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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume X
       Arranged in systematic order:
       Forming a complete history of the origin and progress of navigation,
       discovery, and commerce, by sea and land, from the earliest ages to
       the present time.

Author: Robert Kerr

Release Date: August 7, 2004 [EBook #13130]

Language: English

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A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION of VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.

       *       *       *       *       *

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

       *       *       *       *       *

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. X.

MDCCCXXIV.



CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART II. BOOK IV. CONTINUED.

CHAP. I--Early Circumnavigations, or Voyages round the World,

Introduction,

CHAP. I.--Voyage of Ferdinand Magellan round the World, in 1519-1522,

SECT. I. Some Account of Magellan, previous to the Commencement of the
Voyage,

II. Proceedings of the Voyage from Seville to Patagonia, and wintering
there,

III. Prosecution of the Voyage, till the Death of Magellan,

IV. Continuation of the Voyage to its Conclusion,

CHAP. II. Voyage by Sir Francis Drake round the World, in 1517-1580,

SECT. I. Introduction, and Preparation for the Voyage,

II. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Straits of Magellan,

III. Incidents of the Voyage, from the Straits of Magellan to New
Albion,

IV. Continuation of the Voyage, from New Albion to England.

V. Reception of Sir Francis Drake in England, and some Notices of his
remaining Actions,

SECT. VI First Supplement to the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake; being an
Account of Part of the foregoing Navigation, by Nuno da Silva,

VII Second Supplement, being the Voyage of Mr John Winter, after parting
from Sir Francis Drake,

CHAP. III--Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish round the World, in 1586-1588,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Pacific,

II. Transactions on the Western Coast of America,

III. Voyage Home to England,

IV. Second Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish, intended for the South Sea, in
1591

§ 1. Incidents in the Voyage, till the Separation of the Ships,

§ 2. Disastrous Result of the Voyage to Sir Thomas Candish,

§ 3. Continuation of the Voyage of the Desire, Captain Davis, after
parting from Sir Thomas Candish,

CHAP. IV. Voyage of Oliver Van Noort round the World, in 1538-1601,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage.

II. Voyage of Sebald de Weert, to the South Sea and Straits of Magellan,
in 1598,

§ 1. Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the Straits of Magellan,

§ 2. The Fleet passes through the Straits of Magellan into the South
Sea, and is forced to return,

§ 3. Incidents daring their second Residence in the Straits of Magellan,

§ 4. Voyage from the Straits to Holland,

CHAP. V--Voyage of George Spilbergen round the World, in 1614-1617,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from Holland to the South Sea,

II. Transactions in the South Sea, along the Western Coast of America,

III. Voyage Home from America, by the East Indies and Cape of Good Hope,

CHAP. VI--Voyage round the World, in 1615-1617, by William Cornelison
Schouten and Jacques Le Maire, going round Cape Horn,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Journal of the Voyage from the Texel to Cape Horn,

II. Continuation of the Voyage, from Cape Horn to the Island of Java,

CHAP. VII--Voyage of the Nassau Fleet round the World, in 1623-1626,
under the Command of Jaques Le Hermite,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the South Sea,

II. Transactions of the Fleet on the Western Coast of America,

III. Voyage Home from the Western Coast of America,

CHAP. VIII--Voyage round the World, in 1683-1691, by Captain John Cooke,
accompanied by Captain Cowley, and Captain William Dampier,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage by Captain Cowley, till he quitted the
Revenge on the Western Coast of America,

II. Continuation of the Narrative of Captain Cowley, from leaving the
Revenge, to his Return to England,

III. Sequel of the Voyage, as far as Dampier is concerned, after the
Separation of the Nicholas from the Revenge,

CHAP. IX--Voyage round the World, by William Funnell, in 1703-1706,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, till the Separation of Funnell from
Dampier,

II. Sequel of the Voyage of William Funnell, after his Separation from
Captain Dampier,

III. Brief Account of Stradling, Clipperton, and Dampier, after their
respective Separations, till their Returns to England,

CHAP. X--Voyage round the World, by Captain Woods Rogers, and Stephen
Courtney, in 1708-1711,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from England to the Island of Juan
Fernandez,

II. Proceedings of the Expedition on the Western Coast of America,

III. Sequel of the Voyage, from California, by Way of the East Indies,
to England,

CHAP. XI--Voyage round the World, by Captain John Clipperton, in
1719-1722,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from England to Juan Fernandez,

II. Proceedings of the Success in the South Seas,

III. Voyage of the Success from the Coast of Mexico to China,

IV. Residence of Captain Clipperton at Macao, and Returns from thence to
England,

CHAP. XII--Voyage round the World, by Captain George Shelvocke, in
1719-1722,

Introduction,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea,

II. Proceedings in the South Sea, till Shipwrecked on the Island of Juan
Fernandez,

III. Residence on the Island of Juan Fernandez,

IV. Farther Proceedings in the South Sea, after leaving Juan Fernandez,

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART II. (CONTINUED.)

BOOK IV.

       *       *       *       *       *

CHAPTER I.

EARLY CIRCUMNAVIGATIONS, OR VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD.

INTRODUCTION.


In this _fourth_ book of the _second_ part of our arrangement, it is
proposed to give a history of the principal Circumnavigations, or
Voyages Round the World, previous to the reign of our present venerable
sovereign. This book, therefore, comprises a period of 226 years, from
the year 1519, when Magellan sailed from Spain on the first
circumnavigation of the globe, till the year 1744, when Commodore Anson
returned to England from a similar expedition. The more recent
circumnavigations, which have taken place since the year 1760, chiefly
under the munificent and enlightened patronage of GEORGE III. or in
imitation of these, and which have largely contributed to extend, and
almost to render perfect, the geography and hydrography of the
terraqueous globe, are intended to form a separate division, in a
subsequent part of our arrangement.

The accurate knowledge which we now possess of the form and dimensions
of this globe of earth and water which we inhabit, has been entirely
owing to the superior skill of the moderns in the mathematical sciences,
as applicable to the practice of navigation, and to the observation and
calculation of the motions of the heavenly bodies, for the ascertainment
of latitudes and longitudes. It would require more space than can be
conveniently devoted on the present occasion, to give any clear view of
the geographical knowledge possessed by the ancients, together with a
history of the progress of that science, from the earliest times,
neither do the nature and objects of the present Collection of Voyages
and Travels call for any such deduction, of which an excellent epitome
will be found in the History of Geography, prefixed to Playfair's System
of Geography.

The ancients laboured under almost absolute incapacities for making
extensive voyages or discoveries by sea, proceeding from ignorance of
the form and dimensions of the earth, and other causes. They were but
indifferently versed in the practical part of astronomy, without which,
and those instruments which have been invented almost exclusively by the
moderns, for measuring the paths, distances, and relative positions of
the heavenly bodies, it is impossible to launch out with any tolerable
success or safety on the trackless ocean. They were ignorant also of
that wonderful property of the magnet or loadstone, which, pointing
invariably towards the north, enables the modern mariner to know his
precise course, at all times of the day of night, though clouds and
thick mists may hide the luminaries of heaven from his observation,
which were the only means of direction known to the ancients.

Various systems and theories appear to have prevailed among the ancients
respecting the figure and motion of the earth; some justly enough
supposing it to be a ball or sphere, suspended in infinite space, while
others conceived it to be a flat surface, floating upon and surrounded
by an interminable ocean. The just conceptions of some ancient
philosophers, respecting the spherical figure of the earth, and its
diurnal motion around its own axis, were superseded by others of a more
popular nature, and forgotten for many ages. Lactantius and Augustine,
two fathers of the catholic church, unfortunately adopted the idea of
the earth being a flat surface, infinitely extending downwards;
grounding this false notion upon a mistaken interpretation of the holy
scriptures, or rather seeking assistance from them in support of their
own unphilosophical conceptions. So strongly had this false opinion
taken possession of the minds of men, in our European world, even after
the revival of learning in the west, that Galileo was imprisoned by the
holy inquisitors at Rome for asserting the sphericity of the earth, and
the doctrine of _antipodes_, and had to redeem his liberty and life, by
writing a refutation of that heretical doctrine, which satisfied the
inquisitors, yet convinced the world of its truth.

Columbus assuredly grounded his grand discovery of America upon the
knowledge of the earth being a sphere; and had not the new western world
intervened, his voyage had probably been the first circumnavigation. In
modern times, an idea has been advanced that Columbus only retraced the
steps of some former navigator, having seen certain parts of the grand
division of the world which he discovered, already delineated on a
globe. It were improper to enter upon a refutation of this idle calumny
on the present occasion; yet it is easy to conceive, that the possessor
of that globe, may have rudely added the reported discoveries of
Columbus, to the more ancient delineations. At all events, Columbus was
the first person who conceived the bold idea that it was practicable to
sail round the globe. From the spherical figure of the earth, then
universally believed by astronomers and cosmographers, in spite of the
church, he inferred that the ancient hemisphere or continent then known,
must of necessity be balanced by an equiponderant and opposite
continent. And, as the Portuguese had discovered an extensive track by
sailing to the eastwards, he concluded that the opposite or most
easterly coast of that country might certainly be attained, and by a
nearer path, by crossing the Atlantic to the westwards. The result of
this profound conception, by the discovery of America, has been already
detailed in the _Second_ Book of this collection; and we now proceed in
this _Fourth_ Book to detail the various steps of other navigators, in
prosecution of this grand design of surrounding the globe, in which many
curious and interesting discoveries have been made, and by which
geographical knowledge and practical navigation have been brought to
great degrees of perfection.

Before commencing the narrative appropriated for this division of our
arrangement, it is proper to give the following complete table of all
the circumnavigators, within the period assigned to the present portion
of this collection; with the names of the ports from which they sailed,
and the dates of their respective voyages, and returns.--Ed.

                   |_Sailed from_|                 |_Returned_.
    1. Ferdinand,  | Seville,         | Aug. 10, 1519.  | Sept. 8, 1522.
       Magellan,   | in Spain,        |                 |
    2. Sir Francis | Plymouth Sound,  | Dec. 30, 1577.  | Sept. 16, 1580.
       Drake,      |                  |                 |
    3. Sir Thomas  | Plymouth,        | July 25, 1586.  | Sept. 9, 1588.
       Candish,    |                  |                 |
    4. Oliver van  | Goeree,          | Sept. 13, 1598. | Aug. 26, 1601.
       Noord,      |                  |                 |
    5. George      | Texel,           | Aug. 8, 1614.   | July 1, 1617.
       Spilbergeny,|                  |                 |
    6. Shouten and | Texel,           | June 24, 1615.  | July 1, 1617.
       LeMair,     |                  |                 |
    7. Nassau      | Goeree,          | April 29, 1623. | Jan. 21, 1626.
       fleet,      |                  |                 |
    8. Cowley,[A]  | Achamack, in     | Aug. 23, 1683.  | Oct. 12, 1686.
                   | Virginia,        |                 |
    9. William     | Achamack,        | Aug. 28, 1683.  | Sept. 16, 1691.
       Dampier,[A] |                  |                 |
   10. Dampier and | the Downs,       | Aug. 9, 1703.   | Aug. 1706.
       Funnel,     |                  |                 |
   ll. Wood Rogers,| Bristol,         | June 15, 1708.  | Oct. 1, 1711.
      and Courtney,|                  |                 |
   12. John        | Plymouth,        | Feb. 15, 1719.  | June, 1722.
       Clapperton, |                  |                 |
   13. George      | Plymouth,        | Feb. 15, 1719.  | Aug. 1, 1722.
       Shelvocke   |                  |                 |
   14. Roggewein,  | Texel,           | July 17, 1721.  | July 11, 1723.
   15. George      | St Helens,       | Sept. 18, 1740. | June 15, 1744.
       Anson,      |                  |                 |

[Footnote A: These two are conjoined in Chap. VIII. of this book, for
reasons which will appear there sufficiently obvious.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *

CHAPTER I.

VOYAGE OF FERDINAND MAGELLAN ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1519--1522.[1]


SECTION I.

_Some Account of Magellan, precious to the Commencement of his Voyage._


Owing to the discoveries made under the authority of the sovereign of
Castile, the Portuguese were excessively jealous of the safety of their
possessions in the East Indies. At length, after various negociations,
the authority of the pope was interposed, then considered as supreme
among the princes of Europe who were in communion with the church of
Rome. By a bull or papal decree, all countries discovered, or to be
discovered, in the East, were declared to belong to the crown of
Portugal, and all that were found in the west were to be the property of
Spain. Yet this measure rather smothered than extinguished the flames of
contention; as both courts readily listened to any proposals that tended
to aggrandise the one at the expence of the other. This spirit of
contention between the courts of Spain and Portugal, gave occasion to
several men of enterprise, who happened to be dissatisfied by the delays
or refusal of either of these courts, in countenancing their projects,
to apply themselves for employment to the other. Among those who took
this method of advancing their fortunes, was Ferdinand Magalhaens, now
generally known by the name of Magellan. He was a gentleman of good
family in Portugal, who had addicted himself from his youth to maritime
affairs, and had acquired great skill both in the theory and practice of
navigation. He seemed formed by nature for the achievement of great
exploits, having all the qualities requisite to compose the character of
a truly great man. With a courage which no danger could appal, he
possessed the utmost calmness of temper and sweetness of disposition, by
which all who conversed with him were engaged to love and esteem his
character. He was naturally eloquent, both in illustrating and proving
the reasonableness of his own opinions, and in converting others from
their erroneous preconceived notions. Above all, he possessed that
steady and persevering resolution, which not only enabled him to
vanquish the greatest difficulties, but gave such appearance of success
to every thing be promised or undertook, as secured the confidence of
all who were under his command. As these extraordinary qualities would
have distinguished him in any station of life, so they were remarkably
useful in the present enterprise, by which he gained immortal
reputation, although he lost his life before its completion.

[Footnote 1: Harris' Collection, I. 6. The utmost pains have been taken
to narrate this expedition in the clearest manner, by comparing all the
different relations of the Spanish and Portuguese writers. We regret
much, however, the loss of a large history of this voyage, by P. Martyr,
which was burnt in the sack of Rome, when taken by the Constable de
Bourbon.--_Harris_.]

Don Ferdinand Magellan had served with much credit in India, under the
famous Albuquerque, and thought that he merited some recompence for his
services; but all his applications were treated with coldness and
contempt by the great, which was intolerable to a person of his spirit.
He associated, therefore, with men of like fortunes, whose merits had
been similarly neglected, and particularly with one Ray Falero, a great
astronomer, whom the Portuguese represented as a conjuror, retiring
along with him to the Spanish court, where be made propositions for new
discoveries to Cardinal Ximenes, who was then prime minister of Spain.
The Portuguese ambassador used all imaginable pains to counteract these
designs, and solicited the court to deliver up Magellan and his
companion as deserters, even representing Magellan as a bold talkative
person, ready to undertake any thing, yet wanting capacity and courage
for the performance of his projects. He even made secret proposals to
Magellan, offering him pardon and great rewards to desist from his
present purpose, and to return to the service of his own sovereign. All
these arts were unavailing, as the Spanish ministry, now competent
judges of these matters, were satisfied of the probability of the
discoveries proposed by Magellan and his coadjutor Falero, who were both
received into favour, made knights of the order of St Jago, and had
their own terms granted to them.

The grounds on which this expedition was founded were as follow. The
opinion advanced by Columbus, of the possibility of reaching the East
Indies by sailing to the west, was assumed as certainly well founded,
though he had not been able to accomplish it; and it was asserted, that
it could not be attended with any insuperable difficulty to sail from
the South Sea, then recently discovered, to the Molucca Islands. The
grand desideratum was to find a passage westwards, from the Atlantic
Ocean into the new-found South Sea, which they expected might be met
with through the Rio de la Plata, or by some other opening on that
eastern coast of South America. Should this succeed, Spain might then
reap the benefit of both the Indies; since, if this discovery were made
by way of the _west_, it would then fall expressly within the grant of
the papal bull to Spain.

In consequence of these proposals, it was agreed that Magellan and the
other adventurers were to be furnished by the crown of Spain with five
ships, manned by 234 men, with provisions for two years; and that the
adventurers should reap a twentieth part of the clear profit, the
government of any islands they might discover to be vested in them and
their heirs for ever, with the title of Adelantado. The agreed, fleet of
five ships was accordingly fitted out for the expedition at Seville,
consisting of the Trinidada, in which Magellan sailed as admiral, and
having a Portuguese pilot named Stephen Gomez; the Santa Vittoria,
commanded by Don Luis de Mendoza; the St Antonio, Don Juan de
Carthagena; the St Jago, Don Juan Serrano; and the Conception, Don
Gaspar de Quixada. According to some authors, the number of men in these
five ships amounted to 237, though by most they are said to have been
250, among whom were thirty Portuguese, upon whom Magellan chiefly
depended for naval skill; as he likewise did greatly upon Serrano, who
had left the service of Portugal in like manner with himself, after
having served for many years in India, and some time in the Moluccas, of
which islands they were now going in search.


SECTION II.

_Proceedings of the Voyage from Seville to Patagonia, and wintering
there_.

Great hopes of success were entertained from this voyage, from the known
experience of the commanders, although its real object was carefully
concealed by Magellan, who merely gave out to the other adventurers that
it was intended for the discovery of new countries, by which they
believed themselves bound to the certain acquisition of gold. They set
sail from Seville, in high expectations of acquiring riches, on the 10th
of August, 1519. The 3d October, the fleet arrived between Cape Verd and
the islands of that name. After being detained by tedious calms on the
coast of Guinea for seventy days, they at last got to the south of the
line, and held on their course to the coast of Brazil, of which they
came in sight in about the latitude of 23° S. They here procured
abundant refreshments of fruits, sugar-canes, and several kinds of
animals.

Proceeding about 2 1/2 degrees farther south, they came into a country
inhabited by a wild sort of people, of prodigious stature, fierce and
barbarous, and making a strange roaring noise, more like the bellowing
of bulls, than human speech. Notwithstanding their prodigious bulk,
these people were so nimble that none of the Spaniards or Portuguese
were swift enough to overtake them. At this place there was a fine river
of fresh water, the mouth of which was fully seventeen leagues wide, in
which there were seven islands, the largest of which they named the
island of St Mary, where they procured some _jewels_.[2] Proceeding
along this coast towards the south, they fell in with two islands so
abounding in seals and penguins, that they might have laden all their
five ships with them in a short time. The penguins are a black, heavy,
unwieldy fowl, extremely fat, covered with a sort of down instead of
feathers, and having a bill like that of a raven; drawing their entire
subsistence from the sea, as fish is their only food.

[Footnote 2: These jewels may possibly have been a few pearls. The
indications in the text are too vague to afford even a guess at the
situation of the river and its seven islands; only it may be mentioned,
that the most northern part of the coast of Patagonia is in lat. 38° S.
and that no river answering the description in the test is to be found
on all that coast--E.]

They next advanced to about the latitude of 49° 30' S. where they were
forced to remain for five months, owing to the severity of the weather,
it being now winter in these southern parts. They here passed their time
very unpleasantly, and for a long time believed the country to be
uninhabited, but at length a savage came to visit them. He was a brisk
jolly fellow, very merrily disposed, and came towards them singing and
dancing. On coming to the shore of the haven in which the ships had
taken refuge, he stood there for some time, throwing dust upon his head.
This being observed, some persons were sent ashore to him in a boat, and
making similar signs of peace; and he came along with them on board,
without any appearance of fear or hesitation. The size and stature of
this person was such as in some measure entitled him to be deemed a
giant, the head of one of the ordinary-sized Spaniards only reaching to
his waist, and he was proportionally large made. His body was painted
all over, having a stag's horn delineated on each cheek, and large
circles round the eyes. The natural colour of his skin was yellow, and
his hair was white. His apparel consisted of the skin of a beast,
clumsily sewed together, covering his whole body and limbs from head to
foot. The beast of which this was the skin, was as strange as the
wearer, being neither mule, horse, nor camel, but partaking of all
three, having the ears of a mule, the tail of a horse, and the body
shaped like a camel. The arms of this savage consisted of a stout bow,
having for a string the gut or sinew of that strange beast; and the
arrows were tipped with sharp stones, instead of iron heads.

The admiral made this man be presented with meat and drink, of which he
readily partook, and seemed to enjoy himself very comfortably, till
happening to see himself in a mirror which was given him among other
toys, he was so frightened that he started back and overturned two of
the men, and did not easily recover his composure. This giant fared so
well, that several others came to visit the ships, and one of them
behaved with so much familiarity and good humour, that the Europeans
were much pleased with him. This person shewed them one of the beasts in
the skins of which they were cloathed, from which the foregoing
description must have been taken.[3] Being desirous to make prisoners of
some of these giants, Magellan gave orders for this purpose to some of
his crew. Accordingly, while amusing them with toys, they put iron
shackles on their legs, which at first they conceived had been fine
ornaments like the rest, and seemed pleased with their jingling sound,
till they found themselves hampered and betrayed. They then fell a
bellowing like bulls, and imploring the aid of _Setebos_ in this
extremity, whom they must therefore have conceived some good and
compassionate being, as it is not to be conceived they would crave
relief from an evil spirit. Yet the voyagers reported strange things, of
horrible forms and appearances frequently seen among these people, such
as horned demons with long shaggy hair, throwing out fire before and
behind: But these seem mere dreams or fables.

[Footnote 3: This must have been a Lama, Paca, or Chilihueque, of the
camel genus, vulgarly called Peruvian sheep.--E.]

Most of the natives of this country were dressed in the skins of beasts,
similarly to the one who first visited them. Their hair was short, yet
tied up by a cotton lace or string. They had no fixed dwellings, but
used certain moveable huts or tents, constructed of skins similar to
those in which they were cloathed, which they carry with them from place
to place, as they roam about the country. What flesh they are able to
procure, they devour quite raw without any kind of cookery, besides
which their chief article of food is a sweet root, which they name
_capar._ The voyagers report that these savages were very jealous of
their women; yet do not mention having seen any. Their practice of
physic consists in bleeding and vomiting: The former being performed by
giving a good chop with some edge tool to the part affected; and the
latter is excited by thrusting an arrow half a yard down the throat of
the patient. These people, to whom Magellan gave the name of _Patagons_,
are so strong, that when one only was attempted to be made prisoner of
by nine Spaniards, he tired them all; and, though they got him down,
and even bound his hands, he freed himself from his bonds, and got away,
in spite of every endeavour to detain him. Besides _capar_, the name of
a root already mentioned, and which likewise they applied to the bread
or ship's biscuit given them by the Spaniards, the only words reported
of their language are _ali_ water, _amel_ black, _cheiche_ red,
_cherecai_ red cloth; and _Setebos_ and _Cheleule_ are the names of two
beings to whom they pay religious respect, _Setebos_ being the supreme,
and _Cheleule_ an inferior deity.

The haven in which they remained there five months, was named by
Magellan, Port St Julian, of which and the surrounding country they took
solemn possession for the crown of Spain, erecting a cross as a signal
of sovereignty. But the principal reason of this long stay was in
consequence of a mutiny which broke out, not only among the common men,
but was even joined or fomented rather by some of the captains,
particularly by Don Luis de Mendoza, on whom Magellan had placed great
reliance. On this occasion Magellan acted with much spirit; for, having
reduced the mutineers to obedience, he brought their ringleaders to
trial for plotting against his life; hanged Don Luis de Mendoza and a
few others of the most culpable; leaving Don Juan de Carthagena and
others, who were not so deeply implicated, among the Patagons. The
weather growing fine, and the people being reduced to obedience,
Magellan set sail from Port St Julian, and pursued his course to the
latitude of 51° 40' S. where finding a convenient port, with abundance
of fuel, water, and fish, he remained for two months longer.


SECTION III.

_Prosecution of the Voyage, till the Death of Magellan_.

Again resuming the voyage, they proceeded along the eastern shore of
Patagonia to the latitude of 52° S. when the entrance into the famous
straits still known under the name of Magellan were discovered, through
which the squadron continued its voyage, finding these straits about 110
leagues in length, from east to west, with varying breadths, in some
places very wide, and in others not more than half a league across; the
land on both sides being high, rugged, and uneven, and the mountains
covered with snow. On reaching the western end of these straits, an open
passage was found into the great South Sea, which sight gave Magellan
the most unbounded joy, as having discovered that for which he had gone
in quest, and that he was now able practicably to demonstrate what he
had advanced, that it was possible to sail to the East Indies by way of
the West. To the point of land from which he first saw this
so-long-desired prospect, he gave the name of _Cape Desiderato._ This
prospect was not, however, so desirable to some of his followers; for
here one of his ships stole away, and sailed homewards alone.

Magellan entered the great South Sea on the 28th November, 1620, and
proceeded through that vast expanse, to which he gave the name of the
Pacific Ocean, for three months and twenty days, without once having
sight of land. During a considerable part of this period they suffered
extreme misery from want of provisions, such as have been seldom heard
of. All their bread and other provisions were consumed, and they were
reduced to the necessity of subsisting upon dry skins and leather that
covered some of the rigging of the ships, which they had to steep for
some days in salt water, to render it soft enough to be chewed. What
water remained in the ships was become putrid, and so nauseous that
necessity alone compelled them to use it. Owing to these impure and
scanty means of subsistence, their numbers daily diminished, and those
who remained alive became exceedingly weak, low-spirited, and sickly. In
some, the gums grew quite over their teeth on both sides; so that they
were unable to chew the tough leathern viands which formed their only
food, and they were miserably starved to death. Their only comfort under
this dreadful state of famine was, that the winds blew them steadily and
gently along, while the sea remained calm and almost unruffled, whence
it got the name of Pacific, which it has ever since retained.

In all this length of time, they only saw two uninhabited islands, which
shewed no signs of affording them any relief Sometimes the needle varied
extremely, and at other times was so irregular in its motions, as to
require frequent touches of the loadstone to revive its energy. No
remarkable star was found near the south pole, by which to ascertain the
southern ordinal point, or to estimate the latitude. Instead of an
antarctic polar star, two clusters of small stars were observed, having
a small space between them, in which were two stars of inconsiderable
size and lustre, which seemed to be at no great distance from the pole,
by the smallness of the circle they described in their diurnal course.
When at the distance of 20° from the south pole, they saw a high island
to which they gave the name of _Cipangue_; and at 15° another equally
high, which they named _Sinnodit_.[4] They sailed in one gulf; or
stretch of sea, at least 4000 leagues, and made their longitude, by
estimation or reckoning, 120° W. from the place of their original
departure. By this time they drew near the equinoctial line, and having
got beyond that into 13° N. latitude, they made for the cape called
_Cottigare_ by old geographers; but missing it in that old account of
its latitude, they understood afterwards that it is in the latitude of
12° N.[5]

[Footnote 4: The text is evidently here erroneous, as Magellan entered
the Pacific Ocean in lat. 47° S. and there is not the smallest reason to
suspect he had been forced into the latitudes of 70° and 75° S. Instead
therefore of the south pole, we ought probably to understand the
equator. As these two islands were uninhabited, the names given them
must have been imposed by Magellan or his associates. Cipangue is the
name given to Japan by Marco Polo, and is of course a singular blunder.
The other is unintelligible, and the voyage is so vaguely expressed, as
even to defy conjecture.--E.]

[Footnote 5: This cape Cottigare in the South Sea, in lat. 12° or 13° N.
is utterly unintelligible, unless it refer to the southern part of Guam,
Guaham, or Goad, one of the Ladronea, which they soon discovered, and
which is actually in 13° N.--E.]

On the 6th March, 1521, they fell in with a cluster of islands, being
then in lat. 12° N. and 146° of west longitude from the place of their
first setting out.[6] These islands were called by Magellan _Islas de
los Ladrones_, or the islands of robbers, and are called in modern
geography the Ladrones or Marian islands. They here went on shore to
refresh themselves, after all the fatigues and privations of their
tedious voyage through the Pacific Ocean; but the thievish disposition
of the islanders would not allow them any quiet repose, as they were
continually stealing things from the ships, while the sick and worn-out
mariners were endeavouring to refresh themselves on shore. Resolving
therefore to deliver themselves from the disturbance of these pilferers,
they marched a small party of armed men into the interior of one of
these islands, where they burnt some houses, and slew some of the
natives. But, though this correction awed them a little for the present,
it did not mend their thievish disposition; for which reason they
resolved to seek out some other place, where they might enjoy some
repose in safety.

[Footnote 6: By the reckoning in the text, the longitude of the Ladrone
islands, which they now discovered, would be 151° 25' W. from
Greenwich. But their true longitude is 216° 30' W. Their latitude is
between 13° and 20° 50' N.--E.]

No order or form of government was observed to subsist among these
natives of the Ladrones, but every one seemed to live according to his
own humour or inclination. The men were entirely naked, the hair both of
their heads and beards being black, that on their heads so long as to
reach down to their waists. Their natural complexion is olive, and they
anoint themselves all over with cocoa-nut oil. Their teeth seemed
coloured artificially black or red, and some of them wore a kind of
bonnet made of palm leaves. The women are better favoured and more
modest than the men, and all of them wore some decent coverings made of
palm leaves. Their hair was black, thick, and so very long as nearly to
trail on the ground. They seemed careful industrious housewives,
spending their time at home in fabricating mats and nets of palm leaves,
while the men were occupied abroad in stealing. Their houses are of
timber, covered with boards and great leaves, and divided within into
several apartments. Their beds are of mats laid above each other, and
they use palm leaves by way of sheets. Their only weapons are clubs, and
long poles headed with bone. Their food consists of cocoa-nuts, bananas,
figs, sugar-canes, fowls, and flying-fishes. Their canoes are oddly
contrived and patched up, yet sail with wonderful rapidity, the sails
being made of broad leaves sewed together. Instead of a rudder they use
a large board, with a staff or pole at one end, and in sailing, either
end of their canoes is indifferently used as head or stern. They paint
their canoes all over, either red, white, or black, as hits their fancy.
These people are so taken with any thing that is new, that when the
Spaniards wounded several of them with their arrows, and even pierced
some quite through, they would pluck out the arrows from their wounds,
and stare at them till they died. Yet would they still continue to
follow after the ships, to gaze upon them as they were going away, so
that at one time they were closely surrounded by at least two hundred
canoes filled with natives, admiring those wonderful contrivances.

The 10th of March, the Spaniards landed on the island of _Zamul_, about
30 leagues from the Ladrones.[7] Next day they landed on _Humuna_, an
island not inhabited, yet well deserving of being so, where they found
springs of excellent water, with abundance of fruit-trees, gold, and
white coral. Magellan named this _the island of good signs_. The natives
from some of the neighbouring islands, a people of much humanity, came
here to them shortly after, very fair and of friendly dispositions, who
seemed well pleased at the arrival of the Spaniards among them, and came
loaded with presents of fish, and wine made from the cocoa-tree,
promising speedily to bring other provisions. This tree somewhat
resembles the date palm, and supplies the natives with bread, oil, wine,
vinegar, and even physic. The wine being drawn from the tree itself, and
all the rest from the fruit or nut. To procure the wine, they eat off
part of a branch, and fasten to the remaining part a large reed or
hollow cane, into which the liquor drops, being like white-wine in
colour, and of a grateful tartish taste. When a good quantity of this is
drawn off, it is put into a vessel, and is their cocoa-wine without
farther preparation.

[Footnote 7: In this voyage the term Ladrones seems confined to the most
southern islands of this group, as there are no other islands for a very
considerable distance in any direction. The entire group stretches about
6° 10' nearly N. and S. or 125 leagues. In modern geography, Guaham and
Tinian are the largest islands of the group. Urac, Agrigan, Analajam,
and Saypan, are the names of some others of the Ladrones. The names in
the text do not occur in modern maps. Thirty leagues from Guaham, the
southernmost island, would bring them to Tinian.--E.]

The fruit, which is as large as a man's head, has two rinds or coats.
The outermost is green, and two fingers thick, entirely composed of
strings and threads, of which they make all the ropes that are used in
their canoes. Under this there is another rind, or shell rather, of
considerable thickness, and very hard. This they burn and pulverize, and
use it in this state as a remedy for several distempers. The kernel
adheres all round the inside of this shell, being white, and about the
thickness of a finger, having a pleasant taste, almost like an almond:
this, when dried, serves the islanders instead of bread. In the inside
of this kernel there is a considerable hollow space, containing a
quantity of pure limpid liquor, of a very cordial and refreshing nature,
which sometimes congeals into a solid, and then lies like an egg within
the hollow kernel. When they would make oil, they steep the fruit in
water till it putrifies, and then boil it over the fire to separate the
oil, the remaining water becoming vinegar, when exposed some time to the
sun. Lastly, by mixing the kernel with the liquor lodged within its
cavity, and straining it through a cloth, they make a very good milk.
The cocoa-nut tree resembles the date palm, except in not being so
rugged and knotty. They will continue to thrive for an hundred years, or
more, and two of them will maintain a family of ten persons in wine
plentifully, if used by turns, each tree being drawn for seven or eight
days, and then allowed to rest as long.

According to their promise, the islanders returned with a farther supply
of provisions, and entered into much familiar cordiality with the
Spaniards. A number of them having been invited on board the admiral's
ship, a gun was discharged by way of entertaining them, but put them in
such terror, that they were ready to leap over board, yet were soon
reconciled by good usage and presents. The name of their island was
_Zulvan_, of no great compass; yet considerable for its productions.
They had in their barks various kinds of spices, as cinnamon, cloves,
nutmegs, ginger, and mace, with several ornaments made of gold, which
they carried up and down to sell as merchandise. Although without
apparel, these people were dressed, or ornamented rather, in a more
costly manner than Europeans; for they had gold earrings in each ear,
and various jewels fastened by means of gold to their arms; besides
which, their daggers, knives, and lances were richly ornamented with the
same metal.[8] Their only cloathing consisted of a kind of apron, of a
species of cloth made very ingeniously from the rind of a tree. The most
considerable men among them were distinguished from the common people by
a piece of silk ornamented with needle-work, wrapped round their heads.
These islanders were gross, broad; and well set on their limbs, of an
olive complexion, having their bodies constantly rubbed over with
cocoa-nut oil.

[Footnote 8: It is highly probable that the valuable spiceries, gold,
and jewels, of the text, are mere fables, invented by Pigafetta, to
enhance the value of his voyage, as such productions are now unknown to
the Ladrone islands.--E.]

Departing from this place on the 21st March, 1521, and steering between
west and south-west, they passed among the islands named _Cenalo,
Huinanghan, Hibussan,_ and _Abarian._[9] The 28th, they came to the isle
of _Buthuan,_ where they were kindly received by the king and prince,
who gave them considerable quantities of gold and spices; in return for
which, Magellan presented the king with two cloth vests, giving knives,
mirrors, and glass beads to the courtiers. Along with the king and his
nobles, Magellan sent two persons on shore, one of whom was Antonio
Pigafetta, the historian of the voyage. On landing, the king and his
attendants all raised their hands to heaven, and then the two
Christians, who imitated this ceremony, which was afterwards observed in
drinking. The king's palace was like a great hay-loft, mounted so high
upon great posts of timber, that they had to go up by means of ladders,
and was thatched with palm-leaves. Though not Christians, these
islanders always made the sign of the cross at their meals, at which
they sat cross-legged like tailors. At night, instead of candles, they
burnt a certain gum of a tree, wrapped up in palm-leaves. After
entertaining them in their respective palaces, the king and prince of
_Buthuan_ dismissed Pigafetta and his companion with noble presents,
filled with admiration of their guests, whom they believed to be men
above the rank of common mortals, being especially astonished at
Pigafetta's writing, and reading what he had written, which was too
mysterious for their comprehension.

[Footnote 9: Not one of these islands is known to modern geography; and
the whole of this voyage is related so loosely and unsatisfactorily,
that it is impossible to trace its course, except at well-known
places.--E.]

In this island, by sifting the earth of a certain mine, they procured
great lumps of gold, some as large as walnuts, and some even as big as
eggs; all the vessels used by the king at table being made of this
precious metal.[10] The king of this island was a very comely personage,
of an olive complexion, with long black hair, his body being perfumed
with the odoriferous oils of storax and benzoin, and painted with
various colours. He had gold-rings in his ears, and three rings of that
metal on each of his fingers. His head was wrapped round by a silken
veil or turban, and his body was cloathed to the knees in a cotton
wrapper, wrought with silk and gold. He wore at his side a sword or
dagger, with a haft of gold, and a scabbard of carved wood. This country
is so rich, that one of the natives offered a crown of massy gold in
exchange for six strings of glass beads; but Magellan would not allow
such bargains, lest the Spaniards might appear too greedy of gold.

[Footnote 10: These stories of gold in such wonderful abundance, are
obvious falsehoods contrived by Pigafetta, either to excite wonderment,
or to procure the command of an expedition of discovery; a practice we
have formerly had occasion to notice in the early Spanish conquests and
settlements in America.--E.]

The natives were active and sprightly, the common men being quite
naked, except painting their bodies; but the women are cloathed from the
waist downwards, and both sexes wore gold ear-rings. They all
continually chewed _areka_, a fruit like a pear, which they cut in
quarters, rolling it up in a leaf called _betel_, resembling a bay-leaf,
alleging that they could not live without this practice. The only
religious rite observed among them, was looking up to heaven, to which
they raised their joined hands, and calling on their god _Abba_.
Magellan caused a banner of the cross, with the crown of thorns and the
nails, to be exposed and publicly reverenced by all his men in the
king's presence; desiring the king to have it erected on the top of a
high mountain in the island, as a token that Christians might expect
good entertainment in that country, and also as a security for the
nation; since, if they prayed to it devoutly, it would infallibly
protect them against lightning and tempests, and other evils. This the
king promised should be done, knowing no better, and glad to be so
easily defended from thunderbolts.

Leaving this island, and conducted by the king's pilots, the Spaniards
came to the isles of _Zeilon, Zubut, Messana,_ and _Caleghan_, of which
_Zubut_ was the best, and enjoyed the best trade. In _Massana_, they
found dogs, cats, hogs, poultry, goats, rice, ginger, cocoa-nuts,
millet, panic, barley, figs, oranges, wax, and plenty of gold. This
island lies in lat. 9° 40' N. and in long. 162° from their first
meridian.[11] After remaining here eight days, they sailed to the N.W.
passing the islands of _Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai_, and _Caleghan_;
in which last islands there are bats as large as eagles, which they
found to eat, when dressed, like poultry. In this island, among various
other birds, there was one kind resembling our hens, but having small
horns, which bury their eggs in the sand, where they are hatched by the
heat of the sun. _Caleghan_ is about twenty miles W. from _Messana_; and
_Zubut_, to which they now directed their course, fifty leagues W. from
_Caleghan_. In this part of the voyage they were accompanied by the king
of _Messana_, whom Magellan had greatly attached to him by many
services.

[Footnote 11: This is 16° of longitude beyond the Ladrones, which are in
216° 30' W. and would consequently give the longitude of Zubut as 232°
30' W. or 107° 30' E. from Greenwich. Yet from what appears afterwards,
they seem to have been now among the Philippine islands, the most
easterly of which are in long. 126° E. from Greenwich.--E.]

They entered the port of _Zubut_ on the 7th April, and on coming near
the city all the great guns were fired, which put the inhabitants into
great consternation. This, however, was soon quieted, by the arrival of
a messenger at the city from the ships, who assured the king of _Zubut_
that this was an ordinary piece of respect to his dignity, whom they had
come to visit on their way to the Moluccas, hearing of his fame from the
king of _Messana_. The messenger also desired that the Spaniards might
be furnished with provisions, in exchange for their commodities. The
king then observed, that it was customary for all ships that came to his
port to pay tribute, which custom he expected they would comply with as
well as others. To this the messenger replied, that the Spanish admiral
was the servant of so powerful a sovereign, that he could make no such
acknowledgment to any prince whatever. That the admiral was willing to
be at peace with him, if he thought proper to accept his friendship: but
if otherwise, he should soon have his fill of war. A certain Moor, who
happened to be present, told the king that these people were certainly
the Portuguese, who had conquered Calicut and Malacca, and advised him
therefore to beware of provoking them to hostilities; whereupon the king
referred the matter to his council, promising to give an answer next
day, and in the meantime sent victuals and wine aboard the ships.

The king of Messana, who was a potent prince, went ashore to confer with
the king of Zubut, who in the end became almost ready to pay tribute
instead of demanding it; but Magellan only asked liberty to trade, which
was readily granted. Magellan persuaded the king and his principal
people to become Christians, which they did after some religious
conferences, and were all afterwards baptised. This example spread over
the whole island, so that in eight days the whole inhabitants became
Christians, except those of one village of idolaters, who absolutely
refused. The Spaniards therefore burnt this village, and erected a cross
on its ruins.[12]

[Footnote 12: This incredible story has been considerably abridged on
the present occasion, and is too absurd to merit any commentary.--E.]

The people of this island deal justly with each other, having the use of
weights and measures. Their houses are of timber, raised high in the air
on posts, so that they ascend to them by ladders. They told us of a
certain sea-fowl in this country, called _Lughan_, about the size of a
crow, which the whales sometimes swallow alive, in consequence of which
their hearts are eaten by this bird; and many whales are killed in this
manner, the bird being afterwards found alive in the carcase of the
whale. The Spaniards drove a most advantageous trade at this place,
receiving from the natives ten pesos of gold, of a ducat and a half
each, in exchange for fourteen pounds of iron; and procured abundance of
provisions for mere trifles.

Not far from Zabut is the isle of _Mathan_, the inhabitants of which go
quite naked, except a slight covering in front, all the males wearing
gold-rings hanging to the preputium. This island was governed by two
kings, one of whom refused to pay tribute to the king of Spain, on which
Magellan determined to reduce him by force of arms. The Indian had an
army of between six and seven thousand men, armed with bows and arrows,
darts and javelins, which Magellan attacked with sixty men, armed with
coats of mail and helmets. The battle was for a long time doubtful, when
at last Magellan advanced too far among the barbarians, by whom he was
at first wounded by a poisoned arrow, and afterwards thrust into the
head by a lance; which at once closed the life and actions of this noble
commander. About eight or nine of the Christians were slain in this
engagement, besides many wounded. After this disaster the Spaniards
ineffectually attempted to redeem the body of their unfortunate admiral;
and the other king, who had embraced the Christian religion without
understanding its tenets, abandoned it upon this reverse of fortune to
the Spaniards, and made peace with his rival, engaging to put all the
Christians to death. With this view, he invited the Spaniards to a
banquet, when he made them all be cruelly murdered, only reserving Don
Juan Serrano alive, in order to procure a supply of artillery and
ammunition for his ransom. With these conditions the Spaniards would
have willingly complied, but found so much prevarication and treachery
in the conduct of the natives, and were so intimidated by the miserable
fate of their companions, that they put to sea, leaving the unfortunate
Serrano to his miserable fate.


SECTION IV.

_Continuation of the Voyage to its Conclusion_.

A little before the death of Magellan, news were received of the
Moluccas, the great object of this voyage. Leaving Mathan, they sailed
for the island of _Bohol_, where they burnt the Conception, one of their
ships, transferring its men, ammunition, and provisions into the other
two. Directing their course from thence to the S.W. they came to the
island of _Paviloghon_, inhabited by negroes. From thence they came to a
large island named _Chippit_, in lat. 8° N. about 50 leagues W. from
Zabut, and about 170° of longitude from their first departure.[13] This
island abounds in rice, ginger, goats, hogs, hens, &c. and the Spaniards
were kindly received by the king, who, in token of peace, marked his
body, face, and the tip of his tongue, with blood which he drew from his
left arm; in which ceremony he was imitated by the Spaniards. Sailing
about 40 leagues from thence between the W. and S.W. or W.S.W. they came
to a very large island, named _Caghaian_, thinly inhabited. The
inhabitants were Mahometans, exiles from Borneo, rich in gold, and using
poisoned arrows; a common practice in most of these islands. Sailing
W.N.W. from this island 25 leagues, they came to _Puloan_, a fruitful
island in lat. 9° 20' N. and 179° 20' of longitude W. from their first
departure.[14] This island yields much the same productions as Chippit,
together with large figs, battatos, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes; and
they make a kind of wine of rice, which is very intoxicating, yet better
than palm-wine. The natives go entirely naked, use poisoned arrows, and
are greatly addicted to cock-fighting.

[Footnote 13: Bohal is one of the Philippine islands, in lat. 10° N. and
long. 123° 50' E. from Greenwich. Paviloghon and Chippit must
accordingly refer to some islands of the same group farther west.--E.]

[Footnote 14: Pulcan, Pulowan, or Paragua, the westermost of the
Philippines, an island of considerable extent, in lat. 10° N. and long.
119° E. from Greenwich. From the direction of the voyage, the great
island of Chaghaian of the text, was probably that now called
Magindano.--E.]

They came next to the great and rich island of Borneo, in lat. 5° 5' N.
the chief city containing not less than 25,000 houses. The king was a
Mahometan of great power, keeping a magnificent court; and was always
attended by a numerous guard. He sent several presents to the Spanish
captains, and made two elephants be led out with rich silk trappings, to
bring the Spanish messengers and presents to his palace. He has ten
secretaries of state, who write every thing concerning his affairs on
the bark of trees. His household is managed by women, who are the
daughters of his principal courtiers. This country affords camphor,
which is the gum of a tree called _Capar_; as also cinnamon, ginger,
myrabolans, oranges, lemons, sugar, cucumbers, melons, and other
fruits, with abundance of beasts and birds, and all other products of
the equinoctial climate. The natives continually chew betel and areka,
and drink arrack.

Leaving Borneo, they went to the island of _Cimbubon_, in, lat. 8° 7'
N.[15] where they remained forty days, caulking and repairing their
ships, and taking in a supply of fresh water. In the woods of this isle
they found a tree, the leaves of which, when they fall to the ground,
move from place to place as if alive. They resemble the leaves of the
mulberry, having certain fibres produced from their sides resembling
legs, and suddenly spring away when touched. Pigafetta, the author of
this relation, kept one of these leaf-animals in a dish for eight
days.[16] This isle produces ostriches, wild hogs, and crocodiles. They
caught here a fish having a head like a sow, with two horns, its body
consisting of one entire bone, and having a substance on its back
resembling a saddle.

[Footnote 15: Perhaps Balambangan, in 8° 20' N.]

[Footnote 16: Harris observes, that this account is quite incredible:
Yet it is certainly true that an insect of this description exists,
though not the leaf of a tree, as erroneously supposed by
Pigafetta.--E.]

From hence they sailed to certain islands named _Salo Taghima_, which
produce fine pearls, and from whence the king of Borneo once procured
two large round pearls, nearly as big as eggs. They came next to a
harbour in the island of _Sarangani_, reported to yield both pearls and
gold. At this place they pressed two pilots to conduct them to the
Moluccas; and passing the islands named _Ceana, Canida, Cabiaia, Camuca,
Cabalu, Chiari, Lipan_, and _Nuza_, they came to a fair isle in lat 3°
20' N. named _Sangir_.[17] Passing five other islands, they at last
espied a cluster of five islands, which they were informed by the pilots
were the Moluccas. This was on the 6th November, 1521, twenty-seven
months after their departure from Spain. Trying the depth of the sea in
the neighbourhood of these islands, they found it no less than fifty-one
fathoms; though the Portuguese report that this sea is too shallow for
being navigated, and is besides rendered extremely dangerous by numerous
rocks and shelves, and by continual darkness; doubtless to deter any
other nation from attempting to go there.

[Footnote 17: Sangir is in lat. 8° 35' N. and long. 125° 25 E. from
Greenwich. The other islands enumerated in the text do not occur in
modern maps.--E.]

They came to anchor in the port of _Tiridore_ [Tidore] on the 8th
November, this being one of the chief of the Molucca islands. Although
a Mahometan, the king of this island was so fond of the Spaniards, that
he invited them to come on shore as into their own country, and to use
the houses as their own, calling them his brethren and children; even
changing the name of his island from Tidore to Castile. These Molucca
islands are five in number, _Ternate, Tidore, Mortir, Makian_, and
_Batchian_. Ternate is the chief of these islands, and its king once
ruled over them all; but at this time Mortir and Makian were
commonwealths, but Batchian was a separate monarchy. The clove-tree is
very tall, and as big about as the body of a man, having large boughs,
with leaves resembling those of the bay-tree, and the bark is of an
olive colour. The cloves grow in large clusters at the extremities of
the boughs; being at first white, but growing red when they come to
maturity, and grow black when dried. While green, the flavour of the
wood, bark, and leaves, is almost as strong as that of the cloves. These
are gathered twice each year, in June and December, and if not taken in
time, become very hard. Every man has his own particular trees, on which
they bestow very little care. They have also in this isle a peculiar
sort of tree, the bark of which, being steeped in water, may be drawn
out in small fibres as fine as silk; of which the women make themselves
a sort of aprons, which are their only cloathing.

Near Tidore is the large island of _Gilolo_, which is divided between
the Mahometans and idolaters. The two Mahometan kings have themselves
contributed liberally to the population of the island; one of them
having 600 children, and the other 650. The pagans are more moderate in
their conduct in this respect than the Mahometans, and are even less
superstitious; yet it is said that they worship, for the rest of the
day, whatever they first see every morning. In this island there grows a
peculiar sort of reed, as big as a man's leg, which is full of limpid
wholesome water. On the 12th November, a public warehouse was opened by
the Spaniards in the town of Tidore, for the sale of their merchandise,
which were exchanged at the following rates. For ten yards of good red
cloth, they had one bahar of cloves, containing four cantars or quintals
and six pounds; the cantar being 100 pounds. For fifteen yards of
inferior cloth, they had one bahar. Likewise a bahar for 35 drinking
glasses, or for 17 _cathyls_ of quicksilver. The islanders also brought
all sorts of provisions daily to the ships, together with excellent
water from certain hot springs in the mountains where the cloves grow.
They here received a singular present for the king of Spain, being two
dead birds about the size of turtle-doves, with small legs and heads
and long bills, having two or three long party-coloured, feathers at
each side, instead of wings, all the rest of their plumage being of a
uniform tawny colour. These birds never fly except when favoured by the
wind. The Mahometans allege that these birds come from Paradise, and
therefore call them the birds of God.

Besides cloves, the Molucca islands produce ginger, rice, sago, goats,
sheep, poultry, popinjays, white and red figs, almonds, pomegranates,
oranges and lemons, and a kind of honey which is produced by a species
of fly less than ants. Likewise sugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, melons, gourds,
and a species of fruit, called _camulical_, which is extremely cold. The
isle of Tidore is in lat. 0° 45' N. and long. 127° 10' E.[18] and about
9° 30' W. from the Ladrones,[19] in a direction nearly S.W. Formerly the
natives of these islands were all heathens, the Moors or Mahometans
having only had footing there for about fifty years before the arrival
of the Spaniards. Ternate is the most northerly of these islands, and
Batchian is almost under the line, being the largest of them all.[20]

[Footnote 18: This is the true position, reckoning the longitude from
Greenwich. In the original the longitude is said to be 170° W. from the
first meridian of the voyagers, being Seville in Spain, which would give
174° E. from Greenwich; no great error, considering the imperfect way in
which the longitude was then reckoned at sea.--E.]

[Footnote 19: This is a gross error, perhaps of the press, as the
difference of longitude is 16° 30'.--E.]

[Footnote 20: The northern end of Batchian is in lat. 0° 28', and its
southern extremity in 0° 40', both south.--E.]

Departing from Tidore, the Spaniards were attended by several kings in
their canoes to the isle of _Mare_,[21] where this royal company took
leave of them with much apparent regret. In this isle they left one of
their ships which was leaky, giving orders to have it repaired, for its
return to Spain. Being now reduced to forty-six Spaniards and thirteen
Indians, they directed their course from Mare towards the S.W. passing
the isles named _Chacotian, Lagoma, Sico, Gioghi, Caphi, Sulacho,
Lumatola, Tenetum, Bura_ [Bouro?] _Arubon_ [perhaps Amboina?] _Budia,
Celaruri, Benaia, Ambalao, Bandon_ [perhaps Banda?] _Zorobua, Zolot,
Moceuamor, Galian_, and _Mullua_, besides many others possessed by
Mahometans, heathens, and canibals. They stopped fifteen days at
_Mallua_ to repair their ship, being in 8° N. lat. and 169° long.
according to their reckoning. This island produces much pepper, both
long and of the ordinary round kind. The tree on which it grows climbs
like ivy, and its leaf resembles that of the mulberry. The natives are
canibals; the men wearing their hair and beards; and their only weapons
are bows and arrows.

[Footnote 21: Marhee Foul, a small isle between Tidore and Motir.--E.]

