The Project Gutenberg EBook of A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX., by Robert Kerr This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX. Author: Robert Kerr Release Date: July 30, 2004 [EBook #13055] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, VOL. IX. *** Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and PG Distributed Proofreaders. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.
Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment of the East India Company SECTION XV. (Continued)--Eighth Voyage of the English East-India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris
SECTION 5. Further Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of the Voyage to Japan
SECTION 6. Arrival at Brando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and Customs of the Japanese
SECTION 7. Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his Observations there and by the Way
SECTION 8. Occurrences at Firando during the Absence of Captain Saris
SECTION 9. Continuation of these Occurrences
SECTION 10. Conclusion of these
SECTION 11. Occurrences at Firando, after the return of Captain Saris
SECTION 12. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England
SECTION I3. Intelligence concerning Yedso or Jesso, received from a Japanese at Jedo, who had been twice there
SECTION 14. Note of Commodities vendible in Japan
SECTION 15. Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the departure of Captain Saris
SECTION XVI. Ninth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, by Captain Edward Marlow
SECTION XVII. Tenth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, written by Mr Thomas Best, Chief Commander
SECTION 1. Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat
SECTION 2. Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory and Departure for Acheen
SECTION 3. Occurrences at Acheen in Sumatra
SECTION 4. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England
SECTION XVIII. Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant
SECTION 1. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the Voyage
SECTION 2. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon
SECTION 3. Extract from a Treatise by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his Travels and Adventures
SECTION XIX. Eleventh Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, in the Salomon
SECTION XX. Twelfth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1613, by Captain Christopher Newport
SECTION 1. Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia
SECTION 2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches
SECTION 3. Arrival at Diul-ginde, and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and Bantam; and thence to England
Continuation of the Early Voyages of the English East India Company to India
Introduction
SECTION. I. Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614
SECTION 1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of the Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English
SECTION 2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed
SECTION 3. Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English
SECTION II. Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to preceding Voyage
SECTION 1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington
SECTION 2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope
SECTION III. Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Agimere, in India, to Ispahan, in Persia, in the Years 1615, and 1616
SECTION IV. Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615
SECTION 1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat
SECTION 2. Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra. Miscarriage of the English Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India
SECTION 3. Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and traded with, by the Portuguese, between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan, in the Year 1616
SECTION V. Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore, from the Journal of Roger Hawes
SECTION VI. Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from James I. to Shah Jehanguire, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan
Introduction
SECTION 1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country
SECTION 2. Occurrences in June, July, and August, 1616, from which the Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be observed
SECTION 3. Of the Celebration of the King's Birth-day, with other Occurrences, in September, 1616
SECTION 4. Broils about Abdala Khan, and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious Projects of Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea-fight with a Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences
SECTION 5. Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in November, 1616
SECTION 6. Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King's Leskar, &c.
SECTION 7. A New-year's Gift--Suspicion entertained of the English--Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador--English Ships of War in the Indian Seas
SECTION 8 Asaph Khan and Noormahal protect the English from Hope of Gain.--Arrival of Mr Steel.--Danger to the Public from private Trade--Stirs about a Fort
SECTION VII. Relation of a Voyage to India in 1616, with Observations respecting the Dominions of the Great Mogul, by Mr Edward Terry
SECTION 1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat
SECTION 2. Description of the Mogul Empire
SECTION 3. Of the People of Hindoostan, and their Manners and Customs
SECTION 4. Of the Sects, Opinions, Rites Priests, &c. of the Hindoos; with other Observations
SECTION VIII. Journey of Thomas Coryat by Land, from Jerusalem to the Court of the Great Mogul
SECTION 1. Letter from Agimere to Mr L. Whitaker, in 1615
SECTION 2. Do. from Agra to his Mother, in 1616
SECTION 3. Some Observations concerning India, by Coryat
SECTION IX. Account of the Wrongs done to the English at Banda by the Dutch, in 1617 and 1618
SECTION X. Fifth Voyage of the Joint-stock by the English East India Company, in 1617, under the Command of Captain Martin Pring
SECTION 1. Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra
SECTION 2. Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale
SECTION 3. Departure for Coromandel, with Occurrences there, and Death of Sir Thomas Dale.--Capture of English Ships by the Dutch; and Occurrences at Tecoo
SECTION 4. News of Peace between the English and Dutch
SECTION 5. Voyage of Captain Pring from Bantam to Patania and Japan
SECTION 6. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England
SECT. XI. Voyage of the Ann-royal, from Surat to Mokha, in 1618
SECTION XII. Journal of a Voyage to Surat and Jasques in 1620
SECTION 1. Voyage from England to Surat
SECTION 2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques
SECTION 3. Account of a Sea-fight with the Portuguese
SECTION 4. Second Sea-fight with the Portuguese
SECTION 5. Sequel of the Voyage
SECTION XIII. Relation of the War of Ormus, and the Capture of that Place by the English and Persians, in 1622
SECTION XIV. Account of the Massacre of Amboina, in 1623
SECTION XV. Observations during a Residence in the Island of Chusan, in 1701, by Dr James Cunningham; with some early Notices respecting China
SECTION 1. Voyage to Chusan, and short Notices of that Island
SECTION 2. Ancient and modern State of the Country, and coming of the English to reside there
SECTION 3. Manner of cultivating Tea in Chusan
SECTION 4. Of the famous Medicinal Root called H-tchu-u
SECTION 5. Removal of Dr Cunningham to Pulo-Condore, with an Account of the Rise, Progress, and Ruin of that Factory
SECTION 6. Some Account of the Factory at Pulo-Laut, with the Overthrow of that Factory, and of the English Trade in Borneo
Published 1st July 1813
EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
SECTION XV.--Continued.
Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris.
SECTION 5. Farther Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of the Voyage to Japan.
The 10th of April, 1613, the Spanish commandant sent me a message, requesting me to stop till the next morning, when he would visit me along with the sergeant-major of Ternate, who had arrived with a letter from Don Jeronimo de Sylva, allowing them to trade with me for different things of which they were in want, and to satisfy me in what I had requested; wherefore I resolved to stop a while longer, to see if we could do any good. Expecting Don Fernando next day, according to promise, and hearing nine guns from their fort, we supposed he was coming: But it proved to be for the arrival of the prince of Tidore from the wars, who was returned with the heads of 100 Ternatans. His force in the expedition in which he had been engaged, consisted of sixty men armed with matchlocks, two brass bases and three or four fowlers. He had over-thrown Key Chilly Sadang, the son of the king of Ternate, whom the Dutch had brought over from Ternate to prevent the natives of Machian from supplying us with cloves. While on his return to Ternate after our departure, he was drawn into an ambush by the son of the king of Tidore, who lay in wait for the purpose, and slew him, together with 160 men who were along with him, not one of the whole being spared. The prince of Ternate brought home the head of Key Chilly Sadang to his wife, who was sister to the slain prince. Key Chilly Sadang in a great measure owed this discomfiture to a barrel of powder he had bought from us at Machian, as it exploded at the commencement of the rencounter, and threw his whole party into confusion. Along with the prince of Ternate, one of his younger brothers and the king of Gilolo were both slain. Towards evening, the sergeant-major of Ternate, who was also secretary of the government, came aboard, and made many compliments, requesting me to come to Ternate, where they would do for me every thing in their power. I consented to do this the more readily, as Ternate was in my way.
I received a message on the 12th from the prince of Tidore, apologising for not having yet visited me, and saying that he had a quantity of cloves which I might have, for which I thanked him, and requested they might be sent soon. They promised to send the cloves before next morning; wherefore, to guard against treachery, I kept double watch, with match in cock, and every thing in readiness: For this prince of Tidore was a most resolute and valiant soldier, and had performed many desperate exploits against the Dutch, having shortly before surprised one of their ships of war when at anchor not far from where we then lay. Before day, a galley, which the Spaniards told us they expected, came over from Batta China, and were very near us in the dark before we were aware. On hailing, they answered us that they were Spaniards and our friends, and then made towards the shore in all haste. She was but small, having only fourteen oars of a side. We this day found our latitude to be 0° 50' N.
We weighed on the 13th with the wind at N. and a current setting to the S. In passing the fort we saluted with five guns, which they returned. Several Spaniards came off with complimentary messages, and among these a messenger from the prince, saying we should have had plenty of cloves if we had waited twenty-four hours longer. But we rather suspected that some treachery was intended, by means of their gallies, frigates, and curracurras, which we thus avoided by our sudden departure. On rounding the western point of Tidore, we saw four Dutch ships at anchor before their fort of Marieca; one of which, on our appearance, fired a gun, which we supposed was to call their people aboard to follow us. We steered directly for the Spanish fort on Ternate, and shortened sail on coming near, and fired a gun without shot, which was immediately answered. They sent us off a soldier of good fashion, but to as little purpose as those of Tidore had done. Having little wind, our ship sagged in, but we found no anchorage. Having a gale of wind at south in the evening, we stood out to sea, but lost as much ground by the current as we had gained by the wind. The 14th, with the wind at S.S.W. we steered N.N.W. being at noon directly under the equinoctial. We had sight of a galley this day, on which we put about to speak with her; but finding she went away from us, we shaped our course for Japan.
Before leaving the Moluccas, it may be proper to acquaint the reader with some circumstances respecting the trade and state of these islands. Through the whole of the Moluccas, a bahar of cloves consists of 200 cattees, the cattee being three pounds five ounces haberdepoiz, so that the bahar is 662 pounds eight ounces English averdupois weight. For this bahar of cloves, the Dutch give fifty dollars, pursuant to what they term their perpetual contract; but, for the more readily obtaining some loading, I agreed to pay them sixty dollars. This increase of price made the natives very desirous of furnishing me, so that I certainly had procured a full lading in a month, had not the Dutch overawed the natives, imprisoning them, and threatening to put them to death, keeping strict guard on all the coasts. Most of these islands produce abundance of cloves; and those that are inhabited of any note, yield the following quantities, one year with another. Ternate 1000 bahars, Machian 1090, Tidore 900, Bachian 300, Moteer 600, Mean 50, Batta China 35; in all 3975 bahars, or 2,633,437 1/2 English pounds, being 1175 tons, twelve cwts. three qrs. and nine and a half libs. Every third year is far more fruitful than the two former, and is therefore termed the great monsoon.
It is lamentable to see the destruction which has been brought upon these islands by civil wars, which, as I learnt while there, began and continued in the following manner: At the discovery of these islands by the Portuguese, they found fierce war subsisting between the kings of Ternate and Tidore, to which two all the other islands were either subjected, or were confederated, with one or other of them. The Portuguese, the better to establish themselves, took no part with either, but politically kept friends with both, and fortified themselves in the two principal islands of Ternate and Tidore, engrossing the whole trade of cloves into their own hands. In this way they domineered till the year 1605, when the Dutch dispossessed them by force, and took possession for themselves. Yet so weakly did they provide for defending the acquisition, that the Spaniards drove them out next year from both islands, by a force sent from the Philippine islands, took the king of Ternate prisoner, and sent him to the Philippines, and kept both Ternate and Tidore for some time in their hands. Since then the Dutch have recovered some footing in these, islands, and, at the time of my being there, were in possession of the following forts.
On the island of Ternate they have a fort named: Malayou, having three bulwarks or bastions, Tolouco having two bastions and a round tower, and Tacome with four bastions. On Tidore they have a fort called Marieka, with four bastions. On Machian, Tufasoa, the chief town of the island, having four large bastions with sixteen pieces of cannon, and inhabited by about 1000 natives: At Nofakia, another town on that island, they have two forts or redoubts, and a third on the top of a high hill with five or six guns, which commands the road on the other side. Likewise at Tabalola, another town in Machian, they have two forts with eight cannons, this place being very strongly situated by nature. The natives of all these places are under their command. Those of Nofakia are not esteemed good soldiers, and are said always to side with the strongest; but those of Tabalola, who formerly resided at Cayoa, are accounted the best soldiers in the Moluccas, being deadly enemies to the Portuguese and Spaniards, and as weary now of the Dutch dominion. In these fortified stations in Machian, when I was there, the Dutch had 120 European soldiers; of whom eighty were at Tafasoa, thirty at Nofakia, and ten at Tabalola. The isle of Machian is the richest in cloves of all the Molucca islands; and, according to report, yields 1800 bahars in the great monsoon. The Dutch have one large fort in the island of Bachian, and four redoubts in the isle of Moteer. The civil wars have so wasted the population of these islands, that vast quantities of cloves perish yearly for want of hands to gather them; neither is there any likelihood of peace till one party or the other be utterly extirpated.
Leaving them to their wars, I now return to our traffic, and shall shew how we traded with the natives, which was mostly by exchanging or bartering the cotton cloths of Cambaya and Coromandel for cloves. The sorts in request and the prices we obtained being as follows: Candakeens of Baroach six cattees of cloves; candakeens of Papang, which are flat, three cattees; Selas, or small bastas, seven and eight cattees; Patta chere Malayo sixteen cattees; five cassas twelve cattees; coarse of that kind eight cattees; red Batellias, or Tancoulas, forty-four and forty-eight cattees; Sarassas chere Malayo forty-eight and fifty cattees; Sarampouri thirty cattees; Chelles, Tapsiels, and Matafons, twenty and twenty-four cattees; white Cassas, or Tancoulos, forty and forty-four cattees; the finest Donjerijus twelve, and coarser eight and ten cattees; Pouti Castella ten cattees; the finest Ballachios thirty cattees; Pata chere Malayo of two fathoms eight and ten cattees; great Potas, or long four fathoms, sixteen cattees; white Parcallas twelve cattees; Salalos Ytam twelve and fourteen cattees; Turias and Tape Turias one and two cattees; Patola of two fathoms, fifty and sixty cattees; those of four fathoms and of one fathom at proportional prices; for twenty-eight pounds of rice, a dollar; Sago, which is a root of which the natives make their bread, is sold in bunches, and was worth a quarter of a dollar the bunch; velvets, sattins, taffetics, and other silk goods of China were much in request. This may suffice for the trade of the Moluccas.
Proceeding on our voyage, it was calm all day on the 16th of April, but we, had a good breeze at night from the west, when we steered N.N.W. In the morning of the 17th, we steered north, with the wind at E. by S. but it afterwards became very variable, shifting to all points of the compass, and towards night we had sight of land to the northwards. On the 18th we had calms, with much rain, and contrary winds at intervals, for which reason I resolved to go for the island of Saiom, which was to the westward, and to remain there and refresh the crew, till the change of the monsoon might permit me to proceed on my intended voyage. But almost immediately the wind came round to the west, and we stood N. and N. by E. On the 19th, with little wind at W. we continued our course N. by E. the weather being extremely hot, with much rain. It was quite calm in the morning of the 20th, but we had a constant current setting us to the eastwards, which indeed had been the case ever since we left Ternate. In the afternoon, the wind came round to the northward, a brisk gale, and we stood west to stem the current, bearing for a large island called Doy, where we proposed to rest and refresh.
In the morning of the 21st, we were fairly before that island, near its northern extremity, which was a low point stretching southwards. We stood in E. by S. with the wind at N. by E. and at noon sent our skiff in search of a convenient place for anchoring; but the current set so strong to the eastwards, that we were unable to stem it, and could merely see at a distance a very large bay, having a great shoal off its northern point half a league out to sea, while we had sixty fathoms water off the shore upon a bottom of sand. As night approached, we stood off till morning; and next day, about sun-set, we came to anchor in the large bay, having on standing in fifty-six, thirty-five, twenty-six, and twenty-four fathoms water.
I sent some people ashore in the skiff on the 23d, to look out for a convenient watering-place, and for a proper situation in which to set up a tent to defend our men from the rain when on shore. They accordingly found a fit place right over against the ship, and saw many tracks of deer and wild swine, but no appearance of any inhabitants. The country was full of trees, and, in particular, there were abundance of cokers,[1] penang, serie, and palmitos, among which were plenty of poultry, pheasants, and wood-cocks. I went ashore along with our merchants, and had a tent set up. Our carpenter made several very ingenious pitfalls for catching the wild-hogs. We took some fish among the rocks with much labour, and got one pheasant and two wood-Pigeons, which last were as large in the body as ordinary hens. Some of our company staid all night ashore to look for the wild-hogs coming into the traps, and some very large ones were seen on the 24th, but none were caught. This morning, about half past seven, the moon, being at the full, was eclipsed in a more extraordinary manner than any of us had ever seen, being three hours and a half obscured before she recovered her entire light, which was very fearful.
[Footnote 1: Cocoa-nut trees.--E.]
The 25th, our people searching about the woods, brought great store of cokers to the ship, together with some fowls, and the heads of the palmito trees, which we boiled with our beef, and found them to eat like cabbages. The 28th, the company were busily employed in taking in wood and water. The skiff was sent out to sound the shoal, and found ten and twelve fathoms at the northern point of the bar, near the shoal. All this time we had prodigious rain both day and night. The 29th and 30th were employed in bringing wood aboard, which we found as good as our English billets. The skiff was sent on the 1st of May to sound the western point of the bay, where the water was found very deep. On landing at that part of the coast our people found the ruins of several huts, among which were some brass pans, which shewed the place had been lately inhabited, but, as we supposed, the inhabitants had been hunted from their houses by the wars.
We set sail on the 12th May, 1613, from this island of Doy, being the north-eastmost island of Batta-China, or Gilolo, in the Moluccas, in latitude 2° 35' N.[2] The variation here was 5° 20' easterly. By noon of this day we were fourteen leagues N. by E. from the place where we had been at anchor for twenty days.[3] The 1st June, passed the tropic of Cancer. The 2d, being in lat 25° 44' N. we laid our account with seeing the islands of Dos Reys Magos.[4] Accordingly, about four p.m. we had sight of a very low island, and soon afterwards of the high land over the low, there being many little islands, to the number of ten or eleven, connected by broken grounds and ledges, so that we could not discern any passage to the westward. At night we stood off and took in our top-sails, and lay close by in our courses till morning. The islands stretch from S.W. to N.E. The 3d, we stood in for the land, which appeared to us a most pleasant and fertile soil, as much so as any we had seen from leaving England, well peopled, and having great store of cattle. We proposed to have come to anchor about its north-east point, and on sounding, had sixty fathoms. We saw two boats coming off to us, and used every means to get speech of them, wishing for a pilot, and desiring to know the name of the island, but the wind was so strong that we could not get in, wherefore we stood away N.W. and had sight of another island bearing N.N.W. for which we steered, and thence descried another, N.E. half E. about seven or eight leagues off. Coming under the western island, we observed certain rocks about two miles offshore, one of which was above water, and the other, to the north, under water, a great way without the other, and the sea breaking on it.
[Footnote 2: The latitude in the text, which we have reason to believe accurate, as Captain Saris was so long at this place, indicates the northern end of the island of Morty, east and a little northerly of the northern peninsula or leg of Gilolo.--E.]
[Footnote 3: We have omitted in the text the naked journal of daily winds, courses, and distances, as tending to no useful information whatever.--E.]
[Footnote 4: The indicated latitude, considering the direction of the voyage between Morty and Japan, nearly coincides with the small islands of Kumi and Matchi, west from the south end of the great Liqueo.--E.]
On the 7th, we supposed ourselves about twenty-eight or thirty leagues from Tonan.[5] In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of a high round island, bearing E. six leagues off, with various other islands, in six or seven directions westwards, five or six leagues off.[6] In the morning of the 8th we had sight of land bearing N.N.E. and of six great islands in a row N.E. from the island we descried the preceding evening; and at the northern end of all were many small rocks and hummocks. In a bay to the eastwards of these, we saw a high land bearing E. and E. by S. and E.S.E. which is the island called Xima in the charts, but named Maihma by the natives, while the former island is called Segue, or Amaxay.[7] The 10th, four great fishing-boats came aboard, about five tons burden each, having one large sail, like that of a skiff. They had each four oars of a side, resting on pins fastened to the gunwales, the heads of the pins being let into the middle of the oars, so that they hung in just equipoise, saving much labour to the rowers. These people make much more speed in rowing than our men, and perform their work standing, by which they take up less room. They told us we were just before the entrance to Nangasaki, which bore N.N.E.; the straits of Arima being N.E. by N. and that the high hill we saw yesterday was upon the island called Uszideke,[8] making the straits of Arima, at the north end of which is good anchorage, and at the south end is the entrance to Cahinoch.[9] We agreed with two of the masters of these fishing-boats for thirty dollars each, and rice for their food, to pilot us to Firando, on which agreement their people came aboard our ship, and voluntarily performed its duty as readily as any of our own mariners. We steered N. by W. the pilots reckoning that we were thirty leagues from Firando. One of the boats which came to us at this time belonged to the Portuguese who dwelt at Nangasaki, being Christian converts, and thought our ship had been the Portuguese ship from Makao; but, on finding we were not, made all haste back again to advise them, refusing every entreaty to remain with us.
