. 87. 6; 88. 2.]

     [Footnote 84: viii. 41. 2, 7, 8. So Varuna gives _soma_,
     rain. As a rain-god he surpasses Dyaus, who, ultimately, is
     also a rain-god (above), as in Greece.]

     [Footnote 85: Compare Cat. Br. V. 2.5.17, "whatever is dark
     is Varuna's."]

     [Footnote 86: In II. 38. 8 _varuna_ means 'fish,' and 'water
     in I.184. 3.]

     [Footnote 87: V. 62. I, 8; 64.7; 61. 5; 65. 2; 67. 2; 69.1;
     VI. 51.1; 67. 5. In VIII. 47.11 the [=A]dityas are
     themselves spies.]

     [Footnote 88: Introduction to Grassmann, II. 27; VI. 42.
     Lex. s. v.]

     [Footnote 89: _Religions of India,_ p. 17.]

     [Footnote 90: The Rik knows, also, a Diti, but merely as
     antithesls to Aditi--the 'confined and unconfined.' Aditi is
     prayed to (for protection and to remove sin) in sporadic
     verses of several hymns addressed to other gods, but she has
     no hymn.]

     [Footnote 91: Mueller (_loc. cit._, below) thinks that the
     'sons of Aditi' were first eight and were then reduced to
     seven, in which opinion as in his whole interpretation of
     Aditi as a primitive dawn-infinity we regret that we cannot
     agree with him.]

     [Footnote 92: See Hillebrandt, _Die Goettin Aditi_; and
     Mueller, SBE, xxxii., p. 241, 252.]

     [Footnote 93: That is to say, if one believe that the
     'primitive Aryans' were inoculated with Zoroaster's
     teaching. This is the sort of Varuna that Koth believes to
     have existed among the aboriginal Aryan tribes (above, p.
     13, note 2).]

     [Footnote 94: VII. 77.]

     [Footnote 95: Clouds.]

     [Footnote 96: The sun.]

     [Footnote 97: The priest to whom, and to whose family, is
     ascribed the seventh book.]

     [Footnote 98: JAOS., XV. 270.]

     [Footnote 99: Much theosophy, and even history (!), has been
     read into II. 15, and IV. 30, where poets speak of Indra
     slaying Dawn; but there is nothing remarkable in these
     passages. Poetry is not creed. The monsoon (here Indra) does
     away with dawns for a time, and that is what the poet says
     in his own way.]

     [Footnote 100: Transferred by Roth from the penultimate
     position where it stands in the original. Dawn here pays
     Night for the latter's malutinal withdrawing by withdrawing
     herself. Strictly speaking, the Dawn is, of course, the
     sunset light conceived of as identical with that preceding
     the sunrise ([Greek: usas, heos], 'east' as 'glow').]

     [Footnote 101: Late as seems this hymn to be, it is
     interesting in revealing the fact that wolves (not tigers or
     panthers) are the poet's most dreaded foes of night. It
     must, therefore have been composed in the northlands, where
     wolves are the herdsman's worst enemies.]

     [Footnote 102: Myriantheus, _Die Acvins_; Muir, OST. v.
     p.234; Bergaigne, _Religion Vedique,_ II. p. 431; Mueller,
     _Lectures_, 2d series, p. 508; Weber, _Ind. St_. v. p. 234.
     S[=a]yana on I. 180. 2, interprets the 'sister of the
     Acvins' as Dawn.]

     [Footnote 103: Muir, _loc. cit_. Weber regards them as the
     (stars) Gemini.]

     [Footnote 104: Weber, however, thinks that Dawn and Acvins
     are equally old divinities, the oldest Hindu divinities in
     his estimation.]

     [Footnote 105: In the Epic (see below) they are called the
     lowest caste of gods (C[=u]dras).]

     [Footnote 106: X. 17. 2; I. 46. 2.]

     [Footnote 107: I. 181. 4 (Roth, ZDMG. IV. 425).]

     [Footnote 108: T[=a]itt. S. VII. 2. 7. 2; Muir, _loc. cit_.
     p. 235.]

     [Footnote 109: vii. 67. 2; viii. 5. 2; x. 39. 12; viii. 9.
     17; i. 34. 10; x. 61. 4. Muir, _loc. cit._ 238-9. Compare
     _ib_. 234, 256.]

     [Footnote 110: Muir, _loc. cit_. p. 237. RV. vi. 58. 4; x.
     85. 9ff.]

     [Footnote 111: They are compared to two ships, two birds,
     etc.]

     [Footnote 112: In _Cat. Br_. V. 5. 4. it to the Acvins a
     red-white goat is sacrificed, because 'Acvins are
     red-white.']

     [Footnote 113: Perhaps best with Brannhofer, 'the savers'
     from _nas_ as in _nasjan_ (AG. p. 99).]

     [Footnote 114: _La Religion Vedique_, II. p. 434. That
     _n[=a]snya_ means 'with good noses' is an epic notion,
     _n[=a]satyadasr[=a]u sunas[=a]u,_ Mbh[=a]. I. 3. 58, and for
     this reason, if for no other (though idea is older), the
     etymology is probably false! The epithet is also Iranian.
     Twinned and especially paired gods are characteristic of the
     Rig Veda. Thus Yama and Yam[=i] are twins; and of pairs
     Indra-Agni, Indra-V[=a]yu, besides the older Mitra-Varuna,
     Heaven-Earth, are common.]

     [Footnote 115: Perhaps to be omitted.]

     [Footnote 116: _Pischel_, Ved. St. I. p. 48. As swift-going
     gods they are called 'Indra-like.']

     [Footnote 117: VIII. 9 and 10.]

     [Footnote 118: Doubtful]

     [Footnote 119: The last verse is not peculiar to this hymn,
     but is the sign of the book (family) in which it was
     composed.]

      *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER IV.

THE RIG VEDA (CONTINUED).--THE MIDDLE GODS.


Only one of the great atmospheric deities, the gods that preeminently
govern the middle sphere between sky and earth, can claim an Aryan
lineage. One of the minor gods of the same sphere, the ancient
rain-god, also has this antique dignity, but in his case the dignity
already is impaired by the strength of a new and greater rival. In the
case of the wind-god, on the other hand, there is preserved a deity
who was one of the primitive pantheon, belonging, perhaps, not only to
the Iranians, but to the Teutons, for V[=a]ta, Wind, may be the
Scandinavian Woden. The later mythologists on Indian soil make a
distinction between V[=a]ta, wind, and V[=a]yu (from the same root; as
in German _wehen_) and in this distinction one discovers that the old
V[=a]ta, who must have been once _the_ wind-god, is now reduced to
physical (though sentient) wind, while the newer name represents the
higher side of wind as a power lying back of phenomena; and it is this
latter conception alone that is utilized in the formation of the Vedic
triad of wind, fire, and sun. In short, in the use and application of
the two names, there is an exact parallel to the double terminology
employed to designate the sun as S[=u]rya and Savitar. Just as
S[=u]rya is the older [Greek: helios] and sol (acknowledged as a god,
yet palpably the physical red body in the sky) contrasted with the
interpretation which, by a newer name (Savitar), seeks to
differentiate the (sentient) physical from the spiritual, so is
V[=a]ta, Woden, replaced and lowered by the loftier conception of
V[=a]yu. But, again, just as, when the conception of Savitar is
formed, the spiritualizing tendency reverts to S[=u]rya, and makes of
him, too, a figure reclothed in the more modern garb of speech, which
is invented for Savitar alone; so the retroactive theosophic fancy,
after creating V[=a]yu as a divine power underlying phenomenal
V[=a]ta, reinvests V[=a]ta also with the garments of V[=a]yu. Thus,
finally, the two, who are the result of intellectual differentiation,
are again united from a new point of view, and S[=u]rya or Savitar,
V[=a]yu or V[=a]ta, are indifferently used to express respectively the
whole completed interpretation of the divinity, which is now visible
and invisible, sun and sun-god, wind and wind-god. In these pairs
there is, as it were, a perspective of Hindu theosophy, and one can
trace the god, as a spiritual entity including the physical, back to
the physical prototype that once was worshipped as such alone.

In the Rig Veda there are three complete hymns to Wind, none of these
being in the family books. In x. 186, the poet calls on Wind to bring
health to the worshipper, and to prolong his life. He addresses Wind
as 'father and brother and friend,' asking the power that blows to
bring him ambrosia, of which Wind has a store. These are rather pretty
verses without special theological intent, addressed more to Wind as
such than to a spiritual power. The other hymn from the same book is
directed to V[=a]ta also, not to V[=a]yu, and though it is loftier in
tone and even speaks of V[=a]ta as the soul of the gods, yet is it
evident that no consistent mythology has worked upon the purely poetic
phraseology, which is occupied merely with describing the rushing of a
mighty wind (x. 168). Nevertheless, V[=a]ta is worshipped, as is
V[=a]yu, with oblations.


  HYMN TO WIND (V[=a]ta).

  Now V[=a]ta's chariot's greatness! Breaking goes it,
  And thundering is its noise; to heaven it touches,
  Goes o'er the earth, cloud[1] making, dust up-rearing;
  Then rush together all the forms of V[=a]ta;
  To him they come as women to a meeting.
  With them conjoint, on the same chariot going,
  Is born the god, the king of all creation.
  Ne'er sleepeth he when, on his pathway wandering,
  He goes through air. The friend is he of waters;
  First-born and holy,--where was he created,
  And whence arose he? Spirit of gods is V[=a]ta,
  Source of creation, goeth where he listeth;
  Whose sound is heard, but not his form. This V[=a]ta
  Let us with our oblations duly honor.

In times later than the Rig Veda, V[=a]yu interchanges with Indra as
representative of the middle sphere; and in the Rig Veda all the hymns
of the family books associate him with Indra (vii. 90-92; iv. 47-48).
In the first book he is associated thus in the second hymn; while, ib.
134, he has the only remaining complete hymn, though fragments of
songs occasionally are found. All of these hymns except the first two
simply invite V[=a]yu to come with Indra to the sacrifice, It is
V[=a]yu who with Indra obtains the first drink of soma (i. 134. 6). He
is spoken of as the artificer's, Tvashtar's, son-in-law, but the
allusion is unexplained (viii. 26. 22); he in turn begets the
storm-gods (i. 134. 4).

With V[=a]yu is joined Indra, one of the popular gods. These
divinities, which are partly of the middle and partly of the lower
sphere, may be called the popular gods, yet were the title 'new gods'
neither wholly amiss nor quite correct. For, though the popular
deities in general, when compared with many for whom a greater
antiquity may be claimed, such as the Sun, Varuna, Dyaus, etc., are of
more recent growth in dignity, yet there remains a considerable number
of divinities, the hymns in whose honor, dating from the latest
period, seem to show that the power they celebrate had been but lately
admitted into the category of those gods that deserved special
worship. Consequently new gods would be a misleading term,
as it should be applied to the plainer products of theological
speculation and abstraction rather than to Indra and his peers, not to
speak of those newest pantheistic gods, as yet unknown. The
designation popular must be understood, then, to apply to the gods
most frequently, most enthusiastically revered (for in a stricter
sense the sun was also a popular god); and reference is had in using
this word to the greater power and influence of these gods, which is
indicated by the fact that the hymns to Agni and Indra precede all
others in the family books, while the Soma-hymns are collected for the
most part into one whole book by themselves.

But there is another factor that necessitates a division between the
divinities of sun and heaven and the atmospheric and earthly gods
which are honored so greatly; and this factor is explanatory of the
popularity of these gods. In the case of the older divinities it is
the spiritualization of a sole material appearance that is revered; in
the case of the popular gods, the material phenomenon is reduced to a
minimum, the spirituality behind the phenomenon is exalted, and that
spirituality stands not in and for itself, but as a part of a union of
spiritualities. Applying this test to the earlier gods the union will
be found to be lacking. The sun's spiritual power is united with
Indra's, but the sun is as much a physical phenomenon as a
spirituality, and always remains so. On the other hand, the equation
of Varunic power with Indraic never amalgamated the two; and these are
the best instances that can be chosen of the older gods. For in the
case of others it is self-evident. Dyaus and Dawn are but material
phenomena, slightly spiritualized, but not joined with the
spirit-power of others.

Many have been the vain attempts to go behind the returns of Vedic
hymnology and reduce Indra, Agni, and Soma to terms of a purely
naturalistic religion. It cannot be done. Indra is neither sun,
lightning, nor storm; Agni is neither hearth-fire nor celestial fire;
Soma is neither planet nor moon.

Each is the transient manifestation of a spirituality lying behind and
extending beyond this manifestation. Here alone is the latch-key of
the newer, more popular religion. Not merely because Indra was a
'warrior god,' but because Indra and Fire were one; because of the
mystery, not because of the appearance, was he made great at the hands
of the priests. It is true, as has been said above, that the idol of
the warriors was magnified because he was such; but the true cause of
the greatness ascribed to him in the hymns lay in the secret of his
nature, as it was lauded by the priest, not in his form, as it was
seen by the multitude. Neither came first, both worked together; but
had it not been for the esoteric wisdom held by the priests in
connection with his nature, Indra would have gone the way of other
meteorological gods; whereas he became chiefest of the gods, and, as
lord of strength, for a time came nearest to the supreme power.


INDRA.

Indra has been identified with 'storm,' with the 'sky,' with the
'year'; also with 'sun' and with 'fire' in general.[2] But if he be
taken as he is found in the hymns, it will be noticed at once that he
is too stormy to be the sun; too luminous to be the storm; too near to
the phenomena of the monsoon to be the year or the sky; too rainy to
be fire; too alien from every one thing to be any one thing. He is too
celestial to be wholly atmospheric; too atmospheric to be celestial;
too earthly to be either. A most tempting solution is that offered by
Bergaigne, who sees in Indra sun or lightning. Yet does this
explanation not explain all, and it is more satisfactory than others
only because it is broader; while it is not yet broad enough. Indra,
in Bergaigne's opinion, stands, however, nearer to fire than to
sun.[3] But the savant does not rest content with his own explanation:
"Indra est peut-etre, de tous les dieux vediques, celui qui resiste le
plus longtemps a un genre d'analyse qui, applique a la plupart des
autres, les resout plus ou moins vite en des personnifications des
elements, soit des phenomenes naturels, soit du culte" (ibid. p. 167).

Dyaus' son, Indra, who rides upon the storm and hurls the lightnings
with his hands; who 'crashes down from heaven' and 'destroys the
strongholds' of heaven and earth; whose greatness 'fills heaven and
earth'; whose 'steeds are of red and gold'; who 'speaks in thunder,'
and 'is born of waters and cloud'; behind whom ride the storm-gods;
with whom Agni (fire) is inseparably connected; who 'frees the waters
of heaven from the demon,' and 'gives rain-blessings and wealth' to
man--such a god, granted the necessity of a naturalistic
interpretation, may well be thought to have been lightning itself
originally, which the hymns now represent the god as carrying. But in
identifying Indra with the sun there is more difficulty. In none of
the early hymns is this suggested, and the texts on which Bergaigne
relies besides being late are not always conclusive. "Indra clothes
himself with the glory of the sun"; he "sees with the eye of the
sun"--such texts prove little when one remembers that the sun is the
eye of all the gods, and that to clothe ones' self with solar glory is
far from being one with the sun. In one other, albeit a late verse,
the expression 'Indra, a sun,' is used; and, relying on such texts,
Bergaigne claims that Indra is the sun. But it is evident that this is
but one of many passages where Indra by implication is compared to the
sun; and comparisons do not indicate allotropy. So, in ii. II. 20,
which Bergaigne gives as a parallel, the words say expressly "Indra
[did so and so] _like a sun_."[4] To rest a building so important on a
basis so frail is fortunately rare with Bergaigne. It happens here
because he is arguing from the assumption that Indra primitively was a
general luminary. Hence, instead of building up Indra from early
texts, he claims a few late phrases as precious confirmation of his
theory.[5] What was Indra may be seen by comparing a few citations
such as might easily be amplified from every book in the Rig Veda.

According to the varying fancies of the poets, Indra is armed with
stones, clubs, arrows, or the thunderbolt (made for him by the
artificer, Tvashtar), of brass or of gold, with many edges and points.
Upon a golden chariot he rides to battle, driving two or many red or
yellow steeds; he is like the sun in brilliancy, and like the dawn in
beauty; he is multiform, and cannot really be described; his divine
name is secret; in appearance he is vigorous, huge; he is wise and
true and kind; all treasures are his, and he is a wealth-holder, vast
as four seas; neither his greatness nor his generosity can be
comprehended; mightiest of gods is he, filling the universe; the
heavens rest upon his head; earth cannot hold him; earth and heaven
tremble at his breath; he is king of all; the mountains are to him as
valleys; he goes forth a bull, raging, and rushes through the air,
whirling up the dust; he breaks open the rain-containing clouds, and
lets the rain pour down; as the Acvins restore the light, so he
restores the rain; he is (like) fire born in three places; as the
giver of rain which feeds, he creates the plants; he restores or
begets Sun and Dawn (after the storm has passed);[6] he creates (in
the same way) all things, even heaven and earth; he is associated with
Vishnu and P[=u]shan (the sun-gods), with the Acvins, with the Maruts
(storm-gods) as his especial followers, and with the artisan Ribhus.
With Varuna he is an Aditya, but he is also associated with another
group of gods, the Vasus (x. 66. 3), as Vasupati, or 'lord of the
Vasus.' He goes with many forms (vi. 47. 18).[7]

The luminous character[8] of Indra, which has caused him to be
identified with light-gods, can be understood only when one remembers
that in India the rainy season is ushered in by such displays of
lightning that the heavens are often illuminated in every direction at
once; and not with a succession of flashes, but with contemporaneous
ubiquitous sheets of light, so that it appears as if on all sides of
the sky there was one lining of united dazzling flame. When it is said
that Indra 'placed light in light,' one is not to understand, with
Bergaigne, that Indra is identical with the sun, but that in day
(light) Indra puts lightning (x. 54. 6; Bergaigne ii. p. 187).

Since Indra's lightning[9] is a form of fire, there is found in this
union the first mystic dualism of two distinct gods as one. This comes
out more in Agni-worship than in Indra-worship, and will be treated
below. The snake or dragon killed by Indra is Vritra, the restrainer,
who catches and keeps in the clouds the rain that is falling to earth.
He often is called simply the snake, and as the Budhnya Snake, or
snake of the cloud-depths, is possibly the Python (=Budh-nya).[10]
There is here a touch of primitive belief in an old enemy of man--the
serpent! But the Budhnya Snake has been developed in opposite ways,
and has contradictory functions.[11]

Indra, however, is no more the lightning than he is the sun. One poet
says that he is like the sun;[12] another, that he is like the
lightning (viii. 93. 9), which he carries in his arms (viii. 12. 7);
another, that he is like the light of dawn (x. 89. 12). So various are
the activities, so many the phenomena, that with him first the seer is
obliged to look back of all these phenomena and find in them one
person; and thus he is the most anthropomorphized of the Vedic gods.
He is born of heaven or born of clouds (iv. 18), but that his mother
is Aditi is not certain. As the most powerful god Indra is again
regarded as the All-god (viii. 98. 1-2). With this final supremacy,
that distinction between battle-gods and gods sovereign, which
Bergaigne insists upon--the sovereign gods belonging to _une
conception unitaire de l'ordre du monde_ (iii. p. 3; ii. p.
167)--fades away. As Varuna became gradually greatest, so did Indra in
turn. But Varuna was a philosopher's god, not a warrior's; and Varuna
was not double and mystical. So even the priest (Agni) leaves Varuna,
and with the warrior takes more pleasure in his twin Indra; of him
making an All-god, a greatest god. Varuna is passive; Indra is
energetic; but Indra does not struggle for his lordship. Inspired by
_soma_, he smites, triumphs, punishes. Victor already, he descends
upon his enemies and with a blow destroys them. It is rarely that he
feels the effect of battle; he never doubts its issue.

There is evidence that this supremacy was not gained without
contradiction, and the novelty of the last extravagant Indra-worship
may be deduced, perhaps, from such passages as viii. 96. 15; and 100.
3, where are expressed doubts in regard to the existence of a real
Indra. How late is the worship of the popular Indra, and that it is
not originality that causes his hymns to be placed early in each
collection, may be judged from the fact that only of Indra (and Agni?)
are there idols: viii. 1. 5; iv. 24. 10: "Who gives ten cows for my
Indra? When he has slain his foe let (the purchaser) give him to me
again."[13] Thus it happens that one rarely finds such poems to Indra
as to Dawn and to other earlier deities, but almost always stereotyped
descriptions of prowess, and mechanical invitations to come to the
altar and reward the hymn-maker. There are few of Indra's many hymns
that do not smack of _soma_ and sacrifice. He is a warrior's god
exploited by priests; as popularly conceived, a sensual giant, friend,
brother, helper of man. One example of poetry, instead of ritualistic
verse-making to Indra, has been translated in the introductory
chapter. Another, which, if not very inspiring, is at least free from
obvious _soma_-worship--which results in Indra being invoked chiefly
to come and drink--is as follows (vi. 30):

  Great hath he grown, Indra, for deeds heroic;
  Ageless is he alone, alone gives riches;
  Beyond the heaven and earth hath Indra stretched him,
  The half of him against both worlds together!
  So high and great I deem his godly nature;
  What he hath stablished there is none impairs it.
  Day after day a sun is he conspicuous,
  And, wisely strong, divides the wide dominions.
  To-day and now (thou makest) the work of rivers,
  In that, O Indra, thou hast hewn them pathway.
  The hills have bowed them down as were they comrades;
  By thee, O wisely strong, are spaces fastened.
  'Tis true, like thee, O Indra, is no other,
  Nor god nor mortal is more venerable.
  Thou slew'st the dragon that the flood encompassed,
  Thou didst let out the waters to the ocean.
  Thou didst the waters free, the doors wide opening,
  Thou, Indra, brak'st the stronghold of the mountains,
  Becamest king of all that goes and moveth,
  Begetting sun and heaven and dawn together.


THE MARUTS.

These gods, the constant followers of Indra, from the present point of
view are not of great importance, except as showing an unadulterated
type of nature-gods, worshipped without much esoteric wisdom (although
there is a certain amount of mystery in connection with their birth).
There is something of the same pleasure in singing to them as is
discernible in the hymns to Dawn. They are the real storm-gods,
following Rudra, their father, and accompanying the great
storm-bringer, Indra. Their mother is the variegated cow Pricni, the
mother cloud. Their name means the shining, gleaming ones.

  HYMN TO THE MARUTS (vii. 56. 1-10).

  Who, sooth, are the gleaming related heroes,
            the glory of Rudra, on beauteous chargers?
  For of them the birthplace no man hath witnessed;
            they only know it, their mutual birthplace.
  With wings expanded they sweep each other,[14]
            and strive together, the wind-loud falcons.
  Wise he that knoweth this secret knowledge,
            that Pricni the great one to them was mother.[15]
  This folk the Maruts shall make heroic,
            victorious ever, increased in manhood;
  In speed the swiftest, in light the lightest,
            with grace united and fierce in power--
  Your power fierce is; your strength, enduring;
            and hence with the Maruts this folk is mighty.
  Your fury fair is, your hearts are wrothful,
            like maniacs wild is your band courageous.
  From us keep wholly the gleaming lightning;
            let not your anger come here to meet us.
  Your names of strong ones endeared invoke I,
            that these delighted may joy, O Maruts.

What little reflection or moral significance is in the Marut hymns is
illustrated by i. 38. 1-9, thus translated by Mueller:

     What then now? When will ye take us as a dear father takes
     his son by both hands, O ye gods, for whom the sacred grass
     has been trimmed?

     Where now? On what errand of yours are you going, in heaven,
     not on earth? Where are your cows sporting? Where are your
     newest favors, O Maruts? Where are blessings? Where all
     delights? If you, sons of Pricni, were mortals and your
     praiser an immortal, then never should your praiser be
     unwelcome, like a deer in pasture grass, nor should he go on
     the path of Yama.[16] Let not one sin after another,
     difficult to be conquered, overcome us; may it depart,
     together with greed. Truly they are terrible and powerful;
     even to the desert the Rudriyas bring rain that is never
     dried up. The lightning lows like a cow, it follows as a
     mother follows after her young, when the shower has been let
     loose. Even by day the Maruts create darkness with the
     water-bearing cloud, when they drench the earth, etc.

The number of the Maruts was originally seven, afterwards raised to
thrice seven, and then given variously,[17] sometimes as high as
thrice sixty. They are the servants, the bulls of Dyaus, the glory of
Rudra (or perhaps the 'boys of Rudra'), divine, bright as suns,
blameless and pure. They cover themselves with shining adornment,
chains of gold, gems, and turbans. On their heads are helmets of gold,
and in their hands gleam arrows and daggers. Like heroes rushing to
battle, they stream onward. They are fair as deer; their roar is like
that of lions. The mountains bow before them, thinking themselves to
be valleys, and the hills bow down. Good warriors and good steeds are
their gifts. They smite, they kill, they rend the rocks, they strip
the trees like caterpillars; they rise together, and, like spokes in a
wheel, are united in strength. Their female companion is Rodas[=i]
(lightning, from the same root as _rudra_, the 'red'). They are like
wild boars, and (like the sun) they have metallic jaws. On their
chariots are speckled hides; like birds they spread their wings; they
strive in flight with each other. Before them the earth sways like a
ship. They dance upon their path. Upon their chests for beauty's sake
they bind gold armor. From the heavenly udder they milk down rain.
"Through whose wisdom, through whose design do they come?" cries the
poet. They have no real adversary. The kings of the forest they tear
asunder, and make tremble even the rocks. Their music is heard on
every side.[18]


RUDRA.

The father of the Maruts, Rudra, is 'the ruddy one,' _par excellence_
and so to him is ascribed paternity of the 'ruddy ones.' But while
Indra has a plurality of hymns, Rudra has but few, and these it is not
of special importance to cite. The features in each case are the same.
The Maruts remain as gods whose function causes them to be invoked
chiefly that they may spare from the fury of the tempest. This idea is
in Rudra's case carried out further, and he is specially called on to
avert (not only 'cow-slaying' and 'man-slaying' by lightning,[19] but
also) disease, pestilence, etc. Hence is he preeminently, on the one
hand, the kindly god who averts disease, and, on the other, of
destruction in every form. From him Father Manu got wealth and health,
and he is the fairest of beings, but, more, he is the strongest god
(ii. 33. 3, 10). From such a prototype comes the later god of healing
and woe--Rudra, who becomes Civa.[20]


RAIN-GODS.

There is one rather mechanical hymn directed to the Waters themselves
as goddesses, where Indra is the god who gives them passage. But in
the unique hymn to the Rivers it is Varuna who, as general god of
water, is represented as their patron. In the first hymn the
rain-water is meant.[21] A description in somewhat jovial vein of the
joy produced by the rain after long drought forms the subject matter
of another lyric (less an hymn than a poem), which serves to
illustrate the position of the priests at the end of this Vedic
collection. The frogs are jocosely compared to priests that have
fulfilled their vow of silence; and their quacking is likened to the
noise of students learning the Veda. Parjanya is the god that, in
distinction from Indra as the first cause, actually pours down the
rain-drops.


  THE FROGS.[22]

  As priests that have their vows fulfilled,
    Reposing for a year complete,
  The frogs have now begun to talk,--
    Parjanya has their voice aroused.

  When down the heavenly waters come upon him,
    Who like a dry bag lay within the river,
  Then, like the cows' loud lowing (cows that calves have),
    The vocal sound of frogs comes all together.

  When on the longing, thirsty ones it raineth,
    (The rainy season having come upon them),
  Then _akkala_![23] they cry; and one the other
    Greets with his speech, as sons address a father.

  The one the other welcomes, and together
    They both rejoice at falling of the waters;
  The spotted frog hops when the rain has wet him,
    And with his yellow comrade joins his utterance.

  When one of these the other's voice repeateth,
    Just as a student imitates his teacher,
  Then like united members with fair voices,
    They all together sing among the waters.

  One like an ox doth bellow, goat-like one bleats;
    Spotted is one, and one of them is yellow;
  Alike in name, but in appearance different,
    In many ways the voice they, speaking, vary.

  As priests about th' intoxicating[24] _soma_
    Talk as they stand before the well-filled vessel,
  So stand ye round about this day once yearly,
    On which, O frogs, the time of rain approaches.

  (Like) priests who _soma_ have, they raise their voices,
    And pray the prayer that once a year is uttered;
  (Like) heated priests who sweat at sacrifices,
    They all come out, concealed of them is no one.

  The sacred order of the (year) twelve-membered,
    These heroes guard, and never do neglect it;
  When every year, the rainy season coming,
    The burning heat receiveth its dismission.[25]

In one hymn no less than four gods are especially invoked for
rain--Agni, Brihaspati, Indra, and Parjanya. The two first are
sacrificially potent; Brihaspati, especially, gives to the priest the
song that has power to bring rain; he comes either 'as Mitra-Varuna or
P[=u]shan,' and 'lets Parjanya rain'; while in the same breath Indra
is exhorted to send a flood of rain,--rains which are here kept back
by the gods,[26]--and Agni is immediately afterwards asked to perform
the same favor, apparently as an analogue to the streams of oblation
which the priest pours on the fire. Of these gods, the pluvius is
Parjanya:

  Parjanya loud extol in song,
  The fructifying son of heaven;
  May he provide us pasturage!
  He who the fruitful seed of plants,
  Of cows and mares and women forms,
  He is the god Parjanya.
  For him the melted butter pour
  In (Agni's) mouth,--a honeyed sweet,--
  And may he constant food bestow![27]

This god is the rain-cloud personified,[28] but he is scarcely to be
distinguished, in other places, from Indra; although the latter, as
the greater, newer god, is represented rather as causing the rain to
flow, while Parjanya pours it down. Like Varuna, Parjanya also upsets
a water-barrel, and wets the earth. He is identical with the Slavic
Perkuna.

For natural expression, vividness, energy, and beauty, the following
hymn is unsurpassed. As a god unjustly driven out of the pantheon, it
is, perhaps, only just that he should be exhibited, in contrast to
the tone of the sacrificial hymnlet above, in his true light.
Occasionally he is paired with Wind; and in the curious tendency of
the poets to dualize their divinities, the two become a compound,
_Parjanyav[=a]t[=a]_ ("Parjanya and V[=a]ta"). There is, also, vii.
101, one mystic hymn to Parjanya. The following, v. 83, breathes quite
a different spirit:[29]

  Greet him, the mighty one, with these laudations,
    Parjanya praise, and call him humbly hither;
  With roar and rattle pours the bull his waters,
    And lays his seed in all the plants, a foetus.

  He smites the trees, and smites the evil demons, too;
  While every creature fears before his mighty blow,
  E'en he that hath not sinned, from this strong god retreats,
  When smites Parjanya, thundering, those that evil do.
  As when a charioteer with whip his horses strikes,
  So drives he to the fore his messengers of rain;
  Afar a lion's roar is raised abroad, whene'er
  Parjanya doth create the rain-containing cloud.
  Now forward rush the winds, now gleaming lightnings fall;
  Up spring the plants, and thick becomes the shining sky.
  For every living thing refreshment is begot,
  Whene'er Parjanya's seed makes quick the womb of earth.

  Beneath whose course the earth hath bent and bowed her,
  Beneath whose course the (kine) behoofed bestir them,
  Beneath whose course the plants stand multifarious,
  He--thou, Parjanya--grant us great protection!
  Bestow Dyaus' rain upon us, O ye Maruts!
  Make thick the stream that comes from that strong stallion!
  With this thy thunder come thou onward, hither,
  Thy waters pouring, a spirit and our father.[30]
  Roar forth and thunder! Give the seed of increase!
  Drive with thy chariot full of water round us;
  The water-bag drag forward, loosed, turned downward;
  Let hills and valleys equal be before thee!
  Up with the mighty keg! then pour it under!
  Let all the loosened streams flow swiftly forward;
  Wet heaven and earth with this thy holy fluid;[31]
  And fair drink may it be for all our cattle!

      When thou with rattle and with roar,
      Parjanya, thundering, sinners slayest,
      Then all before thee do rejoice,
      Whatever creatures live on earth.

  Rain hast thou rained, and now do thou restrain it;
  The desert, too, hast thou made fit for travel;
  The plants hast thou begotten for enjoyment;
  And wisdom hast thou found for thy descendants.

The different meters may point to a collection of small hymns. It is
to be observed that Parjanya is here the fathergod (of men); he is the
Asura, the Spirit; and rain comes from the Shining Sky (Dyaus). How
like Varuna!

The rain, to the poet, descends from the sky, and is liable to be
caught by the demon, Vritra, whose rain-swollen belly Indra opens with
a stroke, and lets fall the rain; or, in the older view just
presented, Parjanya makes the cloud that gives the rain--a view united
with the descent of rain from the sky (Dyaus). With Parjanya as an
Aryan rain-god may be mentioned Trita, who, apparently, was a
water-god, [=A]ptya, in general; and some of whose functions Indra has
taken. He appears to be the same with the Persian Thraetaona
[=A]thwya; but in the Rig Veda he is interesting mainly as a dim
survival of the past.[32] The washing out of sins, which appears to be
the original conception of Varuna's sin-forgiving,[33] finds an
analogue in the fact that sins are cast off upon the innocent waters
and upon Trita--also a water-god, and once identified with Varuna
(viii. 41. 6). But this notion is so unique and late (only in viii.
47) that Bloomfield is perhaps right in imputing it to the [later]
moralizing age of the Br[=a]hmanas, with which the third period of the
Rig Veda is quite in touch.

       *       *       *       *       *

     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: Compare I. 134. 3.]

     [Footnote 2: For the different views, see Perry, JAOS. xi.
     p. 119; Muir, OST. v. p. 77.]

     [Footnote 3: _La Religion Vedique_, ii. pp. 159, 161, 166,
     187.]

     [Footnote 4: The chief texts are ii. 30. 1; iv. 26. 1; vii.
     98. 6; viii. 93. 1, 4; x. 89. 2; x. 112. 3.]

     [Footnote 5: Other citations given by Bergaigne in
     connection with this point are all of the simile class. Only
     as All-god is Indra the sun.]

     [Footnote 6: i. 51. 4: "After slaying Vritra, thou did'st
     make the sun climb in the sky."]

     [Footnote 7: [=A]ditya, only vii. 85. 4; V[=a]l. 4. 7. For
     other references, see Perry (loc. cit.).]

     [Footnote 8: Bergaigne, ii. 160. 187.]

     [Footnote 9: Indra finds and begets Agni, iii. 31. 25.]

     [Footnote 10: Unless the Python be, rather, the Demon of
     Putrefaction, as in Iranian belief.]

     [Footnote 11: Demons of every sort oppose Indra; Vala,
     Vritra, the 'holding' snake (_ahi_=[Greek: echis]), Cushna
     ('drought'), etc.]

     [Footnote 12: So he finds and directs the sun and causes it
     to shine, as explained above (viii. 3. 6; iii. 44. 4; i. 56.
     4; iii. 30. 12). He is praised with Vishnu (vi.69) in one
     hymn, as distinct from him.]

     [Footnote 13: Bollensen would see an allusion to idols in i.
     145. 4-5 (to Agni), but this is very doubtful (ZDMG. xlvii.
     p. 586). Agni, however, is on a par with Indra, so that the
     exception would have no significance. See Kaegi, Rig Veda,
     note 79a.]

     [Footnote 14: Or 'pluck with beaks,' as Mueller translates,
     SBE. xxxii. p. 373.]

     [Footnote 15: "Bore them" (gave an udder). In v. 52. 16
     Rudra is father and Pricni, mother. Compare viii. 94. 1:
     "The cow ... the mother of the Maruts, sends milk (rain)."
     In x. 78. 6 the Maruts are sons of Sindhu (Indus).]

     [Footnote 16: I.e., die.]

     [Footnote 17: The number is not twenty-seven, as Muir
     accidentally states, OST. v. p. 147.]

     [Footnote 18: v. 58. 4, 5; I. 88. 1; 88. 5; v. 54. 11; viii.
     7. 25; i. 166. 10; i. 39. 1; 64. 2-8; v. 54. 6; i. 85. 8;
     viii. 7. 34; v. 59. 2.]

     [Footnote 19: He carries lightnings and medicines together
     in vii. 46. 3.]

     [Footnote 20: Civa is later identified with Rudra. For the
     latter in RV. compare i. 43; 114, 1-5, 10; ii. 33. 2-13.]

     [Footnote 21: vii. 47, and x. 75.]

     [Footnote 22: vii. 103.]

     [Footnote 23: _Akhkhala_ is like Latin _eccere_ shout of joy
     and wonder(_Am.J. Phil._ XIV. p. 11).]

     [Footnote 24: Literally, 'that has stood over-night,' i.e.,
     fermented.]

     [Footnote 25: To this hymn is added, in imitation of the
     laudations of generous benefactors, which are sometimes
     suffixed to an older hymn, words ascribing gifts to the
     frogs. Bergaigne regards the frogs as meteorological
     phenomena! It is from this hymn as a starting-point proceed
     the latter-day arguments of Jacobi, who would prove the
     'period of the Rig Veda' to have begun about 3500 B.C. One
     might as well date Homer by an appeal to the
     Batrachomyomachia.]

     [Footnote 26: x. 98. 6.]

     [Footnote 27: vii. 102.]

     [Footnote 28: Compare Buehler, _Orient and Occident_, I. p.
     222.]

     [Footnote 29: This hymn is another of those that contradict
     the first assumption of the ritualists. From internal
     evidence it is not likely that it was made for baksheesh.]

     [Footnote 30: _[A]suras, pit[=a] nas_.]

     [Footnote 31: Literally, 'with _ghee_'; the rain is like the
     _ghee_, or sacrificial oil (melted butter).]

     [Footnote 32: Some suppose even Indra to be one with the
     Avestan _A[.n]dra_, a demon, which is possible.]

     [Footnote 33: Otherwise it is the 'bonds of sin' which are
     broken or loosed, as in the last verse of the first Varuna
     hymn, translated above. But the two views may be of equal
     antiquity (above, p. 69, note). On Trita compare JRAS. 1893,
     p. 419; PAOS. 1894 (Bloomfield).]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER V.

THE RIG VEDA (CONTINUED).--THE LOWER GODS.

AGNI.


Great are the heavenly gods, but greater is Indra, god of the
atmosphere. Greatest are Agni and Soma, the gods of earth.

Agni is the altar-fire. Originally fire, Agni, in distinction from sun
and lightning, is the fire of sacrifice; and as such is he great. One
reads in v. 3. 1-2, that this Agni is Varuna, Indra; that in him are
all the gods. This is, indeed, formally a late view, and can be
paralleled only by a few passages of a comparatively recent period.
Thus, in the late hymn i. 164. 46: "Indra, Mitra, Varuna, Agni, they
say; he is the sun (the bird in the sky); that which is but one they
call variously," etc. So x. 114. 5 and the late passage iii. 38. 7,
have reference to various forms of Agni.