Leaving _Mallua_ [Moa?] on the 25th January, 1522, they arrived at
_Tima_ [Timor?] five leagues to the S.S.W. This island is in lat. 10° S.
and long. 125° E. where they found ginger, white sanders, various kinds
of fruits, and plenty of gold and provisions of all kinds. The people of
the Moluccas, Java, and _Lozen_ [Luzon, or the principal island of the
Philippines], procure their sanders-wood from hence. The natives are
idolaters, and have the _lues venerea_ among them, which is a common
distemper in all the islands of this great archipelago.

Leaving Timor on the 11th February, they got into the great sea called
_Lantchidol_, steering W.S.W. and leaving the coast of a long string of
islands on the right hand, and taking care not to sail too near the
shore, lest the Portuguese of Malacca should chance to discover them;
wherefore they kept on the outside of Java and Sumatra. That they might
pass the Cape of Good Hope the more securely, they continued their
course W.S.W. till they got into the latitude of 42° S. though so sore
pinched by hunger and sickness, that some were for putting in at
Mosambique for refreshments; but the majority concluded that the
Portuguese would prove bad physicians for their distempers, and
determined therefore to continue the voyage homewards. In this course
they lost twenty-one of their men, and were at length constrained to put
in at the island of St Jago, one of the Cape Verds, to throw themselves
on the mercy of the Portuguese. So, venturing ashore, they opened their
miserable case to the Portuguese, who at first relieved their
necessities; but the next time they went on shore, detained all who came
as prisoners.

Those who still remained in the ship, now reduced to thirteen, having no
mind to join their companions in captivity, made all the haste they
could away, and being favoured by the winds, they arrived in the harbour
of San Lucar, near Seville, on the 7th September, 1522. He who commanded
this vessel, which had the good fortune to return from this remarkable
voyage, was Juan Sebastian Cano, a native of Guetaria in Biscay, a
person of much merit and resolution, who was nobly rewarded by the
emperor Charles V. To perpetuate the memory of this first voyage round
the world, the emperor gave him for his coat of arms the terrestrial
globe, with this motto, _Prima me circumdedisti_. The newly-discovered
straits at the southern extremity of South America, were at first named
the _Straits of Vittori_, after the ship which returned; but they soon
lost that name, to assume another which becomes them much better, in
honour of their discoverer, and have ever since been denominated the
_Straits of Magellan_.

This most celebrated voyage took up three years and twenty-seven days,
having commenced on the 10th August, 1519, and concluded on the 7th
September, 1522. By its success, the skill and penetration of the great
Columbus, who, only twenty-seven years before, had first asserted the
possibility of its performance, were fully established. One circumstance
was discovered in this voyage, which, although reason have taught us to
explain, could hardly have been expected _a priori_. On the return of
the Spaniards to their own country, they found they had lost a day in
their reckoning, owing to the course they had sailed; whereas had they
gone by the east, and returned by the west, they would have gained a day
in their course.

Another circumstance, which served to heighten the reputation of
Magellan, who deserves the sole honour of this voyage, was the
difficulty experienced by other able commanders, who endeavoured to
fellow the course he had pointed out. The first who made the attempt
were two Genoese ships in 1526, but unsuccessfully. In 1528, Cortes, the
conqueror of Mexico, sent two ships with 400 men, to endeavour to find
their way through the straits of Magellan to the Moluccas, but without
effect. Sebastian Cabot tried the same thing, by order of Emanuel king
of Portugal, but was unable to succeed.




CHAPTER II.

VOYAGE BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1577-1580.[22]

       *       *       *       *       *

SECTION I.

_Introduction, and Preparation for the Voyage_.


In his Annals of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the learned Cambden
informs us, that the father of the celebrated Sir Francis Drake was the
Rev. Edmund Drake, vicar of Upnore on the river Medway, and says he had
this information from Sir Francis himself. Yet the industrious John
Stowe says, that he was the eldest of twelve brethren, the sons of
Edmund Drake, mariner, at Tavistock in Devonshire, and was born in 1540.
Perhaps both accounts may be true; and Mr Edmund Drake, though a mariner
originally, may have had a competent share of learning, and may have
been admitted to orders on the final establishment of the Reformation.

[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, IV. 232. Harris, I. p. 14. Oxford Coll. II. sect.
xvi. Callender's Voy. I. 288. The original account of this voyage was
published at London, in 4to, in 1600, and reprinted in 1618.--E.]

This celebrated naval hero received the Christian name of Francis from
his godfather the earl of Bedford, but does not appear to have derived
any great patronage from that nobleman. He was sent young to sea, as an
apprentice to the master of a small bark, who traded with France and
Zealand; and his master, a bachelor, taking a great affection for him,
left him his bark at his death. At eighteen years of age, he was purser
of a ship on a voyage to the Bay of Biscay, and at twenty made a voyage
to the coast of Guinea. In all these voyages he distinguished himself by
extraordinary courage, and by a sagacity beyond his years. In 1565, his
laudable desire of glory induced him to venture his all in a voyage to
the West Indies, which had no success. In 1567, he served under his
kinsman Sir John Hawkins in the bay of Mexico, but was again
unfortunate, returning from the voyage rich in character and fame, but
with almost ruined circumstances. These disappointments served only to
increase his desire of bettering his fortunes at the expence of the
grand enemy of his country, against whom he made two other voyages into
these parts; the first in 1570 with two ships, the Dragon and Swan and
the second in 1571, in the Swan alone, chiefly for information, that he
might qualify himself for undertaking some enterprize of greater
importance; which he at length carried into execution with great courage
and perseverance.

His character for bravery and seamanship being now established, he soon
found a sufficient number of persons willing to adventure a part of
their fortunes in a privateering voyage which he proposed. He
accordingly sailed from Plymouth on the 24th May, 1572, in the Pasco, a
ship only of seventy tons, having for his consort the Swan of 250 tons,
commanded by his brother John Drake, with seventy-three men and boys,
and provisions for a year. Such were the mighty preparations he had made
for attacking the power of Spain in the West Indies, in which he
considered himself justified, in order to make reprisals for the losses
he had formerly sustained from the Spaniards. In this voyage he
surprised and plundered the famous town of Nombre de Dios; and soon
afterwards had a distant view of the South Sea from the top of a high
tree, which inflamed him with the desire of conducting an English ship
thither, which attempt he had perhaps never thought of but for that
circumstance.

In this expedition he acquired immense riches for his owners, and
considerable wealth for himself; and being of an honourable and generous
disposition, he scorned to avail himself of advantages, which most other
men would have considered as their right. Of this we have the following
remarkable instance. Having presented a cutlass to a captain or caçique
of the free Indians inhabiting the isthmus of Darien, the caçique gave
him in return four large ingots of gold, which he immediately threw into
the common stock, saying, "My owners gave me that cutlass, and it is
just they should receive their share of its produce." His return to
England from this successful expedition was equally fortunate, as he
sailed in twenty-three days from Cape Florida to the Scilly islands.
Arriving at Plymouth on Sunday, the 9th August, 1573, during divine
service, the news of his return was carried to church, on which few
persons remained with the preacher, all the congregation running out to
welcome the adventurous Drake, who had been absent fourteen months and
sixteen days in this voyage.

The wealth he gained in this expedition he generously expended in the
service of his country, equipping no less than three frigates at his own
expence, which he commanded in person, and with which he contributed
materially to the reduction of the rebellion in Ireland, under the
supreme command of the earl of Essex. After the death of that nobleman,
he chose Sir Christopher Hatton for his patron, then vice-chamberlain to
the queen, and afterwards lord high-chancellor of England. By his
interest, not without great opposition, captain Drake obtained a
commission from queen Elizabeth for the voyage of which it is now
proposed to give an account, and which he had long meditated. Being thus
provided with the royal authority, his friends contributed largely
towards the intended expedition, while he applied himself with all
diligence to get every thing in readiness for the important undertaking;
having in view to attack the powerful monarchy of Spain, in its richest
yet most vulnerable possessions on the western coasts of America, with
what would now be considered a trifling squadron of five small barks.

The ships, as they were then called, fitted out for this bold
enterprize, were, the Pelican, afterwards named the Hind, of 100 tons,
admiral-ship of the squadron, under his own immediate command as
captain-general; the Elizabeth, vice-admiral, of 80 tons, commanded by
Captain John Winter, who was lieutenant-general of the expedition; the
Marigold, a bark of 30 tons, Captain John Thomas; the Swan, a fly-boat
of 50 tons, Captain John Chester; and the Christopher, a pinnace of 15
tons, Captain Thomas Moon. These ships were manned with 164 able-bodied
men, including officers, and were provided with an ample supply of
provisions, ammunition and stores, for so long and dangerous a voyage.
Captain Drake likewise provided the frames of four pinnaces, which were
stowed on board in pieces, ready to be set up as occasion might require.
He is also said to have made provision for ornament and delight,
carrying with him a band of musicians, together with rich furniture and
much silverplate, all the vessels for his table, and many of those
belonging to the cook-room, being of that metal. This magnificence is
stated by his biographers, to have been intended as a display for the
honour of his country among foreign nations.


SECTION II.

_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Straits of Magellan_.

All things being duly prepared. Captain Drake sailed with his squadron
from Plymouth Sound, about five in the afternoon of the 15th November,
1577, giving out that he was bound for Alexandria in Egypt, which had
been made the pretended object of the voyage, to prevent the court of
Spain from taking measures for its obstruction. In consequence of a
violent storm, in which some of the ships sustained damage, he was
forced to put into Falmouth haven, whence he returned to Plymouth.
Having repaired all defects, he once more set sail on the 13th December
of the same year. Avoiding as much as possible to come near the land too
early, he fell in with Cape Cantin, on the Barbary coast, on the 25th,
and came to the island of Mogadore on the 27th. In the channel of one
mile broad, between that island and the main, he found a convenient
harbour, where he caused one of his pinnaces to be built.

While thus engaged, some of the inhabitants came to the shore with a
flag of truce, on which the admiral sent a boat to enquire what they
wanted. One of his men remained as a pledge with the natives, two of
whom came off to the ship. These informed the admiral by signs, that
they would next day supply the ships with good provisions; in return for
which proffered civility, the admiral rewarded them with shoes, some
linen, and two javelins, and sent them again on shore. Next day, they
came again to the shore, according to promise; on which occasion, an
Englishman, named Fry, leapt on shore among them from the boat,
considering them as friends; but they perfidiously made him a prisoner,
threatening to stab him if he made any resistance. They then mounted him
on horseback, and carried him into the interior; but he was afterwards
sent back in safety to England.

The pinnace being finished, they sailed from Mogadore on the 30th
December, and arrived at Cape Blanco on the 17th January, 1578. On the
voyage from Mogadore to Cape Blanco, they took three _Canters_, or
Spanish fishing-boats, and three caravels. Here they found a Portuguese
caravel at anchor, bound to the Cape Verd islands for salt, in which
there were only two mariners. They took possession of this ship, and
carried her into the harbour of Cape Blanco, where they remained four
days, during which time the admiral trained his men on shore, to prepare
them for land service on occasion. At this place they took such
necessaries as they wanted from the fishermen, as also one of their
barks or canters of 40 tons, leaving behind a small bark of their own,
called the Benedict. Leaving this place on the 22d January, they were
told by the master of the Portuguese caravel, which they carried along
with them, that abundance of dried _cabritos_ or goats might be procured
at Mayo, one of the Cape Verd islands, which were yearly prepared there
for the ships belonging to the king of Spain.

They arrived at Mayo on the 27th January, but the inhabitants refused to
trade with them, being expressly forbidden to have any intercourse with
foreigners, by orders from their sovereign. Next day, however, the
admiral sent a company of 72 armed men on shore under the command of Mr
Winter and Mr Doughty, to take a view of the island, and to see if any
refreshments could be procured. They marched accordingly to the chief
place of the island; and, after travelling three days through the
mountains, they arrived there before day-break on the fourth day. The
inhabitants were all fled, but this part of the island seemed more
fertile and better cultivated than any of the rest. They rested here
some time, banqueting on delicious grapes, which they found in
perfection at that season of the year, though the depth of winter in
England. Mayo abounds with goats, wild poultry, and salt; this last
being formed in great quantities among the rocks, by the heat of the
sun; so that the natives have only the trouble of gathering it into
heaps, and sell it to their neighbours, from which they derive great
profit. They found here cocoa-nut trees, which have no branches or
leaves but at the top of the tree, where the fruit grows in clusters.
They then marched farther into the island, where they saw great numbers
of goats, but could not get any. They might have furnished themselves
with some dried carcasses of old goats, which the natives laid purposely
in their way; but not caring for the refuse of the island, they returned
to the ships.

Leaving Mayo on the 31st of January, they sailed past the island of St
Jago, whence three pieces of cannon were fired at them, but without
doing any injury. This is a large fine island, inhabited by the
Portuguese; but the mountains are said to be still occupied by Moors,
who fled thither to deliver themselves from slavery, and have fortified
themselves in places of difficult access. Near this island they saw two
ships under sail, one of which they took, and it turned out a valuable
prize, being laden with wine. The admiral detained this ship, which he
committed to the charge of Mr Doughty, and took the Portuguese pilot,
named Nuno da Silva into his service, sending the rest away in his
pinnace, giving them some provisions, a butt of wine, and their apparel.
That same night they came to the island of _Fuego_, or the burning
island. It is inhabited by Portuguese, having a volcano on its northern
side, which is continually throwing out smoke and flames; yet seems to
be reasonably commodious. On the south of Fuego there is a very sweet
and pleasant island, called by the Portuguese _Ilha Brava_, the brave or
fine island. This is cloathed with evergreen trees, and has many streams
of fresh water which run into the sea, and are easily accessible; but it
has no convenient road for ships, the sea being every where too deep for
anchorage. It is alledged that the summit of Fuego is not higher in the
air, than are the roots of Brava low in the sea.

Leaving these islands, and approaching the line, they were sometimes
becalmed for a long time together, and at other times vexed with
tempests. At all times, when the weather would permit, they had plenty
of dolphins, bonitos and flying-fish; several of the last dropping in
their flight on the decks, unable to rise again, because their finny
wings wanted moisture. Taking their departure from the Cape de Verd
islands, they sailed 54 days without seeing land; and at length, on the
5th April, 1578, got sight of the coast of Brazil, in lat. 33° S. The
barbarous people on shore, discovering the ships, began to practice
their accustomed ceremonies to raise a storm for destroying their ships,
making great fires, and offering sacrifices to the devil.[23] The 7th
April they had thunder, lightning, and rain, during which storm they
lost sight of the Christopher, but found her again on the 11th; and the
place where all the ships met together, which had been dispersed in
search of her, was named Cape _Joy_, at which place the ships took in a
supply of fresh water. The country here was pleasant and fertile, with a
sweet and temperate climate; but the only inhabitants seen were some
herds of deer, though some footsteps of men, apparently of great
stature, were noticed on the ground. Having weighed anchor, and sailed a
little farther along the coast, they came to a small and safe harbour,
formed between a rock and the main, the rock breaking the force of the
sea. On this rock they killed some sea-wolves, a species of seals, which
they found wholesome food, though not pleasant.

[Footnote 23: This idea is uncharitable and absurd, as the navigators
could not know any thing of the motives of these fires, and much less
about the alleged sacrifices. The fires might have been friendly
signals, inviting them on shore.--E.]

Going next to lat. 36° S. they sailed up the Rio Plata, and came into 53
and 54 fathoms, fresh water, with which they filled their water casks;
but finding no convenient harbour, went again to sea on the 27th of
April. Sailing still onwards, they came to a good bay, having several
islands, one of which was well stocked with seals and the others with
sea fowl, so that they had no want of provisions, together with plenty
of water. The admiral being ashore on one of these islands, the natives
came about him, dancing and skipping in a friendly manner, and willingly
bartered any thing they had for toys; but they had the strange custom of
refusing to accept of any thing, unless first thrown down on the ground.
They were a comely strong-bodied people, swift of foot, and of lively
dispositions. The Marigold and Christopher were dispatched in search of
a convenient harbour, and soon returned with news of having found one,
into which all the ships removed. Here the seals were so numerous, that
above 200 were killed in about an hour. The natives came boldly about
them, while working ashore, having their faces painted, their only
apparel being a covering of skin with the fur on, wrapped about their
waists, and a kind of wreaths round their heads. Each man had a bow,
about an ell long, and only two arrows. They even seemed to have some
notion of military discipline, as they ranged their men in an orderly
manner; and they gave sufficient proof of their agility, by stealing the
admiral's hat from his head, which could not be recovered.[24] While in
this bay, the admiral took every thing out of the fly-boat that could be
of any use; she was then laid on shore and burnt, and all her iron work
saved for future use.

[Footnote 24: Harris observes, that these were of the nation named
Patagons by Magellan. But no notice is taken of their stature being
above the ordinary height.--E.]

Sailing from this place, the fleet came to anchor in Port St Julian on
the 20th June, where they saw the gibbet still standing, on which
Magellan had formerly executed some of his mutinous company. Here also
Admiral Drake executed one Captain Doughty, the most suspected action of
his life. Mr Doughty had been guilty of certain actions, tending towards
contention or mutiny, and was found guilty partly on his own confession,
and partly by proof, taken in good order and as near as might be
according to the forms of the law of England. Having received the
communion from Mr Fletcher, chaplain of the admiral's ship, in which
Captain Drake participated along with him; and after embracing Drake,
and taking leave of all the company, Mr Doughty prayed fervently for the
welfare of the queen and whole realm, then quietly laid his head on the
block. The general then made a speech to the whole company assembled,
exhorting them to unity and obedience, sacredly protesting that he had
great private affection for Mr Doughty, and had been solely actuated in
condemning him to an ignominious death, by his care for the welfare of
the voyage, the satisfaction of her majesty, and the honour of his
country.

Leaving this place on the 17th August, they fell in with the eastern
entrance of the Straits of Magellan on the 20th of that month. The 21st
they entered the straits, which they found very intricate, with various
crooked turnings; owing to which, having often to shift their course,
the wind was frequently adverse, making their passage troublesome and
dangerous, especially in sudden blasts of wind; for, although there were
several good harbours, the sea was too deep for anchorage, except in
some narrow creeks or inlets, or between rocks. On both sides of the
straits, there are vast mountains covered with snow, their tops reaching
in many places to great heights, having often two or three ranges of
clouds below their summits. The air in the straits was extremely cold,
with almost continual frost and snow; yet the trees and plants retained
a constant verdure, growing and flourishing in spite of the severity of
the climate. At the south and east parts of the straits there are
various islands, through between which the sea breaks in, as at the main
entrance. The breadth of the straits in some places was only a league,
which was the narrowest, but in most places two, and in some three
leagues across. The 24th August, they came to an island in the straits,
where they found vast quantities of penguins, a sort of water fowl, as
large as a goose, but which does not fly, and of which they killed 3000
in less than a day.




SECTION III.

_Incidents of the Voyage, from the Straits of Magellan to New Albion._


The 6th September, they reached the western extremity of the straits,
and entered into the great South Sea or Pacific Ocean. On the 7th, the
fleet encountered a storm, by which they were driven one degree to the
southwards of the straits, and more than 200 leagues in longitude back
from that entrance.[25] They were driven even so far as the lat. of 57°
20' S. where they anchored among the islands, finding good fresh water
and excellent herbs.[26] Not far from thence, they entered another bay,
where they found naked people, ranging about the islands in canoes, in
search of provisions, with whom they had some intercourse by way of
barter. Continuing their course towards the north, they discovered
three islands on the 3d October, in one of which there was an incredible
number of birds. On the 8th October, they lost company of the Elizabeth,
the vice admiral, commanded by Captain Winter. At his return home, they
found that Mr Winter had been forced to take refuge from the storm in
the straits, whence he returned to England, though many of us feared he
and his people had perished.

[Footnote 25: This is a gross error, probably a misprint for 20 leagues
of longitude, as the quantity in the text would have driven them far to
the eastwards of the straits, into the Atlantic, which is impossible,
the whole of Tierra del Fuego being interposed.--E.]

[Footnote 26: This too is erroneous, as Cape Horn, not then known, is
only in lat. 55° 58' 30' S.]

Having now got back to the western entrance of the straits, they made
sail for the coast of Chili, which the general maps represented as
trending N.W. but which they found to the east of N. so that these
coasts had not been fully discovered, or very inaccurately represented,
for the space of 12 degrees at least, either for the purpose to deceive,
or through ignorance. Proceeding northwards along the coast of Chili,
they came to the island of Mocha, in 38° 30' S. latitude, on the 29th
November, where they cast anchor. The admiral went here ashore with ten
men, and found the island inhabited by a people who had fled from the
extreme cruelty of the Spaniards, leaving their original habitations on
the continent, to enjoy their lives and liberties in security. These
people at first behaved civilly to the admiral and his men, bringing
them potatoes and two fat sheep, promising also to bring them water, and
they received some presents in return. Next day, however, when two men
went ashore with barrels for water, the natives suddenly assailed and
killed them. The reason of this outrage was, that they mistook the
English for Spaniards, whom they never spare when they fall into their
hands.

Continuing their course along the coast of Chili, they met an Indian in
a canoe, who mistook them for Spaniards, and told them of a great
Spanish ship at St Jago, laden for Peru. Rewarding him for this
intelligence, the Indian conducted them to where the ship lay at anchor,
in the port of Valparaiso, in lat. 33° 40' S.[27] All the men on board
were only eight Spaniards and three negroes, who, supposing the English
to have been friends, welcomed them with beat of drum, and invited them
on board to drink Chili wine. The English immediately boarded and took
possession; when one of the Spaniards leapt overboard, and swam ashore
to give notice of the coming of the English. On this intelligence, all
the inhabitants of the town, being only about nine families, escaped
into the country. The admiral and his men landed, and rifled the town
and its chapel, from which they took a silver chalice, two cruets, and
an altar cloth. They found also in the town a considerable store of
Chili wine, with many boards of cedar wood, all of which they carried on
board their ships. Then setting all the prisoners on shore, except
one named John Griego, born in Greece, who was detained as a pilot, the
admiral directed his course for Lima, the capital of Peru, under the
guidance of this new pilot.

[Footnote 27: More correctly, 33° 00' 30" S. and long. 71° 38' 30" W.
from Greenwich.--E.]

Being now at sea, they examined the booty in their prize, in which they
found 25,000 pezos of pure gold of Baldivia, amounting to above 37,000
Spanish ducats. Continuing their course for Lima, they put into the
harbour of Coquimbo, in lat. 29° 54' S. where the admiral sent fourteen
men on shore for water. This small company being espied by the
Spaniards, they collected 300 horse and 200 foot, and slew one of the
Englishmen, the rest getting back to the ship. From thence they went to
a port named _Taropaca_ in Peru, in lat 20° 15' S. where landing, a
Spaniard was found asleep on the shore, having eighteen bars of silver
lying beside him, worth about 4000 Spanish ducats, which they carried
away, leaving him to his repose. Going again on shore, not far from
thence, in search of water, they met a Spaniard and an Indian, driving
eight Peruvian sheep, laden with fine silver, each sheep having two
leather bags on his back, in each of which were about fifty pounds
weight. These they carried on board, finding in the whole of these bags
800 pounds weight of silver. From thence they went to _Arica_, in lat.
18° 40' S. in which port they plundered three small barks of fifty-seven
bars of silver, each bar being in shape and size like a brick-bat, and
weighing about twenty pounds. Not having sufficient strength, they did
not assault the town, but put again to sea, where they met another small
bark, laden with linen, part of which was taken out, and the bark
dismissed.

They came to Calao, the port of Lima, in lat. 12° 10' S. on the 13th
February, 1579, where they found twelve ships at anchor, with all their
sails down, without watch or guard, all their masters and merchants
being on shore. On examining the contents of these ships, they found a
chest full of dollars, with great store of silks and linen, and carried
away all the silver, and part of the other goods to their own ships.
Here the admiral got notice of a very rich ship, called the Cacafuego,
which had sailed for Paita, in lat. 5° 10' S. Pursuing her thither, they
learnt, before arriving at Paita, that she had sailed for Panama. In
continuing the pursuit to Panama, they took another, which paid them
well for their trouble; as, besides her ropes and other tackle, she
yielded eighty pounds weight of gold, together with a large golden
crucifix, richly adorned with emeralds.

Continuing to pursue the Cacafuego, the admiral promised to give his
gold chain to the first person who descried the chase, which fell to the
share of Mr John Drake, who first discovered her, one morning about
three o'clock. They came up with her about six, gave her three shots,
which struck down her mizen-mast, and then boarded. They found this ship
fully as rich as she was reported, having thirteen chests full of
dollars, eighty pounds weight of gold, a good quantity of jewels, and
twenty-six tons of silver in bars.[28] Among other rich pieces of plate
found in this ship, there were two very large gilt silver bowls, which
belonged to her pilot. On seeing these, the admiral said to the pilot,
that these were fine bowls, and he must needs have one of them; to which
the pilot yielded, not knowing how to help himself; but, to make this
appear less like compulsion, he gave the other to the admiral's steward.
The place where this rich prize was taken was off Cape San Francisco,
about 150 leagues from Panama, and in lat. 1° N. [00° 45'.] When the
people of the prize were allowed to depart, the pilot's boy told the
admiral, that the English ship ought now to be called the _Cacafuego_,
not theirs, as it had got all their rich loading, and that their
unfortunate ship ought now to be called the _Cacaplata_, which jest
excited much mirth.[29]

[Footnote 28: Without calculating on the jewels, for which there are no
data, the silver and gold of this prize could hardly fall short of
250,000_l_--worth more than a million, in effective value, of the present
day.--E.]

[Footnote 29: This forecastle joke turns on the meaning of the words,
Cacafuego and Cacaplata, meaning Fartfire and Fartsilver.--_Harris_.]

Having ransacked the Cacafuego of every thing worth taking, she was
allowed to depart; and continuing their course westwards, they next met
a ship laden with cotton goods, China dishes, and China silks. Taking
from the Spanish owner a falcon of massy gold, having a large emerald
set in his breast, and chasing such other wares as he liked, the admiral
allowed this ship to continue her voyage, only detaining her pilot for
his own use. This pilot brought them to the harbour of Guatalca, in the
town adjacent to which, he said, there were only seventeen Spaniards.
Going there on shore, they marched directly to the town-house, where
they found a judge sitting, and ready to pass sentence on a parcel of
negroes, who were accused of plotting to set the town on fire. But the
arrival of the admiral changed affairs, for he made both the judge and
the criminals prisoners, and carried them all aboard the ships. He then
made the judge write to the citizens, to keep at a distance, and make no
resistance; after which the town was plundered, but the only thing
valuable was about a bushel of Spanish dollars, or rials of plate. One
of the people took a rich Spaniard fleeing out of town, who ransomed
himself by giving up a gold chain and some jewels. At this place the
admiral set some of his Spanish prisoners ashore, together with the old
Portuguese pilot he took at the Cape Verd islands, and departed from
thence for the island of Cano. While there, he captured a Spanish ship
bound for the Philippine islands, which he lightened of part of her
merchandise, and allowed her to proceed. At this place the admiral
landed every thing out of his own ship, and then laid her on shore,
where she was repaired and graved; after which they laid in a supply of
wood and water.

Thinking he had in some measure revenged the public injuries of his
country upon the Spaniards, as well as his own private losses, the
admiral began to deliberate about returning home; but was in some
hesitation as to the course he ought to steer. To return by the Straits
of Magellan, the only passage yet discovered, he concluded would throw
himself into the hands of the Spaniards, who would probably there waylay
him with a greatly superior force, having now only one ship left, which
was by no means strong, though very rich.[30] He therefore, on maturely
weighing all circumstances, determined to proceed by way of the
Moluccas, and following the course of the Portuguese, to get home by the
Cape of Good Hope. Endeavouring to put this design in execution, but
being becalmed, he found it necessary to steer more northwardly along
the coast of America, in order to get a wind; in which view he sailed at
least 600 leagues, which was all the way he was able to make between the
16th of April and the 3d June.

[Footnote 30: We have no account of the loss of any of the squadron,
except that the Elizabeth was lost sight of after passing the Straits of
Magellan. Perhaps the other vessels had been destroyed, to reinforce the
crew of the Hind, weakened by the diseases incident to long
voyages.--E.]

On the 5th June, being in lat. 43° N. they found the air excessively
cold, and the severity of the weather almost intolerable; for which
reason they returned along the coast to the southward, till in lat. 38°
N. where they found a very good bay, which they entered with a
favourable wind.[31] The English had here a good deal of intercourse
with the natives, whose huts were scattered along the shores of this
bay. These people brought presents of leathers and net-work to the
admiral, who entertained them with so much kindness, that they were
infinitely pleased. Though the country is very cold, the natives
contrive to erect their houses in a very ingenious manner to defend
themselves from the severity of the weather. Surrounding them by a deep
trench, they raise great pieces of timber on its outer edge, which close
all in a point at the top, like the spire of a steeple. Their fire is in
the middle of this conical hut, and they sleep on the ground strewed
with rushes, around the fire. The men go naked, but the women wear a
kind of petticoat of bull-rushes, dressed in the manner of hemp, which
is fastened round their waists, and reaches down to their hips; having
likewise a deer-skin on their shoulders. The good qualities of these
women make amends for their ordinary dress and figure, as they are very
dutiful to their husbands.

[Footnote 31: This bay of Sir Francis Drake, on the western coast of
North America, is nearly in lat 58° N. as stated in the text, and long.
122° 15' W. from Greenwich. It is now named by the Spaniards, the Bay of
San Francisco in California, on the southern side of which they have a
mission of the same name--E.]

Soon after his arrival, the admiral received a present from the natives
of feathers and bags of tobacco, which was given in much form by a
numerous concourse of the Indians. These convened on the top of a hill
or rising ground, whence one of their number harangued the admiral,
whose tent was pitched at the bottom of the hill. When this speech was
ended, they all laid down their weapons on the summit of the hill,
whence they descended and offered their presents, at the same time
civilly returning those which the admiral had before given them. All
this time the native women remained on the top of the hill, where they
seemed as if possessed, tearing their hair, and howling in a most savage
manner. This is the ordinary music of their sacrifices, something of
that nature being then solemnizing. While the women above were thus
serving the devil, the men below were better employed, in listening
attentively to divine service, then performing in the admiral's tent
These circumstances, though trivial in themselves, are important in
ascertaining the first discovery of California by the English.

News of the arrival of the English having spread about the country, two
ambassadors came to the admiral, to inform him that the king was coming
to wait upon him, and desired to have a token of peace, and assurance of
safe conduct. This being given to their satisfaction, the whole train
began to move towards the admiral, in good order, and with a graceful
deportment. In front came a very comely person, bearing the sceptre
before the king, on which hung two crowns, and two chains of great
length. The crowns were made of net-work, ingeniously interwoven with
feathers of many colours, and the chains were made of bones. Next to the
sceptre-bearer came the king, a very comely personage, shewing an air of
majesty in all. This deportment, surrounded by a guard of tall
martial-looking men, all clad in skins. Then followed the common people,
who, to make the finer appearance, had painted their faces, some black,
and some of other colours. All of them had their arms full of presents,
even the children not excepted.

The admiral drew up all his men in line of battle, and stood ready to
receive them within his fortifications. At some distance from him, the
whole train of natives made a halt, all preserving the most profound
silence, except the sceptre-bearer, who made a speech of half an hour.
He then, from an orator, became a dancing-master, and struck up a song,
being joined in both by the king, lords, and common people, who came all
singing and dancing up to the fences which the admiral had thrown up.
The natives then all sat down; and, after some preliminary compliments,
the king made a solemn offer of his whole kingdom and its dependencies
to the admiral, desiring him to assume the sovereignty, and professing
himself his most loyal subject; and, that this might not seem mere empty
compliment, he took off his illustrious crown of feathers from his own
head, with the consent and approbation of all his nobles there present,
and placing it on the head of the admiral, invested him with all the
other ensigns of royalty, constituting the admiral, as far as in him
lay, king of the whole country. The admiral, as her majesty's
representative, accepted of this new-offered dignity in her name and
behalf; as from this donation, whether made in jest or earnest, it was
probable that some real advantage might redound hereafter to the English
nation in these parts. After this ceremony, the common people dispersed
themselves about the English encampment, expressing their admiration and
respect for the English in a most violent and even profane manner, even
offering sacrifices to them, as in the most profound devotion, till they
were repressed by force, with strong expressions of abhorrence, and
directed to pay their adorations to the supreme Creator and Preserver of
all things, whom only they ought to honour with religious worship.[32]

[Footnote 32: The whole of this story, of a king and his nobles, and the
investiture of Drake in the sovereignty of California, which he named
New Albion, is so completely absurd as not to merit serious
observation.--E.]

After this ceremony, the admiral and some of his people penetrated to
some distance into the interior country, which they found to be
extremely full of large fat deer, often seeing about a thousand in one
herd. There were also such immense numbers of rabbits, that the whole
country seemed one vast warren. These rabbits were of the size of those
of Barbary, having heads like our own rabbits in England, with feet like
those of a mole, and long tails like rats. Under the chin on each side,
they have a bag or pouch in the skin, into which they store up any food
they get abroad, which they there preserve for future use. Their flesh
is much valued by the natives, and their skins are made into robes for
the king and nobles. This country seemed to promise rich veins of gold
and silver; as wherever they had occasion to dig, they threw up some of
the ores of these metals.[33] Partly in honour of England, and partly
owing to the prospect of white cliffs which this country presented from
the sea, the admiral named this region New Albion. Before his departure,
he erected a monument, on which was a large plate, engraven with the
name, picture, and arms of queen Elizabeth, the title of her majesty to
the sovereignty of the country, the time of its discovery, and Drake's
own name. In this country the Spaniards had never had the smallest
footing, neither had they discovered this coast of America, even for
several degrees to the southwards of New Albion.

[Footnote 33: This surely is a gross falsehood, as even the Spaniards,
so much experienced in mines of the precious metals, have found none in
California, though possessing missions among its rude and scanty
population in every corner, even in this very spot.--E.]




SECTION IV.


_Continuation of the Voyage, from New Albion to England._


Sailing from this port of New Albion, [now called by the Spaniards the
Bay of San Francisco,] they had no sight of land till the 13th October,
1579, when, in the morning of that day, they fell in with certain
islands in lat. 8° N.[34] They here met many canoes, laden with
cocoa-nuts and other fruits. These canoes were very artificially
hollowed, and were smooth and shining, like polished horn. Their prows
and sterns were all turned circularly inwards; and on each side there
lay out two pieces of timber, or out-riggers, a yard and a half long,
more or less, according the size of the canoes. They were of
considerable height in the gunwales; and their insides were ornamented
with white shells. The islanders in these canoes had large holes in the
lower parts of their ears, which reached down a considerable way, by the
weight of certain ornaments. Their teeth were as black as jet,
occasioned by chewing a certain herb with a sort of powder, which they
always carry with them for that purpose.[35]

[Footnote 34: These probably were some of the Caralines, being in the
direct route from Port Sir Francis Drake to the Moluccas.--E.]

[Footnote 35: Areka nut and betel leaf, with pounded shell-lime.--E.]

The 18th October they came to other islands, some of which appeared to
be very populous, and continued their course past the islands of
_Tagulada, Zelon,_ and _Zewarra._ The first of these produces great
store of cinnamon; and the inhabitants are in friendship with the
Portuguese. Without making any stop at these islands, the admiral
continued his course, and fell in with the Moluccas on the 14th
November. Intending to steer for Tidore, and coasting along the island
of Motir, which belongs to the king of Ternate, they met the viceroy of
that king, who came fearlessly on board the admiral's ship. He advised
the admiral by no means to prosecute his voyage to Tidore, but to sail
directly for Ternate, as the king, his master, was a great enemy to the
Portuguese, and would have no intercourse with him, if at all connected
with Tidore or the Portuguese. Upon this, the admiral resolved on going
to Tidore, and came to anchor before the town early next morning.

He immediately sent a messenger to the king, with a present of a velvet
cloak, and to assure him that his only purpose in coming to his island
was to trade in a friendly manner. By this time the viceroy had been to
the king, whom he had disposed to entertain a favourable opinion of the
English, so that the king returned a very civil and obliging answer,
assuring the admiral that a friendly intercourse with the English was
highly pleasing to him, his whole kingdom, and all that it contained,
being at his service; and that he was ready to lay himself and his
dominions at the feet of the glorious queen of England, and to
acknowledge her as his sovereign. In token of all this, he sent his
signet to the admiral, delivering it with much respect to the messenger,
who was treated with great pomp and ceremony at court.

Having a mind to visit the admiral on board ship, the king sent before
hand four large canoes, filled with his most dignified attendants, all
in white dresses, and having large awnings of perfumed mats borne over
their heads on a frame of canes or bamboos. They were surrounded by
servants, all in white; outside of whom were ranks of soldiers, and
beyond them were many rowers in well-contrived galleries, three of these
on each side all along the canoes, raised one above the other, each
gallery containing eighty rowers.[36] These canoes were well furnished
with warlike implements and all kind of weapons, both offensive and
defensive, and were filled with soldiers well appointed for war. Bowing
near the ship in great order, they paid their reverence to the admiral,
saying that their king had sent them to conduct his ship into a safer
road than that it now occupied.

[Footnote 36: This surely is a great exaggeration, employing 480 rowers
to each canoe.--E.]

The king himself came soon afterwards, attended upon by six grave and
ancient persons. He seemed much delighted with English music, and still
more with English generosity, which the admiral expressed in large
presents to him and his attendants. The king promised to come aboard
again next day, and that same night sent off great store of provisions,
as rice, poultry, sugar, cloves, a sort of fruit called _Frigo_, and
_Sago_, which is a meal made out of the tops of trees, melting in the
mouth like sugar, and tasting like sour curds, but when made into cakes
will keep fit for eating at the end of ten years. The king did not come
on board next day, according to promise, but sent his brother to excuse
him, and: to invite the admiral on shore, while he remained as a pledge
for his safe return. The admiral declined going ashore himself, but sent
some gentlemen of his retinue along with the king's brother, detaining
the viceroy till their return.

They were received on shore by another of the king's brothers with
several nobles, and conducted in great state to the castle, where there
was a court of at least a thousand persons, the principal of whom were
sixty grave counsellors, and four Turkish envoys dressed in scarlet
robes and turbans, who were there to negociate trade between the Turkish
empire and Ternate. The king came in under a glorious canopy,
embroidered with gold, and guarded by twelve men armed with lances. He
was dressed in a loose robe of cloth of gold, having his legs bare, but
with leather shoes or slippers on his feet. Several circular ornaments
of gold were braided among his hair, a large chain of gold hung from his
neck, and his fingers were adorned with rich jewels. A page stood at the
right-hand side of his chair of state, blowing cool air upon him with a
fan, two feet long and a foot broad, curiously embroidered, and enriched
with sapphires. The English gentlemen were kindly received; and, having
heard their message, he sent one of his counsellors to conduct them back
to the ships. The king of Ternate is a prince of great power, having
seventy islands under his authority, besides Ternate, which is the best
of the Molucca islands. His religion, and that of all his subjects, is
Mahometism, in obedience to which they keep the new moons and many
fasts, during which they mortify the flesh all the day, but make up for
their abstemiousness by feasting in the night.

Having dispatched all his affairs at Ternate, the admiral left the
place, and sailed to a small island to the southwards of Celebes, where
he remained twenty-six days. This island is all covered with wood, the
trees being of large size, tall, straight, and without boughs, except at
the top, the leaves resembling our English broom. There were here vast
numbers of shining flies, no bigger than our common flies in England,
which, skimming at night among the trees and bushes, made them appear as
if all on fire. The bats in this island were as large as our ordinary
poultry, and there was a sort of land cray-fish, which burrowed in the
ground like rabbits, being so large that one of them was a sufficient
meal for four persons.

Setting sail from thence, and being unable to proceed westwards on
account of the wind, the course was altered to the southwards, yet with
much danger, by reason of the shoals which lie thick among these
islands. Of this they had most dangerous and almost fatal experience on
the 9th January, 1580, by running upon a rock, on which they stuck fast
from eight at night till four in the afternoon of next day. In this
distress, the ship was lightened by landing three tons of cloves, eight
pieces of ordnance, and some provisions on the rock; soon after which,
by the wind chopping round, they happily got off.

On the 18th of February, they fell in with the fruitful island of
_Baratene_,[37] having in the mean time suffered much from cross winds
and dangerous shoals. They met with a friendly reception from the people
of this island, who were handsomely proportioned, and just in all their
dealings. The men wore no cloathing, except a slight covering round
their middles, but the women were covered from the waist to the feet,
having likewise many large heavy bracelets of bone, horn, or brass, on
their arms, the smallest weighing two ounces, and having eight or ten of
these on at once. This island affords gold, silver, copper, sulphur,
nutmegs, ginger, long-pepper, lemons, cocoas, frigo, sago, and other
commodities, and linen was found to be in much request by the natives,
as of it they make girdles and rolls for wearing on their heads. Among
the productions of this island, there was a particular sort of fruit,
resembling barberries in size, form, and husk, very hard, yet of a
pleasant taste, and becoming soft and easy of digestion when boiled. In
short, they met with no place in the whole voyage that yielded greater
abundance of every comfort than this island, excepting Ternate.

[Footnote 37: No circumstance in the text serves to indicate what island
is here meant, except that it appears to have been to the eastward of
Java.--E.]

Leaving Baratene, they sailed to Java Major, where also they were
courteously and honourably entertained. This island was ruled over by
six kings, who lived in entire peace and amity with each other, and they
once had four of them on board at one time, and very often two or three
together.[38]

[Footnote 38: The names of the kings or princes of Java, when Sir
Francis Drake was there, were Rajah Donaw, R. Rabacapala, R. Bacabatra,
R. Tymbanton, R. Mawgbange, and R, Patemara.--_Hakluyt_.]

The Javans are a stout and warlike people, well armed with swords,
targets, and daggers, all of their own manufacture, and are very curious
and ingenious, both in the fashion of their weapons, and in giving them
an excellent temper. They wear turbans on their heads, the upper parts
of their bodies being naked; but, from the waist downwards, they have a
pintado, or a silken wrapper, trailing on the ground. They manage their
women quite differently from the Moluccans; for, while these will hardly
let them be seen by a stranger, the Javans will very civilly offer a
female bedfellow to a traveller. Besides being thus civil and hospitable
to strangers, they are good humoured and sociable among themselves; for
in every village they have a public-house, where the inhabitants meet
together, each bringing their shares of provisions, and joining the
whole in one social feast for the keeping up of good fellowship.

The Javans have a peculiar mode of boiling rice. It is put into an
earthen pot of a conical form, open at the large end, and perforated all
over with small holes, which is placed within a larger earthen pot full
of boiling water. The rice swells and fills the holes of the inner pot,
so that very little water gets in, and by this mode of boiling the rice
is brought to a firm consistency, and cakes into a sort of bread, of
which, with butter or oil, sugar, and spices, they make several very
pleasant dishes. The lues venerea prevails among the inhabitants of this
island; but, instead of expelling the poison by salivation, they drive
it out by perspiration, sitting for this purpose in the sun for some
hours, by which the pores are opened, giving free vent to the noxious
particles of the disease.

While in Java, the following words in the native language were taken
notice of, and are recorded by Hukluyt.

   Sabuck,  silk.             Gula,    black sugar.
   Sagu,    bread.            Tadon,   a woman.
   Larnike, drink.            Bebeck,  a duck.
   Paree,   rice in the husk. Aniange, a deer.
   Braas,   boiled rice.      Popran,  ointment.
   Calapa,  cocoa nuts.       Coar,    the head.
   Cricke,  a dagger.         Endam,   rain.
   Catcha,  a mirror.         Jonge,   a ship.
   Arbo,    an ox.            Chay,    the sea.
   Vados,   a goat.           Sapelo,  ten.
   Gardunge, a plantain.      Dopolo,    twenty.
   Hiam,     a hen.           Treda      no.
   Seuit,    linen.           Lau,       understand you?
   Doduck,   blue cloth.      Bayer,     go!
   Totoppo,  a cap.           Adadizano, I will fetch it.
   Cabo,     gold.            Suda,      enough.

Having news of some great ships being at no great distance, and not
knowing whether they might prove friends or enemies, the admiral set
sail from Java, sailing directly for the Cape of Good Hope, which was
the first land he fell in with; neither did he touch at any, till he
arrived at Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea. He passed the cape on
the 18th June, 1580, and by the facility of the navigation round that
southern promontory of Africa, found how much the Portuguese had imposed
upon the world by false representations of its horrors and dangers. He
arrived at Sierra Leona on the 22d July, where were elephants, and
abundance of oysters fastened on the twigs of trees, hanging down into
the water, where they grow and multiply. With these, and lemons, with
which they were abundantly supplied, his people were much refreshed.

After two days stay at that place, taking in a supply of wood and water,
and procuring refreshments, they sailed from thence on the 24th July.
Next day, they were in lat. 25° 30' N. under the tropic of Cancer, fifty
leagues from land. Being completely supplied with all necessaries, they
continued their voyage, without stopping any where, and arrived at
Plymouth on Monday the 26th of September, 1580, having been absent two
years, nine months, and thirteen days. By their reckoning, the day of
their arrival was only Sunday the 25th, as in going completely round the
world in the same course with the sun, that luminary had risen once
seldomer to them than to those who remained stationary, so that they had
lost a day in their computation.

SECTION V.

_Reception of Sir Francis Drake in England, and same Notices of his
remaining Actions_.

The fame of his return from this wonderful voyage round the world soon
spread over England, and all strove to express their sense of the
worthiness of Captain Drake, by praises and other testimonies of regard.
Several collections were made of poems, epigrams, and songs, celebrating
him and his ship in the highest strains. Yet, in the midst of almost
universal applause, some endeavoured to censure his conduct, and to
place this great exploit in a wrong light. These persons alleged, that
his circumnavigation of the globe served only to amuse the minds of the
vulgar, while the main purpose of the voyage had been plunder, of which
they pretended he had acquired sufficient to exempt the nation from
taxes for seven years. They also set forth, as war had not been
proclaimed against Spain, that it was dangerous to own such an
adventurer, lest the nation might be made to pay dearly for his prizes:
For, as the merchants had great effects in Spain, their goods might
possibly be seized to make good his depredations.

The Spanish ambassador also assailed him with very warm memorials,
styling him the Master Thief of the Unknown World. The friends and
patrons of Drake, finding themselves wounded through his sides, took all
manner of pains to vindicate his conduct, alleging that he had the
queen's commission and authority to justify him in making reprisals;
that by so much wealth as he had brought home the nation would be
enriched; that the Spaniards had already done us much injury; and, if
the king of Spain were disposed to seize the effects of our merchants,
the public ought to receive this treasure as an equivalent; which, were
it returned, would break the spirit of our brave tars, who otherwise
were more likely to humble the pride of the Spaniards.

In the mean time, matters remained long in suspense, during which Drake
must have suffered considerable anxiety, lest, after all his toils
abroad, he might be deemed a pirate at home. The queen long delayed to
declare her sentiments, perhaps wishing to see what effects her conduct
might have with the court of Spain, which was probably withheld from
precipitating hostilities, by the hope of being able to recover this
great treasure. To keep up this hope, she artfully consented to part
with some small sums to Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador. At length,
matters coming to a crisis, she threw off the veil, and giving notice to
Captain Drake of her intentions, she visited him on the 4th April, 1581,
on board his ship, then at Deptford, where she was magnificently
entertained; and, after dinner, she was graciously pleased to confer the
honour of knighthood on Captain Drake, telling him that his actions did
him more honour than the title she had conferred. A prodigious crowd
attended the queen on this occasion, so that the bridge laid from the
ship to the shore broke down with their weight, and more than 200
persons fell into the Thames, yet no one was drowned, or even materially
hurt. After this public approbation from the sovereign, all ranks of
people redoubled their congratulations, and henceforward the reputation
of Sir Francis Drake continually increased, so that he became a kind of
oracle in maritime affairs, both to the nation and the court.--Here,
strictly speaking, we ought to conclude our account of this illustrious
navigator; yet it may not be amiss to give a short sketch of his
succeeding actions.

The war with Spain still continuing, he went out in 1585, general by sea
and land, of an expedition to the West Indies, where he took the cities
of St Jago, St Domingo, and Carthagena, and the fort and town of St
Augustine; returning from this expedition with great glory and
advantage, the profits amounting to £60,000, after defraying all
charges, of which £20,000 were divided among the seamen, and £40,000
came clear to the undertakers or adventurers. In 1587, he had the
command of another fleet, with which he sailed to the bay of Cadiz, and
thence to the Tagus, where he destroyed 10,000 tons of shipping, which
the king of Spain had collected for the purpose of invading England. He
likewise brought home the St Philip, a very rich prize, said by the
writers of these times to have been the first carack ever taken and
brought home to England.

In the glorious year 1588, by commission from the queen, Sir Francis
Drake was appointed vice-admiral of the fleet of England, then fitted
out for opposing the _invincible_ Spanish Armada. In this arduous
service, on which the independence and existence of England depended, he
performed even more than his former actions gave reason to expect. In
the very beginning of the fight, he captured two very large ships of
war, one commanded by the Spanish vice-admiral Oquendas, and the other
by Don Pedro de Valdez. This latter officer defended his ship with great
gallantry for a long time; and at length, on surrendering, and
delivering his sword to Sir Francis, he addressed him to the following
effect: "That they had all resolved to have died fighting, if they had
not fallen into his hands, whose valour and fortune were so great, that
Mars and Neptune seemed to aid him in all his enterprises." To requite
these Spanish compliments with solid English kindness, Sir Francis
lodged Don Valdez in his own cabin, and entertained him at his table.
Drake's crew were recompensed by the plunder of the Spanish ship, in
which were found 55,000 ducats in gold, which they joyfully shared. Sir
Francis performed many other signal services on this memorable occasion
against the Armada, and particularly distinguished himself by advising
the employment of fire-ships, which some have alleged he then invented.

He was next year admiral of a great fleet, sent to Portugal for the
purpose of restoring Don Antonio to the throne of that kingdom. This
expedition, though it did not succeed in its grand object, occasioned
considerable damage to Spain, on which it retorted the compliment of an
invasion, and by which it was rendered unable to repeat another attempt
of the same nature. On the whole, therefore, Sir Francis spoiled no less
than three Spanish invasions. In 1595, he went upon another conjunct
expedition against the Spanish West Indies, in which he performed signal
services; but aiming at still greater, and being unsuccessful, he died
in the harbour of Porto Bello, on the 28th of January, 1596, as is said,
of a broken heart, occasioned by his disappointment. His body, being put
into a leaden coffin, was committed to the deep, under a general
discharge of all the artillery of the fleet. In his person, though of
low stature, Sir Francis Drake was well made, with a fresh and fair
complexion, having large lively eyes, light-brown hair, and an open
cheerful countenance. He was naturally eloquent, gracefully expressing
what he clearly conceived. He was thoroughly versant, not only in the
practical part of his profession, but in all the sciences connected with
it, being able to discharge all the offices necessary in a ship as
occasion required, even that of the surgeon. In his conduct as a naval
commander he was skilful and valiant, just to his owners, kind to his
seamen, loyal to his sovereign, and merciful to his enemies after
victory. His many glorious exploits justly entitle him to high fame; and
he died, at fifty-five, in the ardent pursuit of glory, in the cause of
his queen and country.

       *       *       *       *       *

The fame of this Voyage round the World, with the wealth brought home by
Sir Francis Drake, and the desire of rivalling him in riches and
reputation, inspired numbers of young men of all ranks with the
inclination of trying their fortunes at sea. Men of rank and fortune
fitted out ships at their own expence, manning them with their
dependants. Others, in lower situations, hazarded their persons as
subaltern officers in these ships, or in men-of-war belonging to the
queen. This spirit grew to such a height, that honest John Stowe informs
us that there were many youths, from eighteen to twenty years of age,
towards the close of Queen Elizabeth's reign, who were capable of taking
charge of any ship, and navigating to most parts of the world.

So alarmed were the Spaniards by the courage and conduct of Sir Francis,
and his maritime skill, that they ordered that no draughts or discourses
should be published of their discoveries in America, lest they might
fall into his hands. What most surprised them was, that he should find
his way so easily through the Straits of Magellan, which they had
hitherto been unable to perform. They therefore resolved immediately to
have these straits completely explored and discovered, by means of ships
fitted out in Peru. For this purpose, Don Pedro Sarmiento, who was
thought the best seaman in the Spanish service, was sent from Lima, and
actually passed from the South Sea into the Atlantic, and thence to
Spain. He there proposed to plant a colony in the straits, and to
fortify them in such a manner as might prevent all other nations from
passing through them. This project was so well relished by Philip II
that a fleet of twenty-three ships was fitted out, with 3,500 men, under
the command of Don Diego Floris de Valdez; and Sarmiento, with 500
veterans, was appointed to form a settlement in the straits.