[Footnote 5: The island of Tanao-sima is probably here meant, being the most southerly of the Japanese islands. It may be proper to remark, that the termination sima, in the names of islands belonging to Japan, obviously means island, like the prefix pula in the names of islands in the Malay Archipelago.--E.]
[Footnote 6: There is a considerable cluster of small islands south from Tanaosima, between the latitudes of 29° 30' and 30° N.--E.]
[Footnote 7: Xima, or sima, only means island. Perhaps Mashama may be that named Kaba-sima in modern maps, and Amaxay may possibly be Amacusa, these islands being in the way towards Nangasaki.--E.]
[Footnote 8: This seems the same island called before Amaxay, or Amacusa.--E.]
[Footnote 9: Cochinotzu is the name of a town on the south-west peninsula of the island of Kiusiu; but Cochinoch in the text seems the sound leading to Nangasaki, and the straits of Arima appear to be the passage between the north side of Amacusa and Kiusiu.--E.]
S.6. Arrival at Firando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and Customs of the Japanese.
We came to anchor about half a league short of Firando, about three p.m. of the 11th June, 1613, the tide being then so much spent that we could not get nearer. I was soon afterwards visited by Foyne Sama, the old king of Firando, accompanied by his nephew, Tone Sama, who governed the island under the old king.[10] They were attended by forty boats or gallies, some having ten, and others fifteen oars of a side. On coming near our ship, the king ordered all the boats to fall astern, except the two which carried him and his nephew, who only came on deck, both dressed in silk gowns, under which were linen shirts and breeches. Each of them wore two cattans, or Japanese swords, one of which was half a yard long in the blade, and the other only a quarter of a yard. They wore neither turbans nor hats, the fore part of their heads being shaven to the crowns, and the rest of their hair very long, and gathered into a knot behind. The king seemed about seventy-two years of age, and his nephew, or grandchild, twenty-two, who governed under him, and each was attended by an officer, who commanded over their slaves as they directed.
[Footnote 10: As the Portuguese, who first visited Japan, chose to designate the sovereign of that country by the title of emperor, they denominated all its provinces kingdoms, and their governors kings.--E.]
Their manner of salutation was thus: On coming into the presence of him they mean to salute, they put off their shoes, so that they are barefooted, for they wear no stockings. Then putting their right hand within the left, they hold them down to their knees, bending their bodies, then wag or swing their joined hands a little to and fro, making some small steps to one side from the person they salute, and say augh! augh! I immediately led them into my cabin, where I had prepared a banquet for them, and entertained them with a good concert of music, to their great delight. I then delivered the letters from our king to the king of Firando, which he received very joyfully, saying he would not open it till Ange came, who would interpret it. Ange, in their language, signifies a pilot, and by this name was meant one William Adams, an Englishman. He had come this way in a Dutch ship from the South Seas, about twelve years ago; and, in consequence of a mutiny among the people, the ship was seized by the emperor, and Adams had remained in the country ever since. After staying about an hour and a half, the king took his leave, bidding us welcome to the country, and promising me kind entertainment.
He was no sooner ashore than all his nobility came to see the ship, attended by a vast number of soldiers, every person of any note bringing a present; some of venison, some of wild-fowl, and some of wild-boar, the largest and fattest we had ever seen, while others brought us fish, fruits, and various things. They greatly admired the ship, and seemed never to be satisfied with looking at her; and as we were much pestered by the number of these visitors, I sent to the king, requesting he would order them to remove, to prevent any inconveniences that might arise. The king immediately sent a principal officer of his guard, with orders to remain aboard, to see that no injury was done to us, and ordered a proclamation to that effect to be made in the town. The same night, Hendrik Brewer, who was chief of the Dutch factory at Firando, came to visit me, or rather to see what had passed between the king and us. I wrote this day to Mr Adams, who was then at Jedo,[11] nearly 300 leagues from Firando, to inform him of our arrival. King Foyne sent my letter next day by his admiral, to Osackay (Osaka,) the nearest port of importance on the principal island, whence it would go by post to Jedo, and he sent notice to the emperor by the same conveyance, of our arrival and purposes.
[Footnote 11: Called Edoo, in Purchas.]
In the morning of the 12th, we had fish brought to us in abundance, and as cheap as we could desire. We this day weighed to make sail for the road; and, on this occasion, the king sent at the least threescore large boats, or gallies, well manned, to tow us into the harbour. On seeing this multitude of boats, I was in some doubts of their intentions, and sent my skiff to warn them not to come near the ship. But the king was in the headmost boat, and observing my suspicions, waved his handkerchief for all the boats to wait, and came aboard himself, telling me that he had ordered all these boats to assist in bringing me round a point which was somewhat dangerous, on account of the strength of the tide, and could not be stemmed by even a good breeze of wind, and if the ship fell into the eddy, we should be driven upon the rocks. Having got this explanation, we sent our hawsers to the Japanese boats, on which they fell stiffly to work, and towed us into the harbour. In the mean time, the king breakfasted with me, and when I proposed rewarding his people for towing me in, after we were at anchor, he would not allow them to accept of any thing.
We now anchored in five fathoms, on soft ooze, so near the shore that we could have talked with the people in their houses. We saluted the town with nine guns, but had no return, as there are no cannon at this place, neither any fortifications, except barricades for small arms. Several nobles came off to bid me welcome, two of whom were men of high rank, named Nobusane and Simmadone. I entertained them well, and, at their departing, they used extraordinary state, one remaining on board till the other was landed, their children and chief followers using the like ceremony. There came continually such numbers of people on board, both men and women, that we were not able to go about the decks. The ship likewise was quite surrounded by boats full of people, greatly admiring her head and stern. I permitted several women of the better sort to come into my cabin, where the picture of Venus and Cupid was hung, rather wantonly executed. Some of these ladies, thinking it to be Our Lady and her blessed Son, fell down to worship with appearance of much devotion, whispering our men, so that their companions might not hear, that they were Christians, having been converted by the Portuguese jesuits.
The king came aboard again, bringing four principal women along with him, who were attired in silken gowns, overlapped in front, and girt round them. Their legs were bare, except that they had half buskins bound about their insteps with silk ribbon. Their hair was very black and long, tied up in a knot on the crown, in a very comely manner, no part of their heads being shaven, like the men. They had comely faces, hands, and feet, with clear white complexions, but wanting colour, which they supplied by art. Their stature was low, but they were very fat, and their behaviour was very courteous, and not ignorant of the respect due according to their fashions. The king requested that no person might remain in the cabin except myself and my linguist, who was a native of Japan, brought along with me from Bantam. He was well skilled in the Malay language, in which he explained to me what was said by the king, in Japanese. The women were at first somewhat bashful, but the king desired them to be frolicsome. They sung several songs, and played on certain instruments, one of which resembled our lute, being bellied like it, but longer in the neck, and fretted like ours, but had only four gut strings. They fingered with their left hands, as is done with us, and very nimbly; but they struck the strings with a piece of ivory held in the right hand, as we are in use to play with a quill on the citern. They seemed to delight much in their music, beating time with their hands, and both playing and singing by book, prickt on lines and spaces much like our own. I feasted them, and gave them several English commodities, and after two hours stay, they returned on shore. At this interview I requested the king to let us have a house in the town, which he readily granted, taking two of my merchants ashore with him, to whom he pointed out three or four houses, desiring them to make their choice, paying the owners as we could agree.
On the 13th I went ashore, attended by the merchants and principal officers, and delivered our presents to the king, to the value of about £140, which he received with great satisfaction, feasting me and my whole company with several kinds of powdered wild-fowl and fruits. He called for a standing cup, which was one of the presents, and ordering it to be filled with their country wine, which is distilled from rice, and as strong as brandy, he told me he would drink it all off to the health of the king of England, which he did, though it held about a pint and a half, in which he was followed by myself and all his nobles. As only myself and the Cape merchant sat in the same room with the king, all the rest of my company being in another room, he commanded his secretary to go and see that they all pledged the health. The king and his nobles sat at meat cross-legged, on mats, after the fashion of the Turks, the mats being richly edged with cloths of gold, velvet, sattin, or damask. The 14th and 15th were spent in giving presents; and on the 16th I agreed with Audassee, captain of the Chinese quarter, for his house, paying ninety-five dollars for the monsoon of six months; he to put it into repair, and to furnish all the rooms conveniently with mats, according to the fashion of the country, and we to keep it in repair, with leave to alter as we thought fit.
This day our ship was so pestered with numbers of people coming on board, that I had to send to the king for a guardian to clear them out, many things being stolen, though I more suspected my own people than the natives. There came this day a Dutchman in one of the country boats, who had been at the island of Mashma, where he sold good store of pepper, broad-cloth, and elephants teeth, though he would not acknowledge to us that he had sold any thing, or brought any thing back with him in the boat; but the Japanese boatmen told us he had sold a great quantity of goods at a mart in that place, and had brought his returns in bars of silver, which he kept very secret.
The 21st the old king came aboard again, bringing with him several women to make a frolic. These women were actors of comedies, who go about from island to island, and from town, to town, to act plays, which are mostly about love and war, and have several shifts of apparel for the better grace of their interludes. These women were the slaves of a man who fixes a price that every man must pay who has to do with them. He must not take a higher price than that affixed, on pain of death, if complained against. At the first, he is allowed to fix upon each woman what price he pleases, which price he can never afterwards raise, but may lower it as he likes; neither doth the party bargain with the women for their favours, but with the master. Even the highest of the Japanese nobility, when travelling, hold it no disgrace to send for these panders to their inn, and bargain with them for their girls, either to fill out their drink for them at table, as is the custom with all men of rank, or for other uses. When any of these panders die, although in their life they were received into the best company, they are now held unworthy to rest among the worst. A straw rope is put round their neck, and they are dragged through the streets into the fields, and cast on a dung-hill to be devoured by dogs and fowls.
The 23d, there arrived two Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with sugar. By them it was understood that the emperor of China had lately put, to death about 5000 persons for trading out of the country contrary to his edict. Yet the hope of profit had induced these men to hazard their lives and properties, having bribed the Pungavas, or officers of the sea-ports, who had succeeded those recently put to death for the same offence.
The 29th, a soma, or junk, belonging to the Dutch, arrived at Nangasaki from Siam, laden with Brazil wood and skins of all kinds. On their arrival, they were said to be Englishmen, as, before our coming, the Dutch used generally to pass by the name of English, our nation being long known by report in Japan, but much scandalised by the Portuguese jesuits, who represent us as pirates and rovers on the sea. In consequence of this report, the Japanese have a song, which they call English Crofonio, shewing how the English take the Spanish and Portuguese ships, which, while singing, they act likewise with catans, and so scare their children, as the French used to do theirs with the name of Lord Talbot.
The 1st July two of our company happened to quarrel, and had nearly gone out to the field to fight, which had greatly endangered us all, as it is the law here, that whoever draws a weapon in anger, although no harm be done, is presently cut in pieces; and if they do even but small hurt, not only they are so executed themselves, but all their relations are put to death. The 2d, I went ashore to keep house at Firando, my household consisting of twenty-six persons. At our first coming, we found that the Dutch sold broad-cloths of £15 or 16 a-cloth, for forty dollars, or £8 sterling the mat, which is a measure of two yards and a quarter. Being desirous to keep up the price of our cloth, and hearing that the Dutch had a great quantity, I had a conference with Brower, the chief of their factory, proposing that we should mutually fix prices upon such cloths as we both had, and neither of us, in any respect, sell below the prices agreed upon; for performance of which, I offered to enter into mutual bonds. In the morning, he seemed to approve of this proposal, but ere night he sent me word that he disliked it, alleging that he had no authority from his masters to make any such agreement. Next morning he shipped away a great store of cloth to different islands, rating them at low prices, as at twenty, eighteen, and sixteen dollars the mat, that he might the more speedily sell off his own, and glut the market before ours came forwards.
Pepper, ungarbled, which cost 1 3/4 dollars at Bantam the sack, was worth at our coming ten tayes the pecul, which is 100 cattea of Japan, or 130 pounds English. A taye is worth five shillings sterling. A rial of eight, or Spanish dollar, is worth there in ordinary payment only seven mas, or three shillings and sixpence sterling, one mas being equal to a single rial. The pecul of tin was worth thirty tayes; the pecul of elephants teeth eighty tayes: Cast iron six tayes the pecul: Gunpowder twenty-three tayes the pecul: Socotrine aloes the cattee, six tayes: Fowling-pieces twenty tayes each: Calicos and such little commodities, of Guzerat or Coromandel, were at various prices, according to their qualities.
On the 7th of July the king of the Gotto islands, which are not far from Firando to the S.W. came upon a visit to king Foyne, saying he had heard of an excellent English ship being arrived in his dominions, which he greatly desired to go aboard of. King Foyne requested of me that this might be allowed, the king of Gotto being an especial friend of his; wherefore he was banqueted on board, and several cannon were fired at his departure, which he was much pleased with, and told me he would be glad to see some of our nation at his islands, where they should meet a hearty welcome. Three Japanese, two men and a woman, were put to death for the following cause: The woman, in the absence of her husband, had made separate assignations with both the men. He who was appointed latest, not knowing of the other, and weary of waiting, came too soon, and enraged at finding her engaged with another man, drew his cattan and wounded both very severely, almost cutting the man's back in two. Yet the wounded man, getting hold of his cattan, wounded the aggressor. This fray alarming the street, word was sent to king Foyne and to know his pleasure, who accordingly gave orders to cut off all their heads. After their execution, all who thought proper, as many did, came to try the temper of their weapons upon the dead bodies, which they soon hewed in small pieces, which were left to be devoured by the ravens.
The 10th three others were executed in the same way with the former, being beheaded and afterwards cut in pieces, for stealing a woman long since from Firando and selling her at Nangasaki. When any are to be executed, they are led out of town in the following manner: First there go two men, one having a mattock and the other a shovel, to dig the grave, if that be allowed to the criminal. Then a third person carrying a small table or board, on which is written the crime of the party, which is afterwards affixed to a post on the grave in which he is buried. Next comes the party to be executed, having his hands bound behind him by a silken cord, and having a small paper banner, much like one of our wind-vanes, on which the offence is written. The criminal is followed by the executioner, having his cattan or Japanese sword by his side, and holding in his hand the cord with which the hands of the criminal are bound. On each hand of the executioner walks a soldier armed with a pike, the head of which rests on the criminal's shoulder, to intimidate him from attempting to escape. In this manner I saw one man led out to execution, who went forwards with a most wonderful resolution, and apparently without fear of death, such as I had never seen the like in Europe. He was condemned for stealing a sack of rice from a neighbour, whose house was burning.
The 11th there arrived three Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with silks. The 19th the old king begged a piece of poldavy from me; and though a king, and famed as the bravest soldier in Japan for his conduct in the wars of Corea, he had it made into coats, which he wore next his skin, some part of it being made into handkerchiefs. The 20th, a soma or junk arrived at Nangasaki from Cochinchina, laden with silk and benzoin, which last was exceedingly clear and good. The 29th Mr Adams arrived at Firando, having been seventeen days in coming from Sorongo, while we had waited no less than forty-eight days for his coming.[12] After receiving him in a friendly manner, I conferred with him in the presence of our merchants, as to our hopes of trade in this country. He said the trade was variable, but doubted not we might do as well as the Dutch, and gave great commendations of the country, to which he seemed to be much attached.
[Footnote 12: The first messenger, for not making haste with the letters to Adams, was banished by the angry king.--Purch.]
On the morning of the 30th, an officer of the young king was cut to pieces in the street, as it was thought for being too intimate with the young king's mother; and one of the officer's slaves was slain along with him, for endeavouring to defend his master. This day there came two Spaniards to Firando, who were acquainted with Mr Adams, to request a passage in our ship for Bantam. They had belonged to the crew of a Spanish ship, sent from New Spain about a year before to make discoveries to the north of Japan, and coming to Jedo to wait the monsoon which serves for going to the northward, which begins in the end of May, the crew mutinied against their captain, and every one went away whither he listed, leaving the ship entirely unmanned. On receiving this account of the Spaniards, I thought it best not to let them enter my ship.
On the 3d of August, king Foyne sent to know what was the size of the present from our king to the emperor, as also the number of people I meant to take along with me to the court, that he might provide accordingly for my going up in good order, in regard to barks, horses, and palanquins. This day likewise I caused the presents to be assorted, for the emperor and those of chief consideration about him, of which presents respectively the values were as follow:--
For Ogoshosama, the emperor, ---------------------£87 7 6
Shongosama, the emperor's son, ----------------43 15 0
Codskedona, the emperor's secretary, ----------15 17 6
Saddadona, secretary to the emperor's son,-----14 3 4
Iccocora Juga, judge of Meaco, -----------------4 10 6
Fongodona, admiral of Orungo,-------------------3 10 0
Goto Shozavero, the mint-master, --------------11 0 0
----------
Total, £180 3 10
S.7. Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his Observations there and by the Way.
The 7th August, 1613, being furnished by king Foyne with a proper galley, and having taken leave of him, I went aboard ship to put all things in order for my departure.[13] This galley rowed twenty-five-oars of a side, and was manned by sixty Japanese; and I fitted her out handsomely in our fashion, with waste cloths, ensigns, and all other necessaries. Leaving instructions with the master of the Clove and the cape merchant, for the proper regulation of the ship and the house on shore during my absence, and taking with me ten Englishmen and nine other attendants, as the before-mentioned sixty were only to take charge of the galley, I departed from Firando on my voyage and journey for the court of the Japanese emperor. We rowed through among various islands, all or most of which were well inhabited, and had several handsome towns upon them, one of which, called Facata, has a very strong castle built of freestone, but without any cannon or garrison. The ditch of this castle is five fathoms deep and ten broad, all round about the walls, and is passed by means of a drawbridge, and the whole is kept in good repair. The tide and wind were here so strong against us that we could not proceed, for which reason I landed and dined at this town, which was very well built, and seemed to be as large as London is within the walls. All its streets are so even, that one may see from one end to the other. This place is exceedingly populous, and the people very civil and courteous; only that at our first landing, and indeed at all places to which we came in the whole country, the children and low idle people used to gather about and follow us a long way, calling coré, coré, cocoré, Waré that is to say, You Coreans with false hearts; all the while whooping and hallooing, and making such a noise that we could not hear ourselves speak; and sometimes throwing stones at us, though seldom in any of the towns, yet the clamour and shouting was every where the same, as nobody reproved them for it. The best advice I can give to those who may come after me, is to pass on without attending to these idle rabblements, by which their ears only will be disturbed by the noise. All along this coast, and indeed the whole way to Osaka, we found various women who lived continually with their families in boats upon the water, as is done in Holland. These women catch fish by diving even in the depth of eight fathoms, that are missed by the nets and lines; and by the habit of frequent diving their eyes become excessively red and bloodshot, by which mark these divers may be readily distinguished from all other women.
[Footnote 13: The old king sent 200 tayes, worth five shillings each, to Captain Saris, for his expences in the journey.--Purch.]
In two days we rowed from Firando to Facata. When eight or ten leagues short of the straits of Xemina-seque,[14] we came to a great town, where there lay in a dock a junk of 800 or 1000 tons burden, all sheathed with iron,[15] and having a guard appointed to keep her from being set on fire or otherwise destroyed. She was built in a very homely fashion, much like the descriptions we have of Noah's ark; and the natives told us she served to transport troops to any of the islands in case of rebellion or war.
[Footnote 14: The editor of Astley's Collection has altered the orthography of this name to Shemina seki. In modern maps, we find a town named Sunono sequi, on one side of these straits, which divide the island of Kiusiu from the south-west end of the great island of Niphon.--E.]
[Footnote 15: It is not a little singular, that metallic sheathing should have been observed by English mariners in Japan so long ago as 1613, and yet never attempted in the British or any other European navy till more than 150 years afterwards, and then brought forwards as a new invention.--E.]
We met with nothing extraordinary after passing through the straits of Xemina-seque till we came to Osaka, where we arrived on the 27th of August. Our galley could not get nearer the town than six miles; wherefore we were met by a smaller vessel, in which came the goodman or host of the house where we were to lodge in Osaka, and who brought with him a banquet of wine and salt fruits to entertain me. A rope being made fast to the mast-head of our boat, she was drawn forwards by men, as our west country barges are at London. We found Osaka a very large town, as large as London within the walls, having many very high and handsome timber bridges which serve to cross the river Jodo, which is as wide as the Thames at London. Some of the houses here were handsome, but not many. It is one of the chiefest sea-ports in all Japan, and has a castle of great size and strength, with very deep ditches all round, crossed by drawbridges, and its gates plated with iron. This castle is all of freestone, strengthened by bulwarks and battlements, having loop-holes for small arms and arrows, and various passages for throwing down stones upon the assailants. The walls are at least six or seven yards thick, all built of freestone throughout, having no packing with trumpery within, as I was told, but all solid. The stones are large and of excellent quality, and are so exactly cut to fit the places where they are laid, that no mortar is used, only a little earth being occasionally thrown in to fill up any void spaces.