Indra had a twofold nature in producing the union of lightning and
Agni; and this made him mysteriously great. But in Agni is found the
first triality, which, philosophically, is interpreted as a trinity.
The fire of the altar is one with the lightning, and, again, one with
the sun. This is Agni's threefold birth; and all the holy character of
three is exhausted in application where he is concerned. It is the
highest mystery until the very end of the Vedic age. This Agni it is
that is the real Agni of the Rig Veda--the new Agni; for there was
probably an Agni cult (as simple fire) long before the _soma_ cult.
Indra and Agni are one, and both are called the slayers of the
demons[1]. They are both united as an indissoluble pair (iii. 12,
etc.). Agni, with, perhaps, the exception of Soma, is the most
important god in the Rig Veda; and it is no chance that gives him the
first place in each family hymn-book; for in him are found, only in
more fortunate circumstances, exactly the same conditions as obtain in
the case of Indra. He appealed to man as the best friend among divine
beings; he was not far off, to be wondered at; if terrible, to be
propitiated. He was near and kind to friends. And as he seemed to the
vulgar so he appealed to the theosophy which permeates the spirit of
the poets; for he is mysterious; a mediator between god and man (in
carrying to heaven the offerings); a threefold unity, typical of
earth, atmosphere, and heaven. From this point of view, as in the case
of Indra, so in the case of Agni, only to a greater extent, it becomes
impossible to interpret Agni as one element, one phenomenon. There is,
when a distinction is made, an _agni_ which is single, the altar-fire,
separate from other fires; but it is seldom that Agni is not felt as
the threefold one.

And now for the interpretation of the modern ritualists. The Hindu
ritual had 'the three fires,' which every orthodox believer was taught
to keep up. The later literature of the Hindus themselves very
correctly took these three fires as types of the three forms of Agni
known in the Rig Veda. But to the ritualists the historical precedence
is inverted, and they would show that the whole Vedic mythological
view of an Agni triad is the result of identifying Agni with the three
fires of the ritual. From this crass method of interpretation it would
result that all Vedic mythology was the child of the liturgy[2].

As earthly fire Agni is first ignis:[3] "Driven by the wind, he
hastens through the forest with roaring tongues.... black is thy path,
O bright immortal!" "He mows down, as no herd can do, the green
fields; bright his tooth, and golden his beard." "He devours like a
steer that one has tied up." This is common fire, divine, but not of
the altar. The latter Agni is of every hymn. For instance, the first
stanza of the Rig Veda: "Agni, the family priest, I worship; the
divine priest of sacrifice; the oblation priest, who bestows riches,"
where he is invoked under the names of different priests. But Agni is
even more than this; he is the fire (heat) that causes production and
reproduction, visibly manifest in the sun. This dual Agni, it is to be
noticed, is at times the only Agni recognized. The third form is then
added, lightning, and therewith Agni is begotten of Indra, and is,
therefore, one with Indra: "There is only one fire lighted in many
places" (V[=a]l. 10. 2). As a poetical expression, Agni in the last
form is the 'Son of Waters,' an epithet not without significance in
philosophical speculation; for water, through all periods, was
regarded as the material origin of the universe.

Agni is one with the sun, with lightning (and thunder), and descends
into the plants.[4] To man he is house-priest and friend. It is he
that has "grouped men in dwelling-places" (iii. 1. 17) like
Prometheus, in whose dialectic name, Promantheus, lingers still the
fire-creator, the twirling (_math_) sticks which make fire in the
wood. He is man's guest and best friend (Mitra, iv. 1. 9; above).

An hymn or two entire will show what was Agni to the Vedic poet. In
the following, the Rig Veda's first hymn, he is addressed, in the
opening stanza, under the names of house-priest, the chief sacrificial
priest, and the priest that pours oblations. In the second stanza he
is extolled as the messenger who brings the gods to the sacrifice,
himself rising up in sacrificial flames, and forming a link between
earth and heaven. In a later stanza he is called the Messenger
(Angiras =[Greek: aggelos]),--one of his ordinary titles:

  To AGNI (i. 1).

  I worship Agni; house-priest, he,
  And priest divine of sacrifice,
  Th' oblation priest, who giveth wealth.

  Agni, by seers of old adored,
  To be adored by those to-day--
  May he the gods bring here to us.

  Through Agni can one wealth acquire,
  Prosperity from day to day,
  And fame of heroes excellent.

  O, Agni! whatsoe'er the rite
  That thou surround'st on every side,
  That sacrifice attains the gods.

  May Agni, who oblation gives--
  The wisest, true, most famous priest--
  This god with (all) the gods approach I

  Thou doest good to every man
  That serves thee, Agni; even this
  Is thy true virtue, Angiras.

  To thee, O Agni, day by day,
  Do we with prayer at eve and dawn,
  Come, bringing lowly reverence;

  To thee, the lord of sacrifice,
  And shining guardian of the rite,[5]
  In thine own dwelling magnified.

  As if a father to his son,
  Be easy of access to us,
  And lead us onward to our weal.

This is mechanical enough to have been made for an established ritual,
as doubtless it was. But it is significant that the ritualistic gods
are such that to give their true character hymns of this sort must be
cited. Such is not the case with the older gods of the pantheon.
Ritualistic as it is, however, it is simple. Over against it may be
set the following (vi. 8): "Now will I praise the strength of the
variegated red bull (Agni), the feasts of the Knower-of-beings[6]
(Agni); to Agni, the friend of all men, is poured out a new song,
sweet to him as clear _soma_. As soon as he was born in highest
heaven, Agni began to protect laws, for he is a guardian of law (or
order). Great in strength, he, the friend of all men, measured out the
space between heaven and earth, and in greatness touched the zenith;
he, the marvellous friend, placed apart heaven and earth; with light
removed darkness; separated the two worlds like skins. Friend of all
men, he took all might to himself.... In the waters' lap the mighty
ones (gods) took him, and people established him king. M[=a]taricvan,
messenger of the all-shining one, bore him from afar, friend of all
men. Age by age, O Agni, give to poets new glorious wealth for feasts.
O ever-youthful king, as if with a ploughshare, rend the sinner;
destroy him with thy flame, like a tree! But among our lords bring, O
Agni, power unbent, endless strength of heroes; and may we, through
thy assistance, conquer wealth an hundredfold, a thousandfold, O Agni,
thou friend of all; with thy sure protection protect our royal lords,
O helper, thou who hast three habitations; guard for us the host of
them that have been generous, and let them live on, friend of all, now
that thou art lauded."

Aryan, as Kuhn[7] has shown, is at least the conception if not the
particular form of the legend alluded to in this hymn, of fire brought
from the sky to earth, which Promethean act is attributed elsewhere to
the fire-priest.[8] Agni is here Mitra, the friend, as sun-god, and as
such takes all the celestials' activities on himself. Like Indra he
also gives personal strength: "Fair is thy face, O Agni, to the mortal
that desires strength;--they whom thou dost assist overcome their
enemies all their lives" (vi. 16. 25, 27). Agni is drawn down to earth
by means of the twirling-sticks, one the father, one the mother[9].
"The bountiful wood bore the fair variegated son of waters and
plants;[10] the gods united in mind, and payed homage to the glorious
mighty child when he was born" (iii. 1. 13). As the son of waters,
Agni loves wood but retreats to water, and he is so identified with
Indra that he 'thunders' and 'gives rain' (as lightning; ii. 6. 5;
iii. 9. 2).

The deeper significance of Agni-worship is found not alone in the fact
that he is the god in whom are the other gods, nor in that he is the
sun alone, but that "I am Agni, immortality is in my mouth; threefold
my light, eternal fire, my name the oblation (fire)," iii. 26. 7. He
is felt as a mysterious trinity. As a sun he lights earth; and gives
life, sustenance, children, and wealth (iii. 3. 7); as lightning he
destroys, as fire he befriends; like Indra he gives victory (iii. 16.
1); like Varuna he releases the bonds of sin; he is Varuna's brother
(v. 2. 7; vi. 3. 1; iv. 1. 2); his 'many names' are often alluded to
(iii. 20. 3, and above). The ritualistic interpretation of the priest
is that the sun is only a sacrificial fire above lighted by the gods
as soon as the corresponding fire is lighted on earth by men (vi. 2.
3). He is all threefold; three his tongues, his births, his places;
thrice led about the sacrifice given thrice a day (iii. 2. 9; 17. 1;
20. 2; iv, 15. 2; 1. 7; 12. 1). He is the upholder of the religious
order, the guest of mortals, found by the gods in the heavenly waters;
he is near and dear; but he also becomes dreadful to the foe (iii. 1.
3-6; 6. 5; vi. 7. 1; 8. 2; iii. 1. 23; 22. 5; vi. 3. 7; iii. 18. 1;
iv. 4. 4; 1. 6).

It is easy to see that in such a conception of a triune god, who is
fearful yet kind, whose real name is unknown, while his visible
manifestations are in earth, air, and heaven, whose being contains all
the gods, there is an idea destined to overthrow, as it surpasses, the
simpler conceptions of the naturalism that precedes it. Agni as the
one divine power of creation is in fact the origin of the human race:
"From thee come singers and heroes" (vi. 7. 3). The less weight is,
therefore, to be laid on Bergaigne's 'fire origin of man'; it is not
as simple fire, but as universal creator that Agni creates man; it is
not the 'fire-principle'[11] philosophically elicited from connection
of fire and water, but as god-principle, all-creative, that Agni gets
this praise.

Several hymns are dedicated to _Indr[=a]gni_, Indra united with Agni;
and the latter even is identified with Dyaus (iv. 1. 10), this
obsolescent god reviving merely to be absorbed into Agni. As water
purifies from dirt and sin (Varuna), so fire purifies (iv. 12. 4). It
has been suggested on account of v. 12. 5: 'Those that were yours have
spoken lies and left thee,' that there is a decrease in Agni worship.
As this never really happened, and as the words are merely those of a
penitent who has lied and seeks forgiveness at the hands of the god of
truth, the suggestion is not very acceptable. Agni comprehends not
only all naturalistic gods, but such later femininities as Reverence,
Mercy, and other abstractions, including Boundlessness.

Of how great importance was the triune god Agni may be seen by
comparing his three lights with the later sectarian trinity, where
Vishnu, originally the sun, and (Rudra) Civa, the lightning, are the
preserver and destroyer.

We fear the reader may have thought that we were developing rather a
system of mythology than a history of religion. With the close of the
Vedic period we shall have less to say from a mythological point of
view, but we think that it will have become patent now for what
purpose was intended the mythological basis of our study. Without this
it would have been impossible to trace the gradual growth in the
higher metaphysical interpretation of nature which goes hand in hand
with the deeper religious sense. With this object we have proceeded
from the simpler to the more complex divinities. We have now to take
up a side of religion which lies more apart from speculation, but it
is concerned very closely with man's religious instincts--the worship
of Bacchic character, the reverence for and fear of the death-god, and
the eschatological fancies of the poets, together with those first
attempts at creating a new theosophy which close the period of the Rig
Veda.


SOMA.

Inseparably connected with the worship of Indra and Agni is that of
the 'moon-plant,' _soma_, the intoxicating personified drink to whose
deification must be assigned a date earlier than that of the Vedas
themselves. For the _soma_ of the Hindus is etymologically identified
with the _haoma_ of the Persians (the [Greek: omomi] of Plutarch[12]),
and the cultus at least was begun before the separation of the two
nations, since in each the plant is regarded as a god. The inspiring
effect of intoxication seemed to be due to the inherent divinity of
the plant that produced it; the plant was, therefore, regarded as
divine, and the preparation of the draught was looked upon as a sacred
ceremony[13].

This offering of the juice of the _soma_-plant in India was performed
thrice daily. It is said in the Rig Veda that _soma_ grows upon the
mountain M[=u]javat, that its or his father is Parjanya, the rain-god,
and that the waters are his sisters[14]. From this mountain, or from
the sky, accounts differ, _soma_ was brought by a hawk[15]. He is
himself represented in other places as a bird; and as a divinity he
shares in the praise given to Indra, "who helped Indra to slay
Vritra," the demon that keeps back the rain. Indra, intoxicated by
_soma_, does his great deeds, and indeed all the gods depend on _soma_
for immortality. Divine, a weapon-bearing god, he often simply takes
the place of Indra and other gods in Vedic eulogy. It is the god Soma
himself who slays Vritra, Soma who overthrows cities, Soma who begets
the gods, creates the sun, upholds the sky, prolongs life, sees all
things, and is the one best friend of god and man, the divine drop
(_indu_), the friend of Indra[16].

As a god he is associated not only with Indra, but also with Agni,
Rudra, and P[=u]shan. A few passages in the later portion of the Rig
Veda show that _soma_ already was identified with the moon before the
end of this period. After this the lunar yellow god regularly was
regarded as the visible and divine Soma of heaven, represented on
earth by the plant[17].

From the fact that Soma is the moon in later literature, and
undoubtedly is recognized as such in a small number of the latest
passages of the Rig Veda, the not unnatural inference has been drawn
by some Vedic scholars that Soma, in hymns still earlier, means the
moon; wherever, in fact, epithets hitherto supposed to refer to the
plant may be looked upon as not incompatible with a description of the
moon, there these epithets are to be referred directly to Soma as the
moon-god, not to _soma_, the mere plant. Thus, with Rig Veda, X. 85 (a
late hymn, which speaks of Soma as the moon "in the lap of the stars,"
and as "the days' banner") is to be compared VI. 39. 3, where it is
said that the drop (_soma_) lights up the dark nights, and is the
day's banner. Although this expression, at first view, would seem to
refer to the moon alone, yet it may possibly be regarded as on a par
with the extravagant praise given elsewhere to the _soma_-plant, and
not be so significant of the moon as it appears to be. Thus, in
another passage of the same book, the _soma_, in similar language, is
said to "lay light in the sun," a phrase scarcely compatible with the
moon's sphere of activity[18].


The decision in regard to this question of interpretation is not to be
reached so easily as one might suppose, considering that a whole book,
the ninth, of the Rig Veda is dedicated to Soma, and that in addition
to this there are many hymns addressed to him in the other books. For
in the greater number of passages which may be cited for and against
this theory the objector may argue that the generally extravagant
praise bestowed upon Soma through the Veda is in any one case
merely particularized, and that it is not incongruous to say of the
divine _soma_-plant, "he lights the dark nights," when one reads in
general that he creates all things, including the gods. On the other
hand, the advocate of the theory may reply that everything which does
not apply to the moon-god Soma may be used metaphorically of him.
Thus, where it is said, "Soma goes through the purifying sieve," by
analogy with the drink of the plant _soma_ passing through the sieve
the poet may be supposed to imagine the moon passing through the
sieve-like clouds; and even when this sieve is expressly called the
'sheep's-tail sieve' and 'wool-sieve,' this may still be,
metaphorically, the cloud-sieve (as, without the analogy, one speaks
to-day of woolly clouds and the 'mare's tail').

So it happens that, with an hundred hymns addressed to Soma, it
remains still a matter of discussion whether the _soma_ addressed be
the plant or the moon. Alfred Hillebrandt, to whom is due the problem
in its present form, declares that everywhere[19] in the Rig Veda Soma
means the moon. No better hymn can be found to illustrate the
difficulty under which labors the _soma_-exegete than IX. 15, from
which Hillebrandt takes the fourth verse as conclusive evidence that
by _soma_ only the moon is meant. In that case, as will be seen from
the 'pails,' it must be supposed that the poet leaps from Soma to
_soma_ without warning. Hillebrandt does not include the mention of
the pails in his citation; but in this, as in other doubtful cases, it
seems to us better to give a whole passage than to argue on one or two
verses torn from their proper position:

     HYMN TO SOMA (IX. 15).

     QUERY: Is the hymn addressed to the plant as it is pressed
     out into the pails, or to the moon?

     1. This one, by means of prayer (or intelligence), comes
     through the fine (sieve), the hero, with swift car, going to
     the meeting with Indra.

     2. This one thinks much for the sublime assembly of gods,
     where sit immortals.

     3. This one is despatched and led upon a shining path, when
     the active ones urge (him).[20]

     4. This one, shaking his horns, sharpens (them), the bull of
     the herd, doing heroic deeds forcibly.

     5. This one hastens, the strong steed, with bright golden
     beams, becoming of streams the lord.

     6. This one, pressing surely through the knotty (sieve?) to
     good things, comes down into the vessels.

     7. This one, fit to be prepared, the active ones prepare in
     the pails, as he creates great food.

     8. Him, this one, who has good weapons, who is most
     intoxicating, ten fingers and seven (or many) prayers
     prepare.

Here, as in IX. 70, Hillebrandt assumes that the poet turns suddenly
from the moon to the plant. Against this might be urged the use of the
same pronoun throughout the hymn. It must be confessed that at first
sight it is almost as difficult to have the plant, undoubtedly meant
in verses 7 and 8, represented by the moon in the preceding verses, as
it is not to see the moon in the expression 'shaking his horns.' This
phrase occurs in another hymn, where Hillebrandt, with the same
certainty as he does here, claims it for the moon, though the first
part of this hymn as plainly refers to the plant, IX. 70. 1, 4. Here
the plant is a steer roaring like the noise of the Maruts (5-6), and
then (as above, after the term steer is applied to the plant), it is
said that he 'sharpens his horns,' and is 'sightly,' and further, 'he
sits down in the fair place ... on the wooly back,' etc., which bring
one to still another hymn where are to be found like expressions,
used, evidently, not of the moon, but of the plant, _viz._ to IX. 37,
a hymn not cited by Hillebrandt:

     This strong (virile) _soma_, pressed for drink, flows into
     the purifying vessel; this sightly (as above, where
     Hillebrandt says it is epithet of the moon), yellow, fiery
     one, is flowing into the purifying vessel; roaring into its
     own place (as above). This strong one, clear, shining (or
     purifying itself), runs through the shining places of the
     sky, slaying evil demons, through the sheep-hair-sieve. On
     the back of Trita this one shining (or purifying itself)
     made bright the sun with (his) sisters.[21] This one,
     slaying Vritra, strong, pressed out, finding good things (as
     above), uninjured, _soma_, went as if for booty. This god,
     sent forth by seers, runs into the vessels, the drop
     (_indu_) for Indra, quickly (or willingly).

So far as we can judge, after comparing these and the other passages
that are cited by Hillebrandt as decisive for a lunar interpretation
of _soma_, it seems quite as probable that the epithets and
expressions used are employed of the plant metaphorically as that the
poet leaps thus lightly from plant to moon. And there is a number of
cases which plainly enough are indicative of the plant alone to make
it improbable that Hillebrandt is correct in taking Soma as the moon
'everywhere in the Rig Veda.' It may be that the moon-cult is somewhat
older than has been supposed, and that the language is consciously
veiled in the ninth book to cover the worship of a deity as yet only
partly acknowledged as such. But it is almost inconceivable that an
hundred hymns should praise the moon; and all the native commentators,
bred as they were in the belief of their day that _soma_ and the moon
were one, should not know that _soma_ in the Rig Veda (as well as
later) means the lunar deity. It seems, therefore, safer to abide by
the belief that _soma_ usually means what it was understood to mean,
and what the general descriptions in the _soma_-hymns more or less
clearly indicate, _viz._, the intoxicating plant, conceived of as
itself divine, stimulating Indra, and, therefore, the _causa movens_
of the demon's death, Indra being the _causa efficiens_. Even the
allusions to _soma_ being in the sky is not incompatible with this.
For he is carried thence from the place of sacrifice. Thus too in 83.
1-2: "O lord of prayer[22], thy purifier (the sieve) is extended.
Prevailing thou enterest its limbs on all sides. Raw (_soma_), that
has not been cooked (with milk) does not enter into it. Only the
cooked (_soma_), going through, enters it. The sieve of the hot drink
is extended in the place of the sky. Its gleaming threads extend on
all sides. This (_soma_'s) swift (streams) preserve the man that
purifies them, and wisely ascend to the back of the sky." In this, as
in many hymns, the drink _soma_ is clearly addressed; yet expressions
are used which, if detached, easily might be thought to imply the moon
(or the sun, as with Bergaigne)--a fact that should make one employ
other expressions of the same sort with great circumspection.

Or, let one compare, with the preparation by the ten fingers, 85. 7:
"Ten fingers rub clean (prepare) the steed in the vessels; uprise the
songs of the priests. The intoxicating drops, as they purify
themselves, meet the song of praise and enter Indra." Exactly the same
images as are found above may be noted in IX. 87, where not the moon,
but the plant, is conspicuously the subject of the hymn: "Run into the
pail, purified by men go unto booty. They lead thee like a swift horse
with reins to the sacrificial straw, preparing (or rubbing) thee. With
good weapons shines the divine (shining) drop (_Indu_), slaying
evil-doers, guarding the assembly; the father of the gods, the clever
begetter, the support of the sky, the holder of earth.... This one,
the _soma_ (plant) on being pressed out, ran swiftly into the purifier
like a stream let out, sharpening his two sharp horns like a buffalo;
like a true hero hunting for cows; he is come from the highest
press-stone," etc. It is the noise of _soma_ dropping that is compared
with 'roaring.' The strength given by (him) the drink, makes
him appear as the 'virile one,' of which force is the activity, and
the bull the type. Given, therefore, the image of the bull, the rest
follows easily to elaborate the metaphor. If one add that _soma_ is
luminous (yellow), and that all luminous divinities are 'horned
bulls[23],' then it will be unnecessary to see the crescent moon in
_soma_. Moreover, if _soma_ be the same with Brihaspati, as thinks
Hillebrandt, why are there three horns in V. 43. 13? Again, that the
expression 'sharpening his horns' does not refer necessarily to the
moon may be concluded from x. 86. 15, where it is stated expressly
that the _drink_ is a sharp-horned steer: "Like a sharp-horned steer
is thy brewed drink, O Indra," probably referring to the taste. The
sun, Agni, and Indra are all, to the Vedic poet, 'sharp-horned
steers[24],' and the _soma_ plant, being luminous and strong
(bull-like), gets the same epithet.

The identity is rather with Indra than with the moon, if one be
content to give up brilliant theorizing, and simply follow the poets:
"The one that purifies himself yoked the sun's swift steed over man
that he might go through the atmosphere, and these ten steeds of the
sun he yoked to go, saying Indra is the drop (_Indu_)." When had ever
the moon the power to start the sun? What part in the pantheon is
played by the moon when it is called by its natural name (not by the
priestly name, _soma_)? Is _m[=a]s_ or _candramas_ (moon) a power of
strength, a great god? The words scarcely occur, except in late hymns,
and the moon, by his own folk-name, is hardly praised except in
mechanical conjunction with the sun. The floods of which _soma_ is
lord are explained in IX. 86. 24-25: "The hawk (or eagle) brought thee
from the sky, O drop (_Indu_[25]), ... seven milk-streams sing to the
yellow one as he purifies himself with the wave in the sieve of
sheep's wool. The active strong ones have sent forth the wise seer in
the lap of the waters." If one wishes to clear his mind in respect of
what the Hindu attributes to the divine drink (expressly drink, and
not moon), let him read IX. 104, where he will find that "the twice
powerful god-rejoicing intoxicating drink" finds goods, finds a path
for his friends, puts away every harmful spirit and every devouring
spirit, averts the false godless one and all oppression; and read also
ix. 21. I-4: "These _soma_-drops for Indra flow rejoicing, maddening,
light-(or heaven-) finding, averting attackers, finding desirable
things for the presser, making life for the singer. Like waves the
drops flow into one vessel, playing as they will. These _soma_-drops,
let out like steeds (attached) to a car, as they purify themselves,
attain all desirable things." According to IX. 97. 41^2 and _ib._ 37.
4 (and other like passages, too lightly explained, p. 387, by
Hillebrandt), it is _soma_ that "produced the light in the sun" and
"makes the sun rise," statements incompatible with the (lunar) Soma's
functions, but quite in accordance with the magic power which the
poets attribute to the divine drink. Soma is 'king over treasure.'
Soma is brought by the eagle that all may "see light" (IX. 48. 3-4).
He traverses the sky, and guards order--but not necessarily is he here
the moon, for _soma_, the drink, as a "galloping steed," "a brilliant
steer," a "stream of pressed _soma_," "a dear sweet," "a helper of
gods," is here poured forth; after him "flow great water-floods"; and
he "purifies himself in the sieve, he the supporter, holder of the
sky"; he "shines with the sun," "roars," and "looks like Mitra"; being
here both "the intoxicating draught," and at the same time "the giver
of kine, giver of men, giver of horses, giver of strength, the soul of
sacrifice" (IX. 2).

Soma is even older than the Vedic Indra as slayer of Vritra and
snakes. Several Indo-Iranian epithets survive (of _soma_ and _haoma_,
respectively), and among those of Iran is the title 'Vritra-slayer,'
applied to _haoma_, the others being 'strong' and 'heaven-winning,'
just as in the Veda[26]. All three of them are contained in one of the
most lunar-like of the hymns to Soma, which, for this reason, and
because it is one of the few to this deity that seem to be not
entirely mechanical, is given here nearly in full, with the original
shift of metre in the middle of the hymn (which may possibly indicate
that two hymns have been united).

  To SOMA (I. 91).

  Thou, Soma, wisest art in understanding;
    Thou guidest (us) along the straightest pathway;
  'Tis through thy guidance that our pious[27] fathers
    Among the gods got happiness, O Indu.

  Thou, Soma, didst become in wisdom wisest;
    In skill[28] most skilful, thou, obtaining all things.
  A bull in virile strength, thou, and in greatness;
    In splendor wast thou splendid, man-beholder.

  Thine, now, the laws of kingly Varuna[29];
    Both high and deep the place of thee, O Soma.
  Thou brilliant art as Mitra, the beloved[30],
    Like Aryaman, deserving service, art thou.

  Whate'er thy places be in earth or heaven,
    Whate'er in mountains, or in plants and waters,
  In all of these, well-minded, not injurious,
    King Soma, our oblations meeting, take thou.

  Thou, Soma, art the real lord,
  Thou king and Vritra-slayer, too;
  Thou art the strength that gives success.

  And, Soma, let it be thy will
  For us to live, nor let us die[31];
  Thou lord of plants[32], who lovest praise.

  Thou, Soma, bliss upon the old,
  And on the young and pious man
  Ability to live, bestowest.

  Do thou, O Soma, on all sides
  Protect us, king, from him that sins,
  No harm touch friend of such as thou.

  Whatever the enjoyments be
  Thou hast, to help thy worshipper,
  With these our benefactor be.

  This sacrifice, this song, do thou,
  Well-pleased, accept; come unto us;
  Make for our weal, O Soma, thou.

  In songs we, conversant with words,
  O Soma, thee do magnify;
  Be merciful and come to us.

  * * *[33]

  All saps unite in thee and all strong powers,
    All virile force that overcomes detraction;
  Filled full, for immortality, O Soma,
    Take to thyself the highest praise in heaven.
  The sacrifice shall all embrace--whatever
    Places thou hast, revered with poured oblations.
  Home-aider, Soma, furtherer with good heroes,
    Not hurting heroes, to our houses come thou.
  Soma the cow gives; Soma, the swift charger;
    Soma, the hero that can much accomplish
  (Useful at home, in feast, and in assembly
    His father's glory)--gives, to him that worships.

  In war unharmed; in battle still a saviour;
    Winner of heaven and waters, town-defender,
  Born mid loud joy, and fair of home and glory,
    A conqueror, thou; in thee may we be happy.
  Thou hast, O Soma, every plant begotten;
    The waters, thou; and thou, the cows; and thou hast
  Woven the wide space 'twixt the earth and heaven;
    Thou hast with light put far away the darkness.
  With mind divine, O Soma, thou divine[34] one,
    A share of riches win for us, O hero;
  Let none restrain thee, thou art lord of valor;
    Show thyself foremost to both sides in battle[35].

Of more popular songs, Hillebrandt cites as sung to Soma (!) VIII. 69.
8-10:

  Sing loud to him, sing loud to him;
  Priyamedhas, oh, sing to him,
  And sing to him the children, too;
  Extol him as a sure defence....
  To _Indra_ is the prayer up-raised.

The three daily _soma_-oblations are made chiefly to Indra and
V[=a]yu; to Indra at mid-day; to the Ribhus, artisans of the gods, at
evening; and to Agni in the morning.

Unmistakable references to Soma as the moon, as, for instance, in X.
85. 3: "No one eats of that _soma_ which the priests know," seem
rather to indicate that the identification of moon and Soma was
something esoteric and new rather than the received belief of
pre-Vedic times, as will Hillebrandt. This moon-_soma_ is
distinguished from the "_soma_-plant which they crush."

The floods of _soma_ are likened to, or, rather, identified with, the
rain-floods which the lightning frees, and, as it were, brings to
earth with him. A whole series of myths depending on this natural
phenomenon has been evolved, wherein the lightning-fire
as an eagle brings down _soma_ to man, that is, the heavenly drink.
Since Agni is threefold and the G[=a]yatri metre is threefold, they
interchange, and in the legends it is again the metre which brings the
_soma_, or an archer, as is stated in one doubtful passage[36].

What stands out most clearly in _soma_-laudations is that the
_soma_-hymns are not only quite mechanical, but that they presuppose a
very complete and elaborate ritual, with the employment of a number of
priests, of whom the _hotars_ (one of the various sets of priests)
alone number five in the early and seven in the late books; with a
complicated service; with certain divinities honored at certain hours;
and other paraphernalia of sacerdotal ceremony; while Indra, most
honored with Soma, and Agni, most closely connected with the execution
of sacrifice, not only receive the most hymns, but these hymns are,
for the most part, palpably made for ritualistic purposes. It is this
truth that the ritualists have seized upon and too sweepingly applied.
For in every family book, besides this baksheesh verse, occur the
older, purer hymns that have been retained after the worship for which
they were composed had become changed into a trite making of phrases.

Hillebrandt has failed to show that the Iranian _haoma_ is the moon,
so that as a starting-point there still is plant and drink-worship,
not moon-worship. At what precise time, therefore, the _soma_ was
referred to the moon is not so important. Since drink-worship stands
at one end of the series, and moon-worship at the other, it is
antecedently probable that here and there there may be a doubt as to
which of the two was intended. Some of the examples cited by
Hillebrandt may indeed be referable to the latter end of the series
rather than to the former; but that the author, despite the learning
and ingenuity of his work, has proved his point definitively, we are
far from believing. It is just like the later Hindu speculation to
think out a subtle connection between moon and _soma_-plant because
each was yellow, and swelled, and went through a sieve (cloud), etc.
But there is a further connecting link in that the divinity ascribed
to the intoxicant led to a supposition that it was brought from the
sky, the home of the gods; above all, of the luminous gods, which the
yellow _soma_ resembled. Such was the Hindu belief, and from this as a
starting-point appears to have come the gradual identification of
_soma_ with the moon, now called Soma. For the moon, even under the
name of Gandharva, is not the object of especial worship.

The question so ably discussed by Hillebrandt is, however, one of
considerable importance from the point of view of the religious
development. If _soma_ from the beginning was the moon, then there is
only one more god of nature to add to the pantheon. But if, as we
believe in the light of the Avesta and Veda itself, _soma_ like
_haoma_, was originally the drink-plant (the root _su_ press, from
which comes _soma_, implies the plant), then two important facts
follow. First, in the identification of yellow _soma_-plant with
yellow moon in the latter stage of the Rig Veda (which coincides with
the beginning of the Brahmanic period) there is a striking
illustration of the gradual mystical elevation of religion at the
hands of the priests, to whom it appeared indecent that mere drink
should be exalted thus; and secondly, there is the significant fact
that in the Indic and Iranian cult there was a direct worship of
deified liquor, analogous to Dionysiac rites, a worship which is not
unparalleled in other communities. Again, the surprising identity of
worship in Avesta and Veda, and the fact that hymns to the earlier
deities, Dawn, Parjanya, etc, are frequently devoid of any relation to
the _soma_-cult not only show that Bergaigne's opinion that the whole
Rig Veda is but a collection of hymns for _soma_-worship as handed
down in different families must be modified; but also that, as we have
explained _apropos_ of Varuna, the Iranian cult must have branched off
from the Vedic cult (whether, as Haug thought, on account of a
religious schism or not); that the hymns to the less popular deities
(as we have defined the word) make the first period of Vedic cult; and
that the special liquor-cult, common to Iran and India, arose after
the first period of Vedic worship, when, for example, Wind, Parjanya,
and Varuna were at their height, and before the priests had exalted
mystically Agni or Soma, and even Indra was as yet undeveloped.

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: viii. 38. 4; i. 108. 3; Bergaigne, ii. 293.]

     [Footnote 2: On this point Bergaigne deprecates the
     application of the ritualistic method, and says in words
     that cannot be too emphasized: "Mais qui ne voit que de
     telles exptications n'expliquent rien, ou plutot que le
     detail du rituel ne peut trouver son explication que dans le
     mythe, bien loin de pouvoir servir lui-memes a expliquer le
     mythe?... Ni le ciel seul ni la terre seule, mais la terre
     et le ciel etroitement unis et presque confondus, voila le
     vrai domaine de la mythologie vedique, mythologie dont le
     rituel n'est que la reproduction" (i. p. 24).]

     [Footnote 3: i. 58. 4; v. 7. 7; vi. 3. 4.]

     [Footnote 4: iii. 14. 4; i. 71. 9; vi. 3. 7; 6. 2; iv. 1.
     9.]

     [Footnote 5: Or of time or order.]

     [Footnote 6: Or 'Finder-of-beings.']

     [Footnote 7: _Herabkunft des Feuers und des Goettertrankes_.]

     [Footnote 8: RV. vi. 16. 13: "Thee, Agni, from out the sky
     Atharvan twirled," _nir amanthata_ (cf. Promantheus). In x.
     462 the Bhrigus, [Greek: phleghyai], discover fire.]

     [Footnote 9: Compare v. 2. 1. Sometimes Agni is "born with
     the fingers," which twirl the sticks (iii. 26. 3; iv. 6.
     8).]

     [Footnote 10: Compare ii. 1: "born in flame from water,
     cloud, and plants ... thou art the creator."]

     [Footnote 11: Bergaigne, i. p. 32 ff. The question of
     priestly names (loc. cit. pp. 47-50), should start with
     Bharata as [Greek: purphoros], a common title of Agni (ii.
     7; vi. 16. 19-21). So Bhrigu is the 'shining' one; and
     Vasishtha is the 'most shining' (compare Vasus, not good but
     shining gods). The priests got their names from their god,
     like Jesuits. Compare Gritsamada in the Bhrigu family (book
     ii.); Vicv[=a]-mitra, 'friend of all,' in the Bharata family
     (book iii.); Gautama V[=a]madeva belonging to Angirasas
     (book iv.); Atri 'Eater,' epithet of Agni in RV. (book v.);
     Bharadv[=a]ja 'bearing food' (book vi.); Vasishtha (book
     vii.); and besides these Jamadagni and Kacyapa,
     black-toothed (Agni).']

     [Footnote 12: De Isid. et Osir. 46. Compare Windischmann,
     _Ueber den Somacultus der Arier_ (1846), and Muir, _Original
     Sanskrit Texts_, vol. ii. p. 471. Hillebrandt, _Vedische
     Mythologie_, i. p. 450, believes _haoma_ to mean the moon,
     as does _soma_ in some hymns of the Rig Veda (see below).]

     [Footnote 13: Compare Kuhn, _Herabkunft des Feuers und des
     Goettertrankes_ (1859); Bergaigne, _La Religion Vedique_, i.
     148 ff.; Haug's _[=A]itareya Br[=a]hmana_, Introduction, p.
     62; Whitney in _Jour. Am. Or. Soc_. III. 299; Muir,
     _Original Sanskrit Texts_, vol. V. p. 258 ff., where other
     literature is cited.]

     [Footnote 14: RV. X. 34. 1; IX. 98. 9; 82.3. The Vedic plant
     is unknown (not the _sarcostemma viminale_).]

     [Footnote 15: RV. III. 43. 7; IV. 26.6 (other references in
     Muir, _loc. cit._ p. 262.) Perhaps rain as _soma_ released by
     lightning as a hawk (Bloomfield).]

     [Footnote 16: See the passages cited in Muir, _loc. cit_.]

     [Footnote 17: A complete account of _soma_ was given by the
     Vedic texts will be found in Hillebrandt's _Vedische
     Mythologie_, vol. I., where are described the different ways
     of fermenting the juice of the plant.]

     [Footnote 18: Although so interpreted by Hillebrandt, _loc.
     cit._ p. 312. The passage is found in RV. VI. 44. 23.]

     [Footnote 19: _Loc. cit._ pp. 340, 450.]

     [Footnote 20: Compare IX. 79. 5, where the same verb is used
     of striking, urging out the _soma_-juice, _r[=a]sa_.]

     [Footnote 21: Compare IX. 32. 2, where "Trita's maidens urge
     on the golden steed with the press-stones, _indu_ as a drink
     for Indra."]

     [Footnote 22: On account of the position and content of this
     hymn, Hillebrandt regards it as addressed to
     Soma-Brihaspati.]

     [Footnote 23: So the sun in I. 163. 9, II. 'Sharpening his
     horns' is used of fire in i. 140. 6; v. 2. 9.]

     [Footnote 24: VI. 16. 39; vii. 19. I; VIII. 60. 13.]

     [Footnote 25 3: IX. 63. 8-9; 5. 9. Soma is identified with
     lightning in ix. 47. 3.]

     [Footnote 26: _Hukhratus, verethrajao, hvaresa_.]

     [Footnote 27: Or: wise.]

     [Footnote 28 3: Or: strength. Above, 'shared riches,'
     perhaps, for 'got happiness.']

     [Footnote 29: Or: thine, indeed, are the laws of King
     Varuna.]

     [Footnote 30: Or: brilliant and beloved as Mitra (Mitra
     means friend); Aryaman is translated 'bosom-friend'--both
     are [=A]dityas.]

     [Footnote 31: Or: an thou willest for us to live we shall
     not die.]

     [Footnote 32: Or: lordly plant, but not the moon.]

     [Footnote 33: Some unessential verses in the above metre are
     here omitted.]

     [Footnote 34: Or: shining.]

     [Footnote 35: The same ideas are prominent in viii. 48,
     where Soma is invoked as '_soma_ that has been drunk,'
     _i.e.,_ the juice of the ('three days fermented') plant.]

     [Footnote 36: In the fourth book, iv. 27. 3. On this myth,
     with its reasonable explanation as deduced from the ritual,
     see Bloomfield, JAOS. xvi. I ff. Compare also Muir and
     Hillebrandt, loc. cit.]

       *       *       *       *       *





CHAPTER VI.

THE RIG VEDA (CONCLUDED).--YAMA AND OTHER GODS, VEDIC PANTHEISM,
ESCHATOLOGY.