This fleet was extremely unfortunate, insomuch that it was between two
and three years before Sarmiento arrived with his people in the straits
of Magellan. On the north side, and near the eastern entrance, he built
a town and fort, which he named Nombre de Jesus, and in which he left a
garrison of 150 men. Fifteen leagues farther on, at the narrowest part
of the straits, and in lat. 53° 18' S.[39] he established his principal
settlement, which he named _Ciudad del Rey Felippe_, or the City of King
Philip. This was a regularly fortified square fortress, having four
bastions; and is said to have been in all respects one of the
best-contrived settlements ever made by the Spaniards in America. At
this place Sarmiento left a garrison of 400 men and thirty women, with
provisions for eight months, and then returned into the Atlantic. These
transactions took place in the years 1584, 5, and 6. Sarmiento, after
several fruitless attempts to succour and relieve his colony, was taken
by an English vessel, and sent prisoner to London.

[Footnote 39: The Narrows of the Hope are eighteen leagues of Castile,
or about forty-eight English miles from Cape Virgin, the northern cape
at the eastern mouth of the straits, in lat. 52° 5' S. long. 69° W. from
Greenwich.--E.]

The Spanish garrison, having consumed all their provisions, died mostly
of hunger, perhaps aided by the scurvy, in their new city. Twenty-three
men quitted it, endeavouring to find their way by land to the Spanish
settlements, but are supposed to have all perished by the way, as they
were never more heard of. Sarmiento fell into discredit with the king of
Spain, for deceiving him as to the breadth of the straits, which he
asserted did not exceed a mile over; whereas the king was certainly
informed that they were a league broad, and therefore incapable of being
shut up by any fortifications. However this may be, even supposing the
report of Sarmiento true, and that his fortress could have commanded the
straits, even this could have proved of little or no service to Spain,
as another passage into the South Sea was discovered soon afterwards,
without the necessity of going near these straits.


SECTION VI.

_First Supplement to the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake; being on Account
of Part of the foregoing Navigation, by Nuno da Silva_.[40]

Nuna da Silva, born in Oporto, a citizen and inhabitant of Guaia, saith,
that on the 19th January, 1578, while at anchor with his ship in the
harbour of St Jago, one of the Cape de Verd islands, he was made
prisoner by the admiral of six English ships, and detained because
discovered to be a pilot for the coast of Brazil. Setting sail,
therefore, with the said admiral from Brava, they held their course for
the land of Brazil, which they descried on the first April, being in the
latitude of 30° S. whence they held on their course for the Rio Plata,
where they provided themselves with fresh water.

[Footnote 40: Hakluyt, IV. 246.--This narrative was written by Nuno da
Silva, the Portuguese pilot who accompanied Sir Francis Drake from the
Cape Verd islands to Guatalco on the western coast of New Spain, and was
sent from the city of Mexico to the viceroy of Portuguese India, in
1579.--E.]

From thence they proceeded to the latitude of 39° S. where they
anchored. They here left two of their ships behind them, and continued
on with four only, that which had formerly belonged to Nuno being one of
these. They next came into a bay, in lat. 49° S. called _Bahia de las
Ilhas_, or the Bay of Islands, where Magellan is said to have wintered
with his ships, when he went to discover the straits which now bear his
name. They entered this bay on the 20th June, and anchored within
musket-shot of the shore. They here found Indians cloathed in skins,
their legs downwards from the knees, and their arms below the elbows,
being naked. These Indians were a subtle, great, and well-formed race,
strong, and tall in stature, being armed with bows and arrows. Six of
the English going here on shore to fetch water, four of the Indians came
into their boat before they landed, to whom the Englishmen gave bread
and wine; after eating and drinking of which heartily they went on
shore, and when at some distance, one of them cried to them, and said,
_Magallanes! este he minha terra_; that is, Magellan, this is my
country. Being followed by the sailors, they slew two of them with their
arrows; one of whom was an Englishman, and the other a Hollander; on
which the others made their escape to the boat, and put off from the
shore.

Leaving this place on the 17th of August, they came to the mouth of the
straits on the 21st or 22d, but did not enter them till the 24th, owing
to the wind being contrary. The entry into the straits is about a league
in breadth, both sides being naked flat land. Some Indians were seen on
the north side, making great fires; but none appeared on the south side
of the straits. This strait is about 110 leagues long, and a league in
breadth; and for about half-way through, is straight and without
turnings; from thence, to about eight or ten leagues from the farther
end, it has some capes and turnings, at one of which there is a great
cape or head-land, which seems as if it went down to join the southern
land; and here the passage is less than a league across, after which it
again runs straight. Although there are thus some crooks and turnings,
none of them are of any importance, or any dangerous obstacle. The
western issue of these straits, about eight or ten leagues before coming
out, begins to grow broader, and is then all high-land on both sides to
the end; as likewise all the way, after getting eight leagues in from
the eastern entrance, the shores along these first eight leagues being
low. In the entry to the straits, we found the stream to run from the
South Sea to the North Sea, or Atlantic.

After beginning to sail into the straits, with the wind at E.N.E. they
passed along without let or hindrance either of wind or weather, and
because the land on both sides was high, and covered with snow, the
whole navigation being fair and clear of shoals or rocks, they held
their course the whole way within musket-shot of the north-side, having
always nine or ten fathoms water on good ground; so that everywhere
there was anchorage if need were. The hills on both sides were covered
with trees, which in some places reached to the edge of the sea, where
there were plains and flat lands. They saw not any large rivers, but
some small brooks or streams that issued from rifts or clefts of the
land. In the country beside the great cape and bending of the strait,
some Indians were seen on the south side, fishing in their skiffs or
canoes, being similar to those formerly seen on the north side at the
entrance into the straits; and these were the only natives seen on the
south side during the whole passage.

Being out of the straits on the eastern side on the 6th of September,
they held their course N.W. for three days, and on the third day they
had a storm at N.E. which drove them W.S.W. for ten or twelve days with
few sails up; after which, the storm increasing, they took in all their
sails, and drove under bare poles till the 30th September. Having lost
sight of one of their ships, of about 100 tons, and the wind growing
more moderate, they hoisted sail, holding their course N.E. for seven
days, at the end of which they came in sight of certain islands, for
which they steered, meaning to have anchored among them, but the weather
would not permit; and the wind coming N.W. they made sail to the W.S.W.
Next day they lost sight of another ship, in very foul weather; so that
the admiral was now left alone, as my ship had been left in the bay
where they remained some time before entering the straits. With this new
storm of adverse wind, they had to proceed southwards, till they came
into the latitude of 57° S. where they entered a bay in an island, and
anchored in twenty fathoms, about a cannon-shot from the shore. After
remaining here three or four days, the wind changed to the south, and
they again made sail to the northwards for two days, when a small
uninhabited island was descried, where they procured many birds and
seals.

Next day they again proceeded, holding their course N. and N.N.E. and
came to the island of Mocha, in 38° 30 S. five or six leagues from the
main, where they anchored in twelve fathoms, a quarter of a league from
the shore. This island is small and low land, all full of Indians. Here
the admiral and twelve Englishmen landed, on purpose to seek fresh water
and provisions, and bought two sheep in exchange of other things from
the Indians, together with a little maize, and some roots of which the
Indians make bread; and being now late, went on board ship for the
night. Next day the admiral again landed with twelve men armed with
muskets, and sent two men with vessels to fetch water. Some Indians lay
in ambush at the watering-place, who suddenly fell upon the two
Englishmen, and made them prisoners; which being perceived by the
admiral and those with him, they advanced to rescue their companions,
but were so sore assailed by stones and arrows, that all or most of them
were hurt, the admiral receiving two wounds from arrows, one in his face
and the other on his head; so that they were compelled to retreat to
their boat, without hurting any of the Indians, who were so bold as even
to carry away four of their oars.

They sailed from hence along the coast to the northwards, with a
southern wind, for six days, passing the harbour of St Jago, and put
into another haven, where they took an Indian, who was fishing in a
canoe, giving him some linen, knives, and other trifles. Not long after
there came another Indian to the ship, whose name was Felippe, and who
spoke Spanish. He gave notice to the English admiral of a certain ship
being in the harbour of St Jago, which they had overpassed six leagues.
So, taking this Indian as their guide, they went back to St Jago, where
they took the said ship, in which were 1770 _botijas_, or Spanish pots,
full of wine, besides other commodities. They then landed, and took a
quantity of sacks of meal, and whatever else they could find, taking
also the ornaments and relics from the church. They departed then from
thence, taking with them the captured ship, with two of her men, running
along the coast till they came to the latitude of between 30° and 31° S.
where they had appointed to meet, in case of separation. They here
anchored right over against a river, whence they filled six butts of
fresh water, having twelve armed men on land to defend those who filled
the casks. While busied in this work, they saw a company of armed men
coming towards them, half Spaniards and half Indians, being about 250
horse and as many foot, on which they made all haste to get into their
boat, escaping with the loss of one man.

They set sail again that same night, going about ten leagues farther
along the coast, where they took in some more fresh water, but were soon
obliged to quit this place also, by the appearance of some horsemen.
Proceeding thirty leagues farther along the coast, still to the
northwards, they went into a bay or haven, in a desert or uninhabited
place, but seeing some persons daily on the shore, they did not venture
to land. At this place, the English put together the pieces of a small
pinnace, which they had brought ready framed with them from England.
Having launched this pinnace, the English captain went into her with
fifteen men, accompanied by John the Greek, who was chief boatswain,
being master of the ship formerly taken in the harbour of St Jago. At
this time they went to look for the two vessels they had parted from
formerly in a storm, and also in hopes of being able to procure fresh
water; but seeing always persons on shore, they durst not land, and
returned again to the ship without hearing of their other ships. They
now took all the ordnance out of their ship, and new dressed and rigged
her; after which, arming the pinnace with a small piece of ordnance,
they resumed their course to the northwards.

Having sailed thirteen days, they came to an island about the shot of a
culverin from the main, where four fishermen told them of fresh water on
the main; but understanding it was but scanty, and somewhat distant from
the shore, they continued their course. Next day they espied some
fishers houses on shore, when the English captain landed and took three
of the fishers, taking away half of the fish that lay packed on the
shore. The day following they took a bark laden with fish belonging to
the Spaniards, in which were four Indians, and bound it by a rope to the
stem of their ships; but the Indians in the night cut her loose, and
went away. Next day the English captain went ashore to certain houses,
where he found 3000 pezos of silver, each being equal to a rial of
eight, or Spanish dollar; getting also seven Indian sheep, some hens,
and other articles, all of which he brought on board, and resumed his
voyage. Two days after, going to the harbour of Arica, they found two
ships, one of which was laden with goods and Spanish wares, out of which
they only took 200 botijas, or pots of wine, and from the other
thirty-seven bars of silver, each weighing ten or twelve pounds. They
meant also to have landed at this place; but seeing some horsemen coming
towards them, they desisted.

Next morning they burnt the ship which was laden with Spanish wares, and
took the other along with them, continuing their course, the captain
sailing along shore in the pinnace, while the ship kept about a league
farther out to sea, going in search of a ship of which they had
intelligence. After sailing in this manner about forty-five leagues,
they found the ship of which they were in search, at anchor in a haven;
but having intelligence a few hours before, of an English pirate or
sea-rover, she had landed 800 bars of silver belonging to the king of
Spain; but the English durst not go on shore to search for it, as many
Spaniards and Indians stood there as a well-armed guard. They found
nothing, therefore, in this ship except three pipes of water. Taking
this ship out to sea about a league, they hoisted all her sails and let
her drive, doing the like with the ship they took at Arica, and that
also they had taken at St Jago, continuing their course with their own
ship and pinnace.

When about seven leagues from Calao de Lima, they spied three ships, one
of which they boarded, and took three men out of her, and then continued
their course for Calao, which haven they entered about two or three
hours after night-fall, sailing in among the middle of seventeen ships
which lay there at anchor. Being among these ships, they enquired for
the ship which had the silver on board; but learning that all the silver
had been carried on shore, they cut the cables of all the ships and the
masts of the two largest, and so left them. At this time, there arrived
a ship from Panama, laden with Spanish wares and merchandise, which
anchored close by the English ship, while the English captain was
searching among the other ships for the silver. When the ship of Panama
was anchored, a boat came off from the shore to examine her, but coming
in the dark to the English ship, was told by one of the Spanish
prisoners she was the ship of Michael Angelo from Chili; on which one of
the Spaniards from the boat came up the side, but coming upon one of her
cannon, he was afraid and they made off, as the ships in these seas
carry no guns. The Panama ship hearing of this, cut her cables and put
to sea; which being perceived by the English, who were close by, they
followed in their pinnace. On getting up with her, the English called
out for them to surrender, but the Spaniards killed one of their men by
a musket-shot, on which the pinnace returned. The English ship then set
sail and overtook the Spanish ship, when the crew took to their boat and
escaped on shore, leaving their ship to the English, who took her, and
continued her course to the northwards.

Next day the English saw a boat under sail making towards them, which
they suspected to be a spy, and soon afterwards perceived two great
ships coming to meet them, which they supposed had been sent on purpose
to fight them. On this they cast loose the Panama ship, in which they
left John the Greek and two men they had taken the night before in Calao
harbour; and then made all sail, not once setting eye again upon the two
great ships, which made direct for the Panama ship. The English
continued their course to the northwards along the coast; and some days
afterwards met a frigate or small vessel bound for Lima, laden with
wares and merchandise of the country, whence the English took a lamp
and fountain of silver. They enquired of the people in this ship if
they had met a ship, which they understood was laden with silver; on
which one pilot said he had not seen any such, while another said he had
met her about three days before. This frigate was taken by the pinnace,
in which the English captain sailed close by the shore, the English ship
keeping about a league and a half from land. On receiving this
information, the English let the frigate go, and continued their course
to the northwards.

Two days afterwards, they came to the harbour of Payta, where they found
a ship laden with Spanish wares, which was boarded and taken by the
pinnace, without resistance, most of the crew escaping on shore. From
this ship, the English took the pilot, with all the bread and other
provisions. About two days after, they boarded a ship belonging to
Panama, from which they only took a negro. Next day, being the 1st
February, they met another ship of Panama, laden with fish and other
victuals, having also forty bars of silver and some gold, but I know not
how much, which they took, sending the passengers in a boat to the land,
among whom were two friars. Next day, the English captain hanged a man
of the Panama ship, for secreting two plates of gold, which were found
about him, after which that ship was turned adrift.

Towards noon of the 1st March, they descried the ship laden with silver,
being then about four leagues to seawards of them: and, as the English
ship sailed somewhat heavily, being too much by the head, they hung a
quantity of botijas, or Spanish earthen pots which had contained oil,
and now filled with water, over the stern of their ship, to give her a
better trim and to improve her sailing. The treasure ship, thinking the
English vessel had been one of those which usually sail upon that coast,
made towards her, and when near, the English captain hailed her to
surrender: As the Spanish captain refused, the English fired some
cannons, by one of which the Spanish ship's mast was shot over board,
and her master being wounded by an arrow, she presently yielded.
Thereupon the English took possession of her, and sailed with her
directly out to sea all that night, and the next day and night. Being
entirely out of sight of land, they began to search their prize on the
third day, removing her cargo into their own ship, being 1300 bars or
wedges of silver, and fourteen chests of rials of eight, besides some
gold, but how much of that I know not, only that the passengers said
there was great store. They told me also, that 300 of the silver bars
belonged to the king, and all the rest to the merchants. That done, they
allowed the ship to go away with all her men, putting into her the three
pilots they had hitherto carried with them.

From thence they sailed onwards for Nicaragua, and descried land about
the 13th March, being an island named Canno, not very high, about two
leagues from the main land, where they found a small bay, in which they
anchored in five fathoms close to the shore, remaining there till the
20th. On that day a bark passed close to the land, which was captured by
the English pinnace, being laden with sarsaparilla, and botijas or pots
of butter and honey, with other things. Throwing all the sarsaparilla
overboard, the English removed all their cannon into this bark, and then
laid their own ship on shore to new caulk and trim her bottom. This
being done, and taking in a supply of wood and water, they held their
course along shore to the westwards, taking the Spanish bark along with
them. After two days, they removed the men from her, giving them the
pinnace. Among these were four sailors, bound for Panama, meaning to go
thence for China, one of whom had many letters and patents, among which
were letters from the king of Spain to the governor of the Philippines,
as also the charts which are used in that voyage.

Continuing their course, the English descried, on the 6th of April, a
ship about two leagues out to sea, which they took early next morning,
in which was Don Francisco Xarate. Continuing their course, they came to
the haven of Guatalco on Monday the 13th April, where they remained at
anchor till the 26th of that month, on which day they sailed to the
westwards, putting me, Nuno da Silva, on board a ship then in the said
harbour of Guatalco.

SECTION VII.

_Second Supplement, being the Voyage of Mr John Winter, after parting
from Sir Francis Drake_.[41]

We passed Cape Deseado into the South Sea on the 6th September, 1578,
and run to the N.W. about 70 leagues, when the wind turned directly
against us, with extremely foul weather, as rain, hail, snow, and thick
fogs, and so continued for more than three weeks, during which time we
could bear no sail, and were driven into the latitude of 57° S. On the
15th September, the moon was eclipsed, beginning to be darkened
immediately after sun-set, about six in the evening, being then the
vernal equinox in this southern hemisphere. This eclipse happened in
England on the 16th before one in the morning, which is about six hours
difference, agreeing to one quarter of the circumference of the globe,
from the meridian of England to the west.

[Footnote 41: Hakluyt, IV. 253.--This narrative is said to have been
written by Edward Cliffe, mariner. Only so much of the narrative is
given here as relates to the voyage of Winter, after parting from Sir
Francis Drake. One circumstance only may be mentioned, respecting the
Patagons.--"These men be of no such stature as the Spaniards report,
being but of the height of Englishmen; for I have seen men in England
taller than I could see any of them. Peradventure the Spaniards did not
think that any Englishmen would have come hither so soon, to have
disproved them in this and divers others of their notorious lies;
wherefore they presumed more boldly to abuse the world."--Yet even
recent voyagers have presumed to _abuse the world_, with reporting that
the Patagons are of gigantic stature.--E.]

The last of September, being a very foul night, we lost the Marigold, a
bark of about thirty tons, the Pelican, which was our general's ship,
and our ship the Elizabeth running to the eastwards, to get to the land.
Of this we got sight on the 7th October, falling into a very dangerous
bay, full of rocks; and that same night we lost company of Mr Drake.
Next day, very difficultly escaping from the dangerous rocks among which
we were embayed, we got again into the Straits of Magellan, where we
anchored in an open bay for two days, making great fires on the shore,
that Mr Drake might find us, if he also came into the straits.

We then went into a sound, where we remained about three weeks, naming
it _The Port of Health_, as most of our men, having been sick with long
watching, wet, cold, and bad diet, did wonderfully recover their health
here in a short space, for which praised be God. We found here muscles
of very great size, some being twenty inches long, yielding very
pleasant meat, and many of them full of seed pearls. We came out of this
harbour on the 1st November, abandoning our voyage by compulsion of Mr.
Winter, sore against the will of the mariners. Mr. Winter alleged that
he despaired of having winds to carry him to the coast of Peru, and was
also in fear that Mr. Drake had perished. So we went back again to the
eastwards through the straits, to St. George's island, where we laid in
a quantity of a certain kind of fowl, very plentiful in that island, the
meat of which is not much unlike that of a fat English goose. They have
no wings, but only short pinions, which serve them in swimming, being of
a black colour, mixed with white spots on their bellies and round their
necks. They walk so upright, that they seem afar like little children;
and when approached they conceal themselves in holes under ground, not
very deep, of which the island is full. To take them, we used sticks
having hooks fastened at one end, with which we pulled them out, while
other men stood by with cudgels to knock them on the head; for they bit
so cruelly with their hooked bills, that we could not handle them when
alive.[42]

[Footnote 42: It is almost unnecessary to remark that these were
penguins.--E.]

Departing from St. George's island, we passed Cape Virgin[43] on the
11th November, going out of the straits into the southern Atlantic
ocean, and directed our course to the N.E. till the last day of that
month, when we arrived at an island in the mouth of the _Rio de la
Plata_, or River of Silver. On this island there is an incredible number
of seals, some of which are sixteen feet long, not fearing the approach
of men. Most of our men were ashore in this island for fifteen days,
setting up a pinnace; during which time the seals would often come and
sleep beside our men, rather resisting them than giving place, unless
when mortal blows forced them to yield. Having finished our pinnace, we
went to another island, where we watered, and afterwards departed on the
1st January, 1579. We went to the northwards till the 20th of that
month, when we came to an island on the coast of Brazil, near a town
called St Vincent, inhabited by the Portuguese, which is in lat. 24° S.
Here we lost our pinnace in foul weather, together with her crew of
eight men. And here also our ship was in great danger, in consequence of
a strong current, which almost forced her on shore before we were aware,
so that we had to drop anchor in the open sea, broke our cable and lost
our anchor, and had to let fell another, in weighing which afterwards
our men were sore distressed; for, owing to the heaving of the ship with
the sea, the capstan ran round with so much violence as to throw the men
from the bars, dashed out the brains of one man, broke the leg of
another, and severely hurt several more. At length we hove up our
anchor, and ran to a place called Tanay. where we rode under the lee of
an island, whence we had a supply of wood and water.

[Footnote 43: Called Cape Victory by Mr Cliffe.--E.]

While at this place, three Portuguese came aboard in a canoe, desiring
to know who we were and what we wanted. Our captain made answer, that we
were Englishmen, and had brought commodities with us for their country,
if they would trade with us, at which they seemed much surprised, as
they said they had never before heard of any English ship being in that
country. So they went ashore, taking one of our men with them to speak
with the governor of the town, while we detained one of the Portuguese
as a pledge. Soon after there came another canoe on board, in which was
one Portuguese, all the rest being naked natives of the country. From
this man we had two small oxen, a young hog, and several fowls, with
pome-citrons, lemons, oranges, and other fruits, for which our captain
gave them linen cloth, combs, knives, and other articles of small value.
In the mean time, the governor of the town sent word that we should have
nothing, unless the ship was brought into the harbour, to which our
captain would not consent, lest they might betray us.

Receiving back our man, and returning the Portuguese pledge, we went
afterwards to the island of St. Sebastian, where we took fish. At this
place the Portuguese would have betrayed us, had not a Brasilian slave
informed us by signs, that they were coming in canoes to take us, as it
actually fell out: For, next morning, they came on in twelve or fourteen
canoes, some of these having forty men; but being on our guard they
retired. That same night, two of our men carried away our boat,
deserting to the Portuguese. Leaving this place, we had sight of Cape St
Augustine in lat. 8° S. We afterwards had sight of the isle of Fernando
Noronha, within three degrees of the equator. We crossed the line on the
13th of April, and got sight of the north star on the 19th of that
month.

From the 1st to the 5th of May, we sailed about 100 leagues through the
_Sea of Weeds_, under the tropic of Cancer. Holding our course from
thence to the N.E. till we were in lat. 47° N. we changed our course on
the 22nd May to E.N.E. The 29th of May we had soundings in seventy
fathoms on white ooze, being then in lat. 51° N. The 30th of May we got
sight of St Ives on the north coast of Cornwall, and arrived on the 2nd
of June at Ilfracomb, in Devonshire.




CHAPTER III.

VOYAGE OF SIR THOMAS CANDISH ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1586--1588.[44]

INTRODUCTION.


It was the constant policy, during the reign of queen Elizabeth, to
encourage, as much as possible, the flame of public spirit in private
individuals, by shewing the utmost readiness on all occasions to honour
all who performed any remarkable service to their country, though
sparing of such marks of favour on other occasions. By this wise
conduct, and by her frequent public discourses on the glory resulting
from an active life, she excited many of the young nobility, and
gentlemen of easy fortunes, to hazard their persons and estates in the
public service, exciting a desire of fame even among the wealthy, and by
this means uniting the rich, who desired to purchase honour, and the
indigent, who sought to procure the means of living, in the same
pursuits. It thus happened in her reign, that such men were of most use
to their country, as are scarcely of any utility in other reigns; for,
merit being then the only recommendation at court, those were most
forward to expose themselves in generous undertakings, who would at any
other time have thought themselves excused from such dangers and
fatigues.

[Footnote 44: Hakluyt, IV. 816. Harris, Col. I. 23. Callender, Voy. I.
424. The earliest account of this voyage, according to the Bibliotheque
Universelle des Voyages, I. 113, appears to have been published in Dutch
at Amsterdam, in folio, in 1598. But must assuredly have been a
translation from the English.--E.]

Thus the earls of Cumberland and Essex, Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir
Walter Raleigh, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Robert Dudley, and, many other
persons of rank and fortune, employed great sums of money, and exposed
themselves to the greatest dangers, in expeditions against the
Spaniards, making discoveries in distant parts of the world, and
planting colonies, which were the glory of those times. Among these, no
one distinguished himself more than the gentleman whose voyage forms the
subject of this chapter: whether we consider the expence he incurred,
the difficulties he encountered, or the success of his enterprise; all
of which proceeded from that greatness of mind and ardent desire of
fame, which taught him to despise danger and to encounter fatigue, at an
age when most men of fortune think the season of youth a sufficient
excuse for the indulgence of luxury and ease.

Thomas Candish, or Cavendish, of Trimley, in the county of Suffolk,
Esquire, was a gentleman of an honourable family and large estate, which
lay in the neighbourhood of Ipswich, then a place of very considerable
trade. This circumstance gave him an early inclination for the sea,
which he gratified as soon as he came of age, by selling part of his
estate, and employing the money in equipping a stout bark of 120 tons,
called the Tiger, in which he accompanied Sir Richard Greenvile in his
voyage to Virginia in 1585. In this expedition he underwent many dangers
and difficulties, without any profit, but returned safe to Falmouth on
the 6th October of the same year. This want of success did not
discourage him from undertaking still greater and more hazardous
expeditions. Having, in his voyage to Virginia, seen a considerable part
of the Spanish West Indies, and conversed with some persons who had
sailed with Sir Francis Drake in, his circumnavigation, he became
desirous of undertaking a similar voyage, as well for repairing the loss
he had sustained in this first expedition, as to emulate that great and
fortunate commander, who was now raised to the highest honours in his
profession.

Returning home, therefore, he immediately applied himself to make such
preparations as were necessary for the accomplishment of his new design;
and either sold or mortgaged his estate, to procure a sufficient sum for
building and equipping two such ships as he deemed requisite for the
voyage; using such diligence, that his carpenters were at work upon his
largest ship within a month, and in six months more his little squadron
was entirely finished, and completely supplied with every necessary for
the voyage.

The narrative of this voyage is chiefly taken from that given by Harris,
compared and corrected from that in the collection of Hakluyt, which is
said to have been written by Mr. Francis Pretty of Eye, in Suffolk, a
gentleman who sailed, in the expedition. In Hakluyt, this
circumnavigation is thus styled:--"The admirable and prosperous voyage
of the worshipful Mr. Thomas Candish of Trimley, in the county of
Suffolk, Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence round about the
circumference of the whole earth, began in the year of our Lord 1586,
and finished 1588."


SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Pacific_.

The larger ship of this little squadron was named the Desire, of 140
tons burden, and the lesser the Content of 60 tons, to which was added a
bark of 40 tons, called the Hugh Gallant, all supplied at his own
expence with two years provisions, and manned with 123 officers and men,
most of them men of experience, and some of whom had served under Sir
Francis Drake. For their better encouragement, he entered into a fair
agreement with them, with respect to the proportions in which all prizes
should be shared among them. He was likewise careful in providing maps,
sea charts, and draughts, and all such accounts as could be procured of
voyages already made into those parts which he intended to visit.
Likewise, by means of his patron, Lord Hansdon, the lord-chamberlain, he
procured a commission from Queen Elizabeth.

Having thus completed his preparations, he set out from London on the
10th July, 1586, for Harwich, where he embarked in the Desire, and
sailed thence for Plymouth, where he arrived on the 18th, and waited
there for some of his company till the 21st of that month, when he
hoisted sail on his intended voyage. On the 25th of that month, one Mr.
Hope died, of a wound received in a duel, during their stay at Plymouth.
Next day, they fell in with five ships of Biscay, well manned, coming,
as they supposed, from the great bank of Newfoundland, which attacked
the Desire; but Mr. Candish gave them so warm a reception, that they
were glad to sheer off, and continued their course without giving him
any farther disturbance. As it grew dark, and he feared losing sight of
his consorts, Mr. Candish did not continue the chase.

They fell in with the island of Fuertaventura, on the 1st August, whence
they sailed for Rio del Oro and Cape Blanco, and thence along the coast
of Guinea, with which navigation Mr Brewer, who sailed in the Desire,
was well acquainted. The men now began to complain much of the scurvy,
wherefore it was resolved to put them on shore for their recovery on the
first opportunity. They made Sierra Leona on the 23d of August, and
reached its southern side on the 25th, where they had five fathoms at
the lowest ebb; having had for about fourteen leagues, while running
into this harbour, from eight to sixteen fathoms. At this place they
destroyed a negro town, because the inhabitants had killed one of their
men with a poisoned arrow. Some of the men went four miles up the
harbour in a boat, on the 3d September, where they caught plenty of
fish; and going on shore, procured some lemons. They saw also some
buffaloes, on their return to the ship. The 6th they went out of the
harbour of Sierra Leona, and staid one tide three leagues from the point
at its mouth, the tide there flowing S.W.

The 7th they departed for one of the islands which lie about ten leagues
from the point of Sierra Leona, called the Banana isles,[45] and
anchored that same day off the principal isle, on which they only found
a few plantains. At the east end of this island they found a town, but
no inhabitants, and concluded that the negroes sometimes resort thither,
by seeing the remains of their provisions. There is no fresh water on
the south side of this island that they could find; but there is in
three or four places on its north side. The whole island was one entire
wood, except a few small cleared spots where some huts stood, and these
were encompassed by plantain-trees, the fruit of which is an excellent
food. This place is subject to severe thunder-storms, with much rain, in
September.

[Footnote 45: Harris erroneously names these the islands of Cape Verd,
which are at a vast distance from Sierra Leona. The Banana isles are in
lat. 8° N. and long. 12° 30' W. from Greenwich. In Hakluyt these are
called the isles of Madrabumba, and are said to be ten leagues from the
point of Sierra Leona.--E.]

Leaving these islands and the African coast on the 10th September, and
holding their course W.S.W. obliquely across the Atlantic, they fell in
with a great mountain in Brazil, on the 31st of October, twenty-four
leagues from Cape _Frio_. This mountain has a high round top, shewing
from afar like a little town. On the 1st November, they stood in between
the island of St Sebastian and the main; where they carried their things
on shore, and erected a forge, and built a pinnace, repairing also every
thing that was out of order, in which work they were detained till the
23d of November. Sailing from this place on the 26th, they fell in with
the coast of South America again in lat. 47° 20' S. whence they
proceeded along shore till they came to lat. 48° S. finding a steep
beach all along. On the 27th of November they came to a harbour, into
which Candish first entered, giving it the name of Port Desire, from
that of his ship.[46] Near this harbour they found an island or two well
stocked with seals, and another in which there were vast numbers of grey
gulls.[47]

[Footnote 46: As laid down in modern maps, the latitude of Port Desire
is only 47° 15' S.]

[Footnote 47: Probably penguins.--E.]

This haven of Port Desire was found very favourable for careening and
graving of ships, as the tide there ebbed and flowed considerably. At
this place the savages wounded two of the Englishmen with their arrows,
which were made of canes or reeds, tipt with sharpened flints. These
savage natives of the country round Port Desire were exceedingly wild
and rude, and as it would seem of a gigantic race, as the measure of one
of their foot marks was eighteen inches long.[48] This agrees well with
the assertion of Magellan, though some pains have been taken to
represent that as fabulous. Magellan called this country Patagonia, and
its inhabitants Patagons, meaning to signify that they were five cubits,
or _seven feet and a half high_. Hence, as the Portuguese are not
commonly very tall, we need not wonder if they styled them giants. If we
take the usual proportion of the human foot, as between a fifth and a
sixth part of the height of the whole body, the account given by
Magellan agrees very exactly with this fact afforded us by Mr Candish;
and it will be seen in the sequel, that this is not falsified by any of
our subsequent navigators. When any of these savages die, he is buried
in a grave constructed of stones near the sea-side, all his darts being
fastened about his tomb, and his treasure, consisting of shells, laid
under his head.

[Footnote 48: Without meaning to impugn the received opinion, that the
Patagons are beyond the ordinary size of man, it may be permitted to
say, that the evidence, in the text, the only one here adduced, is
altogether inconclusive; and the subsequent reflections are evidently
those of Harris, not of Candish.--E.]

They left Port Desire on the 28th December, and anchored near an island
three leagues to the southward. The 30th they came to a rock, much like
the Eddystone at Plymouth, about five leagues off the land, in lat 48°
30' S. and within a mile of it had soundings in eight fathoms, on rocky
ground. Continuing their course along shore S.S.W. they found vast
numbers of seals every where on the coast. January 2d, 1587, they fell
in with a great white cape in lat. 52° S. and had seven fathoms within a
league of the cape. Next day they came to another cape, in lat. 52° 45'
S. whence runs a long beach about a league to the southwards, reaching
to the opening into the Straits of Magellan.[49] January 6th, they
entered the straits, which they found in some places five or six leagues
wide, but in others considerably narrower. The 7th, between the mouth of
the straits and its narrowest part, they took a Spaniard, who had been
left there with twenty-three others of that nation, being all that
remained alive of four hundred, who had been landed three years before
in these straits. This Spaniard shewed them the hull of a small bark,
supposed to have been left by Sir Francis Drake.

[Footnote 49: The cape at the north side of the eastern entrance into
the Straits of Magellan, is named Cape Virgin, and is in lat 52° 28' S.
The great white cape in lat. 52° S. is not so easily ascertained. Cape
Blanco, on this coast, is in lat. 47° S. which cannot have any reference
to the white cape of the text.--E.]

The eastern mouth of the straits is in lat. 52° S. From thence to the
narrowest part is fourteen leagues W. by N. From thence to Penguin
Island is ten leagues W.S.W. by S. They anchored at Penguin Island on
the 8th January, where they killed and salted a great store of seals, to
serve as sea provisions in case of need. Leaving this place on the 9th,
they sailed S.S.W. The fortress built in these straits by the Spaniards,
called _Ciudad del Rey Felippe_, had four bulwarks or bastions, in each
of which was one large cannon, all of which had been buried, and their
carriages left standing. The English dug them all up, and carried them
away. Tins city seemed to have been well contrived, especially in its
situation in regard to wood and water; but miserable was the life this
forlorn remnant of Spaniards had endured for the last two years, during
which they had hardly been able to procure any other food than a scanty
supply of shell-fish, except when they had the good fortune to surprise
a deer, coming down from the mountains in search of water.

The object of the Spaniards, in erecting this fortress, was to have
fortified the straits, so as to have excluded all other nations from any
passage into the South Sea: but, besides the barrenness of the soil, and
excessive severity of the climate their most implacable enemies, the
Indians, frequently assailed them, so that they were reduced to the last
extremity of distress. All the stores they had brought from Spain were
expended, and none could be procured in the country, which produced
nothing but deer, and when hunting these for the preservation of their
lives, they were sure to be fallen upon by the Indians. At length almost
all the Spaniards died in their houses, and the stench of the putrefying
carcasses became so intolerable to the few survivors, that they were
forced to quit the fortress, and to range along the seacoast living upon
roots, leaves, and sea weeds, or any animals they could occasionally
fall in with. In this miserable extremity they had determined to attempt
exploring their way to the Rio Plata, and were already on their way,
when this Spaniard was taken by the English.

Mr Candish named the haven where the fortress stood _Port Famine_, owing
to the utter want of all necessaries. It is in lat. 53° S. Leaving this
place on the 14th, they ran five leagues S.W. to Cape Froward, in the
southernmost part of the straits, in lat. 54° S. Sailing five leagues W.
by N. from this cape, they put into a bay, called Muscle Cove, from the
great quantities of muscles found there. Leaving that place on the 21st,
and sailing N. by W. ten leagues, they came to a fair bay, which Candish
named Elizabeth Bay. Leaving that place on the 22d, they found a good
river two leagues farther on, up which a boat was towed for three miles.
The country about this river was pleasant and level, but all the other
land on both sides of the straits was rugged, mountainous, and rocky,
inhabited by a strong and well-made, but very brutish kind of savages,
who are said to have eaten many of the Spaniards, and seemed much
disposed to have feasted also on English flesh; but they failed in their
attempts to circumvent them. Discovering a plot laid by these savages to
entrap him and his men, Candish gave them a volley of musquetry, which
slew several of them, and the rest ran away.

Leaving this river, they sailed two leagues farther, to an inlet named
St Jerome's channel; whence, proceeding three or four leagues W. they
came to a cape to the northward, whence the course to the western
entrance of the straits is N.W. and N.W. by W. for about thirty-four
leagues; so that the entire length of these straits is ninety leagues.
This western entrance is in lat. 52° 40' S. nearly under the same
parallel with the eastern mouth. In consequence of storms and excessive
rains, they were forced to remain in a harbour near this western mouth
of the straits till the 23d of February. By the excessive rains, pouring
down with extreme fury in torrents from the mountains, they were brought
into extreme danger; and were also much distressed for want of food, as
the excessive severity of the weather hardly permitted their landing,
to range the country in search of a supply In their passage through
these straits, it was observed that there were harbours on both shores,
at every mile or two, tolerably safe and convenient for small ships.


SECTION II.

_Transactions on the Western Coast of America_.

The weather moderating, they entered into the great South Sea, or
Pacific Ocean, on the 24th February, 1587, observing on the south side
of the entrance a very high cape, with an adjoining low point; while, at
the northern side of the entrance there were four or five islands, six
leagues from the main land, having much broken and sunken ground among
and around them. In the night of the 1st March, there arose a great
storm, in which they lost sight of the Hugh Gallant, being then in lat.
49° S. and forty-five leagues from the land. This storm lasted three or
four days, in which time the Hugh sprung a leak, and was tossed about in
this unknown sea, devoid of all help, being every moment ready to sink.
By great exertions, however, she was kept afloat; and on the 15th, in
the morning, she got in between the island of St Mary and the main,
where she again met the admiral and the Content, which two ships had
secured themselves during two days of the storm, at the island of Mocha,
in lat. 38° S'.[50]

[Footnote 50: Mocha is in lat. 38° 20', and the isles of St Mary in 37°,
both S.]

At this place some of the company went ashore well armed, and were met
by the Indians, who gave them a warm reception with their bows and
arrows. These Indians were of the district in Chili called Araucania, a
country rich in gold, and consequently very tempting to the avaricious
Spaniards, which accordingly they had repeatedly invaded, but to no
purpose, as the natives always defended themselves so valiantly, that
their enemies could never subdue them. On the present occasion,
mistaking the English for Spaniards, these brave and desperate Araucans
gave Candish a hostile welcome. After this skirmish, Candish went with
his ships under the lee of the west side of St Mary's island, where he
found good anchorage in six fathoms. This island, in lat. 37° S. abounds
in hogs, poultry, and various kinds of fruit; but the inhabitants are
held under such absolute slavery by the Spaniards, that they dare not
kill a hog, or even a hen, for their own use; and although the Spaniards
have made them converts to Christianity, they use them more like dogs
than men or Christians.

The admiral went ashore on the 16th March, with seventy or eighty men
well armed, and was met by two Indian chiefs, who conducted him to a
chapel, round which were several store-houses, well filled with wheat
and barley, as clean and fair as any in England. He accordingly provided
his ships with a sufficient store of grain from this place, and laid in
besides an ample supply of hogs, hens, potatoes, dried dog-fish, and
maize or Guinea wheat. The admiral invited the two principal Indians to
an entertainment on board; and the wine having sharpened their wit, to
perceive that the admiral and his men were not Spaniards, as they had
hitherto supposed them, they began to talk very freely about the gold
mines, saying that the English might procure gold to their full content,
by going into the country of the Araucans. But not fully understanding
them, as the information was mostly given by signs, the admiral did not
prosecute this proposed adventure, but proceeded on his voyage.

Leaving the island of St Mary on the 18th in the morning, they sailed
all that day N.N.E. ten leagues. The 19th they steered in with the land,
E.N.E. and anchored under an island in the Bay of Conception, in lat.
36° 36' S. The 30th they came into the Bay of Quintero, in lat. 32° 45'
S. and next day a party of fifty or sixty men, well armed, marched seven
or eight miles into the country. In their march, they saw vast herds of
wild cattle, with horses, dogs, hares, rabbits, partridges, and other
birds, with many fine rivers, well stocked with wild fowl. Having
travelled as far as they conveniently could for the mountains, and
having rested and refreshed on the banks of a pleasant river, they
returned in good order to the ships at night, without meeting any
remarkable adventure; although a party of 200 horse had been abroad all
that day in search of them, upon information of some Spaniards who had
seen them the preceding day, but durst not venture to attack them,
keeping always at a distance on the hills. They had at this time a short
conference with three Spanish horsemen, through the medium of the poor
half-starved Spaniard they took on board in the Straits of Magellan;
but, in spite of his many oaths and protestations never to forsake
Candish, he took the opportunity to mount on horseback behind one of his
countrymen, and got off.

Next day, the 1st April, some of the English being on shore filling
their water-casks, the Spaniards became bolder, and watching an
opportunity when the sailors were hard at work, poured down with their
200 horse from the hills, slew some of them, and made a few prisoners.
But this glorious victory was soon snatched from their hands by the
arrival of a reinforcement of fifteen English, who rescued the
prisoners, killed twenty-four of the Spaniards, and drove the rest back
to the mountains. After this, they continued in the road till the 5th,
and watered there in spite of the Spaniards. On the 5th they weighed
anchor, and went to a small island about a league from the bay, which is
full of penguins and other sea fowl, of which they provided themselves
with what store they wanted; after which they sailed N. and N. by W. in
order to prosecute their voyage.

The 15th April they came to _Moro Moreno_, in lat. 23° 30' S. under the
tropic of Capricorn, where there is an excellent harbour, made by means
of an island, having an entrance for ships at either end. The admiral
went ashore here with thirty men, and was met by the Indians, who
brought them water and wood on their backs. These are a simple sort of
people, living in a wild and savage manner, in great dread of the
Spaniards. They brought the admiral and his company to their houses,
about two miles from the harbour. These were only constructed of a few
rafters laid across upon forked sticks stuck in the ground, having a few
boughs laid over them by way of a roof. Their beds were the skins of
wild beasts laid on the ground; and their food little else than raw
stinking fish. When any of them dies, he is buried with all his arms and
goods, as bows and arrows, and even his canoe is laid in the earth along
with him. Their canoes, if such they may be called, consist of two skin
bags, like large bladders, blown up with quills at one end, and fastened
together by the sinews of some wild beast; yet in these they think
nothing of venturing to sea, loading them even with great quantities of
fish, part of which they have to give in tribute to the Spaniards, the
rest being kept to stink for their own eating.

On the 3d May, they came into a bay on which were three small towns,
Paracca, Chincha, and Pisco, which latter is in lat. 13° 20' S.[51] They
landed here, and took some provisions, as wine, bread, poultry and figs,
from the houses, but could not get ashore at the best of these towns,
owing to the sea running too high. By this time; they had made two
valuable prizes, laden with sugar, melasses, maiz, cordovan leather,
_montego de porco_, packs of painted calicoes, Indian coats, marmalade,
hens, and other articles, which would have yielded £20,000, if there had
been any opportunity for selling their cargoes. That not being the case,
they took out as much as could be conveniently stowed in their own
ships, burning their two prizes with the rest of their contents.

[Footnote 51: Pisco, the principal of these towns, is in lat. 16° 43'
S.]

The 26th May, they came into the road Payta, in lat. 5° 4' S. the town
being very neat and clean, and containing about 200 houses. Landing here
with sixty or seventy men, Candish had a skirmish with the inhabitants,
whom he beat out of the town, forcing them to take refuge in the hills,
whence they continued to fire at the English, but would not venture a
fair battle on the plain ground. Having possessed themselves of the
town, the English marched after the enemy on the hill, and put them
completely to the rout, seizing all their baggage, which they brought
back with them to the town. They here found all sort of household stuff,
together with warehouses well filled with various kinds of goods, and
twenty-five pound weight of silver in pieces of eight. After taking away
what plunder they found convenient, they set fire to the town, which was
burnt to the ground, and destroyed likewise a bark at anchor in the
roads; after which they set sail for Puna.

They arrived at Puna, in lat. 3° 10' S. on the 25th of May, when they
found a ship of 250 tons at anchor in the harbour. After sinking her,
they went ashore. The lord of this island, styled the Caçique of Puna,
was an Indian by birth, but having married a Spanish woman, he became a
Christian, and made all his subjects follow his example. He had a
sumptuous and well-contrived palace near the shore, with curious gardens
adjoining, and fair prospects, both to the water and up the country. All
the inhabitants of this island were kept continually employed in
fabricating cables, such abundance of which are made here by the Indian
subjects of this caçique; that most of the ships navigating the South
Sea are supplied from hence. This island is nearly as large as the isle
of Wight in England, being about forty English miles from S.W. to N.E.
and sixteen in the opposite direction. It enjoys a great share in the
blessings of nature; for, although it has no mines of gold or silver, it
affords every thing in abundance that is necessary to the comforts of
life. The pastures are excellent, and are well stored with horses, oxen,
sheep, and goats, yielding abundance of milk; it has also plenty of
poultry, turkeys, ducks of a large size, and pigeons. The caçique has
several orchards, yielding a great variety of fine fruits, as oranges,
lemons, figs, pomegranates, pumpkins, melons, and many others; with a
variety of odoriferous plants, as rosemary, thyme, and the like. One of
these gardens or orchards was planted with the bombast cotton tree,
which grows in pods, in each of which there are seven or eight seeds.

The 29th of May, Candish went to an island near Puna, into which the
caçique had conveyed all the valuable furniture of his palace, with
other things of value. These stores were all discovered, and plundered
of every thing thought worth carrying on board the ships, and the rest
destroyed. The church also of Puna, which stood near the palace, was
burnt down, and its five bells carried to the ships. On the 2d June, the
English were attacked by 100 Spaniards, who killed or took prisoners
twelve of their men, losing forty-six of their own in the encounter.
Candish landed again that same day with seventy English, and had another
battle with the Spaniards, who were joined by 200 Indians armed with
bows and arrows. The English were victorious, after which they made
great havock of the fields and orchards, burnt four ships on the stocks,
and left the town of 300 houses a heap of rubbish. Besides this
principal town, there were two others on the island of 200 houses each,
so that Puna was the best settled island on all this coast.

Setting sail from Puna on the 5th June, they sailed to Rio Dolce, where
they watered. They passed the equinoctial on the 12th, continuing their
course northwards all the rest of that month. The 1st July, they had
sight of New Spain, being four leagues from the land in 10° N. The 9th
they took a new ship of 120 tons, in which was one Michael Sancius, a
native of Provence, a very skilful coasting pilot for these seas, whom
Candish retained as his pilot, and from whom he got the first hint of
the great ship Anna Maria, which he afterwards took on her voyage from
the Philippine islands. Taking all the men, and every thing of any value
from the ship of Sancius, they set her on fire. The 26th they came to
anchor in the mouth of the river Capalico, and the same night went in
the pinnace with thirty men to Guatalco, two leagues from that river, in
15° 70' N. and burnt both the town and custom-house, which was a large
handsome building, in which there were laid up 600 bags of indigo, and
400 bags of cacao, every bag of the former being worth forty crowns, and
each of the latter worth ten. These cacaos serve among the people of
these parts both as food and money, being somewhat like almonds, yet not
quite so pleasant, and pass in trade by way of small change, 150 of them
being equal in value to a rial of plate.

They set sail from Capalico on the 28th, the sea running so high that
they could not fill their water casks, and came to Guatalco that same
night. Next day Candish went ashore with thirty men, marching two miles
into the woods, where he took a _mestizo_ belonging to the custom-house
of that town, having with him a considerable quantity of goods, both
which and their master were carried to the ships. The 24th August,
Candish went with thirty men in the pinnace to the haven of _Puerto de
Navidad_ in lat. 19° 24' N. where Sancius had informed him there would
be a prize; but, before their arrival, she had gone twelve leagues
farther to fish for pearls. They here made prisoner of a mulatto, who
had been sent to give notice of the English, all along the coast of New
Gallicia, and got possession of all his letters. They likewise burnt the
town, and two ships of 200 tons here building, after which they returned
to the ships.

They came on the 26th into the bay of St Jago, where they watered at a
good river, which yielded them plenty of fish, and where they found some
pearls. This bay is in lat. 19° 18' N. Leaving this bay on the 2d
September, they came next day into the bay of Malacca, a league westward
from port Navidad, and a good place for ships to ride in. That day,
Candish went ashore with about thirty men, to an Indian town named
Acatlan, about two leagues from the road.[52] This town or village
consisted of twenty or thirty houses and a church, which they
demolished, and then returned at night to the ships. Leaving this bay on
the 4th, they came on the 8th to the road of Chacalla, eighteen leagues
from Cape Corientes. On the 9th, Candish sent a party of forty men,
guided by Sancius, which, after marching through woods and deserts,
lighted upon a few families, some of which were Indians, and others
Spanish and Portuguese, all of whom were brought to the ships. The women
were ordered to fetch plantains, lemons, oranges, and other fruits, in
reward for which all their husbands were set free, except a Spaniard
named Sembrano, and Diego, a Portuguese.

[Footnote 52: Guatlan is the name of a bay on this coast, and which is
probably corrupted in the text to Acatlan.--E.]

On the 12th they arrived at the island of St Andrew, which is very full
of wood, and where they found plenty of fowls and seals, together with a
sort of serpents, or lizards rather, called _Iguanos_, having four feet
and a long sharp tail, which they found good eating. Leaving this isle,
they came to the road of Mazatlan on the 24th, lying under the tropic of
Cancer. The river here is large within, but much obstructed by a bar at
its mouth. The bay abounds with fish, and there are abundance of good
fruits up the country. Departing from this bay on the 27th, they came to
an island, a league north from Mazatlan,[53] where they heeled their
ships, and rebuilt their pinnace. On this isle, they found fresh water,
by digging two or three feet into the sand, otherwise they must have
gone back twenty or thirty leagues for water, being advised by one
Flores, a Spanish prisoner, to dig in the sands, where no water or sign
of any could be perceived. Having amply supplied the ships with water,
they remained at this island till the 9th October, and then sailed from
Cape San Lucar, the S.W. point of California, in lat. 22° 50' N. which
they fell in with on the 14th, observing that it much resembled the
Needles at the Isle of Wight, which had been before noticed by Sir
Francis Drake. Within this cape, there is a large bay, called by the
Spaniards _Aguada Segura_,[54] into which falls a fine fresh-water
river, the banks of which are usually inhabited by many Indians in the
summer. They went into this bay, where they again watered, and remained
waiting for the Accapulco ship till the 4th November, the wind
continuing all that time to hang westerly.

[Footnote 53: In our best modern maps no such island is to be found; but
about the same distance to the S. is a cluster of small isles.--E.]

[Footnote 54: Probably that now called the bay of St Barnaby, about
twenty miles E.N.E. from Cape San Lucar.--E.]

The 4th November, putting to sea, the Desire and Content beat to and fro
to windward off the head land of California; and that very morning one
of the men in the admiral, going aloft to the topmast, espied a ship
bearing in from seaward for the cape. Putting every thing in readiness
for action, Candish gave chase, and coming up with her in the afternoon,
gave her a broadside and a volley of small arms. This ship was the Santa
Anna of 700 tons burden, belonging to the king of Spain, and commanded
by the admiral of the South Sea. Candish instantly boarded, finding the
Spaniards in a good posture of defence, and was repulsed with the loss
of two men slain and four or five wounded. He then renewed the action
with his cannon and musquetry, raking the St Ann, and killing or
wounding great numbers, as she was full of men. The Spaniards long
defended themselves manfully; but the ship being sore wounded, so that
the water poured in a-main, they at last hung out a flag of truce,
praying for quarter, and offering to surrender. This was immediately
agreed to by Candish, who ordered them to lower their sails, and to send
their chief officers to his ship. They accordingly hoisted out their
boat, in which came the captain, the pilot, and one of the chief
merchants, who surrendered themselves, and gave an account of the value
of their ship, in which were 122,000 pezos in gold, with prodigious
quantities of rich silks, satins, damasks, and divers kinds of
merchandise, such as musk, and all manner of provisions, almost as
acceptable to the English as riches, having been long at sea.