In the castle of Osaka, when I was there, dwelt the son of Tiquasama, who was the true heir of Japan; but being an infant at the death of his father, he was left under the guardianship of four chiefs or great men, of whom Ogoshosama, the present emperor, was the principal. The other three guardians were each desirous of acquiring the sovereignty, and being opposed by Ogoshosama, levied armies against him; but Ogoshosama defeated them in battle, in which two of them were slain, and the other saved himself by flight. After this great victory, Ogoshosama attempted what he is said not to have thought of before. Seizing the true heir of the throne, he married the young prince to his own daughter, and confined them in the castle of Osaka, under the charge of such persons only as had been brought up from their childhood under the roof of the usurper, so that by their means he has regular intelligence of every thing they do.
Right opposite to Osaka, on the other side of the river Jodo, there is another town called Sakay, not so large as Osaka, but of considerable extent, and having great trade to all the neighbouring country. Having left samples and lists of prices of all our commodities with our host at Osaka, we departed from that place on the night of the 29th of August in a bark, and arrived at Fusima next night, where we found a garrison of 3000 men, maintained there by the emperor, to keep Miaco and Osaka under subjection. This garrison is shifted every third year, and the relief took place while we were there, so that we saw the old bands march away and the new enter, which they did in a most soldier-like manner. They marched five abreast, and to every ten files or fifty men there was a captain, who kept his men in excellent order. Their shot marched first, being calivers, for they have no muskets and will not use any, then followed pikes, next swords or cattans and targets, these were followed by bows and arrows, and then a band armed with weapons called waggadashes, resembling Welsh hooks: These were succeeded by calivers, and so on as before; but without any ensigns or colours; neither had they any drums or other warlike instruments of music. The first file of the band armed with cattans had silver scabbards, and the last file which marched next the captain had their scabbards of gold. The companies or bands were of various numbers, some 500, some 300, and some only of 150 men. In the middle of every band there were three horses very richly caparisoned, their saddles being covered by costly furs, or velvet, or stammel broad-cloths. Every horse was attended by three slaves, who led them in silken halters, and their eyes were hoodwinked by means of leathern covers.
After each troop or band, the captain followed on horseback, his bed and all his necessaries being laid upon his own horse equally poised on both sides, and over all was spread a covering of red felt of China, on the top of which sat the captain crosslegged, like a huckster between two paniers. Such as were old or weak in the back had a staff artificially fixed on the pannel, on which he could lean back and rest himself as if sitting in a choir. We met the captain-general of this new garrison two days after meeting his first band, having in the mean time met several of these bands in the course of our journey, some a league, and others two leagues from each other. The general travelled in great state, much beyond the other bands, yet the second band had their arms much more richly decorated than the first, and the third than the second, and so every successive band more sumptuous than another. The captain-general hunted and hawked all the way, having his own hounds and hawks along with him, the hawks being hooded and lured as ours in England. The horses that accompanied him for his own riding were six in number, and were all richly caparisoned. These horses were not tall, but of the size of our middling nags, short and well knit, small-headed, and very mettlesome, and in my opinion far excelling the Spanish jennet in spirit and action. His palanquin was carried before him, being lined with crimson velvet, and having six bearers, two and two to carry at a time.
Such excellent order was taken for the passing and providing of these soldiers, that no person either inhabiting or travelling in the road by which they passed and lodged, was in any way injured by them, but all of them were as cheerfully entertained as any other guests, because they paid for what they had as regularly as any other travellers. Every town and village on the way being well provided with cooks-shops and victualling houses, where they could get every thing they had a mind for, and diet themselves at any sum they pleased, between the value of an English penny and two shillings. The most generally used article of food in Japan is rice of different qualities, as with our wheats and other kinds of grain, the whitest being reckoned the best, and is used instead of bread, to which they add fresh or salted fish, some pickled herbs, beans, radishes, and other roots, salted or pickled; wild-fowl, such as duck, mallard, teal, geese, pheasants, partridges, quails, and various others, powdered or put up in pickle. They have great abundance of poultry, as likewise of red and fallow deer, with wild boars, hares, goats, and kine. They have plenty of cheese, but have no butter, and use no milk, because they consider it to be of the nature of blood.
They have great abundance of swine. Their wheat is all of the red kind, and is as good as ours in England, and they plough both with oxen and horses, as we do. During our residence in Japan, we bought the best hens and pheasants at three-pence each, large fat pigs for twelve-pence, a fat hog for five shillings, a good ox, like our Welsh runts, at sixteen shillings, a goat for three shillings, and rice for a halfpenny the pound. The ordinary drink of the common people is water, which they drink warm with their meat, holding it to be a sovereign remedy against worms in the maw. They have no other drink but what is distilled from rice, as strong as our brandy, like Canary wine in colour, and not dear: Yet, after drawing off the best and strongest, they still wring out a smaller drink, which serves the poorer people who cannot reach the stronger.
The 30th of August we were furnished with nineteen horses at the charge of the emperor, to carry up my attendants and the presents going in our king's name to Surunga. I had a palanquin appointed for my use, and a led horse, well caparisoned, to ride when I pleased, six men being appointed to carry my palanquin on plain ground, but where the road grew hilly, ten were allowed. The officer appointed by king Foyne to accompany me, took up these men and horses by warrants, from time to time, and from place to place, just as post-horses are taken up in England, and also procured us lodgings at night; and, according to the custom of the country, I had a slave to run before me, carrying a pike. We thus travelled every day fifteen or sixteen leagues, which we estimated at three miles the league, and arrived on the 6th of September at Surunga,[16] where the emperor resided. The road for the most part is wonderfully even, and where it meets with mountains, a passage is cut through. This is the main road of the whole country, and, is mostly covered with sand and gravel. It is regularly measured off into leagues, and at every league there is a small hillock of earth on each side of the road, upon each of which is set a fair pine-tree, trimmed round like an arbour. These are placed at the end of every league, that the hackney-men and horse-hirers may not exact more than their due, which is about three-pence for each league.
[Footnote 16: Suruga, Surunga, or Sununnaga, is a town in the province of that name, at the head of the gulf of Totomina, about 50 miles S.W. from Jedo.--E.]
The road is much frequented, and very full of people. Every where, at short distances, we came to farms and country-houses, with numerous villages, and frequent large towns. We had often likewise to ferry over rivers, and we saw many Futtakeasse or Fotoquis, being the temples of the Japanese, which are situated in groves, and in the pleasantest places of the country, having the priests that attend upon the idols dwelling around the temples, as our friars in old time used to do here in England. On approaching any of the towns, we saw sundry crosses, having the dead bodies of persons who had been crucified affixed to them, such being the ordinary mode of punishment for most malefactors. On coming near Surunga, where the emperor keeps his court, we saw a scaffold, on which lay the heads of several malefactors that had been recently executed, with the dead bodies of some stretched on crosses, while those of others had been all hewn in pieces by the natives, trying the tempers of their cattans, as formerly mentioned when at Firando. This was a most unpleasant sight for us, who had necessarily to pass them on our way to Surunga.
The city of Surunga is fully as large as London, with all its suburbs.[17] We found all the handicraft tradesmen dwelling in the outward parts and skirts of the town, while those of the better sort resided in the heart of the city, not choosing to be annoyed by the continual knocking, hammering, and other noise made by the artisans in their several callings. As soon as we were settled in the lodgings appointed for us in the city of Surunga, I sent Mr Adams to the imperial residence, to inform the secretary of our arrival, and to request as speedy dispatch as possible. He sent me back for answer, that I was welcome, and that after resting myself for a day for two, I should be admitted to an audience of the emperor. The 7th of September we were occupied in arranging the presents, and providing little tables of sweet-smelling wood on which to carry them, according to the custom of the country.
[Footnote 17: It is hardly necessary to remark, that this applies to London in the year 1613, then vastly smaller than now, when Westminster was a separate city, at some miles distance from London; the Strand, Piccadilly, and Oxford Street, country roads; Whitehall a country palace; and the whole west end of the town, fields, farms, or country villas.--E.]
On the 8th of September I was carried in my palanquin to the castle of Surunga, in which the emperor resides, and was attended by my merchants and others, the presents being carried before me. In entering the castle, we had to pass three draw-bridges, at each of which there was a guard of soldiers. The approach to the presence was by means of a fair and wide flight of stone stairs, where I was met and received by two grave and comely personages; one of whom was Codske dona, the emperor's secretary, and the other named Fongo dona, the admiral. By these officers I was led into a handsome room, the floor of which was covered by mats, on which we sat down cross-legged. Shortly after, they led me into the presence-chamber, in which stood the chair of state, to which they wished me to do reverence. This chair was about five feet high, covered with cloth of gold, and very richly adorned on its back and sides, but had no canopy. We then returned to the former room, and in about a quarter of an hour word was brought that the emperor was in the presence-chamber. They then led me to the door of the room where the emperor was, making signs for me to go in, but dared not even to look up themselves. The presents sent from our king to the emperor, and those which I offered as from myself according to the custom of the country, had all been placed in a very orderly manner upon mats in the presence-chamber, before the emperor came there.
Going into the chamber, of presence, I made my compliments to the emperor according to our English fashion, and delivered our king's letter to the emperor, who took it in his hand and raised it towards his forehead, and commanded his interpreter, who sat at a good distance behind, to desire Mr Adams to tell me that I was welcome from a long and wearisome journey, that I might therefore rest me for a day or two, and then his answer should be ready for our king. He then asked me if I did not intend to visit his son at Jedo.[18] Answering, that I proposed to do so, the emperor said, that orders should be given to provide me with men and horses for the journey, and that the letters for our king should be ready against my return. Then, taking leave respectfully of the emperor, and coming to the door of the presence-chamber, I found the secretary and admiral waiting to conduct me down the stairs where they formerly met me, when I went into my palanquin and returned with my attendants to our lodgings.
[Footnote 18: Always called Edoo in Purchas, but we have thought it better to use the form of the name now universally adopted in geography; but which name, from the orthography used by Captain Saris, is probably pronounced in Japan, Idu, or Eedoo.--E.]
On the 9th I sent the present intended for the secretary to be delivered to him, for which he heartily thanked me, but would in no wise receive it, saying, the emperor had so commanded, and that it was as much as his life was worth to accept of any gift. He took, however, five pounds of Socotorine aloes, to use for his health's sake. I this day delivered to him the articles of privilege for trade, being fourteen in number, which we wished to have granted. These he desired to have abbreviated into as few words as possible, as in all things the Japanese are fond of brevity. Next day, being the 10th September, the articles so abridged were sent to the secretary by Mr Adams; and on being shown by the secretary to the emperor, they were all approved except one, by which, as the Chinese had refused to trade with the English, we required permission, in case of taking any Chinese vessels by force, that we might freely bring them into the ports of Japan, and there make sale of the goods. At the first, the emperor said we might take them, since they refused to trade with us; but, after conference with the Chinese resident, he altered his mind, and would not allow of that article. All the rest were granted and confirmed under his great seal, which is not impressed in wax as with us in England, but is stamped in print with red ink. These articles of privilege were as follow:--
Privileges granted by OGOSHOSAMA, Emperor of Japan, to the Governor and Company of the London East India Company.[19]
[Footnote 19: This copy Captain Saris brought home and gave me--Purch.]
1. We give free licence to the subjects of the king of Great Britain, viz. To Sir Thomas Smith, governor, and the Company of the East Indian Merchants Adventurers, for ever, safely to come into any of the ports of our empire of Japan, with their ships and merchandize, without any hinderance to them or their goods; and to abide, buy, sell, and barter, according to their own manner, with all nations; to remain here as long as they think good, and to depart at their pleasure.
2. We grant to them freedom from custom for all such goods as they have brought now, or may hereafter bring into our empire, or may export from thence to any foreign part. And we authorise all ships that may hereafter arrive from England, to proceed immediately to sell their commodities, without any farther coming or sending to our court.
3. If any of their ships shall happen to be in danger of shipwreck, we command our subjects not only to assist them, but that such parts of the ship or goods as may be saved, shall be returned to the captain, or the cape merchant, or their assigns. That they may build one house, or more, for themselves, in any part of our empire that they think fittest for their purpose; and, at their departure, may sell the same at their pleasure.
4. If any English merchant, or others, shall die in our dominions, the goods of the deceased shall remain at the disposal of the cape merchant; and all offences committed by them shall be punished by the said cape merchant at his discretion, our laws to take no hold of their persons or goods.
5. We command all our subjects trading with them for any of their commodities, to pay them for the same without delay, or to return their wares.
6. For such commodities as they have now brought, or may bring hereafter, that are fitting for our proper use and service, we command that no arrest be made thereof, but that a fair price be agreed with the cape merchant, according as they may sell to others, and that prompt payment be made on the delivery of the goods.
7. If, in the discovery of other countries for trade, and the return of their ships, they shall need men or victuals, we command that our subjects shall furnish them, for their money, according as their needs may require.
8. Without other passport, they shall and may set out upon the discovery of Yeadso, or Jesso, or any other part in or about our empire.
From our castle in Surunga, this first day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth year of our dary, or reign. Sealed with our broad seal, &c. (Underwritten)
MINNA MOTTONO.
Yei. Ye. Yeas.[20]
[Footnote 20: Kempper writes this other name of Ongosio Sama, as he calls him, Ijejas; which, according to the English orthography, is Iyeyas.--Astl. I. 489. b.]
On the 11th of September, the present intended for the mint-master was delivered to him, which he received very thankfully, and sent me in return two Japanese gowns of taffeta, quilted with silk cotton. The 12th Mr Adams was sent to the mint-master, who is the emperor's merchant, having charge of the mint and all the ready money, being in great estimation with the emperor, as he had made a vow, whenever the emperor dies, to cut out his own bowels and die with him. The purpose of Mr Adams waiting upon him at this time, was to carry a list of the prices of our English commodities. About noon of this same day, being furnished with horses and men by the emperor, as formerly specified, we set out for Jedo. The country between Surunga and Jedo we found well peopled, with many Fotoquis, or idol temples. Among others which we passed, was one having an image of great reputation, called Dabis, made of copper, hollow within, but of substantial thickness. We estimated its height to be twenty-one or twenty-two feet, being in the form of a man kneeling on the ground, and sitting on his heels; the whole of wonderful size, and well proportioned, and being dressed in a gown cast along with the figure. Some of our men went into the inside of this idol, and hooped and hallooed, which made an exceeding great noise. It is highly reverenced by all native travellers who pass that way. We found many characters and marks made upon it by its visitors, which some of my followers imitated, making their marks in like manner. This temple and idol stand in the main road of pilgrimage to Tencheday, which is much frequented for devotion, as both night and day people of all ranks and conditions are continually going or returning from that place.
Mr Adams told me that he had been at the Fotoqui, or temple dedicated to Tencheday, to which image they make this devout pilgrimage. According to his report, one of the fairest virgins of the country is brought monthly into that Fotoqui, and there sits alone in a room neatly fitted up, in a sober manner; and, at certain times, this Tencheday, who is thought to be the devil, appears unto her, and having carnally known her, leaves with her at his departure certain scales, like unto the scales of fishes. Whatever questions she is desired by the bonzes, or priests of the Fotoqui, to ask, Tencheday resolves. Every month a fresh virgin is provided for the temple, but Mr Adams did not know what became of the former.[21]
[Footnote 21: The editor of Astley's Collection, vol. I. p. 487, note b. very gravely informs his readers what they certainly are aware of, that the gallant must have been one of the bonzes, or priests.--E.]
We arrived at Jedo on the 14th September. This city is much larger than Surunga, and much better and more sumptuously built, and made a very glorious appearance to us on our approach; all the ridge-tiles and corner-tiles of the roofs being richly gilded and varnished, as also the door-posts of the houses. They have no glass in their windows, but have large windows of board, opening in leaves, and well adorned with paintings, as in Holland. In the chief street of the town there is a great cawsay all through from end to end, underneath which flows a river, or large stream of water; and at every fifty paces there is a well-head, or pit, substantially built of free-stone, having buckets with which the inhabitants draw water, both for their ordinary uses and in case of fire. This street is as broad as any of our best streets in England.
On the 15th I gave notice of my arrival to Sadda-dona, the secretary of the young king, or son of the emperor, requesting him to inform the king. I had access to the king on the 17th, and delivered to him the presents sent by our king, as also some from myself, as is the custom of the country. The king holds his court in the castle of Jedo, which is much stronger and more sumptuous than that of Surunga; and the king was besides better guarded and attended than his father the emperor. Saddadona, his secretary, is father to Codskedona the emperor's secretary, his years and experience fitting him to have the government and direction of the king or prince successor, who appeared to us to be about forty-two years of age.
My entertainment and access to the king here at Jedo was much like that formerly mentioned with the emperor his father at Surunga. He accepted very kindly the letters and presents from our king, bidding me welcome, and desiring me to rest and refresh myself, and that his letters and presents in return should be made ready with all speed. On the 19th I delivered the presents to Saddadona. This day, thirty-two men being committed prisoners to a certain house, for not paying their debts, and being in the stocks within the same, it took fire in the night by some casualty, and they were all burnt to death. Towards evening, the king of Jedo sent me two suits of varnished armour, as a present to our king; and sent likewise for myself a tatch and a waggadash, the former being a long sword which is only worn in Japan by soldiers of the highest rank, and the latter being a singular weapon resembling a Welsh hook. I was informed that the distance from Jedo to the norther-most part of Japan, was estimated at twenty-two days journey on horseback.
I left Jedo on the 21st September by boat, and came to Oringgaw,[22] a town upon the sea-side, where is an excellent harbour, in which ships may ride with as much safety as in the river Thames, and the passage from which by sea to Jedo is very safe and good; so that it would be much better for our ships to sail to this port than to Firando, as Oringgaw is on the main island of Japan or Niphon, and is only fourteen or fifteen leagues from Jedo, the capital and greatest city of the empire. Its only inconvenience is, that it is not so well supplied with flesh and other victuals as Firando, but is in all other respects much preferable. From thence we proceeded on the 29th to Surunga, where we remained in waiting for the letters and presents from the emperor. On the 8th of October I received the emperor's letter, of which a translation is subjoined, and I then also received the privileges of trade, formerly quoted, the original of which I left with Mr Cocks.[23]
[Footnote 22: No such place as Oringgaw is to be found in modern maps of Japan. Jedo is situated at the head of a deep gulf of the same name, in the south-east corner of Japan. About the distance indicated in the text, there is a town and bay named Odavara, on the western side of the gulf, and in the direct way back to Surunga, which may possibly be the Oringgaw of the text.--E.]
[Footnote 23: The characters have by some been thought to be those of China, but I compared them with Chinese books, and they seemed to me quite different, yet not letters to compound words by spelling, as ours, but words expressed in their several characters, such as are used by the Chinais and as the brevity manifesteth. I take them to be characters peculiar to Japan.--Purch.In a marginal reference in the plate given by Purchas, the lines are said to read downwards, beginning at the right hand. It may possibly be so: But they appear letters, or literal characters, to compound words by spelling, and to be read like those used in Europe, from left to right horizontally. In a future portion of our work, the subject of the Japanese language and writing will be farther elucidated; when, we believe, it will appear that they have two modes of writing, one by verbal or ideal characters like the Chinese, and the other by literal signs like all the rest of the world.--E.]
Letter from the Emperor of Japan to the King of Great Britain.
Your majesty's kind letter, sent me by your servant Captain Saris, who is the first of your subjects that I have known to arrive in any part of my dominions, I heartily embrace, being not a little glad to understand of your great wisdom and power, as having three plentiful and mighty kingdoms under your powerful command. I acknowledge your majesty's great bounty, in sending me so undeserved a present of many rare things, such as my land affordeth not, neither have I ever before seen: Which I receive, not as from a stranger, but as from your majesty, whom I esteem as myself, desiring the continuance of friendship with your highness: And that it may consist with your good pleasure to send your subjects to any part or port of my dominions, where they shall be most heartily welcome, applauding much their worthiness in the admirable knowledge of navigation, as having with much facility discovered a country so remote, not being amazed by the distance of so mighty a gulf, nor the greatness of such infinite clouds and storms, from prosecuting the honourable enterprises of discovery and merchandising, in which they shall find me to encourage them as they desire. By your said subject, I return to your majesty a small token of my love, desiring you to accept the same as from one who much rejoices in your friendship. And, whereas your majesty's subjects have desired certain privileges for trade and the settlement of a factory in my dominions, I have not only granted what they desired, but have confirmed the same to them under my broad seal, for the better establishment thereof. Given from my castle of Surunga, this fourth day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth year of our reign, according to our computation; resting your majesty's friend, the highest commander in the kingdom of Japan.
Subscribed
Minna Muttono[24]. Yei. Ye. Yeas.