In the last chapter we have traced the character of two great gods of
earth, the altar-fire and the personified kind of beer which was the
Vedic poets' chief drink till the end of this period. With the
discovery of _sur[=a], humor ex hordeo_ (oryzaque; Weber,
_V[=a]japeya_, p. 19), and the difficulty of obtaining the original
_soma_-plant (for the plant used later for _soma_, the _asclepias
acida_, or _sarcostemma viminale_, does not grow in the Punj[=a]b
region, and cannot have been the original _soma_), the status of
_soma_ became changed. While _sur[=a]_ became the drink of the people,
_soma_, despite the fact that it was not now so agreeable a liquor,
became reserved, from its old associations, as the priests' (gods')
drink, a sacrosanct beverage, not for the vulgar, and not esteemed by
the priest, except as it kept up the rite.

It has been shown that these gods, earthly in habitation, absorbed the
powers of the older and physically higher divinities. The ideas that
clustered about the latter were transferred to the former. The
altar-fire, Agni, is at once earth-fire, lightning, and sun. The drink
_soma_ is identified with the heavenly drink that refreshes the earth,
and from its color is taken at last to be the terrestrial form of its
aqueous prototype, the moon, which is not only yellow, but even goes
through cloud-meshes just as _soma_ goes through the sieve, with all
the other points of comparison that priestly ingenuity can devise.

Of different sort altogether from these gods is the ancient
Indo-Iranian figure that now claims attention. The older religion had
at least one object of devotion very difficult to reduce to terms of a
nature-religion.


YAMA

Exactly as the Hindu had a half-divine ancestor, Manu, who by the
later priests is regarded as of solar origin, while more probably he
is only the abstract Adam (man), the progenitor of the race; so in
Yama the Hindu saw the primitive "first of mortals." While, however,
Mitra, Dyaus, and other older nature-gods, pass into a state of
negative or almost forgotten activity, Yama, even in the later epic
period, still remains a potent sovereign--the king of the dead.

In the Avesta Yima is the son of the 'wide-gleaming' Vivanghvant, the
sun, and here it is the sun that first prepares the _soma (haoma)_ for
man. And so, too, in the Rig Veda it is Yama the son of Vivasvant (X.
58. 1; 60. 10) who first "extends the web" of (_soma_) sacrifice (VII.
33. 9, 12). The Vedic poet, not influenced by later methods of
interpretation, saw in Yama neither sun nor moon, nor any other
natural phenomenon, for thus he sings, differentiating Yama from them
all: "I praise with a song Agni, P[=u]shan, Sun and Moon, Yama in
heaven, Trita, Wind, Dawn, the Ray of Light, the Twin Horsemen" (X.
64. 3); and again: "Deserving of laudation are Heaven and Earth, the
four-limbed Agni, Yama, Aditi," etc. (X. 92. 11).

Yama is regarded as a god, although in the Rig Veda he is called only
'king' (X. 14. 1, 11); but later he is expressly a god, and this is
implied, as Ehni shows, even in the Rig Veda: 'a god found Agni' and
'Yama found Agni' (X. 51. 1 ff.). His primitive nature was that of the
'first mortal that died,' in the words of the Atharva Veda. It is
true, indeed, that at a later period even gods are spoken of as
originally 'mortal,'[1] but this is a conception alien from the early
notions of the Veda, where 'mortal' signifies no more than 'man.' Yama
was the first mortal, and he lives in the sky, in the home that "holds
heroes," _i.e._, his abode is where dead heroes congregate (I. 35. 6;
X. 64. 3)[2]. The fathers that died of old are cared for by him as he
sits drinking with the gods beneath a fair tree (X. 135. 1-7). The
fire that devours the corpse is invoked to depart thither (X. 16. 9).
This place is not very definitely located, but since, according to one
prevalent view, the saints guard the sun, and since Yama's abode in
the sky is comparable with the sun in one or two passages, it is
probable that the general idea was that the departed entered the sun
and there Yama received him (I. 105. 9, 'my home is there where are
the sun's rays'; X. 154. 4-5, 'the dead shall go, O Yama, to the
fathers, the seers that guard the sun'). 'Yama's abode' is the same
with 'sky' (X. 123. 6); and when it is said, 'may the fathers hold up
the pillar (in the grave), and may Yama build a seat for thee there'
(X. 18. 13), this refers, not to the grave, but to heaven. And it is
said that 'Yama's seat is what is called the gods' home' (X. 135.
7)[3]. But Yama does not remain in the sky. He comes, as do other
Powers, to the sacrifice, and is invited to seat himself 'with
Angirasas and the fathers' at the feast, where he rejoices with them
(X. 14. 3-4; 15. 8). And either because Agni devours corpses for Yama,
or because of Agni's part in the sacrifice which Yama so joyfully
attends, therefore Agni is especially mentioned as Yama's friend (X.
21. 5), or even his priest (_ib_. 52. 3). Yama stands in his relation
to the dead so near to death that 'to go on Yama's path' is to go on
the path of death; and battle is called 'Yama's strife.' It is even
possible that in one passage Yama is directly identified with death
(X. 165. 4, 'to Yama be reverence, to death'; I. 38. 5; _ib_. 116.
2)[4]. There is always a close connection between Varuna and Yama, and
perhaps it is owing to this that parallel to 'Varuna's fetters' is
found also 'Yama's fetter,' i.e., death (x. 97. 16).

As Yama was the first to die, so was he the first to teach man the
road to immortality, which lies through sacrifice, whereby man attains
to heaven and to immortality. Hence the poet says, 'we revere the
immortality born of Yama' (i. 83. 5). This, too, is the meaning of the
mystic verse which speaks of the sun as the heavenly courser 'given by
Yama,' for, in giving the way to immortality, Yama gives also the
sun-abode to them that become immortal. In the same hymn the sun is
identified with Yama as he is with Trita (i. 163. 3). This particular
identification is due, however, rather to the developed pantheistic
idea which obtains in the later hymns. A parallel is found in the next
hymn: "They speak of Indra, Mitra, Varuna, Agni ... that which is one,
the priests speak of in many ways, and call him Agni, Yama, Fire" (or
Wind, i. 164. 46).

Despite the fact that one Vedic poet speaks of Yama's name as 'easy to
understand' (x. 12. 6), no little ingenuity has been spent on it, as
well as on the primitive conception underlying his personality.
Etymologically, his name means Twin, and this is probably the real
meaning, for his twin sister Yami is also a Vedic personage. The later
age, regarding Yama as a restrainer and punisher of the wicked,
derived the name from _yam_ the restrainer or punisher, but such an
idea is quite out of place in the province of Vedic thought. The
Iranian Yima also has a sister of like name, although she does not
appear till late in the literature.

That Yama's father is the sun, Vivasvant (Savitar, 'the artificer,'
Tvashtar, x. 10. 4-5),[5] is clearly enough stated in the
Rik; and that he was the first mortal, in the Atharvan. Men come from
Yama, and Yama comes from the sun as 'creator,' just as men elsewhere
come from Adam and Adam comes from the Creator. But instead of an
Hebraic Adam and Eve there are in India a Yama and Yam[=i], brother
and sister (wife), who, in the one hymn in which the latter is
introduced _(loc. cit.),_ indulge in a moral conversation on the
propriety of wedlock between brother and sister. This hymn is
evidently a protest against a union that was unobjectionable to an
older generation. In the Yajur Veda Yami is wife and sister both. But
sometimes, in the varying fancies of the Vedic poets, the artificer
Tvashtar is differentiated from Vivasvant, the sun; as he is in
another passage, where Tvashtar gives to Vivasvant his daughter, and
she is the mother of Yama[6].

That men are the children of Yama is seen in X. 13. 4, where it is
said, 'Yama averted death for the gods; he did not avert death for
(his) posterity.' In the Brahmanic tradition men derive from the sun
(T[=a]itt. S. VI. 5. 6. 2[7]) So, in the Iranian belief, Yima is
looked upon, according to some scholars, as the first man. The funeral
hymn to Yama is as follows:

     Him who once went over the great mountains[8] and spied out
     a path for many, the son of Vivasvant, who collects men,
     King Yama, revere ye with oblations. Yama the first found us
     a way ... There where our old fathers are departed.... Yama
     is magnified with the Angirasas.... Sit here, O Yama, with
     the Angirasas and with the fathers.... Rejoice, O king, in
     this oblation. Come, O Yama, with the venerable Angirasas. I
     call thy father, Vivasvant, sit down at this sacrifice.

And then, turning to the departed soul:

     Go forth, go forth on the old paths where are gone our old
     fathers; thou shalt see both joyous kings, Yama and God
     Varuna. Unite with the fathers, with Yama, with the
     satisfaction of desires, in highest heaven.... Yama will
     give a resting place to this spirit. Run past, on a good
     path, the two dogs of Saram[=a], the four-eyed, spotted
     ones; go unto the fathers who rejoice with Yama.

Several things are here noteworthy. In the first place, the Atharva
Veda reads, "who first of mortals died[9]," and this is the meaning of
the Rig Veda version, although, as was said above, the mere fact that
Varuna is called a god and Yama a king proves nothing[10]. But it is
clearly implied here that he who crossed the mountains and 'collected
men,' as does Yima in the Iranian legend, is an ancient king, as it is
also implied that he led the way to heaven. The dogs of Yama are
described in such a way as to remind one of the dogs that guard the
path the dead have to pass in the Iranian legend, and of Kerberus,
with whose very name the adjective 'spotted' has been compared[11].
The dogs are elsewhere described as white and brown and as barking
(VII. 55. 2), and in further verses of the hymn just quoted (X. 14)
they are called "thy guardian dogs, O Yama, the four-eyed ones who
guard the path, who look on men ... broad-nosed, dark messengers of
Yama, who run among the people."

These dogs are due to the same fantasy that creates a Kerberus, the
Iranian dogs[12], or other guardians of the road that leads to heaven.
The description is too minute to make it probable that the Vedic poet
understood them to be 'sun and moon,' as the later Brahmanical
ingenuity explains them, and as they have been explained by modern
scholarship. It is not possible that the poet, had he had in mind any
connection between the dogs and the sun and moon (or 'night and day'),
would have described them as 'barking' or as 'broad-nosed and dark';
and all interpretation of Yama's dogs must rest on the interpretation
of Yama himself[13].

Yama is not mentioned elsewhere[14] in the Rig Veda, except in the
statement that 'metres rest on Yama,' and in the closing verses of the
burial hymn: "For Yama press the _soma_, for Yama pour oblation; the
sacrifice goes to Yama; he shall extend for us a long life among the
gods," where the pun on Yama (_yamad a_), in the sense of 'stretch
out,' shows that as yet no thought of 'restrainer' was in the poet's
mind, although the sense of 'twin' is lost from the name.

In recent years Hillebrandt argues that because the Manes are
connected with Soma (as the moon), and because Yama was the first to
die, therefore Yama was the moon. Ehni, on the other hand, together
with Bergaigne and some other scholars, takes Yama to be the sun.
Mueller calls him the 'setting-sun[15].' The argument from the Manes
applies better to the sun than to the moon, but it is not conclusive.
The Hindus in the Vedic age, as later, thought of the Manes living in
stars, moon, sun, and air; and, if they were not good Manes but dead
sinners, in the outer edge of the universe or under ground. In short,
they are located in every conceivable place[17].

The Yama, 'who collects people,' has been rightly compared with the
Yima, who 'made a gathering of the people,' but it is doubtful whether
one should see in this an Aryan trait; for [Greek: Aidaes Agaesilaos]
is not early and popular, but late (Aeschylean), and the expression
may easily have arisen independently in the mind of the Greek poet.
From a comparative point of view, in the reconstruction of Yama there
is no conclusive evidence which will permit one to identify his
original character either with sun or moon. Much rather he appears to
be as he is in the Rig Veda, a primitive king, not historically so,
but poetically, the first man, fathered of the sun, to whom he
returns, and in whose abode he collects his offspring after their
inevitable death on earth. In fact, in Yama there is the ideal side of
ancestor-worship. He is a poetic image, the first of all fathers, and
hence their type and king. Yama's name is unknown outside of the
Indo-Iranian circle, and though Ehni seeks to find traces of him in
Greece and elsewhere,[18] this scholar's identifications fail, because
he fails to note that similar ideas in myths are no proof of their
common origin.

It has been suggested that in the paradise of Yama over the mountains
there is a companion-piece to the hyperboreans, whose felicity is
described by Pindar. The nations that came from the north still kept
in legend a recollection of the land from whence they came. This
suggestion cannot, of course, be proved, but it is the most probable
explanation yet given of the first paradise to which the dead revert.
In the late Vedic period, when the souls of the dead were not supposed
to linger on earth with such pleasure as in the sky, Yama's abode is
raised to heaven. Later still, when to the Hindu the south was the
land of death, Yama's hall of judgment is again brought down to earth
and transferred to the 'southern district.'

The careful investigation of Scherman[19] leads essentially to the
same conception of Yama as that we have advocated. Scherman believes
that Yama was first a human figure, and was then elevated to, if not
identified with, the sun. Scherman's only error is in disputing the
generally-received opinion, one that is on the whole correct, that
Yama in the early period is a kindly sovereign, and in later times
becomes the dread king of horrible hells. Despite some testimony to
the contrary, part of which is late interpolation in the epic, this is
the antithesis which exists in the works of the respective periods.

The most important gods of the era of the Rig Veda we now have
reviewed. But before passing on to the next period it should be
noticed that no small number of beings remains who are of the air,
devilish, or of the earth, earthy. Like the demons that injure man by
restraining the rain in the clouds, so there are _bh[=u]ts_, ghosts,
spooks, and other lower powers, some malevolent, some good-natured,
who inhabit earth; whence demonology. There is, furthermore, a certain
chrematheism, as we have elsewhere[20] ventured to call it, which
pervades the Rig Veda, the worship of more or less personified things,
differing from pantheism in this,[21] that whereas pantheism assumes a
like divinity in all things, this kind of theism assumes that
everything (or anything) has a separate divinity, usually that which
is useful to the worshipper, as, the plough, the furrow, etc. In later
hymns these objects are generally of sacrificial nature, and the
stones with which _soma_ is pressed are divine like the plant. Yet
often there is no sacrificial observance to cause this veneration.
Hymns are addressed to weapons, to the war-car, as to divine beings.
Sorcery and incantation is not looked upon favorably, but nevertheless
it is found.

Another class of divinities includes abstractions, generally female,
such as Infinity, Piety, Abundance, with the barely-mentioned
Gung[=u], R[=a]k[=a], etc. (which may be moon-phases). The
most important of these abstractions[22] is 'the lord of strength,' a
priestly interpretation of Indra, interpreted as religious strength or
prayer, to whom are accredited all of Indra's special acts.
Hillebrandt interprets this god, Brahmanaspati or Brihaspati, as the
moon; Mueller, somewhat doubtfully, as fire; while Roth will not allow
that Brihaspati has anything to do with natural phenomena, but
considers him to have been from the beginning 'lord of prayer.' With
this view we partly concur, but we would make the important
modification that the god was lord of prayer only as priestly
abstraction Indra in his higher development. It is from this god is
come probably the head of the later trinity, Brahm[=a], through
personified _brahma_, power; prayer, with its philosophical
development into the Absolute. Noteworthy is the fact that some of the
Vedic Aryans, despite his high pretensions, do not quite like
Brihaspati, and look on him as a suspicious novelty. If one study
Brihaspati in the hymns, it will be difficult not to see in him simply
a sacerdotal Indra. He breaks the demon's power; crushes the foes of
man; consumes the demons with a sharp bolt; disperses darkness; drives
forth the 'cows'; gives offspring and riches; helps in battle;
discovers Dawn and Agni; has a band (like Maruts) singing about him;
he is red and golden, and is identified with fire. Although 'father of
gods,' he is begotten of Tvashtar, the artificer.[23]

Weber has suggested (V[=a]japeya Sacrifice, p. 15), that Brihaspati
takes Indra's place, and this seems to be the true solution, Indra as
interpreted mystically by priests. In RV. i. 190, Brihaspati is looked
upon by 'sinners' as a new god of little value. Other minor deities
can be mentioned only briefly, chiefly that the extent of the pantheon
may be seen. For the history of religion they are of only collective
importance. The All-gods play an important part in the sacrifice, a
group of 'all the gods,' a priestly manufacture to the end that no god
may be omitted in laudations that would embrace all the gods. The
later priests attempt to identify these gods with the clans, 'the
All-gods are the clans' (_Cat. Br._ v. 5. 1.10), on the basis of a
theological _pun_, the clans, _vicas_, being equated with the word for
all, _vicve_. Some modern scholars follow these later priests, but
without reason. Had these been special clan-gods, they would have had
special names, and would not have appeared in a group alone.

The later epic has a good deal to say about some lovely nymphs called
the Apsarasas, of whom it mentions six as chief (Urvac[=i], Menak[=a],
etc.).[24] They fall somewhat in the epic from their Vedic estate, but
they are never more than secondary figures, love-goddesses, beloved of
the Gandharvas who later are the singing guardians of the moon, and,
like the lunar stations, twenty-seven in number. The Rik knows at
first but one Gandharva (an inferior genius, mentioned in but one
family-book), who guards Soma's path, and, when Soma becomes the moon,
is identified with him, ix. 86. 36. As in the Avesta, Gandharva is
(the moon as) an evil spirit also; but always as a second-rate power,
to whom are ascribed magic (and madness, later). He has virtually no
cult except in _soma_-hymns, and shows clearly the first Aryan
conception of the moon as a demoniac power, potent over women, and
associated with waters.

Mountains, and especially rivers, are holy, and of course are deified.
Primitive belief generally deifies rivers. But in the great river-hymn
in the Rig Veda there is probably as much pure poetry as prayer. The
Vedic poet half believed in the rivers' divinity, and sings how they
'rush forth like armies,' but it will not do to inquire too strictly
in regard to his belief.

He was a poet, and did not expect to be catechized. Of female
divinities there are several of which the nature is doubtful. As Dawn
or Storm have been interpreted Saram[=a] and Sarany[=u], both meaning
'runner.' The former is Indra's dog, and her litter is the dogs of
Yama. One little poem, rather than hymn, celebrates the 'wood-goddess'
in pretty verses of playful and descriptive character.

Long before there was any formal recognition of the dogma that all
gods are one, various gods had been identified by the Vedic poets.
Especially, as most naturally, was this the case when diverse gods
having different names were similar in any way, such as Indra and
Agni, whose glory is fire; or Varuna and Mitra, whose seat is the sky.
From this casual union of like pairs comes the peculiar custom of
invoking two gods as one. But even in the case of gods not so
radically connected, if their functions were mutually approximate,
each in turn became credited with his neighbor's acts. If the traits
were similar which characterized each, if the circles of activity
overlapped at all, then those divinities that originally were tangent
to each other gradually became concentric, and eventually were united.
And so the lines between the gods were wiped out, as it were, by their
conceptions crowding upon one another. There was another factor,
however, in the development of this unconscious, or, at least,
unacknowledged, pantheism. Aided by the likeness or identity of
attributes in Indra, Savitar, Agni, Mitra, and other gods, many of
which were virtually the same under a different designation, the
priests, ever prone to extravagance of word, soon began to attribute,
regardless of strict propriety, every power to every god. With the
exception of some of the older divinities, whose forms, as they are
less complex, retain throughout the simplicity of their primitive
character, few gods escaped this adoration, which tended to make them
all universally supreme, each being endowed with all the attributes of
godhead. One might think that no better fate could happen to a god
than thus to be magnified. But when each god in the pantheon was
equally glorified, the effect on the whole was disastrous. In fact, it
was the death of the gods whom it was the intention of the seers to
exalt. And the reason is plain. From this universal praise it resulted
that the individuality of each god became less distinct; every god was
become, so to speak, any god, so far as his peculiar attributes made
him a god at all, so that out of the very praise that was given to him
and his confreres alike there arose the idea of the abstract godhead,
the god who was all the gods, the one god. As a pure abstraction one
finds thus Aditi, as equivalent to 'all the gods,'[25] and then the
more personal idea of the god that is father of all, which soon
becomes the purely personal All-god. It is at this stage where begins
conscious premeditated pantheism, which in its first beginnings is
more like monotheism, although in India there is no monotheism which
does not include devout polytheism, as will be seen in the review of
the formal philosophical systems of religion.

It is thus that we have attempted elsewhere[26] to explain that phase
of Hindu religion which Mueller calls henotheism.

Mueller, indeed, would make of henotheism a new religion, but this, the
worshipping of each divinity in turn as if it were the greatest and
even the only god recognized, is rather the result of the general
tendency to exaltation, united with pantheistic beginnings. Granting
that pure polytheism is found in a few hymns, one may yet say that
this polytheism, with an accompaniment of half-acknowledged
chrematheism, passed soon into the belief that several divinities were
ultimately and essentially but one, which may be described as
homoiotheism; and that the poets of the Rig Veda were unquestionably
esoterically unitarians to a much greater extent and in an earlier
period than has generally been acknowledged. Most of the hymns of the
Rig Veda were composed under the influence of that unification of
deities and tendency to a quasi-monotheism, which eventually results
both in philosophical pantheism, and in the recognition at the same
time of a personal first cause. To express the difference between
Hellenic polytheism and the polytheism of the Rig Veda the latter
should be called, if by any new term, rather by a name like
pantheistic polytheism, than by the somewhat misleading word
henotheism. What is novel in it is that it represents the fading of
pure polytheism and the engrafting, upon a polytheistic stock, of a
speculative homoiousian tendency soon to bud out as philosophic
pantheism.

The admission that other gods exist does not nullify the attitude of
tentative monotheism. "Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the gods?"
asks Moses, and his father-in-law, when converted to the new belief,
says: "Now I know that the Lord is greater than all gods."[27] But
this is not the quasi-monotheism of the Hindu, to whom the other gods
were real and potent factors, individually distinct from the one
supreme god, who represents the All-god, but is at once abstract and
concrete.

Pantheism in the Rig Veda comes out clearly only in one or two
passages: "The priests represent in many ways the (sun) bird that is
one"; and (cited above) "They speak of him as Indra, Mitra, Varuna,
Agni, ... that which is but one they call variously." So, too, in the
Atharvan it is said that Varuna (here a pantheistic god) is "in the
little drop of water,"[28] as in the Rik the spark of material fire is
identified with the sun.

The new belief is voiced chiefly in that portion of the Rig Veda which
appears to be latest and most Brahmanic in tone.

Here a supreme god is described under the name of "Lord of Beings,"
the "All-maker," "The Golden Germ," the "God over gods, the spirit of
their being" (x. 121). The last, a famous hymn, Mueller entitles "To
the Unknown God." It may have been intended, as has been suggested,
for a theological puzzle,[29] but its language evinces that in
whatever form it is couched--each verse ends with the refrain, 'To
what god shall we offer sacrifice?' till the last verse answers the
question, saying, 'the Lord of beings'--it is meant to raise the
question of a supreme deity and leave it unanswered in terms of a
nature-religion, though the germ is at bottom fire: "In the beginning
arose the Golden Germ; as soon as born he became the Lord of All. He
established earth and heaven--to what god shall we offer sacrifice? He
who gives breath, strength, whose command the shining gods obey; whose
shadow is life and death.... When the great waters went everywhere
holding the germ and generating light, then arose from them the one
spirit (breath) of the gods.... May he not hurt us, he the begetter of
earth, the holy one who begot heaven ... Lord of beings, thou alone
embracest all things ..."

In this closing period of the Rig Veda--a period which in many ways,
the sudden completeness of caste, the recognition of several Vedas,
etc., is much farther removed from the beginning of the work than it
is from the period of Brahmanic speculation--philosophy is hard at
work upon the problems of the origin of gods and of being. As in the
last hymn, water is the origin of all things; out of this springs
fire, and the wind which is the breath of god. So in the great hymn of
creation: "There was then neither not-being nor being; there was no
atmosphere, no sky. What hid (it)? Where and in the protection of
what? Was it water, deep darkness? There was no death nor immortality.
There was no difference between night and day. That One breathed ...
nothing other than this or above it existed. Darkness was concealed in
darkness in the beginning. Undifferentiated water was all this
(universe)." Creation is then declared to have arisen by virtue of
desire, which, in the beginning was the origin of mind;[30] and "the
gods," it is said further, "were created after this." Whether entity
springs from non-entity or vice versa is discussed in another hymn of
the same book.[31] The most celebrated of the pantheistic hymns is
that in which the universe is regarded as portions of the deity
conceived as the primal Person: "Purusha (the Male Person) is this
all, what has been and will be ... all created things are a fourth of
him; that which is immortal in the sky is three-fourths of him." The
hymn is too well known to be quoted entire. All the castes, all gods,
all animals, and the three (or four) Vedas are parts of him.[32]

Such is the mental height to which the seers have raised themselves
before the end of the Rig Veda. The figure of the Father-god,
Praj[=a]pati, 'lord of beings,' begins here; at first an epithet of
Savitar, and finally the type of the head of a pantheon, such as one
finds him to be in the Br[=a]hmanas. In one hymn only (x. 121) is
Praj[=a]pati found as the personal Father-god and All-god. At a time
when philosophy created the one Universal Male Person, the popular
religion, keeping pace, as far as it could, with philosophy, invented
the more anthropomorphized, more human, Father-god--whose name is
ultimately interpreted as an interrogation, God Who? This trait lasts
from now on through all speculation. The philosopher conceived of a
first source. The vulgar made it a personal god.

One of the most remarkable hymns of this epoch is that on V[=a]c,
Speech, or The Word. Weber has sought in this the prototype of the
Logos doctrine (below). The Word, V[=a]c (feminine) is introduced as
speaking (x. 125):

     I wander with the Rudras, with the Vasus,[33] with the
     [=A]dityas, and with all the gods; I support Mitra,
     Va['r]una, Indra-Agni, and the twin Acvins ... I give wealth
     to him that gives sacrifice, to him that presses the _soma_.
     I am the queen, the best of those worthy of sacrifice ...
     The gods have put me in many places ... I am that through
     which one eats, breathes, sees, and hears ... Him that I
     love I make strong, to be a priest, a seer, a wise man. 'Tis
     I bend Rudra's bow to hit the unbeliever; I prepare war for
     the people; I am entered into heaven and earth. I beget the
     father of this (all) on the height; my place is in the
     waters, the sea; thence I extend myself among all creatures
     and touch heaven with my crown. Even I blow like the wind,
     encompassing all creatures. Above heaven and above earth, so
    great am I grown in majesty.

This is almost Vedantic pantheism with the Vishnuite doctrine of
'special grace' included.

The moral tone of this period--if period it may be called--may best be
examined after one has studied the idea which the Vedic Hindu has
formed of the life hereafter. The happiness of heaven will be typical
of what he regards as best here. Bliss beyond the grave depends in
turn upon the existence of the spirit after death, and, that the
reader may understand this, we must say a few words in regard to the
Manes, or fathers dead. "Father Manu," as he is called,[34] was the
first 'Man.' Subsequently he is the secondary parent as a kind of
Noah; but Yama, in later tradition his brother, has taken his place as
norm of the departed fathers, Pitaras.

These Fathers (Manes), although of different sort than the gods, are
yet divine and have many godly powers, granting prayers and lending
aid, as may be seen from this invocation: "O Fathers, may the
sky-people grant us life; may we follow the course of the living" (x.
57. 5). One whole hymn is addressed to these quasi-divinities (x. 15):

     Arise may the lowest, the highest, the middlemost Fathers,
     those worthy of the _soma_, who without harm have entered
     into the spirit (-world); may these Fathers, knowing the
     seasons, aid us at our call. This reverence be to-day to the
     Fathers, who of old and afterwards departed; those who have
     settled in an earthly sphere,[35] or among peoples living in
     fair places (the gods?). I have found the gracious Fathers,
     the descendant(s) and the wide-step[36] of Vishnu; those
     who, sitting on the sacrificial straw, willingly partake of
     the pressed drink, these are most apt to come hither....
     Come hither with blessings, O Fathers; may they come hither,
     hear us, address and bless us.... May ye not injure us for
     whatever impiety we have as men committed.... With those who
     are our former Fathers, those worthy of _soma_, who are come
     to the _soma_ drink, the best (fathers), may Yama rejoicing,
     willingly with them that are willing, eat the oblations as
     much as is agreeable (to them). Come running, O Agni, with
     these (fathers), who thirsted among the gods and hastened
     hither, finding oblations and praised with songs. These
     gracious ones, the real poets, the Fathers that seat
     themselves at the sacrificial heat; who are real eaters of
     oblation; drinkers of oblation; and are set together on one
     chariot with Indra and the gods. Come, O Agni, with these, a
     thousand, honored like gods, the ancient, the original
     Fathers who seat themselves at the sacrificial heat....
     Thou, Agni, didst give the oblations to the Fathers, that
     eat according to their custom; do thou (too) eat, O god, the
     oblation offered (to thee). Thou knowest, O thou knower (or
     finder) of beings, how many are the Fathers--those who are
     here, and who are not here, of whom we know, and of whom we
     know not. According to custom eat thou the well-made
     sacrifice. With those who, burned in fire or not burned,
     (now) enjoy themselves according to custom in the middle of
     the sky, do thou, being the lord, form (for us) a spirit
     life, a body according to (our) wishes.[37]

Often the Fathers are invoked in similar language in the hymn to the
"All-gods" mentioned above, and occasionally no distinction is to be
noticed between the powers and attributes of the Fathers and those of
the gods. The Fathers, like the luminous gods, "give light" (x. 107.
1). Exactly like the gods, they are called upon to aid the living, and
even 'not to harm' (iii. 55. 2; x. 15. 6). According to one verse, the
Fathers have not attained the greatness of the gods, who impart
strength only to the gods.[38]

The Fathers are kept distinct from the gods. When the laudations
bestowed upon the former are of unequivocal character there is no
confusion between the two.[39]

The good dead, to get to the paradise awaiting them, pass over water
(X. 63. 10), and a bridge (ix. 41. 2). Here, by the gift of the gods,
not by inherent capacity, they obtain immortality. He that believes on
Agni, sings: "Thou puttest the mortal in highest immortality, O Agni";
and, accordingly, there is no suggestion that heavenly joys may cease;
nor is there in this age any notion of a _Goetterdaemmerung_.
Immortality is described as "continuing life in the highest sky,"
another proof that when formulated the doctrine was that the soul of
the dead lives in heaven or in the sun.[40]

Other cases of immortality granted by different gods are recorded by
Muir and Zimmer. Yet in one passage the words, "two paths I have heard
of the Fathers (exist), of the gods and of mortals," may mean that the
Fathers go the way of mortals or that of gods, rather than, as is the
usual interpretation, that mortals have two paths, one of the Fathers
and one of the gods,[41] for the dead may live on earth or in the air
as well as in heaven. When a good man dies his breath, it is said,
goes to the wind, his eye to the sun, etc.[42]--each part to its
appropriate prototype--while the "unborn part" is carried
"to the world of the righteous," after having been burned and heated
by the funeral fire. All these parts are restored to the soul,
however, and Agni and Soma return to it what has been injured. With
this Muir compares a passage in the Atharva Veda where it is said that
the Manes in heaven rejoice with all their limbs.[43] We dissent,
therefore, wholly from Barth, who declares that the dead are conceived
of as "resting forever in the tomb, the narrow house of clay." The
only passage cited to prove this is X. 18. 10-13, where are the words
(addressed to the dead man at the burial): "Go now to mother earth ...
she shall guard thee from destruction's lap ... Open wide, O earth, be
easy of access; as a mother her son cover this man, O earth," etc.
Ending with the verse quoted above: "May the Fathers hold the pillar
and Yama there build thee a seat."[44] The following is also found in
the Rig Veda bearing on this point: the prayer that one may meet his
parents after death; the statement that a generous man goes to the
gods; and a suggestion of the later belief that one wins immortality
by means of a son.[45]

The joys of paradise are those of earth; and heaven is thus described,
albeit in a late hymn:[46] "Where is light inexhaustible; in the world
where is placed the shining sky; set me in this immortal, unending
world, O thou that purifiest thyself (Soma); where is king (Yama), the
son of Vivasvant, and the paradise of the sky;[47] where are the
flowing waters; there make me immortal. Where one can go as he will;
in the third heaven, the third vault of the sky; where are worlds full
of light, there make me immortal; where are wishes and desires
and the red (sun)'s highest place; where one can follow his own habits
[48] and have satisfaction; there make me immortal; where exist
delight, joy, rejoicing, and joyance; where wishes are obtained, there
make me immortal."[49] Here, as above, the saints join the Fathers,
'who guard the sun.'

There is a 'bottomless darkness' occasionally referred to as a place
where evil spirits are to be sent by the gods; and a 'deep place' is
mentioned as the portion of 'evil, false, untruthful men'; while Soma
casts into 'a hole' (abyss) those that are irreligious.[50]

As darkness is hell to the Hindu, and as in all later time the demons
are spirits of darkness, it is rather forced not to see in these
allusions a misty hell, without torture indeed, but a place for the
bad either 'far away,' as it is sometimes said _(par[=a]vati)_, or
'deep down,' 'under three earths,' exactly as the Greek has a hell
below and one on the edge of the earth. Ordinarily, however, the gods
are requested simply to annihilate offenders. It is plain, as Zimmer
says, from the office of Yama's dogs, that they kept out of paradise
unworthy souls; so that the annihilation cannot have been imagined to
be purely corporeal. But heaven is not often described, and hell
never, in this period. Yet, when the paradise desired is described, it
is a place where earthly joys are prolonged and intensified. Zimmer
argues that a race which believes in good for the good hereafter must
logically believe in punishment for the wicked, and Scherman,
strangely enough, agrees with this pedantic opinion.[51] If either of
these scholars had looked away from India to the western Indians he
would have seen that, whereas almost all American Indians believe in a
happy hereafter for good warriors, only a very few tribes have any
belief in punishment for the bad. At most a Niflheim awaits the
coward. Weber thinks the Aryans already believed in a personal
immortality, and we agree with him. Whitney's belief that hell was not
known before the Upanishad period (in his translations of the _Katha
Upanishad_) is correct only if by hell torture is meant, and if the
Atharvan is later than this Upanishad, which is improbable.

The good dead in the Rig Veda return with Yama to the sacrifice to
enjoy the _soma_ and viands prepared for them by their descendants.
Hence the whole belief in the necessity of a son in order to the
obtaining of a joyful hereafter. What the rite of burial was to the
Greek, a son was to the Hindu, a means of bliss in heaven. Roth
apparently thinks that the Rig Veda's heaven is one that can best be
described in Dr. Watt's hymn:

  There is a land of pure delight
  Where saints immortal reign,
  Eternal day excludes the night,
  And pleasures banish pain;

and that especial stress should be laid on the word 'pure.' But there
is very little teaching of personal purity in the Veda, and the poet
who hopes for a heaven where he is to find 'longing women,' 'desire
and its fulfillment' has in mind, in all probability, purely impure
delights. It is not to be assumed that the earlier morality surpassed
that of the later day, when, even in the epic, the hero's really
desired heaven is one of drunkenness and women _ad libitum_. Of the
'good man' in the Rig Veda are demanded piety toward gods and manes
and liberality to priests; truthfulness and courage; and in the end of
the work there is a suggestion of ascetic 'goodness' by means of
_tapas_, austerity.[52] Grassman cites one hymn as dedicated to

'Mercy.' It is really (not a hymn and) not on mercy, but a poem
praising generosity. This generosity, however (and in general this is
true of the whole people), is not general generosity, but liberality
to the priests.[53] The blessings asked for are wealth (cattle,
horses, gold, etc.), virile power, male children ('heroic offspring')
and immortality, with its accompanying joys. Once there is a tirade
against the friend that is false to his friend (truth in act as well
as in word);[54] once only, a poem on concord, which seems to partake
of the nature of an incantation.

Incantations are rare in the Rig Veda, and appear to be looked upon as
objectionable. So in VII. 104 the charge of a 'magician' is furiously
repudiated; yet do an incantation against a rival wife, a mocking hymn
of exultation after subduing rivals, and a few other hymns of like
sort show that magical practices were well known.[55]

The sacrifice occupies a high place in the religion of the Rig Veda,
but it is not all-important, as it is later. Nevertheless, the same
presumptuous assumption that the gods depend on earthly sacrifice is
often made; the result of which, even before the collection was
complete (IV. 50), was to teach that gods and men depended on the will
of the wise men who knew how properly to conduct a sacrifice, the
key-note of religious pride in the Brahmanic period.

Indra depends on the sacrificial _soma_ to accomplish his great works.
The gods first got power through the sacrificial fire and _soma_.[56]
That images of the gods were supposed to be powerful may be inferred
from the late verses, "who buys this Indra," etc. (above), but
allusions to idolatry are elsewhere extremely doubtful.[57]

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: Compare T[=a]itt. S. VII. 4.2.1. The gods win
     immortality by means of 'sacrifice' in this later
     priest-ridden period.]

     [Footnote 2: Ludwig (IV. p. 134) wrongly understands a hell
     here.]

     [Footnote 3: 'Yama's seat' is here what it is in the epic,
     not a chapel (Pischel), but a home.]

     [Footnote 4: This may mean 'to Yama (and) to death.' In the
     Atharva Veda, V. 24. 13-14, it is said that Death is the
     lord of men; Yama, of the Manes.]

     [Footnote 5: It is here said, also, that the 'Gandharva in
     the waters and the water-woman' are the ties of
     consanguinity between Yama and Yam[=i], which means,
     apparently, that their parents were Moon and Water; a late
     idea, as in viii. 48. 13 (unique).]

     [Footnote 6: The passage, X. 17, 1-2, is perhaps meant as a
     riddle, as Bloomfield suggests (JAOS. XV. p. 172). At any
     rate, it is still a dubious passage. Compare Hillebrandt,
     _Vedische Mythologie_, I. p. 503.]

     [Footnote 7: Cited by Scherman, _Visionslitteratur_, p.
     147.]

     [Footnote 8: Possibly, 'streams.']

     [Footnote 9: AV. XVIII. 3. 13.]

     [Footnote 10: Compare AV. VI. 88. 2: "King Varuna and God
     Brihaspati," where both are gods.]

     [Footnote 11: [Greek: Kerberos](=Cabala)=_C[=a]rvara_.
     Saram[=a] is storm or dawn, or something else that means
     'runner.']

     [Footnote 12: Here the fiend is expelled by a four-eyed dog
     or a white one which has yellow ears. See the _Sacred Books
     of the East_, IV. p. IXXXVII.]

     [Footnote 13: Scherman proposes an easy solution, namely to
     cut the description in two, and make only part of it refer
     to the dogs! (_loc. cit_. p. 130).]

     [Footnote 14: The dogs may be meant in I. 29. 3, but compare
     II. 31. 5. Doubtful is I. 66. 8, according to Bergaigne,
     applied to Yama as fire.]

     [Footnote 15: _India_, p. 224.]

     [Footnote 17: Barth, p. 23, cites I. 123. 6; X. 107. 2; 82.
     2, to prove that stars are souls of dead men. These passages
     do not prove the point, but it may be inferred from X. 68.
     11. Later on it is a received belief. A moon-heaven is found
     only in VIII. 48.]

     [Footnote 18: Especially with Ymir in Scandinavian
     mythology.]

     [Footnote 19: _Visionslitteratur_, 1892.]