The prize thus gloriously obtained, Candish returned to _Aguada_, or
_Puerto Seguro_, on the 6th November, where he landed all the Spaniards,
to the number of 150 persons, men and women, giving them plenty of wine
and victuals, with the sails of their ship and some planks, to build
huts or tents for them to dwell in. The owners of the prize being thus
disposed of, the next thing was to share the booty; which ungracious
work of distribution soon involved Candish in all the troubles of a
mutiny, every one being eager for gold, yet no one satisfied with his
share. This disturbance was most violent in the Content; but all was
soon appeased and compromised by the candid and generous behaviour of
Candish. The 17th of November, being the coronation day of queen
Elizabeth, was celebrated by discharges of ordnance, and vollies of
small shot, and at night by fireworks. Of the prisoners taken in the
Spanish ship, Candish reserved two Japanese boys, three natives of the
island of Luzon or Manilla, a Portuguese who had been in China and
Japan, and a Spanish pilot, who was thoroughly versant in the navigation
between New Spain and the Philippine islands. Accapulco is the haven
whence they fit out for the Philippines, and the Ladrones are their
stated places of refreshment on this voyage.

Having dismissed the Spanish captain with a noble present, and
sufficient provision for his defence against the Indians, and removed
everything from the prize which his ships could contain, Candish set the
Santa Anna on fire on the 19th November, having still 500 tons of her
goods remaining, and saw her burnt to the water's edge.


SECTION III.

_Voyage Home to England_.

This great business, for which they had so long waited, being now
accomplished, they set sail cheerfully on their return for England. The
Content staid some short time behind the Desire, which went on before,
expecting she would soon follow, but she never rejoined company.
Pursuing the voyage, therefore, in the Desire, Candish directed his
course for the Ladrones across the Pacific Ocean, these islands being
nearly 1800 leagues distant from this harbour of _Aguada Segura_ in
California. This passage took forty-five days, from the 19th November,
1587, to the 3d January, 1588. On this day, early in the morning, they
had sight of Guam, one of the Ladrones, in lat. 13° 40' N. and long.
143° 30' E. Sailing with a gentle gale before the wind, they came within
two leagues of the island, where they saw sixty or seventy canoes full
of savages, who brought cocoas, plantains, potatoes, and fresh fish, to
exchange for some of their commodities. They gave them in return some
pieces of old iron, which they hung upon small cords and fishing lines,
and so lowered down to the canoes, getting back, in the same manner,
what the savages offered in exchange. In the course of this traffic the
savages crowded so much about the ship, that two of their canoes were
broken; yet none of the savages were drowned, as they were almost as
familiar with the water as if they had been fishes. The savages
continued following the ship, and would not quit her company till
several shots were fired at them; though 'tis ten to one if any of them
were killed, as they are so very nimble, throwing themselves immediately
into the water, and diving beyond the reach of danger on the slightest
warning.

These islanders were large handsome men, extraordinarily fat, and of a
tawny colour, mostly having very long hair, some wearing it tied up in
large knots on the crown of their heads, like certain wooden images at
the heads of their canoes. Their canoes were very artificially made,
considering that they use no edge-tools in their construction; and are
about seven or eight yards in length, by half a yard only in breadth,
their heads and stems being both alike, and having rafts made of canes
or reeds on their starboard sides, being also supplied both with masts
and sails. These latter are made of sedges, and are either square or
triangular. These canoes have this property, that they will sail almost
as well against the wind as before it.

On the 19th January, at day-break, Candish fell in with a head-land of
the Philippine islands, called _Cabo del Espiritu Santo_. The island
itself [Samar] is of considerable size, consisting of high land in the
middle, and depressed in its east and west extremities; the latter of
which runs a great way out to sea. It is in lat. 30° N. being distant
110 leagues from Guam and about 60 leagues from Manilla, the chief of
the Philippines.[55] Samar is a woody island, and its inhabitants are
mostly heathens. Candish spent eleven days in sailing from Guam to this
place, having had some foul weather, and scarcely carrying any sail for
two or three nights. Manilla, at this time, was an unwalled town of no
great strength, yet containing vast riches in gold and valuable
commodities, and inhabited by six or seven hundred Spaniards. It has a
constant annual correspondence with Accapulco in New Spain; besides
which twenty or thirty vessels come thither yearly from China, for
conducting its trade with the _Sangueloes_: These are Chinese merchants,
very sharp and sensible men in every thing relating to trade, extremely
ingenious in all kinds of mechanical contrivances, and the most expert
embroiderers on silk and satin of any in the world. They will execute
any form of beast, fowl, or fish, in gold, silver, or silk, having all
the just proportions and colours in every part, and giving all the life
and beauty to their work, as if done by the best painter, or even as
nature has bestowed on the originals. The trade of these men with
Manilla must be very profitable, as they bring great quantities of gold
there, and exchange it against silver, weight for weight.[56]

[Footnote 55: The latitude of Cape Espiritu Santo, as given in the test,
is grossly erroneous, being only 12° 35' N. and its long. 125° 30' E.
from Greenwich. The difference of longitude from Guam, Guaham, or
Guaci, the most southerly of the Ladrones, is 17° 45' nearly east, and
consequently 355 marine leagues. This island is divided from Luzon, or
Luçonia, the principal island of the Philippines, by the narrow straits
of San Bernardino; and Cape Espiritu Santo is about 100 leagues, in a
straight line, from the city of Manilla, which lies to the N.W. Cape
Espiritu Santo is at the N.W. extremity of the island of Samar.--E.]

[Footnote 56: This surely is an egregious error, as such acute merchants
as the Chinese are here represented, and actually are, could never be so
foolish as to give gold for silver, weight for weight. Before the
present scarcity of bullion, the ordinary European price of exchange,
was fourteen for one; and perhaps the then price in China might be
lower, as twelve, eleven, or ten; but equality is quite
inconceivable.--E.]

The same day on which he fell in with Cape Espiritu Santo, 14th of
January, 1588, Candish entered in the evening into the straits of San
Bernardino, between Samar or Cambaia, and the island of Luzon. The 15th
he fell in with the island of _Capul_, passing a very narrow strait
between that island and another, in which the current of the tide was
considerable. In this passage, a ledge of rocks lay off the point of
Capul, but was passed without danger. Within the point was a fair bay,
with a good harbour, having anchorage in four fathoms, within a cable's
length of the shore. Coming to anchor here about ten in the morning, the
Desire was immediately boarded by a canoe, in which was one of the seven
chiefs of the island. Passing themselves for Spaniards, the English
traded with these people for cocoa-nuts and potatoes, giving a yard of
linen for four cocoa-nuts, and as much for about a quart of potatoes,
which they found sweet and excellent food, either boiled or roasted.

The caçique or chief who came on board had his skin curiously streaked
or painted [tatooed], full of strange devices all over his body. Candish
kept him on board, desiring him to send his servants, who paddled his
canoe, to bring the other six chiefs to the ship. They came accordingly,
attended by a great train of the natives, bringing vast quantities of
hogs and hens, and a full market of cocoa-nuts and potatoes; so that the
English were occupied the whole day in purchasing, giving eight rials of
plate for a hog, and one for a hen. At this place, a justly-merited
punishment was inflicted on a Spanish pilot, taken in the Santa Anna,
who had plotted to betray them to the Spaniards, and for which he was
hanged. Candish remained here for nine days, all the time receiving
ample supplies of fresh victuals, good water, and wood for fuel. The
islanders are all pagans, who are said to worship the devil, and to
converse with him. They are of a tawny complexion, and go almost naked;
the men wearing a small square piece of cloth in front, woven from
plantain-leaves, and another behind, which is brought up between their
legs, both being fastened to a girdle round their waists. They are all
circumcised, and have also a strange custom, hardly practised any where
else but in Pegu, having a nail of tin in a perforation through the
glans, which nail is split at one end and rivetted; but which can be
taken out as they have occasion, and put in again. This is said to have
been contrived, on the humble petition of the women, to prevent
perpetrating an unnatural crime, to which they were much addicted.

On the 23d of January, Candish summoned all the caçiques of this island,
and an hundred more, who had paid him tribute, and then revealed to them
all, when assembled, that he and his men were Englishmen, and the
greatest enemies the Spaniards had in the world. At the same time he
generously restored them, in money, the value of all the tribute they
had paid to him, in hogs, cocoa-nuts, potatoes, and the like. This
unexpected generosity astonished the whole assembly, who applauded his
bounty, and offered to join him with all the forces of their respective
districts, if he would go to war with the Spaniards. They seemed much
pleased with finding that Candish and his people were English, and
thankful for the kindness with which they had been treated. On taking
leave, they rowed round the ship awhile in their canoes, as if in
compliment to the English; and Candish caused a gun to be fired at their
departure.

Setting sail on the 24th, Candish ran along the coast of Luzon, steering
N.W. between that island and _Masbate_. In the islands thereabout, the
Spaniards were observed to keep a strict watch, making great fires, and
discharging their pieces all night, having been much alarmed by the
arrival of the English. The island of _Panama_ is in many places plain
and level, affording many large, tall, and straight trees, fit for
masts, and has several mines of very fine gold, which are possessed by
the natives. To the south of this is the island of the Negroes, which is
very large, almost as big as England, and is in lat. 9° N.[57] It
appeared to consist mostly of low land, and to be very fertile.

[Footnote 57: Negro island reaches from lat. 9° 15' to 11° 45' N. and is
consequently two and a half degrees from N. to S. about 174 English
miles, but does not any where exceed thirty miles from E. to W.--E.]

At six in the morning of the 29th of January, they began to pass through
the straits between Panama and Negro islands, and, after proceeding
sixteen leagues, they found a fair opening in these straits, trending
S.W. by S. About this time, being rejoined by their boat, which had been
sent before them in the morning, Candish sent a Spanish prisoner on
shore, with a message to his captain, who commanded a ship which lay at
Panama the night before, desiring him to provide an abundant supply of
gold against the return of the Desire, as he meant to pay him a visit at
Manilla, and as that was a long voyage, it merited good entertainment.
He said farther, that he would have come now, to weigh some of his
Spanish gold in English scales, if he had possessed a larger boat for
landing his men on the island.

Proceeding on the voyage, they saw Batochina on the 8th of February, an
island near Gilolo, in the lat. of 1° N. The 14th of that month they
fell in with eleven or twelve small flat low islands, almost level with
the sea, in lat. 3° 10' S. near the Moluccas. March 1st, having passed
the straits between Java Major and Java Minor, they anchored under the
S.W. part of Java Major, where they saw some people fishing in a bay
under the island. The admiral sent a boat to them, in which was a negro
who could speak the _Moresco_[58] language, which is much used in Java.
But, being frightened at the approach of the boat, they all got on shore
and ran away into the woods. One of them, however, came back to the
shore, on being called to by the negro, and directed where to find fresh
water; besides which, he undertook to carry a message to the king of
that part of the island from the admiral, certifying that he had come to
purchase victuals, or any commodities the country afforded. In
consequence of this message, nine or ten canoes belonging to the king
came off, on the 12th March, loaded with all sorts of provisions as deep
as they could swim; bringing oxen, hogs, hens, geese, eggs, sugar,
cocoa-nuts, plantains, oranges, lemons, wine, and arrack.

[Footnote 58: Probably the Malay is here meant, and called Moresco or
Moors, an ordinary term for Mahometans.--E.]

At the same time two Portuguese came off to visit Candish, and to
enquire about their king, Don Antonio, then residing in England. These
persons gave him a full account of the manners and customs of the people
of this island. The king of this part was held in prodigious awe by his
subjects, over whom he exercised absolute power, insomuch that no man
was permitted to make a bargain without his leave, on pain of death. He
had an hundred wives, and his son fifty; who may possibly be happy
enough while he lives; but when he dies, and his body is burnt, and the
ashes collected into an urn, the tragedy of his wives begins five days
afterwards. They are then all conducted to an appointed place, where the
favourite wife throws a ball from her hand, and where it stops marks the
place of their deaths. Being come there, and turning their faces to the
east, they all draw their daggers and stab themselves to the heart;
after which they smear themselves with their own blood, and thus die.

The men of this island are excellent soldiers, being hardy, valiant, and
desperate to the last degree, sticking at nothing commanded by their
king, however dangerous; and, should he even command them to plunge a
dagger into their own breast, or to leap from a precipice, or into a den
of wild beasts, they instantly obey: For the displeasure of their
sovereign is as certain death as the point of a sword, or the fangs of a
beast of prey. Their complexion is tawny, like the other natives of
India, and they go entirely naked; but their women are of a fairer hue,
and are more modestly cloathed than the men.

After this relation of the Portuguese, having satisfied the Javans for
the provisions they had supplied, and received a promise of good
entertainment to the English when they might return to their island,
Candish took leave of them, making a present to their king of three
large cannon. Next day, being the 16th of March, he made sail for the
Cape of Good Hope, spending all the rest of that month, all April, and a
part of May, in traversing the vast ocean between the island of Java and
the southern extremity of Africa, making many observations on the
appearances of the stars, the weather, winds, tides, currents,
soundings, and bearings and positions of lands.

On the 11th of May, land was espied bearing N. and N. by W. and towards
noon more land was seen bearing W. which was believed to be the Cape of
Good Hope, being then about forty or fifty leagues from that southern
promontory of Africa.[59] The wind being scanty, they stood off to the
southwards till midnight; and, the wind being then fair, stood their
course directly west. On the 12th and 13th they were becalmed, with a
thick and hazy atmosphere. The weather cleared upon the 14th, when they
again saw land, which proved to be Cape _Falso_, forty or fifty leagues
short, or to the eastwards of the Cape of Good Hope.[60] This Cape
Falso is easily known, having three hills directly over it, the highest
in the middle, and only a little distance from each other; the ground
being much lower by the sea-side. Besides which, the Cape of Good Hope
bears W. by S. from this cape. They discovered the Cape of Good Hope on
the 16th of May, observing the head-land to be considerably high, having
two hummocks at the westerly point, a little off the main, and three
others a little farther into the sea, yet low-land still between these
and the sea. By the Portuguese the Cape of Good Hope is said to be 2000
leagues from Java; but by their reckoning they made it only 1850
leagues, which took them just nine weeks in the run.

[Footnote 59: Either this is a gross error, or it means that their
reckoning still made that distance from the Cape, as nothing nearly
approaching to such a distance can possibly be seen.--E.]

[Footnote 60: Captain Falso is only ten leagues E. from the Cape of Good
Hope; but perhaps Cape Aguillas may be meant in the text, which is about
thirty-five leagues E.S.E. from the Cape.--E.]

By break of day on the 8th June, they were within seven or eight leagues
of St Helena, of which island they had merely a glimpse that day, as,
having little or no wind, they had to stand off and on all night. Next
day, having a tolerably good wind, they stood in with the shore, sending
the boat before, and came to anchor in a good bay, under the N.W. side
of the island, in twelve fathoms, only two or three cables length from
the shore. This island lies in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, almost
at equal distances from the main land of Africa and that of Brazil, in
Lat. 15° 43' S. between five and six hundred leagues from the Cape of
Good Hope.

Candish went here on shore, and entered the church, to which there was a
fair causeway; having a _frame between two bowls_, and a cross of
freestone adjoining. Within it was hung with painted cloth, on which
were represented the Blessed Virgin, the story of the Crucifixion, and
other holy legends, hung round the altar. The valley in which this
church stands is extremely pleasant, and so full of fruit-trees and
excellent plants, that it seemed like a very fair and well-cultivated
garden, having long rows of lemon, orange, citron, pomegranate, date,
and fig-trees, delighting the eye with blossoms, green fruit, and ripe,
all at once. These trees seemed nicely trimmed, and there were many
delightful walks under the shelter of their boughs, which were
pleasant, cool, and shady. At some distance there rises a fine clear
spring, which diffuses itself in many fine rivulets, all through this
valley, watering all its parts, and refreshing every plant and tree. In
the whole of this great garden there is hardly any unoccupied space; as,
where nature may have left any part empty, there art has supplied the
deficiency, so as to fill the whole space to advantage. This island also
affords great abundance of partridges and pheasants, both being larger
than ours in England. There are also turkeys, both black and white, with
red heads, about as large as those in England, and their eggs much the
same, only altogether white. There is also plenty of _cabritos_, or wild
goats, as big as asses, and having manes like horses, and their beards
reaching down to the ground. These are so numerous, that their herds or
flocks are sometimes a whole mile in length. It contains also vast herds
of wild-swine, which keep chiefly in the mountains, as do likewise the
wild-goats. These swine are very fat, but so excessively wild that they
are never to be got at by a man, unless when asleep, or rolling
themselves in the mire.

Having taken in all necessaries that this place produced, Candish set
sail for England on the 20th of June, standing N.W. by W. It is
observable, that the wind at St Helena is generally off the shore. On
Friday, the 23d of August, he steered E. and E. by S. for the
northernmost of the Azores; and on the 29th, after midnight, he got
sight of the islands of Flores and Corvo, in lat. 39° 30' N. whence he
shaped his course N.E. He met a Flemish vessel on the 3d September,
bound from Lisbon, from which he had the joyful news of the total defeat
of the Spanish Armada. On the 9th September, after receiving a farewell
from the wind in a violent storm, which carried away most of his sails,
Candish arrived at the long-desired haven of Plymouth.

There had not hitherto been any voyage of so much consequence, or
attended by such uninterrupted success as this: As plainly appears from
the length of time occupied by that of Magellan, which extended to three
years and a month; that of Sir Francis Drake extending to upwards of two
years and ten months; while this voyage by Candish was less than two
years and two months. We need not wonder, therefore, that a young
gentleman like Mr Candish, who was entirely devoted to a desire of
acquiring glory and renown, should contrive some extraordinary manner of
displaying his good fortune. Some accounts accordingly inform us, that
he brought his ship into Plymouth harbour under a suit of silken sails,
which, if true, may be thus explained. We have already mentioned, from
his own narrative, that he encountered a violent storm, just before his
arrival, which tore all his sails to pieces. In this distress, he would
probably use those he had taken in the South Sea, made of what is called
silk-grass, having a strong gloss and beautiful colour, which might
easily deceive the eyes of the vulgar, and pass upon them for sails made
of silk. This much is certain, however, that though he might be vain and
expensive in such matters, yet all came fairly out of his own pocket;
and those who had sailed with him, from the prospect of raising their
fortunes, had not the least reason to complain, as he made a fair and
full distribution of the prizes, by which he gained universal credit and
esteem.

To shew his duty and diligence, as well as to discharge respectfully the
obligations he owed his patron, Lord Hunsdon, the near relation of Queen
Elizabeth, and then lord-chamberlain, he wrote the following letter to
him on the very day of his arrival at Plymouth.

_To the Right Honourable the Lord Hunsdon, &c._

_Right Honourable_,

As your favour heretofore hath been most greatly extended towards me, so
I humbly desire a continuance thereof; and though there be no means in
me to deserve the same, yet the uttermost of my services shall not be
wanting, whensoever it shall please your honour to dispose thereof. I am
humbly to desire your honour to make known unto her majesty the desire I
have had to do her majesty service in the performance of this voyage;
and, as it hath pleased God to give her the victory over part of her
enemies, so I trust, ere long, to see her overthrow them all. For the
places of their wealth, whereby they have maintained and made their
wars, are now perfectly discovered; and, if it please her majesty, with
a small power she may take and spoil them all.

It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer me to circumcompass all the whole
globe of the world, entering in at the Straits of Magellan, and
returning by the Cape of Buena Esperança. In which voyage I have either
discovered, or brought certain intelligence of, all the rich places of
the world that ever were known or discovered by any Christian. I
navigated along the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Nueva Espanna, where I
made great spoils. I burnt and sunk nineteen sail of ships, great and
small. All the villages and towns that ever I landed at, I burnt and
spoiled; and, had I not been discovered upon the coast, I had taken a
great quantity of treasure. The matter of most profit unto me was a
great ship of the king's, which I took at California, which ship came
from the Philippines, being one of the richest for merchandize that ever
passed these seas, as the royal register, accounts, and merchants did
shew; for it amounted in value to ***** in Mexico to be sold: which
goods, for that my ships were not able to contain the least part of
them, I was enforced to set on fire.

From the Cape of California, being the uppermost part of all New Spain,
I navigated to the Philippine islands, hard upon the coast of China, of
which country I have brought such intelligence as hath not been heard in
these parts; the stateliness and riches of which country I fear to make
report of; lest I should not be credited: for, if I had not known
sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that country, I should have been
as incredulous thereof as others will be that have not had the like
experience.

I sailed along the islands of the Moluccas, where among some of the
heathen people I was well intreated, and where our people may have trade
as freely as the Portuguese, if they will themselves. From thence, I
passed by the Cape of Buena Esperança; and found out, by the way
homeward, the island of St Helena, where the Portuguese used to refresh
themselves; and, from that island, God hath suffered me to return into
England. All which services, together with myself, I humbly prostrate at
her majesty's feet, desiring the Almighty long to continue her reign
among us; for at this day she is the most famous and most victorious
prince that liveth in the world.

Thus, humbly desiring pardon for my tediousness, I leave your lordship
to the tuition of the Almighty.

   _Your honour's most humble to command,
   Thomas Candish_.

   Plymouth, this 9th
   of September, 1588.
       *       *       *       *       *

There are many circumstances in this voyage, besides the wonderful
facility with which it was accomplished, that deserve to be considered.
As, for instance, the adventuring to pass a second time into the South
Sea, after it was not only known that the Spaniards were excessively
alarmed by the passage of Sir Francis Drake, but also that they had
received succours from Spain, and had actually fortified themselves
strongly in the South Sea. Also the nice search made by Candish, and the
exact description he has given us of the Straits of Magellan, are very
noble proofs of his skill and industry, and of his desire that posterity
might reap the fruits of his labours. The attack of the Accapulco ship,
likewise, considering the small force he had along with him, was a noble
instance of true English bravery, which was justly rewarded by the queen
with the honour of knighthood.

His account of the Philippines, and his description of several islands
in the East Indies, are very clear and curious, and must at that time
have been very useful; but particularly his map and description of
China, which gave great lights in those days. We may add to all this,
the great care he took in the instruction of his seamen, many of whom
afterwards distinguished themselves by navigating vessels in the same
stupendous course, and thereby filling all the known world with the fame
and reputation of English seamen. It is not therefore surprising that we
find the best judges, both of our own and other nations, bestowing very
high praise on this worthy gentleman, who, in the whole conduct of his
voyage, shewed the courage and discretion of a great commander, with all
the skill and diligence of an able seaman; of both which eminent
characters he has left the strongest testimonies in his accurate account
of this circumnavigation.

The wealth brought home by Sir Thomas Candish from this successful
voyage must have been considerable; an old writer says it was sufficient
to have purchased _a fair earldom_, a general and vague expression,
having no determinate meaning. Whatever may have been the amount of the
sum, which he acquired with so much hazard and so great honour, he
certainly did not make such prudent use of his good fortune as might
have been expected; for in the space of three years the best part of it
was spent, and he determined to lay out the remainder upon a second
expedition. We need the less wonder at this, if we consider what the
writers of those days tell us, of his great generosity, and the
prodigious expence he was at in procuring and maintaining such persons
as he thought might be useful to him in his future naval expeditions, on
which subject his mind was continually bent. Such things require the
revenues of a prince; and as he looked upon this voyage round the world
as an introduction only to his future undertakings, we may easily
conceive that, what the world considered extravagance, might appear to
him mere necessary disbursements, which, instead of lessening, he
proposed should have laid the foundations of a more extensive fortune.
All circumstances duly considered, this was neither a rash nor
improbable supposition; since there were many examples in the glorious
reign of Queen Elizabeth, of very large fortunes acquired by the same
method in which he proposed to have increased his estate. Besides, it
clearly appears, by his will, that he not only did not die in debt, but
left very considerable effects behind him, notwithstanding his heavy
expences, and the many misfortunes of his second expedition, of which it
is proper to subjoin a brief account.--_Harris_.

In the Collection of Hakluyt, vol. IV. p. 341-355, is a long enumeration
of nautical remarks, of the latitudes, soundings, distances of places,
bearings of lands, variations of the compass, time spent in sailing
between the several places enumerated, time of remaining at any of
these, observations of winds, &c. &c. &c. written by Mr Thomas Fuller of
Ipswich, who was master of the Desire in this voyage round the world;
but which are too tedious and uninteresting for insertion.--E.


SECTION IV.

_Second Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish, intended for the South Sea, in
1591_.[61]

Though not a circumnavigation, owing to various misfortunes, it appears
proper to insert this narrative, giving an account of the unfortunate
end of the renowned Candish, by way of appendix to his circumnavigation.
From the happy success of his former voyage, and the superior strength
with which he undertook the second, in which, after ranging the Spanish
coast of the South Sea, he proposed to have visited the Philippine
islands and China, he certainly had every reason to have expected, that
the profits of this new enterprise would have fully compensated for its
expences, and have enabled him to spend the remainder of his days in
honourable ease and affluence.

[Footnote 61: Hakluyt, IV. 361.--This narrative, as we learn from
Hakluyt, was written by Mr John Lane, or Jane, a person of good
observation, who was employed in this and many other voyages.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *

The ships fitted out on this occasion, entirely at his own expence, were
the galleon named the Leicester, in which Sir Thomas Candish embarked
himself as admiral, or general of the expedition; the Roebuck
vice-admiral, commanded by Mr Cocke; the Desire rear-admiral, of which
Mr John Davis was captain;[62] the Dainty, a bark belonging to Mr Adrian
Gilbert, of which Mr Randolph Cotton had the command; and a pinnace
named the Black.

[Footnote 62: The author of this narrative informs us that he sailed on
this voyage along with Mr Davis.--E.]

§ 1. _Incidents in the Voyage, till the Separation of the Ships_.

With this squadron we sailed from Plymouth on the 26th of August, 1591.
The 29th November, we fell in with the bay of St Salvador on the coast
of Brazil, twelve leagues to the N. of Cabo Frio, where we were becalmed
till the 2d December, when we captured a small bark, bound for the Rio
Plata, laden with sugar, haberdashery wares, and negroes. The master of
this bark brought us to an isle, called Placencia or _Ilha Grande_,
thirty Portuguese leagues W. from Cabo Frio, where we arrived on the 5th
December, and rifled six or seven houses inhabited by Portuguese. The
11th we departed from this place, and arrived on the 14th at the island
of St Sebastian; whence Mr Cocke and Mr Davis immediately departed, with
the Desire and the Black pinnace, on purpose to attack the town of
Santos.

We anchored at the bar of Santos in the evening of the 15th, and went
immediately in our boats to the town. Next morning about nine o'clock,
we reached Santos, and being discovered, we immediately landed, being
only twenty-four of us, our long-boat being still far astern. By this
promptitude, we took all the people of the town prisoners in the church,
being at mass, and detained them there all day. The great object of Sir
Thomas Candish in assaulting this town was to supply our wants,
expecting to have got every thing of which we stood in need, when once
in possession: But such was the negligence of Mr Cocke, who commanded on
this occasion, that the Indians were allowed to carry every thing out
of the town in open view, and no one hindered them; and next day, our
prisoners were all set free, only four poor old men being kept as
pledges to supply our wants. By this mismanagement, the town of Santos,
which could easily have supplied a fleet the double of ours with all
kinds of necessaries, was in three days left to us entirely naked,
without people, and without provisions. Sir Thomas Candish came up eight
or ten days afterwards, and remained till the 22d January, 1592,
endeavouring by treaty to procure what we were once possessed of, but to
little purpose; and we were then forced to depart, through want of
provisions, glad to procure a few baskets of cassavi meal, going away
worse provided than we had come there. We accordingly left Santos on the
22d January, and burnt the town of St Vincent to the ground.

We set sail on the 24th, shaping our course for the Straits of Magellan.
On the 7th February we had a violent storm, and on the 8th, our fleet
was separated by the fury of the tempest. Consulting with the master of
our ship, our captain concluded to go for Port Desire, in the latitude
of 48° S. hoping that Sir Thomas would go there likewise, as he had
found great relief there in his former voyage. Our captain had not been
able to get directions, what course to take in such a contingency as had
now occurred, though he had earnestly proposed such a measure. In our
way, we fortunately fell in with the Roebuck, which had been in extreme
danger, and had lost her boat. We arrived together at Port Desire on the
6th March. The Black pinnace came in there also on the 16th; but the
Dainty came not, having gone back for England, leaving their captain, Mr
Randolph Cotton, aboard the Roebuck, with nothing but the clothes he
wore. He now came aboard our ship, being in great habits of friendship
with Captain Davis.

On the 18th Sir Thomas brought the galleon into the roads, and came
himself into the harbour in a boat he had got built at sea, for his
long-boat and light-horseman were both lost during the storm, together
with a pinnace he had set up at Santos. Being on board our ship, the
Desire, Sir Thomas informed our captain of all his extremities, and
complained severely of his company, and particularly of several
gentlemen in his ship, proposing to go no more on board his own ship,
but to proceed for the rest of the voyage in the Desire. We were all
grieved to hear such hard speeches of our good friends; but having
spoken with the gentlemen in the Leicester, we found them faithful,
honest, and resolute in their proceedings, although it pleased our
general to conceive of them otherwise.

The 20th March we departed from Port Desire, Sir Thomas being in the
Desire with us. The 8th of April we fell in with the Straits of
Magellan, having sustained many furious storms between Port Desire and
the straits. The 14th we passed the first straits, and got through the
second, ten leagues beyond the first, on the 16th. We doubled Cape
Froward on the 18th, which cape is in 53° 30' S. The 21st we were forced
by a furious storm to take shelter in a small cove with our ships, four
leagues beyond the cape, and on the southern shore of the straits, where
we remained till the 15th of May; in which time we endured much
distress, by excessive storms, with perpetual snow, and many of our men
died of cold and famine, not having wherewithal to cover their bodies
nor to fill their bellies, but living on muscles, sea-weeds, and water,
with an occasional supply of meal from the ships stores.[63] All the
sick men in the galleon were most uncharitably put on shore into the
woods, exposed to the snow, the air, and the cold, which men in health
could hardly have endured, where they ended their days in the utmost
misery, Sir Thomas remaining all this time in the Desire.

[Footnote 63: It would appear that this expedition had been very
improvidently undertaken, with a very inadequate supply of provisions,
and, as will afterwards appear, of naval stores, trusting perhaps to
obtain supplies from the enemy, as had been attempted in vain at Santos.
Either delayed by these views, or from ignorance, the passage through
the straits was attempted at a very improper season, three months after
the antarctic mid-summer and during the autumnal equinoctial gales.
November, December, and January are the summer months, and best fitted
for these high southern latitudes.--E.]

Seeing these great extremities of cold and snow, and doubting a
disastrous end to the enterprize, Sir Thomas asked our captain's
opinion, being a person of great experience in the utmost parts of the
north, to which he had made three voyages of discovery in the employ of
the London merchants. Captain Davis said, that he did not expect the
snow to be of long continuance, for which he gave sufficient reasons
from his former experience, and hoped therefore that this might not
greatly prejudice or hinder the completion of the enterprize. Yet Sir
Thomas called all the company together, telling them that he proposed to
depart from the straits upon some other voyage, either proceeding for
the Cape of Good Hope, or back again to Brazil. The company answered,
that they desired rather to wait God's favour for a wind, if he so
pleased, and to submit to any hardships, rather than abandon the
intended voyage, considering that they had been here only for a short
time, and were now only forty leagues from the South Sea; yet, though
grieved to return, they were ready to perform whatever he pleased to
command. So he concluded to leave the straits, and make sail for the
Cape of Good Hope.

When Sir Thomas Candish returned on board the Desire, from talking with
the company, Captain Davis requested he would consider the extremity of
our estate and condition, the slenderness of his provision, and the
weakness of his men, being in no case for undertaking that new
enterprise; as, if the other ships were as ill appointed as the Desire,
it would be impossible to perform his new design, having no more sails
then were then bent, no victuals, no ground tackle, no cordage save what
was already in use; and, of seventy-five persons in the Desire, the
master only had knowledge enough for managing the ship, and there were
only fourteen sailors besides, all the rest being gentlemen,
serving-men, or tradesmen. Captain Davis laid these persuasions before
both the general and Mr Cocke; and in fine, in consequence of a
petition, delivered in writing by all the chief persons of the whole
company, the general determined to depart from the Straits of Magellan,
and to return again for Santos in Brazil.

Accordingly, we set sail on the 15th of May, the general being now on
board the galleon, his own ship. The 18th we were free of the straits;
but on passing Cape Froward, we had the misfortune to have our boat sunk
at our stern in the night, by which she was split and sore injured, and
lost all her oars. The 20th of May, being athwart Port Desire, the
general altered his course during the night, as we suppose, by which we
lost him. In the evening he stood close by the wind to leewards, having
the wind at N.N.E. and we stood the same course, the wind not altering
during the night, and next day we could not see him. We were then
persuaded that the general was gone for Port Desire in quest of relief
or that he had sustained some mischance at sea, and was gone there to
seek a remedy. Our captain then called all hands together, the general's
men among the rest, asking their opinion what was to be done, when every
one said he thought the general was gone to Port Desire.

Our master, who was the general's man, and careful for his master's
service, and also a person of good judgment in sea affairs, represented
to the company how dangerous it was for us to go to Port Desire,
especially if we should there miss the general; as we had now no boat
wherewith to land, neither any anchors or cables which he could trust to
in such rapid streams. Yet as we all concluded that it was most probable
the general had gone there, we shaped our course for Port Desire, and on
our way met the Black pinnace by chance, which had also parted company
from the general, being in a miserable plight. So we both proceeded for
Port Desire, where we arrived on the 26th of May.


§ 2. _Disastrous result of the Voyage to Sir Thomas Candish_.[64]

Various accounts of the disappointments and misfortunes of Sir Thomas
Candish, in this disastrous voyage, are still preserved, but the most
copious is contained in his own narrative, addressed to Sir Tristram
Gorges, whom he constituted sole executor of his will. In this, Sir
Thomas attributes his miscarriage to the cowardice and defection of one
of his officers, in the following terms:--"The running away of the
villain Davis was the death of me, and the decay of the whole action,
and his treachery in deserting me the ruin of all."

[Footnote 64: This portion of the voyage is taken from the supplement in
the Collection of Harris, to the circumnavigation of Sir Thomas
Candish.--E.]

In this letter he complained also of mutinies, and that, by adverse
winds at S W. and W.S.W. he had been driven 400 leagues from the shore,
and from the latitude of 50° to that of 40° both S. He says also, that
he was surprised by winter in the straits, and sore vexed by storms,
having such frosts and snows in May as he had never before
witnessed,[65] so that forty of his men died, and seventy more of them
sickened, in the course of seven or eight days. Davis, as he says,
deserted him in the Desire, in lat. 47° S. The Roebuck continued along
with him to lat. 36° S. In consequence of transgressing his directions,
Captain Barker was slain on land with twenty-five men, and the boat
lost; and soon afterwards other twenty-five men met with a similar fate.
Ten others were forsaken at Spiritu Santo, by the cowardice of the
master of the Roebuck, who stole away, having six months provisions on
board for 120 men, and only forty-seven men in his ship. Another mutiny
happened at St Sebastians by the treachery of an Irishman, when Mr
Knivet and other six persons were left on shore.

[Footnote 65: Sir Thomas Candish seems not to have been aware, that the
month of May, in these high antarctic or southern latitudes, was
precisely analogous with November in the high latitudes of the north,
and therefore utterly unfit for navigation.--E.]

Intending again to have attempted passing through the straits, he was
tossed up and down in the tempestuous seas of the Southern Atlantic, and
came even at one time within two leagues of St Helena, but was unable to
reach that island. In his last letter, he declares that, rather than
return to England after so many disasters, he would willingly have gone
ashore in an island placed in lat. 8° in the charts. In this letter, he
states himself to be then scarcely able to hold a pen; and we learn that
he soon afterwards died of grief. The Leicester, in which Candish
sailed, came home, as did the Desire. The Black pinnace was lost; but
the fates of the Roebuck and the Dainty are no where mentioned.

The miscarriage of this voyage was certainly prejudicial to the rising
trade and spirit of naval adventure in England. The ruin of Sir Thomas
Candish threw a damp on such undertakings among the English gentlemen;
and, on the return of these ships, several able and experienced seamen
were turned adrift, to gain their livings as they best might. These
thorough-bred seamen went to other countries; and, as knowledge is a
portable commodity, they made the best market they could of their
nautical experience in Holland and elsewhere. Among these was one Mr
Mellish, who had been a favourite of Sir Thomas Candish, and the
companion of all his voyages. This person offered his services to the
East India Company of Holland, then in its infancy; and, his proposals
being accepted, he was employed as pilot in the circumnavigation of
Oliver van Noort, which falls next in order to be related.


§ 3. _Continuation of the Voyage of the Desire, Captain Davis, after
parting from Sir Thomas Candish_.

Not finding our general at Port Desire, as we had expected, and being
very slenderly provided, without sails, boat, oars, nails, cordage, and
other necessary stores, and very short of victuals, we were reduced to a
very unpleasant situation, not knowing how to proceed. Leaving
ourselves, however, to the providence of the Almighty, we entered the
harbour, and, by the good favour of God, we found a quiet and safe road,
which we knew not of before. Having moored our ship, by the help of the
boat belonging to the Black pinnace, we landed on the southern shore of
the bay, where we found a standing pool, which might contain some ten
tons of fresh water, by which we were greatly relieved and comforted.
From this pool we took more than forty tons of water, yet left it as
full as at first. At our former visit to this harbour, we were at this
very place and found no water, wherefore we persuaded ourselves that the
Almighty had sent this pool for our relief. We found here such
remarkably low ebbs as we had never before seen, by means of which we
procured muscles in great plenty. Providence also sent such great
abundance of smelts about our ship, that all the people were able to
take as many as they could eat, with hooks made of crooked pins. By
these means we husbanded the ship's provisions, and did not spend any of
them during our abode at this place.

Considering what was best to be done in our present circumstances, that
we might find our general, and as it was obvious we could not refit our
ship for sea in less than a month, our captain and master concluded to
take the pinnace and go in search of the general, leaving the ship and a
considerable part of the men till the return of the general, who had
vowed he would return again to the straits. Hearing of this
determination, two pestilent fellows, named Charles Parker and Edward
Smith, secretly represented to the men, that the captain and master
meant to leave them to be devoured by cannibals, and had no intention to
come back; on which the whole company secretly agreed to murder the
captain, master, and all those who were thought their friends, among
whom I was included. This conspiracy was fortunately known to our
boatswain, who revealed it to the master, and he to the captain. To
appease this mutiny the captain found it necessary to desist from his
intentions, and it was concluded not to depart, but to wait at Port
Desire for the return of the general. After this the whole company, with
one consent, made a written testimonial of the circumstances by which we
had lost company of the general, and the indispensable necessity of
returning home.

In this testimony or protest, dated Port Desire, 2d June, 1592, it is
represented, that the shrouds of the ship are all rotten, the ropes all
so decayed that they could not be trusted; the sails reduced to one
shift all worn, of which the topsails were utterly unable to abide any
stress of weather; the ship unprovided with pitch, tar, or nails for
repairs of any kind, and no means of supplying these wants; the
provisions reduced to five hogsheads of salt pork, and such quantity of
meal as admitted only an allowance of three ounces for a man each day,
and no drink remaining except water. This instrument is signed by John
Davis and Randolph Cotton, the captains of the Desire and Black pinnace,
and thirty-eight more, but the name John Jane, or Lane, does not appear
among them.

After this, they proceeded to refit the ship with all expedition, for
which purpose they built a smith's forge, making charcoal for its
supply, and made nails, bolts, and spikes. Others of the crew were
employed in making ropes from a piece of cable; and others again in all
the necessary repairs of the ship, sails, and rigging; while those not
fit for such offices, gathered muscles and caught smelts for the whole
company. Three leagues from Port Desire there is an island, having four
small isles about it, on which there are great abundance of seals, and
where likewise penguins resort in vast numbers at the breeding season.
To this island it was resolved to dispatch the Black pinnace
occasionally, to fetch seals for us to eat, when smelts and muscles
failed, for we could get no muscles at neap-tides, and only when the ebb
was very low.

In this miserable and forlorn condition we remained till the 6th of
August, 1592, still keeping watch on the hills to look out for our
general, suffering extreme anguish and vexation. Our hope of the
general's return becoming very cold, our captain and master were
persuaded that he might have gone directly for the straits; wherefore it
was concluded to go there and wait his coming, as there we could not
possibly miss seeing him if he came. This being agreed to by the whole
company, we set sail from Port Desire on the 6th August, and went to
Penguin island, where we salted twenty hogsheads of seals, which was as
much as our salt could do. We departed from Penguin island towards night
of the 7th August, intending for the straits. The 14th we were driven
among certain islands, never before discovered, fifty leagues or better
from the shore, east-northerly from the straits.[66] Fortunately the
wind shifted to the east, or we must have inevitably perished among
these islands, and we were enabled to shape our course for the straits.

[Footnote 66: These are doubtless the Falkland Islands, or Malouines,
but to which no name seems to have been affixed on this occasion.--E.]

We fell in with the cape [Virgin] on the 18th of August, in a very thick
fog, and that same night came to anchor ten leagues within the straits'
mouth. The 19th we passed the first and second narrows, doubled Cape
Froward on the 21st, and anchored on the 22d in a cove, or small bay,
which we named _Savage Cove_, because we here found savages.
Notwithstanding the excessive coldness of this place, yet do these
people go entirely naked, living in the woods like satyrs, painted and
disguised in a strange manner, and fled from us like so many wild deer.
They were very strong and agile, and threw stones at us, of three or
four pounds weight, from an incredible distance. We departed from this
cove on the 24th in the morning, and came that same day into the N.W.
reach of the straits, which is its last or most western reach. On the
25th we anchored in a good cove, within fourteen leagues of the South
Sea, where we proposed to await the return of our general, as the strait
at this place is only three miles broad, and he could not possibly pass
unseen.

After we had remained here a fortnight, in the depth of winter, our
victuals fast consuming, and our salted seals stinking most vilely, our
men fell sick and died pitifully, through famine and cold, as most of
them had not clothes sufficient to defend them from the extreme rigour
of winter. In this heavy distress, our captain and master thought it
best to depart from the straits into the South Sea, and to proceed for
the island of Santa Maria in lat. 37° S. on the coast of Chili, which is
situated in a temperate climate, where we might find relief, and could
wait for our general, who must necessarily pass by that island. We
accordingly set sail on the 13th September, and came in sight of the
South Sea. The 14th we were driven back into the straits, and got into a
cove three leagues from the South Sea. We again stood out, and being
eight or ten leagues free of the land, the wind rose furiously at W.N.W.
and we were again forced to return into the straits, not daring to trust
to our sails in any stress of weather. We again got into the cove,
three leagues from the eastern mouth of the straits, where we had such
violent weather that one of our two remaining cables broke, and we were
almost in despair of saving our lives. Yet it pleased God to allay the
fury of the storm, and we unreeved our sheets, tacks, halyards, and
other ropes, and made fast our ship to the trees on shore, close by the
rocks. We laboured hard to recover our anchor again, which we could not
possibly effect, being, as we supposed, entirely covered over in the
ooze.

We were now reduced to one anchor, which had only one whole fluke; and
had only one old cable, already spliced in two places, and a piece of
another old cable. In this extremity of trouble it pleased God that the
wind came fair on the 1st October, on which we loosed our land fastnings
with all expedition, weighed our anchor, and towed off into the channel;
for we had repaired our boat when in Port Desire, and got five oars from
the Black pinnace. On weighing our anchor we found the cable sore
broken, holding only by one strand, which was a most merciful
preservation. We now reeved our ropes and rigged our ship the best we
could, every man working as if to save our lives in the utmost
extremity. Our company was now much divided in opinion as to how we
should proceed for the best; some desiring to return to Port Desire, to
be there set on shore, and endeavour to travel by land to some of the
Spanish settlements, while others adhered to the captain and master: But
at length, by the persuasion of the master, who promised that they would
find wheat, pork, and roots in abundance at the island of St Mary,
besides the chance of intercepting some ships on the coasts of Chili and
Peru, while nothing but a cruel death by famine could be looked for in
attempting to return by the Atlantic, they were prevailed upon to
proceed.

So, on the 2d of October, 1592, we again made sail into the South Sea,
and got free from the land. This night the wind again began to blow very
strong at west, and increased with such violence that we were in great
doubt what measures to pursue. We durst not put into the straits for
lack of ground tackle, neither durst we carry sail, the tempest being
very furious, and our sails very bad. In this extremity the pinnace bore
up to us, informing she had received many heavy seas, and that her ropes
were continually failing, so that they knew not what to do; but, unable
to afford her any relief; we stood on our course in view of a lee shore,
continually dreading a ruinous end of us all. The 4th October the storm
increased to an extreme violence; when the pinnace, being to windward,
suddenly _struck a hull_, when we thought she had sustained some violent
shock of a sea, or had sprung a leak, or that her sails had failed,
because she did not follow us. But we durst not _hull_ in this
unmerciful storm, sometimes _trying_ under our main-course, sometimes
with a _haddock_ of our sail; for our ship was very _leeward_, and
laboured hard in the sea. This night we lost sight of the pinnace, and
never saw her again.

The 5th October, our foresail split, on which our master brought the
mizen-sail to the foremast to make the ship work, and we mended our
foresail with our spritsail. The storm still continued to rage with the
most extreme fury, with hail, snow, rain, and wind, such and so mighty
that it could not possibly in nature be worse; the seas running so
lofty, and with a continual breach, that we many times were in doubt
whether our ship did sink or swim. The 10th, the weather dark, the storm
as furious as ever, most of the men having given over labour from
fatigue and in despair, and being near the lee-shore by the reckoning
both of the captain and master, we gave ourselves up for lost, past all
remedy. While in this extremity of distress, the sun suddenly shone out
clear, by which the captain and master were enabled to ascertain the
latitude, and thereby knew what course to steer, so as to recover the
straits. Next day, the 11th October, we saw Cape Deseado, being the
southern point of the entrance into the straits, for the northern point
is a dangerous assemblage of rocks, shoals, and islands. The cape was
now two leagues to leeward, and the master was even in doubt whether we
might be able to steer clear of it; but there was no remedy, as we must
either succeed or be irretrievably lost.

Our master, being a man of spirit, made quick dispatch, and steered for
the straits. Our sails had not been half an hour abroad for this purpose
when the foot-rope of the fore-sail broke, so nothing held save the
oilet-holes. The sea continually broke over our poop, and dashed with
such violence against our sails, that we every moment looked to have
them torn to pieces, or that the ship would overset. To our utter
discomfort also, we perceived that she fell still more and more to
leeward, so that we could not clear the cape. We were now within half a
mile of the cape, and so near shore that the counter surge of the sea so
rebounded against the side of our ship, that the horrors of our
situation were undescribably awful. While in this utmost extremity, the
wind and the sea raging beyond measure, and momentarily expecting to be
driven upon the rocks, our master veered away some of the main-sheet:
Whether owing to this, or by some counter current, or by the wonderful
interposition of God, our ship quickened her way and shot past the rock,
where we all thought she must have perished. Between this and the cape
there was a small bay, so that we were now somewhat farther from the
shore; but on coming to the cape, we again looked for nothing but
instant death; yet God, the father of mercy, delivered us, and we
doubled the cape little more than the length of our ship. When past the
cape, we took in all our sails, and, being between the high lands, the
wind _blowing trade_, or steadily in the direction of the straits, we
spooned before the sea under bare poles, three men being unable to
manage the helm, and in six hours we were driven twenty-five leagues
within the straits.

In this time we freed our ship from water, and when we had rested a
while, our men became unable to move, their sinews being stiff, and
their flesh as if dead. Many of them were so covered and eaten with
lice, that there lay clusters of them in their flesh as large as peas,
yea, some as big as beans. In this state of misery we were constrained
to put into a cove to refresh our men, where we moored to the trees as
we had done before, our only anchor being to seaward. We here continued
till the 20th of October; and being unable to continue longer, through
the extremity of famine, we again put off into the channel on the 22d,
the weather being then reasonably calm. Before night the wind blew hard
at W.N.W. The storm waxed so violent that our men could scarcely stand
to their labour; and the straits being full of turnings and windings, we
had to trust entirely to the discretion of the captain and master to
guide the ship during the darkness of the night, when we could see no
shore, and the straits were in some places scarcely three miles broad.
When we first passed these straits, our captain made so excellent a
draught of them, as I am confident cannot in any sort be made more
correct. Which draught he and the master so carefully considered, that
they had every turning, creek, and head-land so perfectly in their
memory, as enabled them, even in the deepest darkness of the night,
undoubtingly to convey the ship through that crooked channel.

The 25th October we came to an island in the straits, named Penguine
Isle, where the boat was sent ashore to seek relief, as it abounded
with birds, and the weather was calm; so we came to anchor near the
island, in seven fathoms. While the boat was ashore, where we got
abundance of penguins, there rose a sudden storm, by which our ship was
driven over a breach, and our boat sunk at the shore. Captain Cotton and
the lieutenant, who were both on shore, leapt into the boat, and freed
it of water, throwing away the birds, and with great difficulty got back
to the ship. All this time the ship was driving upon the lee-shore; and
when we got on board, we helped to weigh the anchor and make sail. Thus,
in a severe storm, we got clear of the straits on the 27th October; and
on the 30th we got to that Penguin Island which is three leagues from
Port Desire, where we purposed to seek relief. Immediately on coming to
this isle, our boat was sent ashore, and returned laden with birds and
eggs, the men reporting that the penguins were so thick on the isle,
that even ships might be laden with them, as they could not step without
treading on these birds; at which news we greatly rejoiced.

Then the captain appointed Charles Parker and Edmund Smith, with twenty
others, to go on shore, and remain on the island, on purpose to kill and
dry these penguins: promising to send others when the ship was safe in
harbour, not only for expedition, but to save the small store of
victuals that remained in the ship. But Parker and Smith, with the rest
of their faction, remembering that this was the place where they
intended formerly to have slain the captain and master, thought it was
meant here to leave them on shore out of revenge, and refused to land.
After some altercation, these men were allowed to proceed in the ship,
and ten others were left in the island. The last day of October we
entered the harbour of Port Desire. The master, having at our being
there before taken notice of every creek in the river, ran our ship
aground in a very convenient place on the sandy ooze, laying our anchor
out to seawards, and mooring her with the running ropes to stakes on
shore, in which situation the ship remained till our departure.

The 3d November our boat was sent off for Penguin Island, with wood and
water, and as many men as she could carry; but, being deep laden, she
durst not proceed, and returned again the same night. Then Parker,
Smith, Townsend, Purpet, and five others, desired that they might go by
land, and that the boat might fetch them from the shore opposite the
isle, being scarcely a mile across. The captain bid them do as they
thought best, only advised them to carry weapons, as they might meet
with savages; so they accordingly carried calivers, swords, and targets,
departing by land on the 6th November, while the boat went by sea. But
these nine men were never more heard of. On the 11th, when most of our
men were at the island, only the captain, master, and five more
remaining in the ship, there came a great multitude of savages to the
shore beside the ship, throwing dust into the air, leaping and running
about like so many beasts, having vizards on their faces like dogs, or
else their faces actually resembled dogs. We greatly feared they would
have set the ship on fire, for they would suddenly make fire, at which
we were greatly astonished. They came to windward of the ship, and set
the bushes on fire, so that we were enveloped in a very stinking smoke;
but coming within shot of us, we fired at them, and hitting one on the
thigh, they all fled instantly away, and we never heard or saw them
more. Hence we judged that these savages had slain our nine men, who
were the ringleaders of those who would formerly have murdered our
captain and master, with the rest of their friends; so that God
evidently drew just judgment upon them, and we supplicated his divine
Majesty to be merciful to us.

While we lay in this harbour, our captain and master went one day in the
boat to see how far the river could be penetrated, that if need enforced
us, it might be known how far we might proceed by water. They found that
this river was only navigable by the boat for twenty miles. On their
return, the boat was sent to Penguin Island, by which we learnt that the
penguins dried to our entire satisfaction, and were in infinite numbers.
This penguin is shaped like a bird, having stumps only in place of
wings, by which it swims under water as swiftly as any fish. They live
upon smelts, which are found in vast abundance on this coast. In eating,
these penguins seem neither fish nor flesh. They lay large eggs; and the
bird is about as large as two ducks. All the time we remained at Port
Desire, we fared well on penguins and their eggs, young seals, young
gulls, and other birds of which I know not the names, all of which we
had in vast abundance. In this place also we found plenty of an herb
called scurvy-grass, which we eat fried in seal-oil along with eggs,
which so purified the blood, that it entirely removed all kind of
swellings, of which many had died, and restored us all to as perfect
health as when we first left England.