[Footnote 24: In the copy of the privileges, Purchas gives this name Mottono while the editor of Astley's Collection has altered it to Monttono. In the privileges formerly inserted, the date is made in the nineteenth month, perhaps an error of the press in the Pilgrims, which we have therefore corrected to ninth.--E.]
At my return to Surunga, I found a Spanish ambassador from the Philippine islands, who had only been once introduced to the emperor, and delivered his presents, being certain Chinese damasks, and five jars of European sweet wine, and could not obtain any farther access to the emperor. The purpose of his embassy was, to require that such Portuguese and Spaniards as were then in Japan, not authorised by the king of Spain, might be delivered up to him, that he might carry them to the Philippines. This the emperor refused, saying his country was free, and none should be forced out of it: But, if the ambassador could persuade any to go with him, they should not be detained. The cause of the ambassador making this request was on account of the great want of men to defend the Molucca islands against the Dutch, who were then making great preparations for the entire conquest of these islands. After the ambassador had waited for an answer till the time limited by his commission was expired, and receiving none, he went away much dissatisfied: And when at the sea side, an answer was returned, as mentioned above, together with a slender present of five Japanese gowns, and two cattans or swords.
About a month before I came to Surunga, being displeased with the Christians, the emperor issued a proclamation commanding that they should all remove immediately, and carry their churches to Nangasaki, a maritime town about eight leagues from Firando, and that no Christian church should be permitted, neither any mass be sung, within ten leagues of his court, on pain of death. Some time after, twenty-seven natives, men of good fashion, being assembled in an hospital or Christian Leper-house, where they had mass performed, and this coming to the knowledge of the emperor, they were all commanded to be shut up in a house for a night, and to be led to execution next day. That same evening, another man was committed to the same house for debt, who at his coming was a heathen and quite ignorant of Christ or his holy religion; but, next morning, when the officer called at the door for the Christians to come forth for execution, and those who renounced it to remain behind, this man had been so instructed during the night by the others, that he came resolutely forth along with the rest, and was crucified with them.
We departed from Surunga on the 9th of October, and during our journey towards Miaco we had for the most part much rain, by which the rivers were greatly swelled, and we were forced to stop by the way, so that it was the 16th of October before we got there. Miaco is the largest city in Japan, depending mostly upon trade, and having the chief Fotoqui or temple of the whole empire, which is all built of freestone, and is as long as the western end of St Paul's in London from the choir; being also as high, arched in the roof and borne upon pillars as that is. Many bonzes are here in attendance for their maintenance, as priests are among the papists. They have here an altar, on which the votaries offer rice and small money, called cundrijus, twenty of which are equal to an English shilling, which offerings are applied to the use of the bonzes. Near this altar is an idol, called Mannada, much resembling that of Dabis formerly mentioned, and like it made of copper, but much higher, as it reaches up to the arched roof. This Fotoqui was begun to be built by Taicosama, and has since been finished by his son, having been ended only while we were there. According to report, there were buried within its enclosure the ears and noses of 3000 Coreans, who were massacred at one time; and upon their grave a mount is raised, having a pyramid on its summit, the mount being grown over with grass, and very neatly kept. The horse that Taicosama last rode upon is kept near this Fotoqui, having never been ridden since, and his hoofs have grown extraordinarily long by age.
This Fotoqui stands on the top of a high hill, and on either side, as you ascend the hill, there are fifty pillars of freestone, at ten paces each from the other, having a lantern on the top of each, which are all lighted up with oil every night. There are many other Fotoquis in this city. In Miaco the Portuguese jesuits have a very stately college, in which there are several native Japanese jesuits, who preach, and have the New Testament printed in the Japanese language. Many of the native children are bred up in this college, where they are instructed in the Christian religion, according to the doctrines of the Romish church; and there are not less than five or six thousand natives professing Christianity in this city. The tradesmen and artificers of all kinds in this city are all distributed by themselves, every trade and occupation having its own particular streets, and not mingled together as with us. We remained some time in Miaco, waiting for the emperor's present, which was at length delivered, being ten beobs, or large pictures, for being hung up in a chamber.
The 20th of October we departed from Miaco, and came that night to Fushimi.[25] We arrived about noon of the next day at Osaka, where the common people behaved very rudely to us, some calling after us Tosin! Tosin! that is, Chinese, while others called us Coré! Coré! or Coreans, and flung stones at us; even the greatest people of the city animating and setting on the rabble to abuse us. We here found the galley waiting for us which had brought us from Firando, having waited for us all the time of our absence at the expence of king Foyne. We embarked in this galley on the 24th of October, and arrived at Firando on the 6th November, where we were kindly welcomed by old Foyne. During the time of my absence, our people had sold very little goods, as according to the customs of Japan no stranger can offer goods for sale without the express permission of the emperor. Besides, as our chiefest commodity intended for this country was broad cloth, which had latterly been sold there at the rate of forty Spanish dollars the matte, which is two yards and a quarter as formerly mentioned, and as the natives saw that we were not much in the habit of wearing it ourselves, they were more backward in buying it than they used to be. They said to us, "You commend your cloth to us, while you yourselves wear little of it; your better sort of people wearing silken garments, while the meanest are clothed in fustians, &c." Wherefore, that good counsel, though late, may come to some good purpose, I wish that our nation would be more inclined to use this our native manufacture of our own country, by which we may better encourage and allure others to its use and expenditure.
[Footnote 25: Fusimo, a town about ten miles from Miaco, on a river that runs into the head of the bay of Osaka.--E.]
S.8. Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of Captain Saris.[26]
The 7th August, 1613, all things being in readiness, our general Captain Saris departed from Firando in company with Mr Adams, for the court of the emperor of Japan, taking along with him Mr Tempest Peacock, Mr Richard Wickham, Edward Saris, Walter Carwarden, Diego Fernandos, John Williams a tailor, John Head a cook, Edward Bartan the surgeon's mate, John Japan Jurebasso,[27] Richard Dale coxswain, and Anthony Ferry a sailor; having a cavalier or gentleman belonging to king Foyne as their protector, with two of his servants, and two native servants belonging to Mr Adams. They embarked in a barge or galley belonging to the king, which rowed twenty oars of a side, and we fired thirteen pieces of ordnance at their departure. The old king sent 100 tayes of Japanese money to our general before his departure, for his expenditure on the way, which I placed to account, by our general's order, as money lent.
[Footnote 26: This subdivision is taken from observations written by Richard Cockes, Cape merchant, or chief factor at Firando. These observations are a separate article in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. pp. 395--405, and in Astley's Collection, vol. I. pp. 509--517; but are inserted in this place as calculated to render this first account of the English trade in Japan a complete and unbroken narrative.--E.]
[Footnote 27: John Japan seems a fabricated name; perhaps a Japanese Christian named John, and the addition of Jurebasso may signify that he acted as interpreter.--E.]
Next day, I went to wait upon the two kings, as from our general, to thank them for having so well provided for his journey, which they took in good part. I suspect the old king had notice that some of our men had behaved ill last night; as he desired me to remind the master to look well to the people on board, and that I should look carefully to the behaviour of those on shore, that all things might go on as well in the absence of the general as when he was present, otherwise the shame would be ours, but the dishonour his. On the 9th, a Japanese boy named Juan, who spoke good Spanish, came and offered to serve me for nine or ten years, and even to go with me to England if I pleased, asking no wages but what I was pleased to give. I took him into my service, and that the rather, because I found Miguel, the jurebasso left with me by Mr Adams, was somewhat stubborn, and loved to run about at his pleasure, leaving me often without any person who could speak a word of the Japanese language. This Juan is a Christian, most of his kindred dwelling at Nangasaki, only one living here at Firando, who came along with him and passed his word for his honesty and fidelity. Juan had served a Spaniard at Manilla for three years, where he had acquired the Spanish language. I engaged him, and bought for him two Japanese garments, which cost me fourteen mas.
The 13th I shewed our commodities to some merchants of Maioco, [Miaco] but they bought nothing, and seemed chiefly to desire to have gunpowder. This day Semidono went to visit our ship, accompanied by several stranger gentlemen, and came afterwards to see our English house, where I gave them the best entertainment in my power. The 19th at night began the great feast of the pagans, when they banquet and make merry all night by candle-light at the graves of their deceased kindred, whom they invite to partake.[28] It lasts three nights and the intermediate days; when, by command of the king, every house must new gravel the street before its door, and hang out candles all night. I was not slack in obeying this order, and I was informed that a poor man was put to death and his house shut up, for neglecting to comply with the order. On this occasion, the China captain furnished me with two very decent paper lanthorns. Being informed that the kings intended to ride about the streets, and to make me a visit, I provided a banquet for them, and waited till after midnight, but they came not. The 20th, 21st, and 22d, I sent presents to both the kings, being informed that such was the custom of the country, sending them wine and confections; as likewise to Nobesane the young king's brother; to Semidono, the old king's governor, and to Unagense, which were all very thankfully accepted. Some cavalliers, or Japanese gentlemen, came to visit me during the festival, to whom I gave the best entertainment I could procure.
[Footnote 28: This pagan feast is a kind of Candlemas or Allsouls.--Purchas.]
The 23d we made an end of landing our gunpowder, being in all ninety-nine barrels, of which I advised our general by letter, requesting him to reserve a sufficiency for the ship, in case he sold it to the emperor. We landed several other things, which the master thought had best be sent ashore, as our men began to filch and steal, that they might go to taverns and brothels. This day Mr Melsham the purser and I dined with Semidono, who used us kindly. The master and Mr Eaton were likewise invited, but did not go. The great festival ended this day, when three troops of dancers went about the town, with flags or banners, their music being drums and pans,[29] to the sound of which they danced at the doors of all the great men, as also at their pagodas and at the sepulchres.
[Footnote 29: Probably gongs, which very much resemble a brass frying-pan.--E.]
The 24th at night, all the streets were hung with candles, as the young king and his brother, with Semidono, Nabesone, and many others, went in masquerade to dance at the house of the old king. The young king and his brother were on horseback, having canopies carried over them, all the rest being a-foot, and they were accompanied by drums and kettles, as the before-mentioned dancers, Nabesone playing on a fife. I was informed they meant to visit our house on their return, wherefore I provided a banquet and sat up for them till after midnight; but they returned in disorder, I think owing to some discontent, and none of them entered our house. Captain Brower likewise passed our door, but would not look at us, and we made as little account of him. The 27th we landed three pieces of ordnance, having three landed formerly, all whole culverins of iron. The old king came down to the shore while our men were about this job, and seeing only twenty men, offered seventy or a 100 Japanese to help them; but our people landed them all very quickly in his sight, at which he expressed much astonishment, saying that an hundred of his men could not have done it so soon. He was so much pleased with the activity of our men on this occasion, that he sent for a barrel of wine and some fish, which he gave among them as a reward for their labouring so lustily.
The 28th, I received two letters from our general, dated the 19th and 20th of the month, as also two others from Mr Peacock and Mr Wickham, which were brought me by the governor of Shimonoseke.[30] This governor did not land at Firando, but delivered these letters on board our ship to the master, proceeding directly for Nangasaki, and promising to return hither shortly. I also carried a letter for the old king Foyne, which was brought by the same governor, being accompanied on the occasion by Mr Melsham and Hernando. Foyne at this visit made a present of a cattan or Japanese sword to Mr Melsham, and another with a Spanish dagger to Hernando, giving likewise both to them and me several bunches of garlic. He also gave us leave to dry our gunpowder on the top of the fortress, offering some of his own people to help ours, if we had need of them. This day I brought on shore to our house twenty-two bars of lead, together with 125 culverin shot, round and langridge. When we were about to sit down to supper, the old king came to visit us, and being very merry he sat down to supper with us, and took such fare as we had in good part.
[Footnote 30: Simonosequi is a town on the north side of the straits between the island of Kiusiua and the north-western end of Niphon.--E.]
The 1st September, the old king and all his nobles made a masquerade, and went next night to visit the young king his grandson, accompanied by music, as formerly mentioned, all the streets being hung with lanterns. As I was told he meant to visit our house on his return, I made ready for him and waited till after midnight; but he passed by with all his company without coming in. I reckoned he had more than 3000 persons in his train, for which, as I think, he passed by, not wishing to trouble us with so great a multitude. On the 2d Semidono and others who were appointed by the king, measured all the houses in the street, ours among the rest; which I understood was for the purpose of a general taxation, to be levied by appointment of the emperor, for the construction of fortresses. I entertained them to their satisfaction. The 4th we had news that the queen of Spain was dead, and that the king was a suitor for the princess Elizabeth of England. The 6th, a nobleman came to visit our English house, and brought me a present of two great bottles of wine and a basket of pears. I entertained him as well as I could, and he went away contented.
We had much rain in the morning of the 7th September, accompanied by wind, which increased in force all day, varying between the east and south. In the night between the 7th and 8th, the wind rose to a tuffoon or storm of such extreme violence as I had never witnessed, neither had the like been experienced in this country during the memory of man. It overturned above an hundred houses in Firando, and unroofed many others, among which was the house of old king Foyne. An extensive wall surrounding the house of the young king was blown down, and the boughs and branches of trees were broken off and tossed about with wonderful violence. The sea raged with such fury, that it undermined a great wharf or quay at the Dutch factory, broke down the stone wall, carried away the landing stairs, sunk and broke to pieces two barks belonging to the Dutch, and forty or fifty other barks, then in the roads, were broken and sunk. At our house, the newly built wall of our kitchen was broken down by the sea, which likewise flowed into and threw down our oven. The tiles likewise were blown off from the roofs of our house and kitchen, both of which were partly unroofed. Our house rocked as if shaken by an earthquake, and we spent the night in extreme fear, either of being buried under the ruins of our factory, or of perishing along with it by fire; for all night long, the barbarous unruly common people ran up and down the streets with lighted firebrands, while the wind carried large pieces of burning wood quite over the tops of the houses, as it whirled up the burning timbers of the several houses previously thrown down, hurling fire through the air in great flakes, very fearful to behold, and threatening an entire conflagration of the town; and I verily believe, if it had not been for the extreme quantity of rain, contrary to the usual nature of tuffoons, that the whole town had been consumed. This terrible wind and prodigious rain were accompanied the whole night by incessant flashes of lightning and tremendous peals of thunder. Our ship rode out the gale in the roads, having out five cables and anchors, of which one old cable gave way, but, thanks be to God, no other injury was sustained, except that our long boat and skiff both broke adrift, but were both afterwards recovered. We afterwards learnt that this tuffoon did more damage at Nangasaki than here at Firando; for it destroyed above twenty Chinese junks, together with the Spanish ship which brought the ambassador from Manilla.
On the 12th, two merchants from Miaco came to our English house, to whom I shewed all our commodities. They laid aside two pieces of broad cloth, one black and the other stammel, the best they could find, for which they offered seven tayes the yard. They also offered for out Priaman gold eleven tayes of silver for one of gold. But they went away without concluding any bargain. This day, one of our men named Francis Williams, being drunk ashore, struck one of the servants of king Foyne with a cudgel, although the man had given him no offence, and had not even spoken to him. The Japanese came to our house making great complaints, and was very angry, not without cause, and told me he would complain to his king of the bad usage he had received. He had three or four others along with him, who had seen him abused, and who said the aggressor was just gone off to the ship. I gave them fair words, desiring them to go on board and find out the man who had committed the offence, and they should be sure of having him punished, and for that purpose I sent Miguel, our jurebasso, on board along with them. He did so, and pointed out Williams as the culprit, who stoutly denied the accusation with many oaths, but the affair was too notorious, and the master ordered him to be seized to the capstan in presence of the complainants, upon which even they entreated for his pardon, knowing that he was drunk. But the fellow was so unruly, that he took up an iron crow to strike the Japanese in the master's presence, and even abused the master in the grossest terms.[31]
[Footnote 31: Of many misdemeanours, I permit some to pass the press, that the cause of so many deaths in the Indies might be seen, rather to be imputed to their own misconduct, than the intemperature of the climate, and for a caveat to others, who may send or be sent into ethnicke regions: Yet do I conceal the most and worst.--Purch.]
Learning, on the 13th, that old king Foyne was sick, I sent our jurebasso Miguel to visit him, carrying as a present a great bottle of our general's sweet wine, and two boxes of conserves, comfits, and sugar-bread. Miguel was likewise directed to offer my best service, and to say that I was sorry for his sickness, and would have waited on him myself, but that I supposed company was not agreeable to a sick man. Foyne accepted my present in very good part, returning many thanks, and desiring me to ask for any thing we were in need of, either for the use of the ship or our factory, which he would take care we should be provided with.
The master came to the factory on the 14th early in the morning, telling me that most of the ship's company had lain ashore all night without leave, although the ship was aground, and there had been a heavy wind all night. He wished therefore, that I would allow our jurebasso, Miguel, to accompany him in seeking them out. He went accordingly accompanied by Miguel and Mr Melsham our purser, and found several of the men drinking and domineering, among whom he bestowed a few blows, ordering them aboard. Two of the men, named Lambert and Colphax, though ordered aboard, remained ashore all day, notwithstanding the great need of hands in the ship, where it had been necessary to hire several Japanese to assist. Lambert and Colphax being drunk, went out into the fields and fought, on which occasion Lambert was hurt in the arm, and remained drunk ashore all night; as did Boles and Christopher Evans, who had done so for two or three nights before, and had a violent quarrel about a girl.
On the 17th, being informed that Bastian, the keeper of the brothel frequented by our men, had threatened to kill me and such as came along with me, if I came any more to his house to seek for our men, I went and complained to the young king, the old one being sick. At my request, he issued a proclamation, that no Japanese should admit our people into their houses after day-light, under severe penalties; and that it should be lawful for me, or any other in my company, to enter any of the native houses in search of our men, not only without molestation or hinderance, but that the native inhabitants should aid and assist me; and if the doors were not opened at my desire, I was authorised to break them open. A soldier was sent to inform Bastian to be careful not to molest or disturb me, as he might expect to be the first that should pay for it. This gave much offence to our people, insomuch that some of them swore they would have drink in the fields if they were not suffered to have it in the town, for drink they would.
The 26th, Novasco-dono came to visit me at the factory, bringing me a present of two bottles of wine, seven loaves of fresh bread, and a dish of flying-fish. While he was with me, the old king came past our door, where he stopt, saying he had met two men in the street whom he thought strangers, and not belonging to us; he therefore desired that Swinton and our jurebasso might go with one of his attendants to see who they were. They turned out to be John Lambert and Jacob Charke, who were drinking water at a door in the street through which the king had gone. I was glad the king looked so narrowly after them, as it caused our men to be more careful of their proceedings.
Mr William Pauling, our master's mate, who had been long ill of a consumption, died at the English house upon the 27th of September, of which circumstance I apprised the king, requesting permission to bury him among the Christians, which was granted. We accordingly put the body in a winding-sheet, and coffined it up, waiting to carry it to the grave next morning. Our master, and several others of the ship's company, came ashore in the morning to attend the funeral, when we were given to understand that the body must be transported by water as far as the Dutch house, because the bonzes, or priests, would not suffer us to pass with the corpse through the street before their pagoda, or idol temple. Accordingly the master sent for the skiff, in which the coffin was transported by water to the place appointed, while we went there by land, and carried it thence to the burial-place; the purser walking before, and all the rest following after the coffin, which was covered by a Holland sheet, above which was a silk quilt. We were attended by a vast number of the natives, both young and old, curious to see our manner of burial. After the corpse was interred, we all returned to the factory, where we had a collation, and then our people returned to the ship. I had almost forgotten to remark, that we had much ado to get any native to dig the grave in which a Christian was to be buried, neither would they permit the body to be conveyed by water in any of their boats.
At this time the king commanded that all the streets in Firando should be cleaned, and that gutters should be made on each side to convey the water from them, all the streets to be new gravelled, and the water-channels to be covered with flat stones. This work was all done in one day, every one performing so much of it as was in front of his own house, and it was admirable to see the diligence every person used on this occasion. Our house was not the last in having this task performed, as our landlord, the Chinese captain, set a sufficient number of men to do the work.
The 30th, some other merchants of Miaco came to look at our commodities, who offered twelve tayes the fathom for our best stammel, or red cloth; but they went away without making any bargain. At this time we had very heavy winds, both by day and night, so that we were in fear of another tuffoon, on which account all the fishers hauled their boats ashore, and every one endeavoured to secure the roofings of their houses. A week before this, a bose, bonze or conjurer, had predicted to the king that this tempest was to come. About this time our surgeon, being in his cups, came into a house where a bose was conjuring for a woman who wanted to know if her husband or friends would return from sea. So when the bose was done, the surgeon gave him three-pence to conjure again, and to tell him when our general would return to Firando. In the end, the bose told him that the general would return within eighteen days, pretending that he heard a voice answer from behind a wall, both when he conjured for the woman, and now when he conjured for the surgeon.