     [Footnote 20: _Henotheism in the Rig Veda_, p. 81.]

     [Footnote 21: This religious phase is often confounded
     loosely with pantheism, but the distinction should be
     observed. Parkman speaks of (American) Indian 'pantheism';
     and Barth speaks of ritualistic 'pantheism,' meaning thereby
     the deification of different objects used in sacrifice (p.
     37, note). But chrematheism is as distinct from pantheism as
     it is from fetishism.]

     [Footnote 22: Some seem to be old; thus Aramati, piety, has
     an Iranian representative, [=A]rma[=i]t[=i]. As masculine
     abstractions are to be added Anger, Death, etc.]

     [Footnote 23: Compare iv. 50; ii. 23 and 24; v. 43. 12; x.
     68. 9; ii. 26. 3; 23. 17; x. 97. 15. For interpretation
     compare Hillebrandt, _Ved. Myth._ i. 409-420; Bergaigne, _La
     Rel, Ved._ i. 304; Muir, OST, v. 272 ff. (with previous
     literature).]

     [Footnote 24: _Mbh[=a]_.i. 74. 68. Compare Holtzmann, ZDMG.
     xxxiii. 631 ff.]

     [Footnote 25: i. 89. 10: "Aditi is all the gods and men;
     Aditi is whatever has been born; Aditi is whatever will be
     born."]

     [Footnote 26: _Henotheism in the Rig Veda_ (Drisler
     Memorial).]

     [Footnote 27: Ex. xv. 11; xviii. 11.]

     [Footnote 28: RV. x. 114. 5; i. 164. 46; AV. iv. 16. 3.]

     [Footnote 29: Bloomfield, JAOS. xv. 184.]

     [Footnote 30: "Desire, the primal seed of mind," x. 129. 4.]

     [Footnote 31: x. 72 (contains also the origin of the gods
     from Aditi).]

     [Footnote 32: x. 90, Here _chand[=a][.m]si_, carmina, is
     probably the Atharvan.]

     [Footnote 33: Rudras, Vasus, and [=A]dityas, the three
     famous groups of gods. The Vasus are in Indra's train, the
     'shining,' or, perhaps, 'good' gods.]

     [Footnote 34: ii. 33. 13; x. 100. 5, etc. If the idea of
     manus=bonus be rejected, the Latin _manes_ may be referred
     to _m[=a]navas_, the children of Manu.]

     [Footnote 35: Or: "in an earthly place, in the atmosphere,
     or," etc.]

     [Footnote 36: That is where the Fathers live. This is the
     only place where the Fathers are said to be _nap[=a]t_
     (descendants) of Vishnu, and here the sense may be "I have
     discovered _Nap[=a]t_ (fire?)" But in i. 154. 5 Vishnu's
     worshippers rejoice in his home.]

     [Footnote 37: Or: "form as thou wilt this body (of a corpse)
     to spirit life."]

     [Footnote 38: x. 56. 4; otherwise, Grassmann.]

     [Footnote 39: vi. 73. 9 refers to ancestors on earth, not in
     heaven.]

     [Footnote 40: Compare Muir, OST. v. 285, where i. 125. 5 is
     compared with x. 107. 2: "The gift-giver becomes immortal;
     the gift-giver lives in the sky; he that gives horses lives
     in the sun." Compare Zimmer, _Altind. Leben_ p. 409; Geiger,
     _Ostiran. Cultur_, p. 290.]

     [Footnote 41: x. 88. 15, word for word: "two paths heard of
     the Fathers I, of the gods and of mortals." Cited as a
     mystery, Brih. [=A]ran. Up. vi. 2. 2.]

     [Footnote 42: x. 16. 3: "if thou wilt go to the waters or to
     the plants," is added after this (in addressing the soul of
     the dead man). Plant-souls occur again in x. 58. 7.]

     [Footnote 43: A V. XVIII.4.64; Muir, Av. _loc. cit._ p. 298.
     A passage of the Atharvan suggests that the dead may have
     been exposed as in Iran, but there is no trace of this in
     the Rig Veda (Zimmer, _loc. cit._ p. 402).]

     [Footnote 44: Barth, _Vedic Religions_, p. 23; _ib._, the
     narrow 'house of clay,' RV. VII. 89. 1.]

     [Footnote 45: I. 24. 1; I. 125.6; VII. 56.24; cited by
     Mueller, _Chips_, I. p. 45.]

     [Footnote 46: IX. 113. 7 ff.]

     [Footnote 47: _Avar[=o]dhana[.m] divas_, 'enclosure of the
     sky.']

     [Footnote 48: Literally, 'where custom' (obtains), _i.e._,
     where the old usages still hold.]

     [Footnote 49: The last words are to be understood as of
     sensual pleasures (Muir, _loc. cit._ p. 307, notes 462,
     463).]

     [Footnote 50: RV. II. 29. 6; VII. 104. 3, 17; IV. 5. 5; IX.
     73. 8. Compare Mulr, _loc. cit_. pp. 311-312; and Zimmer,
     _loc. cit._ pp. 408, 418. Yama's 'hero-holding abode' is not
     a hell, as Ludwig thinks, but, as usual, the top vault of
     heaven.]

     [Footnote 51: _loc. cit._ p. 123.]

     [Footnote 52: X. 154. 2; 107. 2. Compare the mad ascetic,
     _muni_, VIII. 17. 14.]

     [Footnote 53: X. 117. This is clearly seen in the seventh
     verse, where is praised the 'Brahman who talks,' _i.e._, can
     speak in behalf of the giver to the gods (compare verse
     three).]

     [Footnote 54: X. 71. 6.]

     [Footnote 55: Compare X. 145; 159. In X. 184 there is a
     prayer addressed to the goddesses Sin[=i]v[=a]l[=i] and
     Sarasvat[=i] (in conjunction with Vishnu, Tvashtar, the
     Creator, Praj[=a]pati, and the Horsemen) to make a woman
     fruitful.]

     [Footnote 56: II. 15. 2; X. 6. 7 (Barth, _loc. cit._ p. 36).
     The sacrifice of animals, cattle, horses, goats, is
     customary; that of man, legendary; but it is implied in X.
     18.8 (Hillebrandt, ZDMG. Xl p. 708), and is ritualized in
     the next period (below).]

     [Footnote 57: Phallic worship may be alluded to in that of
     the 'tail-gods,' as Garbe thinks, but it is deprecated. One
     verse, however, which seems to have crept in by mistake, is
     apparently due to phallic influence (VIII. 1. 34), though
     such a cult was not openly acknowledged till Civa-worship
     began, and is no part of Brahmanism.]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER VII.

THE RELIGION OF THE ATHARVA VEDA.


The hymns of the Rig Veda inextricably confused; the deities of an
earlier era confounded, and again merged together in a pantheism now
complete; the introduction of strange gods; recognition of a hell of
torture; instead of many divinities the One that represents all the
gods, and nature as well; incantations for evil purposes and charms
for a worthy purpose; formulae of malediction to be directed against
'those whom I hate and who hate me'; magical verses to obtain
children, to prolong life, to dispel 'evil magic,' to guard against
poison and other ills; the paralyzing extreme of ritualistic reverence
indicated by the exaltation to godhead of the 'remnant' of sacrifice;
hymns to snakes, to diseases, to sleep, time, and the stars; curses on
the 'priest-plaguer'--such, in general outline, is the impression
produced by a perusal of the Atharvan after that of the Rig Veda. How
much of this is new?

The Rig Veda is not lacking in incantations, in witchcraft practices,
in hymns to inanimate things, in indications of pantheism. But the
general impression is produced, both by the tone of such hymns as
these and by their place in the collection, that they are an addition
to the original work. On the other hand, in reading the Atharvan hymns
the collective impression is decidedly this, that what to the Rig is
adventitious is essential to the Atharvan.

It has often been pointed out, however, that not only the practices
involved, but the hymns themselves, in the Atharvan, may have existed
long before they were collected, and that, while the Atharvan
collection, as a whole, takes historical place after the Rig Veda,
there yet may be comprised in the former much which is as old as any
part of the latter work. It is also customary to assume that such
hymns as betoken a lower worship (incantations, magical formulae,
etc.) were omitted purposely from the Rig Veda to be collected in the
Atharvan. That which eventually can neither be proved nor disproved
is, perhaps, best left undiscussed, and it is vain to seek scientific
proof where only historic probabilities are obtainable. Yet, if a
closer approach to truth be attractive, even a greater probability
will be a gain, and it becomes worth while to consider the problem a
little with only this hope in view.

Those portions of the Rig Veda which seem to be Atharvan-like are, in
general, to be found in the later books (or places) of the collection.
But it would be presumptuous to conclude that a work, although almost
entirely given up to what in the Rig Veda appears to be late, should
itself be late in origin. By analogy, in a nature-religion such as was
that of India, the practice of demonology, witchcraft, etc., must have
been an early factor. But, while this is true, it is clearly
impossible to postulate therefrom that the hymns recording all this
array of cursing, deviltry, and witchcraft are themselves early. The
further forward one advances into the labyrinth of Hindu religions the
more superstitions, the more devils, demons, magic, witchcraft, and
uncanny things generally, does he find. Hence, while any one
superstitious practice may be antique, there is small probability for
assuming a contemporaneous origin of the hymns of the two collections.
The many verses cited, apparently pell-mell, from the Rig Veda, might,
it is true, revert to a version older than that in which they are
found in the Rig Veda, but there is nothing to show that they were not
taken from the Rig Veda, and re-dressed in a form that rendered them
in many cases more intelligible; so that often what is respectfully
spoken of as a 'better varied reading' of the Atharvan may be better,
as we have said in the introductory chapter, only in lucidity; and the
lucidity be due to tampering with a text old and unintelligible.
Classical examples abound in illustrations.

Nevertheless, although an antiquity equal to that of the whole Rig
Veda can by no means be claimed for the Atharvan collection (which, at
least in its tone, belongs to the Brahmanic period), yet is the mass
represented by the latter, if not contemporaneous, at any rate so
venerable, that it safely may be assigned to a period as old as that
in which were composed the later hymns of the Rik itself. But in
distinction from the hymns themselves the weird religion they
represent is doubtless as old, if not older, than that of the Rig
Veda. For, while the Rig Vedic _soma-_cult is Indo-Iranian, the
original Atharvan (fire) cult is even more primitive, and the basis of
the work, from this point of view, may have preceded the composition
of Rik hymns. This Atharvan religion--if it may be called so--is,
therefore, of exceeding importance. It opens wide the door which the
Rik puts ajar, and shows a world of religious and mystical ideas which
without it could scarcely have been suspected. Here magic eclipses
Soma and reigns supreme. The wizard is greater than the gods; his
herbs and amulets are sovereign remedies. Religion is seen on its
lowest side. It is true that there is 'bad magic' and 'good magic'
(the existence of the former is substantiated by the maledictions
against it), but what has been received into the collection is
apparently the best. To heal the sick and procure desirable things is
the object of most of the charms and incantations--but some of the
desirable things are disease and death of one's foes. On the higher
side of religion, from a metaphysical point of view, the Atharvan is
pantheistic. It knows also the importance of the 'breaths,'[1] the
vital forces; it puts side by side the different gods and says that
each 'is lord.' It does not lack philosophical speculation which,
although most of it is puerile, sometimes raises questions of wider
scope, as when the sage inquires who made the body with its wonderful
parts--implying, but not stating the argument, from design, in its
oldest form.[2]

Of magical verses there are many, but the content is seldom more than
"do thou, O plant, preserve from harm," etc. Harmless enough, if
somewhat weak, are also many other hymns calculated to procure
blessings:

  Blessings blow to us the wind,
  Blessings glow to us the sun,
  Blessings be to us the day,
  Blest to us the night appear,
  Blest to us the dawn shall shine,

is a fair specimen of this innocuous sort of verse.[3] Another example
may be seen in this hymn to a king: "Firm is the sky; firm is the
earth; firm, all creation; firm, these hills; firm the king of the
people (shall be)," etc.[4] In another hymn there is an incantation to
release from possible ill coming from a foe and from inherited ill or
sin.[5] A free spirit of doubt and atheism, already foreshadowed in
the Rig Veda, is implied in the prayer that the god will be merciful
to the cattle of that man "whose creed is 'Gods exist.'"[6]
Serpent-worship is not only known, but prevalent.[7] The old gods
still hold, as always, their nominal places, albeit the system is
pantheistic, so that Varuna is god of waters; and Mitra with Varuna,
gods of rain.[8] As a starting-point of philosophy the dictum of the
Rig Veda is repeated: 'Desire is the seed of mind,' and 'love, _i.e._,
desire, was born first.' Here Aditi is defined anew as the one in
whose lap is the wide atmosphere-- she is parent and child, gods and
men, all in all--'may she extend to us a triple shelter.' As an
example of curse against curse may be compared II. 7:

     The sin-hated, god-born plant, that frees from the curse as
     waters (wash out) the spot, has washed away all curses, the
     curse of my rival and of my sister; (that) which the Brahman
     in anger cursed, all this lies under my feet ... With this
     plant protect this (wife), protect my child, protect our
     property ... May the curse return to the curser ... We smite
     even the ribs of the foe with the evil (_mantra_) eye.

A love-charm in the same book (II. 30) will remind the classical
student of Theocritus' second idyl: 'As the wind twirls around grass
upon the ground, so I twirl thy mind about, that thou mayst become
loving, that thou mayst not depart from me,' etc. In the following
verses the Horsemen gods are invoked to unite the lovers.
Characteristic among bucolic passages is the cow-song in II. 26, the
whole intent of which is to ensure a safe return to the cows on their
wanderings: 'Hither may they come, the cattle that have wandered far
away,' etc.

The view that there are different conditions of Manes is clearly
taught in XVIII. 2. 48-49, where it is said that there are three
heavens, in the highest of which reside the Manes; while a distinction
is made at the same time between 'fathers' and 'grandfathers,' the
fathers' fathers, 'who have entered air, who inhabit earth and
heaven.' Here appears nascent the doctrine of 'elevating the Fathers,'
which is expressly taught in the next era. The performance of rites in
honor of the Manes causes them to ascend from a low state to a higher
one. In fact, if the offerings are not given at all, the spirits do
not go to heaven. In general the older generations of Manes go up
highest and are happiest. The personal offering is only to the
immediate fathers.

If, as was shown in the introductory chapter, the Atharvan represents
a geographical advance on the part of the Vedic Aryans, this fact
cannot be ignored in estimating the primitiveness of the collection.
Geographical advance, acquaintance with other flora and fauna than
those of the Rig Veda, means--although the argument of silence must
not be exaggerated--a temporal advance also. And not less significant
are the points of view to which one is led in the useful little work
of Scherman on the philosophical hymns of the Atharvan. Scherman
wishes to show the connection between the Upanishads and Vedas. But
the bearing of his collection is toward a closer union of the two
bodies of works, and especially of the Atharvan, not to the greater
gain in age of the Upanishads so much as to the depreciation in
venerableness of the former. If the Atharvan has much more in common
with the Br[=a]hmanas and Upanishads than has the Rig Veda, it is
because the Atharvan stands, in many respects, midway in time between
the era of Vedic hymnology and the thought of the philosophical
period. The terminology is that of the Br[=a]hmanas, rather than that
of the Rig Veda. The latter knows the great person; the Atharvan, and
the former know the original great person, _i.e._., the _tausa movens_
under the _causa efficiens_, etc. In the Atharvan appears first the
worship of Time, Love, 'Support' (Skambha), and the 'highest _brahma_.
The cult of the holy cow is fully recognized (XII. 4 and 5). The late
ritualistic terms, as well as linguistic evidence, confirm the fact
indicated by the geographical advance. The country is known from
western Balkh to eastern Beh[=a]r, the latter familiarly.[9] In a
word, one may conclude that on its higher side the Atharvan is later
than the Rig Veda, while on its lower side of demonology one may
recognize the religion of the lower classes as compared with that of
the two upper classes--for the latter the Rig Veda, for the
superstitious people at large the Atharvan, a collection
of which the origin agrees with its application. For, if it at first
was devoted to the unholy side of fire-cult, and if the fire-cult is
older than the _soma_-cult, then this is the cult that one would
expect to see most affected by the conservative vulgar, who in India
hold fast to what the cultured have long dropped as superstition, or,
at least, pretended to drop; though the house-ritual keeps some magic
in its fire-cult.

In that case, it may be asked, why not begin the history of Hindu
religion with the Atharvan, rather than with the Rig Veda? Because the
Atharvan, as a whole, in its language, social conditions, geography,
'remnant' worship, etc., shows that this literary collection is
posterior to the Rik collection. As to individual hymns, especially
those imbued with the tone of fetishism and witchcraft, any one of
them, either in its present or original form, may outrank the whole
Rik in antiquity, as do its superstitions the religion of the Rik--if
it is right to make a distinction between superstition and religion,
meaning by the former a lower, and by the latter a more elevated form
of belief in the supernatural.

The difference between the Rik-worshipper and Atharvan-worshipper is
somewhat like that which existed at a later age between the
philosophical Civaite and Durg[=a]ite. The former revered Civa, but
did not deny the power of a host of lesser mights, whom he was ashamed
to worship too much; the latter granted the all-god-head of Civa, but
paid attention almost exclusively to some demoniac divinity.
Superstition, perhaps, always precedes theology; but as surely does
superstition outlive any one form of its protean rival. And the simple
reason is that a theology is the real belief of few, and varies with
their changing intellectual point of view; while superstition is the
belief unacknowledged of the few and acknowledged of the many, nor
does it materially change from age to age. The rites employed among
the clam-diggers on the New York coast, the witch-charms they use, the
incantations, cutting of flesh, fire-oblations, meaningless formulae,
united with sacrosanct expressions of the church, are all on a par
with the religion of the lower classes as depicted in Theocritus and
the Atharvan. If these mummeries and this hocus-pocus were collected
into a volume, and set out with elegant extracts from the Bible, there
would be a nineteenth century Atharva Veda. What are the necessary
equipment of a Long Island witch? First, "a good hot fire," and then
formulae such as this:[10]

     "If a man is attacked by wicked people and how to banish
     them:

     "Bedgoblin and all ye evil spirits, I, N.N., forbid you my
     bedstead, my couch; I, N.N., forbid you in the name of God
     my house and home; I forbid you in the name of the Holy
     Trinity my blood and flesh, my body and soul; I forbid you
     all the nail-holes in my house and home, till you have
     travelled over every hill, waded through every water, have
     counted all the leaves of every tree, and counted all the
     stars in the sky, until the day arrives when the mother of
     God shall bare her second son."

If this formula be repeated three times, with the baptismal name of
the person, it will succeed!

     "To make one's self invisible:

     "Obtain the ear of a black cat, boil it in the milk of a
     black cow, wear it on the thumb, and no one will see you."

This is the Atharvan, or fire-and witch-craft of to-day--not differing
much from the ancient. It is the unchanging foundation of the many
lofty buildings of faith that are erected, removed, and rebuilt upon
it--the belief in the supernatural at its lowest, a belief which, in
its higher stages, is always level with the general intellect of those
that abide in it.

The latest book of the Atharvan is especially for the warrior-caste,
but the mass of it is for the folk at large. It was long before it was
recognized as a legitimate Veda. It never stands, in the older period
of Brahmanism, on a par with the S[=a]man and Rik. In the epic period
good and bad magic are carefully differentiated, and even to-day the
Atharvan is repudiated by southern Br[=a]hmans. But there is no doubt
that _sub rosa_, the silliest practices inculcated and formulated in
the Atharvan were the stronghold of a certain class of priests, or
that such priests were feared and employed by the laity, openly by the
low classes, secretly by the intelligent.

In respect of the name the magical cult was referred, historically
with justice, to the fire-priests, Atharvan and Angiras, though little
application to fire, other than in _soma_-worship, is apparent. Yet
was this undoubtedly the source of the cult (the fire-cult is still
distinctly associated with the Atharva Veda in the epic), and the name
is due neither to accident nor to a desire to invoke the names of
great seers, as will Weber.[11] The other name of Brahmaveda may have
connection with the 'false science of Brihaspati,' alluded to in a
Upanishad.[12] This seer is not over-orthodox, and later he is the
patron of the unorthodox C[=a]rv[=a]kas. It was seen above that the
god Brihaspati is also a novelty not altogether relished by the Vedic
Aryans.

From an Aryan point of view how much weight is to be placed on
comparisons of the formulae in the Atharvan of India with those of
other Aryan nations? Kuhn has compared[13] an old German magic formula
of healing with one in the Atharvan, and because each says 'limb to
limb' he thinks that they are of the same origin, particularly since
the formula is found in Russian. The comparison is interesting, but it
is far from convincing. Such formulae spring up independently all over
the earth.

Finally, it is to be observed that in this Veda first occurs the
implication of the story of the flood (xix. 39. 8), and the saving of
Father Manu, who, however, is known by this title in the Rik. The
supposition that the story of the flood is derived from Babylon,
seems, therefore, to be an unnecessary (although a permissible)
hypothesis, as the tale is old enough in India to warrant a belief in
its indigenous origin.[14]

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: XV. 15.]

     [Footnote 2: X. 2.]

     [Footnote 3: VII. 69. Compare RV. VII. 35, and the epic
     (below).]

     [Footnote 4: X. 173.]

     [Footnote 5: V. 30.]

     [Footnote 6: XI. 2. 28.]

     [Footnote 7: XI. 9; VIII. 6 and 7, with tree-worship.]

     [Footnote 8: V. 24. 4-5. On 'the one god' compare X. 8. 28;
     XIII. 4. 15. Indra as S[=u]rya, in VII. 11; cf. xiii. 4;
     XVII. 1. 24. Pantheism in X. 7. 14. 25. Of charms, compare
     ii. 9, to restore life; III. 6, a curse against 'whom I
     hate'; III. 23, to obtain offspring. On the stars and night,
     see hymn at XIX. 8 and 47. In V. 13, a guard against poison;
     _ib._ a hymn to a drum; _ib._ 31, a charm to dispel evil
     magic; VI. 133, magic to produce long life; V. 23, against
     worms, etc., etc. Aditi, VII. 6. 1-4 (partly Rik).]

     [Footnote 9: Compare Muir, OST. II. 447 ff.]

     [Footnote 10: This old charm is still used among the
     clam-diggers of Canarsie, N.Y.]

     [Footnote 11: _Ind. Lit_^2 p. 164.]

     [Footnote 12: _M[=a]it. Up._. vii. 9. He is 'the gods'
     Brahm[=a]' (Rik.)]

     [Footnote 13: _Indische und germanische Segenssprueche_; KZ.
     xiii. 49.]

     [Footnote 14: One long hymn, xii. 1, of the Atharvan is to
     earth and fire (19-20). In the Rik, _atharvan_ is
     fire-priest and bringer of fire from heaven; while once the
     word may mean fire itself (viii. 9, 7). The name Brahmaveda
     is perhaps best referred to _brahma_ as fire (whence
     'fervor,' 'prayer,' and again 'energy,' 'force'). In
     distinction from the great _soma_-sacrifices, the fire-cult
     always remains the chief thing in the domestic ritual. The
     present Atharvan formulae have for the most part no visible
     application to fire, but the name still shows the original
     connection.]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER VIII.

EARLY HINDU DIVINITIES COMPARED WITH THOSE OF OTHER ARYANS.


Nothing is more usual than to attempt a reconstruction of Aryan ideas
in manners, customs, laws, and religious conceptions, by placing side
by side similar traits of individual Aryan nations, and stating or
insinuating that the result of the comparison shows that one is
handling primitive characteristics of the whole Aryan body. It is of
special importance, therefore, to see in how far the views and
practices of peoples not Aryan may be found to be identical with those
of Aryans. The division of the army into clans, as in the Iliad and
the Veda; the love of gambling, as shown by Greeks, Teutons, and
Hindus; the separation of captains and princes, as is illustrated by
Teuton and Hindu; the belief in a flood, common to Iranian, Greek, and
Hindu; in the place of departed spirits, with the journey over a river
(Iranian, Hindu, Scandinavian, Greek); in the after-felicity of
warriors who die on the field of battle (Scandinavian, Greek, and
Hindu); in the reverence paid to the wind-god (Hindu, Iranian, and
Teutonic, V[=a]ta-Wotan); these and many other traits at different
times, by various writers, have been united and compared to illustrate
primitive Aryan belief and religion.

The traits of the Five Nations of the Veda for this reason may be
compared very advantageously with the traits of the Five Nations of
the Iroquois Indians, the most united and intelligent of American
native tribes. Their institutions are not yet extinct, and they have
been described by missionaries of the 17th century and by some modern
writers, to whom can be imputed no hankering after Aryan primitive
ideas.[1] It is but a few years back since the last _avat[=a]r_ of the
Iroquois' incarnate god lived in Onondaga, N.Y.

First, as an illustration of the extraordinary development of memory
among rhapsodes, Vedic students, and other Aryans; among the Iroquois
"memory was tasked to the utmost, and developed to an extraordinary
degree," says Parkman, who adds that they could repeat point by point
with precision any address made to them.[2] Murder was compromised for
by _Wehrgeld_, as among the Vedic, Iranic, and Teutonic peoples. The
Iroquois, like all Indians, was a great gambler, staking all his
property[3] (like the Teutons and Hindus). In religion "A mysterious
and inexplicable power resides in inanimate things ... Lakes, rivers,
and waterfalls [as conspicuously in India] are sometimes the
dwelling-place of spirits; but more frequently they are themselves
living beings, to be propitiated by prayers and offerings."[4] The
greatest spirit among the Algonquins is the descendant of the moon,
and son of the west-wind (personified). After the deluge (thus the
Hindus, etc.) this great spirit (Manabozho, _mana_ is Manu?) restored
the world; some asserting that he created the world out of water. But
others say that the supreme spirit is the sun (Le Jeune, Relation,
1633). The Algonquins, besides a belief in a good spirit (_manitou_),
had also a belief in a malignant _manitou_, in whom the missionaries
recognized the devil (why not Ormuzd and Ahriman?). One tribe invokes
the 'Maker of Heaven,' the 'god of waters,' and also the 'seven
spirits of the wind' (so, too, seven is a holy number in the Veda,
etc.).

The Iroquois, like the Hindu (later), believe that the earth rests on
the back of a turtle or tortoise[5], and that this is ruled over by
the sun and moon, the first being a good spirit; the second,
malignant. The good spirit interposes between the malice of the moon
and mankind, and it is he who makes rivers; for when the earth was
parched, all the water being held back from earth under the armpit of
a monster frog, he pierced the armpit and let out the water (exactly
as Indra lets out the water held back by the demon). According to
some, this great spirit created mankind, but in the third generation a
deluge destroyed his posterity[6]. The good spirit among the Iroquois
is the one that gives good luck (perhaps Bhaga). These Indians believe
in the immortality of the soul. Skillful hunters, brave warriors, go,
after death, to the happy hunting-grounds (as in India and
Scandinavia); the cowardly and weak are doomed to live in dreary
regions of mist and darkness (compare Niflheim and the Iranian
eschatology?). To pass over other religious correspondences, the
sacrifice of animals, use of amulets, love-charms, magic, and sorcery,
which are all like those of Aryans (to compare, also, are the burying
or exposing of the dead and the Hurons' funeral games), let one take
this as a good illustration of the value of 'comparative Aryan
mythology':

According to the Aryan belief the soul of the dead passes over a
stream, across a bridge, past a dog or two, which guard the gate of
paradise. The Hindu, Iranian, Greek, and Scandinavian, all have the
dog, and much emphasis has been laid on the 'Aryan' character of this
creed. The native Iroquois Indians believed that "the spirits on their
journey (to heaven) were beset with difficulties and perils. There was
a swift river to be crossed on a log that shook beneath the feet,
while a ferocious dog opposed their passage[7]." Here is the Persians'
narrow bridge, and even Kerberos himself!

It is also interesting to note that, as the Hindus identify with the
sun so many of their great gods, so the Iroquois "sacrifices to some
superior spirit, or to the sun, with which the superior spirits were
constantly confounded by the primitive Indian[8]."

Weber holds that because Greek and Hindu gave the name 'bear' to a
constellation, therefore this is the "primitive Indo-Germanic name of
the star[9]." But the Massachusetts Indians "gave their own name for
bear to the Ursa major" (Williams' 'Key,' cited Palfrey, I. p. 36; so
Lafitau, further west).

Again, three, seven, and even 'thrice-seven,' are holy not only in
India but in America.

In this new world are found, to go further, the analogues of Varuna in
the monotheistic god Viracocha of the Peruvians, to whom is addressed
this prayer: "Cause of all things! ever present, helper, creator, ever
near, ever fortunate one! Thou incorporeal one above the sun,
infinite, and beneficent[10]"; of the Vedic Snake of the Deep, in the
Mexican Cloud-serpent; of the Vedic Lightning-bird, who brings fire
from heaven, in the Indian Thunder-bird, who brings fire from
heaven[11]; of the preservation of one individual from a flood (in the
epic, Manu's 'Seven Seers') in the same American myth, even including
the holy mountain, which is still shown[12]; of the belief that the
sun is the home of departed spirits, in the same belief all over
America;[13] of the belief that stars are the souls of the dead, in
the same belief held by the Pampas;[14] and even of the late Brahmanic
custom of sacrificing the widow (suttee), in the practice of the
Natchez Indians, and in Guatemala, of burning the widow on the pyre of
the dead husband.[15] The storm wind (Odin) as highest god is found
among the Choctaws; while 'Master of Breath' is the Creeks' name for
this divinity. Huraka (hurricane, ouragon, ourage) is the chief god in
Hayti.[16] An exact parallel to the vague idea of hell at the close of
the Vedic period, with the gradual increase of the idea, alternating
with a theory of reincarnation, may be found in the fact that, in
general, there is no notion of punishment after death among the
Indians of the New World; but that, while the good are assisted and
cared for after death by the 'Master of Breath,' the Creeks believe
that the liar, the coward, and the niggard (Vedic sinners _par
excellence!_) are left to shift for themselves in darkness; whereas
the Aztecs believed in a hell surrounded by the water called 'Nine
Rivers,' guarded by a dog and a dragon; and the great Eastern American
tribes believe that after the soul has been for a while in heaven it
can, if it chooses, return to earth and be born again as a man,
utilizing its old bones (which are, therefore, carefully preserved by
the surviving members of the family) as a basis for a new body.[17]

To turn to another foreign religion, how tempting would it be to see
in Nutar the 'abstract power' of the Egyptian, an analogue of _brahma_
and the other 'power' abstractions of India; to recognize Brahm[=a] in
El; and in Nu, sky, and expanse of waters, to see Varuna; especially
when one compares the boat-journey of the Vedic seer with R[=a]'s boat
in Egypt. Or, again, in the twin children of R[=a] to see the Acvins;
and to associate the mundane egg of the Egyptians with that of the
Brahmans.[18] Certainly, had the Egyptians been one of the Aryan
families, all these conceptions had been referred long ago to the
category of 'primitive Aryan ideas.' But how primitive is a certain
religious idea will not be shown by simple comparison of Aryan
parallels. It will appear more often that it is not 'primitive,' but,
so to speak, per-primitive, aboriginal with no one race, but with the
race of man. When we come to describe the religions of the wild tribes
of India it will be seen that among them also are found traits common,
on the one hand, to the Hindu, and on the other to the wild tribes of
America. With this warning in mind one may inquire at last in how far
a conservative judgment can find among the Aryans themselves an
identity of original conception in the different forms of divinities
and religious rites. Foremost stand the universal chrematheism,
worship of inanimate objects regarded as usefully divine, and the cult
of the departed dead. This latter is almost universal, perhaps
pan-Aryan, and Weber is probably right in assuming that the primitive
Aryans believed in a future life. But Benfey's identification of
Tartaras with the Sanskrit Tal[=a]tala, the name of a special hell in
very late systems of cosmogony, is decidedly without the bearing he
would put upon it. The Sanskrit word may be taken directly from the
Greek, but of an Aryan source for both there is not the remotest
historical probability.

When, however, one comes to the Lord of the Dead he finds himself
already in a narrower circle. Yama is the Persian Yima, and the name
of Kerberos may have been once an adjective applied to the dog that
guarded the path to paradise; but other particular conceptions that
gather about each god point only to a period of Indo-Iranian unity.

Of the great nature-gods the sun is more than Aryan, but doubtless was
Aryan, for S[=u]rya is Helios, but Savitar is a development especially
Indian. Dy[=a]us-pitar is Zeus-pater, Jupiter.[19] Trita, scarcely
Triton, is the Persian Thraetaona who conquers Vritra, as does Indra
in India. The last, on the other hand, is to be referred only
hesitatingly to the demon A[=n]dra of the Avesta. Varuna, despite
phonetic difficulties, probably is Ouranos; but Asura (Asen?) is a
title of many gods in India's first period, while the corresponding
Ahura is restricted to the good spirit, [Greek: kat hexochen]. The
seven [=A]dityas are reflected in the _Amesha Cpentas_ of Zoroastrian
Puritanism, but these are mere imitations, spiritualized and moralized
into abstractions. Bhaga is Slavic Bogu and Persian Bagha; Mitra is
Persian Mithra. The Acvins are all but in name the Greek gods
Dioskouroi, and correspond closely in detail (riding on horses,
healing and helping, originally twins of twilight). Tacitus gives a
parallel Teutonic pair (Germ. 43). Ushas, on the other hand, while
etymologically corresponding to Aurora, Eos, is a specially Indian
development, as Eos has no cult. V[=a]ta, Wind, is an aboriginal god,
and may perhaps be Wotan, Odin.[20] Parjanya, the rain-god, as Buehler
has shown, is one with Lithuanian Perkuna, and with the northern
Fioegyu. The 'fashioner,' Tvashtar (sun) is only Indo-Iranian;
Thw[=a]sha probably being the same word.

Of lesser mights, Angiras, name of fire, may be Persian _angaros_,
'fire-messenger' (compare [Greek: haggelos]), perhaps originally one
with Sk. _ang[=a]ra_, 'coal.'[21] Hebe has been identified with
_yavy[=a]_, young woman, but this word is enough to show that Hebe has
naught to do with the Indian pantheon. The Gandharva, moon, is
certainly one with the Persian Gandarewa, but can hardly be identical
with the Centaur. Saram[=a] seems to have, together with S[=a]rameya,
a Grecian parallel development in Helena (a goddess in Sparta),
Selene, Hermes; and Sarany[=u] may be the same with Erinnys, but these
are not Aryan figures in the form of their respective developments,
though they appear to be so in origin. It is scarcely possible that
Earth is an Aryan deity with a cult, though different Aryan (and
un-Aryan) nations regarded her as divine. The Maruts are especially
Indian and have no primitive identity as gods with Mars, though the
names may be radically connected. The fire-priests, Bhrigus, are
supposed to be one with the [Greek: phlegixu]. The fact that the fate
of each in later myth is to visit hell would presuppose, however, an
Aryan notion of a torture-hell, of which the Rig Veda has no
conception. The Aryan identity of the two myths is thereby made
uncertain, if not implausible. The special development in India of the
fire-priest that brings down fire from heaven, when compared with the
personification of the 'twirler' (Promantheus) in Greece, shows that
no detailed myth was current in primitive times.[22] The name of the
fire-priest, _brahman_ = fla(g)men(?), is an indication of the
primitive fire-cult in antithesis to the _soma_-cult, which latter
belongs to the narrower circle of the Hindus and Persians. Here,
however, in the identity of names for sacrifice (_yajna, yacna_) and
of _barhis_, the sacrificial straw, of _soma = haoma_, together with
many other liturgical similarities, as in the case of the metres, one
must recognize a fully developed _soma_-cult prior to the separation
of the Hindus and Iranians.

Of demigods of evil type the _Y[=a]tus_ are both Hindu and Iranian,
but the priest-names of the one religion are evil names in the other,
as the _devas_, gods, of one are the _daevas_, demons, of the
other.[23] There are no other identifications that seem at
all certain in the strict province of religion, although in myth the
form of Manus, who is the Hindu Noah, has been associated with
Teutonic Mannus, and Greek Minos, noted in Thucydides for his
sea-faring. He is to Yama (later regarded as his brother) as is Noah
to Adam.

We do not lay stress on lack of equation in proper names, but, as
Schrader shows (p. 596 ff.), very few comparisons on this line have a
solid phonetic foundation. Minos, Manu; Ouranos, Varuna; Wotan,
V[=a]ta, are dubious; and some equate flamen with blotan, sacrifice.

Other wider or narrower comparisons, such as Neptunus from _nap[=a]t
ap[=a]m,_ seem to us too daring to be believed. Apollo (_sapary_),
Aphrodite (Apsaras), Artamis (non-existent _[r.]tam[=a]l_), P[=a]n
(_pavana_), have been cleverly compared, but the identity of forms has
scarcely been proved. Nor is it important for the comparative
mythologist that Okeanus is 'lying around' (_[=a]cay[=a]na_). More
than that is necessary to connect Ocean mythologically with the demon
that surrounds (swallows) the waters of the sky. The Vedic parallel is
rather Ras[=a], the far-off great 'stream.' It is rarely that one
finds Aryan equivalents in the land of fairies and fays. Yet are the
Hindu clever artizan Ribhus[24] our 'elves,' who, even to this day,
are distinct from fairies in their dexterity and cleverness, as every
wise child knows.

But animism, as simple spiritism, fetishism, perhaps ancestor-worship,
and polytheism, with the polydaemonism that may be called
chrematheism, exists from the beginning of the religious history,
undisturbed by the proximity of theism, pantheism, or atheism; exactly
as to-day in the Occident, beside theism and atheism, exist spiritism
and fetishism (with their inherent magic), and even ancestor-worship,
as implied by the reputed after-effect of parental curses.

When the circle is narrowed to that of the Indo-Iranian connection the
similarity in religion between the Veda and Avesta becomes much more
striking than in any other group, as has been shown. It is here that
the greatest discrepancy in opinion obtains among modern scholars.
Some are inclined to refer all that smacks of Persia to a remote
period of Indo-Iranian unity, and, in consequence, to connect all
tokens of contact with the west with far-away regions out of India. It
is scarcely possible that such can be the case. But, on the other
hand, it is unhistorical to connect, as do some scholars, the worship
of _soma_ and Varuna with a remote period of unity, and then with a
jump to admit a close connection between Veda and Avesta in the Vedic
period. The Vedic Aryans appear to have lived, so to speak, hand in
glove with the Iranians for a period long enough for the latter to
share in that advance of Varuna-worship from polytheism to
quasi-monotheism which is seen in the Rig Veda. This worship of Varuna
as a superior god, with his former equals ranged under him in a group,
chiefly obtains in that family (be it of priest or tribe, or be the
two essentially one from a religious point of view) which has least to
do with pure _soma_-worship, the inherited Indo-Iranian cult; and the
Persian Ahura, with the six spiritualized equivalents of the old Vedic
[=A]dityas, can have come into existence only as a direct
transformation of the latter cult, which in turn is later than the
cult that developed in one direction as chief of gods a Zeus; in
another, a Bhaga; in a third, an Odin. On the other hand, in the
gradual change in India of Iranic gods to devils, _asuras_, there is
an exact counterpart to the Iranian change of meaning from _deva_ to
_daeva_. But if this be the connection, it is impossible to assume a
long break between India and the west, and then such a sudden tie as
is indicated by the allusions in the Rig Veda to the Persians and
other western lands. The most reasonable view, therefore, appears to
be that the Vedic and Iranian Aryans were for a long time in contact,
that the contact began to cease as the two peoples separated to east
and west, but that after the two peoples separated communication was
sporadically kept up between them by individuals in the way of trade
or otherwise. This explains the still surviving relationship as it is
found in later hymns and in thank-offerings apparently involving
Iranian personages.