We remained in this harbour till the 22d of December, 1592, in which
time we had dried 20,000 penguins. In this time also the captain, with
the master and I, made some salt, by filling some holes in the rocks
with sea-water, which in six days was changed to salt by evaporation, it
being now Midsummer in this southern hemisphere. Thus did God feed us in
the desert, even as with manna from heaven. The 22d December we departed
from Port Desire for Penguin island, where, with great difficulty, we
got 14,000 of the dried birds on board, during which we had nearly lost
our captain; and had not our master been very expert in the set of the
tides, which ran in many cross directions, we had lost our ship.

We now shaped our course for Brazil, under a regulated allowance of
provisions, so that our victuals might last six months, in which time we
hoped we might get back to England, though our sails were very bad. This
allowance was, two ounces and a half of meal for each man, two days only
in the week, or five ounces for a week; three days a week, three
spoonfulls of oil were allowed to each man; two days a week, a pint of
peas among four men; and every day five dried penguins among four men,
with six quarts of water each day to four men. With this allowance,
praised be God, we lived, though weak and feeble.

The 30th January, 1593, we arrived at the isle of Placencia, or Ilha
Grande, in Brazil, the first place at which we touched when outwards
bound. The ship laying off at sea, the captain went aland in the boat
with twenty-four men, being the whole night before he could reach the
shore. He landed next day at sun-rise, hoping to catch the Portuguese in
their houses, and by that means to procure a supply of casava meal; but
on coming to the houses, we found them all burnt to the ground, so that
we thought no one had remained on the island. The captain then went to
the gardens, whence he brought a quantity of fruits and roots for the
company, and returned on board. He then brought the ship into a fine
creek, where she was moored to the trees on each side, at a place where
we had plenty of fresh water. Our case being very desperate, we
presently set to work to trim and repair our water-casks, the coopers
making new hoops; while others laboured to repair the sails, keeping
always a guard on shore, and every man having always his weapons ready
at hand. The 3d February, thirty men well armed went to the gardens,
three miles from where the ship lay, to dig cassavi-roots, to serve our
company instead of bread. This was again repeated on the 5th. They
laboured in quietness all the morning; and about ten o'clock, the heat
being extreme, they came to a rock near the side of the wood, where they
boiled cassavi-roots for dinner. After dinner, some went to sleep, and
others to bathe in the sea, no one keeping watch, not a match lighted,
nor even a piece charged. While in this unprovided state, and out of
sight from the ship, there came suddenly upon them a multitude of
Portuguese and Indians, who slew them all to the number of thirteen, two
only escaping, one of these very sore hurt, and the other not touched,
from whom we learnt the circumstances of this sad massacre.

We manned the boat with all speed, and went ashore, if happily we might
succour our men; but we found them all slain, and laid naked in a row,
with their faces upwards, and a cross set up beside them. We saw also
two large pinnaces coming from Rio de Janeiro, full of men, who, as we
supposed, were intended to take us. We were now much reduced, as of
seventy-six persons we had on board when we left England, there were now
only twenty-seven of us remaining, thirty-two having died formerly, and
thirteen being slain in this place. Between those formerly slain by the
savages at Port Desire, and those now in the island of Placencia by the
Portuguese, all those who had conspired to murder our captain and master
were now cut off, the gunner only excepted. Our casks were so greatly
decayed, that we could not take in a sufficient supply of water, and
what we had was exceedingly bad. Having lost several muskets on shore,
which had belonged to our slain men, with good store of powder and shot,
we expected to be beaten from our decks by means of our own weapons, by
the Portuguese on the island, joined by those coming from Janeiro: and
as we were moored to the trees, for want of cables and anchors, we were
in dread of having our mooring ropes cut. In this miserable state we
knew not what measures to pursue. To depart with only eight tons of bad
water, and in bad casks, were to run the risk of starving at sea, and to
remain seemed inevitable ruin. These were severe alternatives; but in
our perplexity we preferred trusting to the hand of God than to the
mercy of our enemies, and concluded to depart. Wherefore, on the 6th
February, we unmoored and removed our ship into the channel, putting all
our ordnance and small arms in readiness in case of an assault, and
having a small gale of wind, we put to sea in deep distress.

Thus bemoaning our sad estate, and recounting our past misfortunes, we
came to Cape Frio; being much crossed for three weeks by contrary winds,
and our water running short, we were reduced to the utmost distress and
perplexity. Some of the people were desirous of going into Bahia, and
submitting to the Portuguese, rather than die of thirst; but our captain
persuaded them against this measure. In this extremity, it pleased God
to send us such abundant rain, that we were enabled to supply ourselves
with water. On getting into the hot climate near the line, our dried
penguins began to corrupt, and there bred in them many loathsome worms,
an inch in length. These worms increased with astonishing rapidity,
devouring our victuals so fast that we now seemed doomed to die of
famine, as before of thirst We were even in danger of being eaten up by
these worms, which devoured every thing except iron. They so gnawed the
timbers of our ship, that we feared they would eat holes through her
sides. We used every possible contrivance to destroy these noisome
vermin, but they seemed only to increase so much the more, so that at
last they would eat our flesh, and bite us like mosquitoes when we were
asleep.

In this woeful plight, after we had passed the equator towards the
north, our men began to fall sick of a most terrible disease, such as, I
believe, was never before heard of. It began with a swelling in their
ankles, which in two days rose up as high as their breasts, so that they
could not breathe. It then fell into the scrotum, which, with the penis,
swelled in a most grievous manner, so that they could neither stand,
walk, nor lie; and many of them became frantic with grief and distress.
Our captain, with extreme distress of mind, was in so miserable a
condition, that he wished to die; yet, while scarcely able to speak for
sorrow, he continued to exhort us all to patience and reliance on God,
desiring us to accept our chastisement like dutiful and thankful
children. In this state of misery and wretchedness, several died raving
mad, and others in a most loathsome state, or in dreadful pain and
agony. None in the ship remained in perfect health, except the captain
and one boy; the master also, though oppressed with extreme labour and
anxiety, bore up with spirit, so that his disease did not overcome him.

At length all our men died except sixteen, five only of whom were able
to move. These were, the captain, who was in good health, the master
indifferent, Captain Cotton and myself swollen and short-winded, yet
better than the other sick men, and the boy in good health. Upon us five
the whole labour of the ship rested. The captain and master, as happened
to be necessary, took in and left out the topsails. The master by
himself attended to the sprit-sail, and all of us the capstan, being
utterly unable to work sheets and tacks. Our misery and weakness were so
extreme, that we were utterly unable to take in or set a sail; so that
our top-sails and sprit-sail were at length torn in pieces by the
weather. The captain and master had to take their turns at the helm,
where they were inexpressibly grieved and distressed by the continual
and sad lamentations of our few remaining sick men.

Thus lost wanderers on the ocean, unable to help ourselves, it pleased
God, on the 11th of June, 1593, that we arrived at Beerhaven in Ireland,
and ran the ship there on shore. The Irish helped us to take in our
sails, and to moor the ship so as to float her off next tide; for which
slender aid it cost the captain ten pounds, before he could get the ship
into a state of safety. Thus, without men, sails, victuals, or other
means, God alone guided us into Ireland. Here the captain left the
master and three or four more of the company to keep the ship; and
within five days after our arrival, he and some others got a passage in
a fishing-boat to Padstow in Cornwall. For the merciful preservation of
this our small remnant, and our restoration to our country, be all
honour and glory to God, now and for ever.--_Amen_.




CHAPTER IV.

VOYAGE OF OLIVER VAN NOORT ROUND THE WORLD IN 1598--1601.[67]

       *       *       *       *       *

INTRODUCTION.


The inhabitants of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, after their
separation from the Spanish monarchy, found themselves extremely at a
loss for means to supply the expences of the long and vigorous war in
which they were engaged for the defence of their liberties. This gave
them the more uneasiness, as their great enemy, Philip II. carried on
the war against them, more by the length of his purse than the force of
his arms, and because the riches, of the Spanish monarchy were derived
from sources of commerce and colonization that were prohibited to them,
even if they had submitted themselves to the yoke of Spain. The sense,
therefore, of these difficulties, joined to the vast advantages they
were likely to reap by overcoming them, induced the government and
people of Holland to prosecute the advancement of trade in general with
the greatest vigour, and particularly to establish a commercial
intercourse with the East and West Indies, the great sources of wealth
to their tyrannical oppressor and enemy, from whom they had revolted.

[Footnote 67: Harris, I. 31.--Two editions of this voyage were published
in Dutch, both in folio; one at Rotterdam without date; and the other at
Amsterdam in 1602. _Bib, Univer. des Voyages_, I. 115.]

Among other inducements to this course of proceeding, they were not a
little encouraged by the progress made by their neighbours, the English;
seeing that even private persons, and with a small force, had been able
to disquiet the Spaniards exceedingly; and had at the same time acquired
great riches to themselves. Another cause of attempting expeditions like
the present, was their having failed in their first scheme of finding a
new passage to the East Indies, than that with which the Spaniards and
Portuguese were acquainted, which they had often and unsuccessfully
endeavoured to explore by the north-east, with great hazard and expence.
Their first voyages to the East Indies proving more fortunate even than
they themselves had expected, they were tempted to proceed farther, and
to distress their enemies likewise in the South Sea, which hitherto had
only been done by the English.

The distressed states of Holland, however, were not hitherto so
powerful at sea as to attempt acting offensively against the king of
Spain on that element; but contented themselves with giving power and
authority to any of their subjects who were inclined to venture upon
expeditions of this nature, at their own risk and expence, so as at the
same time to join their own private advantage with the public good, by
fitting out squadrons for these distant and hazardous voyages. This
policy, though arising in some measure from necessity, was conducted
with such wisdom and address, that the king of Spain soon found himself
more distressed by the armaments of the Dutch merchants, than by all the
forces of the United States. This is a plain proof; that the surest way
to render any government powerful, is to interest the people in general
in its support: For this raises such spirit among them, and is followed
by such unexpected consequences, as no art or force can withstand.

In the beginning of the year 1598, some eminent merchants in the united
provinces, among whom were Peter van Bueren, Hugo Gerritz, and John
Bennick, formed a design of sending some stout ships through the Straits
of Magellan into the South Sea, to cruise against the Spaniards; to
which design they were chiefly instigated by the reports of many English
seamen, who had served in these parts, under Drake, Candish, and
Hawkins, and other experienced officers. The purpose of the present
expedition, was to cruise upon the coasts belonging to the Spaniards,
and to force the enemy of peace to bear the expences of those wars in
which he obliged other people unwillingly to engage. They also proposed
by it to gain nautical experience, if it should be found practicable to
continue the voyage by the Philippines, and so round by the Cape of Good
Hope, circumnavigating the globe.

As the success of this important enterprise greatly depended upon the
choice of a _general_, for so in those days the Dutch, and most other
nations, denominated the commander in chief, whether by sea or land, the
adventurers took great care to provide themselves with a person of
established character, both in regard to conduct and courage. The person
chosen on this occasion was Oliver van Noort, a native of Utrecht, in
the flower of his age, and who had a strong passion to acquire glory. To
him they communicated their scheme, which he readily embraced; and their
terms being speedily adjusted, they proceeded to fit out two stout
vessels one named the Maurice, and the other the Henry Frederick,
together with two yachts, railed the Concord and the Hope, the whole
being manned by 248 persons of all ranks and conditions.

Of this small fleet, Oliver van Noort was appointed admiral, and sailed
in the Maurice; James Claas van Ulpenda was captain of the Henry
Frederick, with the title of vice-admiral, Captain Peter van Lint
commanded the Concord, and John Huidecoope was captain of the Hope.
These were all men of experience in sea affairs, and capable of
maintaining their authority on all occasions, and were all interested in
the success of the voyage, by means of shares in the outfit; a proper
precaution then, and ever since usual among the Dutch in all such cases,
to prevent their expeditions from suffering by private views, or want of
hearty concurrence in their officers: which, among other nations, is
often the cause of failure, and for which this method is, perhaps, the
only cure.

All things being in readiness, and crews provided for all the vessels,
the proprietors presented a petition to the Board of Admiralty of
Rotterdam, upon which all who were concerned were summoned to compeer:
and, on the 28th June, 1598, the rules and regulations for the
government of all concerned in this expedition, having been previously
drawn up by the company of adventurers, revised by the admiralty and
approved of by the Stadtholder, Prince Maurice, were publicly read over
to them, and every man sworn to obey them. These sailing orders are
called Artykelbreefs by the Dutch, and are never suffered to be put in
force, till they have received this kind of sanction from the state,
when they become the law of the voyage, to which all concerned are
subject, and must undergo the penalties contained in them, for breach of
any of the articles. This circumstance is worthy of remark and imitation
by other nations, and is a strong proof of the care paid by that
republic to the commercial welfare of its citizens.


SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage_.

On the 13th of September, 1598, the Maurice and Concord sailed from the
port of Gocree; and, being joined by the Henry Frederick and Hope, from
Amsterdam, the whole fleet proceeded for Plymouth, where their English
pilot, Mr Mellish, who had been the companion of Sir Thomas Candish in
his navigations, was to take in his apparel and other necessaries. They
sailed from Plymouth on the 21th September, the wind then blowing a
fresh gale at N.E. Next morning, being out of the channel, they
perceived that the boat belonging to the vice-admiral was missing, in
which were six men, which gave them considerable uneasiness, insomuch
that they had some intention of returning to Plymouth in search of them.
They met, however, with an English privateer, which soon made them alter
their intentions; by assuring them that their men had run away with the
boat, and could not be recovered, on which they resolved to proceed on
their voyage. At this time considerable jealousies sprung up, respecting
the capacity and conduct of the vice-admiral, which were soon increased
by his losing his other boat and one man, and which could not be
recovered by all their care. This carelessness occasioned much murmuring
and discontent among the seamen, which the vice-admiral daily increased
by his haughty behaviour, and by his contempt for advice, which no man
needed more than he.

The 4th October, they met a small fleet of English, Dutch, and French
ships, returning from Barbary, from whom they had accounts of a terrible
pestilence then raging in that country, which had swept away 250,000
persons in a very short space of time. The 6th, they came between the
islands of Teneriff and Grand Canary, and on the 3d November, they came
in sight of the coast of Guinea. December 4th they were off Cape Palma,
in lat. 3° 30' N.[68] and on the 10th came in sight of Princes Island,
in lat. 1° N.[69] Sending their boats ashore to this island, carrying a
flag of truce, they were met on the shore by a negro, bearing a similar
flag, from whom they demanded a supply of provisions, which was accorded
on fair and friendly terms; but, while settling the terms, they were
suddenly surprised by a party from an ambush, which cut off several of
them, one of whom was Mr Mellish, their English pilot. The Portuguese
pursued them to their boats, which they briskly attached, killing the
admiral's brother, and had nearly captured the whole party. In revenge
of this outrage, it was determined in a council of war to attack the
castle; but finding this enterprize too hazardous, they contented
themselves with burning all the sugar ingenios. After this exploit,
having provided themselves with fresh water, they set sail on the 17th.

[Footnote 68: Cape Formosa is probably here meant, which is in 4° 18'
N.--E.]

[Footnote 69: The latitude of Princes Island is 1° 40' N.--E.]

They reached Cape Gonçalves on the 25th, where the wind usually blows
from the land all night, and from the sea all day. Here they found two
Dutch ships, which informed them of the loss of Captain Sleerhagen and
most of his company at Princes Island; as also of the voyage of Peter
Verhagen, who had entered the river of Congo, and had afterwards buried
thirty-eight of his company at Cape Gonçalves, whence he had gone some
time before their arrival to Annobon.

January 1st, 1589, they passed the island of Annobon, in lat. 2° S. [1°
30' S.] and on the 28th of that month had the sun in their zenith. The
5th of March they reached Cape St Thomas on the coast of Brazil, in lat.
22° S. [21° 15']. The 6th they passed Cape Fair, and came that evening
to Cape Frio, and on the 9th reached Rio de Janeiro. After some loss of
time, and having several of their men cut off by their grand enemy the
Portuguese, they went to the island of St Sebastian, in lat. 24° S.
where the comforts of a good harbour, plenty of fresh water, and an
abundant supply of wood gave them much satisfaction; but no fruits were
to be had at that season.

They encountered a heavy storm on the 14th of March, by which the
vice-admiral and the Hope were separated from the admiral, but they met
again on the 17th. The scurvy now began to make rapid progress among the
company; which, together with the approach of the antarctic winter,
determined them to put in at St Helena. Missing that island, they next
endeavoured to fall in with the island of Ascension, or some other
island where they might procure refreshments; but their hard fortune
brought them to a very barren and desolate island in the lat. of 20° 30'
S.[70] where they could procure no refreshments, except a few fowls
called _Malle Mewen,_[71] which they knocked down with clubs.

[Footnote 70: The island of Trinidad is nearly in the indicated
latitude.--E.]

[Footnote 71: These were probably young unfledged sea-gulls, called in
provincial English _Malls, Maws_, and _Mews,_ not unlike the Dutch names
in the text; where perhaps we ought to read Malle _or_ Mewen.--E.]

Soon leaving this inhospitable place, they put to sea again, and on the
1st of June, while endeavouring to reach Ascension, they got back to the
coast of Brazil. Not being suffered to land any where on the continent,
they sailed to the isle of Santa Clara, an island of about a mile round,
and as much from the continent, in lat. 21° 15' S. This island afforded
little else beyond herbs, but they found here a sour fruit resembling
plums, which cured all their sick men in fifteen days. They sailed from
thence for Port Desire, in lat 47° 40' S. on the 16th June, and reached
that place on the 20th September, after enduring much bad weather. They
procured abundance of penguins and fish, at an island three miles south
from Port Desire; killing to the number of 50,000 penguins, which are
nearly as large as geese, and procured a vast quantity of their eggs, by
which their people were greatly refreshed, and the sick restored. Going
up the river on the 5th October, and landing in the country, they found
animals resembling stags, together with buffaloes, and ostriches in
great numbers, and even found some of the nests of these birds, in which
were as far as nineteen eggs. The 20th, the admiral went ashore to view
the country, leaving orders with those who were left in charge of the
boats, not to leave them a moment on any account: But they, having a
mind also to see the country, ventured upon a short ramble, when they
fell into an ambush of the savages, who slew three of their number, and
wounded the fourth. These savages were very tall portly men, painted,
and armed with short bows, and arrows headed with stone.

Leaving Port Desire on the 29th September, they reached Cape Virgin at
the entrance into the Straits of Magellan on the 24th November. The land
here is low and plain, and from the whiteness of the coast somewhat
resembles the chalk cliffs of England in the channel. In many attempts
to enter the straits, they were beaten back by tempests of wind,
accompanied by rain, hail, and snow. They lost their anchors, and broke
their cables, and sickness, together with contention, which is worse
than any disease, were added to their other calamities. All these so
retarded the progress of the voyage, that it was near fifteen months
after leaving Holland before they could make their way into the straits.
They observed the land to trend from Cape Virgin to the S.W. and the
mouth of the straits to be fourteen miles distant from that cape, and
half a mile wide.[72] On the 25th November, they saw some men on two
islands near Cape Nassau, who shook their weapons at the Hollanders, as
in defiance. The Dutch landed, and pursued the savages into a cave,
which they bravely defended to the last man, and were all slain on the
spot. Going now into this dark cave, the Dutch found the women and
children of the slain savages, when the mothers, expecting present death
to themselves and their infants, covered their little ones with their
own bodies, as if determined to receive the first stab. But the Dutch
did them no other injury, except taking away four boys and two girls,
whom they carried on ship board.

[Footnote 72: These must necessarily be Dutch miles, 15 to the degree,
each equal to nearly 4.66 English miles. By the mouth of the straits in
the text, must be understood what is called the Narrows of the
Hope.--E.]

From one of these boys, after he had learnt the Dutch language, they had
the following intelligence. The larger of the two islands was named
_Castemme_ by the natives, and the tribe inhabiting it _Enoo_. The
smaller island was called _Talche_. Both were frequented by great
numbers of penguins, the flesh of which served the natives as food, and
their skins for cloathing. Their only habitations were caves. The
neighbouring continent abounded in ostriches, which they also used as
food. The natives of these dreary regions were distinguished into
tribes, each having their respective residences. The _Kemenetes_ dwelt
in _Kaesay;_ the _Kennekin_ in _Karamay_; the _Karaiks_ in _Morina_: All
these are of the ordinary size, but broad-breasted, and painted all
over; the men tying up their pudenda in a string, and the women covering
their parts of shame with the skins of a penguin; the men wearing their
hair long, while that of the women was kept very short; and both sexes
going naked, except cloaks made of penguin skins, reaching only to the
waist. There was also a fourth tribe, called _Tirimenen_, dwelling in
_Coin_, who were of a gigantic stature, being ten or twelve feet
high,[73] and continually at war with the other tribes.

[Footnote 73: This absurdity might be pardoned in the ignorant savage
boy, who knew neither numerals nor measures; but in the grave reporters
it is truly ridiculous, and yet the lie has been renewed almost down to
the close of the eighteenth century.--E.]

The 28th November, the navigators went over to the continent, or north
side of the straits, seeing some whales at a distance, and observed a
pleasant river, about which were some beautiful trees with many parrots.
Owing to this fine prospect, they called the mouth of this river _Summer
Bay_. The 29th they made sail for _Port Famine_, where the land trends
so far to the south, that the main land of Patagonia and the islands of
Terra del Fuego seemed, when seen afar off, to join together. They found
here no remains of the late city of King Philip, except a heap of
stones. The straits are here four miles wide, having hills of vast
height on both sides, perpetually covered with snow. At Port Famine they
cut down wood to build a boat, and found the bark of the trees to be hot
and biting like pepper.[74] Not finding good water at this place, and
indeed doubting if it were Port Famine, they proceeded onwards, and
found a good river two miles farther west on the 1st December. Next day
they doubled Cape Froward, with some danger, on account of bad anchorage
and contrary winds.

[Footnote 74: The Wintera aromatica, the bark of which is called
Winter's bark, said to have been first discovered by Captain Winter in
1567, on the coast of Terra Magellanica. The sailors employed this bark
as a spice, and found it salutary in the scurvy.--E.]

Passing four miles beyond this cape, they anchored in a large bay, where
was a plant resembling sneezwort, which they found serviceable in the
scurvy; also another plant, which rendered those who eat of it
distracted for a time. They here fell in with two ships belonging to the
fleet under Verhagen, which had been driven back out of the South Sea,
one of which was commanded by Sebaldt de Weert, who told them he had
been five months in the straits, and had only thirty-eight remaining
out of 110 men, and not being able to bear up against the storms in the
South Sea, had been forced to put in here, while the rest of the fleet
under Verhagen held on their course.[75] These ships wished to have
joined the expedition under Van Noort, but were forced to remain in the
straits for want of provisions, which the others could not spare. They
afterwards got back to Holland on the 13th July, 1600.

[Footnote 75: The voyage of Verhagen, or so much of it rather as relates
to the adventures of Sebaldt de Weert, follows the present voyage of Van
Noort in the Collection by Harris, vol. I. pp. 37-44; and is, therefore,
retained in the same situation on the present occasion.--E.]

Van Noort and his ships left this bay on the 2d January, 1600, directing
their course for Maurice bay, which they found to extend far to the
eastwards, and to receive several rivers, the mouths of which were
filled with vast quantities of ice, which seemed never to melt. It was
now near midsummer of this southern clime, and the ice was so thick that
they could not find its bottom with a line of ten fathoms. The land here
seemed a congeries of broken islands, yet appearing like one continued
mass, owing to the height of the mountains. They were here much
distressed by hunger and continual rains, and two of their men were
slain by the savages, while gathering muscles, which formed their chief
subsistence. After weathering many storms in _Meniste_ bay, and having
several encounters with the savages, they set sail on the 17th, and were
driven into Penguin bay, or Goose bay, three miles from Meniste bay, and
receiving its name from the vast multitude of penguins found there. At
this place, James Claas van Ulpenda, the vice-admiral, was arraigned
before a council of war, for various breaches of the articles sworn to
before proceeding on the voyage. Having a fair trial, and sufficient
time allowed him for his defence, he was condemned to be turned ashore
in the straits, with a small supply of provisions, and allowed to shift
for himself among the wild beasts and more savage inhabitants, which
sentence was accordingly executed, so that he doubtless soon fell a prey
either to hunger or the natives, who are implacable enemies to all
strangers.

They entered another bay on the 1st February, which they called Popish
bay, probably owing to some cross erected on its shore, and in which
they were exposed to much danger. On the 27th, they saw at a distance a
huge mountain of ice in Penguin bay. The 28th they passed Cape Deseado,
or Desire, into the South Sea, bidding adieu to the many dismal
prospects of the Straits of Magellan. Their company, originally 248 men,
was now reduced to 147, but was soon still farther lessened by losing
company of the Henry Frederick, which never rejoined. Waiting for that
ship in vain till the 12th March, they sailed to the island of Mocha on
the coast of Chili, in lat. 38° 22' S. and six miles [twenty English]
from the continent. This island is remarkable by a high mountain in the
middle, which is cloven at the top, and whence a water-course descends
into the vale land at its foot. They here bartered knives and hatchets
with the natives for sheep, poultry, maize, _bartulas_,[76] and other
fruits. The town consisted of about fifty straw huts, where the Dutch
were regaled with a sour kind of drink, called _cici_, made of maiz
steeped in water, which is the favourite drink of the Chilese at their
feasts. Polygamy is much practised among these people, who buy as many
wives as they can afford to maintain; so that a man who has many
daughters, especially if they be handsome, is accounted rich. If one man
kill another, he is judged by the relations of the deceased, as they
have no laws or magistrates among them, so that the murderer may
sometimes buy off his punishment by giving a drinking-bout of _cici_.
Their cloathing is manufactured from the wool of a large kind of sheep,
which animal they also employ to carry burdens. They would not sell any
of these, but parted freely with another kind, not very different.

[Footnote 76: This probably means battatas or potatoes, a native
production of Chili.--E.]

From thence they went to the island of St Mary, in lat. 37° S. eighteen
miles [ninety-five English] from Mocha, where they fell in with a
Spanish ship carrying lard and meal from Conception to Valdivia in
Araucania, which they chased and took. The pilot of this ship informed
them that they would not be able to return to the island of St Mary,
owing to the south wind, and that two Spanish ships of war were waiting
for them at Arica. Upon this information they resolved to sail for
Valparaiso, and by that means quite lost all chance of being rejoined by
the Henry Frederick, which might otherwise have got up with them.
Besides, they concluded that the missing ship had failed to find St
Mary's isle, owing to its being wrong placed in the map of Plancius, in
lat. 38° S. which error they themselves had fallen into, had they not
been set right by the observations of Mr Mellish. They were farther
confirmed in the resolution of not returning to the island of St Mary,
by hearing of the misfortune which had there befallen Simon de Cordes,
who was there butchered with twenty-three of his men, after being
invited on shore in a friendly manner by the Indians, owing to the
treachery of the Spaniards endeavouring to get possession of his two
ships, and sending intelligence to Lima and all about the country of the
arrival of the Dutch in these seas, with a list of their ships, and the
names of all their commanders. For these reasons they proceeded to
Valparaiso, where they took two ships and killed some Indians, but all
the Spaniards escaped on shore. Valparaiso is in lat. 35° 5' S. And
about eighteen miles inland, [100 English miles] is the town of St Jago,
abounding in red wine and sheep. They kill these animals merely for the
sake of their tallow, with which alone they load many vessels. Here they
received letters from the captain of the Flying Hart, one of the
squadron under Verhagen, who had been treacherously captured by the
Spaniards; owing, as he alleged, to the wrong placement of the island of
St Mary in the map, by which he had been misled.

At Valparaiso they intercepted some letters giving an account of the
wars in Chili between the Spaniards and the Indians, who it seems were
in rebellion, had sacked the town of Valdivia, putting vast numbers of
Spaniards to the sword, and carrying off many captives. They burnt the
houses and churches, knocking off the heads of the popish images,
crying, "Down go the gods of the Spaniards." They then crammed the
mouths of these images with gold, bidding them satisfy themselves with
that, for the sake of which their votaries had committed so many
barbarous massacres of their nation. They afterwards laid close siege to
the city of Imperial, and had almost starved the Spanish garrison into a
surrender. The valiant Indians who undertook this enterprise were about
5000, of whom 5000 were cavalry, 100 were armed with muskets, and 70 had
corslets, all of which were plunder they had taken from the Spaniards.
They so mortally hate the Spaniards, that they rip up the breasts of all
they overcome, tearing out their hearts with their teeth, and they
delight to drink their favourite liquor from a cup made of a Spaniard's
skull.

These Indians [the Araucans] are for the most part very stout, and
skilful soldiers, and commit the management of all their military
affairs to the direction of one supreme general, whose orders are
implicitly obeyed. Their method of election to this high dignity is very
singular; for he who carries a certain log of wood on his shoulders the
longest, and with the smallest appearance of weariness, is saluted
general by the army. In this trial several carried the log four, five,
and six hours; but at length one carried it twenty-four hours on end,
and this person was now general. The whole of Chili, from St Jago to
Valdivia, is one of the most fertile and most delightful countries in
the world. It abounds in all kinds of cattle and fruit, has many rich
gold mines, and its climate is so sweet and salubrious as to exclude the
use of medicine, being health and life in itself.

They entered the bay of Guasco[77] on the 1st April, where they remained
till the 7th. The 11th they came into a large bay, named _Moro Gorch_,
in lat. 18° 30' S. ten miles from which is _Moro Moreno_, from which the
shore runs to Arica, and all this coast, up to the hill of St Francis,
is very much subject to south winds, though the adjoining seas have the
winds variable and uncertain. On the 20th the whole air was darkened by
an _Arenal_ which is a cloud of dust, and so thick that one cannot see a
stone's throw. These are raised by the wind from the adjoining shore,
and are very common in these parts. The 25th they were within view of
the famous city of Lima in Peru. At this time they learnt the value of
the treasure of which the Spaniards had deprived them, in the ships they
took on the coast of Chili. Nicholas Peterson, the captain of one of
these prizes, acquainted Van Noort that he had been informed by a negro
of a great quantity of gold having been on board the ship, as he
believed to the amount of three tons, having helped to carry a great
part of it on board. On this information the admiral closely examined
the Spanish pilot, who at first denied all knowledge of any gold; but
another negro having corroborated the information, with some farther
circumstances, the pilot at last owned that they had on board fifty-two
chests, each containing four arobas of gold, and besides these 500 bars
of the same metal, weighing from eight to ten and twelve pounds each;
all of which, together with what private stock belonged to any of the
company, the captain had ordered to be thrown overboard in the night,
when first chased, amounting in the whole to about 10,200 pounds weight
of gold; and, from its fineness, worth about two million pieces of
eight, or Spanish silver dollars. Upon this the admiral ordered the ship
and all the prisoners to be searched, but there was only found a single
pound of gold dust, tied up in a rag, in the breeches pocket of the
Spanish pilot. The prisoners owned that all this gold was brought from
the island of St Mary, from mines discovered only three years before;
and that there were not more than three or four Spaniards on that
island, and about 200 Indians, only armed with bows and arrows.

[Footnote 77: Perhaps Huasco in lat. 28° 27' S. or it may possibly have
been Guacho, in 25° 50' S.--E.]

The 5th September they came in sight of the Ladrones, and came on the
16th to Guam, one of these an island of about twenty Dutch miles in
extent, and yielding fish, cocoa-nuts, bananas, and sugar canes, all of
which the natives brought to the ships in a great number of canoes.
Sometimes they met 200 of these canoes at one time, with four or five
men in each, bawling out _hiero, hiero,_ meaning iron; and often in
their eagerness they run their canoes against the ships, overturning
them and losing all their commodities. These islanders were a sly subtle
people, and honest with good looking after; for otherwise, they would
sell a basket of cocoa-nut shells covered over with a small quantity of
rice, as if full of rice. They would also snatch a sword from its
scabbard, and plunge instantly into the water, where they dived like so
many ducks; and the women were as roguish as the men, stealing as
impudently, and diving as expertly to carry off their prizes.

The 17th of September they sailed for the Philippines; and on the 20th
they met with ice, though then only in the latitude of 3° N.[78] On the
16th October they came to Bayla bay, in a very fertile land, at which
place they procured abundance of all kinds of necessaries for their
ships, by pretending to be Spaniards. The Spaniards, who are lords here,
make the Indians pay an annual capitation tax, to the value of ten
single rials for every one above twenty years of age. The natives of
these islands are mostly naked, having their skins marked with figures
so deeply impressed, [_tatooed_] that they never wear out. Being
discovered to be Dutch, but not till they had gained their ends, they
sailed for the Straits of Manilla, all the coasts near which appeared
waste, barren, and rocky. Here a sudden squall of wind from the S.E.
carried away some of their masts and sails, being more furious than any
they had hitherto experienced during the voyage. The 23d some of the
people went ashore, where they eat palmitoes and drank water so
greedily, that they were afterwards seized with the dysentery. The 24th
they entered the straits, sailing past an island in the middle, and came
in the evening past the island of Capul, seven miles within the straits,
near which they found whirlpools, where the sea was of an unfathomable
depth, so far as they could discover.

[Footnote 78: This surely is an error for 18°, Guam being in lat. 18°
20' N. yet even here, the fact of meeting ice so far within the tropic
is sufficiently singular.--E.]

They now crowded sail for Manilla, which is eighty miles from Capul, but
wanted both a good wind to carry them, and good maps and a skilful pilot
to direct them to that place. The 7th November they took a junk from
China, laden with provisions for Manilla. The master of this junk told
them there were then at Manilla two great ships, that come every year
from New Spain, and a Dutch ship also which had been brought from
Malacca. He said also that the town of Manilla was walled round, having
two forts for protecting the ships, as there was a vast trade to that
place from China, not less than 400 junks coming every year from
Chincheo, with silk and other valuable commodities, between Easter and
December. There were also two ships expected shortly from Japan, laden
with iron and other metals, and provisions. The 15th they took two
barks, laden with hens and hogs, being part of the tribute to the
Spaniards, but became food to the Dutch, who gave them a few bolts of
linen in return.

They passed the islands of _Bankingle_ and _Mindoro_, right over against
which is the island of _Lou-bou_. at the distance of two miles, and
between both is another small island, beside which there is a safe
passage for ships. The island of Luzon is larger than England and
Scotland,[79] and has a numerous cluster of small islands round about
it; yet is more beholden to trade for its riches, than to the goodness
of its soil. While at anchor, in 15° N. waiting for the ships said to be
coming from Japan, Van Noort took one of them on the 1st December, being
a vessel of fifty tons, which had been twenty-five days on her voyage.
Her form was very strange, her forepart being like a chimney, and her
furniture corresponding to her shape; as her sails were made of reeds,
her anchors of wood, and her cables of straw. Her Japanese mariners had
their heads all close shaven, except one tuft left long behind, which is
the general custom of that country. The 9th, they took two barks, one
laden with cocoa wine and arrack, and the other with hens and rice.

[Footnote 79: Luzon is certainly a large island, but by no means such as
represented in the text.--E.]

The 14th of December they met the two Spanish ships returning from
Manilla to New Spain, on which a very sharp engagement took place.
Overpowered by numbers, the Dutch in the ship of Van Noort were reduced
to the utmost extremity, being at one time boarded by the Spaniards, and
almost utterly conquered; when Van Noort, seeing all was lost without a
most resolute exertion, threatened to blow up his ship, unless his men
fought better and beat off the Spaniards. On this, the Dutch crew fought
with such desperate resolution, that they cleared their own ship, and
boarded the Spanish admiral, which at last they sunk outright. In this
action the Dutch admiral had five men slain, and twenty-six wounded, the
whole company being now reduced to thirty-five men. But several hundreds
of the Spaniards perished, partly slain in the fight, and partly drowned
or knocked in the head after the battle was over. But the Dutch lost
their pinnace, which was taken by the Spanish vice-admiral; and this was
not wonderful, considering that she had only twenty-five men to fight
against five hundred Spaniards and Indians.

After this action, Van Noort made sail for the island of Borneo, the
chief town of which island is in lat. 5° N. while Manilla, the capital
of Luçon, is in lat. 15° N. On the way to Borneo, they passed the island
of _Bolutam_, [Palawan or Paragua,] which is 180 miles in length from
N.E. to S.W. They came to Borneo on the 26th December, putting into a
great bay, three miles in compass, where there was good anchorage, and
abundance of fish in a neighbouring river, and the fishermen always
ready to barter their fish for linen. Van Noort sent a message to the
king, desiring leave to trade; but suspecting them to be Spaniards, he
would come to no terms till his officers had examined them with the
utmost attention, after which they had trade for pepper with a people
called _Pattannees_, of Chinese origin. Both these and the native
Borneans were fond of Chinese cotton cloth, but the linen from Holland
was a mere drug, and quite unsaleable. In the mean time, the Borneans
laid a plot to surprise the ship; for which purpose, on the 1st January,
1601, they came with at least an hundred praws full of men, pretending
to have brought presents from the king, and would have come on board the
ship; but the Dutch, suspecting their treachery, commanded them to keep
at a distance from the ship, or they would be obliged to make them do so
with their shot, on which the Borneans desisted.

Borneo is the largest of all the islands in the East-Indies; and its
capital, of the same name, contains about 300 houses, but is built in a
dirty marshy soil, or rather in the water, so that the inhabitants have
to go from one house to another in their praws. The inhabitants all go
constantly armed, from the noble down to the fisherman; and even the
women are of so martial a disposition, that on receiving an affront,
they instantly revenge it, either with a dagger or a javelin. This a
Dutchman had nearly proved to his cost; for having offended one of these
viragoes, she set upon him with a javelin, and had surely dispatched
him, if she had not been prevented by main force. They are Mahometans,
and so very superstitious, that they would rather die than eat of
swine's flesh, nor will they keep any of these animals about them. The
better sort have a cotton garment from the waist down, with a turban on
their heads; but the common people go entirely naked. They continually
chew betel and areka, which is also a common practice in many other
parts of India.

On the 4th January, four Borneans came to the ship, intending to have
cut the cables, that she might drive on shore and become their prey; but
the Dutch fortunately discovered them, and drove them away with shot,
when they left their praw behind, which the Dutch took, to serve instead
of their own boat, which they had lost at the Philippines. Seeing no
hope of any profitable trade at this place, they now left it, intending
for Bantam, not much pleased either with the country or the people. The
day after leaving Borneo, they met a junk from Japan bound for Manilla,
which informed them of a great Dutch ship being forced by tempests into
Japan, all her company having died by sickness and famine except
fourteen. They came first to _Bongo_, in lat. 34° 40' N. [Bungo in about
lat. 33° N.] whence the emperor of Japan ordered them to remove to
_Atonza_, in lat. 36° 30' N. [Osaka in lat. 34' 55' N.] They alleged
that they were allowed to trade, and to build a new ship, with liberty
to dispose of themselves afterwards as they pleased. From this account,
it was not doubted that this was the admiral of Verhagen's fleet;[80]
and dismissing the Japanese vessel, they passed the line a third time,
and proceeded for Bantam, in no little fear and danger, for want of an
experienced pilot and good charts.

[Footnote 80: This was the ship in which William Adams sailed as pilot,
as related on a former occasion, being the Hope, commanded by James
Mahu, one of five ships from Rotterdam. We have already had occasion to
meet with two of these in the Straits of Magellan.--E.]

The 16th they took a junk belonging to Jor or Johor, in which they
procured an experienced and skilful pilot, who came in good time to
save them from shipwreck, which they had otherwise most probably
suffered in these dangerous seas, so thick set with shoals and islands
on every side, with which they were entirely unacquainted; and besides,
they were now reduced to one anchor, and one solitary cable almost worn
out. The 28th they came to Jortan in the island of Java, where they had
news of several Dutch ships being at Bantam. The city of Jortan consists
of about 1000 houses built of timber, and its king commands over a
considerable portion of that end of the island, and had lately conquered
_Balambuan_, a small island S.E. from Jortan. The people in these parts
are said to be Mahometans; yet, as pagods are still in use, they seem to
retain some mixture of the old Indian superstitions, or at least some
remnant of paganism is tolerated among the common people. Their chief
priest at this time was an old man, said to be an hundred and twenty
years of age, who had a large household of wives, who fed the old man
with their milk.

Sailing past Jortan, they saw a large Portuguese ship of 600 tons,
sticking fast among the shoals. She was bound for Amboina, on purpose to
have engrossed all the trade of that place; at least such was the report
of the Portuguese; but Van Noort strongly suspected she had been sent
out to cruize for the purpose of intercepting him. He was, therefore,
the less concerned for her misfortune, and the less careful in assisting
her crew, originally of between six and seven hundred men, many of whom
were still on board, and in great danger of perishing. The 5th of
February, they passed the straits between _Balambuan_ and _Bally_,
leaving Java on the N.E.[81] On the 11th, finding themselves in lat 13°
S. they directed their course for the Cape of Good Hope. On the 18th,
having the sun vertical at noon, their latitude was 11° 20' S. and here
a calm began which lasted eleven days. The 11th March they were in lat.
24° 45' S. and in 28° 10' S. on the 24th.

[Footnote 81: This is an obvious error, as the Straits of Bally are at
the _east_ end of Java, which they must consequently have left on the
N.W. of their course.--E.]

The 19th of April, having been considerably retarded by cross winds and
calms, they were under the necessity to lessen their allowance of water.
At night of the 24th they observed light, as of a fire, on land, about
four miles to the N.W. although they reckoned themselves 200 miles from
the cape, and were not aware of having approached any other land. The
25th, being calm weather, they were enabled to mend their sails, and at
night another fire was observed; and in the morning of the 26th they saw
land. The 3d May they saw land between the east and north, about six
miles off, resembling the end of an island, by which they reckoned
themselves near the cape, and now shaped their course for the island of
St Helena, where they arrived on the 26th. They here refreshed
themselves with fish and some flesh, and laid in a supply of wood and
water; but found goats and fowls hard to be got, and could not procure
any oranges.

Leaving St Helena on the 30th May, they crossed the line for the fourth
time on the 14th of June; and on the 16th met a fleet of six Dutch
ships, under Admiral Heemskirk, bound for India. These had fought with
thirteen Spanish ships near the island of Sal, and had lost their
pinnace and vice-admiral; the former having been taken by the Spaniards,
and the latter having parted company. The 8th July they were in lat. 27°
N. when they fell in with considerable quantities of the sea-weed called
_saragossa_. By the 13th they were in lat. 32° 30' N. after which they
had a calm of fifteen days, the sea being all covered with weeds. The
22d they had to go upon short allowance of bread, and that too much worm
eaten. August 1st, being in lat. 40° N. they passed the island of
Flores, forty-five miles to the westward, by their estimation. They met
three ships belonging to Embden on the 18th, from whom they procured
bread and flesh, in exchange for rice and pepper; and from whom they
learnt that they were so near England, that they might expect to see the
Lizard next day. About noon of the 26th August, 1601, they arrived in
safety before the city of Rotterdam, where they were received with the
utmost joy, on their return from so long and perilous a voyage, which
had occupied three years, bating eighteen days.


SECTION II.

_Voyage of Sebald de Weert, to the South Sea and Straits of Magellan, in
1598_.[82]

"Though not a circumnavigation, it seems necessary to give an account of
this voyage of Sebald de Weert, by way of supplement to that of Oliver
de Noort; because De Weert was fitted out with the intention of sailing
by the Straits of Magellan to India, and because it is difficult to find
so good a description of these famous straits as he has given. De Weert
was one of the best seamen in Holland, and lived to distinguish himself
afterwards by many more successful enterprises; and I persuade myself
the reader will be pleased to see the firmness of an able commander,
struggling against a long series of misfortunes. This has always been
esteemed one of the best written, and most curious of all the Dutch
voyages, and is therefore given at large."[83]--_Harris_.

[Footnote 82: Harris, I. 36.]

[Footnote 83: So far Harris; but on the present occasion several trivial
and minute circumstances are omitted or abbreviated.--E.]

§ 1. _Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the Straits of Magellan_.

The fleet fitted out for this expedition consisted of the Hope of 500
tons, with 130 men, commanded by James Mahu, admiral; the Love or
Charity of 300 tons, and 110 men, commanded by Simon de Cordes,
vice-admiral; the Faith of 320 tons, and 100 men, of which Gerard van
Beuningen was captain; the Fidelity of 220 tons, with 86 men, captain
Jurian Buckholt; and a yacht of 150 tons and 112 men, called the Merry
Messenger, captain Sebald de Weert. These five ships were well provided
with all manner of provisions, cannon, small arms, ammunition, money,
merchandise, and stores necessary for a long voyage; and the pilot on
whose knowledge and experience they chiefly depended, was an Englishman
named William Adams,[84] besides whom there were three other Englishmen
on board the admiral.

[Footnote 84: Of the adventures of this person in Japan, we have
formerly had occasion to give an account in vol. VIII. p. 64, of this
Collection, preceded by a brief abstract of the voyages of Schald de
Weert.--E.]

The fleet sailed from the road of Goeree in the Maese on the 27th June,
1598; but, owing to contrary winds, had to remain at anchor in the Downs
on the coast of England, till the 15th July. The wind being then fair,
they set sail on that day, and on the 19th were on the coast of Barbary.
Towards the end of August, they arrived in the harbour of St Jago, one
of the Cape de Verd islands, where they remained till the 10th
September, although the climate was very unhealthy, and the pilots,
particularly Mr Adams, remonstrated against continuing there; by which
the officers were so much offended, that they resolved never more to
call the pilots to council, which seems to have been the source of all
their subsequent misfortunes, and of that restless spirit of mutiny and
discontent, which possessed the seamen in this fleet.

In the afternoon of the 11th September, they were off the desert island
of Brava, and the bottom being rocky, so that they could not anchor,
they stood off and on all night, and coasting along next morning they
found some fresh water, which was hard to be got, as the ships could not
come to anchor, on account of a bad bottom. The boats, however, of
Captains Beuniugen and Buckholt, went ashore with empty casks, which
they filled and brought on board, though then night and the ships under
way. Captain de Ween went ashore in a small sandy bay, and looking about
for fresh water, he saw some Portuguese and negroes coming towards him,
who told him the French and English ships used to get fresh water near
that place, but remained always under sail. They said also, that no
refreshments were to be had at this island, but these might be had in
the island of Fuego. After the departure of the islanders, de Weert
discovered four or five ruinous small huts, the door of one being walled
up, which he found full of maize. On this discovery, he remained there
with three men, lest the Portuguese might carry off the maize in the
night, and sent some others in the boat to give notice to the admiral of
this discovery. Fortunately a small vessel belonging to the bishop of St
Thomas, taken by the Dutch at Praya, arrived in the bay, to which de
Weert removed all the maize. He also took two female sea tortoises, in
which were above 600 eggs, of which they made many good meals. The
Portuguese and negroes, finding the Dutch busied in carrying away their
maize, came down the mountain, making a great noise; but de Weert,
having two fusils, fired at them and made them retire.

On the return of de Weert, he found the admiral very sick, and a council
assembled in the Hope. He in the first place advised them to remain no
longer at the Cape Verd islands, and then resigned his command to the
vice-admiral, de Cordes. On advising with the other captains, and
learning the quantity of water in each ship, de Cordes gave orders that
such as had most should give part to the others, and that the allowance
of provisions and water should be diminished, and as fresh water was not
to be expected for three or four months, they were directed to gather
rain-water when that could be had. The greatest part of the men in the
admiral's ship being sick, two or three of them were removed into each
of the other ships, in exchange for sound men. The fleet sailed from
Brava on the 15th September, and on the 22d a signal was made from the
admiral for the other captains. They found the admiral, James Mahu,
beyond hope of recovery; and that night he and his supercargo, Daniel
Restan, both died. He was of a mild and gentle disposition, honest,
careful, diligent, and very kind to the seamen, and was much lamented by
the whole fleet. Opening the letters of the directors of the expedition,
which were directed to be opened in such a case, de Cordes was appointed
admiral, and Benningen vice-admiral; Sebald de Weert being promoted to
the command of the Faith, and Dirke Gernitsz China to that of the yacht.
These alterations did not please the seamen, who were attached to their
former commanders.

By the 4th October, the scurvy raged much among the seamen, especially
in the Hope, on which de Cordes ordered a day of prayer to be observed
in the fleet, to implore the mercy of God and a happy voyage. They were
then in the lat. of 1° 45' S. At length the scurvy increased so much in
the Hope, that the admiral had not men enough to work his ship, and it
was resolved to steer for some island where fresh provisions might be
procured. They steered accordingly for Annobon, where they hoped to get
fresh meat and oranges. Towards night, the admiral, who sailed in the
van, fired a gun as a signal of seeing land, though all the pilots then
thought the land at the distance of 100 leagues. They accordingly
approached the land, and anchored on the coast of _Manicongo_, in lat.
3° S.[85] They here lost company of the small ship belonging to St
Thomas, in which were eleven sound men, and some thought she had
deserted, while others thought she had run aground: But they afterwards
found she had gone to Cape Lope Gonzalves, where the men quitted her,
going aboard the ship of Baltazar Musheron, which was bound to America.

[Footnote 85: The latitude in the text falls near Point Palmas, on the
coast of Yumba, in what is called the Kingdom of Congo. Mayumba bay,
perhaps the Manicongo of the text, is in lat. 4° 30' S.]

After several ineffectual attempts to procure refreshments for their
men on the coast of Africa and the island of Annobon, they put to sea on
the 3d January, 1599, from that island, with the intention of sailing
direct for the Straits of Magellan. The 22d they passed the shelves and
rocks on the coast of Brazil, called the _Abrolhos_. The 9th March, one
of the seamen in the vice-admiral's ship was hanged, for repeatedly
breaking open the cupboard belonging to the cook, and stealing bread.
About this time, the sick beginning to recover, got such good appetites
that their allowance was not sufficient. The 12th, being near the Rio
Plata, the sea appeared as red as blood, and some of the water being
drawn up was found full of small red worms, that leaped out of it like
fleas.

§ 2. _The Fleet passes through the Straits of Magellan into the South
Sea, and is forced to return_.

The 6th of April, the fleet got into the Straits of Magellan, and
towards evening cast anchor under the smaller of the two Penguin isles,
fourteen leagues within the mouth of the straits. They here saw vast
numbers of those birds called _plongeons_ or divers, because they dive
into the water to catch fish. They killed there ten or fourteen of them
with sticks, and might have killed as many as would have served the
whole fleet, but would not lose the opportunity of a fair wind. The 9th
they proceeded through the straits; and next day the admiral sent fifty
men on shore, to look for inhabitants or cattle, but after travelling
three leagues along shore, they found nothing. They arrived in a fine
bay on the 15th, twenty-one leagues from the mouth of the straits,
called _Muscle bay_ by the English, because of the great quantities of
muscles found there, and here they provided themselves abundantly with
fresh water and wood. The 17th they sailed between two rocky shores, so
close and so high that they hardly thought to have got through. The
mountains on both sides were covered with snow. On the 18th, they cast
anchor in a bay on the north side of the straits, in lat. 54° S. called
_Great bay_, having good anchorage on fine sand. In this bay there are
three small islands, the least of which is farthest east.

In these parts, there grow great quantities of trees, resembling bay
trees, but somewhat higher, the bark of which is very bitter, and has a
hot taste like pepper.[86] They here found abundance of muscles, some of
which were a span long, and when boiled, the fish of three of them
weighed a pound. The wind being contrary, they lay here at anchor till
the 23d of August,[87] without taking the sails from the yards, to be
ready to sail on a change of wind. In the mean while they suffered much
from cold, in so much that they lost above an hundred men, among whom
was Captain Buckholt, who was succeeded by Baltazar de Cordes. Storms
were so frequent and violent during this time, that the ships could not
ride quietly at anchor, and the seamen were forced to be continually at
work to keep them right. They were also forced to go often on shore, in
rain, snow, and hail, to get in fresh water, wood, muscles, and such
other food as they could find, by which they were greatly fatigued. The
scarcity of victuals was so great, and the climate so severe, that they
were almost starved with hunger and cold, and their appetites so
insatiable, that they devoured roots or any thing else they could find,
raw and uncooked. Most of the seamen had no watch-coats or other warm
cloathing, to enable them to support the fatigue of watching and their
daily labour, having made no provision of such things, as they believed
themselves bound to warm climes. To remedy this evil, the general
ordered cloth to be distributed among them.

[Footnote 86: In Harris these are erroneously called _Pimento_, but they
must have been the _Wintera aromatica_. The Pimento, or _Myrtus
Pimenta_, is a native of the warm regions of America and the West India
islands, producing Pimento, All-spice, or Jamaica pepper.--E.]

[Footnote 87: This date, here anticipated, refers to the day when they
afterwards set sail.--E.]