On the 2d of October, the master sent me word that some of the men had run away with the skiff. These were John Bowles, John Saris, John Tottie, Christopher Evans, Clement Locke, Jasper Malconty, and James the Dutchman. While in the way to the king to get boats to send after them, our Dutch jurebasso came running after me, and told me our people were on the other side making merry at a tippling-house. On this information I returned to the English house to get a boat for the master to go and look them out, but they proved to be three others, William Marinell, Simeon Colphax, and John Dench, who had hired a boat and gone to another island, not being allowed to walk by night in Firando. By this mistake our deserters had the more time to get away. This night, about eleven, the old king's house, on the other side of the water, took fire, and was burnt to the ground in about an hour. I never saw a more vehement fire for the time it lasted, and it is thought his loss is very great. The old king is said to have set it on fire himself, by going about in the night with lighted canes, some sparks from which had fallen among the mats and set them on fire.
I went next day to visit the old king, giving him to understand, by means of his governor, that I was extremely sorry for the misfortune that had befallen him, and would have come in person to give all the assistance in my power, but was doubtful if my presence would have been acceptable, being a stranger; and begged leave to assure him, that he should find me ready at all times, even with the hazard of my life, to do him every service in my power. He gave me many thanks for my good will, saying, that the loss he had sustained was as nothing in his estimation. On my return to our house, I was met by the young king going to visit his grandfather. Before noon, we had word that our runaways were upon a desert island about two leagues from Firando, of which I gave notice to both kings, requesting their aid and council how we might best bring them back. They answered, that they would fetch them back dead or alive, yet would be loth to kill them, lest we might want hands to navigate the ship back to England. I returned many thanks for the care they had of us, yet sent them word we still had a sufficiency of honest men to carry our ship to England, even although we should lose these knaves. In fine, the king fitted out two boats full of soldiers to go after them, with positive orders to bring them back dead or alive, which I made known to our master, who wished much to go along with them, and did so accordingly.
9. Continuation of Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of the General.
On the 4th of October, a report was current in Firando that the Devil had revealed to the bose, [bonzes] or conjurers, that the town was to be burned to ashes that night, on which criers went about the streets the whole night, making so much noise that I could hardly get any rest, giving warning to all the inhabitants to extinguish their fires. But the devil turned out a liar, for no such thing happened. The 5th, old king Foyne-same came to our house, and was entertained to the best of our ability, when he told me our runaway seamen could not escape being taken, as he had sent two other armed boats after them, besides the two formerly mentioned. While I was talking with him, there came a gentleman from the emperor's court with a letter, and told me that our general would be back to Firando in eight or ten days, as he had received his dispatches from the emperor before this gentleman left the court. At this time king Foyne told me that Bon-diu, the king or governor of Nangasaki, who is brother to the empress, was to be at Firando next day, and that it would be proper for our ship to fire off three or four pieces of cannon as he passed. He told me likewise, that the king or governor of a town called Seam, was then in Firando.
The master of our ship, Mr James Foster, returned from Nangasaki on the 7th, bringing our skiff with him, but all the deserters had got sanctuary in that town, so that he had not been able to see or speak with any of them. I was informed that Miguel, our jurebasso, whom I had sent along with the master as linguist, had dealt fraudulently both with the master and me, for several Japanese told me that he had spoken to our people and advised them to absent themselves. Knowing this, and being doubtful of ever recovering our people unless Bondiu were extraordinarily dealt with, I resolved to give that personage a present to secure him in our interest. In the afternoon, as he was passing on foot along the street in which was our house, along with the young king who gave him the post of honour, attended by about five hundred followers, I went out into the street and saluted them. Bon-diu stopped at our door and thanked me for the salute given him in passing our ship. I requested he would excuse me if I had hitherto neglected any part of my duty towards him, which was owing to my small acquaintance with the country and its customs, but that I meant to wait upon him either at his lodgings or aboard his junk, before he left Firando. He answered, that I should be heartily welcome, and remained so long in conversation, that it was quite dark before he got to his lodgings. At this time I carried the present to him, which he accepted in good part, offering to do our nation all the good in his power at court, whither he was now bound, or to serve us all he could any where else. Of his own accord, he began now to speak about the deserters, asking me if they should all be pardoned for his sake, if he brought them back to us? I answered, that the power of pardon belonged to our general, not to me, and that I had no doubt they might easily get free, except one or two of the chiefs in this and other disorders, who richly deserved punishment. He then said that he wished them all pardoned, without any exception: to which I answered, that I was sure our general would most willingly do any thing desired by his highness, or the two kings of Firando. In conclusion, he said, if I would give it under my hand on the faith of a Christian, that all should be pardoned for this time, and that I would procure the general to confirm this at his return, he would then send to Nangasaki for the deserters, and deliver them into my custody, otherwise he would not meddle in the matter, lest he might occasion any of their deaths. I answered, I was contented with any thing his highness was pleased to command, and so gave him the desired writing under my hand, conditioning that they were all to be sent back. I then returned to our house after which the Dutch waited upon him with their present, but we were before hand with them.
On the 8th Semidono passed our house, and told me that king Bon-diu had a brother along with him, to whom it would be proper that we should give a present, but not so large as that given to Bon-diu. On this, advising with the other gentlemen, I laid out a present for him, and on going to deliver it, I found the Dutch before me with theirs, Captain Brower going with it himself. He accepted it very kindly, promising his interest and assistance to our nation, both at court and any where else. He came soon afterwards to our house, accompanied by many gentlemen, when they looked over all our commodities, yet went away without making any purchases. On this occasion he gave me a small cattan, and I gave him two glass bottles, two gally-pots, and about half a cattee of picked cloves, which he said he wanted for medicinal purposes. I likewise gave him and his followers a collation, with which they all seemed contented.
Soon afterwards, Bon-diu sent a gentleman to me, desiring to have my written promise for pardon to our deserters, to which I consented, after consulting with the other gentlemen. If I had not done this, we certainly had never got them back, and the Spaniards would have sent them to Manilla or the Moluccas. Immediately after this, I got notice that Bon-diu and his brother meant to visit our ship, wherefore I sent some banqueting stuff aboard, and went myself to meet them, when they were entertained as we best could. Bon-diu gave two cattans, and we saluted them with seven guns at their departure. The brother returned soon after, and requested to have one of the little monkeys for his brother's children; so I bought one for five dollars from our master-gunner, and sent it to Bon-diu. He being ready to go on shore, desired to have me along with him in his boat, which I complied with, and he was saluted with three guns at his departure, which, as I learnt afterwards, was much esteemed by both brothers. When ashore, he insisted to accompany me to our factory, much against my inclination, as I was again forced to give him a collation in Mr Adamses chamber, after which he and his companions went away seemingly satisfied. Late at night, old king Foyne sent a man to me to enquire the particulars of the presents I had given to both brothers, all of which he set down in writing, but I could never know the reason of this. I forgot to mention that Bon-diu, just before going aboard our ship, went to bathe in a new warm-bath at the Dutch factory. The 9th Bon-diu sent one of his men to give me thanks for the kind entertainment he had on board, and sent me by the messenger two barrels of Miaco wine. Soon after, his brother sent me a similar message and present. They were both very earnest to have a perspective-glass, wherefore I sent them an old one belonging to Mr Eaton; but it was soon after returned with thanks, as not suiting them.
On the 10th, two sons of another governor of Nangasaki who dwells in the town, came to see our house, both of them being Christians. After shewing them our commodities, I gave them a collation, accompanied with music, Mr Hownsell and the carpenter happening both by chance to be at the factory. While we were at table, old king Foyne came in upon us quite unexpectedly, and sat down to partake. I then desired our jurebasso to request the speedy sending back of our runaways, which they all promised, provided they should be pardoned, as I had formerly promised, and which promise I now renewed. Old Foyne desired that I would send him next day a piece of English beef; and another of pork, sodden with onions. I accordingly sent our jurebasso next day with the beef and pork, together with a bottle of wine, and six loaves of white bread, all of which he very kindly accepted. He had at table with him his grandson the young king, Nabison, his brother, and Semidono, his kinsman.
On the 12th I went to visit both kings, and found the old one asleep, but spoke with his governor, after which I went to the young king, who received me.[32] He gave me thanks for the kind entertainment I had given the strangers, which he said his grandfather and he took in as good part as if done to themselves. Towards night, Foyne sent to say that he understood the strangers, who were now departed, had taken away various commodities from me, paying only as they thought good themselves, and not the prices I required. I answered, that they had certainly done so, but I knew not whether it were the custom of the country, being given to understand that they were in use to do so at Nangasaki both with the Chinese and Portuguese, and that in reality what they had taken from me was not worth the speaking of. I was answered, that although this was done at Nangasaki with the Chinese, who were forbidden to trade at Japan, they had not authority to do so with those strangers who had the privilege of trade, more especially here at Firando, where these people had no authority. I sent back my humble thanks to the king for the care he used to see justice done both to strangers and natives, saying, I would wait upon his highness myself to inform him of the whole truth. Captain Brower sent me word that they had taken various commodities from him, paying him just as they pleased; he also sent an empty bottle, desiring to have it filled with Spanish wine, as he had invited certain strangers, and had none of his own.
[Footnote 32: It was now a great festival among the pagans, which began on this day, said to be like the Lent of the papists.--Purch.]
I heard three or four guns or chambers discharged on the 13th, which I supposed had been done at the Dutch house, in honour of the king; but I afterwards learnt that they were shot by a Chinese junk which was passing for Nangasaki. Shortly after, the old king sent for me to come to dinner at the Dutch house, and to bring Mr Eaton with me, and a bottle of wine.[33] Mr Eaton had taken medicine, and could not go out, but I went. We had an excellent dinner, the dishes being dressed partly in the Japanese fashion, and partly according to the Dutch way, but no great drinking. The old king sat at one table, accompanied by his eldest son and two brothers of the young king, as the young king had sent to say he was not well. At the other table there sat, first, Nabesone, the old king's brother, then myself, next me Semidono, then the old king's governor, and below him Zanzebar's father-in-law, and various other Japanese gentlemen on the other side of the table. Captain Brower did not sit down, but carved at table, all his own people attending and serving on their knees. Captain Brower even gave drink to every one of his guests with his own hands, and upon his knees, which seemed very strange to me. When they had dined, Foyne and all his nobles went away, and Captain Brower accompanied me to our house. I asked him why he served these people on his knees, when he told me it was the custom of the country, even the king serving his guests on his knees when he made a feast, to do them the more honour. Before night the old king came to the English house, and visited all its apartments. I gave him a collation, and after staying an hour, and taking one thing and another, he went his way.
[Footnote 33: These things are mentioned to shew how poor Cockes was imposed upon among them; as, taking advantage of his weak side, they seem all to have wished to get from him all they could, without any design of serving him in return.--Astl. I. 518. b.]
On the 16th, learning that two Christians were arrived from Nangasaki, I went to visit them, and to enquire about our runaways. One was George Peterson, a Dutchman, born in Flushing; the other was Daman Maryn, a native of Venice. They told me that our runaways had been conveyed away in a small bark for Macoro,[34] and that they two had deserted in hope of procuring a passage in our ship to return to their own countries; they said they were well known to Mr Adams, and were desirous to have gone immediately on board, being both seafaring men. The Dutchman had served three or four and twenty years with the Spaniards, and came master's mate in one of their ships from Agua-pulca [Acapulco.] for Manilla in the Philippine islands. They had plenty of money, and would have sent it to our ship or to our factory; but I told them that I durst not presume to entertain them in the absence of our general, yet would do them all the service in my power at his return. I accordingly sent Miguel to inform the king that these two strangers were come to seek a passage in our ship, not being Spaniards nor subjects of Spain. The king sent me back for answer, that they were welcome, if they were such as they reported themselves; but, if Spaniards or Portuguese, he could not allow them to remain in Firando, as the Spanish ambassador had procured an order from the emperor that all Spaniards should retire to Manilla.
[Footnote 34: Called in the sequel Macow, or Macao, the Portuguese settlement on the coast of China, at the mouth of the Bocca-tigris, or river of Canton.--E]
The two strangers came to me early on the 17th, requesting me to accompany them to wait upon the king, to give them the better countenance, which I agreed to. On the way, they told me that our fugitives had given out at Nangasaki that more of our people would follow them, as none of any account would stay to navigate the ship home, because their officers used them more like dogs than men. They alleged also, that twenty resolute Spaniards might easily get possession of our ship in one or two small boats. The old king received us very kindly, and asked the strangers many questions about the wars in the Molucca islands between the Spaniards and Dutch. They said the Spaniards were resolved to prosecute this war with much vigour, having prepared a strong force for that purpose. They also told the king that all our fugitives had, as they believed, been secretly conveyed away from Nangasaki seven days before, in a soma that went from thence for Macow.[35] The king would not believe them, saying it was impossible such a man as Bon-diu, having given his word to restore them, should be found false to his promise. In the end, he agreed to allow these men to remain, and to go along with our ship, if our general pleased to take them. So the poor men returned much contented to their lodgings, assuring me they would prove faithful to us, and that we need not wish any worse punishment to our fugitives than the bad treatment they would receive from the Spaniards.
[Footnote 35: Macow, or Macao, a town of the Portuguese near the continent of China. Miguel, the jurebasso, servant to Mr Adams, was suspected of double-dealing in this affair of the fugitives: the circumstances I omit.--Purch.]
The 18th we had a total eclipse of the moon, which began about eleven p.m. The 19th, about the same hour, a fire began in Firando, near the young king's house, by which forty houses were burnt down; and, had not the wind fallen calm, most of the town had been destroyed. Had not our Englishmen bestirred themselves lustily, many more houses had gone to wreck, for the fire took hold three or four times on the opposite side of the street to our house, which they as often extinguished, for which they were very much commended by the king and other principal people. Old Foyne came to our door on horseback, and advised us to put all our things into the godown, and daub up the door with wet clay, which would place them in safety. Captain Brower likewise, and some of his people, came very kindly to our house, offering to assist us either by land or water, if needful. It could not be known how this fire began, but there were reports among the Japanese that there would soon be a still greater fire, which had been predicted by the devil and his conjurers. I pray God it may not be done purposely by some villainous people, on purpose to rob and steal what they can lay hold of during the trouble and confusion.
The 20th I went to visit Captain Brower at the Dutch house, to return thanks for his friendly assistance the night before. Towards night, Hernando the Spaniard and Edward Markes returned from Nangasaki, where they could not procure sight of any of our fugitives, though they were still at that place. A Portuguese or Spaniard at Nangasaki, in high authority about sea affairs, told Markes we should never have our men back; but that if all the rest of our people would come, leaving the ship empty, they would be well received, and would be still more welcome if they brought the ship with them. The Japanese, who had been sent by king Foyne along with our people to look for our runaways, would not allow Markes to stir out of doors for a night and half a day after their arrival at Nangasaki, he going abroad himself, and Hernando lodging at a different place, whence I suspect there was some fraudulent understanding between the Japanese and Hernando, and have now lost hope of ever getting our men back. I blamed the jesuits, and the old king agreed with me, and told me he would take care that no more of our people should be carried to Nangasaki, except they stole the ship's boats, as the others had done, of which I gave notice to Mr James Foster, our master. Foyne at this time issued an edict, strictly forbidding any of the Japanese from carrying away any of our people, without previously making it known to him and me.
The 23d I was informed of a great pagan festival to be celebrated this day, both kings and all the nobles being to meet at a summer-house erected before the great pagoda, to see a horse-race. I think there must have been above 3000 people assembled together on this occasion. All the nobles went on horseback, each being accompanied by a retinue of slaves, some armed with pikes, some with fire-arms, and others with bows and arrows. The pikemen drew up on one side of the street, and the shot and archers on the other, the middle being left open for the race. Right before the summer-house, where the king and nobles were seated, was a large round target of straw, hung against the wall, at which the archers running at full career on horseback discharged their arrows. The street was so crowded, that neither the present we sent, nor we ourselves, could get admission, so we passed along the street and returned by another way to our house. Late at night, the brother of Zanzibar's wife came to our house, bringing me a present of a haunch of venison and a basket of oranges, being accompanied by Zanzibar himself. About ten at night, the Chinese captain, our landlord, came to inform us that the king had ordered a tub of water to be kept ready on the top of every house, as the devil had given out that the town was to be burnt down that night: Yet the devil proved a liar: We got however a large tub on the top of our house, which held twenty buckets of water; and all night long people ran about the streets calling out for every one to look well to their fires, so that it was strange and fearful to hear them.
This report of burning the town was still current on the 24th, and every one was making preparations to prevent it. I made ready fifteen buckets, which cost six condrines each, which I filled with water and hung up in our yard, setting a large tub beside them full of water, besides that on the house top. I gave orders likewise to get two ladders ready for carrying water to the roof, and provided nine wine casks filled with tempered clay, ready for daubing up the doors of the gadonge, [godown or fire-proof warehouse,] if need should require in consequence of a conflagration, from which dire necessity may God defend us. All night long, three or four men ran continually backwards and forwards in the streets, calling out for every one to have a care of fire, and making so horrible a noise, that it was both strange and fearful to hear them.
On the 25th, the Chinese captain, our landlord, was taken sick, and sent for a piece of pork, which I sent him, and immediately afterwards I went to visit him, carrying a small bottle of Spanish wine. While I was there, Semidono and our guardian's father-in-law came likewise to visit him. The king sent me word, by Miguel, our jurebasso, that he had a bad opinion of Hernando Ximenes our Spaniard, and that he meant to have run away when lately at Nangasaki. But I knew this to be false, as he had then free liberty to go where he pleased, and did not run away. I had another complaint made against him, that he was a notorious gambler, and had enticed several to play, from whom he won their money, which I believe rather than the other accusation. I find by experience, that the Japanese are not friendly to the Spaniards and Portuguese, and love them at Nangasaki the worse, because they love them so well.[36] In the night between the 24th and 25th, some evil-disposed persons endeavoured to have set the town of Firando on fire in three several places, but it was soon extinguished, and no harm done; but the incendiaries were not discovered, though doubtless owing to the conjurers and other base people, who expected an opportunity of making spoil when the town was on fire.
[Footnote 36: This is quite obscure, and may perhaps allude to the efforts of the Jesuits at Nangasaki, to convert the Japanese to a new idol worship, under the name of Christianity.--E.]
The 26th of October, Mr Melsham being very sick, Zanzibar came to visit him, and urged him to use the physic of the country, bringing with him a bonze, or doctor, to administer the cure. Mr Melsham was very desirous to use it, but wished our surgeon to see it in the first place. So the bonze gave him two pills yesterday, two in the night, and two this morning, together with certain seeds; but, for what I can see, these things did him no good. God restore his health! At this time, all our waste-cloths, pennants, brass sheaves, and other matters, were sent aboard, and our ship was put into order to receive our general, whose return was soon expected. Last night another house was set on fire by some villains, but was soon extinguished with very little harm; yet our nightly criers of fire continue to make such horrible noises, that it is impossible for any one to get rest. The Chinese captain still continued sick, and sent to beg some spiced cakes and two wax-candles, which I sent him, as I had done before. Mr Melsham now grew weary of his Japanese doctor and his prescriptions, and returned to our surgeon Mr Warner, to the great displeasure of Zanzibar and the bonze.
S.10. Conclusion of Observations by Mr Cockes.
Our Chinese landlord came to our house on the 30th October, to inform me of a general collection of provisions of all kinds, then making at every house in Firando, to be sent to the two kings, in honour of a great feast they were to give next day, together with a comedy or play. By his advice, and after consulting with the other gentlemen of the factory, I directed two bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted hens, a roasted pig, a small quantity of rusk, and three boxes of confections and preserves to be sent, as a contribution towards their feast. Before night the young king sent one of his men to me, requesting me to furnish him with some English apparel, for the better setting out their comedy, and particularly to let him have a pair of red cloth breeches. I answered, that I had nonesuch, and knew not any of our people who had; but any clothes I had that could gratify his highness were much at his service. At night the old king sent to invite me to be a spectator of their comedy on the morrow, and to bring Mr Foster, our master, along with me.
Next day, being the 31st, I sent our present, formerly mentioned, to the kings by our jurebasso before dinner, desiring their highnesses to excuse the master and myself, and that we would wait upon them some other time, when they had not so much company. This however did not satisfy them, and they insisted on our company, and that of Mr Eaton; so we went and had a place appointed for us, where we sat at our ease and saw every thing. The old king himself brought us a collation in sight of all the people; Semidono afterwards did the like in the name of both kings, and a third was brought us in the sequel by several of their principal nobles or attendants. But that which we most noted was their play or comedy, in which the two kings, with their greatest nobles and princes, were the actors. The subject was a representation of the valiant deeds of their ancestors, from the commencement of their kingdom or commonwealth to the present time, which was mixed with much mirth to please the common people. The audience was very numerous, as every house in the town of Firando, and every village, place, or hamlet in their dominions brought a present, and all their subjects were spectators. The kings themselves took especial care that every one, both high and low, should eat and drink before they departed. Their acting, music, singing, and poetry, were very harsh to our ears, yet the natives kept time to it, both with hands and feet. Their musical instruments were small drums or tabors, wide at both ends and small in the middle, resembling an hour-glass, on one end of which they beat with one hand, while with the other they strained the cords which surround it, making it to sound soft or loud at their pleasure, and tuning their voices to its sound, while others played on a fife or flute; but all was harsh and unpleasant to our ears. I never saw a play of which I took such notice, as it was wonderfully well represented, yet quite different from ours in Christendom, which are only dumb-shews, while this was as truth itself, and acted by the kings themselves, to preserve a continual remembrance of their affairs.