They that believe in a monotheistic Varuna-cult preceding the Vedic
polytheism must then ignore the following facts: The Slavic equivalent
of Bhaga and the Teutonic equivalent of V[=a]ta are to these
respective peoples their highest gods. They had no Varuna. Moreover,
there is not the slightest proof that Ouranos in Greece[25] was ever a
god worshipped as a great god before Zeus, nor is there any
probability that to the Hindu Dyaus Pitar was ever a great god, in the
sense that he ever had a special cult as supreme deity. He is
physically great, and physically he is father, as is Earth mother, but
he is religiously great only in the Hellenic-Italic circle, where
exists no Uranos-cult[26]. Rather is it apparent that the Greek raised
Zeus, as did the Slav Bhaga, to his first head of the pantheon. Now
when one sees that in the Vedic period Varuna is the type of
[=A]dityas, to which belong Bhaga and Mitra as distinctly less
important personages, it is plain that this can mean only that Varuna
has gradually been exalted to his position at the expense of the other
gods. Nor is there perfect uniformity between Persian and Hindu
conceptions. Asura in the Veda is not applied to Varuna alone. But in
the Avesta, Ahura is the one great spirit, and his six spirits are
plainly a protestant copy and modification of Varuna and his six
underlings. This, then, can mean--which stands in concordance with the
other parallels between the two religions--only that Zarathustra
borrows the Ahura idea from the Vedic Aryans at a time when Varuna was
become superior to the other gods, and when the Vedic cult is
established in its second phase[27]. To this fact points also the
evidence that shows how near together geographically were once the
Hindus and Persians. Whether one puts the place of separation at the
Kabul or further to the north-west is a matter of indifference. The
Persians borrow the idea of Varuna Asura, whose eye is the sun. They
spiritualize this, and create an Asura unknown to other nations.

Of von Bradke's attempt to prove an original Dyaus Asura we have said
nothing, because the attempt has failed signally. He imagines that the
epithet Asura was given to Dyaus in the Indo-Iranian period, and that
from a Dyaus Pitar Asura the Iranians made an abstract Asura, while
the Hindus raised the other gods and depressed Dyaus Pitar Asura;
whereas it is quite certain that Varuna (Asura) grew up, out, and over
the other Asuras, his former equals.

And yet it is almost a pity to spend time to demonstrate that
Varuna-worship was not monotheistic originally. We gladly admit that,
even if not a primitive monotheistic deity, Varuna yet is a god that
belongs to a very old period of Hindu literature. And, for a worship
so antique, how noble is the idea, how exalted is the completed
conception of him! Truly, the Hindus and Persians alone of Aryans
mount nearest to the high level of Hebraic thought. For Varuna beside
the loftiest figure in the Hellenic pantheon stands like a god beside
a man. The Greeks had, indeed, a surpassing aesthetic taste, but in
grandeur of religious ideas even the daring of Aeschylus becomes but
hesitating bravado when compared with the serene boldness of the Vedic
seers, who, first of their race, out of many gods imagined God.

In regard to eschatology, as in regard to myths, it has been shown
that the utmost caution in identification is called for. It may be
surmised that such or such a belief or legend is in origin one with a
like faith or tale of other peoples. But the question whether it be
one in historical origin or in universal mythopoetic fancy, and this
latter be the only common origin, must remain in almost every case
unanswered[28]. This is by far not so entertaining, nor so picturesque
a solution as is the explanation of a common historical basis for any
two legends, with its inspiring 'open sesame' to the door of the
locked past. But which is truer? Which accords more with the facts as
they are collected from a wider field? As man in the process of
development, in whatever quarter of earth he be located, makes for
himself independently clothes, language, and gods, so he makes myths
that are more or less like those of other peoples, and it is only when
names coincide and traits that are unknown elsewhere are strikingly
similar in any two mythologies that one has a right to argue a
probable community of origin.

But even if the legend of the flood were Babylonian, and the Asuras as
devils were due to Iranian influence--which can neither be proved nor
disproved--the fact remains that the Indian religion in its main
features is of a purely native character.

As the most prominent features of the Vedic religion must be regarded
the worship of _soma_ of nature-gods that are in part already more
than this, of spirits, and of the Manes; the acknowledgment of a moral
law and a belief in a life hereafter. There is also a vaguer nascent
belief in a creator apart from any natural phenomenon, but the creed
for the most part is poetically, indefinitely, stated: 'Most
wonder-working of the wonder-working gods, who made heaven and
earth'(as above). The corresponding Power is Cerus in Cerus-Creator
(Kronos?), although when a name is given, the Maker, Dh[=a]tar, is
employed; while Tvashtar, the artificer, is more an epithet of the sun
than of the unknown creator. The personification of Dh[=a]tar as
creator of the sun, etc., belongs to later Vedic times, and foreruns
the Father-god of the last Vedic period. Not till the classical age
(below) is found a formal identification of the Vedic nature-gods with
the departed Fathers (Manes). Indra, for example, is invoked in the
Rig Veda to 'be a friend, be a father, be more fatherly than the
fathers';[29] but this implies no patristic side in Indra, who is
called in the same hymn (vs. 4) the son of Dyaus (his father); and
Dyaus Pitar no more implies, as say some sciolists, that Dyaus was
regarded as a human ancestor than does 'Mother Earth' imply a belief
that Earth is the ghost of a dead woman.

In the Veda there is a nature-religion and an ancestor-religion. These
approach, but do not unite; they are felt as sundered beliefs.
Sun-myths, though by some denied _in toto_, appear plainly in the
Vedic hymns. Dead heroes may be gods, but gods, too, are natural
phenomena, and, again, they are abstractions. He that denies any one
of these sources of godhead is ignorant of India.

Mueller, in his _Ancient Sanskrit Literature_, has divided Vedic
literature into four periods, that of _chandas_, songs; _mantras_,
texts; _br[=a]hmanas;_ and _s[=u]tras_. The _mantras_ are in
distinction from _chandas_, the later hymns to the earlier gods.[30]
The latter distinction can, however, be established only on subjective
grounds, and, though generally unimpeachable, is sometimes liable to
reversion. Thus, Mueller looks upon RV. VIII. 30 as 'simple and
primitive,' while others see in this hymn a late _mantra_. Between the
Rig Veda and the Br[=a]hmanas, which are in prose, lies a period
filled out in part by the present form of the Atharva Veda, which, as
has been shown, is a Veda of the low cult that is almost ignored by
the Rig Veda, while it contains at the same time much that is later
than the Rig Veda, and consists of old and new together in a manner
entirely conformable to the state of every other Hindu work of early
times. After this epoch there is found in the liturgical period, into
which extend the later portions of the Rig Veda (noticeably parts of
the first, fourth, eighth, and tenth books), a religion which, in
spiritual tone, in metaphysical speculation, and even in the
interpretation of some of the natural divinities, differs not more
from the bulk of the Rig Veda than does the social status of the time
from that of the earlier text. Religion has become, in so far as the
gods are concerned, a ritual. But, except in the building up of a
Father-god, theology is at bottom not much altered, and the
eschatological conceptions remain about as they were, despite a
preliminary sign of the doctrine of metempsychosis. In the Atharva
Veda, for the first time, hell is known by its later name (xii. 4.
36), and perhaps its tortures; but the idea of future punishment
appears plainly first in the Brahmanic period. Both the doctrine of
re-birth and that of hell appear in the earliest S[=u]tras, and
consequently the assumption that these dogmas come from Buddhism does
not appear to be well founded; for it is to be presumed whatever
religious belief is established in legal literature will have preceded
that literature by a considerable period, certainly by a greater
length of time than that which divides the first Brahmanic law from
Buddhism.

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: Compare the accounts of Lafitau; of the native
     Iroquois, baptized as Morgan; and the works of Schoolcraft
     and Parkman.]

     [Footnote 2: _Jesuits in North America_, Introduction, p.
     lxi.]

     [Footnote 3: "Like other Indians, the Hurons were desperate
     gamblers, staking their all,--ornaments, clothing, canoes,
     pipes, weapons, and wives," _loc. cit._ p. xxxvi. Compare
     Palfrey, of Massachusetts Indians. The same is true of all
     savages.]

     [Footnote 4: _Ib._ p. lxvii.]

     [Footnote 5: Compare _Cat. Br_. VI. 1. 1, 12; VII. 5. 1, 2
     _sq_., for the Hindu tortoise in its first form. The
     totem-form of the tortoise is well known in America.
     (Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, p. 85.)]

     [Footnote 6: Charlevoix ap. Parkman.]

     [Footnote 7: Parkman, _loc. cit_. p. LXXII; Brinton, _Myths
     of the New World_, p. 248. A good instance of bad comparison
     in eschatology will be found in Geiger, _Ostir. Cult_. pp.
     274-275.]

     [Footnote 8: Parkman, _loc. cit_. p. LXXXVI.]

     [Footnote 9: _Sits. Berl. Akad_. 1891, p. 15.]

     [Footnote 10: Brinton, _American Hero Myths_, p. 174. The
     first worship was Sun-worship, then Viracocha-worship arose,
     which kept Sun-worship while it predicated a 'power beyond.]

     [Footnote 11: Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, pp. 85,
     203.]

     [Footnote 12: _Ib_. pp. 86, 202.]

     [Footnote 13: Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, p. 243. The
     American Indians "uniformly regard the sun as heaven, the
     soul goes to the sun."]

     [Footnote 14: _Ib._ p. 245.]

     [Footnote 15: _Ib._ p. 239-40.]

     [Footnote 16: _Ib._ p. 50, 51.]

     [Footnote 17: _Ib._ pp. 242, 248, 255; Schoolcraft, III.
     229.]

     [Footnote 18: Renouf, _Religion of Ancient Egypt_; pp. 103,
     113 ff.]

      [Footnote 19: Teutonic Tuisco is doubtful, as the identity
     with Dyaus has lately been contested on phonetic grounds.]

     [Footnote 20: V[=a]ta, ventus, does not agree very well with
     Wotan.]

     [Footnote 21: _[=A]it. Br._ III, 34. [Greek: haggaron pur]
     is really tautological, but beacon fires gave way to
     couriers and [Greek: haggaros] lost the sense of fire, as
     did [Greek: haggelos].]

     [Footnote 22: But the general belief that fire (Agni, Ignis,
     Slavic ogni) was first brought to earth from heaven by a
     half-divine personality is (at least) Aryan, as Kuhn has
     shown.]

     [Footnote 23: Compare the _kavis_ and _ugijs_ (poets and
     priests) of the Veda with the evil spirits of the same names
     in the Avesta, like _daeva_ = _deva_. Compare, besides, the
     Indo-Iranian feasts, _medha_, that accompany this
     Bacchanalian liquor-worship.]

     [Footnote 24: Ludwig interprets the three Ribhus as the
     three seasons personified. Etymologically connected is
     Orpheus, perhaps.]

     [Footnote 25: [Greek: o de chalkeos asphales aien edos menei
     ouranos], Pind. N. vi. 5; compare Preller[4], p.40.]

     [Footnote 26: Wahrscheinlich sind Uranos und Kronos erst aus
     dem Culte des Zeus abstrahirt worden. Preller[4], p. 43.]

     [Footnote 27: When Aryan deities are decadent, Trita, Mitra,
     etc.]

     [Footnote 28: Spiegel holds that the whole idea of future
     punishment is derived from Persia (_Eranische
     Altherthumskunde_, I. p. 458), but his point of view is
     naturally prejudiced. The allusion to the supposed
     Babylonian coin, _man[=a]_, in RV. VIII. 78. 2, would
     indicate that the relation with Babylon is one of trade, as
     with Aegypt. The account of the flood may be drawn thence,
     so may the story of Deucalion, but both Hindu and Hellenic
     versions may be as native as is that of the American
     redskins.]

     [Footnote 29: IV. 17. 17.]

     [Footnote 30: _loc. cit._ pp. 70, 480.]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER IX.

BRAHMANISM.


Besides the Rig Veda and the Atharva Veda there are two others, called
respectively the S[=a]ma Veda and the Yajur Veda.[1] The former
consists of a small collection of verses, which are taken chiefly from
the eighth and ninth books of the Rig Veda, and are arranged for
singing. It has a few more verses than are contained in the
corresponding parts of the Rik, but the whole is of no added
importance from the present point of view. It is of course made
entirely for the ritual. Also made for the ritual is the Yajur Veda,
the Veda of sacrificial formulae. But this Veda is far more important.
With it one is brought into a new land, and into a world of ideas that
are strange to the Rik. The period represented by it is a sort of
bridge between the Rik and the Br[=a]hmanas. The Yajus is later than
Rik or Atharvan, belonging in its entirety more to the age of the
liturgy than to the older Vedic era. With the Br[=a]hmanas not only is
the tone changed from that of the Rig Veda; the whole moral atmosphere
is now surcharged with hocus-pocus, mysticism, religiosity, instead of
the cheerful, real religion which, however formal, is the soul of the
Rik. In the Br[=a]hmanas there is no freshness, no poetry. There is in
some regards a more scrupulous outward morality, but for the rest
there is only cynicism, bigotry, and dullness. It is true that each of
these traits may be found in certain parts of the Rig Veda, but it is
not true that they represent there the spirit of the age, as they do
in the Brahmanic period. Of this Brahmanic stoa, to which we now turn,
the Yajur Veda forms the fitting entrance. Here the priest is as much
lord as he is in the Br[=a]hmanas. Here the sacrifice is only the act,
the sacrificial forms (_yajus_), without the spirit.

In distinction from the verse-Veda (the Rik), the Yajur Veda contains
the special formulae which the priest that attends to the erection of
the altar has to speak, with explanatory remarks added thereto. This
of course stamps the collection as mechanical; but the wonder is that
this collection, with the similar Br[=a]hmana scriptures that follow
it, should be the only new literature which centuries have to show.[2]
As explanatory of the sacrifice there is found, indeed, a good deal of
legendary stuff, which sometimes has a literary character. But nothing
is for itself; everything is for the correct performance of the
sacrifice.[3]

The geographical centre is now changed, and instead of the Punj[=a]b,
the 'middle district' becomes the seat of culture. Nor is there much
difference between the district to which can be referred the rise of
the Yajur Veda and that of the Br[=a]hmanas. No less altered is the
religion. All is now symbolical, and the gods, though in general they
are the gods of the Rig Veda, are not the same as of old. The priests
have become gods. The old appellation of 'spirit,' _asura_, is
confined to evil spirits. There is no longer any such 'henotheism' as
that of the Rig Veda. The Father-god, 'lord of beings,' or simply 'the
father,' is the chief god. The last thought of the Rig Veda is the
first thought of the Yajur Veda. Other changes have taken place. The
demigods of the older period, the water-nymphs of the Rik, here become
seductive goddesses, whose increase of power in this art agrees with
the decline of the warrior spirit that is shown too in the whole mode
of thinking. Most important is the gradual rise of Vishnu and the
first appearance of Civa. Here _brahma_, which in the Rik has the
meaning 'prayer' alone, is no longer mere prayer, but, as in later
literature, holiness. In short, before the Br[=a]hmanas are reached
they are perceptible in the near distance, in the Veda of Formulae,
the Yajus;[4] for between the Yajur Veda and the Br[=a]hmanas there is
no essential difference. The latter consist of explanations of the
sacrificial liturgy, interspersed with legends, bits of history,
philosophical explanations, and other matter more or less related to
the subject. They are completed by the Forest Books, [=A]ranyakas,
which contain the speculations of the later theosophy, the Upanishads
(below). It is with the Yajur Veda and its nearly related literature,
the Br[=a]hmanas, that Brahmanism really begins. Of these latter the
most important in age and content are the Br[=a]hmanas (of the Rig
Veda and Yajur Veda), called [=A]itareya and Cata-patha, the former
representing the western district, the latter, in great part, a more
eastern region.

Although the 'Northerners' are still respectfully referred to, yet, as
we have just said, the people among whom arose the Br[=a]hmanas are
not settled in the Punj[=a]b, but in the country called the 'middle
district,' round about the modern Delhi. For the most part the
Punj[=a]b is abandoned; or rather, the literature of this period does
not emanate from the Aryans that remained in the Punj[=a]b, but from
the still emigrating descendants of the old Vedic people that used to
live there. Some stay behind and keep the older practices, not in all
regards looked upon as orthodox by their more advanced brethren, who
have pushed east and now live in the country called the land of the
Kurus and Pa[.n]c[=a]las.[5] They are spread farther east, along the
banks of the Jumna and Ganges, south of Nep[=a]l; while some are still
about and south of the holy Kurukshetra or 'plain of Kurus.' East of
the middle district the Kosalas and Videhas form, in opposition to the
Kurus and Pa[.n]c[=a]las, the second great tribe (Tirh[=u]t). There
are now two sets of 'Seven Rivers,' and the holiness of the western
group is perceptibly lessened. Here for the first time are found the
_Vr[=a]tya_-hymns, intended to initiate into the Brahmanic order
Aryans who have not conformed to it, and speak a dialectic
language.[6] From the point of view of language and geography, no less
than from that of the social and spiritual conditions, it is evident
that quite a period has elapsed since the body of the Rig Veda was
composed. The revealed texts are now ancient storehouses of wisdom.
Religion has apparently become a form; in some regards it is a farce.

"There are two kinds of gods; for the gods are gods, and priests that
are learned in the Veda and teach it are human gods." This sentence,
from one of the most important Hindu prose works,[7] is the key to the
religion of the period which it represents; and it is fitly followed
by the further statement, that like sacrifice to the gods are the fees
paid to the human gods the priests.[8] Yet with this dictum, so
important for the understanding of the religion of the age, must be
joined another, if one would do that age full justice: 'The sacrifice
is like a ship sailing heavenward; if there be a sinful priest in it,
that one priest would make it sink' (_Cat. Br_. IV. 2. 5. 10). For
although the time is one in which ritualism had, indeed, become more
important than religion, and the priest more important than the gods,
yet is there no lack of reverential feeling, nor is morality regarded
as unimportant. The first impression, however, which is gained from
the literature of this period is that the sacrifice is all in all;
that the endless details of its course, and the petty questions in
regard to its arrangement, are not only the principal objects of care
and of chief moment, but even of so cardinal importance that the whole
religious spirit swings upon them. But such is not altogether the
case. It is the truth, yet is it not the whole truth, that in these
Br[=a]hmanas religion is an appearance, not a reality. The sacrifice
is indeed represented to be the only door to prosperity on earth and
to future bliss; but there is a quiet yet persistent belief that at
bottom a moral and religious life is quite as essential as are the
ritualistic observances with which worship is accompanied.

To describe Brahmanism as implying a religion that is purely one of
ceremonies, one composed entirely of observances, is therefore not
altogether correct. In reading a liturgical work it must not be
forgotten for what the work was intended. If its object be simply to
inculcate a special rite, one cannot demand that it should show
breadth of view or elevation of sentiment. Composed of observances
every work must be of which the aim is to explain observances. In
point of fact, religion (faith and moral behavior) is here assumed,
and so entirely is it taken for granted that a statement emphasizing
the necessity of godliness is seldom found.

Nevertheless, having called attention to the religious spirit that
lies latent in the pedantic Br[=a]hmanas, we are willing to
admit that the age is overcast, not only with a thick cloud of
ritualism, but also with an unpleasant mask of phariseeism. There
cannot have been quite so much attention paid to the outside of the
platter without neglect of the inside. And it is true that the priests
of this period strive more for the completion of their rites than for
the perfection of themselves. It is true, also, that occasionally
there is a revolting contempt for those people who are not of especial
service to the priest. There are now two godlike aristocrats, the
priest and the noble. The 'people' are regarded as only fit to be the
"food of the nobility." In the symbolical language of the time the
bricks of the altar, which are consecrated, are the warrior caste; the
fillings, in the space between the bricks, are not consecrated; and
these "fillers of space" are "the people" (_Cat. Br_. VI. 1. 2. 25).
Yet is religion in these books not dead, but sleeping; to wake again
in the Upanishads with a fuller spiritual life than is found in any
other pre-Christian system. Although the subject matter of the
Br[=a]hmanas is the cult, yet are there found in them numerous
legends, moral teachings, philosophical fancies, historical items,
etymologies and other adventitious matter, all of which are helpful in
giving a better understanding of the intelligence of the people to
whom is due all the extant literature of the period. Long citations
from these ritualistic productions would have a certain value, in
showing in native form the character of the works, but they would make
unendurable reading; and we have thought it better to arrange the
multifarious contents of the chief Br[=a]hmanas in a sort of order,
although it is difficult always to decide where theology ends and
moral teachings begin, the two are here so interwoven.


BRAHMANIC THEOLOGY AND THE SACRIFICE.

While in general the pantheon of the Rig Veda and Atharva Veda is that
of the Br[=a]hmanas, some of the older gods are now reduced in
importance, and, on the other hand, as in the Yajur Veda, some gods
are seen to be growing in importance. 'Time,' deified in the Atharvan,
is a great god, but beside him still stand the old rustic divinities;
and chrematheism, which antedates even the Rig Veda, is still
recognized. To the 'ploughshare' and the 'plough' the Rig Veda has an
hymn (IV. 57. 5-8), and so the ritual gives them a cake at the
sacrifice (_Cun[=a]c[=i]rya, Cat. Br._ II. 6. 3. 5). The number of the
gods, in the Rig Veda estimated as thirty-three, or, at the end of
this period, as thousands, remains as doubtful as ever; but, in
general, all groups of deities become greater in number. Thus, in TS.
I. 4. 11. 1, the Rudras alone are counted as thirty-three instead of
eleven; and, _ib._ V. 5. 2. 5, the eight Vasus become three hundred
and thirty-three; but it is elsewhere hinted that the number of the
gods stands in the same relation to that of men as that in which men
stand to the beasts; that is, there are not quite so many gods as men
(_Cat. Br._ II. 3. 2. 18).

Of more importance than the addition of new deities is the subdivision
of the old. As one finds in Greece a [Greek: Zeus katachthonios]
beside a [Greek: Zeus xenios], so in the Yajur Veda and Br[=a]hmanas
are found (an extreme instance) hail 'to K[=a]ya,' and hail 'to
Kasm[=a]i,' that is, the god Ka is differentiated into two divinities,
according as he is declined as a noun or as a pronoun; for this is the
god "Who?" as the dull Br[=a]hmanas interpreted that verse of the Rig
Veda which asks 'to whom (which, as) god shall we offer sacrifice?'
(M[=a]it. S. III. 12. 5.) But ordinarily one divinity like Agni is
subdivided, according to his functions, as 'lord of food,' 'lord of
prayer,' etc.[9]

In the Br[=a]hmanas different names are given to the chief god, but he
is most often called the Father-god (Praj[=a]pati, 'lord of
creatures,' or the Father, _pit[=a]_). His earlier Vedic type is
Brihaspati, the lord of strength, and, from another point of
view, the All-god.[10] The other gods fall into various groups, the
most significant being the triad of Fire, Wind, and Sun.[11] Not much
weight is to be laid on the theological speculations of the time as
indicative of primitive conceptions, although they may occasionally
hit true. For out of the number of inane fancies it is reasonable to
suppose that some might coincide with historic facts. Thus the
All-gods of the Rig Veda, by implication, are of later origin than the
other gods, and this, very likely, was the case; but it is a mere
guess on the part of the priest. The _Catapatha_, III. 6. 1. 28,
speaks of the All-gods as gods that gained immortality on a certain
occasion, _i.e._, became immortal like other gods. So the [=A]dityas
go to heaven before the Angirasas (_[=A][=i]t. Br_. IV. 17), but this
has no such historical importance as some scholars are inclined to
think. The lesser gods are in part carefully grouped and numbered, in
a manner somewhat contradictory to what must have been the earlier
belief. Thus the 'three kinds of gods' are now Vasus, of earth,
Rudras, of air, and [=A]dityas, of sky, and the daily offerings are
divided between them; the morning offering belonging only to the
Vasus, the mid-day one only to (Indra and) the Rudras, the third to
the [=A]dityas with the Vasus and Rudras together.[12] Again, the
morning and mid-day pressing belong to the gods alone, and strict rule
is observed in distinguishing their portion from that of the Manes
(_Cat. Br_. IV. 4. 22). The difference of sex is quite ignored, so
that the 'universal Agni' is identified with (mother) earth; as is
also, once or twice, P[=u]shan (_ib._ III. 8. 5. 4; 2. 4. 19; II. 5.
4. 7). As the 'progenitor,' Agni facilitates connubial union, and is
called "the head god, the progenitor among gods, the lord of beings"
(_ib._ III. 4. 3. 4; III. 9. 1. 6). P[=u]shan is interpreted to mean
cattle, and Brihaspati is the priestly caste (_ib_. III. 9. 1. 10
ff.). The base of comparison is usually easy to find. 'The earth
nourishes,' and 'P[=u]shan nourishes,' hence Pushan is the earth; or
'the earth belongs to all' and Agni is called 'belonging to all'
(universal), hence the two are identified. The All-gods, merely on
account of their name, are now the All; Aditi is the 'unbounded' earth
(_ib_. III. 9. 1. 13; IV. 1. 1. 23; i. 1. 4. 5; III. 2. 3. 6). Agni
represents all the gods, and he is the dearest, the closest, and the
surest of all the gods (_ib_. I. 6. 2. 8 ff.). It is said that man on
earth fathers the fire (that is, protects it), and when he dies the
fire that he has made his son on earth becomes his father, causing him
to be reborn in heaven (_ib_. II. 3. 3. 3-5; VI. 1. 2. 26).

The wives of the gods _(dev[=a]n[=a]m patn[=i]r yajati)_, occasionally
mentioned in the Rig Veda, have now an established place and cult
apart from that of the gods (_ib_. I. 9. 2. 11). The fire on the
hearth is god Agni in person, and is not a divine or mystic type; but
he is prayed to as a heavenly friend. Some of these traits are old,
but they are exaggerated as compared with the more ancient theology.
When one goes on a journey or returns from one, 'even if a king were
in his house' he should not greet him till he makes homage to his
hearth-fires, either with spoken words or with silent obeisance. For
Agni and Praj[=a]pati are one, they are son and father (_ib_. II. 4.
1. 3, 10; VI. 1. 2. 26). The gods have mystic names, and these 'who
will dare to speak?' Thus, Indra's mystic name is Arjuna (_ib_. II. 1.
2. 11). In the early period of the Rig Veda the priest dares to speak.
The pantheism of the end of the Rig Veda is here decided and
plain-spoken, as it is in the Atharvan. As it burns brightly or not
the fire is in turn identified with different gods, Rudra, Varuna,
Indra, and Mitra (_ib_. II. 3. 2. 9 ff.). Agni is all the gods and the
gods are in men (_ib_. III. 1. 3. 1; 4. 1. 19; II. 3. 2. 1: Indra and
King Yama dwell in men). And, again, the Father (Praj[=a]pati) is the
All; he is the year of twelve months and five seasons(_ib_. I. 3. 5.
10). Then follows a characteristic bit. Seventeen verses are to be
recited to correspond to the 'seventeenfold' Praj[=a]pati. But 'some
say' twenty-one verses; and he may recite twenty-one, for if 'the
three worlds' are added to the above seventeen one gets twenty, and
the sun (_ya esa tapati_) makes the twenty-first! As to the number of
worlds, it is said (_ib_. I. 2. 4. 11, 20-21) that there are three
worlds, and possibly a fourth.

Soma is now the moon, but as being one half of Vritra, the evil demon.
The other half became the belly of creatures (_ib_. I. 6. 3. 17).
Slightly different is the statement that Soma was Vritra, IV. 2. 5.
15. In _[=A]it. Br._ I. 27, King Soma is bought of the Gandharvas by
V[=a]c, 'speech,' as a cow.[13] With phases of the moon Indra and Agni
are identified. One is the deity of the new; the other, of the full
moon; while Mitra is the waning, and Varuna the waxing moon (_Cat.
Br._ II. 4. 4. 17-18). This opposition of deities is more fully
expressed in the attempt to make antithetic the relations of the gods
and the Manes, thus: 'The gods are represented by spring, summer, and
rains; the Fathers, by autumn, winter, and the dewy season; the gods,
by the waxing; the Fathers, by the waning moon; the gods, by day; the
Fathers, by night; the gods, by morning; the Fathers, by afternoon'
(_Cat. Br._ II. 1.-31; _ib_. II. 4. 2. 1. ff.: 'The sun is the light
of the gods; the moon, of the Fathers; fire, of men'). Between morning
and afternoon, as representative of gods and Manes respectively,
stands midday, which, according to the same authority (II. 4. 2. 8),
represents men. The passage first cited continues thus: 'The seasons
are gods and Fathers; gods are immortal; the Fathers are mortal.' In
regard to the relation between spring and the other seasons, the fifth
section of this passage may be compared: 'Spring is the priesthood;
summer, the warrior-caste; the rains are the (_vic_) people.'[14]

Among the conspicuous divine forms of this period is the Queen of
Serpents, whose verses are chanted over fire; but she is the earth,
according to some passages (_[=A]it. Br._. V. 23; _Cat. Br._ II. 1. 4.
30; IV. 6. 9. 17). In their divine origin there is, indeed, according
to the theology now current, no difference between the powers of light
and of darkness, between the gods and the 'spirits,' _asuras, i.e._,
evil spirits. Many tales begin with the formula: 'The gods and evil
spirits, both born of the Father-god' (_Cat. Br._ I. 2. 4. 8). Weber
thinks that this implies close acquaintance with Persian worship, a
sort of tit-for-tat; for the Hindu would in that case call the holy
spirit, _ahura_, of the Persian a devil, just as the Persian makes an
evil spirit, _daeva_, out of the Hindu god, _deva_. But the relations
between Hindu and Persian in this period are still very uncertain. It
is interesting to follow out some of the Brahmanic legends, if only to
see what was the conception of the evil spirits. In one such
theological legend the gods and the (evil) spirits, both being sons of
the Father-god, inherited from him, respectively, mind and speech;
hence the gods got the sacrifice and heaven, while the evil spirits
got this earth. Again, the two entered on the inheritance of their
father in time, and so the gods have the waxing moon, and the evil
spirits, the waning moon (_ib._ III 2. 1. 18; I. 7. 2. 22).

But what these Asuras or (evil) spirits really are may be read easily
from the texts. The gods are the spirits of light; the Asuras are the
spirits of darkness. Therewith is indissolubly connected the idea that
sin and darkness are of the same nature. So one reads that when the
sun rises it frees itself 'from darkness, from sin,' as a snake from
its slough (_ib._ II. 3. I. 6). And in another passage it is said that
darkness and illusion were given to the Asuras as their portion by the
Father-god _(ib._ II. 4. 2. 5). With this may be compared also the
frequent grouping of The Asuras or Rakshas with darkness (_e.g., ib._
III. 8. 2. 15; IV. 3. 4. 21). As to the nature of the gods the
evidence is contradictory. Both gods and evil spirits were originally
soulless and mortal. Agni (Fire) alone was immortal, and it was only
through him that the others continued to live. They became immortal by
putting in their inmost being the holy (immortal) fire (_ib._ II. 2.
2. 8). On the other hand, it is said that Agni was originally without
brightness; and Indra, identified with the sun, was originally dark
(_ib._ IV. 5.4.3; III. 4. 2. 15). The belief in an originally human
condition of the gods (even the Father-god was originally mortal) is
exemplified in a further passage, where it is said that the gods used
to live on earth, but they grew tired of man's endless petitions and
fled; also in another place, where it is stated that the gods used to
drink together with men visibly, but now they do so invisibly (_ib_.
II. 3. 4. 4; III. 6. 2. 26). How did such gods obtain their supremacy?
The answer is simple, 'by sacrifice' (_Cat. Br_. III. 1. 4. 3;
_[=A]it. Br_. II. I. I). So now they live by sacrifice: 'The sun would
not rise if the priest did not make sacrifice' (_Cat. Br_. II. 3. 1.
5). Even the order of things would change if the order of ceremonial
were varied: Night would be eternal if the priests did so and so; the
months would not pass, one following the other, if the priests walked
out or entered together, etc. (_ib._ IV. 3. 1. 9-10). It is by a
knowledge of the Vedas that one conquers all things, and the sacrifice
is part and application of this knowledge, which in one passage is
thus reconditely subdivided: 'Threefold is knowledge, the Rig Veda,
the Yajur Veda, and the S[=a]ma Veda.[15] The Rig Veda, _i.e_., the
verses sung, are the earth; the Yajus is air; the S[=a]man is the sky.
He conquers earth, air, and sky respectively by these three Vedas. The
Rik and S[=a]man are Indra and are speech; the Yajus is Vishnu and
mind' (_ib._ IV. 6. 7. 1 ff.). An item follows that touches on a
modern philosophical question. Apropos of speech and mind: 'Where
speech (alone) existed everything was accomplished and known; but
where mind (alone) existed nothing was accomplished or known' (_ib._
I. 4. 4. 3-4, 7). Mind and speech are male and female, and as
yoke-fellows bear sacrificed to the gods; to be compared is the
interesting dispute between mind and speech (_ib._ 5. 8). As dependent
as is man on what is given by the gods, so dependent are the gods on
what is offered to them by men (_T[=a]itt. Br._ II. 2. 7. 3; _Cat.
Br._ I. 2. 5. 24). Even the gods are now not native to heaven. They
win heaven by sacrifice, by metres, etc. (_Cat. Br._ IV. 3. 2. 5).

What, then, is the sacrifice? A means to enter into the godhead of the
gods, and even to control the gods; a ceremony where every word was
pregnant with consequences;[16] every movement momentous. There are
indications, however, that the priests themselves understood that much
in the ceremonial was pure hocus-pocus, and not of such importance as
it was reputed to be. But such faint traces as survive of a freer
spirit objecting to ceremonial absurdities only mark more clearly the
level plain of unintelligent superstition which was the feeding-ground
of the ordinary priests.

Some of the cases of revolted common-sense are worth citing.
Conspicuous as an authority on the sacrifice, and at the same time as
a somewhat recalcitrant priest, is Y[=a]j[.n]avalkya, author and
critic, one of the greatest names in Hindu ecclesiastical history. It
was he who, apropos of the new rule in ethics, so strongly insisted
upon after the Vedic age and already beginning to obtain, the rule
that no one should eat the flesh of the (sacred) cow ('Let no one eat
beef.... Whoever eats it would be reborn (on earth) as a man of ill
fame') said bluntly: 'As for me I eat (beef) if it is good (firm).[17]
It certainly required courage to say this, with the especial warning
against beef, the meat of an animal peculiarly holy (_Cat. Br._ III.
I. 2. 21). It was, again, Y[=a]jnavalkya (_Cat. Br_., I. 3. I. 26),
who protested against the priests' new demand that the benefit of the
sacrifice should accrue in part to the priest; whereas it had
previously been understood that not the sacrificial priest but the
sacrificer (the worshipper, the man who hired the priest and paid the
expenses) got all the benefit of the ceremony. Against the priests'
novel and unjustifiable claim Y[=a]jnavalkya exclaims: 'How can people
have faith in this? Whatever be the blessing for which the priests
pray, this blessing is for the worshipper (sacrificer) alone.[18] It
was Y[=a]jnavalkya, too, who rebutted some new superstition involving
the sacrificer's wife, with the sneer, 'who cares whether the wife,'
etc. (_kas tad [=a]driyeta, ib._ 21). These protestations are naively
recorded, though it is once suggested that in some of his utterances
Y[=a]jnavalkya was not in earnest (_ib._ IV. 2. 1. 7). The high mind
of this great priest is contrasted with the mundane views of his
contemporaries in the prayers of himself and of another priest; for it
is recorded that whereas Y[=a]jnavalkya's prayer to the Sun was 'give
me light' (or 'glory,' _varco me dehi_), that of [=A]upoditeya was
'give me cows' (_ib_. I. 9. 3. 16). The chronicler adds, after citing
these prayers, that one obtains whatever he prays for, either
illumination or wealth.[19] Y[=a]jnavalkya, however, is not the only
protestant. In another passage, _ib_. ii. 6. 3. 14-17, the sacrificer
is told to shave his head all around, so as to be like the sun; this
will ensure his being able to 'consume (his foes) on all sides like
the sun,' and it is added: But [=A]suri said, 'What on earth has it to
do with his head? Let him not shave.'[20]

'Eternal holiness' is won by him that offers the sacrifice of the
seasons. Characteristic is the explanation, 'for such an one wins the
year, and a year is a complete whole, and a complete whole is
indestructible (eternal); hence his holiness is indestructible, and he
thereby becomes a part of a year and goes to the gods; but as there is
no destruction in the gods, his holiness is therefore indestructible'
(_ib._ ii. 6. 3. 1).

Not only a man's self but also his Manes are benefited by means of
sacrifice.[21] He gives the Manes pleasure with his offering, but he
also raises their estate, and sends them up to live in a higher
world.[22] The cosmological position of the Manes are the
_av[=a]ntaradicas_, that is, between the four quarters; though,
according to some, there are three kinds of them, _soma_-Manes,
sacrifice-Manes (Manes of the sacrificial straw), and the burnt,
_i.e_., the spirits of those that have been consumed in fire. They
are, again, identified with the seasons, and are expressly mentioned
as the guardians of houses, so that the Brahmanic Manes are at once
Penates, Lares, and Manes.[23]

The sacrifice is by no means meant as an aid to the acquirement of
heavenly bliss alone. Many of the great sacrifices are for the gaining
of good things on earth. In one passage there is described a ceremony,
the result of which is to be that the warrior, who is the sacrificer,
may say to a man of the people "fetch out and give me your store"
(_ib._ i. 3. 2. 15; iv. 3. 3. 10). Everybody sacrifices, even the
beasts erect altars and fires![24] That one should sacrifice without
the ulterior motive of gain is unknown. Brahmanic India knows no
thank-offering. Ordinarily the gain is represented as a compensating
gift from the divinity, whom the sacrificer pleases with his
sacrifice. Very plainly is this expressed. "He offers the sacrifice to
the god with this text: 'Do thou give to me (and) I (will) give to
thee; do thou bestow on me (and) I (will) bestow on thee'" (_V[=a]j.
S._ iii. 50; _Cat. Br_. ii. 5. 3. 19). But other ends are
accomplished. By the sacrifice he may injure his enemy, but in
offering it, if he leaves too much over, that part accrues to the good
of his foe (_Cat. Br_. i. 2. 1.7; 9. 1. 18).