It was found that many of the seamen, when at their meals, were in use
to sell their victuals to others at high prices, and afterwards
satisfied their hunger with raw muscles and green herbs, which
occasioned them to fall into dropsies and other lingering sickness, of
which several died: For this reason, the captains and other officers
were ordered to be present at all their meals, to see and oblige them to
eat their allowances.

The 7th May the vice-admiral was sent, with two boats, to an island
opposite Great bay, to catch sea-dogs.[88] He found there seven small
boats or canoes, with savages on board, who were of a reddish colour
with long hair, and, as well as he could observe, seemed _ten or eleven
feet high_. On seeing the Dutch boats, the savages went on shore and
threw many stones at the Dutch, so that they did not venture to land.
The savages then took courage, and came towards them in their canoes;
and coming within musket-shot, the vice-admiral made his men give them a
general discharge, by which four or five of the savages were slain, and
the rest so frightened that they escaped again on shore. They then
pulled up some trees, which appeared afar off to be a span thick; but
the vice-admiral chose to let them alone, and returned to the ships. The
26th of May, as some seamen were on shore, looking for muscles, roots,
and herbs, and were dispersed, expecting no danger, a number of savages
fell upon them suddenly, killed three of them, whom they tore in pieces,
and wounded two, who were rescued by the admiral. All these savages were
naked, except one, who had the skin of a sea-dog or seal about his
shoulders. They were armed with wooden javelins, which they threw with
great strength and dexterity. The points of these javelins were like
cramp-irons, tied to the shafts with the guts of sea-dogs, and would run
so deep into the flesh, that it was almost impossible to get them out.

[Footnote 88: Seals are probably here meant.--E.]

While the fleet lay in this bay, the admiral ordered his long-boat to be
put upon the stocks, to be enlarged and altered into a pinnace, which
was named the Postillion, and the command of her was given to the second
pilot of the Hope. Having no provisions for making broth, Captain de
Weert landed on the 27th July, in order to catch seals; and while he was
ashore, so great a storm arose that he was obliged to remain two days
and two nights, before he could get back to his ship, and caught
nothing. After enduring great hardships in this _Green bay_,[89] and
which the Dutch named the Bay of de Cordes, they set sail on the 23d of
August, having the wind at N.E. but next day the weather became so calm,
that they were obliged to put into a great bay on the south side of the
straits. Here, to perpetuate the memory of so dangerous and
extraordinary a voyage into these straits, to which no nation had
hitherto sent so many or such large ships, the general instituted a new
order of knighthood, of which he made his six principal officers
knights. They bound themselves by oath, never to do or consent to any
thing contrary to their honour or reputation, whatever might be the
dangers or extremities to which they were exposed, even death itself;
nor to do or suffer to be done any thing prejudicial to the interests of
their country, or of the voyage in which they were now engaged. They
also solemnly promised, freely to expose their lives against all the
enemies of their nation, and to use their utmost endeavours to conquer
those dominions whence the king of Spain procured so much gold and
silver, by which he was enabled to carry on the war against their
country. This ceremony was performed ashore on the eastern coast of the
straits, in as orderly a manner as the place and occasion would permit,
and the order was named of _The Lion set free_, in allusion to the
Belgic lion, the cognizance of their country, which they professed to
use all their endeavours to free from the Spanish yoke. After this
ceremony, a tablet was erected on the top of a high pillar, on which the
names of the new-made knights were inscribed, and the bay was named the
_Bay of Knights_.

[Footnote 89: This seems the same formerly named Great bay.--E.]

Leaving this bay on the 28th of August, they put into another bay a
league farther on, where they were again becalmed. The admiral at this
time gave orders to Captain de Weert to go back in his boat to the Bay
of Knights, to remove the tablet to a more convenient situation. When
about to double the point of the bay on this errand, de Weert saw eighty
savages sitting on the shore, having eight or nine canoes beside them;
and, as soon as the savages saw the boat, they set up a dismal noise,
inviting the Dutch to land, by means of signs. But, having only a small
number of men, de Weert turned back towards the ships; on which the
savages ran across the woods along shore, always hallowing, and making
signs for the Dutch to land. When the general was informed of this
adventure, he dispatched three boats well armed on shore, but the
savages were not to be seen, though they had left their marks behind
them, having dug up the interred body of a Dutchman, and left his body
on the ground, barbarously disfigured. On going to the knights tablet,
the Dutch also found it had been broken by the savages.

Early in the night of the 3d September, they got out from the Straits of
Magellan into the South Sea, with a fair wind, and continued their
voyage to the W.N.W. with the wind at N.E. till the 7th, having all that
time fine weather. This day, however, the sea began to swell and rise so
high, that the vice-admiral had to lie to and hoist his boat on board,
which was likewise done by the Fidelity. While de Weert was sailing
directly in the wake of the admiral, who led the fleet, an accident
happened on board the yacht, which had the wind of the Fidelity, which
obliged both the Faith and the Fidelity, the former being de Weert's
ship, to furl their sails, and lie to for assisting the yacht. The
admiral continued his course, thinking that the other ships continued to
follow him, and that the fog prevented them from being seen by the
watch. The vice-admiral also was obliged to furl his sails shortly
after, the fog being so thick as to prevent them from seeing each other,
though very near.

On the 8th the two yachts lost sight of the ships, but these three kept
company all that day; and next day the whole fleet rejoined to their
great joy. After joining, Derick Geritz sent the Postillion to the
admiral, to request the assistance of his carpenters; but they were
sick, and those from the Faith and Fidelity went on board the yacht.
This proved afterwards a serious loss to these ships, as they never got
their carpenters back. The wind shifted all of a sudden, and the sea
became so rough and stormy that the yacht had to furl her sails, as was
done by the vice-admiral, who was ahead of the Faith, and by the
Fidelity. In the ensuing night the yacht and vice-admiral made sail
again, without advertising the other two ships by signal, so that they
continued to lie to. When day broke next morning, Captains Baltazar de
Cordes and Sebalt de Weert, of the Fidelity and Faith, were extremely
troubled at not seeing any of the other ships. De Weert, who was now the
senior captain, was also much troubled by the unprovided state of his
ship, having no master, only two old pilots, and a very small number of
seamen, mostly sick and weak through the cold and damp weather, though
they kept a fire burning night and day.

The N.E. wind became so violent on the 16th September, that the two
ships were every moment in danger of sinking. The gallery of the Faith
was rent open above an inch, and the sea broke so violently over the
Fidelity, that her men were almost constantly up to their knees in
water. She likewise sprung a leak, owing to which they were forced to
keep her pumps constantly going day and night, yet could hardly keep her
afloat. At last, after much search, the leak was found and stopt. In
this deplorable situation these two ships remained for twenty-four
hours, _spooning_ under bare poles. The seamen also became much
dissatisfied, though allowed two ounces of dried fish a day to each man,
with a reasonable quantity of biscuit. But they were much discontented
with this scanty allowance, having been used in the straits to fill
themselves with muscles, of which they could not now brook the want, so
that the captains had much ado to pacify them.

In the night of the 26th September they fell in with the land to the
north of the straits by mistake, thinking themselves to have been twenty
leagues from the land; and in the morning the Faith was in great danger,
as the wind drifted her towards the coast, on which were two rocks,
which they avoided with the utmost difficulty. The Fidelity, which was a
considerable way in front, had discovered the rocks in time, and had
easily given them a wide birth. They were only three leagues from the
straits when they fell in with the land; and as the westerly wind now
blew so hard that they were unable to bear up against it, the two
captains now resolved to regain the straits, and to wait there in some
safe road or bay for a fair wind, when they did not doubt of rejoining
the other ships, as it had been agreed to wait at the island of St. Mary
on the coast of Chili for two months, in case of separation. About
evening, therefore, of the 27th September, they arrived at the southern
point of the straits' mouth, and were drifted by the current six or
seven leagues within the straits, where they anchored in a very good
road.

§ 3. _Incidents during their second Residence in the Straits of
Magellan_.

From the 27th to the 30th of September they had tolerably good weather,
but the wind then began to blow so furiously from the S.W. that they
were forced to drop three anchors a-piece to keep them from being driven
on shore. As the summer of these antarctic regions was now approaching,
they were in hopes of fair weather; yet during two months that they
remained in the straits, they scarcely had a fair day in which to dry
their sails. For twenty days that they remained in this bay, to which
they gave the name of the _Bay of Trouble_, they endured incredible
hardships, being forced to go on shore daily in search of a few birds,
which, with muscles and snails found upon the rocks, formed their sorry
subsistence. Being unable to subsist any longer in that bay, they set
sail on the 18th October, and found a better bay about a league farther
within the straits. The 22d they were nearly destroyed by a violent
storm, but the weather became calm next day. The constant employment of
the seamen was to go on shore in search of muscles for their sustenance
at low water, and when the tide was in to fetch wood and fresh water, so
that they had no time to dry themselves, though they kept up a good fire
continually. In short, during the whole nine months spent in these
straits, now and formerly, they scarcely had an opportunity once to dry
their sails, so frequent were the returns of rain and storms. The men
also were exposed to wet, cold, and high winds, which kept them
continually uncomfortable, and always at work. The seamen now began to
murmur, alleging there would not be enough of biscuit for their return
to Holland, if they remained here any longer. Having notice of this, de
Weert went into the bread-room, as if to examine their store; and, on
coming out, he declared, with a cheerful countenance, there was enough
of biscuit and other provisions for eight months, though in fact there
was not more than sufficient for four.

At length, on the 2d December, the wind changed to the N.E. and they
immediately weighed anchor, but could not get out into the South Sea,
owing to whirlwinds rising from between the high hills and the bottom of
the bay. The Faith was driven at one time so near the shore that a
person might have stepped ashore from her gallery, and had certainly
been lost if the wind had not abated. Next day, the storm being over,
the two ships got out of Close bay, as they called it, with the ebb, but
they never afterwards anchored together, and that day they cast anchor
at the distance of a league from each other. The 8th of December they
had a more violent storm than ever, which lasted two days, and during
which the waves rose sometimes higher than the masts. The storm abating
on the 10th, de Weert went in his boat, intending to go aboard the
Fidelity; but on doubling the point which lay between them, was
overwhelmed with grief to see no ship, nor any signs of shipwreck, so
that he thought she had foundered. Going next day farther towards a
gulf, he was rejoiced to see a mast behind a low point, where he found
the Fidelity, with which ship he had to leave his small boat to assist
in fishing for her anchors and cables, which she had lost in the late
storm. He then took his leave, returning to his own ship, little
dreaming he had taken his last farewell of Captain de Cordes.

The 10th, going ashore in the boat for victuals as usual, and having
doubled a point, they saw three canoes with savages, who went
immediately on shore, and scrambled up the mountains like monkeys. The
Dutch examined the canoes, in which were only a few young divers, some
wooden grapnels, skins of beasts, and other things of no value. Going on
shore to see if the savages had left any thing, they found a woman and
two children, who endeavoured to run away, but was taken and carried on
board, shewing few signs of fear or concern. She was of a middle size
and reddish colour, with a big belly, a fierce countenance, and her
hair close cut as if shaven, whereas the men wear their hair long. She
had a string of snail-shells about her neck by way of ornament, and a
seal's skin on her shoulders, tied round her neck with a string of gut.
The rest of her body was quite naked, and her breasts hung down like the
udders of a cow. Her mouth was very wide, her legs crooked, and her
heels very long.

This female savage would not eat any of their boiled or roasted meats,
so they gave her one of the birds they had found in the canoes. Having
pluckt off the long feathers, she opened it with a muscle shell, cutting
in the first place behind the right wing, and then above the stomach.
After that, drawing out the guts, she laid the liver a short time on the
fire, and eat it almost raw. She then cleaned the gizzard, which she eat
quite raw, as she did the body of the bird. Her children eat in the same
manner, one being a girl of four years of age, and the other a boy, who,
though only six months old, had most of his teeth, and could walk
alone.[90] The woman looked grave and serious at her meal, though the
seamen laughed heartily at her strange figure, and unusual mode of
feeding. She afterwards sat down on her heels like an ape; and she slept
all gathered up in a heap, with her infant between her arms, having her
breast in his mouth. After keeping her two days on board, de Weert set
her on shore, giving her a gown and cap, with necklace and bracelets of
glass beads. He gave her also a small mirror, a knife, a nail, an awl,
and a few other toys of small value, with which she seemed much pleased.
He cloathed the boy also, and decorated him with glass beads of all
colours; but carried the girl to Holland, where she died. The mother
seemed much concerned at parting with her daughter, yet went into the
boat without resistance or noise. She was carried to the shore, a league
west from the ship, to a place which she pointed out, where the seamen
found a fire and some utensils, which made the seamen believe that the
savages had run away on seeing the boat.

[Footnote 90: They had no means to ascertain his age, and must have
concluded him only six months old from his small size; but from his
teeth and walking alone, he was more likely to have been two years old,
and his diminutive size was probably occasioned by the miseries of the
climate, and wretchedness of every kind to which these outcasts of
nature are subjected.--E.]

When the boat returned, a new storm arose, during which the waves often
overtopped the masts, and tossed the ship so violently that they
momentarily expected she would have been overset or split in pieces;
but, by the blessing of God, she got out of this bay, to which they gave
the name of _Unfortunate Bay_. Next day they cast anchor towards evening
in the channel of the straits, but finding the anchor had no buoy
attached, and the weather being too violent to allow of supplying one,
they had again to weigh, and put before the wind, and at length got into
the bay of Cordes, fourteen or fifteen leagues farther eastwards, near
the middle of the straits. In this passage they kept as near as possible
to the south side of the channel, that they might be seen by the
Fidelity, and even fired a gun off the mouth of a bay in which they
supposed she lay, as a signal, to which they imagined that they heard
another gun in answer from their consort, and continued their course in
the full belief of being followed by the Fidelity. In this passage the
strength of the wind drove them so fast, that they had to fasten their
boat astern with two strong hawsers to preserve her, and to diminish the
velocity of their course; but the heavy rolling waves broke both
hawsers, and they lost their boat, by which they were reduced to great
difficulty, having now no means of getting on shore in search of
provisions.

Next day, being the 16th December, they saw a boat making towards them
from the westwards, which occasioned various conjectures; but at length
turned out to belong to the fleet of Van Noort. This unexpected meeting
gave great joy to the seamen, and the men in this boat were received
with much respect by de Weert. They were all in perfect health and
vigour; and, among other things respecting their voyage, told of having
caught above 2000 birds at the great Penguin Island. This intelligence
made the sailors in the Faith extremely anxious to get there, and
several of them were bold enough to tell Captain de Weert, that it was
necessary they should go there, where they might as well wait for a fair
wind as in any other place, and besides, that it was only a league out
of their way. But de Weert declared he would on no account part company
from Van Noort. This general came in person next day to visit de Weert;
and the day following, being the 18th December, the whole fleet joined
him. The wind changing to S.W. on the 22d, they all set sail; and after
proceeding two or three hours, de Weert requested the loan of a boat
from general Van Noort, with three or four men, that he might go before
to direct Captain de Cordes to get ready to sail with the fleet; but he
could not find the Fidelity.

The Faith was now grown very foul, and unable consequently to keep up
with the fleet; for which reason, being off the Bay of Knights, where
she met the ebb current, she was forced to go in there. The 23d she was
again opposed by adverse currents in a narrow channel, and unable to
follow the other ships. The 24th they tried again, but were unable to
get round a point, behind which the fleet of Van Noort lay at anchor;
and finding it impossible to double that point with the present wind, de
Weert resolved to wait till it changed, that he might not fatigue his
men by persisting in vain attempts. But, although the wind was contrary,
Van Noort proceeded farther on, in search of a more secure anchorage, by
which de Weert lost sight of the fleet, though not far off, in
consequence of an intervening high point of land.

Despairing of being able to rejoin the fleet of Van Noort, and finding
it impossible to subsist his men without a boat, de Weert ordered the
pieces of one which were in the hold to be taken out, that they might be
put together. This was on the 25th December; but having the wind at
north next day, he attempted to get next day into a small bay, a league
farther on than the Bay of Knights, in which the boat might be more
conveniently built: but the violence of the wind forced him back into
the Bay of Cordes, five leagues farther to the east. Here, on the 26th
and 27th, they endured so great a storm, that the seamen began to murmur
again, as having been a whole fortnight without procuring any muscles,
having nothing to subsist upon in all that time but a scanty allowance
of biscuit and oil. Seeing their insolence, de Weert called them into
the cabin, giving them good words, and even desired their advice as to
what was best to be done in this difficult conjuncture. Some were of
opinion, that they should proceed to Rio de la Plata in the boat,
abandoning their ship, and give themselves up to the Spaniards. Others
were for going to St Helena in quest of provisions. The pilot, John
Outgetz, was for going to Guinea or the Gold Coast of Africa, where he
was known, having made five voyages there. None of these opinions
pleased de Weert, who told them, that he could not come to any
determination without the consent of Captain de Cordes.

In the mean time, the boat being now ready, de Weert went ashore in her
on the 1st January, 1600, to get her properly caulked. In the afternoon,
having doubled the southerly point, two boats were seen, which belonged
to Van Noort, who had put back to the Bay of Knights in search of the
Faith. Next day, Van Noort returned back, promising to make search for
the Fidelity. De Weert also sent his boat, with his ensign and one of
his pilots, on the same search, and gave them a letter for Van Noort,
requesting a supply of biscuit sufficient for two months. The boat came
back on the 5th with the general's answer, saying, That he was not sure
of having enough of biscuit for his own men, neither knew he how long he
might be at sea, and therefore could not spare any. This answer
afflicted de Weert; and having now no hopes of being again rejoined by
de Cordes, he resolved to proceed for Penguin Island, to lay in a large
store of these birds, and then to follow the fleet of Van Noort, if the
wind proved fair. Before sailing, he wrote a letter for de Cordes, which
he left buried at the foot of a tree, and nailed a board to the tree, on
which was painted, _Look at the bottom of this tree_.

On the 11th January, 1600, de Weert made sail for Penguin Islands, and
next day came to anchor under the smaller of these islands, where he
immediately landed with thirty-eight men in tolerable health, leaving
the pilots and other seamen on board. Leaving three men to keep the
boat, the rest fell to killing birds, of which there were a prodigious
quantity in the island. In the mean time the wind grew nigh and the sea
very stormy, by which the boat was thrown so high upon the rocks, and so
filled with water, that the boat-keepers were unable to get her off, or
to heave out the water, and so much tossed by the surges that they
expected every minute to have her stove to pieces. In this extremity the
seamen were almost in despair. Without the boat it was impossible for
them to return on board. They had no carpenters, no tools, and no wood,
with which to repair their boat, as there was no wood whatever on the
island. They were all wet, as they had waded into the water as high as
their shoulders to draw the boat from the rocks, and they were starving
with cold. Fortunately, at low water, the boat being aground, they
recovered an axe and some tools, with a few nails, which revived their
hopes of being able to get back to the ship. But as it was impossible to
get the boat drawn ashore before night for repairs, they were obliged to
pass the night on shore in the open air, where they made a fire of some
broken planks from the boat, and eat some birds half-roasted, without
bread, and with so little water that they could not quench their thirst.

As soon as day appeared on the 13th, every one went cheerfully to work,
in repairing that side of the boat which was most injured, which was
quite refitted before night. Next day the other side was repaired; and
having loaded her with 450 penguins, they went aboard on the evening of
the 14th, having been three days on shore. While they were catching
penguins on the 12th, they found a savage woman, who had hid herself in
one of the holes. At the time when Van Noort landed here, there was a
band of savages on the island, by whom two of his men were slain; in
revenge of which Van Noort had destroyed them all but this woman, who
was then wounded, and who now shewed her wounds to the seamen. She was
tall and well-made; her hair cut quite close to her head, and her face
painted, having a kind of cloak on her body, made of the skins of beasts
and birds, neatly sewed together, and reaching down to her knees,
besides which she had a skin apron; so that the savages on the north
side of these straits appear to be more modest in their apparel than
those on the south side. By the dead body of one of these savages, who
had been slain by Van Noort, it appeared that the men wore their hair
very long; besides which his head was ornamented with fine feathers, and
he had others round his body. They use bows and arrows, the arrows being
very neatly pointed with hard flints. De Weert gave this woman a knife,
who informed him by signs, that he would find a greater plenty of birds
in the larger island. They left her where she was, though she requested,
by signs, to be transported to the continent. They now went to the
larger island, in order to get a larger supply of birds.

The old penguins weigh from twelve to sixteen pounds, and the young ones
from eight to twelve. They are black on the back, with white bellies,
and some have a white ring round their necks, so that they are almost
half white half black. Their skin is much like that of a seal, and as
thick as the skin of a wild boar. The bill is as long as that of a
raven, but not so crooked; the neck short and thick, and the body as
long as that of a goose, but not so thick. Instead of wings, they have
only two fins or pinions, covered with feathers, which hang down as they
walk upright, and by means of which they swim with great strength. They
have black feet, like those of a goose, and they walk upright, with
their fins or pinions hanging down like the arms of a man, so that when
seen at a distance they look like so many pigmies. They seldom come
ashore except in the breeding season, and then they nestle together,
three or four in one hole, which they dig in the downs as deep as those
of rabbits, and the ground is so full of them, that one is liable almost
at every step to sink into them up to the knees. They feed entirely on
fish, yet their flesh has not that rank fishy taste which is so common
in sea-fowl, but is extraordinarily well tasted. _Penguin_, the name of
this bird, is not derived from the Latin _pinguedo_, fatness, as the
Dutch author of this voyage would have it, and therefore spells the word
_pinguin_. Neither is the conjecture of the French editor of this voyage
better founded, who supposes they were so called by the English from a
Welsh word signifying _white-head_; and from which it has been argued
that these savages are descended from a colony of Britons, supposed to
have settled in America, about the year 1170, under Madoc, prince of
North Wales. The truth is, the name of penguin was given to these birds
by the savages.

The ship reached the greater Penguin Island on the 15th January, that
island being a league from the small one; and here they found such
abundance of these birds, that many ships might have been amply supplied
by them instead of one, for they procured above 900 of them in less than
two hours. Next day, while busy in salting the penguins, a heavy storm
came on from the N.W. by which the ship was driven out of sight of the
island, and to so great a distance that de Weert lost hopes of getting
back to it again; on which he reduced the men to an allowance of four
ounces of biscuit daily. They got back however on the 17th; but, when
going to land, a fresh storm came on with such violence, that they
resolved to weigh anchor and get out of the straits: but the sea was so
rough that they durst not attempt this, lest the capstan should fly
round. At last the anchor lost its hold; and to save the ship from being
cast away, they had to cut the cable and make sail, being in great
sorrow for the loss of their anchor, as they now had one only remaining.



§ 4. _Voyage from the Straits to Holland_.

This sad accident constrained de Weert to quit the straits, which he did
on the 21st January, having a S.W. wind, chopping sometimes round to
E.N.E. having now spent nine months in those seas, in a dangerous and
dismal condition. In the afternoon of that day, having got into the main
sea, they allowed their boat to go adrift, being rendered quite
unserviceable by the late storms. The 24th in the morning, they found
three small islands to windward, not marked in any maps, which they
named the _Sebaldine Islands_. These are in lat. 50° 40' S. sixty
leagues from the continent,[91] and contained abundance of penguins; but
they could not catch any, having no boat. On the 1st February, a seaman
was condemned to be hanged, for having stolen a bottle of wine and a bag
of rice from the hold; and, when just about to be turned off, he was
pardoned at the intercession of the crew, on condition that they should
not again beg the life of any one found guilty of stealing provisions.
In the evening of the 3d the same person was found drunk, and
consequently must have again stolen wine, and was convicted of having
stolen both wine and victuals, for which he was now hanged, and his body
thrown into the sea.

[Footnote 91: In vol. VIII. p. 68, note 3, these Sebaldines have been
already noticed as the north-westermost of the Falklands.--E.]

They passed the line on the 15th March; and their wine being now reduced
to one pipe, that was reserved for the use of the sick, and no more was
allowed to the crew. The 28th they saw Cape Monte on the coast of
Guinea, when the captain was much displeased with the pilots, for having
steered a different course from what he had directed. The seamen also
were discontented with the captain, who would not land, because he had
no boat, and only one anchor: but, being satisfied that he had biscuit
enough for four months, at a quarter of a pound daily to each man, and
two ounces of rice, he made the ship's head be turned to seawards. In
the night of the 1st April, they discovered some fire at a distance,
thinking it were a ship; but when day broke, it was known to have been
on the shore, towards which they had been insensibly driven by the
current. By this time their whole stock of penguins was expended, and
they must have been reduced to a very small allowance of biscuit and
rice for their whole sustenance, but during five weeks that they
steered along the coast of Africa, making very little progress in
consequence of calms, they caught abundance of many kinds of fish, both
large and small. Being uncertain how long they might remain on the
coast, and fearing the want of provisions, de Weert ordered a small boat
to be built by the pilot, who had been bred a ship-carpenter. This boat
was finished in twelve days; but they had no need of her, for the wind
became fair on the 24th April, and they made sail in the direction of
the Açores.

The 3d May was held as a day of thanksgiving and prayer; and on the 21st
they passed the tropic of Cancer, catching every where such abundance of
fish, that, besides supplying their immediate wants, they salted and
dried a considerable store. On getting near the Açores, they found no
more fish, and had to use those they had dried and salted; and by this
food many distempers were produced among them, particularly the scurvy.
The men became as it were parched within, and so thirsty that they could
not be satisfied with drink; and their bodies were covered all over with
red spots, like a leprosy. The 7th, the captain was informed that some
of the men had stolen biscuit; but he durst not punish the guilty, as
they were the only vigorous and healthy men in the ship, and nothing
could be done without them.

The ship got into the English Channel on the 6th July, when the captain
landed at Dover to purchase an anchor and cable; but not being able to
procure any, he sailed again that night. On the 13th, while off the
mouth of the Maese, waiting the tide, and having a pilot on board, the
wind came suddenly contrary, and forced him into the channel of Goeree,
where a seaman died, being the sixty-ninth who died during the voyage.
The thirty-six who remained alive gave thanks to God, who had preserved
them through so many dangers, and had vouchsafed to bring them home.




CHAPTER V.

VOYAGE OF GEORGE SPILBERGEN ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1614--1617.[92]

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage, from Holland to the South Sea_.


As the directors of the Dutch East-India Company were still anxious to
make trial of the route to India by the Straits of Magellan, they
appointed George Spilberg, or Spilbergen, to make this attempt in 1614,
as admiral of six ships, the Great Sun, the Full Moon, the Huntsman, and
a yacht called the Sea-mew, all belonging to Amsterdam, with the Eolus
of Zealand, and the Morning-star belonging to Rotterdam. Spilbergen was
a person of established reputation for knowledge and experience, and was
allowed to chuse most of his officers. The ships were all equipped in
the best possible manner, and were ready a little after Midsummer; but
as the admiral was of opinion that they would arrive in the Straits of
Magellan at an improper season, if they sailed so early, the directors
thought proper to postpone the commencement of the voyage till the month
of August.

[Footnote 92: Harris, I. 44. Callender, II. 191.]

The fleet sailed accordingly from the Texel on the 8th of August, 1614,
with a strong gale at S.E. Without any remarkable accident, except
several severe storms, they reached the latitude of Madeira on the 3d
October. Proceeding thence by the Canaries, they lost sight of these
islands on the 10th, and came in view of Brava and Fogo, two of the Cape
de Verd islands, on the 23d. Having happily passed the _Abrolhos_,
dangerous shoals running far out to sea, on the 9th December, they
discovered the coast of Brazil on the 12th of that month. On the 19th
they were off the bay of Rio de Janeiro; and on the morning of the 20th
they anchored in the road of _Ilas Grandes_, between two large fine
islands covered with trees, in thirteen fathoms water. Next day they
anchored at another island, about half a league distant, where they
caught good store of fish, besides many crocodiles or alligators, each
about the length of a man. They anchored behind another island on the
23d, where they found two small huts, and a heap of human bones on a
rock. Here they set up tents on shore for their sick, which were all
landed that night, under the protection of three distinct guards of
soldiers, lest they might be attacked by the Portuguese, who were at no
great distance.

The 28th, the boats were sent for wood and fresh water to a river about
two leagues from where the ships lay, and about noon next day brought
off as much as they could carry. They went back for a farther supply,
and were obliged to remain on shore all night, as their boats got
aground with the ebb-tide. On getting to the ships on the 29th, they
reported, that they had heard a confused sound of voices, as of many
people, in the woods. The 30th, three boats were sent again to the
watering-place, with nine or ten soldiers to protect the seamen when on
shore. Shortly after, being out of sight of the fleet, several
cannon-shot were heard from the Huntsman, which had been stationed to
command the watering-place, on which the admiral sent three armed boats
to see what was the matter. On coming to the Huntsman, they were told
that five canoes, full of well-armed Portuguese and Mestees, had
attacked the three boats, and slain all their men. The Dutch armed boats
pursued the canoes, of which they soon came in sight; but on following
them round a point, saw two stout frigates or armed barks riding at
anchor, to which the canoes retired for protection, and the boats had to
return to the admiral with the dismal news of the fate of their
companions.

A conspiracy was discovered on the 1st January, 1615, of certain persons
who proposed to have run away with one of the ships, and for which two
men were executed, several others being put in irons, and distributed
among the other ships of the fleet. Before leaving this place, orders
were given, if any ship lost company of the rest, that her commander was
to set up a conspicuous mark in the haven of de Cordes, or some other
usual landing place in the straits; and, after waiting a certain fixed
time, was to proceed for the isle of Mocha on the coast of Chili, as the
place of rendezvous. Having no fit provisions for the sick, they
resolved also to remove from the Islas Grandes to the isle of St
Vincent. Here they were delayed by the Portuguese, who appear to have
captured some of their men; for, having taken a bark with eighteen
Portuguese on the 26th January, the Portuguese of St Vincent refused to
give a smaller number of Hollanders in exchange for these, though also
offered many fair manuscripts, pictures, plate, and other things
belonging to the jesuits, which had been taken in the prize.

They departed from St Vincent in the beginning of February, having first
burnt their prize and some buildings on shore, and furnished themselves
amply with oranges and pomecitrons. In lat. 52° 6' S. they were
distressed by a severe storm on the 7th March, which continued several
days, and separated the ships. On the 21st a mutiny broke out, for which
several of the most notoriously guilty were capitally punished. They
entered the straits on the 28th, but were forced out again, by adverse
winds and currents. They entered again on the 2d of April, and saw a man
of gigantic stature climbing a high hill on the southern shore of the
straits, called _Terra del Fuego_, or the land of fire. They went ashore
on the 7th, when they saw two ostriches, and found a large river of
fresh water, beside which grew many shrubs producing sweet
black-berries. Being in lat. 54° S. the mountains were all covered with
snow, yet they found pleasant woods, in which were many parrots. To one
inlet or bay they gave the name of _Pepper haven_, because the bark of a
tree found there had a biting taste like pepper.

On the 16th of April they had some friendly intercourse with a party of
savages, to whom they gave various trifling articles in exchange for
pearls. But on the 1st May, some of the people were surprised by the
natives while on shore, and two of them slain. On the 6th of May they
got into the South Sea, not without terror, having no anchorage that
day, and being in much danger from many shoals and islands at the mouth
of the straits, between the northern and sourthern shore.

SECTION II.

_Transactions in the South Sea, along the Western Coast of America_.

They were welcomed into the great South Sea by a terrible storm, and
were fearful of being cast away on certain islands a little without the
straits, which, from their likeness to the islands of Scilly, they named
the _Sorlings_. On the 21st they had sight of the coast of Chili and the
isle of Mocha. This island is low and broad on the north, and is full of
rocks on the south. The 26th endeavours were made to enter into traffic
with the natives of this island. The chief and his son dined on board
the admiral, seemingly rejoiced to see such large and well-armed ships
sent against the Spaniards, and all the native Chilese were delighted to
see the soldiers mustered and exercised. The Dutch here procured great
plenty of sheep, in exchange for hatchets and ornaments of coral and
such like toys, getting two sheep for one hatchet. But the natives
brought every thing to the boats, and would not suffer any of the Dutch
to go near their houses, being very jealous of their wives, even more so
than Spaniards. These sheep resembled camels, having long legs and
necks, hare lips, hunches on their backs, and are used as beasts of
draught and burden.

They left Mocha on the 27th of May, and next day came to the coast not
far from the island of St Mary, where the land was much broken and very
rocky. The 29th they cast anchor at the island of St Mary, whence a
Spaniard came on board, having a pledge left for him ashore. This man
invited the admiral and others to dine on shore; but one of the boats
observed a body of soldiers marching to the place at which they were to
have dined; on which appearance of treachery, the Spanish messenger was
made prisoner. The Dutch landed next day in force, on which the
Spaniards set their church on fire and fled; having four of their men
slain, while two of the Dutch were wounded. They here found much
poultry, and took 500 sheep, with other spoil. Learning at this place of
three Spanish ships fitted out in April expressly against them, the
admiral of which carried forty brass guns, and the whole manned by 1000
Spaniards, Spilbergen resolved to go in search of them at Conception and
Valparaiso, and afterwards on the coast of Arica. A farther squadron, of
similar force, was also said to be in preparation at _Calao de Lima_. In
consequence of this intelligence, the Dutch gunners were ordered to have
every thing in readiness for battle, rules of military discipline were
established, and each ship and every person received distinct orders for
conducting the expected battle, in which it was resolved to conquer or
die.

Sailing from the island of St Mary on the 1st June, 1615, they passed
not far from the town of _Aurora_,[93] where the Spaniards kept a
garrison of 500 men, which were continually disquieted by the
unconquered natives of Chili. On the 3d they came to the island of
_Quinquirina_, within which is the town of Conception, inhabited by many
Indians and about 200 Spaniards. The 12th they entered the safe and
commodious road of Valparaiso, in which was a Spanish ship, but which
was set on fire by its own mariners, who escaped on shore. The 13th at
noon, they were in lat. 32° 15' S.[94] and in the afternoon came into
the fair and secure harbour of Quintero. Here they took in wood and
water, and caught abundance of fish. But they found the inhabitants
every where aware of them, and prepared to receive them, so that nothing
of any importance could be effected. They came next to _Arica_ in lat.
12° 40' S.[95] to which place the silver is brought from the mines of
Potosi, whence it is shipped for Panama. Finding no ships there, they
proceeded along the coast, and took a small ship on the 16th, in which
was some treasure, but it was mostly embezzled by the sailors.

[Footnote 93: Arauco, a fortress on the northern frontier of the
independent country of Araucania, but somewhat inland, not far to the
N.E. of the island of St Mary.--E.]

[Footnote 94: Quintero is in lat. 32° 44' S.]

[Footnote 95: This is a great error, as Arica is in lat 18° 28' S.]

They soon after had sight of eight ships, which the master of the prize
said were the royal fleet sent out in search of the Hollanders, contrary
to the opinion of the council of Peru; but Dou Rodrigo de Mendoza, the
Spanish admiral, a kinsman to the viceroy, insisted on putting to sea,
alleging that two even of his ships could take all England, and much
more those _hens_ of Holland, who must be spent and wasted by so long a
voyage, and would assuredly yield at first sight. On this, the viceroy
gave him leave to depart, with orders to bring all the Hollanders in
chains. Mendoza then swore that he would never return till the
Hollanders were all taken or slain, and set sail from Calao, the haven
of Lima, on the 11th July. The flag ship was the Jesu Maria, of
twenty-four brass guns and 460 men, which was said to have cost the king
158,000 ducats. The vice-admiral was the Santa Anna, of 300 men,
commanded by Captain Alvarez de Piger, who had before taken an English
ship in the South Sea, and this ship cost 150,000 ducats, being the
handsomest that had ever been seen in Peru. The other ships were the
Carmelite and St Jago of eight brass cannon and 200 men each; the Rosary
of four guns and 150 men; the St Francis having seventy musketeers, and
twenty sailors, but no ordnance; the St Andrew of eighty musketeers,
twenty-five sailors, and no cannon; and an eighth, the name and strength
of which is not mentioned.

The adverse fleets drew near on the evening of the 17th July, when the
Spanish vice-admiral sent a message to his admiral, advising to postpone
battle till next morning. Mendoza was, however, too impatient to follow
this advice, and set upon the Great Sun, in which was Admiral
Spilbergen, about ten that night, when they exchanged broadsides. The St
Francis being next to the Jesu Maria, attacked the Dutch admiral; but
being beaten off, fell upon the yacht, and by her was sent to the
bottom. At this instant, the yacht was attacked by the Spanish admiral,
and had soon shared the fate of her former antagonist, but was succoured
by two boats full of men, one from the Dutch admiral, and the other from
the vice-admiral; on this occasion, the Dutch admiral's boat was
unfortunately mistaken by the Huntsman, and sent to the bottom by a
cannon-shot, and all her men drowned except one.

Next morning, five of the Spanish ships sent word to their admiral that
they meant to do their best to escape: But the Dutch admiral and
vice-admiral set upon the Spanish admiral and vice-admiral, and an
obstinate engagement ensued, in which the Eolus, another of the Dutch
ships, also partook. The two Spanish ships were lashed together, for
mutual support. At length, all the men forsook the vice-admiral, going
on board the admiral's ship, in which they afterwards confessed they
found only fifty men alive. Being reduced to great distress, the Spanish
seamen several times hung out a white flag, in token of surrender, which
was as often hauled down by the officers and other gentlemen, who chose
rather to die than yield.

After some time, being sore pressed by the Hollanders, the men belonging
to the Spanish vice-admiral returned to their own ship, and renewed the
fight; on which occasion the Dutch vice-admiral was in imminent danger
of being taken, as the Spaniards boarded her, but were all repelled or
slain. Being no longer able to continue the fight, the Spanish admiral
fled under cover of the night, and escaped the pursuit of Spilbergen;
but her leaks were so many and great that she went to the bottom, as did
likewise another of the Spanish ships called the Santa Maria.[96] The
Dutch vice-admiral and the Eolus bestirred themselves so briskly, that
the Spanish vice-admiral hung out a white flag, on which the Dutch
vice-admiral sent two boats to bring the Spanish commander on board, but
he refused going that night, unless the Dutch vice-admiral came to fetch
him, or sent a captain to remain in pledge for him. At this time ten or
twelve of the men belonging to the Eolus remained on board, contrary to
orders, wishing to have a first hand in the plunder. These men assisted
the Spaniards in their efforts to prevent the ship from sinking: But all
their labour being in vain, they shewed many lights, and cried out aloud
for help, which was too late of being sent, and they went to the bottom.
Next morning the Dutch sent out four boats, which found thirty Spaniards
floating on pieces of the wreck, and crying out for mercy; which was
shewn by the Dutch to some of the chiefs, but the rest were left to the
mercy of the sea, several of them being even knocked on the head by the
Dutch, contrary to orders from their officers. Before this ship went
down her commander expired of his wounds. In this engagement forty
Dutchmen were wounded and sixteen slain, on board the admiral,
vice-admiral, and Eolus; and in the rest eighteen were wounded and four
slain.

[Footnote 96: There is no such name in the list of the Spanish fleet, so
that we may suppose this to have been the one formerly mentioned without
a name.--E.]

The Dutch now made sail for Calao de Lima, but were becalmed. The 20th
they passed by the island [St Lorenzo], and saw fourteen ships in the
haven, but could not get near for shoals. They went, therefore, to the
road of Calao in search of the Spanish admiral, but learned afterwards
at Payta that his ship had sunk. The Spaniards fired upon them from the
shore, and a ball of thirty-six pounds weight had nearly sunk the
Huntsman. They saw also on shore a considerable army, commanded by the
viceroy in person, consisting of eight troops of horse and 4000 foot.
Going beyond reach of shot from the shore, the Dutch cast anchor off the
mouth of the haven, where they remained till the 25th of July, expecting
to capture some Spanish ships, but all that appeared made their escape
by superior sailing, except one bark laden with salt and eighty jars of
molasses.

In regard that they were now on an enemy's coast, where they had no
opportunity of repairing their losses, orders were issued by Spilbergen
to act with great caution, in case of falling in with the fleet of
Panama, and especially to take care not to separate from each other,
which had much endangered them in the late fight. It was also ordered,
if any Spanish ship should yield, that the Dutch captains and chief
officers should on no account leave their own ships, but should order
the enemy to come aboard them in their own boats. They sailed from Calao
on the 27th of July, and came to the road of _Huarmey_ in lat. 10° S. on
the 28th. This is a pleasant place, with a large port, near which is a
lake. The Dutch landed here, but the inhabitants fled, leaving little
plunder, except poultry, hogs, oranges, and meal, which they brought on
board. They dismissed some of their Spanish prisoners on the 3d August,
on which day they passed between the main and the island of _Lobos_, so
called from being frequented by seals, or sea wolves.[97] The 8th they
cast anchor near Payta, in about the latitude of 5° S. The 9th they
landed 300 men, but re-embarked after some skirmishing, as they found
the city too strongly defended. On this occasion they took a Peruvian
bark, strangely rigged, having six stout natives on board, who had been
out fishing for two months, and had a cargo of excellent dried fish,
which was distributed through the fleet.

[Footnote 97: There are three islands or groups of that name off the
coast of Peru. The southern Lobos is in lat. 7° S. near fifty miles from
the nearest land; the middle, or inner Lobos, in lat. 6° 22' S. is only
about nine miles from the coast of Peru; and the northern Lobos is in
lat. 5° 8' S. almost close to the shore. It is probably the middle or
inner Lobos that is meant in the text.--E.]

The 10th of August three of the Dutch ships battered the town of Payta,
and afterwards sent a party of armed men on shore, who found the
inhabitants had fled to the mountains with all their valuables. The
Dutch sent five of the Peruvian captives on shore to endeavour to
procure fruit, and to learn with more certainty what had become of the
Spanish admiral. On their return they brought word that the Spanish
admiral had gone to the bottom, six only of her crew escaping. They
brought letters also from the lady of Don Gasper Calderon, the
commandant of Payta, who had fled to the town of St Michael, thirty
miles from Payta; who, in commiseration of the captives, sent many
citrons and other provisions to the Dutch ships. Towards the sea the
town of Payta is strongly fortified, and almost impregnable. It is a
place of some importance, having two churches, a monastery, and many
good buildings; and has an excellent harbour, to which many ships resort
from Panama, whence their cargoes are transmitted by land to Lima, to
avoid the dangers of the wind and the seas at that place. While at the
island of Lobos, the Dutch took two birds of enormous size, not unlike
an eagle in beak, wings, and talons; their necks being covered with down
resembling wool, and their heads having combs like those of a cock. They
were two ells in height, and their wings, when displayed, measured three
ells in breadth.[98]

[Footnote 98: Probably the Condour, or Vultur Gryphus of naturalists,
which is of vast size, sometimes measuring sixteen feet between the tips
of the wings when extended.

At this place we have omitted a vague rambling account of the kingdoms
of Peru and Chili, as in 1616, which could have conveyed no useful
information, farther than that Don Juan de Mendoza, Marquis des Montes
Claros, was then viceroy of Peru.--E.]

The Dutch set sail from Payta on the 21st of August, and anchored on the
23d in the road off the mouth of the Rio Tumbez, in lat. 3° 20' S. They
here agreed to return to the isle of Coques, in lat. 5° S.[99] that they
might endeavour to procure refreshments. But they were so distressed by
storms of wind, with rain and excessive thunder, that they in vain
endeavoured to get to that island till the 13th September, and in the mean
time became very sickly. Proceeding therefore towards the north they came
in sight of New Spain on the 20th September, in lat. 13° 30' N. when the
weather became again very tempestuous. After much bad weather they came in
sight of a pleasant land on the 1st October, but were unable to land.
Beating off and on till the 11th of that month, they then entered the
harbour of Accapulco, within shot of the castle, and hung out a flag of
truce. Two Spaniards came on board, with whom they agreed to exchange
their prisoners for sheep, fruits, and other provisions, which was
accordingly performed. On the 15th Melchior Hernando, nephew to the
viceroy of New Spain, came on board, to take a view of the fleet which
had vanquished that of his king, and was kindly entertained by the
Dutch admiral. The castle of Accapulco was found to be well fortified,
and had seventy pieces of brass cannon mounted on its ramparts; and the
Dutch were here informed that their intended arrival had been known eight
months before.

[Footnote 99: This is probably the northern Lobos, in lat 5° 8' S.
formerly mentioned in a note.--E.]

They set sail from Accapulco on the 18th of October, and soon afterwards
took a bark bound for the pearl fishery, which they manned and took into
their service as a tender. On the 1st November they anchored before the
port of _Selagua_, in lat. 19° 8' N. At this place they were informed of
a river abounding in a variety of excellent fish, and having extensive
meadows on its banks well stocked with cattle, together with citrons and
other fruits in great plenty, all of which they much wanted; but the
company they sent to endeavour to procure these conveniences returned
empty handed, after a smart engagement with the Spaniards. They sailed
thence on the 11th November for the port of Nativity, in lat. 20° 40' N.
where they furnished themselves with necessaries, and from whence they
set sail on the 20th.


SECTION III.

_Voyage Home from America, by the East Indies and Cape of Good Hope_.

The 26th November, 1615, being in lat. 20° 26' N. they determined on
shaping their course for the Ladrones across the great Pacific Ocean. On
the 3d December, to their great astonishment, they saw two islands at a
great distance, and next day a vast rock in lat. 19° N. fifty leagues
from the continent of America.[100] The 5th they saw another new island,
having five hills, that at first appeared like so many distinct islands.
The new year 1616 was ushered in with distempers that proved fatal to
many of the sailors. On the 3d of January they came in sight of the
Ladrones, where they landed and procured refreshments. Setting sail from
thence on the 26th January, they arrived at the Philippine islands on
the 9th February, but the Indians refused to trade with them, because
enemies of the Spaniards, though some among them, for that very reason,
would willingly have transferred all the trade and riches of the country
to them. In _Capul_, where they arrived on the 11th, the people gave
them fat hogs and poultry in exchange for mere trifles. Having thus
procured abundant refreshments, they set sail on the 16th, passing
through the straits towards the bay of Manilla.

[Footnote 100: The three Marias are nearly in the indicated latitude,
but are only about thirty leagues from the western coast of N.
America.--E.]

They anchored in these straits on the 19th, where they saw a curious
fabric erected on the top of trees, looking at a distance like a palace,
but they could not imagine what it was. The 24th they passed the high
and flaming hill of _Albaca_, and came in sight of the other end of the
straits [of St Bernardino] on the 28th, when they anchored before the
island, of _Mirabelles_, remarkable for two rocks which tower to a vast
height in the air. Behind this island is the city of Manilla, and here
the pilots wait for the ships from China, to pilot them safe to the
city, as the passage is very dangerous. On the 5th of March they took
several barks, which were going to collect the tribute paid by the
adjacent places to the city of Manilla. They had now intelligence of a
fleet of twelve ships and four gallies, manned by 2000 Spaniards besides
Indians, Chinese, and Japanese, sent from Manilla to drive the Dutch
from the Moluccas, and to reduce these islands under the dominion of
Spain. On this news they discharged all their prisoners, and resolved to
go in pursuit of the Manilla fleet.

The 11th March they got into a labyrinth of islands, whence they knew
not how to get out, but their Spanish pilot carried them safe through
next day. The 14th they anchored all night before the island of _Paney_,
by reason of the shoals; and on the 18th they sailed close past the
island of Mindanao. The 19th they came again close to the shore, and
brought provisions from the islanders at a cheap rate. They reached Cape
_Cudera_ on the 20th, where the Spaniards usually water on their voyages
to the Moluccas. Till the 23d, having a perfect calm, they made no
progress except with the tide; and when between _Mindanao_ and _Tagano_
they were stopt by an adverse current. The people here professed great
enmity against the Spaniards, and offered to assist the Dutch with fifty
of their vessels against that nation. The 27th they passed the island of
_Sanguin_, and came on the 29th to Ternate, in which island the Dutch
possessed the town of _Macia_, where they were made most welcome by
their countrymen. They observed that the straits of _Booton_ was full of
shoals, without which the water was deep. On the east there is good
fresh water, and two leagues to the west lies a very rocky shoal. On the
8th of April, Cornelius de Vicaneze went for Banda, where the soldiers
were landed, after being long on board ship.

Being detained in the Moluccas and at Bantam in the service of the Dutch
East India Company till the 14th December, 1616, admiral Spilbergen then
sailed from Bantam for Holland, in the Amsterdam of 1400 tons, having
also under his command the Zealand of 1200 tons, leaving the ships with
which he had hitherto sailed in India. On the 1st January, 1617, the
Zealand parted company, and on the 24th of that month the Amsterdam
anchored at the island of Mauritius. They doubled the Cape of Good Hope
on the 6th March, and arrived at St Helena on 30th of that month, where
they found the Zealand. Leaving that island on the 6th April, they
passed the line on the 24th of that month, and arrived safe in Holland
on the 1st July, 1617, having been absent two years, ten months, and
twenty-four days; nearly nine months of which time were spent in India,
without prosecuting the direct purpose of their circumnavigation.

The directors of the Dutch East India company bestowed the highest
commendations on Spilbergen for his prudence and good conduct in this
voyage, which contributed both to the advantage of the company, his own
reputation, and the glory of his country. The Dutch company may be said
to have dated their grandeur from the day of his return, both in respect
to reputation, power, and riches; the former resulting from his
successful circumnavigation of the globe, and the others from their
conquests in the Moluccas, in which he not only assisted, but likewise
brought home the first intelligence. On his return to Holland,
Spilbergen confirmed the report of Magellan respecting a gigantic people
inhabiting the straits, named _Patagons_. He said that he had gone
several times on shore, and had examined several graves of the natives,
and saw several savages at different times in their canoes, all of whom
were of the ordinary size; or rather under. But one day he observed a
man on shore, who first climbed one hill and then another, to look at
the ships, and at last came to the sea-side for that purpose, and this
man was allowed by all who saw him to be even taller than those spoken
of by Magellan. This is likewise confirmed by the accounts given to Van
Noort and De Weert, by a boy they took from the savages; who said there
were only two tribes of these giants, all the other savages being of the
ordinary size.[101]

[Footnote 101: Without pretending to give any opinion on this subject,
it may be remarked, that the account from the savage boy is worthy of
little credit, as a kind of nursery tale, and given by one who certainly
could hardly have sufficient language to express himself. The solitary
giant seen looking at the ships from a distance, may have been of the
ordinary size, magnified to the eye in looking through a hazy
atmosphere.--E.]




CHAPTER VI.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1615-1617, BY WILLIAM CORNELISON SCHOUTEN AND
JACQUES LE MAIRE, GOING ROUND CAPE HORN.[102]

INTRODUCTION.


The States General of the United Provinces having granted an exclusive
privilege to the Dutch East India Company, prohibiting all their
subjects, except that company, from trading to the eastwards beyond the
Cape of Good Hope, or westwards through the Straits of Magellan, in any
of the countries within these limits, whether known or unknown, and
under very heavy penalties; this prohibition gave great dissatisfaction
to many rich merchants, who were desirous of fitting out ships and
making discoveries at their own cost, and thought it hard that their
government should thus, contrary to the laws of Nature, shut up those
passages which Providence had left free. Among the number of these
discontented merchants was one Isaac Le Maire, a rich merchant of
Amsterdam, then residing at Egmont, who was well acquainted with
business, and had an earnest desire to employ a portion of the wealth he
had acquired in trade in acquiring fame as a discoverer. With this view
he applied to William Cornelison Schouten of Horn, a man in easy
circumstances, deservedly famous for his great skill in maritime
affairs, and his extensive knowledge of trade in the Indies, having been
thrice there in the different characters of supercargo, pilot, and
master.

[Footnote 102: Harris, I.51. Callender, II. 217.

It is proper to remark, that in this and several of the subsequent
circumnavigations, considerable freedom has been taken in abbreviating
numerous trivial circumstances already noticed by former voyagers: But
whereever the navigators treat on new topics of discovery, or other
subjects of any importance, the narratives are given at full length. Had
not this liberty of lopping redundancies been taken, this division of
our collection must have extended to a very inconvenient length, without
any corresponding advantage.--E.]

The main question proposed to him by Le Maire was, Whether he thought it
possible to find a passage into the South Sea, otherwise than by the
Straits of Magellan; and if so, whether it were not likely that the
countries to the south of that passage might afford as rich commodities
as either the East or the West Indies? Schouten was of opinion that such
a passage might be found, and gave several reasons as to the probable
riches of these countries.[103] After many conferences, they came to the
determination of attempting this discovery, under a persuasion that the
States did not intend, by their exclusive charter to the East India
Company, to preclude their subjects from discovering countries in the
south by a new route, different from either of those described in the
charter.

[Footnote 103: The idea of rich countries is here surely wrong stated,
as none such could possibly be conceived to the south of the Straits of
Magellan. The expected rich countries must have been to the westwards of
these straits, and in the tropical regions far to the north, in the hope
of not trenching upon the exclusive trade to the East Indies.--E.]