On this occasion, the king did not invite the Dutch, which made our being present seem the greater compliment. When I returned to our house, I found three or four of the Dutchmen there, one of whom was in a Japanese habit, and came from a place called Cushma,[37] which is within sight of Corea. I understood they had sold pepper there and other goods, and suspect they have some secret trade thence with Corea, or are likely soon to have, and I trust if they do well that we shall not miss, as Mr Adams was the man who put them upon this trade, and I have no doubt he will be as diligent for the good of his own countrymen as he has been for strangers. Hernando Ximenes was with Captain Brower when the two men came from Cushma, and asked them whence they came, at which Brower was very angry, telling him he should have no account of that matter.
[Footnote 37: Key-sima, an island considerably to the N.E. of Firando, and nearly midway between Niphon and Corea, from which it may be about forty miles distant.--E.]
Towards night, I was informed that two Spaniards were arrived from Nangasaki, and were lodged with Zanzibar. They sent for our jurebasso to come to them, but I did not allow him, on which they and Zanzibar came to our house. One of them was Andres Bulgaryn, a Genoese, who had passed Firando only a few days before, and the other Benito de Palais, pilot-major of the Spanish ship lately cast away on the coast of Japan, the same person who came here formerly from Nangasaki to visit Captain Adams. They said they had come to visit their friends, me in the first place; and used many words of compliment, after which they entered into conversation respecting our fugitives. They pretended that it was not the fathers, as they called the jesuits, who kept our people from being seen and spoken with, but the natives of Nangasaki, who they said were very bad people. In fine, I shrewdly suspected these fellows of having come a-purpose to inveigle more of our people to desert, as the others did, wherefore I advised our master to have a watchful eye both to the ship and boats, and to take special notice who kept company with our men, as it was best to doubt the worst, for the best will save itself.
On the night of the 1st November, two houses were set a-fire on the other side of the water, which were soon extinguished, but the villains could not be found out. This day I sent word to Mr Foster on board, to look well to the ship and the boats, and to the behaviour of our people, as I strongly suspected the two Spaniards of being spies, come to entice away our men. I sent him word likewise, that I understood the Spaniards meant to invite him that day to dinner, but wished him to beware they did not give him a higo.[38] He answered, that he had the same opinion of them I had, and should therefore be mainly on his guard. He came soon after on shore, and the Spaniards came to our house, where by much entreaty they prevailed on Mr Foster and Mr William Eaton to go with them to dinner at Zanzibar's house, along with Hernando and the other two Spaniards. But these two Spaniards came to me, and desired me to tell Mr Foster and those who went with him, to take heed they did not eat or drink of any thing they did not see tasted by others, as they were not to be trusted, which I communicated to Mr Foster and Mr Eaton. Ximenes told me that Mr Adams had goods in his hands belonging to the pilot-major, who had come in the hope of finding Mr Adams here, and meant to wait his return. He said they had likewise brought letters from the bishop and other fathers to the other two Spaniards, advising them to return to Nangasaki, but which I think they will not do. I this day sent our jurebasso to both kings and the other nobles, to give them thanks for the kind entertainment we had received the day before.
[Footnote 38: From the sequel, this unexplained term seems to imply treachery.--E.]
The 2d, some villains set fire to a house in the fish street, which was soon put out, and the incendiaries escaped. It is generally thought these fires were raised by some base renegados who lurk about the town, and who came from Miaco: Yet, though much suspected, no proof has hitherto been brought against them. There has, however, been orders given to construct gates and barriers in different parts of all the streets, with watches at each, and no person to be allowed to go about in the night, unless he be found to have very urgent business. Another villain got this night into the house of a poor widow, meaning to have robbed her; but on her making an outcry, he fled into the wood opposite our house, where the Pagoda stands.[39] The wood was soon after beset all around by above 500 men, but the robber could not be found. At night, when we were going to bed, there was a sudden alarm given that there were thieves on the top of our house, endeavouring to set it on fire. Our ladders being ready, I and others went up immediately, but found nobody, yet all the houses of our neighbours were peopled on the top like ours on similar alarms. This was judged to be a false alarm, risen on purpose to see whether any one would be found in readiness. At this very time there was a house set on fire, a good way from our house, but the fire was soon quenched. The night before, three houses were set a-fire in different parts of the town, but the fires were all extinguished at the beginning, so that no hurt was done. At this time, an order was issued to give notice of all the inhabitants dwelling in every house, whether strangers or others; and that all who were liable to suspicion should be banished from the dominions of the two kings of Firando. Bars or gates were erected to shut up the passages at the ends of all the streets, and watches were appointed in different places, with orders not to go about crying and making a noise, as had been done hitherto without either form or fashion. Yet, notwithstanding these precautions, a villain set fire about ten o'clock this night to a house near the Pagoda, opposite our house. He was noticed by the watch, who pursued him in all haste, but he escaped into the wood above the Pagoda. The wood was immediately beset by more than 500 armed men, and old king Foyne came in person with many of his nobles to assist in the pursuit; yet the incendiary escaped, and I verily believe he ran about among the rest, crying stop thief as, well as the best.
[Footnote 39: This word signifies either the idol, or the idol temple, or both.--Purch.]
On the night of the 4th, fire was set to several houses, both in the town and country round. An order was now given, to have secret watches in various parts of the town every night, and that no person should go out during the night except upon important occasions, and then to have a light carried before them, that it might be seen who they were. If this rule be duly enforced, our house-burners will be put to their wits end. I proposed these measures to the king and others above a week before, and now they are put in execution.
On the 5th I received a letter from Domingo Francisco, the Spanish ambassador, dated five days before from Ximenaseque, [Simonoseki,] and another from George the Portuguese. The ambassador went over land from that place to Nangasaki, and sent the letter by his servant, to whom I shewed the commodities he enquired after, referring him for others till the return of our general, but gave him an answer, of which I kept a copy. The man chose two pieces of fine Semian chowters and eight pieces of white bastas, paying seven tayes each for the chowters, and two tayes each for the bastas. A Spanish friar or Jesuit came in the boat along with the ambassador's servant, and asked to see our ship, which the master allowed him at my request, and used him kindly; for the old saw has it, That it is sometimes good to hold a candle to the devil. This day Mr Eaton, Hernando, and I dined with Unagense, and were kindly entertained.
About ten o'clock of the 6th November, 1613, our general and all his attendants arrived at Firando from the emperor's court, accompanied by Mr Adams. Immediately after his arrival, he sent me, with John Japan, our jurebasso, to visit both the kings, and to thank them for their kindness, for having so well accommodated him with a barge or galley, and for the care they had taken of the ship and every thing else during his absence. They took this message in good part, saying they would be glad to see our general at their houses. At this time certain merchants of Miaco came from Nangasaki to our house to look at our commodities, and among the rest took liking to ten pieces of cassedy nill, for which they agreed to give three tayes each. As had been done by other merchants, I sent the goods to their lodging, expecting to receive the money as usual; but they only sent me a paper, consigning me to receive payment from Semidono, who was newly gone from Firando on a voyage, and was met by our general. I sent back word to the merchants that I must either have payment or the goods returned, to which they answered, I should have neither one nor the other; and as the person with whom they lodged refused to pass his word for payment, I was forced to apply to both the kings for justice; but I first sent word aboard our ship, if the boat of Miaco weighed anchor to go away, that they should send the skiff to make her stay, which they did, and made her come to anchor again. In the mean time I went to the kings. The younger king said that Semidono was able enough to pay me; but when I asked him if Semidono refused to pay, whether he would, he answered no. While we were talking about the matter, the old king came in, and told me he would take order that I should be satisfied; so in the end the person with whom the merchants lodged passed his word for payment of the thirty tayes; yet the orders of old Foyne Same had come too late, if our skiff had not stopt the Miaco merchants. This day Captain Brower and all the merchants of the Dutch factory came to visit our general, and Nobisone sent him a young porker as a present, with a message saying he would come to visit him in a day or two.
S.11. Occurrences at Firando after the Return of Captain Saris.[40]
The 7th of November, 1613, I sent in the first place some presents to the two kings of Firando, and afterwards went to visit them. On the 8th, Andrew Palmer, the ship's steward, and William Marnell, gunner's mate, having been ashore all night and quarrelled in their cups, went out this morning into the fields and fought. Both are so grievously wounded, that it is thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and that Marnell will be lame of his hands for life. The 9th I went aboard ship early, and called the master and all the officers into my cabin, making known to them how much I was grieved at the misconduct of some of them, particularly of Palmer and Marnell, who had gone ashore without leave, and had so sore wounded each other, that one was in danger of his life, and the other of being lamed for ever; and besides, that the survivor ran a risk of being hanged if the other died, which would necessarily occasion me much vexation. I also said, I was informed that Francis Williams and Simon Colphax were in the boat going ashore to have fought, and that John Dench and John Winston had appointed to do the like. John Dench confessed it was true, and that he had seen Palmer and Marnell fighting, and had parted them, otherwise one or both had died on the field. I told them these matters were exceedingly distressing to me, and I trusted would now be remedied, otherwise the ship would be unmanned, to the overthrow of our voyage, and the vast injury of the honourable company which had entrusted us. After much contestation, they all engaged to amend what was amiss, and not to offend any more, which I pray God may be the case. I told them also, that old king Foyne had complained to me, threatening, if any more of them went ashore to fight and shed blood, contrary to the laws of Japan, he would order them to be cut in pieces, as he was determined strangers should have no more licence to infringe the laws than his own subjects.
[Footnote 40: We here resume the narrative of Captain Saris. Purch. Pilgr. I. 378. The observations of Mr Cockes, contained in the three preceding sub-sections, break off abruptly in the Pilgrims, as above.--E.]
At my return ashore, old Foyne Same came to visit me at the English house, and told me that the piece of Poldavy, and the sash I gave him, were consumed when his house was burnt down. This was in effect begging to have two others, which I promised to give him. I likewise got him to send some of his people aboard, along with John Japan, our jurebasso, to intimate to our men that if any of them went ashore to fight, he had given strict orders to have them cut in pieces. This I did in hopes of restraining them in future from any more drunken combats. Towards night, Juan Comas, a Spaniard, came from Nangasaki, bringing two letters from Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for Mr Cockes, together with three baskets of sugar as a present to me, and a pot of conserves, with many no less sugared words of compliment in his letters, saying how sorry he was that our seven fugitives had gone away during his absence, excusing himself and the Jesuits, who he pretended had no hand in the matter, and pretending they had never spoken against us, calling us heretics. He said our men had gone from Nangasaki, three of them in a Chinese or Japanese soma for Manilla, and four in a Portuguese vessel. Yet I esteem all these as vain words to excuse themselves, and throw the blame on others; for the Spaniards and Portuguese mutually hate each other and the Japanese, as these last do them.
The 11th I visited Nobesane, who used me kindly, and would have had me dine with him next day, but I excused myself on account of the press of business in which I was engaged, and the short time I had to stay. I met old king Foyne at his house, who requested to have two pieces of English salt beef, and two of pork, sodden by our cook, with turnips, radishes, and onions, which I sent him. The 12th, the governors of the two kings came to visit me at our factory, whence they went aboard the Clove, accompanied by Mr Cockes, to signify to our crew that they should beware of coming ashore to fight and shed blood; as, by the law of Japan, those who went out to fight and drew weapons for that purpose, were adjudged to death, and all who saw them were obliged to kill both offenders, on pain of ruining themselves and all their kindred if they neglected putting the combatants to death.
The 14th I sent Mr Cockes and our jurebasso to wait upon the kings, to entreat they would provide me twelve Japanese seamen who were fit for labour, to assist me in navigating the ship to England, to whom I was willing to give such wages as their highnesses might deem reasonable. The kings were then occupied in other affairs, so that my messengers spoke with their secretaries, who said they needed not to trouble the kings on that business, as they would provide me twelve fit persons; but that there were several vagrant people about the town who would be willing enough to go, yet were very unfit for my purpose, as they would only consume victuals, and of whom the Dutch made use without making any request on the matter, and it was not known what had become of these men or of the ship; but, as the matter was now referred to them, they would look out for such as were fit for our purpose.
The 18th, Foyne sent me word he would visit me, and meant to bring the dancing girls of the country along with him, which he did soon after, accompanied by three courtezans, and two or three men, who all danced and made music after their fashion, though harsh to our ears. The 19th, the Chinese captain, and George Duras, a Portuguese, came to visit me, requesting me to send to Semidono to procure pardon for two poor fellows who were like to lose their lives for bidding a poor knave flee who had stolen a bit of lead not worth three halfpence; and though the malefactor was taken and executed, these men were in danger of the same punishment, had I not sent Mr Cockes to Semidono with my ring, to desire their pardon for my sake, which he engaged to procure, and did in effect.
The 20th, Samedon, king of Crats,[41] sent me word he meant to go on board our ship, so I went there to meet him, and he came along with both the kings of Firando, when we saluted them with five pieces of ordnance; and we afterwards fired three with bullets at a mark, at the request of Samedon, who gave me two Japanese pikes, having cattans or sables on their ends. At their departure we again saluted them with seven guns, one being shotted and fired at the mark. The 22d I sent a present to the king of Crats, which was delivered to him at the house of Tomesanes the young king, where he was at breakfast. Samedon accepted it very kindly, sending me word by Mr Cockes that he was doubly obliged to me for his kind entertainment aboard, and for now sending him so handsome a present of such things as his country did not produce, all without any desert on his part, and the only recompence in his power was, if ever any of the English nation came into his dominions, he would give them a hearty welcome, and do them all the service in his power.
[Footnote 41: This personage must have been governor of one of the provinces, islands, or towns of Japan; but no place in that eastern empire bears a name in modern geography which in the smallest degree resembles Crats.--E]
The 25th, the purser and Mr Hownsell came ashore, and told me that Andrew Palmer, the steward, had died the night before, Thomas Warner, our surgeon, affirming that he owed his death to his own obstinacy, his wound being curable if he would have been ruled. I desired that he might be buried on an island as secretly as possible, as we were about to get some Japanese into our ship, who might be unwilling to embark if they heard of any one having died. On the 28th a Japanese was put to death, who some said was a thief, and others an incendiary. He was led by the executioner to the place of punishment, a person going before him carrying a board, on which the crime for which he was to be punished was written, and the same was exhibited on a paper flag carried over his head. Two pikemen followed the culprit, having the points of their pikes close to his back, ready to slay him instantly if he offered to resist.
The ship being ready to depart, several of the natives complained that the ship's company owed them money, and desired to be paid. To prevent greater inconvenience, I listened to these people, and wrote to the master to make enquiry aboard as to who were in debt, that I might satisfy their creditors, making deductions accordingly from their wages.
On the 26th I assembled my mercantile council to consult about leaving a factory here in Firando, upon these considerations. 1. The encouragement we had privately received at the Moluccas. 2. That the Dutch had already a factory here. 3. The large privileges now obtained from the emperor of Japan. 4. The certain advice of English factories established at Siam and Patane. 5. The commodities remaining on hand appointed for these parts, and the expected profit which farther experience might produce. It was therefore resolved to leave a factory here, consisting of eight Englishmen, three Japanese jurebassos or interpreters, and two servants. They were directed, against the coming of the next ships, to explore and discover the coasts of Corea, Tushmay, other parts of Japan, and of the adjoining countries, and to see what good might be done in any of them.
The 5th of December, 1613, Mr Richard Cockes, captain and Cape merchant of the English factory now settled at Firando in Japan, took his leave of me aboard the Clove, together with his company, being eight English and five others, as before mentioned. After their departure, we mustered the company remaining aboard, finding forty-six English, five swarts or blacks, fifteen Japanese, and three passengers, in all sixty-nine persons. We had lost since our arrival in Japan ten Englishmen; two by sickness, one slain in a duel, and seven who deserted to the Portuguese and Spaniards, while I was absent at the court of the emperor. The English whom we left in the factory were Mr Richard Cockes, William Adams, now entertained in the service of the company at a hundred pounds a year, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edward Saris, and William Nelson.
S.12. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence Home to England.
That same day, being the 5th December, we set sail with a stiff northerly gale, steering S. by W. 1/2 a point westerly. By exact observation on shore, we found the island of Firando to be in lat. 33° 30' N. and the variation 2° 50' easterly.[42] We resolved to keep our course for Bantam along the coast of China, for which purpose we brought our starboard tacks aboard, and stood S.W. edging over for China, the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale and fair weather. The 7th it blew very hard at N.W. and we steered S.S.W. encountering a great current which shoots out between the island of Corea[43] and the main land of China, occasioning a very heavy sea. The 8th, being in lat. 29° 40' N. we steered W.S.W, on purpose to make Cape Sumbor on the coast of China. The sea was very rough, and the wind so strong that it blew our main course out of the bolt ropes. The 9th, in lat. 28° 23', we sounded and had forty-nine to forty-five fathoms on an oozy bottom. The weather was clear, yet we could not see land. The 11th we had ground in forty-nine, forty-three, thirty-eight, thirty-seven, and thirty fathoms, the water being very green, and as yet no land to be seen.
[Footnote 42: The town of Firando is in lat. 33° 6' N. and even the most northern part of the island of that name only reaches to 33° 17'. The town is in long. 128° 42' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 43: Corea was long thought to be an island after the period of this voyage. Astl. I. 492. c.--It is now known to be an extensive peninsula, to the east of China, having the Yellow sea interposed.--E.]
The 12th, in thirty-five fathoms, and reckoning ourselves near the coast of China, we had sight of at least 300 sail of junks, of twenty and thirty tons each and upwards, two of which passed us close to windwards, and though we used all fair means to prevail upon them to come aboard we could not succeed, and seeing they were only fishing vessels we let them pass. Continuing our course we soon espied land, being two islands called the Fishers islands.[44] At noon our latitude was 25° 59' N. and we had ground at twenty to twenty-six fathoms. About seven p.m. while steering along the land, we came close by a rock, which by good providence we had sight of by moonlight, as it lay right in our course. When not above twice our ship's length from this rock, we had thirty fathoms water, on which we hauled off for one watch, to give the land a wide birth, and resumed our course S.W. after midnight. The wind was very strong at N.E. and continually followed as the land trended. The 13th, in lat. 24° 35' N. and variation 1° 30' easterly, having the wind strong at N.E. with fair weather, we steered S.W. keeping about five leagues off the islands along the coast of China. The 15th we came among many fisher boats, but had so much wind that we could not speak any of them, but they made signs to us, as we thought to keep to the westwards. At noon our lat. was 21° 40' N. and having the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale, we steered W.N.W. northerly, to make the land, and about two hours afterwards had sight of it, although by our dead reckoning we ought still to have been fifty-six leagues from it. It is to be noted, that the islands along the coast of China are considerably more to the southward than as laid down in the charts. About three p.m. we were within about two leagues of an island called Sancha[45].
[Footnote 44: By the latitude indicated in the text, Captain Saris appears to have fallen in with the coast of Fo-kien, and to have passed through between that province and the island of Formosa, without discovering the existence of that island.--E.]
[Footnote 45: Probably the island of Tchang-to-huen, to the S.W. of the bay of Canton, the situation of which agrees with the latitude in the text, and the sound of the two first syllables of which name has some affinity with that given by Saris, evidently from Spanish or Portuguese charts. At this part, of his voyage, Saris entirely misses to notice the large island of Hai-nan.--E.]
The 18th, in lat. 15° 43' N. we had sight of an island called Pulo-cotan, being high land, and is about twenty leagues, according to report, from the shoal called Plaxel. In the morning of the 19th the coast of Cambodia was on our starboard side, about two leagues off, along which we steered S.E. by E. easterly, our latitude at noon being 13° 31' N. estimating the ship to be then athwart Varella. We have hitherto found the wind always trade along shore, having gone large all the way from Firando, the wind always following us as the land trended. The 20th at noon we were in latitude 10° 53', and three glasses, or an hour and half after, we had sight of a small island, which we concluded to be that at the end of the shoal called Pulo-citi. We found the book of Jan Huyghens van Linschoten very true, for by it we have directed our course ever since we left Firando. The 22d we had sight of Pulo Condor about five leagues off, our latitude at noon being 8° 20' N.