The sacrifice is throughout symbolical. The sacrificial straw
represents the world; the metre used represents all living creatures,
etc.,--a symbolism frequently suggested by a mere pun, but often as
ridiculously expounded without such aid. The altar's measure is the
measure of metres. The cord of regeneration (badge of the twice-born,
the holy cord of the high castes) is triple, because food is
threefold, or because the father and mother with the child make three
(_Cat. Br._ iii. 5. 1. 7 ff.; 2. 1. 12); the _jagati_ metre contains
the living world, because this is called _jagat_ (_ib._ i. 8. 2. 11).

Out of the varied mass of rules, speculations, and fancies, a few of
general character may find place here, that the reader may gain a
collective impression of the religious literature of the time.

The fee for the sacrifice is mentioned in one place as one thousand
cows. These must be presented in groups of three hundred and
thirty-three each, three times, with an odd one of three colors. This
is on account of the holy character of the numeral three. 'But
[=A]suri (apparently fearful that this rule would limit the fee) said
"he may give more"' (_Cat. Br._ iv. 5. 8. 14). As to the fee, the
rules are precise and their propounders are unblushing. The priest
performs the sacrifice for the fee alone, and it must consist of
valuable garments, kine, horses,[25] or gold--when each is to be given
is carefully stated. Gold is coveted most, for this is 'immortality,'
'the seed of Agni,' and therefore peculiarly agreeable to the pious
priest.[26] For his greed, which goes so far that he proclaims that he
who gives a thousand kine obtains all things of heaven (_ib._ iv. 5.
1. 11), the priest has good precept to cite, for the gods of heaven,
in all the tales told of them, ever demand a reward from each other
when they help their neighbor-gods. Nay, even the gods require a
witness and a vow, lest they injure each other. Discord arose among
them when once they performed the guest-offering; they divided into
different parties, Agni with the Vasus, Soma with the Rudras, Varuna
with the [=A]dityas, and Indra with the Maruts. But with discord came
weakness, and the evil spirits got the better of them. So they made a
covenant with each other, and took Wind as witness that they would not
deceive each other. This famous covenant of the gods is the prototype
of that significant covenant made by the priest, that he would not,
while pretending to beseech } good for the sacrificer,[27] secretly do
him harm (as he could by altering the ceremonial).[28] The theory of
the fee, in so far as it affects the sacrifices, is that the gods, the
Manes, and men all exist by what is sacrificed. Even the gods seek
rewards; hence the priests do the same.[29] The sacrificer sacrifices
to get a place in _devaloka_ (the world of the gods). The sacrifice
goes up to the world of gods, and after it goes the fee which the
sacrificer (the patron) gives; the sacrificer follows by catching hold
of the fee given to the priests (_ib._. i. 9. 3. 1). It is to be
noted, moreover, that sacrificing for a fee is recognized as a
profession. The work (sacrifice is work, 'work is sacrifice,' it is
somewhere said) is regarded as a matter of business. There are three
means of livelihood occasionally referred to, telling stories, singing
songs, and reciting the Veda at a sacrifice (_Cat. Br_. iii. 2. 4.
16).

As an example of the absurdities given as 'the ways of knowledge'
(absurdities which are necessary to know in order to a full
understanding of the mental state under consideration) may be cited
_Cat. Br_. iv. 5. 8. 11, where it is said that if the sacrificial cow
goes east the sacrificer wins a good world hereafter; if north, he
becomes more glorious on earth; if west, rich in people and crops; if
south, he dies; 'such are the ways of knowledge.' In the same spirit
it is said that the sun rises east because the priest repeats certain
verses _([=A]it. Br_. i. 7. 4). No little stress is laid on
geographical position. The east is the quarter of the gods; the north,
of men; the south, of the dead (Manes; _Cat. Br_. i. 2. 5. 17); while
the west is the region of snakes, according to _ib_. iii. 1. 1. 7. On
account of the godly nature of the east ("from the east came the gods
westward to men," _ib_. ii. 6. 1. 11) the sacrificial building, like
occidental churches, is built east and west, not north and south. The
cardinal points are elsewhere given to certain gods; thus the north is
Rudra's.[30]

It has been said that the theological ideas are not clear. This was
inevitable, owing to the tendency to identify various divinities.
Especially noticeable is the identification of new or local gods with
others better accredited, Rudra and Agni, etc. Rudra is the god of
cattle, and when the other gods went to heaven by means of sacrifice
he remained on earth; his local names are Carva, Bhava, 'Beast-lord,'
Rudra, Agni (_Cat. Br_. i. 7. 3. 8; M[=a]it. S. i. 6. 6). Indra is the
Vasu of the gods. The gods are occasionally thirty-four in number,
eight Vasus, eleven Rudras, twelve [=A]dityas, heaven and earth, and
Praj[=a]pati as the thirty-fourth; but this Praj[=a]pati is the All
and Everything (_Cat. Br_. i. 6. 4. 2; iv. 5. 7. 2 ff.). Of these
gods, who at first were all alike and good, three became superior,
Agni, Indra, and S[=u]rya. But, again, the Sun is death, and Agni is
head of all the gods. Moreover, the Sun is now Indra; the Manes are
the seasons, and Varuna, too, is the seasons, as being the year (_Cat.
Br._ iv. 5. 4. 1; i. 6. 4. 18; iv. 4. 5. 18). Aditi, as we have said,
is the Earth; the fee for an offering to her is a cow. Why? Because
Earth is a cow and Aditi is Earth; Earth is a mother and a cow is a
mother. Hence the fee is a cow.[31]

The tales of the gods, for the most part, are foolish. But they show
well what conception the priests had of their divinities.

Man's original skin was put by the gods upon the cow; hence a cow runs
away from a man because she thinks he is trying to get back his skin.
The gods cluster about at an oblation, each crying out 'My name,'
_i.e._, each is anxious to get it. The gods, with the evil
spirits--'both sons of the Father'--attract to themselves the plants;
Varuna gets the barley by a pun. They build castles to defend
themselves from the evil spirits. Five gods are picked out as worthy
of offerings: Aditi, Speech, Agni, Soma, the Sun (five, because the
seasons are five and the regions are five). Indra and Wind have a
dispute of possession; Praj[=a]pati, the Father, decides it. The
heavenly singers, called the Gandharvas, recited the Veda to entice
(the divine female) Speech to come to them; while the gods, for the
same purpose, created the lute, and sang and played to her. She came
to the gods; hence the weakness of women in regard to such things.
Indra is the god of sacrifice; the stake of the sacrifice is Vishnu's;
V[=a]yu (Wind) is the leader of beasts; Bhaga is blind;[32] P[=u]shan
(because he eats mush) is toothless. The gods run a race to see who
shall get first to the sacrifice, and Indra and Agni win; they are the
warrior-caste among the gods, and the All-gods are the people (_vicve,
vic._). Yet, again, the Maruts are the people, and Varuna is the
warrior-caste; and, again, Soma is the warrior-caste. The Father-god
first created birds, then reptiles and snakes. As these all died he
created mammalia; these survived because they had food in themselves;
hence the Vedic poet says 'three generations have passed away.'[33]

Varuna is now quite the god of night and god of purification, as a
water-god. Water is the 'essence (sap) of immortality,' and the bath
of purification at the end of the sacrifice (_avabh[r.]tha_) stands in
direct relation to Varuna. The formula to be repeated is: "With the
gods' help may I wash out sin against the gods; with the help of men
the sin against men" (_Cat. Br_. iv. 4. 3. 15; ii. 5. 2. 47). Mitra
and Varuna are, respectively, intelligence and will, priest and
warrior; and while the former may exist without the latter, the latter
cannot live without the former, 'but they are perfect only when they
cooeperate' (_ib_. iv. 1. 4. 1).

Of the divine legends some are old, some new. One speaks of the
sacrifice as having been at first human, subsequently changing to
beast sacrifice, eventually to a rice offering, which last now
represents the original sacrificial animal, man.[34] Famous, too, is
the legend of the flood and Father Manu's escape from it (_Cat. Br_.
i. 8. 1. 1 ff.). Again, the Vedic myth is retold, recounting the rape
of _soma_ by the metrical equivalent of fire (_T[=a]itt. Br_. i. 1. 3.
10; _Cat. Br_. i. 8. 2. 10). Another tale takes up anew the old story
of Cupid and Psyche (Pur[=u]ravas and Urvac[=i]); and another that of
the Hindu Prometheus story, wherein M[=a]taricvan fetches fire from
heaven, and gives it to mortals (_T[=a]itt. Br_. iii. 2. 3. 2; _Cat.
Br_. xi. 5. 1. 1; i. 7. 1. 11).[35]

Interesting, also, is the tale of Vishnu having been a dwarf, and the
tortoise _avatar_, not of Vishnu, but of Praj[=a]pati; also the
attempt of the evil spirits to climb to heaven, and the trick with
which Indra outwitted them.[36] For it is noticeable that the evil
spirits are as strong by nature as are the gods, and it is only by
craft that the latter prevail.[37]

Seldom are the tales of the gods indecent. The story of Praj[=a]pati's
incest with his daughter is a remnant of nature worship which
survives, in more or less anthropomorphic form, from the time of the
Rig Veda (x. 61.) to that of mediaeval literature,[38] and is found in
full in the epic, as in the Brahmanic period; but the story always
ends with the horror of the gods at the act.[39]

Old legends are varied. The victory over Vritra is now expounded thus:
Indra, who slays Vritra, is the sun. Vritra is the moon, who swims
into the sun's mouth on the night of the new moon. The sun rises after
swallowing him, and the moon is invisible because he is swallowed ("he
who knows this swallows his foes"). The sun vomits out the moon, and
the latter is then seen in the west, and increases again, to serve the
sun as food. In another passage it is said that when the moon is
invisible he is hiding in plants and waters (_Cat. Br._ i. 6. 3. 17;
4. 18-20).


BRAHMANIC RELIGION.

When the sacrifice is completed the priest returns, as it were, to
earth, and becomes human. He formally puts off his sacrificial vow,
and rehabilitates himself with humanity, saying, "I am even he that I
am."[40] As such a man, through service to the gods become a divine
offering, and no longer human, was doubtless considered the creature
that first served as the sacrificial animal. Despite protestant
legends such as that just recorded, despite formal disclaimers, human
sacrifice existed long after the period of the Rig Veda, where it is
alluded to; a period when even old men are exposed to die.[41] The
_anaddh[=a]purusha_ is not a fiction; for that, on certain occasions,
instead of this 'man of straw' a real victim was offered, is shown by
the ritual manuals and by Brahmanic texts.[42] Thus, in _Cat. Br_. vi.
2. 1. 18: "He kills a man first.... The cord that holds the man is the
longest." It is noteworthy that also among the American Indians the
death of a human victim by fire was regarded as a religious ceremony,
and that, just as in India the man to be sacrificed was allowed almost
all his desires for a year, so the victim of the Indian was first
greeted as brother and presented with gifts, even with a wife.[43]

But this, the terrible barbaric side of religious worship, is now
distinctly yielding to a more humane religion. The 'barley ewe'[44] is
taking the place of a bloodier offering. It has been urged that the
humanity[45] and the accompanying silliness of the Brahmanic period as
compared with the more robust character of the earlier age are due to
the weakening and softening effects of the climate. But we doubt
whether the climate of the Punj[=a]b differs as much from that of
Delhi and Patna as does the character of the Rig Veda from that of the
Br[=a]hmanas. We shall protest again when we come to the subject of
Buddhism against the too great influence which has been claimed for
climate. Politics and society, in our opinion, had more to do with
altering the religions of India than had a higher temperature and
miasma. As a result of ease and sloth--for the Brahmans are now the
divine pampered servants of established kings, not the energetic peers
of a changing population of warriors--the priests had lost the
inspiration that came from action; they now made no new hymns; they
only formulated new rules of sacrifice. They became intellectually
debauched and altogether weakened in character. Synchronous with this
universal degradation and lack of fibre, is found the occasional
substitution of barley and rice sacrifices for those of blood; and it
may be that a sort of selfish charity was at work here, and the priest
saved the beast to spare himself. But there is no very early evidence
of a humane view of sacrifice influencing the priests.

The Brahman is no Jain. One must read far to hear a note of the
approaching _ahims[=a]_ doctrine of 'non-injury.' At most one finds a
contemptuous allusion, as in a pitying strain, to the poor plants and
animals that follow after man in reaping some sacrificial benefit from
a ceremony.[46] It does not seem to us that a recognized respect for
animal life or kindness to dumb creatures lies at the root of proxy
sacrifice, though it doubtless came in play. But still less does it
appear probable that, as is often said, aversion to beast-sacrifice is
due to the doctrine of _karma_, and re-birth in animal form. The
_karma_ notion begins to appear in the Brahmanas, but not in the
_sams[=a]ra_ shape of transmigration. It was surely not because the
Hindu was afraid of eating his deceased grandmother that he first
abstained from meat. For, long after the doctrine of _karma_ and
_sams[=a]ra_[47] is established, animal sacrifices are not only
permitted but enjoined; and the epic characters shoot deer and even
eat cows. We think, in short, that the change began as a sumptuary
measure only. In the case of human sacrifice there is doubtless a
civilized repugnance to the act, which is clearly seen in many
passages where the slaughter of man is made purely symbolical. The
only wonder is that it should have obtained so long after the age of
the Rig Veda. But like the stone knife of sacrifice among the Romans
it is received custom, and hard to do away with, for priests are
conservative. Human sacrifice must have been peculiarly horrible from
the fact that the sacrificer not only had to kill the man but to eat
him, as is attested by the formal statement of the liturgical
works.[48] But in the case of other animals (there are five
sacrificial animals, of which man is first) we think it was a question
of expense on the part of the laity. When the _soma_ became rare and
expensive, substitutes were permitted and enjoined. So with the great
sacrifices. The priests had built up a great complex of forms, where
at every turn fees were demanded. The whole expense, falling on the
one individual to whose benefit accrued the sacrifice, must have been
enormous; in the case of ordinary people impossible. But the priests
then permitted the sacrifice of substitutes, for their fees still
remained; and even in the case of human sacrifice some such caution
may have worked, for ordinarily it cost 'one thousand cattle' to buy a
man to be sacrificed. A proof of this lies in the fact that animal
sacrifices were not forbidden at any time, only smaller (cheaper)
animals took the place of cattle. In the completed Brahmanic code the
rule is that animals ought not to be killed except at sacrifice, and
practically the smaller creatures were substituted for cattle, just as
the latter had gradually taken the place of the old horse (and man)
sacrifice.

If advancing civilization results in an agreeable change of morality
in many regards, it is yet accompanied with wretched traits in others.
The whole silliness of superstition exceeds belief. Because
Bh[=a]llabheya once broke his arm on changing the metre of certain
formulae, it is evident to the priest that it is wrong to trifle with
received metres, and hence "let no one do this hereafter." There is a
compensation on reading such trash in the thought that all this
superstition has kept for us a carefully preserved text, but that is
an accident of priestly foolishness, and the priest can be credited
only with the folly. Why is 'horse-grass' used in the sacrifice?
Because the sacrifice once ran away and "became a horse." Again one is
thankful for the historical side-light on the horse-sacrifice; but the
witlessness of the unconscious historian can but bring him into
contempt.[49] Charms that are said against one are of course cast out
by other charms. If one is not prosperous with one name he takes
another. If the cart creaks at the sacrifice it is the voice of evil
spirits; and a formula must avert the omen. _Soma_-husks are liable to
turn into snakes; a formula must avert this catastrophe. Everything
done at the sacrifice is godly; _ergo_, everything human is to be done
in an inhuman manner, and, since in human practice one cuts his left
finger-nails first and combs the left side of the beard first, at the
sacrifice he must cut nails and beard first on the other side, for
"whatever is human at a sacrifice is useless" (_vy[r.]ddhain v[=a]i
tad yajnasya yad m[=a]nu[s.]am_). Of religious puns we have given
instances already. Agni says: "prop me on the propper for that is
proper" (_hita_), etc, etc.[50] One of these examples of depraved
superstition is of a more dangerous nature. The effect of the
sacrifice is covert as well as overt.

The word is as potent as the act. Consequently if the sacrificer
during the sacrifice merely mutter the words "let such an one die," he
must die; for the sacrifice is holy, godly; the words are divine, and
cannot be frustrated (_Cat. Br_. iii. 1. 4. 1; iv. 1. 1. 26).

All this superstition would be pardonable if it were primitive. But
that it comes long after the Vedic poets have sung reveals a
continuance of stupidity which is marvellous. Doubtless those same
poets were just as superstitious, but one would think that with all
the great literature behind them, and the thoughts of the philosophers
just rising among them, these later priests might show a higher level
of intelligence. But in this regard they are to India what were the
monks of mediaeval times to Europe.

We turn now to the ethical side of religion. But, before leaving the
sacrifice, one point should be explained clearly. The Hindu sacrifice
can be performed only by the priest, and he must be of the highest
caste. No other might or could perform it. For he alone understood the
ancient texts, which to the laity were already only half intelligible.
Again, as Barth has pointed out, the Hindu sacrifice is performed only
for one individual or his family. It was an expensive rite (for the
gaining of one object), addressed to many gods for the benefit of one
man. To offset this, however, one must remember that there were
popular fetes and sacrifices of a more general nature, to which many
were invited and in which even the lower castes took part; and these
were also of remote antiquity.

Already current in the Br[=a]hmanas is the phrase 'man's debts.'
Either three or four of such moral obligations were recognized, debts
to the gods, to the seers, to the Manes, and to men. Whoever pays
these debts, it is said, has discharged all his duties, and by him all
is obtained, all is won. And what are these duties? To the gods he
owes sacrifices; to the seers, study of the Vedas; to the Manes,
offspring; to man, hospitality (_Cat. Br_. i. 7. 2. 1 ff.; in
_T[=a]itt. Br_. vi. 3. 10. 5, the last fails). Translated into modern
equivalents this means that man must have faith and good works. But
more really is demanded than is stated here. First and foremost is the
duty of truthfulness. Agni is the lord of vows among the gods (RV.
viii. 11. 1; _Cat. Br_. iii. 2. 2. 24), and speech is a divinity
(Sarasvat[=i] is personified speech, _Cat. Br_. iii. 1. 4. 9, etc).
Truth is a religious as well as moral duty. "This (All) is two-fold,
there is no third; all is either truth or untruth; now truth alone is
the gods (_satyam eva dev[=a]s_) and untruth is man."[51] Moreover,
"one law the gods observe, truth" (_Cat. Br_. i. 1.1. 4; iii. 3. 2. 2;
4. 2. 8). There is another passage upon this subject: "To serve the
sacred fire means truth; he who speaks truth feeds the fire; he who
speaks lies pours water on it; in the one case he strengthens his
vital (spiritual) energy, and becomes better; in the other he weakens
it and becomes worse" (_ib_. ii. 2. 2. 19). The second sin, expressly
named and reprobated as such, is adultery. This is a sin against
Varuna.[52] In connection with this there is an interesting passage
implying a priestly confessional. At the sacrifice the sacrificer's
wife is formally asked by the priest whether she is faithful to her
husband. She is asked this that she may not sacrifice with guilt on
her soul, for "when confessed the guilt becomes less."[53] If it is
asked what other moral virtues are especially inculcated besides truth
and purity the answer is that the acts commonly cited as
self-evidently sins are murder, theft, and abortion; incidentally,
gluttony, anger, and procrastination.[54]

As to the moral virtue of observing days, certain times are allowed
and certain times are not allowed for worldly acts. But every day is
in part a holy-day to the Hindu. The list of virtues is about the
same, therefore, as that of the decalogue--the worship of the right
divinity; the observance of certain seasons for prayer and sacrifice;
honor to the parents; abstinence from theft, murder, adultery. Envy
alone is omitted.[55]

What eschatological conceptions are strewn through the literature of
this era are vague and often contradictory. The souls of the departed
are at one time spoken of as the stars (_T[=a]itt. S_. v. 4. 1. 3.); at
another, as uniting with gods and living in the world of the gods
_(Cal. Br._. ii. 6. 4. 8).

The principle of _karma_ if not the theory, is already known, but the
very thing that the completed philosopher abhors is looked upon as a
blessing, viz., rebirth, body and all, even on earth.[56] Thus in one
passage, as a reward for knowing some divine mystery (as often
happens, this mystery is of little importance, only that 'spring is
born again out of winter'), the savant is to be 'born again in this
world' _(punar ha v[=a] 'asmin loke bhavati, Cat. Br._ i. 5. 3. 14).
The esoteric wisdom is here the transfer of the doctrine of
metempsychosis to spring. Man has no hope of immortal life (on
earth);[57] but, by establishing the holy fires, and especially by
establishing in his inmost soul the immortal element of fire, he lives
the full desirable length of life (_ib_. ii. 2. 2. 14. To the later
sage, length of life is undesirable). But in yonder world, where the
sun itself is death, the soul dies again and again. All those on the
other side of the sun, the gods, are immortal; but all those on this
side are exposed to this death. When the sun wishes, he draws out the
vitality of any one, and then that one dies; not once, but, being
drawn up by the sun, which is death, into the very realm of death (how
different to the conception of the sun in the Rig Veda!) he dies over
and over again.[58] But in another passage it is said that when the
sacrificer is consecrated he 'becomes one of the deities'; and one
even finds the doctrine that one obtains 'union with Brahm[=a],' which
is quite in the strain of the Upanishads; but here such a saying can
refer only to the upper castes, for "the gods talk only to the upper
castes" (_Cal. Br._. xi. 4. 4. 1; iii. 1. 1. 8-10). The dead man is
elsewhere represented as going to heaven 'with his whole body,' and,
according to one passage, when he gets to the next world his good and
evil are weighed in a balance. There are, then, quite diverse views in
regard to the fate of a man after death, and not less various are the
opinions in regard to his reward and punishment. According to the
common belief the dead, on leaving this world, pass between two fires,
_agnicikhe_ raging on either side of his path. These fires burn the
one that ought to be burned (the wicked), and let the good pass by.
Then the spirit (or the man himself in body) is represented as going
up on one of two paths. Either he goes to the Manes on a path which,
according to later teaching, passes southeast through the moon, or he
goes northeast (the gods' direction) to the sun, which is his 'course
and stay.' In the same chapter one is informed that the rays of the
sun are the good (dead), and that every brightest light is the
Father-god. The general conception here is that the sun or the stars
are the destination of the pious. On the other hand it is said that
one will enjoy the fruit of his acts here on earth, in a new birth; or
that he will 'go to the next world'; or that he will suffer for his
sins in hell. The last is told in legendary form, and appears to us to
be not an early view retained in folk-lore, but a late modification of
an old legend. Varuna sends his son Bhrigu to hell to find out what
happens after death, and he finds people suffering torture, and,
again, avenging themselves on those that have wronged them. But,
despite the resemblance between this and Grecian myth, the fact that
in the whole compass of the Rik (in the Atharvan perhaps in v. 19)
there is not the slightest allusion to torture in hell, precludes, to
our mind, the possibility of this phase having been an ancient
inherited belief.[59]

Annihilation or a life in under darkness is the first (Rik) hell. The
general antithesis of light (as good) and darkness (as bad) is here
plainly revealed again. Sometimes a little variation occurs. Thus,
according to _Cat. Br._ vi. 5. 4. 8, the stars are women-souls,
perhaps, as elsewhere, men also. The converse notion that darkness is
the abode of evil appears at a very early date: "Indra brought down
the heathen, _dasyus_, into the lowest darkness," it is said in the
Atharva Veda (ix. 2. 17).[60]

In the later part of the great 'Br[=a]hmana of the hundred paths'
there seems to be a more modern view inculcated in regard to the fate
of the dead. Thus, in vi. 1. 2. 36, the opinion of 'some,' that the
fire on the altar is to bear the worshipper to the sky, is objected
to, and it is explained that he becomes immortal; which antithesis is
in purely Upanishadic style, as will be seen below.


BRAHMANIC THEORIES OF CREATION.

In Vedic polytheism, with its strain of pantheism, the act of creating
the world[61] is variously attributed to different gods. At the end of
this period theosophy invented the god of the golden germ, the great
Person (known also by other titles), who is the one (pantheistic) god,
in whom all things are contained, and who himself is contain in even
the smallest thing. The Atharvan transfers the same idea in its
delineation of the pantheistic image to Varuna, that Varuna who is the
seas and yet is contained "in the drop of water" (iv. 16), a Varuna as
different to the Varuna of the Rik as is the Atharvan Indra to his
older prototype. Philosophically the Rik, at its close, declares that
"desire is the seed of mind," and that "being arises from not-being."

In the Br[=a]hmanas the creator is the All-god in more anthropomorphic
form. The Father-god, Praj[=a]pati, or Brahm[=a] (personal equivalent
of _brahma_) is not only the father of gods, men, and devils, but he
is the All. This Father-god of universal sovereignty, Brahm[=a],
remains to the end the personal creator. It is he who will serve as
creator for the Puranic S[=a]nkhya philosophy, and even after the rise
of the Hindu sects he will still be regarded in this light, although
his activity will be conditioned by the will of Vishnu or Civa. In
pure philosophy there will be an abstract First Cause; but as there is
no religion in the acknowledgment of a First Cause, this too will soon
be anthropomorphized.

The Br[=a]hmanas themselves present no clear picture of creation. All
the accounts of a personal creator are based merely on
anthropomorphized versions of the text 'desire is the seed.'
Praj[=a]pati wishes offspring, and creates. There is, on the other
hand, a philosophy of creation which reverts to the tale of the
'golden germ.'[62] The world was at first water; thereon floated a
cosmic golden egg (the principle of fire). Out of this came Spirit
that desired; and by desire he begat the worlds and all things. It is
improbable that in this somewhat Orphic mystery there lies any
pre-Vedic myth. The notion comes up first in the golden germ and
egg-born bird (sun) of the Rik. It is not specially Aryan, and is
found even among the American Indians.[63] It is this Spirit with
which the Father-god is identified. But guess-work philosophy then
asks what upheld this god, and answers that a support upheld all
things. So Support becomes a god in his turn, and, since he must reach
through time and space, this Support, Skambha, becomes the All-god
also; and to him as to a great divinity the Atharvan sings some of its
wildest strains. When once speculation is set going in the
Br[=a]hmanas, the result of its travel is to land its followers in
intellectual chaos.[64] The gods create the Father-god in one passage,
and in another the Father-god creates the gods. The Father creates the
waters, whence rises the golden egg. But, again, the waters create the
egg, and out of the egg is born the Father. A farrago of
contradictions is all that these tales amount to, nor are they
redeemed even by a poetical garb.[65]

In the period immediately following the Br[=a]hmanas, or toward the
end of the Brahmanic period, as one will, there is a famous
distinction made between the gods. Some gods, it is said, are
spirit-gods; some are work-gods. They are born of spirit and of works,
respectively. The difference, however, is not essential, but
functional; so that one may conclude from this authority, the Nirukta
(a grammatical and epexigetical work), that all the gods have a like
nature; and that the spirit-gods, who are the older, differ only in
lack of specific functions from the work-gods. A not uninteresting
debate follows this passage in regard to the true nature of the gods.
Some people say they are anthropomorphic; others deny this. "And
certainly what is seen of the gods is not anthropomorphic; for
example, the sun, the earth, etc."[66] In such a period of theological
advance it is matter of indifference to which of a group of gods, all
essentially one, is laid the task of creation. And, indeed, from the
Vedic period until the completed systems of philosophy, all creation
to the philosopher is but emanation; and stories of specific acts of
creation are not regarded by him as detracting from the creative
faculty of the First Cause. The actual creator is for him the factor
and agent of the real god. On the other hand, the vulgar worshipper of
every era believed only in reproduction on the part of an
anthropomorphic god; and that god's own origin he satisfactorily
explained by the myth of the golden egg. The view depended in each
case not on the age but on the man.

If in these many pages devoted to the Br[=a]hmanas we have produced
the impression that the religious literature of this period is a
confused jumble, where unite descriptions of ceremonies, formulae,
mysticism, superstitions, and all the output of active bigotry; an
_olla podrida_ which contains, indeed, odds and ends of sound
morality, while it presents, on the whole, a sad view of the
latter-day saints, who devoted their lives to making it what it is; we
have offered a fairly correct view of the age and its priests, and the
rather dreary series of illustrations will not have been collected in
vain. We have given, however, no notion at all of the chief object of
this class of writings, the liturgical details of the sacrifices
themselves. Even a resume of one comparatively short ceremony would be
so long and tedious that the explication of the intricate formalities
would scarcely be a sufficient reward. With Hillebrandt's patient
analysis of the New-and Full-Moon sacrifice,[67] of which a sketch is
given by von Schroeder in his _Literatur und Cultur_, the curious
reader will be able to satisfy himself that a minute description of
these ceremonies would do little to further his knowledge of the
religion, when once he grasps the fact that the sacrifice is but show.
Symbolism without folk-lore, only with the imbecile imaginings of a
daft mysticism, is the soul of it; and its outer form is a certain
number of formulae, mechanical movements, oblations, and
slaughterings.

But we ought not to close the account of the era without giving
counter-illustrations of the legendary aspect of this religion; for
which purpose we select two of the best-known tales, one from the end
of the Br[=a]hmana that is called the [=A]itareya; the other from the
beginning of the Catapatha; the former in abstract, the latter in
full.


THE SACRIFICE OF DOGSTAIL (_[=A]it. Br._ vii. 13).

Hariccandra, a king born in the great race of Ikshv[=a]ku, had no son.
A sage told him what blessings are his who has a son: 'He that has no
son has no place in the world; in the person of a son a man is reborn,
a second self is begotten.' Then the king desired a son, and the sage
instructed him to pray to Varuna for one, and to offer to sacrifice
him to the god. This he did, and a son, Rohita, at last was born to
him. God Varuna demanded the sacrifice. But the king said: 'He is not
fit to be sacrificed, so young as he is; wait till he is ten days
old.' The god waited ten days, and demanded the sacrifice. But the
king said: 'Wait till his teeth come.' The god waited, and then
demanded the sacrifice. But the king said: 'Wait till his teeth fall
out'; and when the god had waited, and again demanded the sacrifice,
the father said: 'Wait till his new teeth come.' But, when his teeth
were come and he was demanded, the father said: 'A warrior is not fit
to be sacrificed till he has received his armor' (_i.e._, until he is
knighted). So the god waited till the boy had received his armor, and
then he demanded the sacrifice. Thereupon, the king called his son,
and said unto him: 'I will sacrifice thee to the god who gave thee to
me.' But the son said, 'No, no,' and took his bow and fled into the
desert. Then Varuna caused the king to be afflicted with dropsy.[68]
When Rohita heard of this he was about to return, but Indra, disguised
as a priest, met him, and said: 'Wander on, for the foot of a wanderer
is like a flower; his spirit grows, and reaps fruit, and all his sins
are forgiven in the fatigue of wandering.'[69] So Rohita, thinking
that a priest had commanded him, wandered; and every year, as he would
return, Indra met him, and told him still to wander. On one of these
occasions Indra inspires him to continue on his journey by telling him
that the _krita_ was now auspicious; using the names of dice
afterwards applied to the four ages.[70] Finally, after six years,
Rohita resolved to purchase a substitute for sacrifice. He meets a
starving seer, and offers to buy one of his sons (to serve as
sacrifice), the price to be one hundred cows. The seer has three sons,
and agrees to the bargain; but "the father said, 'Do not take the
oldest,' and the mother said, 'Do not take the youngest,' so Rohita
took the middle son, Dogstail." Varuna immediately agrees to this
substitution of Dogstail for Rohita, "since a priest is of more value
than a warrior."

The sacrifice is made ready, and Vicv[=a]mitra (the Vedic seer) is the
officiating priest. But no one would bind the boy to the post. 'If
thou wilt give me another hundred cows I will bind him,' says the
father of Dogstail. But then no one would kill the boy. 'If thou wilt
give me another hundred cows I will kill him,' says the father. The
[=A]pri verses[71] are said, and the fire is carried around the boy.
He is about to be slain. Then Dogstail prays to 'the first of gods,'
the Father-god, for protection. But the Father-god tells him to pray
to Agni, 'the nearest of the gods.' Agni sends him to another, and he
to another, till at last, when the boy has prayed to all the gods,
including the All-gods, his fetters drop off; Hariccandra's dropsy
ceases, and all ends well.[72] Only, when the avaricious father
demands his son back, he is refused, and Vicv[=a]mitra adopts the boy,
even dispossessing his own protesting sons. For fifty of the latter
agree to the exaltation of Dogstail; but fifty revolt, and are cursed
by Vicv[=a]mitra, that their sons' sons should become barbarians, the
Andhras, Pundras, Cabaras, Pulindas, and M[=u]tibas, savage races (of
this time), one of which can be located on the southeast coast. The
conclusion, and the matter that follows close on this tale, is
significant of the time, and of the priest's authority. For it is said
that 'if a king hears this story he is made free of sin,' but he can
hear it only from a priest, who is to be rewarded for telling it by a
gift of one thousand cows, and other rich goods.

The matter following, to which we have alluded, is the use of
sacrificial formulae to defeat the king's foes, the description of a
royal inauguration, and, at this ceremony, the oath which the king has
to swear ere the priest will anoint him (he is anointed with milk,
honey, butter, and water, 'for water is immortality'): "I swear that
thou mayst take from me whatever good works I do to the day of my
death, together with my life and children, if ever I should do thee
harm."[73]

When the priest is secretly told how he may ruin the king by a false
invocation at the sacrifice, and the king is made to swear that if
ever he hurts the priest the latter may rob him of earthly and
heavenly felicity, the respective positions of the two, and the
contrast between this era and that of the early hymns, become
strikingly evident. It is not from such an age as this that one can
explain the spirit of the Rig Veda.

The next selection is the famous story of the flood, which we
translate literally in its older form.[74] The object of the legend in
the Br[=a]hmana is to explain the importance of the Id[=a] (or Il[=a])
ceremony, which is identified with Id[=a], Manu's daughter.

"In the morning they brought water to Manu to wash with, even as they
bring it to-day to wash hands with. While he was washing a fish came
into his hands. The fish said, 'Keep me, and I will save thee.' 'What
wilt thou save me from?' 'A flood will sweep away all creatures on
earth. I will save thee from that.' 'How am I to keep thee?' 'As long
as we are small,' said he (the fish), 'we are subject to much
destruction; fish eats fish. Thou shalt keep me first in a jar. When I
outgrow that, thou shalt dig a hole, and keep me in it. When I outgrow
that, thou shalt take me down to the sea, for there I shall be beyond
destruction.'

"It soon became a (great horned fish called a) _jhasha_, for this
grows the largest, and then it said: 'The flood will come this summer
(or in such a year). Look out for (or worship) me, and build a ship.
When the flood rises, enter into the ship, and I will save thee.'
After he had kept it he took it down to the sea. And the same summer
(year) as the fish had told him he looked out for (or worshipped) the
fish; and built a ship. And when the flood rose he entered into the
ship. Then up swam the fish, and Manu tied the ship's rope to the horn
of the fish; and thus he sailed swiftly up toward the mountain of the
north. 'I have saved thee' said he (the fish). 'Fasten the ship to a
tree. But let not the water leave thee stranded while thou art on the
mountain (top). Descend slowly as the water goes down.' So he
descended slowly, and that descent of the mountain of the north is
called the 'Descent of Manu.' The flood then swept off all the
creatures of the earth, and Manu here remained alone. Desirous of
posterity, he worshipped and performed austerities. While he was
performing a sacrifice, he offered up in the waters clarified butter,
sour milk, whey and curds. Out of these in a year was produced a
woman. She arose when she was solid, and clarified butter collected
where she trod. Mitra and Varuna met her, and said: 'Who art thou?'
'Manu's daughter,' said she. 'Say ours,' said they. 'No,' said she; 'I
am my father's.' They wanted part in her. She agreed to this, and she
did not agree; but she went by them and came to Manu. Said Manu: 'Who
art thou?' 'Thy daughter,' said she. 'How my daughter, glorious
woman?' She said: 'Thou hast begotten me of the offering, which thou
madest in the water, clarified butter, sour milk, whey, and curds. I
am a blessing; use me at the sacrifice. If thou usest me at the
sacrifice, thou shalt become rich in children and cattle. Whatever
blessing thou invokest through me, all shall be granted to thee.' So
he used her as the blessing in the middle of the sacrifice. For what
is between the introductory and final offerings is the middle of the
sacrifice. With her he went on worshipping and performing austerities,
wishing for offspring. Through her he begot the race of men on earth,
the race of Manu; and whatever the blessing he invoked through her,
all was granted unto him.

"Now she is the same with the Id[=a] ceremony; and whoever, knowing
this, performs sacrifice with the Id[=a], he begets the race that Manu
generated; and whatever blessing he invokes through her, all is
granted unto him."

There is one of the earliest _avatar_ stories in this tale. Later
writers, of course, identify the fish with Brahm[=a] and with Vishnu.
In other early Br[=a]hmanas the _avatars_ of a god as a tortoise and a
boar were known long before they were appropriated by the Vishnuites.

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: In _[=A]it. Br_. I. 22, there is an unexplained
     antithesis of Rik, Yajus, S[=a]man, Veda, and Brahma; where
     the commentator takes Veda to be Atharva Veda. The priests,
     belonging respectively to the first three Vedas, are for the
     Rig Veda, the Hotar priest, who recites; for the S[=a]man,
     the Udg[=a]tar, 'the singer'; for the Y[=a]jus, the
     Adhvaryu, who attends to the erection of the altar, etc.
     Compare Mueller, ASL. p. 468.]

     [Footnote 2: It is the only literature of its time except
     (an important exception) those fore-runners of later
     S[=u]tra and epic which one may suppose to be in process of
     formation long before they come to the front.]

     [Footnote 3: There are several schools of this Veda, of
     which the chief are the V[=a]jasaneyi, or 'White Yajus,'
     collection; the T[=a]ittir[=i]ya collection; and the
     M[=a]itr[=a]yan[=i] collection; the first named being the
     latest though the most popular, the last two being the
     foremost representatives of the 'Black Yajus.']

     [Footnote 4: The different traits here recorded are given
     with many illustrative examples by Schroeder, in his
     _Literatur und Cultur_, p. 90 ff.]

     [Footnote 5: Compare Weber, _Ind. Streifen_, II. 197.]

     [Footnote 6: Weber, _Lit_. p. 73.]

     [Footnote 7: The _Cata-patha Br[=a]hmana_ (or "Br[=a]mana of
     the hundred paths") II. 2. 2. 6; 4.3.14.]

     [Footnote 8: The chief family priest, it is said in the
     _Cat. Br_. II. 4. 4. 5, is a man of great influence.
     Sometimes one priest becomes religious head of two clans (an
     extraordinary event, however; only one name is reported) and
     then how exalted is his position. Probably, as in the later
     age of the drama, the chief priest often at the same time
     practically prime minister. It is said in another part of
     the same book that although the whole earth is divine, yet
     it is the priest that makes holy the place of sacrifice
     (III. 1. 1. 4). In this period murder is defined as killing
     a priest; other cases are not called murder. Weber, _IS_. X.
     66.]