In consequence of this determination, it was agreed that Le Maire
should advance half of the necessary funds for the expence of the
proposed voyage, while Schouten and his friends were to advance the
other moiety. Accordingly Le Maire advanced his part of the funds; and
Schouten, with the assistance of Peter Clementson, burgomaster of Horn,
Jan Janson Molenwert, one of the schepens or aldermen of that city, Jan
Clementson Keis, a senator of that city, and Cornelius Segetson, a
merchant, produced the rest. These matters being adjusted, in spring
1615, the company proposed to equip two vessels, a larger and a less, to
sail from Horn at the proper season. That all parties might be
satisfied, it was agreed that William Cornelison Schouten, in
consideration of his age and experience, should command the larger ship,
with the entire direction of the navigation during the voyage; and that
Jaques le Maire, the eldest son of Isaac, should be supercargo. Every
thing was got ready in two months for the prosecution of the enterprise,
and a sufficient number of men engaged as mariners: but, as secrecy was
indispensable, they were articled to go wherever the masters and
supercargoes should require; and, in consideration of such unusual
conditions, their wages were considerably advanced beyond the ordinary
terms.


SECTION I.

_Journal of the Voyage from the Texel to Cape Horn_.

The larger of the two vessels prepared for this voyage was the Unity, of
360 tons, carrying nineteen cannon and twelve swivels; having on board
two pinnaces, one for sailing and another for rowing, a launch for
landing men, and a small boat, with all other necessaries for so long a
voyage. Of this vessel William Cornelison Schouten was master and pilot,
and Jaques le Maire supercargo. The lesser vessel was named the Horn, of
110 tons, carrying eight cannons and four swivels, of which Jan
Cornelison Schouten was master, and Aris Clawson supercargo. The crew of
the Unity consisted of sixty-five men, and that of the Horn of
twenty-two only. The Unity sailed on the 25th of May for the Texel,
where the Horn also arrived on the 3d June.

The proper season being now arrived, in their judgment, they sailed from
the Texel on the 14th of June, and anchored in the Downs on the 17th,
when William Schouten went ashore at Dover to hire an experienced
English gunner. This being effected, they again set sail the same
evening; and meeting a severe storm in the night between the 21st and
22d, they took shelter under the Isle of Wight. Sailing thence on the
25th, they arrived at Plymouth on the 27th, where they hired a carpenter
named Muydenblick. Sailing finally from Plymouth on the 28th June, with
the wind at N.E. and fair weather, they proceeded on their voyage.

Distinct rules were now established in regard to the allowance of
provisions at sea, so that the men might have no reason to complain, and
the officers might be satisfied of having enough for the voyage. The
rate fixed upon was, a cann of beer for each man daily; four pounds of
biscuit, with half a pound of butter and half a pound of suet weekly;
and five large Dutch cheeses for each man, to serve during the whole
voyage. All this was besides the ordinary allowance of salt meat and
stock-fish. Due orders were likewise issued for regulating the conduct
of the men and officers. Particularly on all occasions of landing men in
a warlike posture, one of the masters was always to command: and in such
ports as they might touch at for trade, the supercargo was to go on
shore, and to have the exclusive management of all commercial dealings.
It was also enjoined, that every officer should be exceedingly strict in
the execution of his duty, but without subjecting the men to any
unnecessary hardships, or interfering with each other in their several
departments. The officers were also warned against holding any
conversation with the men, in regard to the objects of the voyage, all
conjectures respecting which were declared fruitless, the secret being
solely known to the first captain and supercargo. It was also declared,
that every embezzlement of stores, merchandises, or provisions, should
be severely punished; and, in case of being reduced upon short
allowance, any such offence was to be punished with death. The two
supercargoes were appointed to keep distinct journals of all
proceedings, for the information of the company of adventurers, that it
might appear how far every man had done his duty, and in what manner the
purposes of the voyage had been answered.

On the 11th July they had sight of Madeira, and on the 13th they passed
through between Teneriff and Grand Canary, with a stiff breeze at N.N.E.
and a swift current. The 15th they passed the tropic of Cancer; and the
20th in the morning fell in with the north side of Cape de Verd.
Procuring here a supply of water, by leave of the Moorish alcaide or
governor, for which they had to pay _eight states_ of iron, they left
the cape on the 1st August, and came in sight of the high land of Sierra
Leona on the 21st of that month, as also of the island of _Madre bomba_,
which lies off the south point of Sierra Leona, and north from the
shallows of the island of St Ann. This land of Sierra Leona is the
highest of all that lie between Cape Verd and the coast of Guinea, and
is therefore easily known.

On the 30th of August, they cast anchor in eight fathoms water on a fine
sandy bottom, near the shore, and opposite a village or town of the
negroes, in the road of Sierra Leona. This village consisted only of
eight or nine poor thatched huts. The Moorish inhabitants were willing
to come on board to trade, only demanding a pledge to be left on shore
for their security, because a French ship had recently carried off two
of the natives perfidiously. Aris Clawson, the junior merchant or
supercargo, went accordingly on shore, where he drove a small trade for
lemons and bananas, in exchange for glass beads. In the mean time some
of the natives came off to the ships, bringing with them an interpreter
who spoke many languages. They here very conveniently furnished
themselves with fresh water, which poured down in great abundance from a
very high hill, so that they had only to place their casks under the
waterfall. There were here whole woods of lemon-trees, and lemons were
so cheap that they might have had a thousand for a few beads, and ten
thousand for a few common knives; so that they easily procured as many
as they wished, and each man had 150 for sea store. The 3d September
they found a vast shoal of fish, resembling a shoemaker's knife.

They left Sierra Leona on the 4th September; and on the 5th October,
being in lat 4° 27' S. they were astonished by receiving a violent
stroke on the bottom of one of the ships, though no rock appeared to be
in the way. While forming conjectures on the occasion of this shock, the
sea all about the ship began to change colour, appearing as if some
great fountain of blood had opened into it. This sudden alteration of
the water seemed not less wonderful than the striking of the ship; but
the cause of both was not discovered till after their arrival in Port
Desire, when the ship was laid on shore to clean her bottom, when they
found a large horn, of a substance resembling ivory, sticking fast in
the bottom. It was entirely firm and solid, without any internal cavity,
and had pierced through three very stout planks, grazing one of the ribs
of the ship, and stuck at least a foot deep in the wood, leaving about
as much on the outside, up to the place where it broke off.[104]

[Footnote 104: This must have been a Narvai, or Narwhal, the Monodon
Monoceros, Licorne, or Unicornu Marinum, of naturalists, called likewise
the Unicorn Fish, or Sea Unicorn.--E.]

On the 25th of October, when no person knew whereabouts they were except
Schouten, the company was informed that the design of the voyage was to
endeavour to discover a new southern passage into the South Sea; and the
people appeared well pleased, expecting to discover some new golden
country to make amends for all their trouble and danger. The 26th they
were in lat. 6° 25' S. and continued their course mostly to the south
all the rest of that month, till they were in lat 10° 30' S. The 1st
September they had the sun at noon to the north; and in the afternoon
of the 3d they had sight of the isle of Ascension, in 20° S. otherwise
called the island of Martin Vaz, where the compass was observed to vary
12° to the east of north. The 21st, in lat. 38° S. the compass varied
17° in the same eastern direction. The 6th December, they got sight of
the mainland of South America, appearing rather flat, and of a white
colour, and quickly after fell in with the north head-land of Port
Desire, anchoring that night in ten fathoms water with the ebb-tide,
within a league and a half of the shore. Next day, resuming their course
southwards, they came into Port Desire at noon, in lat. 47° 40' S. They
had very deep water at the entrance, where they did not observe any of
the cliffs which were described by Van Noort, as left by him to the
northward on sailing into this haven, all the cliffs they saw being on
the south side of the entrance, which therefore might be those mentioned
by Van Noort, and misplaced in his narrative by mistake.

In consequence of this error, they overpassed Port Desire to the south,
so as to miss the right channel, and came into a crooked channel, where
they had four and a half fathoms water at full sea, and only fourteen
feet at low water. By this means the Unity got fast aground by the
stern, and had infallibly been lost, if a brisk gale had blown from the
N.E. But as the wind blew west from the land, she got off again without
damage. Here they found vast quantities of eggs upon the cliffs; and the
bay afforded them great abundance of muscles, and smelts sixteen inches
long, for which reason they called it _Smelt Bay_. From this place they
sent a pinnace to the Penguin Islands, which brought back 150 of these
birds, and two sea lions.

Leaving Smelt Bay on the 8th December, they made sail for Port Desire, a
boat going before to sound the depth of the channel, which was twelve
and thirteen fathoms, so that they sailed in boldly, having a fair wind
at N.E. After going in little more than a league, the wind began to veer
about, and they cast anchor in twenty fathoms; but the ground,
consisting entirely of slippery stones, and the wind now blowing strong
at N.W. they drifted to the south shore, where both ships had nearly
been wrecked. The Unity lay with her side to the cliffs, yet still kept
afloat, and gradually slid down towards the deep water as the tide fell.
But the Horn stuck fast aground, so that at last her keel was above a
fathom out of the water, and a man might have walked under it at low
water. For some time, the N.W. wind blowing hard on one side, kept her
from falling over; but, that dying away, she at length fell over on her
bends, when she was given over for lost; but next flood, coming on with
calm weather, righted her again. Having escaped this imminent danger,
both ships went farther up the river on the 9th, and came to King's
Island, which they found full of black sea-mews, and almost entirely
covered with their eggs; so that a man without moving from one spot
might reach fifty or sixty nests with his hands, having three or four
eggs in each. They here accordingly were amply provided with eggs, and
laid in several thousands of them for sea store.

The 11th the boats were sent down the river in search of fresh water, on
the south side, but found it all brackish and unpleasant. They saw
ostriches here, and a sort of beasts like harts, having wonderfully long
necks, and extremely wild. Upon the high hills, they found great heaps
of stones, under which some monstrous carcass had been buried, some of
the bones being ten or eleven feet long, which, if having belonged to
rational creatures, must have been the bones of giants.[105] They here
had plenty of good fish and fowls, but no water could be found for some
days.

[Footnote 105: Giants indeed; for thigh bones of ten or eleven feet
long, and these are the longest in the human body, would argue men of
_thirty-one feet high_!--E.]

On the 17th December, the Unity was laid ashore on King's island, in
order to clean her bottom, and next day the Horn was hauled on shore for
the same purpose, but providentially at the distance of about 200 yards
from her consort: For, on the 19th, while burning a fire of dry reeds
under the Horn, which was necessary for the object in view, the flame
caught hold of the ship, and they were forced to see her burn without
being able to do any thing to extinguish the fire, as they were at least
fifty feet from the water side. They launched the Unity at high water on
the 20th, and next day carried on board all the iron-work, anchors,
cannon, and whatever else they had been able to save belonging to the
Horn.

On the 25th some holes full of fresh water were found, which was white
and muddy, yet well tasted, and of which a great quantity was carried
on board, in small casks on the men's shoulders. At this place, they
found great numbers of sea lions, the young of which are good to eat.
This creature is nearly as big as a small horse, their heads resembling
lions, and the males having long manes on their necks of tough coarse
hair; but the females have no manes, and are only half as large as the
males. They are a bold and fierce animal, and only to be destroyed by
musket shot.

January 18th, 1616, they departed from Port Desire: and on the 18th,
being in lat. 51° S they saw the Sebaldine [or Faulkland] islands, as
laid down by de Weert. The 20th, being in lat. 53° S. and by estimation
twenty leagues to the South of the Straits of Magellan, they observed a
strong current running to the S.W. The 22d the wind was uncertain, and
shifting, and the water had a white appearance, as if they had been
within the land; and holding on their course, S. by W. they saw land
that same day, bearing from them W. and W.S.W. and quickly afterwards
saw other land to the south. Then attempting, by an E.S.E. course, to
get beyond the land, they were constrained to take in their topsails, by
the wind blowing hard at north. In the forenoon of the 24th they saw
land to starboard, at the distance of a league, stretching out to the
east and south, having very high hills all covered with snow. They then
saw other land bearing east from the former, which likewise was high and
rugged. According to estimation, these two lands lay about eight leagues
asunder, and they guessed there might be a good passage between them,
because of a brisk current which ran to the southward in the direction
of that opening. At noon they made their latitude 54° 46',[106] and
stood towards the before-mentioned opening, but were delayed by a calm.
At this place they saw a prodigious multitude of penguins, and such
numbers of whales that they had to proceed with much caution, being
afraid they might injure their ship by running against them.

[Footnote 106: They were here obviously approaching the Straits of Le
Maire, discovered on the present occasion, the northern opening of which
is in lat. 54° 40' S. the southern in 55° S. and the longitude 65° 15'
W. from Greenwich.--E.]

In the forenoon of the 25th they got close in with the eastern land, and
upon its north side, which stretched E.S.E. as far as the eye could
carry. This they named _States Land_, and to that which lay westward of
the opening they gave the name of _Maurice Land_.[107] The land on both
sides seemed entirely bare of trees and shrubs, but had abundance of
good roads and sandy bays, with great store of fish, porpoises,
penguins and other birds. Having a north wind at their entrance into
this passage, they directed their course S.S.W. and going at a brisk
rate, they were at noon in lat. 55° 36' S. and then held a S.W. course
with a brisk gale. The land on the south side of the passage or Straits
of _Le Maire_, and west side, to which they gave the name of _Maurice
Land_, [being the east side of the Terra del Fuego] appeared to run
W.S.W. and S.W. as far as they could see, and was all a very rugged,
uneven, and rocky coast. In the evening, having the wind at S.W. they
steered S. meeting with prodigious large waves, rolling along before the
wind; and, from the depth of the water to leeward, which appeared by
very evident signs, they were fully convinced that they had the great
South Sea open before them, into which they had now almost made their
way by a new passage of their own discovering.

[Footnote 107: The former of these names is still retained, but not the
latter; the land on the west of the Straits of Le Maire being Terra del
Fuego; and the cape at the N.W. of the straits mouths is now called Cape
St Vincent, while the S.W. point is named Cape St Diego.--E.]

At this place the _sea-mews_ were larger than swans, their wings when
extended measuring six feet from tip to tip. These often alighted on the
ship, and were so tame as to allow themselves to be taken by hand,
without even attempting to escape. The 26th at noon they made their
latitude 57° S. where they were assailed by a brisk storm at W.S.W. the
sea running very high, and of a blue colour. They still held their
course to the southwards, but changed at night to the N.W. in which
direction they saw very high land. At noon of the 27th they were in 56°
51' S. the weather being very cold, with hail and rain, and the wind at
W. and W. by S. The 28th they had great billows rolling from the west,
and were at noon in 56° 48' S. The 29th having the wind at N.E. they
steered S.W. and came in sight of two islands W.S.W. of their course,
beset all round with cliffs. They got to these islands at noon, giving
the name of _Barnevelt's Islands_, and found their latitude to be 57°
S.[108] "Being unable to sail _above_ them, they held their course to
the north; and taking a N.W. course in the evening from Barnevelt's
islands, they saw land N.W. and N.N.W. from them, being the lofty
mountainous land covered with snow, which lies to the south of the
straits of Magellan, [called Terra del Fuego,] and which ends in a sharp
point, to which they gave the name of _Cape Horn_, which is in lat. 57°
48' S."[109]

[Footnote 108: Only 56°, so that by some inaccuracy of instruments or
calculation, the observations of the latitude, in this voyage, seem all
considerably too high.--E.]

[Footnote 109: The course in the text within inverted commas, from
Barnevelt's islands to Cape Horn, is evidently erroneously stated. It
ought to have run thus. "Being unable to pass to the north of these
islands, they held their course S.W. seeing land on the N.W. and N.N.W.
of their course, which ended in a sharp point, which they named _Cape
Horn_."--Cape Horn is in lat. 56° 15' S. and long. 67° 45' W. from
Greenwich.--E.]

They now held their course westwards, being assisted by a strong current
in that direction; yet had the wind from the north, and had heavy
billows meeting them from the west. The 30th, the current and billows as
before, they were fully assured of having the way open into the South
Sea, and this day at noon they made their latitude 57° 34' S. The 31st
sailing west, with the wind at north, their latitude at noon was 58° S.
But the wind changing to W. and W.S.W. they passed Cape Horn, losing
sight of land altogether, still meeting huge billows rolling from the
west with a blue sea, which made them believe they were in the main
South Sea. February 1st, they had a storm at S.W. and sailed N.W. and
W.N.W. The 2d, having the wind at W. they sailed southwards, and came
into the lat. of 57° 58' S. The 3d they made their latitude 59° 25' S.
with a strong wind at W. but saw no signs of any land to the South.


SECTION II.

_Continuation of the Voyage, from Cape Horn to the Island of Java._

Altering their course to the northwards, they plainly discerned the
western mouth of the Straits of Magellan, bearing east from them, on the
12th February; and being now quite sure of their new and happy
discovery, they returned thanks to the Almighty for their good fortune
over a cup of wine, which was handed three times round the company. To
this new-found passage or straits, leading from the Atlantic into the
Pacific, they gave the name of the _Straits of Le Maire_, though that
honour ought justly to have been given to _Schouten,_ by whose excellent
conduct these straits were discovered.

By the 27th of February they were in lat. 40° S. with fair weather,
continuing their course to the north; but on the 28th, they determined
to sail for the island of Juan Fernandez, to give some rest and
refreshment to their sickly and wearied company. That day their latitude
at noon was 35° 53' S. In the evening they shortened sail, fearing to
fall in with the land in the night. Next day, being the 1st of March,
they saw the islands of Juan Fernandez to the N.N.E. and got up to them
at noon, being in the lat. of 35° 53' S.[110] The smaller of these
islands is that to the westwards, [Masafuero,] which is very barren and
rocky. The greater [Juan Fernandez,] to the eastwards, though also very
high and mountainous, is yet fruitful and well shaded with trees. This
island affords plenty of hogs and goats; and there is such excellent
fishing all round, that the Spaniards come hither for that purpose, and
transport vast quantities of fish from hence to Peru.

[Footnote 110: The latitude of Juan Fernandez is only 33° 42' S. The two
islands mentioned in the text under this name, are Juan Fernandez and
Masafuero; the former in long. 77° 80', the latter in 79° 40', both W.
from Greenwich. Or perhaps, the second island may be the Small Goat's or
Rabbit Island, off its S.W. end, called _Isola de Cabras_, or _de
Conejos_.--E.]

The road or haven of Juan Fernandez, [named la Baia, or Cumberland
Harbour,] is at the east end of the island; but they shaped their course
to the west end, where they could find no place in which to anchor. The
boat being sent in search of an anchorage, brought an account of a
beautiful valley, full of trees and thickets, and refreshed by streams
of water running down from the hills, with a variety of animals feeding
in this pleasant spot. The boat brought also great store of fish on
board, being mostly lobsters and crabs, and reported having seen many
sea wolves. Finding the island inaccessible, they took a considerable
quantity of fish, and procured a supply of fresh water, after which they
determined to pursue their voyage.

The 11th March they passed the tropic of Capricorn to the north, the
wind in general being E.S.E. and they held their course N.N.W. till the
15th, when being in lat. 18° S. they changed their course to W. The 3d
April they were in 15° 12' S. being then much afflicted with the flux,
and that day they saw a small low island which they got up to at noon.
Finding no bottom, they could not come to anchor, but sent some men
ashore in the boat. They found nothing here fit for refreshment, except
some herbs which tasted like scurvy grass, and saw some dogs which
could neither bark nor snarl, and for which reason they named it Dog
Island. It is in lat. 15° 12', and they judged it to be 925 leagues west
from the coast of Peru.[111] The interior of this island is so low, that
it seemed mostly overflowed at high water, its outskirt being a sort of
dike or mound, overgrown with trees, between which the salt water
penetrates in several places.

[Footnote 111: Dog Island is in lat. 15° 18' S. and long. 137° W. about
1200 marine leagues west from the coast of Peru under the same parallel.
By the description in the text it seems one of those which are usually
termed _lagoon_ islands--E.]

The 14th, sailing W. and W. by N. they saw a large low island in the
afternoon, reaching a considerable way N.E. and S.W. At sun-set, being
about a league from this island, a canoe came to meet them, in which
were some naked Indians of a reddish colour, having long black hair.
They made signs to the Dutch to go on shore, and spoke to them in a
language which was not understood; neither did the Indians understand
them, though spoken to in Spanish, Moluccan, and Javan. Getting near the
coast, no bottom could be found, though only a musket-shot from land.
They now sailed S.S.W. along the island, making ten leagues during the
night, and continued along the shore on the 15th, many naked people
continually inviting them to land. At length a canoe came off, but the
natives would not venture into the ship, yet came to the boat, where the
Dutch gave them beads, knives, and other trifles; but they found them
thievishly disposed, much like the natives of the Ladrones, and were so
fond of iron, that they stole the nails from the cabin windows, and the
bolts from the doors. Their skins were all pictured over with snakes,
dragons, and such like reptiles, and they were entirely naked, except a
piece of mat before them. A boat was sent ashore well armed, and
immediately on landing, about thirty of the natives rushed from a wood,
armed with clubs, slings, and long staves or spears, and would have
seized the boat and taken away the arms from the soldiers; but on
receiving a discharge of musquetry they run off. Not being able to
anchor here, they called this the _Island without ground_. It is low,
and mostly composed of white sandy ground, on which are many trees,
which were supposed to be cocoas and palmitos. It is not broad, but of
considerable length, being in lat. 15° S. and about 100 leagues from Dog
Island.[112]

[Footnote 112: Sondre-ground, or Without-ground, is in lat. 15° 12' S.
and 143° 25' W. long.--E.]

Finding nothing could be done here, they held on their course to the
west, and on the 16th came to another island, about fifteen leagues
north from the former. This seemed all drowned land, yet its skirts were
well clothed with trees. Here also they found no ground, and it yielded
nothing but a few herbs, with some crabs and other shell-fish, which
they found good eating. It afforded them also good fresh water, which
they found in a pit not far from the shore. The pottage or soup, which
they made of certain herbs gathered here, proved serviceable to those
who were afflicted with the flux. They called this _Water Island_,[113]
because it supplied them with fresh water.

[Footnote 113: Water-land is in lat. 15° S. and 146° W. long.--E.]

Sailing from this island westwards, they came on the 18th to another
island 20 leagues distant from the last, and extending a considerable
way N.W. and S.E. Dispatching the boat in search of anchorage, a bottom
was found near a point of land, in 25 and 40 fathoms, about a
musket-shot from the shore, where also was a gentle stream of fresh
water. This news induced them to send back the boat with some casks for
water: But after using much pains to get on shore, and searching in the
wood to find a spring, they were frightened away by seeing a savage. On
getting back to their boat, five or six more of the savages came to the
shore, but on seeing the Dutch put off they soon retired into the woods.
Although they thus got rid of the savages, they encountered other
adversaries of a formidable nature; for they were followed from the
woods by innumerable myriads of black flies, so that they came on board
absolutely covered with them from head to foot, and the plague of flies
began to rage in the ship in a most intolerable manner. This persecution
lasted three or four days, on which account they called this _Fly
Island_,[114] and by the help of a good breeze of wind, they left it as
fast as they could.

[Footnote 114: The next island W. or rather S.W. from Water-land, and
nearly at the distance in the text, is now called Palliser's
island.--E.]

Continuing their course westwards from the 19th of April to the 9th of
May, when they were in lat. 15° 20' S. and estimated their distance from
Peru 1510 leagues to the west, they perceived a bark coming towards
them, on which they fired a gun or two to make them strike. But those
who were in her, either not understanding the language of cannon, or
unwilling to obey, made off as fast as they could; on which the Dutch
sent their boat with ten musqueteers to intercept them. Some of the
savages in the bark leapt overboard, and the rest surrendered without
resistance, on which the Dutch used them kindly, dressing those that
were wounded, and saving the lives of some who had leapt into the sea.
Besides the men, there were eight women and several children, being in
all twenty-three, remaining in the bark. They were a cleanly neat kind
of people, of a reddish colour, and entirely naked except the parts of
shame. The men wore their long black curled hair, but that of the women
was cut short.

The bark was of a singular figure and construction, consisting of two
canoes fastened together, in the midst of each of which were two planks
of red wood to keep out the water, and several others went across from
one canoe to the other, being made fast and close above, and projected
over a good way on each side. At the end of one of the canoes, on the
starboard side, there stood a mast, having a fork at its upper end,
where the yard lay; the sail being of mats, and the ropes of that kind
of stuff of which fig-frails are made in Spain. Their only furniture
consisted of a few fishing-hooks, the upper part of which was of stone,
and the other of bone, tortoise-shell, or mother-of-pearl. They had no
water on board, instead of which they satisfied themselves with the
liquor of a few cocoa-nuts; in default of which they drank sea-water,
which even the children did heartily. The Dutch sent them all again on
board their vessel, where the women welcomed their husbands with joyful
embraces, after which they made away to the south-east.[115]

[Footnote 115: This double canoe seems to have belonged to the Society
islands, and was perhaps bound towards Otaheite, by the course which it
followed on getting rid of the Dutch.--E.]

The 10th of May, Schouten continued his course W.S.W. and that day saw
some very high land to larboard, S.E. by S. about eight leagues off. The
11th they came to a very high island, and about two leagues south from
this to one much lower; and the same day sailed over a bank where they
had fourteen fathoms on a stoney bottom, about two leagues from the
land, and being past this bank could find no bottom. At this time
another bark, or double canoe like the former, came up to them, having a
small loose single canoe in her, to put out upon occasion. She sailed so
fast that few Dutch ships could have outstripped her. She was steered
behind by two oars, one in each canoe, and when they have a mind to
tack they use oars forwards. Sending their boat to sound at one of these
islands, ground was found a cannon-shot from the shore, in twelve,
fourteen, and fifteen fathoms, but shelvy. The savages in the bark made
signs as if directing them to the other island, but they anchored at the
former in twenty-five fathoms on a sandy bottom, a cannon-shot from
shore.

This island, in lat. 16° 10' S. is one entire mountain, looking like one
of the Molucca islands, and all covered with cocoa-nut trees, for which
reason they named it Cocoa island.[116] The other island is much lower
than this, but longer, and stretches east and west. While at anchor off
Cocoa island there came three _ships_,[117] and nine or ten canoes about
them, having three or four men in each. Some of these holding out white
flags in token of peace, the Dutch did so likewise. The canoes were flat
before and sharp behind, hewed each out of one piece of a red kind of
wood, and sailed very swiftly. On coming near the Unity, some of the
savages leapt into the sea and swam to the ship, having their hands full
of cocoa-nuts and _ubes-roots,_[118] which they bartered for nails and
beads, giving four or five cocoa-nuts for a nail or a small string of
beads, so that the Dutch that day procured 180 cocoa-nuts. This traffic
brought so many of the natives on board, that the Dutch could hardly
stir about the ship.

[Footnote 116: Cocas, or Boscawen island, is in 16° 32' S. and long.
169° 35' W. The other island mentioned in the text, Traitors, or Keppel
island, is a few leagues S.S.W. from Cocos.--E.]

[Footnote 117: These ships must have been large double canoes.--E.]

[Footnote 118: These _ubes_-roots were perhaps the same that are called
_eddoes_ by modern navigators among the South Sea islands.--E.]

The boat was now sent to the other island to see for a more convenient
place in which to anchor; but she was presently beset by a vast number
of canoes filled with a mad sort of people, armed with clubs, who
boarded the boat and attacked the Dutchmen. On firing their muskets, the
savages laughed at them for making so much noise and doing so little
hurt; but, on the next discharge, one of them being shot through the
breast, they learnt to pay more respect to the muskets, and to keep
their due distance for the future. The savages were lusty,
well-proportioned men, and most expert swimmers, but naked and thievish,
and very fantastical in the fashion of their hair, some having it
short, others long, some curled, and others plaited or folded up in
various forms.

On the 12th the savages came again in their canoes, laden with cocoas,
bananas, _ubes-roots_, hogs, and fresh water, contending violently who
should get first on board. Those who were behind, being unable to get
over the throng of canoes and men before them, leapt into the sea, and
diving under the canoes, swam to the ship with bunches of cocoas in
their mouths, and climbed up the side like so many rats, and in such
swarms that the Dutch had to keep them off with cudgels. The Dutch
bartered with them that day for so many cocoas, as to produce twelve for
each of their men, being eighty-five in number. The natives wondered
much at the size and strength of the Dutch ship; and some of them even
dived under her bottom, knocking it with stones, as if to try how strong
it was. The king of these savages sent a black hog on board as a
present, charging the messenger to take no reward. Shortly after he came
in person, in a large ship of their fashion, attended by thirty-five
single canoes; and when at a small distance from the ship, he and all
his people began to bawl out as loud as they could, being their manner
of welcoming strangers. The Dutch received him with drums and trumpets,
which pleased him much; and he and his attendants shewed their sense of
this honourable reception by bowing and clapping their hands. The king
gave them a present after his fashion, which they requited with an old
hatchet, some rusty nails and glass beads, and a piece of linen, with
all which he seemed much pleased. This king was not distinguished from
his subjects by any external mark of dignity, but merely by the
reverence they shewed him, as he was equally naked with all the rest;
but he could not be prevailed on to come on board the Unity.

At noon on the 13th, the Dutch ship was surrounded by twenty-three large
double canoes, or ships of their fashion, and forty-five single canoes,
in all of which there could not be less than seven or eight hundred men.
At first they pretended to come for the purpose of trade, making signs
of friendship, and endeavouring to prevail upon the Dutch to remove
their ship to the other island, where they would be better accommodated.
Yet, in spite of all these fair pretences, the Dutch suspected that some
mischief was intended by the savages, who now began to environ the ship
all around, and then, with a great outcry, made a sudden attack. The
king's ship was the foremost in the action, and rushed with such
violence against the Unity, that the heads of the two canoes composing
it were both dashed to pieces. The rest came on as well as they could,
throwing repeated showers of great stones on board; but the Dutch,
having been on their guard, so galled them with musquetry, and with
three great guns loaded with musket-balls and nails, that all the
savages were fain to quit their canoes, and seek for safety in the
water. Being thus put to the rout, they dispersed as quickly as
possible. These treacherous savages were inhabitants of the lower, or
more southerly, of the two islands, which therefore the Dutch named
_Traitor's Island_.

Schouten sailed from Cocoa Island that same day, holding a course to the
W. and W. by S. and came on the 14th to another island, about thirty
leagues from Cocoa Island, to which he gave the name of _Hope
Island_,[119] because expecting there to meet with refreshments. Finding
no ground for anchorage, the boat was sent to sound along shore, and
found a stony bottom about a musket-shot from the shore, in some places
having forty, and in others twenty and thirty fathoms, and then no
bottom at all next throw of the lead. Some ten or twelve canoes came off
to the ship, bartering a small quantity of flying fishes for beads, the
articles being reciprocally exchanged by means of a rope let down from
the stern of the ship. From this peddling traffic the Indians soon after
withdrew, and endeavoured to board and carry away the boat which was
employed in sounding; but met with such a reception from guns, pikes,
and cutlasses, that after two of them were slain, they were glad to
hurry away as fast as they could. This island was mostly composed of
black cliffs, which were green on the top, and seemed well stocked with
cocoa-trees. There were several houses seen along the sea side; and in
one place was a large village close beside a strand, or landing-place.
As there was no convenient anchorage at this place, the ground being
extremely rough, Schouten proceeded on his voyage to the S.W. meaning to
pursue the originally intended discovery of a southern continent.

[Footnote 119: Hope Island is in lat. 16° 32' S. and in 177° 25' W.
longitude.--E.]

The 18th May, being in lat. 16° 5' S. and the west wind becoming very
unsteady, they began to consult as to the farther prosecution of their
voyage. Schouten represented that they were now at least 1600 leagues
westward from the coast of Peru, without having made the expected
discovery of a southern land, of which there was now no great
probability of success, having already sailed much farther west than
they at first intended. He said also, if they persisted in following
their present course, they would assuredly come to the southern side of
New Guinea; and if they were unable to find a passage through that
country, to the west or north, they would inevitably be lost, since it
would be impossible for them to get back again, by reason of the east
winds which continually reign in these seas. For these reasons, and
others which he urged, he proposed, that they should now alter their
course to the northwards, so as to fall in with the north side of New
Guinea.[120] This proposal was embraced by all the company, and it was
immediately determined to change the course to N.N.W. Accordingly,
holding their course in that new direction, they saw two islands at noon
of the 19th, about eight leagues from them, N.E. by E. and seeming to be
a cannon-shot distant from each other.[121] Upon this they steered N.E.
with fair weather and a scanty wind, meaning to approach this island,
but could only get within a league of it on the 21st, when they were
visited by two canoes, the people in which began immediately to threaten
them with loud cries, and at the same time seemed preparing to dart
their _assagays_ or spears: but, on a discharge from the ship, they made
off in haste, leaving two of their companions behind them who were
slain, and a shirt they had stolen from the ship. Next day other natives
came to the ship on friendly and peaceable terms, bringing cocoa-nuts,
ubes-roots, and roasted hogs, which they bartered for knives, beads, and
nails.

[Footnote 120: It is almost needless to mention, that if Schouten had
continued his course in the former parallel of between 15° and 16° S. he
must have fallen in with the group of islands now called the New
Hebrides, and afterward with the northern part of New South Wales.--E.]

[Footnote 121: This was only one island, in lat. 15° S. and long. 180°
10' W. which they named Horn Island.--E.]

The natives of this island were all as expert swimmers and divers as
those in Traitor's Island, and as well versed in cheating and stealing,
which they never failed to do when an opportunity offered. Their houses
stood all along the shore, being thatched with leaves, and having each a
kind of penthouse to shed off the rain. They were mostly ten or twelve
feet high, and twenty-five feet in compass, their only furniture within
being a bed of dry leaves, a fishing-rod or two, and a great club, even
the house of their king being no better provided than the rest. At this
island the Dutch found good convenience for watering; and on the 26th
they sent three of their principal people on shore as hostages, or
pledges, of friendship with the islanders, retaining six of them aboard
in the same capacity. The Dutch pledges were treated on shore with great
respect by the king, who presented them with four hogs; and gave strict
orders that none of his people should give the smallest disturbance to
the boat while watering. The natives stood in great awe of their king,
and were very fearful of having any of their crimes made known to him.
One of them having stolen a cutlass, and complaint being made to one of
the king's officers, the thief was pursued and soundly drubbed, besides
being forced to make restitution; on which occasion the officer
signified, that it was well for the culprit that the king knew not of
his crime, otherwise his life would certainly have been forfeited.

These islanders were extremely frightened at the report of a gun, which
would set them all running like so many madmen. Yet on one occasion the
king desired to hear one of the great guns let off, and being set for
that purpose under a canopy, with all his courtiers about him, in great
state, the gun was no sooner fired than he ran off into the woods as
fast as possible, followed by his attendants, and no persuasions of the
Dutch could stop them. The 25th and 26th the Dutch went ashore to
endeavour to procure hogs, but were unable to get any, as the islanders
had now only a few left, and would only part with cocoas, bananas, and
ubes-roots; yet the king continued his wonted kindness and respect, and
he and his lieutenant took the crowns from their own heads, and set them
on the heads of two of the company. These crowns were composed of the
white, red, and green feathers of parrots and doves. The doves of this
island are white on the back, and black every where else except the
breast; and each of the king's counsellors has one of these birds
sitting beside him on a stick.

The ship being completely supplied with fresh water on the 28th,
Schouten and Le Maire went ashore with the trumpets, with which music
the king was highly gratified. He told them of his wars with the
inhabitants of the other island, and shewed several caves and thickets
where they were in use to place ambuscades. It plainly appeared that he
was fearful of the Dutch having some design of seizing his country, as
he would fain have engaged them to go to war with the other island, and
even offered to give them ten hogs and a good quantity of cocoas, if
they would be gone from his island in two days. Yet he made them a visit
aboard, praying when he entered the ship, and praying also at every
cabin he entered. He used always to pray likewise every time the Dutch
came ashore to visit him. His subjects also shewed great submission to
the Dutch, kissing their feet, and laying them on their own necks, with
all the marks of awe and fear they could express.

The 30th of May was a day of great ceremony, in consequence of the king
of the _other island_[122] coming to visit the king of this. This king
was accompanied by a train of 300 naked Indians, having bunches of green
herbs stuck about their waists, of which herb they make their drink. To
make sure of a welcome, this king brought with him a present of sixteen
hogs. When the two kings came in sight of each other, they began to bow
and to mutter certain prayers; on meeting they both fell prostrate on
the ground, and after several strange gestures, they got up and walked
to two seats provided for them, where they uttered a few more prayers,
bowing reverently to each other, and at length sat down under the same
canopy. After this, by way of doing honour to the stranger king, a
messenger was sent aboard, requesting to send the drums and trumpets
ashore, which was done accordingly, and they played a march to the great
entertainment of the two kings. After this a solemn banquet was
prepared, for which they began to make ready their liquor, and in the
following strange and abominable manner. A number of Indians came into
the presence of the two kings and their attendants, bringing a good
quantity of _cana_, the herb of which they make their drink, each of
whom took a large mouthful thereof, and having chewed it a while, put it
from their mouths into a large wooden trough, and poured water on the
chewed herb. After stirring it some time, they squeezed out all the
liquor, which they presented in cups to the two kings.[123] They also
offered of it to the Dutch, who were ready to vomit at the nastiness of
its preparation.

[Footnote 122: No _other island_ is to be found in modern maps near Horn
Island, the nearest being the Feejee Islands, a numerous group, about
thirty leagues S.S.W. It is therefore probable that Horn Island may have
consisted of two peninsulas, united by a low narrow neck, appearing to
Schouten as two distinct islands.--E.]

[Footnote 123: In the Society Islands, as related by modern navigators,
an intoxicating liquor is prepared nearly in a similar manner, by
chewing the _ava_, or pepper-root.--E.]

The eating part of this entertainment consisted of ubes-roots roasted,
and hogs nicely dressed in the following manner: Having ripped open
their bellies and taken out the entrails, they singed off the hair, and
put hot stones into their bellies, by which, without farther cleaning or
dressing, they were made fit for the royal feast.[124] They presented
two hogs dressed in this manner to the Dutch, with all the form and
ceremony used to their kings, laying them first on their heads, then
kneeling with much humility, they left them at their feet. They gave the
Dutch also eleven living hogs; for which they got in return a present of
knives, old nails, and glass beads, with which they were well pleased.
The natives of this island were of a dark yellow colour, so tall, large,
strong, and well-proportioned, that the tallest of the Dutch could only
be compared with the smallest among them. Some wore their hair curled,
frizzled, or tied up in knots, while others had it standing bolt upright
on their heads, like hog's-bristles, a quarter of an ell high. The king
and some of his chief men had long locks of hair, hanging down below
their hips, bound with a few knots. The women were all very ugly
figures, short and ill-shaped, their breasts hanging down to their
bellies like empty satchels, and their hair close cropped. Both sexes
were entirely naked, except a slight covering in front. They seemed
altogether void of any devotion, and free from care, living on what the
earth spontaneously produces, without any art, industry, or cultivation.
They neither sow nor reap, neither buy nor sell, neither do any thing
for a living, but leave all to nature, and must starve if that fail them
at any time. They seem also to have as little regard for the dictates of
decency and modesty, as for those of civil policy and prudence; for they
will use their women openly in the largest assembly, even in presence of
their king, whom, in other respects, they so greatly reverence. To this
island the Dutch gave the name of Horn Island, from the town in Holland
whence they fitted out; and named the haven in which they anchored
_Unity Bay_, after their ship. This bay, resembling a natural dock, is
on the south side of the island, in the latitude of 14° 16' S.[125]

[Footnote 124: Modern voyagers describe this mode of dressing more
minutely. A pit is dug in the earth, which is lined with heated stones,
on which the hog is placed, having hot stones in its belly, and is
covered with other hot stones, when the pit is covered up like a grave.
After remaining a sufficient time in this situation, the _barbacued hog_
is said to be nicely dressed.--E.]

[Footnote 125: The latitude and longitude of Horn Island have been given
in a former note, but its most extreme south point may reach to 15° 16'
S.--E.]

Leaving Horn Island on the 1st of June, they saw no other land till the
21st, when they made towards a very low island bearing S.S.W. by W. from
them, in lat. 4° 47' S. near which were several sands stretching N.W.
from the land, as also three or four small islands very full of trees.
Here a canoe came to the Unity, of the same odd fashion with those
formerly described. The people also were much like those formerly seen,
only blacker, and armed with bows and arrows, being the first they had
seen among the Indians of the South Sea. These people told them, by
signs, that there was more land to the westwards, where their king
dwelt, and where there were good refreshments to be had. On this
information, they sailed on the 22d W. and W. by N. in the lat. of 4°
45' S. and saw that day at least twelve or thirteen islands close
together, lying W.S.W. from them, and reaching S.E. and N.W. about half
a league, but they left these to larboard. The 24th, the wind being S.
they saw three low islands to larboard, S.W. of their course, one of
them very small, the other two being each two miles long, all very full
of trees, to which they gave the name of _Green Islands_.[126] The
shores of these islands were rugged and full of cliffs, presenting no
place for anchoring, wherefore they proceeded on their voyage.

[Footnote 126: These Green Islands of Schouten are laid down in our best
modern maps in lat. 4° S. and long. 205° 20' W. The other two groups
mentioned at this place in the text and without names, seem to have been
the _Four Islands_ and the _Nine Islands_ of Carteret, to the S.E. of
Green Islands.--E.]

On the 25th, being St John the Baptist's day, they sailed past another
island, on which were seven or eight hovels, which they named St John's
Island. [Lat. 3° 40' S. long. 206° 20' W.] At this time they saw some
very high land to the S.W. which they thought to be the western point of
New Guinea.[127] They reached this coast by noon, and sailed along,
sending their boat in search of an anchorage, but no bottom could then
be found. Two or three canoes filled with a barbarous people attacked
the boat with slings, but were soon driven away by the muskets. These
people were very black, entirely naked, and spoke a quite different
language from that of the islanders they had seen hitherto. They kept
fires burning on the coast all night, and some of them came lurking
about the ship in their canoes; but though the Dutch, on discovering
them, did every thing they could to conciliate, they would not
understand any signs made for procuring provisions, but answered all
with horrible noises and outcries.

[Footnote 127: This land was discovered afterwards to be separate from
New Guinea, and is now named New Ireland, having another large island
interposed, called New Britain.--E.]

At night, they anchored in a bay in 40 fathoms on uneven ground. About
this place the country was high and verdant, and afforded a pleasant
prospect, being, as they guessed, 1840 leagues west from the coast of
Peru. In the morning of the 26th, three canoes came to the ship, quite
full of these barbarians, being well armed after their manner, with
clubs, wooden swords, and slings. The Dutch treated them kindly, giving
them several toys to procure their favour; but they were not to be won
by kindness, neither could they be taught good manners except by the
language of the great guns: For they presently assaulted the ship with
all their force, and continued till ten or twelve of them were slain by
cannon-shot. They then threw themselves into the water, endeavouring to
escape by swimming and diving; but they were pursued in the water by the
boat, when several were knocked in the head, and three prisoners taken,
besides four of their canoes, which were cut up as fuel for the use of
the ship. Though these savages would not formerly understand any signs,
they were now more apt, and understood that hogs and bananas were
demanded in ransom for the prisoners. One wounded man was set at
liberty, but the Dutch exacted ten hogs for the others. This island
afforded a sort of birds that are all over bright red. North of it lay
another island, of which they made no other discovery, except its
position in regard to this. The Dutch concluded that these people were
of the _Papuas_ nation, because of their short hair, and because they
chewed betel mixed with chalk.

In the evening of the 28th, they sailed from hence, and next day held a
course to the N.W. and N.W. by N. with a shifting wind till noon, and
then a calm. They had the point of the island in view till evening,
though they sailed along the coast, which was full of bays and turnings,
and trended N.W. and N.W. by W. This day they saw other three high
islands, which lay northwards five or six miles from the greater one,
being then in the latitude of 3° 20' S. The 30th in the morning, several
canoes of these black Papuas came off to the ship, and being allowed to
come aboard, broke certain staves over the Dutch, in sign of peace.
Their canoes were more artificially made and ornamented than the others,
and the people seemed more civilized and more modest, as they had the
pudenda covered, which the others had not. Their hair was rubbed over
with chalk, their black frizly locks appearing as if powdered. They
affected to be poor, and came to beg, not bringing any thing to the
ship, yet the four islands whence they came appeared, to be well stored
with cocoas.

On the 1st June, the Dutch came to anchor between the coast of New
Guinea and an island two miles long. They were soon after surrounded by
twenty-five canoes, full of the same people who had broken staves the
day before in token of peace, and who came now fully armed in guise of
war. They were not long of entering on the work they came about. Two of
them laid hold of two anchors which hung from the bows of the ship, and
endeavoured with their girdles to tug the ship on shore. The rest lay
close to the ship's sides, and gave a brisk onset with slings and other
weapons; but the great guns soon forced them to retire, with twelve or
thirteen killed, and many more wounded. After this, the Dutch sailed
peaceably along the coast, with a good gale of wind, continuing their
course W.N.W. and N.W. by W. The 2d they were in lat. 3° 12' S. and saw
a low land to larboard, and right before them a low island. Continuing
W.N.W. with a slight current at E.N.E. they sailed gently along. The 3d
they saw high land, bearing W. about 14 leagues from the other island,
and in lat. 2° 41' S. The 4th, while passing these four island, they
suddenly came in view of twenty-three other islands, some great, some
small, some high, and others low, most of which they left to starboard,
and only two or three to larboard. Some of these were a league distant
from the others, and some only a cannon-shot. Their latitude was in 2°
30' S. a little more or less.

On the 6th in the morning, the weather being variable and even sometimes
stormy, they had in the morning a very high hill before them, bearing
S.W. which they thought to have been _Geeminassi_ in Banda; but, on a
nearer approach, they discovered three other hills more like it in the
north, some six or seven leagues distant, which they were convinced were
that hill of Banda.[128] Behind these hills lay a large tract of land,
stretching east and west, of very great extent, and very uneven. In the
morning of the 7th, they sailed towards these mighty hills, some of
which they found were volcanoes, for which reason they named this
_Vulcan's Island_. It was well inhabited and fall of cocoa-nut trees,
but had no convenient place for anchorage. The inhabitants were naked,
and extremely fearful of the Dutch, and their language so different from
that of all the neighbouring people, that none of the blacks could
understand them. More islands appeared to the N. and N.W. but they
proceeded to a very low island, bearing N.W. by W. which they reached in
the evening. The water here was observed to be of several colours,
green, white, and yellow, perhaps occasioned by the mixture of some
river, as it was far sweeter than ordinary sea water, and was full of
leaves and boughs of trees, on some of which were birds, and even some
crabs.

[Footnote 128: They still had the north-western end of Papua or New
Guinea between them and Banda, from which they were distant at least
twelve degrees of longitude.--E.]

On the 8th, continuing their course W.N.W. having a high island on the
starboard, and another somewhat lower to larboard, they anchored in the
afternoon in 70 fathoms on a good sandy bottom, about a cannon-shot from
the land, at an island in 3° 40' S. which seemed an unhealthy place,
yielding nothing of any value except a little ginger. It was inhabited
by Papuas or blacks, whose ridiculous mode of dress, and their own
natural deformity, made them appear little short of a kind of monsters.
Hardly any of them but had something odd and strange, either in the
bigness or position of their limbs. They had strings of hog's teeth hung
about their necks; their noses were perforated, in which rings were
fastened; their hair was frizled, and their faces very ugly. Their
houses also were extremely singular, being mounted on stakes, eight or
nine feet above the ground. Before noon of the 9th, they anchored in a
more convenient bay, in 26 fathoms, on a bottom of sand mixed with clay.
There were two villages near the shore, whence some canoes brought off
hogs and cocoas, but the Indians held them at so dear a rate that the
Dutch would not buy any of them.

Though they had now sailed so long upon this new land, yet were they
unable to determine with any certainty if it actually were the coast of
New Guinea, as their charts neither agreed with each other, nor with the
coast in view. This coast for the most part ran N.W. by W. sometimes
more westerly, and at other times more northerly. Yet they held on their
course W.N.W. along the coast, having quiet weather though dull winds,
but assisted by a stream or current setting along the coast to the
westwards. Proceeding in this manner, they came into the lat. of 2° 58'
S. at noon of the 12th. Continuing their course on the 13th and 14th,
the coast in sight was sometimes high and at other times low. The 15th,
still pursuing the same course, they reached two low islands about half
a league from the main, about the latitude of 2° 54' S. where they had
good anchorage in 45 and 46 fathoms. Seeing the country well stored with
cocoas, two boats well armed were sent with orders to land and procure
some cocoa-nuts. But they were forced to retire by the Indians, in spite
of their muskets, at least sixteen of the Dutch, being wounded by arrows
and stones thrown from slings.

In the morning of the 16th, they sailed in between the two low islands,
and anchored in a safe place in nine fathoms. They landed that day on
the smaller island, where they burnt some huts of the natives, and
brought away as many cocoa-nuts as gave three to each man of the
company. The barbarous natives became now more tractable; as on the 17th
they came to make their peace-offerings of cocoas, bananas, ginger, and
certain yellow roots [turmeric] used instead of saffron. They even
trusted the Dutch so far as to come on board, when peace was entirely
restored, and their hearts won by a few nails and beads. They continued
bartering on the 18th, for cocoas and bananas, procuring fifty nuts and
two bunches of bananas for each man of the company, with a smaller
quantity of cassava and _papade_. These cassavas and papades are East
India commodities, the former being also to be had particularly good in
the West Indies, and far preferable to what they got here. The people
make all their bread of this substance, baking it in large round cakes.
This smaller island, which is the more easterly, the natives named
_Mosa_; the other over against it they call _Jusan_, and the farthest
off _Arimea_, which, is very high, and about five or six leagues from
the coast of New Guinea.[129] These places had probably been visited
before by Europeans, as they had among them some Spanish pots and jars.
They were not nearly so much surprised at the report of the great guns
as the others had been, neither were they so curious in looking at the
ship.

[Footnote 129: These names are not to be found in our modern general
maps, though certainly infinitely better for all the uses of geography
than the absurd appellations so much in use among voyagers.--E.]

On the 21st at noon, sailing along the land as before N.W. they were in
lat. 1° 13' S. The current drove them to a cluster of islands, where
they anchored in thirteen fathoms, and were detained all day of the 22d
by storms of thunder and rain. Setting sail in the morning of the 23d,
six large canoes overtook them, bringing dried fish, cocoas, bananas,
tobacco, and a small sort of fruit resembling plums. Some Indians also
from another island brought provisions to barter, and some vessels of
China porcelain. Like other Savages, they were excessively fond of beads
and iron; but they were remarkably distinguished from the natives in the
last islands, by their larger size, and more orange-coloured
complexions. Their arms were bows and arrows, and they wore glass
earrings of several colours, by which latter circumstance it appeared
that they had been previously visited by other Europeans, and
consequently that this was not to be considered as a discovery.

The 24th, steering N.W. and W.N.W. and being in lat. 0° 30' S. they
sailed along a very pleasant island, which they named Schouten's Island,
after their master,[130] and called its western point Cape of Good Hope.
The 25th they passed an extensive tract of uneven land on their larboard
hand, stretching from E.S.E. to W.N.W. The 26th they saw three other
islands, the coast stretching N.W. by W. The 27th they were in lat. 0°
29' S. still seeing much land to the south, some of which were very high
and some low, which they passed, continuing their course to the north of
west. The 29th they felt the shock of an earthquake, which shook the
ship to that degree that the men ran terrified out of their births,
believing the ship had run a-ground, or had bilged against some rock. On
heaving the lead they found the sea unfathomable, and their ship clear
from all danger of rocks or shoals. The 30th they put into a great bay,
out of which they could find no opening to the west, and resumed
therefore a northern course. Here the ship trembled again with loud
claps of thunder, and was almost set on fire by the lightning, had it
not been prevented by prodigious rain.

[Footnote 130: The centre of Schouten Island is in lat. 0° 30' S. and
long. 223° W. It is nearly 24 leagues long from E. to W. and about eight
leagues from N. to S. In some maps this island is named _Mysory_,
probably the native appellation, and it lies off the mouth of a great
bay, having within it another island of considerable size, called
_Jobie_, or Traitor's Island.--E.]