About four a.m. on the 25th we made the island of Pulo Timon, and two hours afterwards saw Pulo Tinga. The 28th at three p.m. we had oosy ground at twenty fathoms, having divers long islands on our starboard and sundry small islands on our larboard, forming the straits of China-bata, which we found to be truly laid down in a chart made by a Hollander called Jan Janson Mole, which he gave to Mr Hippon, who gave it to the company. Pulo Bata, one of these islands, is low land, and is full of trees or bushes at the S.W. end.
A little before noon on the 29th, we perceived the colour of the water a-head of the ship to change very much, by which observation we escaped an imminent danger. This shoal seemed of a triangular shape, the S.W. end being the sharpest, and is not far from the entrance into the straits of China-bata. At noon our latitude was 4° 6' N. At eight p.m. we came to anchor in seven fathoms, the weather threatening to be foul in the night, the place very full of shoals, and our experience little or nothing. Before our anchor took hold, we had six 1/4, five 1/2, six, and then seven fathoms, soft sandy ground.
In the morning of the 30th we spoke the Darling, then bound for Coromandel, her company consisting of twenty-one English and nine blacks. By her we first learnt of the death of Sir Henry Middleton, the loss of the Trades-increase, and other incidents that had occurred during our voyage to Japan. In the night of the 30th God mercifully delivered us from imminent danger, as we passed under full sail close by a sunken ledge of rocks, the top of which was only just above water within a stone's throw of our ship; and had not the noise of the breakers awakened us, we had not cleared our ship. We instantly let go our anchor, being in a rapid current or tide-way, in seventeen fathoms upon oozy ground. When morning broke on the 31st we had sight of the high land of Sumatra, having an island a-stern, the ledge of rocks we had passed on our starboard, and three small islands forming a triangle on our larboard bow. We were about eight leagues off the high land of Java, but could not then get into the straits of Sunda, as the wind was quite fallen.
The 1st January, 1614, being quite calm, was mostly spent at anchor. The 2d, having a little wind, we set sail, and about eight o'clock fell in with the Expedition, homewards bound for England, laden with pepper, by which ship we wrote to our friends in England. The 3d we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, end to our great grief found no lading ready for us, for which neglect I justly blamed those I had left to provide the same, while they excused themselves by alleging they did not expect us so soon back. I questioned Kewee, the principal Chinese merchant, who came to visit me on board, as to the price of pepper. He answered, that it was already known ashore I was homewards bound, and must necessarily load pepper; and, as my merchants had not provided any before hand, I might be assured it would rise. He said the price was then at twelve dollars for ten sacks, but he could not undertake to deliver any quantity at that price. I offered him twelve dollars and a half the ten sacks, but he held up so high, that we had no hope of dealing for the present. Of the ten persons left by us in the factory when we departed for Japan, we found only five alive at our return, while we only lost one man between Firando and Bantam.
I went ashore on the 4th to visit the governor of Bantam, to whom I presented two handsome cattans, or Japanese swords, and other articles of value; and this day I bargained with Kewee for 4000 sacks of pepper at thirteen dollars the ten sacks, bating in the weight 3 per cent and directed the merchants to expedite the milling thereof as much as possible. I employed the 5th in reducing the several English factories at Bantam under one government, settling them all in one house; also in regulating the expences of diet, that all might be frugally managed, to prevent extravagance in rack-houses abroad, or in hanger-on blacks at home, which had lately been the case. I directed also that there should be fewer warehouses kept in the town, and that these might be better regulated, and the goods stowed in a more orderly manner. Hitherto the multiplication of factories, having one for each voyage, had occasioned great expence, and had raised the price of pepper, as each outbid the other, for the particular account of their own several voyages, with great loss to the public.
The 6th was employed in re-weighing the pepper received the day before, most of the sacks being found hard weight, and many to want a part of what was allowed by the king's beam; wherefore I sent for the weigher, whom I used kindly, entreating him to take a little more care to amend this fault, which he promised to do, and for his better encouragement I made him a present to the value of five dollars. The 16th being Sunday, I staid aboard, and about 2 p.m. we observed the whole town to be on fire. I immediately sent our skiff ashore to assist the merchants in guarding our goods. The wind was so violent, that in a very short space of time the whole town was burnt down, except the English and Dutch factories, which it pleased God of his mercy to preserve.
Being ashore on the 20th, I procured two Chinese merchants, named Lackmoy and Lanching, to translate the letter which the king of Firando in Japan had given me to deliver to our king, James I. It was written in the Chinese character and language, which they translated into the Malay, and which in English was as follows:
To the King of Great Britain, &c. "Most mighty king, I cannot sufficiently express how acceptable your majesty's most loving letter, and bountiful present of many valuable things, sent me by your servant Captain John Saris, has been to me; neither the great happiness I feel in the friendship of your majesty, for which I render you many thanks, desiring the continuance of your majesty's love and correspondence. I am heartily glad at the safe arrival of your subjects at my small island, after so long a voyage. They shall not lack my help and furtherance to the utmost, for effecting their so worthy and laudable purposes, of discovery and commerce, referring for the entertainment they have received to the report of your servant, by whom I send to your majesty an unworthy token of my gratitude; wishing your majesty long life. Given from my residence of Firando, the sixth day of the tenth month. Your majesty's loving friend, commander of this island of Firando in Japan,
FOYNE SAM-MASAM."
My interpreters could not well pronounce his name, Lanching saying it was Foyne Foshin Sam, while Lackmoy said it was written as above. This comes to pass by reason of the Chinese characters, which, in proper names, borrow the characters of other words, of the same or nearest sound, and thereby occasion frequent mistakes.
The 22d, such houses as had escaped in the former fire of the 16th, were now burnt down; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped, for which we were thankful to God. On the 26th, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons arrived from Holland, called the Flushing. At the island of Mayo, the company mutinied against the captain, whom they would have murdered in his cabin, had it not pleased God that a Scotsman revealed the plot when the mutineers were already armed to carry it into effect, so that they were taken between decks with their weapons in their hands. In this ship there were several English and Scots soldiers. She did not remain at Bantam, but sailed towards evening for Jacatra.
The 27th, our lading being fully procured, and several of our company fallen sick, I went ashore to hasten our merchants to get us ready for sailing. The 1st February, the Darling was forced back to Bantam; and order was taken by mutual consultation for the proper care of her goods, and for her immediate departure for Succadanea in the island of Borneo, and thence to Patane and Siam.
The 13th of February we got out from the straits of Sunda, in which the tide of flood sets twelve hours to the eastwards, and the ebb twelve hours to the westwards. On the 16th of May we anchored in the bay of Saldanha, where we found the Concord of London, being the first ship set out by the united company. We now found the natives of this place very treacherous, making us to understand by signs; that two of their people had been forcibly carried off. They had sore wounded one of the people belonging to the Concord; and while we were up in the land, they assaulted the people who were left in charge of our skiff, carried away our grapnel, and had spoiled the boat-keepers if they had not pushed off into deep water. The 19th a Dutch ship arrived bound for Bantam, the master being Cornelius van Harte.
We remained here twenty-three days, where we thoroughly refreshed the ship's company, and took away with us alive fourteen oxen and seventy sheep, besides good store of fish and beef, which we powdered there, finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten days after leaving Saldanha, we had the wind N.W. and W.N.W. but after that we had a fine wind at S.W. so that we could hold our course N.W. On the 27th September, thanks be to God, we arrived at Plymouth; where, for the space of five or six weeks, we endured more tempestuous weather, and were in greater danger of our lives, than during the whole voyage besides.
S.13. Intelligence concerning Yedzo, or Jesso, received from a Japanese at Jedo, who had been twice there.[46]
Yedzo, or Jesso, is an island to the N.W. of Japan, from which it is ten leagues distant. The natives are of white complexions, and well-conditioned, but have their bodies covered all over with hair like monkies. Their weapons are bows and poisoned arrows. The inhabitants of the south extremity of this country understand the use of weights and measures; but those who inhabit the inland country, at the distance of thirty days journey, are ignorant of these things. They have much silver and gold-dust, in which they make payment to the Japanese for rice and other commodities; rice and cotton-cloth being of ready sale among them, as likewise iron and lead, which are carried there from Japan. Food and cloathing are the most vendible commodities among the natives of that country, and sell to such advantage, that rice often yields a profit of four for one.
[Footnote 46: This article is appended to the Voyage of Saris, in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 384.--E.]
The town where the Japanese have their chief residence and mart in Yetizo is called Matchma,[47] in which there are 500 households or families of Japanese. They have likewise a fort here, called Matchma-donna. This town is the principal mart of Yedzo, to which the natives resort to buy and sell, especially in September, when they make provision against winter. In March they bring down salmon and dried fish of sundry kinds, with other wares, for which the Japanese barter in preference even to silver. The Japanese have no other settled residence or place of trade except this at Matchma [48]. Farther northward in Yedzo there are people of a low stature like dwarfs.[49] The other natives of Yedzo are of good stature like the Japanese, and have no other cloathing but what is brought them from Japan. There is a violent current in the straits between Yedzo and Japan, which comes from the sea of Corea, and sets E.N.E. The winds there are for the most part like those usual in Japan; the northerly winds beginning in September, and ending in March, when the southerly winds begin to blow.
[Footnote 47: In modern maps, the southern peninsula of Yesso, or Yedso, is named Matsaki, apparently the same name with that in the text.--E.]
[Footnote 48: In our more modern maps, there are four other towns or residences on the western coast of the peninsula of Matsaki, named Jemasina, Sirekosawa, Famomoli, and Aria.--E.]
[Footnote 49: The island of Kubito-sima, off the western coast of Yedzo, is called likewise in our maps, the Isle of Pigmies.--E.]
S.14. Note of Commodities vendible in Japan.[50]
Broad-cloths of all sorts, as black, yellow, and red, which cost in Holland eight or nine gilders the Flemish ell, two ells and three quarters, are worth in Japan, three, four, to five hundred.[51] Cloth of a high wool is not in request, but such as is low shorn is most vendible. Fine bayes of the before-mentioned colours are saleable, if well cottoned, but not such as those of Portugal. Sayes, rashes, single and double bouratts, silk grograms, Turkey grograms; camblets, Divo Gekepert, Weersetynen, Caniaut, Gewart twijne;[52] velvets, musk, sold weight for weight of silver; India cloths of all sorts are in request; satins, taffetas, damasks, Holland linen from fifteen to twenty stivers the Flemish ell, but not higher priced; diaper, damasks, and so much the better if wrought with figures or branches; thread of all colours; carpets, for tables; gilded leather, painted with figures and flowers, but the smallest are in best demand; painted pictures, the Japanese delighting in lascivious representations, and stories of wars by sea or land, the larger the better worth, sell for one, two, or three hundred. Quick-silver, the hundred cattees sell from three to four hundred.
[Footnote 50: This forms a part of the Appendix to the Voyage of Saris, Purch. Pilg. I. 394; where it is joined to the end of observations by the same author on the trade of Bantam, formerly inserted in this Collection under their proper date.--E.]
[Footnote 51: This account is very vaguely expressed; but in the title in the Pilgrims, the sales are stated to be in masses and canderines, each canderine being the tenth part of a masse. The information contained in this short subdivision is hardly intelligible, yet is left, as it may possibly be of some use towards reviving the trade of Japan, now that the Dutch are entirely deprived of their eastern possessions.--E.]
[Footnote 52: These articles, in italics, are unknown.]
The hundred cattees of vermilion are worth from three to six hundred. Paint for women's faces, the hundred cattees are worth twenty-eight. Cooper in plates, 125 Flemish pounds are worth from 90 to 100. Lead in small bars, the 100 cattees from 60 to 88. Lead in sheets is in greater request, the thinner the better, and 100 pounds Flemish sell for 80. Fine tin, in logs or bars, 120 pounds Flemish bring 350. Iron, twenty five Dutch ounces worth four. Steel, the 100 cattees, worth from one to two hundred. Tapestry. Civet, the cattee worth from 150 to 200. China root, the 100 cattees or pekul worth 40. China sewing gold, the paper worth three masse three. Powdered Chinese sugar, the 100 cattees or pekul worth forty to fifty. Sugar-candy, the pekul or 100 cattees, from fifty to sixty. Velvets, of all colours, eight ells the piece, from 120 to 130. Wrought velvets, from 180 to 200. Taffetas of all colours, and good silk, worth, the piece, from twenty-four to thirty or forty. Satin, seven or eight ells long, the piece worth from 80 to 100. Figured satin, from 120 to 150. Gazen, of seven pikes or ells, from forty to fifty. Raw silk, the cattee of twelve pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty. Untwisted silk, the weight of twenty-eight pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty. Twisted silk, from twenty-eight to forty.
Drinking-glasses of all sorts, bottles, canns, cups, trenchers, plates, beer-glasses, salt-sellers, wine-glasses, beakers, gilt looking-glasses of large size, Muscovy glass, salt, writing-papers, table-books, paper-books, lead to neal pots. Spanish soap is in much request, and sells for one masse the small cake. Amber beads, worth 140 to 160. Silk stockings, of all colours. Spanish leather, neats leather, and other kinds of leather used for gloves, worth six, eight, or nine. Blue candiques of China, from fifteen to twenty. Black candiques, from ten to fifteen. Wax for candles, 100 pounds Flemish worth from 200 to 250. Honey, the pekul, worth sixty. Samell of Cochin-China, the pekul, worth 180. Nutmegs, the pekul, twenty-five. Camphor of Borneo, or barous, the pound hollans, from 250 to 400. Sanders of Solier, the pekul, worth 100. Good and heavy Callomback wood, the pound, worth one, two, three, to five. Sapan, or red wood, the pekul, from twenty to twenty-six. Good and large elephants teeth, from 400, to 500, 600, 700, and even 800. Rhinoceros horns, the Javan cattee, worth thirty. Gilded harts-horns, the piece, worth 300, 400, 500. Roch allum in request, in so much that what cost only three gilders has sold for 100 gilders; but not in demand by every one.
The Chinese in Japan will commonly truck for silver, giving gold of twenty-three carats, at the rate of from fifteen to twenty times its weight in silver, according as silver is plenty or scarce.
The following commodities are to be bought in Japan, and at the rates here quoted. Very good hemp, 100 cattees, being 120 pounds of Holland, are worth from sixty-five to seventy. Eye-colours for dying blue, almost as good as indigo, made up in round cakes, and packed 100 cakes in a fardel, worth fifty to sixty. Dye-stuff for white, turning to red colour, made up in fardels of fifty gautins malios, worth five to eight. Very good white rice, cased, worth, the fares, eight three-fifths. Rice of a worse sort, the bale, worth seven three-tenths. At Jedo, Osaka, and Miaco, there is the best dying of all sorts of colours, as red, black, and green; and for gliding gold and silver, is better than the Chinese varnish. Brimstone is in great abundance, and the pekul may be bought for seven. Saltpetre is dearer in one place than another, being worth one and a half. Cotton-wool, the pekul, may be bought for ten.
S.15. Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the Departure of Captain Saris.[53]
"This subdivision consists entirely of letters from Japan, and conveys some curious information respecting the transactions of the English in Japan, whence they have been long excluded. They are now perhaps of some interest, beyond the mere gratification of curiosity, as, by the entire expulsion of the Dutch from India, there seems a possibility of the British merchants in India being able to restore trade to that distant country. In the Third PART of our Collection, various other relations of Japan will be inserted."--E.
[Footnote 53: These are appended in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 406--413, to the observations of Mr. Richard Cocks, already given in conjunction with the voyage of Captain Saris.--E.]
No. I. Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December, 1614.[54]
To this day, I have been unable to complete my old books of accounts, owing to the dispatching of our people, some to one place and some to another, and owing to the rebuilding of our house, and afterwards buying a junk, and repairing her. She is now ready to set sail for Siam, having been at anchor these ten days, waiting for a fair wind to proceed on her voyage, at Couchi, a league from Firando, where your ship rode at your departure from hence. She is called the Sea-Adventure, of about 200 tons burden, in which Mr Adams goes as master, with Mr Wickham and Mr Edward Sayers as merchants, in consequence of the death of Mr Peacock, slain in Cochin-China, and the probability that Mr Carwarden has been cast away in his return from thence, as we have no news of him or of the junk in which he sailed, as I have at large informed the worshipful company.
[Footnote 54: This letter appears to have been written to Captain Saris.--E.]
Since your departure from Japan, the emperor has banished all jesuits, priests, nuns, and friars, from the country, shipping them off for Anacau [Macao] in China, or Manilla in the Philippine islands, and has caused all their churches and monasteries to be pulled down or burnt. Foyne Same, the old king of Firando, is dead, and Ushiandono, his governor, with two other servants, cut open their bellies to bear him company, their bodies being burned, and their ashes entombed along with his. Wars are likely to ensue between Ogusho Same, the old emperor, and Fidaia Same, the young prince, son of Tico Same, who has strongly fortified himself in the castle of Osaka, having collected an army of 80,000 or 100,000 men, consisting of malcontents, runaways, and banished people, who have repaired from all parts to his standard, and he is said to have collected sufficient provisions for three years. The old emperor has marched against him in person, with an army of 300,000 men, and is at the castle of Fusima. The advanced parties of the two armies have already had several skirmishes, and many have been slain on both sides. The entire city of Osaka has been burned to the ground, excepting only the castle, so that Mr Eaton had to retire with his goods to Sakey,[55] yet not without danger, as a part of that town has likewise been burnt. So great a tempest or tuffoon has lately occurred at Edoo [Jedo,] as had never been before experienced at that place. The sea overflowed the whole city, obliging the people to take refuge on the hills: and the prodigious inundation has defaced or thrown down all the houses of the nobles, which you know were very beautiful and magnificent.
[Footnote 55: It has been formerly explained that Sakey was a town on the river Jodo, directly opposite to Osakey or Osaka, the river only being interposed.--E.]
Let this suffice for Japanese news; and I now proceed to inform you of our success in selling our goods. The emperor took all our ordnance, with most of our lead, and ten barrels of gunpowder, with two or three pieces of broad-cloth. Most of our other broad-cloths are sold, namely, black, hair-colour, and cinnamon-colour, at fifteen, fourteen, thirteen, and twelve tayes the tattamy; but they will not even look at Venice-reds and flame-colours, neither are stammels in such request as formerly, but they enquire much for whites and yellows. As the Dutch sold most of their broad-cloths at low prices, we were forced to do so likewise. In regard to our Cambaya goods, they will not look at our red Zelas, blue byrams, or dutties, being the principal part of what is now left us; and only some white bastas sell at fourteen or fifteen masses each. Cassedys nill, alleias, broad pintados, with spotted, striped, and checquered stuffs, are most in request, and sell at good profit. We have also sold nearly half of our Bantam pepper for sixty-five masse the pekull, and all the rest had been gone before now, had it not been for the war. I am in great hope of procuring trade into China, through the means of Andrea, the China captain, and his two brothers, who have undertaken the matter, and have no doubt of being able to bring it to bear, for three ships to come yearly to a place near Lanquin,[56] to which we may go from hence in three or four days with a fair wind. Of this I have written at large to the worshipful company, and also to the lord-treasurer.
[Footnote 56: As Nangasaki is uniformly named Langasaque in this first English voyage to Japan, I am apt to suspect the Lanquin of the text may have been Nan-kin.--E.]
Some little sickness with which I have been afflicted is now gone, for which I thank God. Mr Easton, Mr Nealson, Mr Wickham, and Mr Sayer, have all been very sick, but are all now well recovered, except Mr Eaton, who still labours under flux and tertian ague. May God restore his health, for I cannot too much praise his diligence and pains in the affairs of the worshipful company. Jacob Speck, who was thought to have been cast away in a voyage from hence to the Moluccas, is now returned to Firando in the command of a great ship called the Zelandia, together with a small pinnace called the Jacatra. The cause of his being so long missing was, that in going from hence by the eastward of the Philippines, the way we came, he was unable to fetch the Moluccas, owing to currents and contrary winds, and was driven to the west of the island of Celebes, and so passed round it through the straits of Desalon, and back to the Moluccas. The Chinese complain much against the Hollanders for robbing and pilfering their junks, of which they are said to have taken and rifled seven. The emperor of Japan has taken some displeasure against the Hollanders, having refused a present they lately sent him, and would not even speak to those who brought it. He did the same in regard to a present sent by the Portuguese, which came in a great ship from Macao to Nangasaki. You thought, when here, that if any other ship came from England we might continue to sell our goods without sending another present to the emperor; but I now find that every ship which comes to Japan must send a present to the emperor, as an established custom. I find likewise that we cannot send away any junk from hence without procuring the yearly licence from the emperor, as otherwise no Japanese mariner dare to leave the country, under pain of death. Our own ships from England may, however, come in and go out again when they please, and no one to gainsay them.