     [Footnote 9: Barth, _loc. cit._ p. 42.]

     [Footnote 10: He has analogy with Agni in being made of
     'seven persons (males),' _Cat. Br._ X. 2. 2. 1.]

     [Footnote 11: Compare M[=a]it. S. IV. 2. 12, 'sons of
     Praj[=a]pati, Agni, V[=a]yu, S[=u]rya.']

     [Footnote 12: _Cat. Br._ I. 3. 4. 12; IV. 3. 5. 1.]

     [Footnote 13: Interesting is the fact that only priests may
     eat sacrificial food and drink _soma_ at this period. When
     even the king should drink _soma_, he is made to drink some
     transubstantiated liquor which, the priests inform him, has
     been 'made into _soma_' for him by magic, for the latter is
     too holy for any warrior really to drink (VII. 19; VIII.
     20). But in the more popular feasts there are indications
     that this rule is often broken. Compare Weber,
     _R[=a]jas[=u]ya_ p. 98.]

     [Footnote 14: For the relations of the different castes at
     this period, see Weber, in the tenth volume of the _Indische
     Studien_.]

     [Footnote 15: The Atharvan is not yet recognized as a Veda.]

     [Footnote 16: And even the pronunciation of a word or the
     accent is fateful. The famous godly example of this is where
     Tvashtar, the artificer, in anger mispronounced
     _indra-catru_ as _indracatru,_ whereby the meaning was
     changed from 'conqueror of Indra' to 'Indra-conquered,' with
     unexpected result (_Cat. Br._ I. 6. 3. 8; _T[=a]itt. S._ II.
     4. 12. 1).]

     [Footnote 17: The word is _a[.m]sala_, strong, or 'from the
     shoulder' (?). In III. 4. 1. 2 one cooks an ox or a goat for
     a very distinguished guest, as a sort of guest-sacrifice. So
     the guest is called 'cow-killer' (Weber, _Ved. Beitraege_, p.
     36).]

     [Footnote 18: Compare _ib_. I. 9. 1. 21, "let the priest not
     say 'guard me (or us),' but 'guard this worshipper
     (sacrificer),' for if he says 'me' he induces no blessing at
     all; the blessing is not for the priest, but for the
     sacrificer." In both passages, most emphatically,
     _yajam[=a]nasy[=a]iva_, 'for the sacrificer alone.']

     [Footnote 19: _Ya[.m] k[=a]ma[.m] k[=a]mayate so 'sm[=a]i
     k[=a]ma[h.] sam[r.]dhyate_.]

     [Footnote 20: [=A]suri's name as a theologian is important,
     since the S[=a]nkhya philosophy is intimately connected with
     him; if this [=A]suri be not another man with the same name
     (compare Weber, _Lit_. p. 152).]

     [Footnote 21: The regular sacrifices to the Manes are daily
     and monthly; funerals and 'faith-feasts,' _cr[=a]ddha_, are
     occasional additions.]

     [Footnote 22: Each generation of Manes rises to a better
     (higher) state if the offerings continue. As a matter of
     ceremonial this means that the remoter generations of
     fathers are put indefinitely far off, while the immediate
     predecessors of a man are the real beneficiaries; they climb
     up to the sky on the offering.]

     [Footnote 23: Compare _Cat. Br_. i. 8. 1. 40; ii. 6. 1. 3,
     7, 10, 42; ii. 4. 2. 24; v. 5. 4. 28.]

     [Footnote 24: This passage (_ib_. ii. 1. 2. 7) is preceded
     by a typical argument for setting up the fires under the
     Pleiades, the wives of the Great Bear stars. He may do or he
     may not do so--the reasons contradict each other, and all of
     them are incredibly silly.]

     [Footnote 25: This last fee is not so common. For an
     oblation to S[=u]rya the fee is a white horse or a white
     bull; either of them representing the proper form of the sun
     (_Cat. Br_. ii. 6. 3. 9); but another authority specifies
     twelve oxen and a plough (T[=a]itt. S. i. 8. 7).]

     [Footnote 26: _Cat. Br_. ii. 1. 1. 3; 2. 3. 28; iv. 3. 4.
     14; 5. 1. 15; four kinds of fees, _ib_. iv. 3. 4. 6, 7, 24
     ff. (Milk is also 'Agni's seed,' _ib_. ii. 2. 4. 15).]

     [Footnote 27: Yet in _[=A]it. Br_. iii. 19, the priest is
     coolly informed how he may be able to slay his patron by
     making a little change in the invocations. Elsewhere such
     conduct is reprobated.]

     [Footnote 28: For other covenants, see the epic (chapter on
     Hinduism).]

     [Footnote 29: _Cat. Br_. iii. 4. 2. 1 ff.; iii. 6. 2. 25;
     iv. 3. 3. 3; iv. 4.1.17; 6. 6. 3; 7. 6, etc.; iii. 8. 2. 27;
     3. 26; _[=A]it. Br._. i. 24.]

     [Footnote 30: _ib_. ii. 6. 2. 5. Here Rudra (compare Civa
     and Hekate of the cross-roads) is said to go upon
     'cross-roads'; so that his sacrifice is on cross-roads--one
     of the new teachings since the time of the Rig Veda. Rudra's
     sister, Ambik[=a], _ib_. 9, is another new creation, the
     genius of autumnal sickness.]

     [Footnote 31: _Cat. Br_. ii. 2. 1. 21. How much non-serious
     fancy there may be here it is difficult to determine. It
     seems impossible that such as follows can have been meant in
     earnest: "The sacrifice, _pray[=a]ja,_ is victory, _jaya_,
     because _yaja_ = _jaya_. With this knowledge one gets the
     victory over his rivals" (_ib_. i. 5. 3. 3, 10).]

     [Footnote 32: Although Bhaga is here (_Cat. Br_. i. 7. 4. 6-7,
     _endho bhagas_) interpreted as the Sun, he is evidently the same
     with Good Luck [Greek: typhlhos ghar ho Elohhytos] or wealth.]

     [Footnote 33: _Cat. Br_. iii. 1. 2. 13 ff.; l. 1. 2. 18;
     iii. 6. 1. 8 ff.; ii. 5. 2. 1; iv. 2. 1. 11; iii. 4.4. 3
     ff.; 2. 3. 6-12, 13-14; iv. 5. 5. 12; 1.3. 13 ff.; iii. 2.
     4. 5-6; 3. 2. 8; 7. 1. 17; iv. 2. 5. 17; 4. 1. 15; i. 7. 4.
     6-7; ii. 4. 3. 4 ff.; li. 5.2.34; 5. 1. 12; 5. 1. 1 ff.; RV.
     viii. 104. 14. The reader must distinguish, in the name of
     Brahm[=a], the god from the priest, and this from
     _brahm[=a]_, prayer. The first step is _brahma_--force,
     power, prayer; then this is, as a masculine Brahm[=a], the
     one who prays, that is, prayer, the Brahman priest, as, in
     the Rig Veda, x. 141. 3. Brihaspati is the 'Brahm[=a] of
     gods.' The next (Brahmanic) step is deified _brahma_, the
     personal Brahm[=a] as god, called also Father-god
     (Praj[=a]pati) or simply The Father (_pit[=a]_).]

     [Footnote 33: _Cat. Br_. iii. 1. 2. 13 ff.; l. 1. 2. 18;
     iii. 6. 1. 8 ff.; ii. 5. 2. 1; iv. 2. 1. 11; iii. 4.4. 3
     ff.; 2. 3. 6-12, 13-14; iv. 5. 5. 12; 1.3. 13 ff.; iii. 2.
     4. 5-6; 3. 2. 8; 7. 1. 17; iv. 2. 5. 17; 4. 1. 15; i. 7. 4.
     6-7; ii. 4. 3. 4 ff.; li. 5.2.34; 5. 1. 12; 5. 1. 1 ff.; RV.
     viii. 104. 14. The reader must distinguish, in the name of
     Brahm[=a], the god from the priest, and this from
     _brahm[=a]_, prayer. The first step is _brahma_--force,
     power, prayer; then this is, as a masculine Brahm[=a], the
     one who prays, that is, prayer, the Brahman priest, as, in
     the Rig Veda, x. 141. 3. Brihaspati is the 'Brahm[=a] of
     gods.' The next (Brahmanic) step is deified _brahma_, the
     personal Brahm[=a] as god, called also Father-god
     (Praj[=a]pati) or simply The Father (_pit[=a]_).]

     [Footnote 34: Compare _M[=a]it. S_ iii. 10. 2; _[=A]it.
     Br_. ii. 8; _Cat. Br_. i. 2. 3. 5; vi. 2. 1. 39; 3. 1. 24;
     ii. 5. 2. 16, a ram and ewe 'made of barley.' On human
     sacrifices, compare Mueller, ASL. p. 419; Weber. ZDMG. xviii.
     262 (see the Bibliography); _Streifen_, i.54.]

     [Footnote 35: Weber has translated some of these legends.
     _Ind. Streifen_, i. 9 ff.]

     [Footnote 36: _T[=a]itt. Br_. iii. 2. 9. 7; _Cat. Br_. i. 2.
     5. 5; ii. 1. 2. 13 ff.; vii. 5. 1. 6.]

     [Footnote 37: Compare _M[=a]it. S_. i. 9. 8; _Cat. Br_. i.
     6. 1. 1 ff. The seasons desert the gods, and the demons
     thrive. In _Cat. Br._ i. 5. 4. 6-11, the Asuras and Indra
     contend with numbers.]

     [Footnote 38: Mueller, ASL. p. 529.]

     [Footnote 39: _M[=a]it. S_. iv. 2. 12; _Cat. Br_. i. 7. 4.
     1; ii. 1. 2. 9; vi. 1. 3. 8; _[=A]it. Br_. iii. 33. Compare
     Muir, OST. iv. p. 45. At a later period there are frequently
     found indecent tales of the gods, and the Br[=a]hmanas
     themselves are vulgar enough, but they exhibit no special
     lubricity on the part of the priests.]

     [Footnote 40: _Idam aham ya ev[=a] smi so asmi, Cat. Br_. i.
     1. 1. 6; 9. 3. 23.]

     [Footnote 41: RV. viii. 51. 2; Zimmer, _loc. cit_. p. 328.]

     [Footnote 42: Compare Weber, _Episch. in Vedisch. Ritual_,
     p. 777 (and above). The man who is slaughtered must be
     neither a priest nor a slave, but a warrior or a man of the
     third caste (Weber, _loc. cit_. above).]

     [Footnote 43: _Le Mercier_, 1637, ap. Parkman, _loc. cit_.
     p. 80. The current notion that the American Indian burns his
     victims at the stake merely for pleasure is not incorrect.
     He frequently did so, as he does so to-day, but in the
     seventeenth century this act often is part of a religious
     ceremony. He probably would have burned his captive, anyway,
     but he gladly utilized his pleasure as a means of
     propitiating his gods. In India it was just the other way.]

     [Footnote 44: Substitutes of metal or of earthen victims are
     also mentioned.]

     [Footnote 45: That the Vedic rite of killing the sacrificial
     beast (by beating and smothering) was very cruel may be seen
     in the description, _[=A]it. Br_. ii. 6.]

     [Footnote 46: _Cat. Br._ i. 5. 2. 4.]

     [Footnote 47: _Sams[=a]ra_ is transmigration; _karma_,
     'act,' implies that the change of abode is conditioned by
     the acts of a former life. Each may exclude the other; but
     in common parlance each implies the other.]

     [Footnote 48: Weber, _Indischt Streifen_, i. p. 72.]

     [Footnote 49: _Cat. Br_. i. 7. 3. 19: iii. 4. 1. 17.]

     [Footnote 50: _Caf. Br_. iii. 5. 4. 10; 6. 2. 24; 5. 3. 17
     (compare 6. 4. 23-24; 3. 4. 11; 2. 1. 12); iii. 1. 2. 4; 3.
     14; i. 7. 2. 9; vi. 1. 2. 14. The change of name is
     interesting. There is a remark in another part of the same
     work to the effect that when a man prospers in life they
     give his name also to his son, grandson, _and to his father
     and grandfather_ (vi. 1. 2. 13). On the other hand, it was
     the custom of the Indian kings in later ages to assume the
     names of their prosperous grandfathers (JRAS. iv. 85).]

     [Footnote 51: Were it not for the first clause it would be
     more natural to render the original 'The gods are truth
     alone, and men are untruth.']

     [Footnote 52: In _Cat. Br_. ii. 4. 2. 5-6 it is said that
     the Father-god gives certain rules of eating to gods, Manes,
     men, and beasts: "Neither gods, Manes, nor beasts transgress
     the Father's law, only some men do."]

     [Footnote 53: _Cat. Br_. ii. 5. 2. 20. Varuna seizes on her
     paramour, when she confesses. _T[.a]itt. Br_. i. 6. 5. 2.
     The guilt confessed becomes less "because it thereby becomes
     truth" (right).]

     [Footnote 54: See _Cat. Br._. ii. 4. 2. 6; 4. 1. 14; 1. 3.
     9; 3. 1. 28: "Who knows man's morrow? Then let one not
     procrastinate." "Today is self, this alone is certain,
     uncertain is the morrow."]

     [Footnote 55: Some little rules are interesting. The
     Pythagorean abstinence from _m[=a][s.][=a]s_, beans, for
     instance, is enjoined; though this rule is opposed by Barku
     V[=a]rshna, _Cat. Br_. i. 1. 1. 10, on the ground that no
     offering to the gods is made of beans; "hence he said 'cook
     beans for me.'"]

     [Footnote 56: Animals may represent gods. "The bull is a
     form of Indra," and so if the bull can be made to roar
     (_Cat. Br._ ii. 5. 3. 18), then one may know that Indra is
     come to the sacrifice. "Man is born into (whatever) world is
     made (by his acts in a previous existence)," is a short
     formula (_Cat. Br._. vi. 2. 2. 27), which represents the
     _karma_ doctrine in its essential principle, though the
     'world' is here not this world, but the next. Compare Weber,
     ZDMG. ix. 237 ff.; Muir, OST. v. 314 ff.]

     [Footnote 57: Though youth may be restored to him by the
     Acvins, _Cat. Br._. iv. i. 5. 1 ff. Here the Horsemen are
     identified with Heaven and Earth (16).]

     [Footnote 58: _Cal. Br_. ii. 3. 3. 7. Apropos of the
     Brahmanic sun it may be mentioned that, according to _Ait.
     Br._ iii. 44, the sun never really sets. "People think that
     he sets, but in truth he only turns round after reaching the
     end of the day, and makes night below, day above; and when
     they think he rises in the morning, he having come to the
     end of the night, turns round, and makes day below, night
     above. He never really sets. Whoever knows this of him, that
     he never sets, obtains union and likeness of form with the
     sun, and the same abode as the sun's." Compare Muir, OST. v.
     521. This may be the real reason why the Rig Veda speaks of
     a dark and light sun.]

     [Footnote 59: _Cat. Br._. i. 4. 3. 11-22 ('The sinner shall
     suffer and go quickly to yonder world'); xi. 6. 1 (compare
     Weber, _loc. cit._ p. 20 ff.; ZDMG. ix. 237), the Bhrigu
     story, of which a more modern form is found in the Upanishad
     period. For the course of the sun, the fires on either side
     of the way, the departure to heaven 'with the whole body,'
     compare _Cat. Br._ i. 9. 3. 2-15; iv. 5. 1. 1; vi. 6. 2. 4;
     xi. 2. 7. 33; Weber, _loc. cit._: Muir, _loc. cit._ v. p.
     314. Not to have all one's bones in the next world is a
     disgrace, as Muir says, and for that reason they are
     collected at burial. Compare the custom as described by the
     French missionaries here. The American Indian has to have
     all his bones for future use, and the burying of the
     skeleton is an annual religious ceremony.]

     [Footnote 60: Compare RV. iv. 28. 4: 'Thou Indra madest
     lowest the heathen.' Weber has shown, _loc. cit._, that the
     general notion of the Br[=a]hmanas is that all are born
     again in the next world, where they are rewarded or punished
     according as they are good or bad; whereas in the Rig Veda
     the good rejoice in heaven, and the bad are annihilated.
     This general view is to be modified, however, by such
     side-theories as those just mentioned, that the good (or
     wise) may be reborn on earth, or be united with gods, or
     become sunlight or stars (the latter are 'watery' to the
     Hindu, and this may explain the statement that the soul is
     'in the midst of waters').]

     [Footnote 61: There is in this age no notion of the repeated
     creations found in later literature. On the contrary, it is
     expressly said in the Rig Veda, vi. 48. 22, that heaven and
     earth are created but once: "Only once was heaven created,
     only once was earth created," Zimmer, AIL. 408.]

     [Footnote 62: When the principle of life is explained it is
     in terms of sun or fire. Thus Praj[=a]pati, Lord of beings,
     or Father-god, is first an epithet of Savitar, RV. iv. 53.
     2; and the golden germ must be fire.]

     [Footnote 63: Schoolcraft, _Historical and Statistical
     Information_, i. 32. As examples of the many passages where
     'water is the beginning' may be cited _Cat. Br._ vi. 7. 1.
     17; xi. 1. 6. 1. The sun, born as Aditi's eighth son, is the
     bird, 'egg-born,' RV. x. 72. 8.]

     [Footnote 64: Among the new curators of Atharvan origin are,
     for instance, the sun under the name of Rohita, Desire
     (Love), etc., etc.]

     [Footnote 65: Illustrations of these contradictions may be
     found in plenty _apud_ Muir iv. p. 20 ff.]

     [Footnote 66: Nirukta, vii. 4; Muir, _loc. cit._ p. 131 and
     v. 17.]

     [Footnote 67: _Neu-und Vollmonds Opfer_, 1880. The
     _D[=i]ksh[=a]_, or initiation, has been described by
     Lindner; the _R[=a]jas[=u]ya_ and _Vajapeya_, by Weber.]

     [Footnote 68: The water-sickness already imputed to this god
     in the Rig Veda. This tale and that of Bhrigu (referred to
     above) show an ancient trait in the position of Varuna, as
     chief god.]

     [Footnote 69: This is the germ of the pilgrimage doctrine
     (see below).]

     [Footnote 70: Perhaps (M. ix. 301) interpolated; or the
     first allusion to the Four Ages.]

     [Footnote 71: These (compare _afri_, 'blessing,' in the
     Avesta) are verses in the Rig Veda introducing the
     sacrifice. They are meant as propitiations, and appear to be
     an ancient part of the ritual.]

     [Footnote 72: A group of hymns in the first book of the Rig
     Veda are attributed to Dogstail. At any rate, they do allude
     to him, and so prove a moderate antiquity (probably the
     middle period of the Rik) for the tale. The name, in
     Sanskrit Cunascepa, has been ingeniously starred by Weber as
     Cynosoura; the last part of each compound having the same
     meaning, and the first part being even phonetically the same
     _cunas, [Greek: kunhos]_.]

     [Footnote 73: _Ait. Br._ viii. 10, 15, 20.]

     [Footnote 74: The epic has a later version. This earlier
     form is found in _Cat. Br._ i. 8. 1. For the story of the
     flood among the American Indians compare Schoolcraft
     (_Historical and Statistical Information_), i. 17.]

     *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER X.

BRAHMANIC PANTHEISM.--THE UPANISHADS.


In the Vedic hymns man fears the gods, and imagines God. In the
Br[=a]hmanas man subdues the gods, and fears God. In the Upanishads
man ignores the gods, and becomes God.[1]

Such in a word is the theosophic relations between the three periods
represented by the first Vedic Collection, the ritualistic
Br[=a]hmanas, and the philosophical treatises called Upanishads. Yet
if one took these three strata of thought to be quite independent of
each other he would go amiss. Rather is it true that the Br[=a]hmanas
logically continue what the hymns begin; that the Upanishads logically
carry on the thought of the Br[=a]hmanas. And more, for in the oldest
Upanishads are traits that connect this class of writings (if they
were written) directly, and even closely with the Vedic hymns
themselves; so that one may safely assume that the time of the first
Upanishads is not much posterior to that of the latest additions made
to the Vedic collections, though this indicates only that these
additions were composed at a much later period than is generally
supposed.[2] In India no literary period subsides with the rise of its
eventually 'succeeding' period. All the works overlap. Parts of the
Br[=a]hmanas succeed, sometimes with the addition of whole books,
their proper literary successors, the Upanishads. Vedic hymns are
composed in the Brahmanic period.[3] The prose S[=u]tras, which, in
general, are earlier, sometimes post-date metrical C[=a]stra-rules.
Thus it is highly probable that, whereas the Upanishads began before
the time of Buddha, the Catapatha Br[=a]hmana (if not others of this
class) continued to within two or three centuries of our era; that the
legal S[=u]tras were, therefore, contemporary with part of the
Br[=a]hmanic period;[4] and that, in short, the end of the Vedic
period is so knit with the beginning of the Br[=a]hmanic, while the
Br[=a]hmanic period is so knit with the rise of the Upanishads,
S[=u]tras, epics, and Buddhism, that one cannot say of any one: 'this
is later,' 'this is earlier'; but each must be taken only for a phase
of indefinitely dated thought, exhibited on certain lines. It must
also be remembered that by the same class of works a wide geographical
area may be represented; by the Br[=a]hmanas, west and east; by the
S[=u]tras, north and south; by the Vedic poems, northwest and east to
Benares (AV.); by the epics, all India, centred about the holy middle
land near Delhi.

The meaning of Upanishad as used in the compositions themselves, is
either, as it is used to-day, the title of a philosophical work; that
of knowledge derived from esoteric teaching; or the esoteric teaching
itself. Thus _brahma upanishad_ is the secret doctrine of _brahma_,
and 'whoever follows this _upanishad_' means whoever follows this
doctrine. This seems, however, to be a meaning derived from the nature
of the Upanishads themselves, and we are almost inclined to think that
the true significance of the word was originally that in which alone
occurs, in the early period, the combination _upa-ni-[s.]ad_, and this
is purely external: "he makes the common people _upa-ni-s[=a]din,"
i.e_., 'sitting below' or 'subject,' it is said in _Cat. Br_. ix. 4.
3. 3 (from the literal meaning of 'sitting below').[5] Instead,
therefore, of seeing in _upan[=i]sad_, Upanishad, the idea of a
session, of pupils sitting down to hear instruction (the prepositions
and verb are never used in this sense), it may be that the Upanishads
were at first _subsidiary_ works of the ritualistic Br[=a]hmanas
contained in the [=A]ranyakas or Forest Books, that is, appendices to
the Br[=a]hmana, ostensibly intended for the use of pious
forest-hermits (who had passed beyond the need of sacrifice); and
this, in point of fact, is just what they were; till their growth
resulted in their becoming an independent branch of literature. The
usual explanation of 'Upanishad,' however, is that it represents the
instruction given to the pupil 'sitting under' the teacher.

Although at present between two and three hundred Upanishads are
known, at least by name, to exist, yet scarcely a dozen appear to be
of great antiquity. Some of these are integral parts of Br[=a]hmanas,
and apparently were added to the ritualistic works at an early
period.[6]

While man's chief effort in the Brahmanic period seems to be by
sacrifice and penance to attain happiness hereafter, and to get the
upper hand of divine powers; while he recognizes a God, who, though
supreme, has yet, like the priest himself, attained his supremacy by
sacrifice and penance; while he dreams of a life hereafter in heavenly
worlds, in the realm of light, though hardly seeking to avoid a
continuation of earthly re-births; nevertheless he frees himself at
times from ritualistic observances sufficiently to continue the
questioning asked by his Vedic ancestors, and to wonder whither his
immortal part is definitively going, and whether that spirit of his
will live independently, or be united with some higher power, such as
the sun or Brahm[=a].

The philosophical writings called Upanishads[7] take up this question
in earnest, but the answer is already assured, and the philosophers,
or poets, of this period seek less to prove the truth than to expound
it. The soul of man will not only join a heavenly Power. It is part of
that Power. Man's spirit (self) is the world-spirit. And what is this?
While all the Upanishads are at one in answering the first question,
they are not at one in the method by which they arrive at the same
result. There is no systematic philosophy; but a tentative, and more
or less dogmatic, logic. In regard to the second question they are
still less at one; but in general their answer is that the
world-spirit is All, and everything is a part of It or Him. Yet,
whether that All is personal or impersonal, and what is the relation
between spirit and matter, this is still an unsettled point.

The methods and results of this half-philosophical literature will
most easily be understood by a few examples. But, before these are
given, it will be necessary to emphasize the colloquial and scrappy
nature of the teaching. Legend, parable, ritualistic absurdities,
belief in gods, denial of gods, belief in heaven, denial of heaven,
are all mingled, and for a purpose. For some men are able, and some
are unable, to receive the true light of knowledge. But man's fate
depends on his knowledge. The wise man becomes hereafter what his
knowledge has prepared him to be. Not every spirit is fitted for
immortality, but only the spirit of them that have wisely desired it,
or, rather, not desired it; for every desire must have been
extinguished before one is fitted for this end. Hence, with advancing
belief in absorption and pantheism, there still lingers, and not as a
mere superfluity, the use of sacrifice and penance. Rites and the
paraphernalia of religion are essential till one learns that they are
unessential. Desire will be gratified till one learns that the most
desirable thing is lack of desire. But so long as one desires even the
lack of desire he is still in the fetters of desire. The way is long
to the extinction of emotion, but its attainment results in happiness
that is greater than delight; in peace that surpasses joy.

In the exposition of this doctrine the old gods are retained as
figures. They are not real gods. But they are existent forms of God.
They are portions of the absolute, a form of the Eternal, even as man
is a form of the same. Absolute being, again, is described as
anthropomorphic. 'This is that' under a certain form. Incessantly made
is the attempt to explain the identity of the absolute with phenomena.
The power _brahma_, which is originally applied to prayer, is now
taken as absolute being, and this, again, must be equated with the
personal spirit (ego, self, _[=a]tm[=a]_). One finds himself back in
the age of Vedic speculation when he reads of prayer (or penance) and
power as one. For, as was shown above, the Rig Veda already recognizes
that prayer is power. There the word for power, _brahma_, is used only
as equivalent of prayer, and Brihaspati or Brahmanaspati is literally
the 'god of power,' as he is interpreted by the priests. The
significance of the other great word of this period, namely
_[=a]tm[=a]_, is not at all uncertain, but to translate it is
difficult. It is breath, spirit, self, soul. Yet, since in its
original sense it corresponds to spiritus (comparable to athmen), the
word spirit, which also signifies the real person, perhaps represents
it best. We shall then render _brahma_ and _[=a]tm[=a]_ by the
absolute and the ego or spirit, respectively; or leave them, which is
perhaps the best way, in their native form. The physical breath,
_pr[=a]na,_ is occasionally used just like _[=a]tm[=a]._ Thus it is
said that all the gods are one god, and this is _pr[=a]na,_ identical
with _brahma_ (Brihad [=A]ranyaka Upanishad, 3.9.9); or _pr[=a]na_ is
so used as to be the same with spirit, though, on the other hand,
'breath is born of spirit' (Pracna Up. 3.3), just as in the Rig Veda
(above) it is said that all comes from the breath of God.

One of the most instructive of the older Upanishads is the
Ch[=a]ndogya. A sketch of its doctrines will give a clearer idea of
Upanishad philosophy than a chapter of disconnected excerpts:

All this (universe) is _brahma_. Man has intelligent force (or will).
He, after death, will exist in accordance with his will in life. This
spirit in (my) heart is that mind-making, breath-bodied, light-formed,
truth-thoughted, ether-spirited One, of whom are all works, all
desires, all smells, and all tastes; who comprehends the universe, who
speaks not and is not moved; smaller than a rice-corn, smaller than a
mustard-seed, ... greater than earth, greater than heaven. This
(universal being) is my ego, spirit, and is _brahma,_ force (absolute
being). After death I shall enter into him (3.14).[8] This all is
breath (==spirit in 3.15.4).

After this epitome of pantheism follows a ritualistic bit:

Man is sacrifice. Four and twenty years are the morning libation; the
next four and forty, the mid-day libation; the next eight and forty,
the evening libation. The son of Itar[=a], knowing this, lived one
hundred and sixteen years. He who knows this lives one hundred and
sixteen years (3.16).

Then, for the abolition of all sacrifice, follows a chapter which
explains that man may sacrifice symbolically, so that, for example,
gifts to the priests (a necessary adjunct of a real sacrifice) here
become penance, liberality, rectitude, non-injury, truth-speaking
(_ib._ 17. 4). There follows then the identification of _brahma_ with
mind, sun, breath, cardinal points, ether, etc, even puns being
brought into requisition, _Ka_ is _Kha_ and _Kha_ is _Ka_ (4. 10.
5);[9] earth, fire, food, sun, water, stars, man, are _brahma_, and
_brahma_ is the man seen in the moon (4. 12. I). And now comes the
identity of the impersonal _brahma_ with the personal spirit. The man
seen in the eye is the spirit; this is the immortal, unfearing
_brahma_ (4. 15. I = 8. 7. 4). He that knows this goes after death to
light, thence to day, thence to the light moon, thence to the season,
thence to the year, thence to the sun, thence to the moon, thence to
lightning; thus he becomes divine, and enters _brahma_. They that go
on this path of the gods that conducts to _brahma_ do not return to
human conditions _(ib._ 15. 6).

But the Father-god of the Br[=a]hmanas is still a temporary creator,
and thus he appears now (_ib._ 17): The Father-god brooded over[10]
the worlds, and from them extracted essences, fire from earth, wind
from air, sun from sky. These three divinities (the triad, fire, wind,
and sun) he brooded over, and from them extracted essences, the Rig
Veda from fire, the Yajur Veda from wind, the S[=a]ma Veda from sun.
In the preceding the northern path of them that know the absolute
(_brahma_) has been described, and it was said that they return no
more to earth. Now follows the southern path of them that only partly
know _brahma_:

"He that knows the oldest, _jye[s.]tham_ and the best, _cre[s]tham,_
becomes the oldest and the best. Now breath is oldest and best" (then
follows the famous parable of the senses and breath, 5. 1. I). This
(found elsewhere) is evidently regarded as a new doctrine, for, after
the deduction has been made that, because a creature can live without
senses, and even without mind, but cannot live without breath,
therefore the breath is the 'oldest and best,' the text continues, 'if
one told this to a dry stick, branches would be produced and leaves
put forth' (5. 2. 3).[11]] The path of him that partly knows the
_brahma_ which is expressed in breath, etc, is as follows: He goes to
the moon, and, when his good works are used up, he (ultimately mist)
rains down, becoming seed, and begins life over again on earth, to
become like the people who eat him (5. 10. 6); they that are good
become priests, warriors, or members of the third estate; while the
bad become dogs, hogs, or members of the low castes.[12] A story is
now told, instructive as illustrating the time. Five great doctors of
the law came together to discuss what is Spirit, what is _brahma_. In
the end they are taught by a king that the universal Spirit is one's
own spirit (5. 18. 1).

It is interesting to see that, although the Rig Veda distinctly says
that 'being was born of not-being' (_asatas sad aj[=a]yata_, X. 72.
3),[13] yet not-being is here derived quite as emphatically from
being. For in the philosophical explanation of the universe given in
6. 2. 1 ff. one reads: "Being alone existed in the beginning, one, and
without a second. Others say 'not-being alone' ... but how could being
be born of not-being? Being alone existed in the beginning."[14] This
being is then represented as sentient. "It saw (and desired), 'may I
be many,' and sent forth fire (or heat); fire (or heat) desired and
produced water; water, food (earth); with the living spirit the
divinity entered fire, water, and earth" (6. 3). As mind comes
from food, breath from water, and speech from fire, all that makes a
man is thus derived from the (true) being (6. 7. 6); and when one dies
his speech is absorbed into mind, his mind into breath, his breath
into fire (heat), and heat into the highest godhead (6. 8. 7). This is
the subtle spirit, that is the Spirit, that is the True, and this is
the spirit of man. Now comes the grand conclusion of the Ch[=a]ndogya.
He who knows the ego escapes grief. What is the ego? The Vedas are
names, and he that sees _brahma_ in the Vedas is indeed (partly) wise;
but speech is better than a name; mind is better than speech; will is
better than mind; meditation, better than will; reflection, than
meditation; understanding, than reflection; power, than understanding;
food, than power; water, than food; heat (fire), than water; ether,
than heat; memory, than ether; hope, than memory; breath (=spirit),
than hope. In each let one see _brahma_; ego in All. Who knows this is
supreme in knowledge; but more supreme in knowledge is he that knows
that in true (being) is the highest being. True being is happiness;
true being is ego; ego is all; ego is the absolute.[15]

The relativity oL divinity is the discovery of the Upanishads. And the
relativity of happiness hereafter is the key-note of their religious
philosophy. Pious men are of three classes, according to the completed
system. Some are good men, but they do not know enough to appreciate,
intellectually or spiritually, the highest. Let this class meditate on
the Vedas. They desire wealth, not freedom. The second class wish,
indeed, to emancipate themselves; but to do so step by step; not to
reach absolute _brahma_, but to live in bliss hereafter. Let these
worship the Spirit as physical life. They will attain to the
bliss of the realm of light, the realm of the personal creator. But
the highest class, they that wish to emancipate themselves at once,
know that physical life is but a form of spiritual life; that the
personal creator is but a form of the Spirit; that the Spirit is
absolute _brahma_; and that in reaching this they attain to
immortality. These, then, are to meditate on spirit as the highest
Spirit, that is, the absolute. To fear heaven as much as hell, to know
that knowledge is, after all, the key to _brahma_; that _brahma_ is
knowledge; this is the way to emancipation. The gods are; but they are
forms of the ego, and their heaven is mortal. It is false to deny the
gods. Indra and the Father-god exist, just as men exist, as transient
forms of _brahma_. Therefore, according to the weakness or strength of
a man's mind and heart (desire) is he fitted to ignore gods and
sacrifice. To obtain _brahma_ his desires must be weak, his knowledge
strong; but sacrifice is not to be put away as useless. The
disciplinary teaching of the sacrifice is a necessary preparation for
highest wisdom. It is here that the Upanishads, which otherwise are to
a great extent on the highway to Buddhism, practically contrast with
it. Buddhism ignores the sacrifice and the stadia in a priest's life.
The Upanishads retain them, but only to throw them over at the end
when one has learned not to need them. Philosophically there is no
place for the ritual in the Upanishad doctrine; but their teachers
stood too much under the dominion of the Br[=a]hmanas to ignore the
ritual. They kept it as a means of perfecting the knowledge of what
was essential.

So 'by wisdom' it is said 'one gets immortality.' The Spirit develops
gradually in man; by means of the mortal he desires the immortal;
whereas other animals have only hunger and thirst as a kind of
understanding, and they are reborn according to their knowledge as
beasts again. Such is the teaching of another of the Upanishads, the
[=A]itareya [=A]ranyaka.

This Upanishad contains some rather striking passages: "Whatever man
attains, he desires to go beyond it; if he should reach heaven itself
he would desire to go beyond it" (2. 3. 3. 1). "_Brahma_ is the A,
thither goes the ego" (2. 3. 8. 7). "A is the whole of Speech, and
Speech is Truth, and Truth is Spirit" (2. 3. 6. 5-14).[16] "The Spirit
brooded over the water, and form (matter) was born" (2. 4. 3. 1 ff.);
so physically water is the origin of all things" (2. 1. 8. 1).[17]
"Whatever belongs to the father belongs to the son, whatever belongs
to the son belongs to the father" (_ib_.). "Man has three births: he
is born of his mother, reborn in the person of his son, and finds his
highest birth in death" (2. 5).

In the exposition of these two Upanishads one gets at once the sum of
them all. The methods, the illustrations, even the doctrines, differ
in detail; but in the chief end and object of the Upanishads, and in
the principle of knowledge as a means of attaining _brahma_, they are
united. This it is that causes the refutation of the Vedic 'being from
not-being.' It is even said in the [=A]itareya that the gods
worshipped breath (the spirit) as being and so became gods (great);
while devils worshipped spirit as not-being, and hence became
(inferior) devils (2. 1. 8. 6).

It was noticed above that a king instructed priests. This interchange
of the roles of the two castes is not unique. In the K[=a]ush[=i]taki
Upanishad (4. 19), occurs another instance of a warrior teaching a
Brahman. This, with the familiar illustration of a Gandh[=a]ra
(Kandahar) man, the song of the Kurus, and the absence of Brahmanic
literature as such in the list of works, cited vii. 1, would indicate
that the Ch[=a]ndogya was at least as old as the Br[=a]hmana
literature.[18]

In their present form several differences remain to be pointed out
between the Vedic period and that of the Upanishads. The goal of the
soul, the two paths of gods and of _brahma_, have been indicated. As
already explained, the road to the absolute _brahma_ lies beyond the
path to the conditioned _brahma_. Opposed to this is the path that
leads to the world of heaven, whence, when good works have been
exhausted, the spirit descends to a new birth on earth. The course of
this second path is conceived to be the dark half of the moon, and so
back to man. Both roads lead first to the moon, then one goes on to
_brahma_, the other returns to earth. It will be seen that good works
are regarded as buoying a man up for a time, till, like gas in a
balloon, they lose their force, and he sinks down again. What then
becomes of the virtue of a man who enters the absolute _brahma,_ and
descends no more? He himself goes to the world where there is "no
sorrow and no snow," where he lives forever (_Brihad [=A]ran_. 5. 10);
but "his beloved relations get his virtue, and the relations he does
not love get his evil" (_K[=a]ush[=i]t. Up_. 1. 4). In this Upanishad
fire, sun, moon, and lightning die out, and reappear as _brahma_. This
is the doctrine of the _Goetterdaemmerung_, and succession of aeons with
their divinities (2. 12). Here again is it distinctly stated that
_pr[=a]na_, breath, is _brahma_; that is, spirit is the absolute (2.
13).

What becomes of them that die ignorant of the ego? They go either to
the worlds of evil spirits, which are covered with darkness--the same
antithesis of light and darkness, as good and evil, that was seen in
the Br[=a]hmanas--or are reborn on earth again like the wicked
(_[=I]c[=a]_, 3).

It is to be noted that at times all the parts of a man are
said to become immortal. For just as different rivers enter the ocean
and their names and forms are lost in it, so the sixteen parts of a
man sink into the godhead and he becomes without parts and immortal
(_Pracna Up_. 6. 5); a purely pantheistic view of absorption, in
distinction from the Vedic view of heaven, which latter, in the form
of immortal joy hereafter, still lingers in the earlier Upanishads.

It is further to be observed as the crowning point of these
speculations that, just as the bliss of emancipation must not be
desired, although it is desirable, so too, though knowledge is the
fundamental condition of emancipation, yet is delight in the true a
fatal error: "They that revere what is not knowledge enter into blind
darkness; they that delight in knowledge come as it were into still
greater darkness" (_Ic[=a]_, 9). Here, what is not real knowledge
means good works, sacrifice, etc. But the sacrifice is not discarded.
To those people capable only of attaining to rectitude, sacrifices,
and belief in gods there is given some bliss hereafter; but to him
that is risen above this, who knows the ego (Spirit) and real being,
such bliss is no bliss. His bliss is union with the Spirit.