The 31st, continuing a northern course, they passed to the north of the
equator, and being encompassed almost all round by land, they anchored
in twelve fathoms on good ground, near a desolate island which lay close
by the main land. The 1st of August they were in lat. 0° 15' N. The 2d
and 3d being calm, they were carried by the current W. and W. by N. This
day at noon their latitude was 0° 35' N. when they saw several whales
and sea-tortoises, with two islands to the westwards. They now reckoned
themselves at the western extremity of the land of New Guinea, along
which they had sailed 280 leagues. Several canoes came off to them in
the morning of the 5th, bringing Indian beans, rice, tobacco, and two
beautiful birds of paradise, all white and yellow. These Indians spoke
the language of Ternate, and some of them could speak a little Spanish
and Malayan, in which last language Clawson the merchant was well
skilled. All the people in these canoes were finely clothed from the
waist downwards, some with loose silken robes, and others with breeches,
and several had silken turbans on their head, being Mahometans. All of
them had jet black hair, and wore many gold and silver rings on their
fingers. They bartered their provisions with the Dutch for beads and
other toys, but seemed more desirous of having linen. They appeared so
fearful and suspicious of the Dutch, that they would not tell the name
of their country, which however was suspected to be one of the three
eastern points of Gilolo, and that the people were natives of Tidore,
which was afterwards found to be the case.

In the morning of the 6th they set sail, holding a northern, course,
intending to go round the north point of Gilolo. The 7th they saw the
north point of Morty, or Moraty, N.E. of Gilolo. Contending with
variable winds and adverse currents it was the 19th before they could
get into the bay of _Soppy_ in Gilolo, where they anchored in ten
fathoms on sandy ground, about a cannon-shot from shore. Here they
procured poultry, tortoises, sago, and rice, which was a great relief
for the company, still consisting of eighty-five men in health and
vigour. Leaving Soppy on the 25th August they came to the desert island
of Moro on the 1st September, and, on closer examination, found it
composed of several islands close together. They saw here a worm, or
serpent, as thick as a man's leg and of great length. On the 5th they
anchored off the coast of Gilolo. At this place some of the seamen went
ashore unarmed to catch fish, when four Ternatese soldiers rushed
suddenly out of the wood sword-in-hand while the Dutchmen were drawing
their net, intending to have slain them; but the surgeon called out to
them _Oran Hollanda_, that is, _Holland men_, on which the soldiers
instantly stopped, throwing water on their heads in token of peace, and
approaching in a friendly manner, said they had mistaken the Dutchmen
for Spaniards. At the request of the seamen they went on board, where,
being well treated, they promised to bring provisions and refreshment to
the ship, which they afterwards did.

Sailing thence on the 14th they got sight of Ternate and Tidore on the
16th, and anchored on the 17th in the evening before Malaya in Ternate,
in eleven fathoms sandy ground. Here captain Schouten and Jaques Le
Maire went ashore, and were kindly entertained by the general Laurence
Real, admiral Stephen Verhagen, and Jasper Janson, governor of Amboina.
On the 18th they sold two of their pinnaces, with most of what had been
saved out of the unfortunate Horn, receiving for the same 1350 reals,
with part of which they purchased two lasts of rice, a ton of vinegar, a
ton of Spanish wine, and three tons of biscuit. On the 27th they sailed
for Bantam, and on the 28th of October anchored at Jacatra, now Batavia.
John Peterson Koen, president for the Dutch East India Company at
Bantam, arrived there on the 31st of October, and next day sequestered
the Unity and her cargo, as forfeited to the India company for illegally
sailing within the boundaries of their charter.

       *       *       *       *       *

In consequence of the seizure of the Unity, captain Schouten and Jaques
Le Maire, with others of their people, embarked at Bantam in the
Amsterdam and Zealand on the 14th December, 1616, on which they set sail
for Holland. On the 31st of that month Jaques Le Maire died, chiefly of
grief and vexation on account of the disastrous end of an enterprise
which had been so successful till the arrest of the ship and cargo. He
was, however, exceedingly solicitous about his journal, which he had
kept with the utmost care during the voyage, and left a recommendation
that it should be published, that the world might know and judge of the
usage they had received. The Amsterdam arrived in Zealand on the 1st
July, 1617, where her consort had arrived the day before. Thus was this
circumnavigation of the globe completed in two years and eighteen days;
which, considering the difficulties of the course, and other
circumstances of the voyage, was a wonderfully short period.[131]

[Footnote 131: In the Collection of Harris this voyage is succeeded by a
dissertation on the high probability of a southern continent existing,
and that this supposed continent must be another _Indies_. Both of these
fancies being now sufficiently overthrown by the investigations of our
immortal Cook, and other modern navigators, it were useless to encumber
our pages with such irrelevant reveries.--E.]




CHAPTER VII.

VOYAGE OF THE NASSAU FLEET ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1623-1626, UNDER THE
COMMAND OF JAQUES LE HERMITE.[132]

[Footnote 132: Harris I. 66. Callend. II. 286.]

INTRODUCTION.


The government of the United Netherlands, considering it proper to
distress their arch enemy the king of Spain by every means in their
power, determined upon sending a powerful squadron into the South Sea,
to capture the ships of his subjects, to plunder the coasts of his
dominions, and to demolish his fortifications. Accordingly, in autumn
1622, a final resolution for this purpose was entered into by the States
General, with the concurrence of their stadtholder, Prince Maurice of
Orange, who even advanced a considerable sum of money towards it from
his own funds; and a fleet of no less than eleven ships of war, besides
smaller vessels, were ordered to be fitted out for the expedition, by
the several admiralties of the Union and the East India Company. This
fleet was in condition for putting to sea in spring 1623, when the
command was intrusted to Jaques Le Hermite, an able and accomplished
seaman of great experience, who had been long in the service of the East
India Company, and was now appointed admiral of the fleet; Hugo
Schapenham being vice-admiral. The ships fitted out on this occasion by
the admiralty of Amsterdam were,--

1. The Amsterdam of 800 tons, admiral, carrying twenty brass cannon and
twenty-two iron, with 237 men, commanded by Leenders Jacobson Stolk, as
captain, Peter Wely being supercargo, Engelbert Schutte commander of the
soldiers on board, Frederick van Reneygom fiscal or judge-advocate, John
van Walbeck, engineer, and Justin van Vogelair engineer extraordinary.

2. The Delft of 800 tons, vice-admiral, having twenty brass and twenty
iron cannon, with 242 men, commanded by captain Cornelius de Witte.

3. The Eagle of 400 tons, captain Meydert Egbertson, of twelve brass and
sixteen iron cannon, with 144 men.

4. A yacht called the Greyhound, of sixty tons, captain Solomon
Willelmson, carrying four brass cannons and twenty men.

The admiralty of Zealand fitted out only one ship for this expedition.

5. The Orange of 700 tons, captain Laurence John Quirynen, and carrying
likewise the rear-admiral, John William Verschoor. Her complement of men
was 216.[133]

[Footnote 133: Her number of guns is not mentioned, but she could hardly
have less than thirty-six from her size--E.]

The admiralty of the Maes furnished the following ships:

6. The Holland of 600 tons and 152 men, carrying ten pieces of brass and
twenty of iron ordnance. In this ship was Cornelius Jacobson, who was
counsellor to admiral Le Hermite, but the ship was immediately commanded
by captain Adrian Troll.

7. The Maurice of 360 tons and 169 men, having twelve brass and twenty
iron cannon, commanded by captain James Adrianson.

8. The Hope of 260 tons and eighty men, with fourteen iron cannon,
captain Peter Hermanson Slobbe.

The admiralty of North Holland also provided the following ships:

9. The Concord of 600 tons and 170 men, with eighteen brass and fourteen
iron cannon, captain John Ysbrandtz.

10. The King David of 360 tons and seventy-nine men, with sixteen pieces
of brass cannon, captain John Thomason.

11. The Griffin of 320 tons, and seventy-eight men, with fourteen iron
cannon, captain Peter Cornelison Hurdloop.

The whole of this fleet of eleven sail, carrying 294 pieces of cannon,
had 1637 men, of whom 600 were regular soldiers, divided into five
companies of 120 men in each. The East India Company contributed largely
to the expence, but does not appear to have equipped any ships on this
occasion.




SECTION I.

_Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the South Sea_.

This armament, usually called the Nassau fleet, was by far the most
considerable that had hitherto been sent against the Spaniards in the
new world, and none so powerful has since navigated along the western
coast of America in an hostile manner. It sailed on the 29th April,
1622, from Goeree roads, all but the Orange, which joined next day.

On the 7th June, while chasing a Barbary corsair, a Christian slave, who
happened to be at the helm, ran the corsair on board the Dutch
vice-admiral, and immediately he and other slaves took the opportunity
of leaping on board to escape from slavery. The captain of the corsair,
who happened to be a Dutch renegado, followed them, and demanded
restitution of his slaves; but the vice-admiral expostulated so strongly
with him on the folly and infamy of deserting his country and religion,
that he sent for every thing belonging to him out of the corsair, and
agreed to go along with the fleet, to the regret of the Turks, who thus
lost their captain and seventeen good men.

On the 5th July the fleet anchored in the road of St Vincent, which is
extremely safe and commodious, where they procured refreshments of
sea-tortoises, fish, goats, and oranges. The islands of St Vincent and
St Antonio are the most westerly of the Cape Verds, being in from 16°
30' to 18° N. latitude, and about two leagues from each other. The bay
of St Vincent, in which they anchored, is in lat. 16° 56' N. and has a
good firm sandy bottom, with eighteen, twenty, and twenty-five fathoms
water. The island of St Vincent is rocky, barren, and uncultivated,
having very little fresh water, though they found a small spring which
might have served two or three ships. By digging wells they procured
plenty of water, but somewhat brackish, to which they attributed the
bloody flux, which soon after began to prevail in the fleet. The goats
there, of which they caught fifteen or sixteen every day, were very fat
and excellent eating. The sea-tortoises which they took there were from
two to three feet long. They come on shore to lay their eggs, which they
cover with sand, leaving them to be hatched by the heat of the sun.
Their season of laying eggs is from August to February, remaining all
the rest of the year in the sea. They caught every night great numbers
of these animals while ashore to lay their eggs, and the sailors found
them wholesome and pleasant food, eating more like flesh than fish.

This island is altogether uninhabited, but the people of St Lucia come
here once a year to catch tortoises, for the sake of an oil they prepare
from them; and to hunt goats, the skins of which are sent to Portugal,
and their flesh, after being salted and dried at St Jago, is exported to
Brazil. There are no fruit-trees in this island, except a few wild figs
in the interior; besides which, it produces colocinth, or bitter apple
which is a very strong purge.[134] This island has a very dry climate,
except during the rainy season, which begins in August and ends in
February, but is not very regular.

[Footnote 134: Cucumis Colocynthis, a plant of the cucumber family,
producing a fruit about the size of an orange, the medullary part of
which, when ripe, dried, and freed from the seeds, is a very light,
white, spongy substance, composed of membranous leaves, excessively
bitter, nauseous, and acrid.]

The island of St Antonio is inhabited by about 500 negroes, including
men, women, and children, who subsist chiefly on goats, and also
cultivate a small quantity of cotton. On the sea-side they have
extensive plantations of lemons and oranges, whence they gather great
quantities every year. These were very readily supplied to the Dutch by
the negroes in exchange for mercery goods, but they saw neither hogs,
sheep, nor poultry in the island.

Sailing from St Vincent's on the 25th July, they anchored in the road of
Sierra Leona on the 11th August. Here on the 15th some of the crew being
on shore, eat freely of certain nuts resembling nutmegs, which had a
fine taste, but had scarcely got on board when one of them dropt down
dead, and before he was thoroughly cold he was all over purple spots.
The rest recovered by taking proper medicines. Sierra Leona is a
mountain on the continent of Africa, standing on the south side of the
mouth of the river Mitomba, which discharges itself into a great bay of
the sea. The road in which ships usually anchor is in the lat. of 8° 20'
N. This mountain is very high, and thickly covered with trees, by which
it may be easily known, as there is no mountain of such height any where
upon the coast. There grow here a prodigious number of trees, producing
a small kind of lemons called _limasses_, (limes?) resembling those of
Spain in shape and taste, and which are very agreeable and wholesome, if
not eaten to excess. The Dutch fleet arrived here at the season when
this fruit was in perfection, and having full leave from the natives,
the people eat them intemperately; by which, and the bad air, the bloody
flux increased much among them, so that they lost forty men between the
11th of August and the 5th September. Sierra Leona abounds in
palm-trees, and has some ananas, or pine-apples, with plenty of wood of
all sorts, besides having an exceedingly convenient watering-place
opposite to the anchorage.

They sailed from Sierra Leona on the 4th September, on which day the
admiral fell sick. On the 29th they were off the island of St Thomas,
just on the north side of the line, and anchored on the 1st of October
at Cape Lopo Gonzalves, in lat. 0° 50' S. At this place the surgeon of
the Maurice was convicted on his own confession of having poisoned seven
sick men, because they had given him much trouble, for which he was
beheaded. On the 30th of October they anchored in the road of Annobon,
where they obtained hogs and fowls, and were allowed to take in water,
and to gather as many oranges as they thought proper. The east end of
this island, where are the road and village, is in lat. 1° 30' S. and
long. 6° E. from Greenwich. The island is about six leagues in circuit,
consisting of high and tolerably good land, and is inhabited by about
150 families of negroes, who are governed by two or three Portuguese, to
whom they are very submissive. If any of them happen to be refractory,
they are immediately sent away to the island of St Thomas, a punishment
which they greatly dread. The island abounds in ananas, bananas,
cocoa-nuts, tamarinds, and sugar-canes; but the principal inducement for
ships touching here is the great plenty of oranges, of which the Dutch
gathered upwards of 200,000, besides what the seamen eat while on shore.
These oranges were of great size and full of juice, some weighing three
quarters of a pound, and of an excellent taste and flavour, as if
perfumed. They are to be had ripe all the year round, but there is one
season in which they are best and fittest for keeping, which was past
before the Dutch arrived, and the oranges were then mostly over ripe and
beginning to rot. The island also produces lemons, and has plenty of
oxen, cows, goats, and hogs, which the negroes bartered for salt. On the
S.E. part of the island there is a good watering-place, but difficult to
find, which is commanded by a stone breast-work, whence the negroes
might greatly annoy any who attempted to water by force. They grow here
some cotton, which is sent to Portugal. The natives are treacherous, and
require to be cautiously dealt with.

The fleet left Annobon on the 4th November, and on the 6th January,
1624, they were in lat. 44° 40' S. where they saw many sea-gulls, and
much herbage floating on the water, whence they supposed themselves near
the continent of South America. On the 19th the sea appeared as red as
blood, proceeding from an infinite quantity of a small species of
shrimps. On the 28th they lost sight of their bark, in which were
eighteen men, three of them Portuguese. These people, as they afterwards
learnt, having in vain endeavoured to rejoin the fleet, determined to
return to Holland. Being in want of water, they sailed up the Rio de la
Plata till they came into fresh water, after which they continued their
voyage, suffering incredible hardships, and the utmost extremity of
want, till they arrived on the coast of England, where they ran their
vessel on shore to escape a privateer belonging to Dunkirk, and
afterward got back to Holland.

The 1st February the fleet came in sight of land, being Cape de
Pennas.[135] Next day they found themselves at the mouth of the straits.
This is easily distinguished, as the country on the east, called _Saten
Land_, is mountainous, but broken and very uneven; while that on the
west, called _Maurice Land_ by the Dutch, or Terra del Fuego, has
several small round hills close to the shore. The 6th they had sight of
Cape Horn; and on the 11th, being in lat. 58° 30' S. they had
excessively cold weather, which the people were ill able to bear, being
on short allowance. On the 16th they were in lat. 56° 10' S. Cape Horn
being then to the east of them, and anchored on the 17th in a large bay,
which they named _Nassau bay_.[136] Another bay was discovered on the
18th, in which there was good anchorage, with great convenience for
wooding and watering, and which they called Schapenham's bay, after the
name of their vice-admiral.

[Footnote 135: This seems to be what is now called Cape St Vincent, at
the W. side of the entrance into the Straits of Le Maire.--E.]

[Footnote 136: The centre of Nassau bay is in lat. 55° 30' N. long. 68°
20' W. This bay is formed between Terra del Fuego on the north, and
Hermite's island south by east, the south-eastern extreme point of which
is Cape Horn. This island appears to have been named after admiral Le
Hermite.--E.]

On the 23d a storm arose with such violence that nineteen men belonging
to the Eagle were compelled to remain on shore; and next day, when the
boats were able to go for them, only two of these men were left alive,
the savages having come upon them in the dark, and knocked seventeen of
them on the head with their slings and wooden clubs, the poor Dutchmen
being all unarmed, and not having offered the least injury or insult to
the savages. Only five of the dead bodies were found on the shore, which
were strangely mangled, all the rest having been carried away by the
savages, as it was supposed, to eat them. After this, every boat that
went ashore carried eight or ten soldiers for their security; but none
of the savages ever appeared again.

The vice-admiral went on the 25th in the Greyhound to visit the coast.
On his return he reported to the admiral, that he found the Terra del
Fuego divided into several islands, and that it was by no means
necessary to double Cape Horn in order to get into the South Sea, as
they might pass out from Nassau bay to the west into the open sea,
leaving Cape Horn on the south. He apprehended also, that there were
several passages from Nassau bay leading into the Straits of Magellan.
The greatest part of the _Terra del Fuego_ is mountainous, but
interspersed with many fine vallies and meadows, and watered by numerous
streams or rivulets, descending from the hills. Between the islands
there are many good roads, where large fleets may anchor in safety, and
where there is every desirable convenience for taking in wood, water,
and ballast. The winds, which rage here more than in any other country,
and with inexpressible violence, blow constantly from the west, for
which reason such ships as are bound westerly ought to avoid this coast
as much as possible, keeping as far south as they can, where they are
likely to meet with southerly winds to facilitate their westerly course.

The inhabitants of the Terra del Fuego are as fair as any Europeans, as
was concluded by seeing a young child; but the grown-up people disguise
themselves strangely, painting themselves with a red earth after many
fanciful devices, some having their heads, others their arms, their legs
and thighs red, and other parts of their bodies white. Many of them have
one half of their bodies red, from the forehead to the feet, and the
other side white. They are all strong made and well-proportioned, and
generally about the same stature with Europeans. Their hair is black,
which they wear long, thick, and bushy, to make them the more frightful.
They have good teeth, but very thin, and as sharp as the edge of a
knife. The men go entirely naked, and the women have only a piece of
skin about their waists, which is very surprising, considering the
severity of the climate. Their huts are made of trees, in the form of a
round tent, having a hole at the top to let out the smoke. Within they
are sunk two or three feet under the surface of the ground, and the
earth taken from this hollow is thrown upon the outside. Their
fishing-tackle is very curious, and is furnished with hooks made of
stone, nearly of the same shape with ours. They are variously armed,
some having bows and arrows artificially headed with stone; others long
javelins or spears, headed with bone; some have great wooden clubs, some
have slings, and most have stone knives, or daggers, which are very
sharp. They are never seen without their arms, as they are always at war
among themselves; and it would appear that the several tribes paint
differently, that they may distinguish each other; for the people about
the island of _Torhaltens_, and about _Schapenham bay_, were all painted
black, while those about _Greyhound bay_ were painted red.

Their canoes are very singular, being formed of bark, fortified both on
the inside and outside with several pieces of small wood, and then
covered over by bark, so as to be both tight and strong. These canoes
are from ten to fourteen, and even sixteen feet long, and two feet
broad, and will contain seven or eight men, who navigate them as swiftly
as our boats. In manners, these people resemble beasts more than men,
for they tear human bodies in pieces, and eat the raw and bloody flesh.
They have not the smallest spark of religion, neither any appearance of
polity or civilization, being in all respects utterly brutal, insomuch
that if they have occasion to make water, they let fly upon whoever is
nearest them. They have no knowledge of our arms, and would even lay
their hands on the edges of the Dutchmen's swords; yet are exceedingly
cunning, faithless, and cruel; shewing every appearance of friendship at
one time, and instantly afterwards murdering those with whom they have
been familiar. The Dutch found it impossible to procure any kind of
refreshments from them, though such surely were among them, for
quantities of cow-dung were seen; and their bow-strings were made of ox
sinews: besides, a soldier who went ashore from the Greyhound yacht,
while she lay at anchor, reported to the vice-admiral, that he had seen
a large herd of cattle feeding in a meadow.[137]

[Footnote 137: This is not at all likely to have been true. The cattle,
the dung, and the sinews mentioned in the text, are more likely to have
been of some species of the seal tribe--E.]

On the 27th of February, 1624, the admiral made a signal for sailing,
the wind being then N. so that hopes were entertained of getting from
the bay of Nassau to the west; but a storm came on in the evening at W.
and blew hard all night. March 3d, they had an observation at noon, when
they were in lat, 59° 45' S. with the wind at N.W. Hitherto it had been
the opinion of nautical men, that it was easy to get from the Straits of
Le Maire to Chili, but hardly possible to pass from Chili by that strait
into the Atlantic, as they imagined that the south wind blew constantly
in these seas: but they now found the case quite otherwise, as the
frequent tempests they encountered from W. and N.W. rendered it beyond
comparison easier to have passed through the Straits of Le Maire from
the South Sea than from the Atlantic.

The wind still continuing strong from the west on the 6th, the admiral
held a council to consider of a proper rendezvous for the fleet, in case
of separation, or of being forced to winter, if these west winds should
still continue to oppose their entry into the South Sea. Some proposed
the Terra del Fuego, and others the Straits of Magellan. But the
majority were of opinion, that it was best to wait two months for a fair
wind, and to use their utmost endeavours to get into the South Sea. On
the 8th they were in 61° S. on the 14th in 58°, and on the 18th, 19th
and 20th they had a fair wind at S.E. with warm weather, so that they
were now in hopes of having accomplished their purpose. On the 24th they
lost sight of the Maurice and David, the fleet being now reduced to
seven sail; and the same evening they were in lat. 47° S. The 25th,
having still a fair wind and good weather, they reached 45° S. and were
then in great hopes of overcoming all difficulties. The 28th they got
sight of the coast of Chili, bearing E.S.E. and in the evening were
within a league of the shore, which appeared high and mountainous.





SECTION II:

_Transactions of the Fleet on the Western Coast of America_.

The admiral was at this time confined to bed, and wished to have put
into the port of Chiloe; but his instructions did not allow of this
measure, requiring the performance of some action of importance against
the Spaniards in Peru. It was therefore resolved to proceed for the
island of Juan Fernandez, to make the best preparations in their power
for attacking the Spanish galleons in the port of Arica, if found there,
and to gain possession of that place, after which it was proposed to
extend their conquests by the aid of the Indians. On the 1st April,
being then in lat. 38° 10' S. the vice-admiral took to his bed, quite
worn out with fatigue, so that they expected to lose both the admiral
and him. On the 4th they had sight of Juan Fernandez, in lat. 33° 50' S.
and next day came to anchor in sixty fathoms in a fine bay. The 6th
orders were issued to provide all the ships with as many
cheveaux-de-frize and pallisades as they could. The Griffin joined the
fleet in the evening, not having been seen since the 2d February. She
had been in the lat. of 60° S. and had got into the South Sea without
seeing Cape Horn. The Orange arrived on the 7th, having twice seen the
southern continent on her passage, once in lat. 50°, and the other time
in lat. 41° S.[138] The David came in on the 7th, bringing advice of the
Maurice, both vessels having been five or six days beating about the
island, but hindered from getting in by contrary winds.

[Footnote 138: No land whatever could be seen in these latitudes in the
eastern Pacific, so that they must have been deceived by fog, banks, or
islands of ice.--E.]

The larger and more easterly of the two islands of Juan Fernandez is in
the latitude of 30° 40' S. five degrees west from the coast of Chili;
this island being called by the Spaniards _Isla de Tierra_, and the
smaller or more westerly island _Isla de Fuera_, which is a degree and
a half farther east.[139]

[Footnote 139: Isola de Tierra, the eastermost of these islands of Juan
Fernandez, in lat. 33° 42' S. and long. 79° 5' E. is about 15 English
miles from E. to W. by 5-1/2 miles in its greatest breadth from N. to S.
Besides this and Isola de Fuera, mentioned in the text, there is still a
third, or smallest island, a mile and a half south from the S.W. end of
the Isola de Tierra, called Isola de Cabras or Conejos, Goat or Rabbit
island, three English miles from N.W. to S.E. and a mile in
breadth.--E.]

The more easterly and larger island, at which the Nassau fleet anchored,
is about six leagues in circuit, and is about two leagues and a half
long, from east to west. The road is on the N.E. part of the island,
from whence there is a beautiful prospect of valleys covered with
clover. The ground of this bay is in some places rocky, and in others a
fine black sand, and it affords good anchorage in thirty to thirty-five
fathoms. The island produces excellent water, and fish are to be had in
abundance in the bay, and of various kinds. Many thousand seals and
sea-lions come daily on shore to bask in the sun, of which the seamen
killed great numbers, both for food and amusement. Some of the Dutch
fancied that the flesh of these animals tasted as if twice cooked, while
others thought, after the grease and tallow were carefully taken out,
that it was as good as mutton. There were many goats in the island, but
difficult to be taken, and neither so fat nor so well tasted as those of
St Vincents. There were plenty of palm-trees in the interior, and three
large quince-trees near the bay, the fruit of which was very refreshing.
They found also plenty of timber for all kinds of uses, but none fit for
masts. Formerly, ten or twelve Indians used to reside here, for the sake
of fishing and making oil from the seals and sea-lions, but it was now
quite uninhabited. Three gunners and three soldiers belonging to the
vice-admiral, were so sick of the voyage, that they asked and obtained
leave to remain here.

Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from _Isla de Tierra_
on the 13th April. On the 8th May, being near the coast of Peru, they
took a Spanish bark, in which, besides the captain, there were four
Spaniards, and six or seven Indians and Negroes. From these, they learnt
that the Plate fleet had sailed on the 3d of the month from Calao de
Lima for Panama, consisting of five treasure ships, three rich
merchantmen, and two men of war. They were also informed that the
Spanish admiral was still at Calao, his ship being of 800 tons burden,
and mounting 40 brass cannon; besides which, there were two _pataches_
of 14 guns each, and forty or fifty unarmed merchant vessels. All these
vessels were said to have been hauled on shore, and secured by three
strong batteries and other works, furnished with upwards of fifty pieces
of cannon, all ready prepared for the reception of the Dutch, of whose
motions the Spaniards had received early and certain intelligence. The
viceroy had likewise formed four companies of foot, of eighty men each,
but the two best companies had gone with the ships to Panama; and,
having just learnt the approach of the Dutch fleet, the viceroy had
summoned the whole military force of Peru, so that many thousand men
must soon be expected at Lima for its defence.

After several consultations, the vice-admiral made an attempt to land at
Calao with the soldiers on the morning of the 10th May, but finding it
impossible with any chance of success, was obliged to return to the
fleet. On the 12th about midnight, three of the Dutch captains, with
twelve armed boats, each provided with a small cannon and a considerable
quantity of fire-works, made an attack on the port, while a false attack
was made at the same time in another part, to draw off the attention of
the Spaniards. The twelve boats entered the port, and distributed their
fire-works plentifully among the Spanish merchant ships, by which thirty
or forty of them were set on fire and consumed, some of them very large.
In this hardy enterprise, the Dutch had seven men killed, and fifteen
wounded, mostly in the vice-admiral's boat, which had attempted to board
one of the _pataches_ and was beaten off. About the dawn of day, nine of
the flaming ships drifted towards the Dutch fleet, which was therefore
obliged to weigh and take shelter behind the island of Lima. On the 13th
this island was taken possession of, and a strong intrenchment thrown up
for its defence, under cover of which the Dutch laid their shallops on
shore to careen them.

On the 14th Cornelius Jacobson sailed with a division of the fleet, to
cruize off La Nasca, Pisco, and other towns to the south of Lima. A rich
prize was taken on the 23d, coming from Guayaquil; and that same day,
the rear-admiral was detached with two ships and two companies of
soldiers to attempt taking Guayaquil, but they found it too strongly
defended. On the 27th an attempt was made to destroy the Spanish
admiral's ship in the port of Calao, by means of a fire-ship containing
2000 pounds of gun-powder, besides fire-works and shells, confined by a
brick arch six feet thick; but after navigating her very near the
galleon, a bank was found on the outside of her which they could not
pass, and they were therefore obliged to retire.

Admiral Jaques Le Hermite, who had been in a declining state of health
from the time they left Sierra Leona, died on the 2d June, and was
buried next day in the island of Lima. The Spanish viceroy having
refused to ransom the prisoners made by the Dutch, and the ships being
straitened for provisions especially water, twenty-one Spaniards were
hung up at the mizen yard-arm of the Dutch admiral's ship on the 15th
June. That same evening, Cornelius Jacobson returned with his
detachment, having made an ineffectual attempt on Pisco, which he found
strongly fortified, and defended by 2000 men, besides a body of 200
horse which scoured the country. In this attempt he had five men killed
and sixteen wounded, and thirteen deserted to the enemy. At this time
the scurvy prevailed to a great height in the fleet, so that some of the
ships had not sufficient men in a sound state to man their boats; but
one day a Swiss, who was very ill of the scurvy, scrambled up to the top
of the highest hill in the island of Lima,[140] where he found plenty of
a kind of herb with which he had been well acquainted in his own
country, and by eating which he soon recovered his health. This becoming
public, his example was universally followed, by which the best part of
the men were saved from death, and in a short time recovered their
health and spirits. On the 5th August, the vice-admiral was installed as
admiral, the rear-admiral succeeding him as vice-admiral, and Cornelius
Jacobson was advanced to be rear-admiral.

[Footnote 140: The island of San Lorenzo, a little to the south of
Calao, is evidently here meant.--E.]

The new vice-admiral soon after returned from his expedition to the road
of Puna and Guayaquil, where he had burnt two ships and captured a
third. He had also taken Guayaquil after considerable loss, and finding
it untenable, and not having boats to carry away the booty, he had set
it on fire, burning a great quantity of rich goods in the warehouses,
after which he reimbarked his men. The Dutch fleet sailed from the
island of Lima on the 14th of August, and anchored that same evening in
a bay behind the Piscadores islands, about twenty-three miles north,
where they watered. Continuing their course on the 16th, they came in
sight of the island of Santa Clara, or Amortajado, on the 24th,
intending once more to visit Guayaquil. The fleet anchored on the 25th
in the road of the island of Puna, whence all the people had fled, both
Spanish and Indians, so that no intelligence could be procured of the
strength and dispositions of the enemy. On the 27th, the guns, ballast,
and stores of all kinds were removed from three of the largest ships,
which were laid ashore to be careened. On the 28th, news came of the
second attempt upon Guayaquil having miscarried, through the fault of
some of the officers, the troops being defeated and obliged to reimbark,
with the loss of twenty-eight men. On the 1st September, the three
largest ships being careened, they began to careen the rest.

It was resolved in a council of war not to prosecute the originally
intended expedition to Chili at this time, but to proceed for Acapulco,
in order to cruize for the Manilla ship; and afterwards, if the
condition of the fleet permitted, to return to the coast of Chili.
Accordingly, having set fire to the town of Puna, they sailed from
thence on the 12th September, and on the 20th October had sight of the
coast of New Spain. On the 28th at day-break they were within half a
league of an island which lies before the port of Acapulco and anchored
in the evening within sight of the fort, which had been rebuilt the year
before, on a point running out to sea, in order to protect the Manilla
ships, which might ride safely at anchor under the cannon of that
fortress. On the 1st November, a strong detachment of the fleet was sent
to anchor twenty leagues west from Acapulco, to look out for the
galleon, the admiral and the Orange remaining before the port, and the
other ships spread along the coast, that they might be sure of
intercepting the galleon. On the 29th, water becoming scarce, and no
appearance of the galleon, it was resolved to proceed with all diligence
for the East Indies.


SECTION III.

_Voyage Home from the Western Coast of America_.

Proceeding therefore across the Great Pacific Ocean, they saw some very
low land towards the west on the 15th January, 1625, over which the sea
broke with great violence, and which they conjectured to be the island
of Galperico.[141] On the 23d the scurvy had made much progress, that
there were hardly men enough to work the ships. In the evening of the
25th, they were off the coast of Guam, one of the Ladrones or Mariane
islands, the inhabitants coming two leagues out to sea to meet them,
with all sorts of refreshments, which they exchanged for old iron, and
next morning 150 canoes came off with fruits and garden stuffs. On the
27th a good watering-place was found, where fifty soldiers were landed
to protect the seamen. In the beginning of February, the natives brought
them considerable quantities of rice, giving 70 or 80 pounds weight in
exchange for an old hatchet. On the 5th, by a general muster, 1260 men
were found to remain in the fleet, including 32 Spanish and Negro
prisoners, so that they had lost 409 since leaving Holland.

[Footnote 141: The relation of the voyage is too vague even to
conjecture what island is here meant, but from the direction of the
course towards Guam or Guaham it may possibly have been that now called
Dawson's island, about 600 leagues nearly east from Guam.--E.]

The island of Guam, Guaham, or Guaci, one of the group named by the
Spaniards _Islas de las Velas, Ladrones_, or _Mariane_ Islands, is in
lat 13° 40' N.[142] The soil is tolerably fertile producing vast
quantities of cocoas, and the natives grow rice in several places. The
Dutch procured here about 2000 fowls, but the natives would not part
with their cattle for any price. The people of this island are larger
than other Indians' strong and well-proportioned, and are mostly painted
red, the men going entirely naked, and the women having a leaf to cover
their nakedness. Their arms are _assagaies_, or javelins and slings,
both of which they use with great dexterity. Their canoes are very
convenient, and go before the wind at a great rate; neither are these
islanders afraid of putting to sea even in a storm; as, in case of their
vessels being overset, they turn them up again immediately, and bale out
the water. They were also very expert in cheating; for when the Dutch
came to examine the bags of rice they had bought so cheap, they found
the insides full of stones and dirt; besides which, they stole every
thing they could lay hold of. Such persons also as land on this island
ought to be very cautious, as the Dutch had several of their people
slain here, through their own folly.

[Footnote 142: Lat. 13° 20' N. long. 143° 20' E. from Greenwich.]

Proceeding on the voyage, they saw an island on the 14th of February, in
the latitude of 10° 30' N. which they took to be the island of
Saavedra.[143] Next day, about nine in the morning, they saw another
island, not laid down in the charts, in lat. 9° 45' N.[144] the natives
of which came out to them in canoes with fruits and other refreshments,
but as the ships were sailing at a great rate, they were not able to get
on board. The people seemed much like those of Guam, and the island
seemed very populous and highly cultivated. It was now resolved to
continue their course to the island of Gilolo, and thence to Ternate.
The 2d March, they had sight of the high mountain of [illegible], on the
coast of Moco, at the west end of the great island of [illegible] or
_Gilolo_, on the west side of which the Molucca islands are situated.
They arrived at _Malaya_, the principal place in Ternate, on the 4th in
the evening. The 5th, or, according to the computation of the
inhabitants, the 6th, Jacob Le Feare, governor of the Moluccas, came to
visit the admiral, from _Taluco_, where he then resided. The fleet
proceeded on the 4th of April to Amboina, and on the 28th sailed for
Batavia, where they arrived on the 29th of August. Here the fleet was
separated, part being sent on an expedition against Malacca, and others
to other places, so that here the voyage of the Nassau fleet may be said
to end, without having completed the circumnavigation, at least in an
unbroken series.

[Footnote 143: The island of Saavedra is in 10° 30'N. Not far from this
is the isle of [illegible] in Lat. 10° 10' N. and Long. [illegible] E.
from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 144: This probably was the isle of [illegible], mentioned in
the previous note.--E.]


       *       *       *       *       *

After this expedition, there occurs a wide chasm in the history of
circumnavigations, all that was attempted in this way, for many years
afterwards, being more the effect of chance than of design.--_Harris_.




CHAPTER VIII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1683-1691, BY CAPTAIN JOHN COOKE, ACCOMPANIED
BY CAPTAIN COWLEY, AND CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER.[145]

INTRODUCTION.


In the Collection of Voyages and Travels by Harris, this voyage is made
two separate articles, as if two distinct voyages, one under the name of
Captain Cowley, and the other under that of Dampier; though both are
avowedly only separate relations of the same voyage, which was commanded
by Captain Cooke, and ought to have gone under his name. On the present
occasion both relations are retained, for reasons which will appear
sufficiently obvious in the sequel; but we have placed both in one
chapter, because only a single circumnavigation, though somewhat
branched out by the separation of the original adventures. This chapter
is divided into three sections: the _first_ of which contains the
narrative of the principal voyage, so far as related by Captain Cowley;
along with which the observations of Dampier upon many of the places,
visited during the voyage, are introduced. The _second_ continues the
adventures of Cowley on his return from India to Europe, after
separating from his first companions. The _third_ resumes the relation
of the voyage, as written by Dampier, and gives a continuation of the
enterprise, after the separation of Cowley.

[Footnote 145: Dampier's Voyage round the World, and Cowley's do. both
in a Coll. of Voyages in four vols. 8vo, published at London in 1729.
Also Harris, I. 77. and Callender, II. 528.]

In the remainder of this introduction, taken from the Collection by
Harris, an account is given of the origin of this voyage, together with
a sketch of the previous adventures of Dampier, before engaging in this
enterprise, in both of which are contained some notices of the lawless,
yet famous Buccaneers, respecting whom a more detailed account is
proposed to be inserted in a subsequent division of this work. Dampier
published an account of this voyage, to be found in a Collection of
Voyages, in four volumes 8vo, printed at London in 1729, for James and
John Knapton, and which have been used in preparing the present relation
of this voyage for the press.--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

The adventures of the _Buccaneers of America_, however blameable, will
render these men ever famous by their wonderful exploits. They usually
fitted out small vessels in some of our colonies of America, and cruised
in these till they were able to make prize of some larger ships. As
their designs required the utmost secrecy, they very often took masters
and pilots on board under false pretences, and did not explain to them
the true nature of their expeditions till out to sea, when they were
absolute masters. This was the case with Captain Cowley on the present
occasion, a very intelligent man and able navigator, who happened to be
in Virginia in 1683, and was prevailed upon to go as master of a
privateer, said to be bound for _Petit Goave_, a French port in the
island of St Domingo, where these people used to take commissions. In
reality, however, their purpose was to take what prizes they could,
without the formality of a commission.

It is proper to state, that this voyage, at least in part, is the same
with the _first_ voyage of Captain Dampier round the world. Before
proceeding to the incidents of the voyage, we shall give a concise
account of the grounds on which it was undertaken, and the commanders
who were engaged in it; and this the rather, that the original journal
of Captain Cowley, published by Captain Hacke, gives very little
information on these subjects, probably because Cowley was ashamed of
having engaged in such an expedition.

Among the Buccaneers who did so much mischief in the Spanish West
Indies, was one John Cooke, a native of the island of St Christophers, a
brisk bold man, who so distinguished himself as to be promoted to the
rank of quarter-master in the ship commanded by Captain Yankey. On
taking a Spanish prize, which was converted into a privateer, Cooke
claimed the command of her, according to the custom, of the Buccaneers;
and being extremely popular, soon engaged a sufficient number of men to
serve under him. The great majority of the Buccaneers at this time being
French, and dissatisfied to see an Englishman invested with such a
command, merely by the choice of the crew, without any commission, they
plundered the English of their ships, goods, and arms, and turned them
ashore on the island of _Avache_, on the coast of St Domingo, usually
called _Ash_ by English seamen. On this occasion, an old Buccaneer,
named Captain _Tristian_, having more humanity than the rest, carried
Captain Davis, Captain Cooke, and eight other Englishmen to Petit Goave;
where, while Captain Tristian and many of his men were ashore, these
Englishmen made themselves masters of the ship, sending all the French
in their turn ashore, and sailed to Avache, where, by using Captain
Tristian's name to the governor, they procured all the rest of their
countrymen to be sent on board.

Being now sufficiently strong to set up for themselves, they resolved to
make prize of whatever came in their way, and accordingly took two
French ships, one laden with wine, and the other of considerable force,
in which they embarked, carrying her and their prize goods to Virginia,
where they arrived in April 1683. After selling their wines and other
goods, they purchased provisions, naval stores, and every thing else
that might be wanted during a long voyage, and fitted out their prize
ship as a privateer, naming her the Revenge. According to the narrative
of Cowley, she carried eight guns and 52 men, while Dampier gives her 18
guns and 70 men.[146]

[Footnote 146: This difference, at least in regard to the size and force
of the ship, will be found explained in the sequel, as they took a
larger ship on the coast of Africa, which they used during the voyage,
and named the Revenge after their own ship. The additional number of men
mentioned by Dampier is not accounted for.--E.]

Before proceeding to the narratives of this voyage, it is proper to give
a concise account of Captain William Dampier, extracted from his own
works, being an extraordinary character and an eminent navigator, whose
many discoveries ought to recommend his memory to posterity, as a man of
infinite industry, and of a most laudable public spirit. Captain William
Dampier was descended of a very respectable family in the county of
Somerset, where he was born in 1652. During the life of his father and
mother, he had such education as was thought requisite to fit him for
trade; but losing his parents while very young, and being of a roving
disposition, which strongly incited him to the sea, those who now had
the care of him resolved to comply with his humour, and bound him about
1669 to the master of a ship who lived at Weymouth, in Dorsetshire. With
this master he made a voyage to France that year, and in the next went
to Newfoundland; but was so pinched by the severity of that climate,
that on his return he went home to his friends, almost tired of the sea.
Soon after his return, however, hearing of a ship bound for the East
Indies from London, he went there in 1670, and entered before the mast
in the John and Martha, in which he made a voyage to Bantam.

He returned to England in January, 1672, and retired to the house of his
brother in Somersetshire, where he remained all the ensuing summer. In
1673, he entered on board the Prince Royal, commanded by the famous Sir
Edward Spragge, and was in two engagements that summer against the
Dutch. He afterwards returned to his brother's house, where he met with
one Colonel Hellier, who had a large estate in Jamaica, and who
persuaded him to go over to that island, where he was some time employed
in the management of that gentleman's plantation. Not liking the life of
a planter, which he continued somewhat more than a year, he engaged
among the logwood cutters, and embarked from Jamaica for Campeachy, in
August 1675, but returned to Jamaica in the end of that year. In
February 1676, he went again to Campeachy, where he acquainted himself
thoroughly with the business of logwood cutting, in which he proposed to
advance his fortune; for which purpose he returned to England in 1678.
While in Campeachy, he became acquainted with some Buccaneers, who gave
him an inclination for that kind of life, in which he was afterwards
engaged, but of which in the sequel he became much ashamed.

He returned from England to Jamaica in April 1679, intending to become a
complete logwood cutter and trader at the bay of Campeachy; but changed
his mind, and laid out most part of what he was worth in purchasing a
small estate in Dorsetshire. He then agreed with one Hobby to make a
trip to the continent, before returning to England. Soon after
commencing this voyage, coming to anchor in Negril bay at the west end
of Jamaica, they found there Captains Coxon, Sawkins, Sharpe, and other
privateers, with whom all Mr Hobby's men entered, leaving only Mr
Dampier, who also at length consented to go with them. This was about
the end of 1679, and their first expedition was against Portobello. This
being accomplished, they resolved to cross the isthmus of Darien, and to
pursue their predatory courses against the Spaniards in the South Sea.
On the 5th April, 1680, they landed near _Golden Island_, between three
and four hundred strong; and carrying with them sufficient provisions,
and some toys to gratify the Indians, through whose country they had to
pass, they arrived in nine days march at _Santa Maria_, which they
easily took, but found neither gold nor provisions, as they expected.

After staying three days at Santa Maria, they embarked in canoes and
other small craft for the South Sea. They came in sight of Panama on the
23d April, and in vain attempted to take _Puebla Nova_, where their
commander Captain Sawkins was slain. They then withdrew to the isles of
_Quibo_, whence they sailed on the 6th June for the coast of Peru; and
touching at the islands of _Gorgonia_ and _Plata_, they came in the
month of October to _Ylo_, which they took. About Christmas of that year
they arrived at the island of Juan Fernandez, where they deposed Captain
Sharpe, who had the chief command after the death of Sawkins, and
elected Captain Watling in his stead. Under his command they made an
attempt upon Arica, but were repulsed with the loss of twenty-eight men,
among whom was their new commander Watling. After this they sailed for
some time without any commander; and, arriving at the island of _Plata_,
they split into two factions about the choice of a new commander. Before
proceeding to the election, it was agreed that the majority, together
with the new commander, should keep the ship, and the minority should
content themselves with the canoes and other small craft. On the poll,
Captain Sharpe was restored, and Mr Dampier, who had voted against him,
prepared, together with his associates, to return over land to the Gulf
of Mexico.

Accordingly, on the 17th April, 1681, they quitted Captain Sharpe,
without electing any commander, and resolved to repass the Isthmus of
Darien, though only forty-seven men. This was one of the boldest
enterprises ever ventured upon by so small a number of men, yet they
succeeded without any considerable loss. Landing on the continent on the
1st of May, they repassed the isthmus in twenty-three days; and on the
24th embarked in a French privateer, commanded by Captain Tristian, with
whom they joined a fleet of nine buccaneers, on board of which were
nearly 600 men. With this great force they were in hopes of doing great
things against the Spaniards; but, owing to various accidents, and
especially to disagreement among the commanders, they had very little
success. Dampier and his companions, who had returned over land from the
South Sea, made themselves masters of a _tartan_, and, electing Captain
Wright to the command, they cruised along the Spanish coast with some
success, and went to the Dutch settlement of Curaçoa, where they
endeavoured to sell a good quantity of sugar they had taken in a Spanish
ship. Not being able to effect this purpose, they continued their voyage
to the Tortugas islands, and thence to the Caraccas, where they captured
three barks, one laden with hides, another with European commodities,
and the third with earthenware and brandy.

With these prizes they sailed to the island of _Roca_, where they shared
them, and then resolved to separate, though only consisting of sixty
men. Twenty of these, among whom was Dampier, proceeded with their share
of the goods in one of these barks to Virginia, where they arrived in
July, 1682. After continuing there some time, a considerable part of
them made a voyage to Carolina, whence they returned to Virginia. Having
spent the best part of their wealth, they were now ready to proceed upon
any plan that might offer for procuring more. Soon after Captain Cooke,
of whom some account has been already given, came to Virginia with his
prize, and published his intention of going into the South Sea to cruise
against the Spaniards. Dampier, who was his old acquaintance, and knew
him to be an able commander, readily agreed to go with him, and induced
most of his companions to do the same, which was of much consequence to
Cooke, as it furnished him with a full third of his crew.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage by Captain Cowley, till he quitted the Revenge
on the Western Coast of America_.[147]

They sailed from Achamack in Virginia on the 23d August, 1683, taking
their departure from Cape Charles in the Revenge of eight guns and
fifty-two men, John Cooke commander, and bound for the South Sea; but
Captain Cowley, who had charge of the navigation of the Revenge as
master, not being then let into the secret object of the enterprise,
steered a course for Petit Goave in St Domingo, in which he was indulged
for the first day, but was then told that they were bound in the first
place for the coast of Guinea. He then steered E.S.E. for the Cape de
Verd islands, and arrived at _Isola de Sal_, or the Salt island, in the
month of September. They here found neither fruits nor water, but great
plenty of fish, and some goats, but the last were very small. At this
time the island, which is in the latitude of 16° 50' N. and longitude
23° W. from Greenwich, was very oddly inhabited, and as strangely
governed. Its whole inhabitants consisted of four men and a boy, and all
the men were dignified with titles. One, a mulatto, was governor, two
were captains, and the fourth lieutenant, the boy being their only
subject, servant, and soldier. They procured here about twenty bushels
of salt, the only commodity of the island, which they paid for in old
clothes, and a small quantity of powder and shot; and in return for
three or four goats, gave the governor a coat, of which he was in great
want, and an old hat. The salt in which this island abounds, and from
which it derives its name, is formed naturally by the heat of the sun
from the sea-water, which is let into great ponds about two English
miles in extent.

[Footnote 147: The original narrative of this voyage, written by Captain
Cowley, is contained in the fourth volume of the Collection of Voyages
published in 1729 by James and John Knapton, usually denominated
Dampier's Voyages, and has been used on the present occasion.--E]

This island is about nine leagues from N. to S. and about two leagues
from E. to W. and has abundance of salt ponds, whence it derives its
name, but produces no trees, and hardly even any grass, some few poor
goats feeding scantily upon shrubs near the sea. It is frequented by
wild fowl, especially a reddish bird named _Flamingo_, shaped like a
heron, but much larger, which lives in ponds and muddy places, building
their nests of mud in shallow pools of standing waters. Their nests are
raised like conical hillocks, two feet above the water, having holes on
the top, in which they lay their eggs, and hatch them while standing on
their long legs in the water, covering the nest and eggs only with their
rumps. The young ones do not acquire their true colour, neither can they
fly till ten or eleven months old, but run very fast. A dozen or more of
these birds were killed, though very shy, and their flesh was found lean
and black, though not ill tasted. Their tongues are large, and have near
the root a piece of fat, which is esteemed a dainty.

From hence they sailed to the island of St Nicholas, twenty-two leagues
W.S.W. from the island of Salt, and anchored on the S.W. side of the
island, which is of a triangular form, the longest side measuring thirty
leagues, and the two others twenty leagues each. They here found the
governor a white man, having three or four people about him, who were
decently cloathed, and armed with swords and pistols, but the rest of
his attendants were in a very pitiful condition. They dug some wells on
shore, and traded for goats, fruits, and wine, which last was none of
the best. The country near the coast is very indifferent, but there are
some fine valleys in the interior, pretty well inhabited, and abounding
in all the necessaries of life.

The principal town of this island is in a valley, fourteen miles from
the bay in which the Revenge came to anchor, and contains about 100
families, the inhabitants being of a swarthy complexion. The country on
the sea is rocky and barren, but in the interior there are several
vallies, having plenty of grass, and in which vines are cultivated. The
wine is of a pale colour, and tastes somewhat like Madeira, but is
rather thick.

From thence they went to Mayo, another of the Cape de Verd islands,
forty miles E.S.E. from St Nicholas, and anchored on its north side.
They wished to have procured some beef and goats at this island, but
were not permitted to land, because one Captain Bond of Bristol had not
long before, under the same pretence, carried away some of the principal
inhabitants. This island is small, and its shores are beset with shoals,
yet it has a considerable trade in salt and cattle. In May, June, July,
and August, a species of sea-tortoises lay their eggs here, but are not
nearly so good as those of the West Indies. The inhabitants cultivate
some potatoes, plantains, and corn, but live very poorly, like all the
others in the Cape de Verd islands.

After continuing here five or six days, they resolved to go to the
island of St Jago, in hopes of meeting some ship in the road, intending
to cut her cable and run away with her. They accordingly stood for the
east part of that island, where they saw from the top-mast head, over a
point of land, a ship at anchor in the road, which seemed fit for their
purpose: but, by the time they had got near her, her company clapped a
spring upon her cable, struck her ports, and run out her lower tier of
guns, on which Cooke bore away as fast as he could. This was a narrow
escape, as they afterwards learnt that this ship was a Dutch East
Indiaman of 50 guns and 400 men.

This is by far the best of the Cape de Verd islands, four or five
leagues west from Mayo; and, though mountainous, is the best peopled,
having a very good harbour on its east side, much frequented by ships
bound from Europe for the East Indies and the coast of Guinea, as also
by Portuguese ships bound to Brazil, which come here to provide
themselves with beef, pork, goats, fowls, eggs, plantains, and
cocoa-nuts, in exchange for shirts, drawers, handkerchiefs, hats,
waistcoats, breeches, and all sorts of linen, which are in great request
among the natives, who are much addicted to theft. There is here a fort
on the top of a hill, which commands the harbour. This island has two
towns of some size, and produces the same sort of wine with St Nicholas.

There are two other islands, Fogo and Brava, both small, and to the west
of St Jago. Fogo is remarkable, as being an entire burning mountain,
from the top of which issues a fire which may be seen a great way off at
sea in the night. This island has a few inhabitants, who live on the
sea-coast at the foot of the mountain, and subsist on goats, fowls,
plantains, and cocoa-nuts. The other islands of this group are St
Antonio, St Lucia, St Vincent, and Bona Vista.

They sailed thence for the coast of Guinea, and, being near Cape Sierra
Leona, they fell in with a new-built ship of forty guns, well furnished
with water, all kinds of provisions, and brandy, which they boarded and
carried away.[148]

[Footnote 148: They appear to have named this ship the Revenge, and to
have destroyed their original vessel.--E.]

From thence they went to Sherbro river, also on the coast of Guinea,
where they trimmed all their empty casks and filled them with water, not
intending to stop any where again for water till their arrival at Juan
Fernandez in the South Sea. There was at this time an English factory in
the Sherbro river, having a