This is the completion of Upanishad philosophy. Before it is a stage
where bliss alone, not absorption, is taught.[19] But what is the ego,
spirit or self (_[=a]tm[=a]_)? First of all it is conscious; next it
is not the Person, for the Person is produced by the _[=a]tm[=a]_.
Since this Person is the type of the personal god, it is evident that
the ego is regarded as lying back of personality. Nevertheless, the
teachers sometimes stop with the latter. The developed view is that
the immortality of the personal creator is commensurate only with that
of the world which he creates. It is for this reason that in the
Mundaka (1. 2. 10) it is said that fools regard fulfillment of desire
in heavenly happiness as the best thing; for although they have their
'reward in the top of heaven, yet, when the elevation caused by their
good works ends, as it will end, when the buoyant power of good works
is exhausted, then they drop down to earth again. Hence, to worship
the creator as the _[=a]tm[=a]_ is indeed productive of temporary
pleasure, but no more. "If a man worship another divinity,
_devat[=a]_, with the idea that he and the god are different, he does
not know" (_Brihad [=A]ran. Up_. 1. 4. 10). "Without passion and
without parts" is the _brahma (Mund_. 2. 2. 9). The further doctrine,
therefore, that all except _brahma_ is delusion is implied here, and
the "extinction of gods in _brahma_" is once or twice formulated.[20]
The fatal error of judgment is to imagine that there is in absolute
being anything separate from man's being. When personified, this being
appears as the supreme Person, identical with the ego, who is lord of
what has been and what will be. By perceiving this controlling spirit
in one's own spirit (or self) one obtains eternal bliss; "when
desires cease, the mortal becomes immortal; he attains _brahma_ here"
in life (_Katha Up_. 2. 5. 12; 6. 14; _Br. [=A]ran. Up_. 4. 4. 7).

How inconsistent are the teachings of the Upanishads in regard to
cosmogonic and eschatological matters will be evident if one contrast
the statements of the different tracts not only with those of other
writings of the same sort, but even with other statements in the same
Upanishads. Thus the Mundaka teaches first that Brahm[=a], the
personal creator, made the world and explained _brahma_ (1. 1. 1). It
then defines _brahma_ as the Imperishable, which, like a spider, sends
out a web of being and draws it in again (_ib_. 6, 7). It states with
all distinctness that the (neuter) _brahma_ comes from The (masculine)

One who is all-wise, all-knowing (_ib_. 9). This heavenly Person is
the imperishable ego; it is without form; higher than the imperishable
(1. 2. 10 ff.; 2. 1. 2); greater than the great (3. 2. 8). Against
this is then set (2. 2. 9) the great being _brahma_, without passions
or parts, _i.
e_., without intelligence such as was predicated of the
_[=a]tm[=a]_; and (3. 1. 3) then follows the doctrine of the personal
'Lord, who is the maker, the Person, who has his birth in _brahma'
(purusho brahmayonis_). That this Upanishad is pantheistic is plain
from 3. 2. 6, where Ved[=a]nta and Yoga are named. According to this
tract the wise go to _brahma_ or to ego (3. 2. 9 and 1. 2. 11), while
fools go to heaven and return again.

On the same plane stands the [=I]c[=a], where _[=a]tm[=a]_, ego,
Spirit, is the True, the Lord, and is in the sun. Opposed to each
other here are 'darkness' and 'immortality,' as fruit, respectively,
of ignorance and wisdom.

In the K[=a]ush[=i]taki Upanishad, taken with the meaning put into it
by the commentators, the wise man goes to a very different sort of
_brahma_--one where he is met by nymphs, and rejoices in a kind of
heaven. This _brahma_ is of two sorts, absolute and conditioned; but
it is ultimately defined as 'breath.' Whenever it is convenient,
'breath' is regarded by the commentators as ego, 'spirit'; but one can
scarcely escape the conviction that in many passages 'breath' was
meant by the speaker to be taken at its face value. It is the vital
power. With this vital power (breath or spirit) one in dreamless sleep
unites. Indra has nothing higher to say than that he is breath
(spirit), conscious and immortal. Eventually the soul after death
comes to Indra, or gains the bright heaven. But here too the doctrine
of the dying out of the gods is known (as in _T[=a]tt_. 3. 10. 4).
Cosmogonically all here springs from water (1. 4, 6, 7; 2. 1, 12; 3.
1, 2; 4. 20).

Most striking are the contradictions in the Brihad [=A]ranyaka: "In
the beginning there was only nothing; this (world) was covered with
death, that is hunger;[21] he desired," etc. (1. 2. 1). "In the
beginning there was only ego (_[=a]tm[=a])." [=A]tm[=a]_ articulated
"I am," and (finding himself lonely and unhappy) divided himself into
male and female,[22] whence arose men, etc. (1. 4. 1). Again: "In the
beginning there was only _brahma_; this (neuter) knew _[=a]tm[=a] ...
brahma_ was the one and only ... it created" (1. 4. 10-11); followed
immediately by "he created" (12). And after this, in 17, one is
brought back to "in the beginning there was only _[=a]tm[=a]_; he
desired 'let me have a wife.'"

In 2. 3. 1 ff. the explicitness of the differences in _brahma_ makes
the account of unusual value. It appears that there are two forms of
_brahma_, one is mortal, with form; the other is immortal, without
form. Whatever is other than air and the space between (heaven and
earth) is mortal and with form. This is being, its essence is in the
sun. On the other hand, the essence of the immortal is the person in
the circle (of the sun). In man's body breath and ether are the
immortal, the essence of which is the person in the eye. There is a
visible and invisible _brahma ([=a]tm[=a])_; the real _brahma_ is
incomprehensible and is described only by negations (3. 4. 1; 9. 26).
The highest is the Imperishable (_neuter_), but this sees, hears, and
knows. It is in this that ether (as above) is woven (3. 8. 11). After
death the wise man goes to the world of the gods (1. 5. 16); he
becomes the _[=a]tm[=a]_ of all beings, just like that deity (1. 5.
20); he becomes identical ('how can one know the knower?'
_vijn[=a]tar_) in 2. 4. 12-13; and according to 3. 2. 13, the doctrine
of _sams[=a]ra_ is extolled ("they talked of _karma_, extolled _karma_
secretly"), as something too secret to be divulged easily, even to
priests.

That different views are recognized is evident from _Taitt_. 2. 6: "If
one knows _brahma_ as _asat_ he becomes only _asat_ (non-existence);
if he knows that '_brahma_ is' (_i.e._, a _sad brahma_), people know
him as thence existing." Personal _[=a]tm[=a]_ is here insisted on
("He wished 'may I be many'"); and from _[=a]tm[=a]_, the conscious
_brahma_, in highest heaven, came the ether (2. 1, 6). Yet,
immediately afterwards: "In the beginning was the non-existent; thence
arose the existent; and That made for himself an ego (spirit,
conscious life, _[=a]tm[=a]; tad [=a]tm[=a]nain svayam akuruta_, 2.
7). In man _brahma_ is the sun-_brahma_. Here too one finds the
_brahma[n.]a[h.] parimaras_ (3. 10. 4 = K[=a]ush[=i]t. 2. 12,
_d[=a]iva_), or extinction of gods in _brahma_. But what that _brahma_
is, except that it is bliss, and that man after death reaches 'the
bliss-making _[=a]tm[=a],_' it is impossible to say (3. 6; 2. 8).
Especially as the departed soul 'eats and sits down singing' in heaven
(3. 10. 5).

The greatest discrepancies in eschatology occur perhaps in the
[=A]itareya [=A]ranyaka. After death one either "gets _brahma_" (i. 3.
1. 2), "comes near to the immortal spirit" (1. 3. 8. 14), or goes to
the "heavenly world." Knowledge here expressly conditions the
hereafter; so much so that it is represented not (as above) that fools
go to heaven and return, but that all, save the very highest, are to
recognize a personal creator (Praj[=a]pati) in breath (=ego=_brahma_),
and then they will "go to the heavenly world" (2. 3. 8. 5), "become
the sun" (2. 1. 8. 14), or "go to gods" (2. 2. 4. 6). Moreover after
the highest wisdom has been revealed, and the second class of men has
been disposed of, the author still returns to the 'shining sky,'
_svarga_, as the best promise (3). Sinners are born again (2. 1. 1. 5)
on earth, although hell is mentioned (2. 3. 2. 5). The origin of world
is water, as usual (2. 1. 8. 1). The highest teaching is that all was
_[=a]tm[=a],_ who sent forth worlds (_lok[=a]n as[r.]jata_), and
formed the Person (as guardian of worlds), taking him from waters.
Hence _[=a]tm[=a],_ Praj[=a]pati (of the second-class thinkers), and
_brahma_ are the same. Knowledge is _brahma_ (2. 4. 1. 1; 6. 1. 5-7).

In the Kena, where the best that can be said in regard to _brahma_ is
that he is _tadvana_, the one that 'likes this' (or, perhaps, is 'like
this'), there is no absorption into a world-spirit. The wise 'become
immortal'; 'by knowledge one gets immortality'; 'who knows this stands
in heaven' (1. 2; 2. 4; 4. 9). The general results are about those
formulated by Whitney in regard to the Katha: knowledge gives
continuation of happiness in heaven; the punishment of the unworthy is
to continue _sams[=a]ra_, the round of rebirths. Hell is not mentioned
in the [=A]itareya Upanishad itself but in the [=A]ranyaka[23] (2. 3.
2. 5). That, however, a union with the universal _[=a]tm[=a]_ (as well
as heaven) is desired, would seem to be the case from several of the
passages cited above, notably Brihad [=A]ran., i. 5. 20 (_sa
eva[.m]vit sarve[s.][=a]m bh[=u]t[=a]n[=a]m [=a]tm[=a] bhavati,
Yath[=a] i[s.][=a] devat[=a]ivam sa_); 'he that knows this becomes the
_[=a]tm[=a]_ of all creatures, as is that divinity so is he'; though
this is doubtless the _[=a]nandamaya [=a]tm[=a]_, or joy-making Spirit
(T[=a]itt. 2. 8).

Again two forms of _brahma_ are explained (M[=a]it. Up. 6. 15 ff.):
There are two forms of _brahma_, time and not-time. That which was
before the sun is not-time and has no parts. Time and parts begin with
the sun. Time is the Father-god, the Spirit. Time makes and dissolves
all in the Spirit. He knows the Veda who knows into what Time itself
is dissolved. This manifest time is the ocean of creatures. But
_brahma_ exists before and after time.[24]

As an example of the best style of the Upanishads we will cite a
favorite passage (given no less than four times in various versions)
where the doctrine of absorption is most distinctly taught under the
form of a tale. It is the famous


DIALOGUE OF Y[=A]JNAVALKYA AND M[=A]ITREY[=I].[25]

Y[=a]jnavalkya had two wives, M[=a]itrey[=i] and K[=a]ty[=a]yani. Now
M[=a]itrey[=i] was versed in holy knowledge (_brahma_), but
K[=a]ty[=a]yani had only such knowledge as women have. But when
Y[=a]jnavalkya was about to go away into the forest (to become a
hermit), he said: 'M[=a]itrey[=i], I am going away from this
place. Behold, I will make a settlement between thee and that
K[=a]ty[=a]yani.' Then said M[=a]itrey[=i]: 'Lord, if this whole earth
filled with wealth were mine, how then? should I be immortal by reason
of this wealth?' 'Nay,' said Y[=a]jnavalkya. 'Even as is the life of
the rich would be thy life; by reason of wealth one has no hope of
immortality.' Then said M[=a]itrey[=i]: 'With what I cannot be
immortal, what can I do with that? whatever my Lord knows even that
tell me.' And Y[=a]jnavalkya said: 'Dear to me thou art, indeed, and
fondly speakest. Therefore I will explain to thee and do thou regard
me as I explain.' And he said: 'Not for the husband's sake is a
husband dear, but for the ego's sake is the husband dear. Not for the
wife's sake is a wife dear; but for the ego's sake is a wife dear; not
for the son's sake are sons dear, but for the ego's sake are sons
dear; not for wealth's sake is wealth dear, but for the ego's sake is
wealth dear; not for the sake of the Brahman caste is the Brahman
caste dear, but for the sake of the ego is the Brahman caste dear; not
for the sake of the Warrior caste is the Warrior caste dear, but for
love of the ego is the Warrior caste dear; not for the sake of the
worlds are worlds dear, but for the sake of the ego are worlds dear;
not for the sake of gods are gods dear, but for the ego's sake are
gods dear; not for the sake of _bh[=u]ts_ (spirits) are _bh[=u]ts_
dear, but for the ego's sake are _bhuts_ dear; not for the sake of
anything is anything dear, but for love of one's self (ego) is
anything (everything) dear; the ego (self) must be seen, heard,
apprehended, regarded, M[=a]itrey[=i], for with the seeing, hearing,
apprehending, and regarding of the ego the All is known.... Even as
smoke pours out of a fire lighted with damp kindling wood, even so out
of the Great Being is blown out all that which is, Rig Veda, Yajur
Veda, S[=a]ma Veda, Atharva (Angiras) Veda, Stories, Tales, Sciences,
Upanishads, food, drink, sacrifices; all creatures that exist are
blown (breathed) out of this one (Great Spirit) alone. As in the
ocean all the waters have their meeting-place; as the skin is the
meeting-place of all touches; the tongue, of all tastes; the
nose, of all smells; the mind, of all precepts; the heart, of all
knowledges; ... as salt cast into water is dissolved so that one
cannot seize it, but wherever one tastes it is salty, so this
Great Being, endless, limitless, is a mass of knowledge. It arises out
of the elements and then disappears in them. After death there is no
more consciousness.[26] I have spoken.' Thus said Y[=a]jnavalkya. Then
said M[=a]itrey[=i]: 'Truly my Lord has bewildered me in saying that
after death there is no more consciousness.' And Y[=a]jnavalkya said:
'I say nothing bewildering, but what suffices for understanding. For
where there is as it were duality (_dv[=a]itam_), there one sees,
smells, hears, addresses, notices, knows another; but when all the
universe has become mere ego, with what should one smell, see, hear,
address, notice, know any one (else)? How can one know him through
whom he knows this all, how can he know the knower (as something
different)? The ego is to be described by negations alone, the
incomprehensible, imperishable, unattached, unfettered; the ego
neither suffers nor fails. Thus, M[=a]itrey[=i], hast thou been
instructed. So much for immortality.' And having spoken thus
Y[=a]jnavalkya went away (into the forest).

Returning to the Upanishad, of which an outline was given in the
beginning of this chapter, one finds a state of things which, in
general, may be said to be characteristic of the whole Upanishad
period. The same vague views in regard to cosmogony and eschatology
obtain in all save the outspoken sectarian tracts, and the same
uncertainty in regard to man's future fate prevails in this whole
cycle.[27] A few extracts will show this. According to the
Ch[=a]ndogya (4. 17. 1), a personal creator, the old Father-god of the
Br[=a]hmanas, Praj[=a]pati, made the elements proceed from the worlds
he had 'brooded' over (or had done penance over, _abhyatapat_). In 3.
19. 1, not-being was first; this became being (with the mundane egg,
etc.). In sharp contradiction (6. 2. 1): 'being was the first thing,
it willed,' etc., a conscious divinity, as is seen in _ib_. 3. 2,
where it is a 'deity,' producing elements as 'deities' (_ib._ 8. 6)
which it enters 'with the living _[=a]tm[=a]_,' and so develops names
and forms (so _T[=a]itt_. 2. 7). The latter is the prevailing view of
the Upanishad. In 1. 7. 5 ff. the _[=a]tm[=a]_ is the same with the
universal _[=a]tm[=a]_; in 3. 12. 7, the _brahma_ is the same with
ether without and within, unchanging; in 3. 13. 7, the 'light above
heaven' is identical with the light in man; in 3. 14. 1, all is
_brahma_ (neuter), and this is an intelligent universal spirit. Like
the ether is the _[=a]tm[=a]_ in the heart, this is _brahma_ (_ib_. 2
ff.); in 4. 3. air and breath are the two ends (so in the argument
above, these are immortal as distinguished from all else); in 4. 10. 5
_yad v[=a]v[=a] ka[.m] tad eva kham_ (_brahma_ is ether); in 4. 15. 1,
the ego is _brahma_; in 5. 18. 1 the universal ego is identified with
the particular ego (_[=a]tm[=a]_); in 6. 8 the ego is the True, with
which one unites in dreamless sleep; in 6. 15. 1, into _par[=a]
devat[=a]_ or 'highest divinity' enters man's spirit, like salt in
water (_ib_. 13). In 7. 15-26, a view but half correct is stated to be
that 'breath' is all, but it is better to know that _yo bh[=u]m[=a]_
_tad am[r.]tam_, the immortal (all) is infinity, which rests in its
own greatness, with a corrective 'but perhaps it doesn't' (_yadi v[=a]
na_). This infinity is ego and _[=a]tm[=a]_.[28]

What is the reward for knowing this? One obtains worlds, unchanging
happiness, _brahma_; or, with some circumnavigation, one goes to the
moon, and eventually reaches _brahma_ or obtains the worlds of the
blessed (5. 10. 10). The round of existence, _sams[=a]ra_, is
indicated at 6. 16, and expressly stated in 5. 10. 7 (insects have
here a third path). Immortality is forcibly claimed: 'The living one
dies not' (6. 11. 3). He who knows the sections 7. 15 to 26 becomes
_[=a]tm[=a]nanda_ and "lord of all worlds"; whereas an incorrect view
gives perishable worlds. In one Upanishad there is a verse (_Cvet_. 4.
5) which would indicate a formal duality like that of the
S[=a]nkhyas;[29] but in general one may say that the Upanishads are
simply pantheistic, only the absorption into a world-soul is as yet
scarcely formulated. On the other hand, some of the older Upanishads
show traces of an atheistic and materialistic (_asad_) philosophy,
which is swallowed up in the growing inclination to personify the
creative principle, and ultimately is lost in the erection of a
personal Lord, as in the latest Upanishads. This tendency to
personify, with the increase of special sectarian gods, will lead
again, after centuries, to the rehabilitation of a triad of gods, the
_trim[=u]rti_, where unite Vishnu, Civa, and, with these, who are more
powerful, Brahm[=a], the Praj[=a]pati of the Veda, as the All-god of
purely pantheistic systems. In the purer, older form recorded above,
the _purusha_ (Person) is sprung from the _[=a]tm[=a]_. There is no
distinction between matter and spirit. Conscious being (_sat_) wills,
and so produces all. Or _[=a]tm[=a]_ comes first; and this is
conscious _sat_ and the cause of the worlds; which _[=a]tm[=a]_
eventually becomes the Lord. The _[=a]tm[=a]_ in man, owing to his
environment, cannot see whole, and needs the Yoga discipline of
asceticism to enable him to do so. But he is the same ego which is the
All.

The relation between the absolute and the ego is through will. "This
(neuter) _brahma_ willed, 'May I be many,' and created" _(Ch[=a]nd_.,
above). Sometimes the impersonal, and sometimes the personal "spirit
willed" _(T[=a]iit._ 2. 6). And when it is said, in _Brihad [=A]ran_.
1. 4. 1, that "In the beginning ego, spirit, _[=a]tm[=a],_ alone
existed," one finds this spirit (self) to be a form of _brahma (ib._
10-11). Personified in a sectarian sense, this spirit becomes the
divinity Rudra Civa, the Blessed One (_Cvet[=a]cvatara,_ 3. 5.
11).[30]

In short, the teachers of the Upanishads not only do not declare
clearly what they believed in regard to cosmogonic and eschatological
matters, but many of them probably did not know clearly what they
believed. Their great discovery was that man's spirit was not
particular and mortal, but part of the immortal universal. Whether
this universal was a being alive and a personal _[=a]tm[=a]_, or
whether this personal being was but a transient form of impersonal,
imperishable being;[31] and whether the union with being, _brahma_,
would result in a survival of individual consciousness,--these are
evidently points they were not agreed upon, and, in all probability,
no one of the sages was certain in regard to them. Crass
identifications of the vital principle with breath, as one with ether,
which is twice emphasized as one of the two immortal things, were
provisionally accepted. Then breath and immortal spirit were made one.
Matter had energy from the beginning, _brahma_; or was chaos, _asat_,
without being. But when _asat_ becomes _sat_, that _sat_ becomes
_brahma_, energized being, and to _asat_ there is no return. In
eschatology the real (spirit, or self) part of man (ego) either
rejoices forever as a conscious part of the conscious world-self, or
exists immortal in _brahma_--imperishable being, conceived as more or
less conscious.[32]

The teachers recognize the limitations of understanding: "The gods are
in Indra, Indra is in the Father-god, the Father-god (the Spirit) is
in _brahma_"--"But in what is _brahma?_" And the answer is, "Ask not
too much" (_Brihad. [=A]ran. Up_. 3. 6).

These problems will be those of the future formal philosophy. Even the
Upanishads do not furnish a philosophy altogether new. Their doctrine
of _karma_ their identification of particular ego and universal ego,
is not original. The 'breaths,' the 'nine doors,' the 'three
qualities,' the _purusha_ as identical with ego, are older even than
the Br[=a]hmanas (Scherman, _loc. cit_. p. 62).

It is not a new philosophy, it is a new religion that the Upanishads
offer.[33] This is no religion of rites and ceremonies, although the
cult is retained as helpful in disciplining and teaching; it is a
religion for sorrowing humanity. It is a religion that comforts the
afflicted, and gives to the soul 'that peace which the world cannot
give.' In the sectarian Upanishads this bliss of religion is ever
present. "Through knowing Him who is more subtile than subtile, who is
creator of everything, who has many forms, who embraces everything,
the Blessed Lord--one attains to peace without end" (_Cvet_. 4.
14-15). These teachers, who enjoin the highest morality
('self-restraint, generosity, and mercy' are God's commandments in
_Brihad [=A]ran_. 5. 2) refuse to be satisfied with virtue's reward,
and, being able to obtain heaven, 'seek for something beyond.' And
this they do not from mere pessimism, but from a conviction that they
will find a joy greater than that of heaven, and more enduring, in
that world where is "the light beyond the darkness" (_Cvet_. 3. 8);
"where shines neither sun, moon, stars, lightning, nor fire, but all
shines after Him that shines alone, and through His light the universe
is lighted" (_Mund_. 2. 2. 10). This, moreover, is not a future joy.
It is one that frees from perturbation in this life, and gives relief
from sorrow. In the Ch[=a]ndogya (7. 1. 3) a man in grief comes
seeking this new knowledge of the universal Spirit; "For," says he, "I
have heard it said that he who knows the Spirit passes beyond grief."
So in the [=I]c[=a], though this is a late sectarian work, it is
asked, "What sorrow can there be for him to whom Spirit alone has
become all things?' (7). Again, "He that knows the joy of _brahma_,
whence speech with mind turns away without apprehending it, fears not"
(_T[=a]itt_. 2. 4); for "fear comes only from a second" (_Brihad
[=A]ran. Up_. 1. 4. 2), and when one recognizes that all is one he no
longer fears death (_ib_. 4. 4. 15).

Such is the religion of these teachers. In the quiet assumption that
life is not worth living, they are as pessimistic as was Buddha. But
if, as seems to be the case, the Buddhist believed in the eventual
extinction of his individuality, their pessimism is of a different
sort. For the teacher of the Upanishads believes that he will attain
to unending joy; not the rude happiness of 'heaven-seekers,' but the
unchanging bliss of immortal peace. For him that wished it, there was
heaven and the gods. These were not denied; they were as real as the
"fool" that desired them. But for him that conquered passion, and knew
the truth, there was existence without the pain of desire, life
without end, freedom from rebirth. The spirit of the sage becomes one
with the Eternal; man becomes God.

       *       *       *       *       *


     FOOTNOTES:

     [Footnote 1: Compare _Cal. Br._ ii. 4. 2. 1-6, where the
     Father-god gives laws of conduct; and Kaush[=i]taki Brahmana
     Upanishad, 3. 8: "This spirit (breath) is guardian of the
     world, the lord of the world; he is my spirit" (or, myself),
     _sa ma [=a]tm[=a]_. The Brahmanic priest teaches that he is a
     god like other gods, and goes so far as to say that he may
     be united with a god after death. The Upanishad philosopher
     says 'I am God.']

     [Footnote 2: Compare Scherman, _Philosophische Hymnen_, p.
     93; above, p. 156.]

     [Footnote 3: Or, in other words, the thought of the
     Brahmanic period (not necessarily of extant Br[=a]hmanas) is
     synchronous with part of the Vedic collection.]

     [Footnote 4: The last additions to this class of literature
     would, of course, conform in language to their models, just
     as the late Vedic Mantras conform as well as their composers
     can make them to the older song or _chandas_ style.]

     [Footnote 5: Cited by Mueller in SBE. i. _Introd_. p.
     lxxxii.]

     [Footnote 6: Compare Weber, _Ind. Lit_. p. 171; Mueller,
     _loc. cit._ p. lxviii.]

     [Footnote 7: The relation between the Br[=a]hmanas (ritual
     works discussed in the last chapter) and the early
     Upanishads will be seen better with the help of a concrete
     example. As has been explained before, Rig Veda means to the
     Hindu not only the 'Collection' of hymns, but all the
     library connected with this collection; for instance, the
     two Br[=a]hmanas (of the Rig Veda), namely, the Aitareya and
     the K[=a]ush[=i]taki (or C[=a]nkh[=a]yana). Now, each of
     these Br[=a]hmanas concludes with an [=A]ranyaka, that is, a
     Forest-Book (_ara[n.]ya_, forest, solitude); and in each
     Forest Book is an Upanishad. For example, the third book of
     the K[=a]ush[=i]taki [=A]ranyaka is the K[=a]ush[=i]taki
     Upanishad. So the Ch[=a]ndogya and Brihad [=A]ranyaka belong
     respectively to the S[=a]man and Yajus.]

     [Footnote 8: This teaching is ascribed to C[=a]ndilya, to
     whose heresy, as opposed to the pure Vedantic doctrinc of
     Cankara, we shall have to revert in a later chapter. The
     heresy consists, in a word, in regarding the individual
     spirit as at any time distinct from the Supreme Spirit,
     though C[=a]ndilya teaches that it is ultimately absorbed
     into the latter.]

     [Footnote 9: "God' Who' is air, air (space) is God 'Who',"
     as if one said 'either is aether.']

     [Footnote 10: 'Did penance over,' as one doing penance
     remains in meditation. 'Brooded' is Mueller's apt word for
     this _abhi-tap._]

     [Footnote 11: Compare _Brihad [=A]ran. Up_. 6. 3. 7.]

     [Footnote 12: This is the _karma_ or _sams[=a]ra_ doctrine.]

     [Footnote 13: In J.U.B. alone have we noticed the formula
     asserting that 'both being and not-being existed in the
     beginning' (1. 53. 1; JAOS. XVI. 130).]

     [Footnote 14: Opposed is 3. 19. 1 and _T[=a]itt. Up_. 2. 7.
     1 (_Br_. II. 2. 9. 1, 10): "Not-being was here in the
     beginning. From it arose being." And so _Cat. Br_. VI. 1. 1.
     1 (though in word only, for here not-being is the seven
     spirits of God!)]

     [Footnote 15: As the Vedic notion of not-being existing
     before being is refuted, so the Atharvan homage to Time as
     Lord is also derided (_Cvet._ 6) in the Upanishads. The
     supreme being is above time, as he is without parts (_ib_.).
     In this later Upanishad wisdom, penance, and the grace of
     God are requisite to know _brahma_.]

     [Footnote 16: This Vedic [Greek: Adgos] doctrine is
     conspicuous in the Br[=a]hmana. Compare _Cat. Br_. VII. 5.
     2. 21: "V[=a]c ([Greek: Adgos]) is the Unborn one; from
     V[=a]c the all-maker made creatures." See Weber, _Ind.
     Stud_. IX. 477 ff.]

     [Footnote 17: Compare J.U.B. i. 56. 1, 'Water (alone)
     existed in the beginning.' This is the oldest and latest
     Hindu explanation of the matter of the physical universe.
     From the time of the Vedas to mediaeval times, as is
     recorded by the Greek travellers, water is regarded as the
     original element.]

     [Footnote 18: The Gandh[=a]ra might indicate a late
     geographical expansion as well as an early heritage, so that
     this is not conclusive.]

     [Footnote 19: Gough, _Philosophy of the Upanishads_, has
     sought to show that the pure Vedantism of Cankara is the
     only belief taught in the Upanishads, ignoring the weight of
     those passages that oppose his (in our view) too sweeping
     assertion.]

     [Footnote 20: See the Parimara described, _[=A]it. Br_.
     VIII. 28. Here _brahma_ is wind, around which die five
     divinities--lightning in rain, rain in moon, moon in sun,
     sun in fire, fire in wind--and they are reborn in reverse
     order. The 'dying' is used as a curse. The king shall say,
     'When fire dies in wind then may my foe die,' and he will
     die; so when any of the other gods dies around _brahma_.]

     [Footnote 21: Compare sterben, starve.]

     [Footnote 22: The androgynous creator of the Br[=a]hmanas.]

     [Footnote 23: We cannot, however, quite agree with Whitney
     who, _loc. cit._ p. 92, and Journal, xiii, p. ciii ff.,
     implies that belief in hell comes later than this period.
     This is not so late a teaching. Hell is Vedic and
     Brahmanic.]

     [Footnote 24: This, in pantheistic style, is expressed thus
     (Cvet. 4): "When the light has arisen there is no day no
     night, neither being nor not-being; the Blessed One alone
     exists there. There is no likeness of him whose name is
     Great Glory."]

     [Footnote 25: Brihad [=A]ranyaka Upanishad, 2.4; 4. 5.]

     [Footnote 26: _Na pretya sa[.m]jn[=a] 'sti._]

     [Footnote 27: Some of the Upanishads have been tampered
     with, so that all of the contradictions may not be due to
     the composers. Nevertheless, as the uncertainty of opinion
     in regard to cosmogony is quite as great as that in respect
     of absorption, all the vagueness cannot properly be
     attributed to the efforts of later systematizers to bring
     the Upanishads into their more or less orthodox Vedantism.]

     [Footnote 28: In 4. 10. 5 _kam_ is pleasure, one with ether
     as _brahma_, not as wrongly above, p. 222, the god Ka.]

     [Footnote 29: This Upanishad appears to be sectarian,
     perhaps an early Civaite tract (dualistic), if the allusion
     to Rudra Civa, below, be accepted as original.]

     [Footnote 30: As is foreshadowed in the doctrine of grace by
     V[=a]c in the Rig Veda, in the _Cvet_, the _Katha_, and the
     _Mund_. Upanishads (_K. 2. 23; M_. 3. 2. 3), but nowhere
     else, there enters, with the sectarian phase, that radical
     subversion of the Upanishad doctrine which becomes so
     powerful at a later date, the teaching that salvation is a
     gift of God. "This Spirit is not got by wisdom; the Spirit
     chooses as his own the body of that man whom He chooses."]

     [Footnote 31: See above. As descriptive of the immortal
     conscious Spirit, there is the famous verse: "If the slayer
     thinks to slay, if the slain thinks he is slain; they both
     understand not; this one (the Spirit) slays not, and is not
     slain" (_Katha_, 2. 19); loosely rendered by Emerson, 'If
     the red slayer think he slays,' etc.]

     [Footnote 32: The fact remarked by Thibaut that radically
     different systems of philosophy are built upon the
     Upanishads is enough to show how ambiguous are the
     declarations of the latter.]

     [Footnote 33: Compare Barth, _Religions_, p. 76.]

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER XI.

THE POPULAR BRAHMANIC FAITH


For a long time after the Vedic age there is little that gives one an
insight into the views of the people. It may be presumed, since the
orthodox systems never dispensed with the established cult, that the
form of the old Vedic creed was kept intact. Yet, since the real
belief changed, and the cult became more and more the practice of a
formality, it becomes necessary to seek, apart from the inherited
ritual, the faith which formed the actual religion of the people.
Inasmuch as this phase of Hindu belief has scarcely been touched upon
elsewhere, it may be well to state more fully the object of the
present chapter.

We have shown above that the theology of the Vedic period had
resulted, before its close, in a form of pantheism, which was
accompanied, as is attested by the Atharva Veda, with a demonology and
witch-craft religion, the latter presumably of high antiquity.
Immediately after this come the esoteric Br[=a]hmanas, in which the
gods are, more or less, figures in the eyes of the priests, and the
form of a Father-god rises into chief prominence, being sometimes
regarded as the creative force, but at all times as the moral
authority in the world. At the end of this period, however, and
probably even before this period ended, there is for the first time,
in the Upanishads, a new religion, that, in some regards, is esoteric.
Hitherto the secrets of religious mysteries had been treated as hidden
priestly wisdom, not to be revealed. But, for the most part, this
wisdom is really nonsense; and when it is said in the Br[=a]hmanas, at
the end of a bit of theological mystery, that it is a secret, or
that 'the gods love that which is secret,' one is not persuaded by the
examples given that this esoteric knowledge is intellectually
valuable. But with the Upanishads there comes the antithesis of
inherited belief and right belief. The latter is public property,
though it is not taught carelessly. The student is not initiated into
the higher wisdom till he is drilled in the lower. The most unexpected
characters appear in the role of instructors of priests, namely,
women, kings, and members of the third caste, whose deeper wisdom is
promulgated oftentimes as something quite new, and sometimes is
whispered in secret. Pantheism, _sams[=a]ra_,[1] and the eternal bliss
of the individual spirit when eventually it is freed from further
transmigration,--these three fundamental traits of the new religion
are discussed in such a way as to show that they had no hold upon the
general public, but they were the intellectual wealth of a few. Some
of the Upanishads hide behind a veil of mystery; yet many of them, as
Windisch has said, are, in a way, popular; that is, they are intended
for a general public, not for priests alone. This is especially the
case with the pantheistic Upanishads in their more pronounced form.
But still it is only the very wise that can accept the teaching. It is
not the faith of the people.

Epic literature, which is the next living literature of the Brahmans,
after the Upanishads, takes one, in a trice, from the beginnings of a
formal pantheism, to a pantheism already disintegrated by the newer
worship of sectaries. Here the impersonal _[=a]tm[=a]_, or nameless
Lord, is not only an anthropomorphic Civa, as in the late Upanishads,
where the philosophic _brahma_ is equated with a long recognized type
of divinity, but _[=a]tm[=a]_ is identified with the figure of a
theomorphic man.

Is there, then, nothing with which to bridge this gulf?

In our opinion the religion of the law-books, as a legitimate phase of
Hindu religion, has been too much ignored. The religion of Upanishad
and Ved[=a]nta, with its attractive analogies with modern speculation,
has been taken as illustrative of the religion of a vast period, to
the discrediting of the belief represented in the manuals of law. To
these certainly the name of literature can scarcely be applied, but in
their rapport with ordinary life they will be found more apt than are
the profounder speculations of the philosophers to reflect the
religious belief taught to the masses and accepted by them.

The study of these books casts a broad light upon that interval
between the Vedic and epic periods wherein it is customary to imagine
religion as being, in the main, cult or philosophy. Nor does the
interest cease with the yield of necessarily scanty yet very
significant facts in regard to eschatological and cosmogonic views.
The gods themselves are not what they are in the rites of the cunning
priests or in the dogmas of the sages. In the Hindu law there is a
reversion to Vedic belief; or rather not a reversion, but here one
sees again, through the froth of rites and the murk of philosophy, the
under-stream of faith that still flows from the old fount, if somewhat
discolored, and waters the heart of the people.

At just what time was elaborated the stupendous system of rites, which
are already traditional in the Br[=a]hmanas, can never be known. Some
of these rites have to do with special ceremonies, such as the royal
inauguration, some are stated _soma_-sacrifices.[2] Opposed to these
_soma_-feasts is the simpler and older fire-cult, which persists in
the house-rituals. All of these together make up a sightly array of
sacrifices.[3] The _soma_-ritual is developed in the Br[=a]hmanas. But
with this class of works there must have been from ancient times
another which treated of the fire-ritual, and of which the more modern
representatives are the extant S[=u]tras. It is with S[=u]tras that
legal literature begins, but these differ from the ritualistic
S[=u]tras. Yet both are full of religious meat. In these collections,
even in the more special, there is no arrangement that corresponds to
western ideas of order. In a completed code, for example, there is a
rough distribution of subjects under different heads, but the attempt
is only tentative, and each work presents the appearance of a
heterogeneous mass of regulations and laws, from which one must pick
out the law for which he is seeking. The earlier legal works were in
prose; the later evolved codes, of which there is a large number, in
metre. It is in these two classes of house-ritual and law-ritual,
which together constitute what is called Smriti, tradition-ritual (in
distinction from the so-called Cruti, revelation-ritual), that one may
expect to find the religion of the time; not as inculcated by the
promoters of mystery, nor yet as disclosed by the philosopher, but as
taught (through the priest) to the people, and as accepted by them for
their daily guidance in matters of every-day observance. We glance
first at the religious observances, for here, as in the case of the
great sacrifices, a detailed examination would be of no more value
than a collective impression; unless, indeed, one were hunting for
folk-lore superstitions, of which we can treat now only in the mass.
It is sufficient to understand that, according to the house-ritual
(_g[r.]hya-s[=u]tra_) and the law-ritual (_dharma-s[=u]tra_, and
_dharma-c[=a]stra_),[4] for every change in life there was an
appropriate ceremony and a religious observance; for every day,
oblations (three at least); for every fortnight and season, a
sacrifice. Religious formulae were said over the child yet unborn.
From the moment of birth he was surrounded with observances.[5] At
such and such a time the child's head was shaved; he was taken out to
look at the sun; made to eat from a golden spoon; invested with the
sacred cord, etc, etc. When grown up, a certain number of years were
passed with a Guru, or tutor, who taught the boy his Veda; and to whom
he acted as body-servant (a study and office often cut short in the
case of Aryans who were not priests). Of the sacraments alone, such as
the observances to which we have just alluded, there are no less than
forty according to Gautama's laws (the name-rite, eating-rite, etc.).
The pious householder who had once set up his own fire, that is, got
married, must have spent most of his time, if he followed directions,
in attending to some religious ceremony. He had several little rites
to attend to even before he might say his prayers in the morning; and
since even to-day most of these personal regulations are dutifully
observed, one may assume that in the full power of Brahmanhood they
were very straitly enforced.[6]

It is, therefore, important to know what these works, so closely in
touch with the general public, have to say in regard to religion. What
they inculcate will be the popular theology of completed Brahmanism.
For these books are intended to give instruction to all the Aryan
castes, and, though this instruction filtrates through the hands of
the priest, one may be sure that the understanding between king and
priest was such as to make the code the real norm of justice and
arbiter of religious opinions. For instance, when one reads that the
king is a prime d