We have not as yet been able by any means to procure trade from Tushma into Corea; neither indeed have the inhabitants of Tushma any farther privilege than to frequent one small town or fortress, and must not on pain of death go beyond the walls of that place. Yet the king of Tushma is not subject to the emperor of Japan.[57] We have only been able to sell some pepper at Tushma, and no great quantity of that. The weight there is much heavier than in Japan, but the price is proportionally higher.
[Footnote 57: No place or island of any name resembling Tushma is to be found in our best maps. The name in the text probably refers to Tausima, called an some maps Jasus, an island about forty miles long, about midway between Kiusiu and Corea.--E.]
I have been given to understand that there are no great cities in the interior of Corea, between which inland country and the sea there are immense bogs or morasses, so that no one can travel on horseback, and hardly even a-foot; and as a remedy against this, they have great waggons or carts upon broad flat wheels, which are moved by means of sails like ships. Thus, by observing the monsoons or periodical winds, they transport their goods backwards and forwards, by means of these sailing waggons. In that country they make damasks, sattins, taffaties, and other silk stuffs, as well as in China.
It is said that Fico Same, otherwise called Quabicondono, the former emperor of Japan, pretended to have conveyed a great army in these sailing waggons, to make a sudden assault upon the emperor of China in his great city of Pekin, where he ordinarily resides; but was prevented by a nobleman of Corea, who poisoned himself to poison the emperor and many of the nobles of Japan. On which occasion, as is said, the Japanese lost, about twenty-two years ago, all that they had conquered in Corea.
James Turner, the youth who used to play the fiddle, left a girl here with child; and though I gave her two tayes in silver to bring up the child; she killed it as soon as it was born, which is a common thing in this country. The whistle and chain belonging to Mr Foster, the master of the Clove, are found, and are under the charge of Mr Adams, who will be accountable for them. I meant to have sent you a Japanese almanack by a former letter to the same effect as this, dated the 25th ultimo, and sent by the Sea Adventure by way of Siam, but forgot to do so; and which I now send along with this letter. I pray you that this letter may suffice for your brother, Mr George Saris, and the rest of my loving friends: And, with hearty commendations in general, I leave you all to the holy protection of the Almighty; resting always your ever loving friend at command, RICHARD COCKS.
No. 2. Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December, 1614, to the Worshipful Thomas Wilson, Esq. at his House in the Britain-burse[58] in the Strand.
[Footnote 58: Perhaps that now called Exeter Change.--E.]
My last to you was of the 1st December, 1613, from this island of Firando in Japan, and sent by Captain John Saris in the ship Clove. In that letter, I advised you how unkindly the Hollanders dealt with us at the Moluccas; since which time there has not occurred any matter of moment to communicate, except what I have detailed in another letter to my good Lord Treasurer. It is given out here by the Hollanders, that our East India Company and that of Holland are likely to join into one; and if this prove true, it is thought it will be an easy matter to drive the Spaniards and Portuguese out of these eastern parts of the world, or else to cut them off from all trade. You would hardly believe how much the Hollanders have already daunted the Portuguese and Spaniards in these parts, especially in the Moluccas, where they daily encroach on the Spaniards, who are unable to withstand them, and are even in fear that they may shortly deprive them of the Philippine islands. The Portuguese also are in great fear of being driven by them out of the trade they now carry on from Ormus to Goa, and with Malacca and Macao in China.
There is one thing of which I cannot yet conceive the issue, and that is the robbing and plundering the Chinese junks, which is daily done by the Hollanders in these parts, the goods whereof must amount to great value, and suffice to fit out and maintain a great fleet, which is worthy of consideration. Should the emperor of Japan fall out with the Hollanders, and debar them from the trade of his dominions, which is not unlikely, the Hollanders will then make prize of the Japanese junks as well as of those of China; for their strength at sea in these parts is sufficient to do what they please, if only they had a place to retire to for revictualling and refitting their ships; for they are of late grown so stout, that they mock at those who were formerly their masters and teachers. It is very certain that they have got possession of several fortresses at the Moluccas and other parts; yet, to my certain knowledge, the natives in these parts are more inclined towards the Spaniards, although at the first they were glad of the arrival of the Hollanders, having been disgusted by the intolerable pride of the Spaniards. But now they have time to reflect, that the Spaniards brought them abundance of money, and were liberal though proud; while the poor Hollanders, who serve there both by sea and land, have such bare pay, that it can hardly supply clothes and food; and their commanders allege, that all the benefits derived from conquest or reprisals, belong to the states and the Winthebbers, as they call them. It is hard to judge how all these things may end.
Were it not for the misbehaviour of the Hollanders, I am of opinion that we should procure trade with China, as we only demand leave for three ships to come and go there, and merely to establish factors there to transact our business, without bringing any Jesuits or padres, whom the Chinese cannot abide to hear of, because they came formerly in such great numbers to inhabit the land, and were always begging and craving, to the great displeasure of the pagans. I am however in good hope of success, as our English nation has acquired a good fame and character since our arrival, which I am given to understand has come to the ears of the emperor of China, who has heard how we have been received by the emperor of Japan, having large privileges allowed us, and also that we have at all times held the Castilians in defiance both by sea and land. I have been informed of these things by the Chinese who come hither, and that the emperor and other great men of China delight to hear accounts of our nation. I had almost forgotten to mention, that some China merchants lately asked me, if we were allowed to trade with China, whether the king of England would prevent the Hollanders from robbing and spoiling their junks? Which question was rather doubtful to me, yet I answered that his majesty would take measures to prevent the Hollanders from injuring them.
We have lately had news that a tuffon or tempest has done vast injury at Jedo, a city of Japan as large as London, where the Japanese nobility have very beautiful houses, now mostly destroyed or greatly injured. The whole city was inundated, and the inhabitants forced to take shelter in the hills; a thing never before heard of. The palace of the king, which is a stately building in a new fortress, has had all its gilded tiles carried away by a whirlwind, so that none of them could be found. The pagans attribute this calamity to some charms or conjurations of the Jesuits, who were lately banished: but the Japanese converts to popery ascribe it to the vengeance of God, as a punishment for having banished these holy men.
We have lately had a great disaster in Cochin-China, to which place we sent a quantity of goods and money, to the value of £730, as it cost in England, under the care of Mr Tempest Peacock and Mr Walter Carwarden, who went as merchants in a Japanese junk, carrying our king's letters and a handsome present for the king of Cochin-China. They arrived at the port called Quinham,[59] delivered his majesty's letters and present, and were entertained with kind words and fair promises. The Hollanders, seeing that we adventured to that country, would needs do the same, and were at first kindly entertained; but in the end, Mr Peacock and the chief Dutch merchant going ashore one day in the same boat, to receive payment from the king for broad-cloth and other commodities they had sold him, they were treacherously assailed on the water, their boat overset, and both were killed in the water with harpoons, as if they had been fishes, together with their interpreters and other attendants, who were Japanese. Mr Carwarden being aboard our junk escaped sharing in this massacre, and came away, but neither he nor the junk have ever been since heard of, so that we fear he has been cast away.
[Footnote 59: Turon is the port of Cochin-China in the present time, and Quinham is unknown in modern geography; perhaps the old name of some island or village at the port or bay of Turon.--E.]
It is commonly reported here, both among the Chinese and Japanese, that this was done by order of the king of Cochin-China in revenge against the Hollanders, who had burnt one of his towns, and had slaughtered his people most unmercifully. The origin of this quarrel was occasioned by a large quantity of false dollars, sent to Quinham by the Hollanders some years ago, and put off in payment for silks and other Chinese goods, to the great injury of the merchants of that country. When the falsehood of the money was discovered, they laid hands upon the Dutch factors, and are said to have put some of them to death. Upon this the Dutch ships came upon the coast, and landed a body of men, who burnt a town, putting man, woman, and child to the sword. This, as reported, was the occasion of our present mischance, and of the slaughter of Mr Peacock, because he was in company with the Hollanders. Along with this letter, I send you a Japanese almanack, by which you will see the manner of their printing, with their figures and characters. And so I leave you to the holy protection of the Almighty, resting always, &c.
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 3. Letter from Edmond Sayer, dated Firando, 5th December, 1615. But having no Address.
I received a letter from you by the hands of Captain Copendall of the Horiander, who arrived here on the 29th of August this year, by which I learnt your safe arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, homewards bound, and of the loss of some of your company; and I make no doubt that, long ere now, you are safe arrived in England, by the blessing of God. I sent you a letter, dated in November, 1614, by the Dutch ship called the Old Zealand, in which I informed you of the death of Mr Peacock and Walter Carwarden, both betrayed in Cochin-China, to our great grief, besides the loss of goods to the company.
The last year, Mr Wickham, Mr Adams, and I, when bound for Siam in a junk we had bought, and meeting with great storms, our vessel sprung a leak, and we were fain to bear up for the Leukes[60] islands, where we had to remain so long, before we could stop our leaks, that we lost the monsoon, and had to return here. We have fitted her out again this year, and are now ready to sail again for Siam. My greatest hope in these parts is, that we shall be able to establish trade with China, of which we seem to have a fair prospect through the efforts of the China captain and his brothers; and I make no doubt that we shall have a factory there ere long.
[Footnote 60: The Liqueo islands are here obviously meant, a group to the south of the south-western extremity of Japan, in 28° N. and long. 129° 30' W. from Greenwich; such being the latitude and longitude of the centre of the great Liqueo, the principal island of the group.--E.]
This last summer we have had great troubles, in consequence of war between the emperor and Fidaia Same, and we do not certainly know whether the latter be slain or fled; but the emperor gained the victory, with a vast loss of men on both sides.[61] Having no other news to write, I commit you to the protection of the Almighty, and am, &c. EDMOND SAYER.
[Footnote 61: In the text of the Pilgrims, this loss is estimated at 400,000, and in a marginal note at 40,000, both in words at length; for which reason the number is omitted in the text.--E.]
No. 4. Letter, with no address, from Edmond Sayer, dated Firando, 4th December, 1616.
Worshipful Sir,--My duty always remembered. Having a favourable opportunity, I could not omit to trouble you with a few lines. I am but newly arrived here in Firando from a difficult and tedious voyage to Siam, to which country we went in a junk belonging to the right honourable company, in which Mr Adams was master, and myself factor. Having bought there more goods than our own junk could carry, we freighted another junk for Japan, in which Mr Benjamin Fry, the chief in the factory at Siam, thought it proper for me to embark, for the safety of the goods. The year being far spent, we were from the 1st June to the 17th September in our voyage between Siam and Shachmar, during which we experienced many storms and much foul weather, and lost twenty of our men by sickness and want of fresh water. The great cause of our tedious and unfortunate voyage was in our not having a good pilot. The one we had was a Chinese, who knew nothing of navigation; for, when out of sight of land, he knew not where he was, nor what course to steer. Besides he fell sick, and was unable to creep out of his cabin, so that I was obliged to do my best to navigate our junk; which, with what small skill I possessed, and by the aid of God, I brought safe to Shachmar, where we arrived on the 17th of September, having then only five men able to stand on their legs. In consequence, I arrived so late at Firando that I could not go this year to Siam. But Mr William Eaton has gone there in the company's junk, having two English pilots, named. Robert and John Surges.--I am, &c. EDMOND SAYER.
No. 5. Letter from Richard Cocks to Captain John Saris, dated Firando, 15th February, 1617.[62]
[Footnote 62: Perhaps the date of this letter, according to modern computation, ought to have been 1618, as in those days the year did not begin till Lady-day, the 25th March.--E.]
My last letter to you was dated 5th January, 1616, and sent by way of Bantam in the ship Thomas, which went from hence that year along with another small ship called the Advice. In that letter I wrote you at large of all things that had then occurred, and mentioned having received two of your letters from London; one dated 4th November, 1614, and the other 15th August, 1615. The Advice has since returned to Japan, and arrived at Firando on the 2d of August last, and by her I had a letter from the honourable company, dated 30th January, 1616.
You will perhaps have heard that Captain Barkeley, while on his death-bed, narrowly escaped losing 6000 dollars, paid out for custom on pepper; for, if he had died before it was found out, perhaps some other man might have taken credit for paying that sum. It is a common saying, that it is easy for those who live at Bantam to grow rich, as no man dies without an heir. We have been again this year before the emperor of Japan, but could not procure our privileges to be enlarged, having still only leave to carry on trade at Firando and Nangasaki, and our ships to come only to Firando.
Mr Edmond Sayer went last year to Cochin-China with a cargo amounting to about 1800 tayes, in goods and money; and when ready to cone away, was defrauded of 650 tayes, by a Chinese and others, of whom he had bought silk for the worshipful company. He had weighed out the money, waiting to receive the silk, and the money lay in the room where he sat; but some of the thievish people made a hole through the cane-wall of the room, and stole away the money unperceived. I am sorry for this mischance; but Mr Sayer is in hopes to recover it this year, as he left a person to follow out the suit, and goes back himself in a Chinese junk, with 2000 tayes in silver to purchase silk. He is to be accompanied by one Robert Hawley, as his assistant and successor, in case be should die, and Mr William Adams goes pilot, in place of the Chinese. God send them a prosperous voyage, and that they may recover the lost money. Our own junk, the Sea Adventure, made another voyage last year to Siam, Mr William Eaton being merchant; and has gone back again this year. God send them a prosperous voyage.
Last year, the Hollanders sent a fleet of ships from the Moluccas to Manilla, to fight the Spanish fleet: But the Spaniards kept safe in port for five or six months, so that the Hollanders concluded they durst not come out at all, and therefore separated to look out for Chinese junks, of which some say they took and plundered twenty-five, while others say thirty-five. It is certain that they took great riches, and all under the assumed name of Englishmen. At length the Spanish fleet put to sea, and set upon five or six of the Dutch ships, the admiral of which was burnt and sank, together with two other ships, the rest escaping. The Spaniards then separated their fleet, to seek out the remaining Dutch ships. The Spanish vice-admiral fell in with two Dutch ships one morning and fought them both all day; but was at length constrained to run his ship ashore and set her on fire, that she might not be taken by the Hollanders. These two Dutch ships, and one that was in the former fight, came afterwards to Firando, together with two other large Dutch ships from Bantam, as big as the Clove, intending to have intercepted the Macao ship, which they narrowly missed. Thus five great Holland ships came this year to Firando, the smallest of them being as large as the Clove. One of these, called the Red Lion, which was she that rode beside us at the Moluccas, was cast away in a storm at Firando, together with a Chinese junk they brought in as a prize. All the goods were recovered, but were all wet. The emperor allows them to make good prize of all they take.
The Black Lion, one of their ships, of 900 tons burden, was sent away for Bantam, fully laden with raw silk and other rich Chinese commodities. Another, called the Flushing, of 700 or 800 tons, is gone for the Moluccas, fully laden with provisions and money. The Sun, a ship of 600 or 700 tons, with a galliass of above 400 tons, are left to scour the coast of China, to make what booty they can, and to return next monsoon. The galliass has sailed already, but the Sun waits for the Macao ship departing from Nangasaki, that she may endeavour to take her. The Macao ship had actually sailed, but seeing the galliass, she returned to Nangasaki, and will, as I think, hardly venture to sail this year. As I said before, the Dutch have always robbed the Chinese under the name of Englishmen, which has greatly injured our endeavours to procure trade in that country; so that we have been obliged to send people to give notice to the Chinese governors, that they were Hollanders who have taken and plundered their junks, and not Englishmen. In fine, I have advised the worshipful company at large of every thing of moment, which I doubt not will be communicated to you. I send you here inclosed a copy of my last year's letter; and so, committing you to God, I rest your loving friend at command,
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 6. Extract of a Letter from Richard Cocks, without Date or Address.
There came two friars in that ship as ambassadors from the viceroy of New Spain, with a present for the emperor; but he would neither receive the present, nor speak with them that brought it, even sending Mr Adams to order them to quit his dominions, as he had formerly banished all men of their cloth, and continued still in the same mind. It is said that Fidaia Same had promised to receive the jesuits again into Japan, if he had got the victory and been settled in the empire. Had this taken effect, we and the Hollanders had doubtless been turned out of Japan, so that it is better as it is.
Last year, when we fitted out our junk, we employed a Spaniard, called Damian Marina, the same person who thought to have gone with you in company with George Peterson. This Damian was a good helmsman, and was therefore employed by us, and another Spaniard, named Juan de Lievana, went with them as passenger. The junk however lost her voyage, and they returned to Nangasaki, where the carrak of Macao soon afterwards arrived. Understanding that these two Spaniards had gone in our vessel, the Portuguese arrested them and put them in irons in their ship, condemning them to death as traitors to their king and country, for serving their English enemies. I took their defence in hand, and procured an order from the emperor to set them at liberty, to the great displeasure of the Spaniards and Portuguese; and these two men are going passengers to Bantam in the Hosiander.
We have had great troubles in Japan, in consequence of the wars, by transporting our goods from place to place, to save them. Mr Adams is gone again in the junk for Siam, accompanied only by Mr Edmond Sayer. Mr Nealson is very sick; but Mr Wickham and Mr Eaton are both well. I long to hear from you, and I pray you to deliver the inclosed to my brother. Yours, most assured at command,
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 7. Letter from Richard Cocks, without Address, dated Firando, 10th March, 1620.[63]
[Footnote 63: In the Pilgrims, the date of this letter is made 1610, evidently by error of the press; and, as observed of No. 5, the real date, according to modern computation, ought to be 1621. The introductory paragraph is a note by Purchas, distinguished by inverted commas, retained as a curious specimen of his mode of writing.--E.]
"Hollanders abuses of the English in those parts, are here published for knowledge of these eastern affairs and occurrents, as it is meet in a history. But neither were these national, but personal crimes, and done in time and place of pretended hostility; and now, I hope, satisfaction is or shall be made. Neighbourhood of region, religion, and customs, are easily violated by drink, covetousness, and pride, the three furies that raised these combustions. This history hath related the worth of many worthy Hollanders: If it yields a close-stool for Westarwood, as excrements rather than true Dutch, or a grain-tub or swill-tub for some brave brewers and bores, that embrued with nobler blood than themselves, prefer their brutish passions to God's glory, religion, and public peace let it be no imputation to the nation, which I love and honour, but to such baser spirits as have [like scorbutical humours in these long voyages, and their longer peace and want of wonted employments,] been bred as diseases to their, and infections to our bodies. My intent is to present others with their acts, and myself with prayers, that all may be amended."--Purchas.
It is now almost three years since I wrote your worship any letter. The purpose of this is to inform you of the unlooked for and unruly proceedings of the Hollanders against our English nation, in all these parts of the world, not sparing us even in this empire of Japan, contrary to the large privileges granted to us by the emperor, that the Japanese should not meddle with or molest us. But these Hollanders, having this year seven ships great and small in this port of Firando, have, with sound of trumpet, proclaimed open war against our English nation, both by sea and land, threatening to take our ships and goods, and to kill our persons, as their mortal enemies. This was done by one Adam Westarwood, their admiral or lord-commander, as they call him, and was openly proclaimed aboard all their ships. They have even come to brave us before our own doors, picking quarrels with us, and forcibly entering our house, thinking to have cut all our throats, yet only wounded two persons; and, had it not been for the assistance of the Japanese our neighbours, who took our parts, they had assuredly slain us all, as there were an hundred Hollanders to one Englishman. Not contented with this, they took our boat when going about our business, in which was one Englishman, whom they carried prisoner to their house, threatening to put him to death; and indeed he was in imminent danger, among a crowd of drunken fellows, who threatened to stab him with their knives. This young man was Richard King, son to Captain King of Plymouth. Besides this, as two of our barks were passing their ships, within the town and harbour of Firando, they pointed a cannon at them, which missed fire, yet shot at them with muskets, which missed the Englishmen and killed a Japanese. For all this there is no justice executed against them by the king of Firando, though he has received the commands of the emperor to that effect.
Yon will also please to understand, that two of these ships which they have brought to Firando are English ships, taken by them from Englishmen in the Indies. They also took two other ships from us, which were riding at anchor in the road of Patania, where we have a factory, and had not the least suspicion of any such event. In this unwarrantable affair, they killed Captain John Jordaine,[64] our chief president for the right worshipful company in the Indies. Several others were then slain, and the Hollanders carried the ships and goods away; but six of the mariners, which were in these captured English ships, escaped from them here at Firando, and came to our house. The Hollanders sent to me, demanding to have these men given up to them. But I answered, that I must first see their commission, that I might know by what authority they presumed to take our ships and goods, and to slay our men, the faithful subjects of his majesty. Upon this, they went to the Tono, or king of Firando, desiring to have their English slaves,[65] as they were pleased to call our men, delivered up to them. But they were told, that they must first demand of the emperor, and whatever he ordained should be obeyed; but that, in the meantime, he did not consider the English to be their slaves. This was the grand occasion on which they grounded their quarrel against us, and meant to have killed us all. But I trust in God and his majesty, by the solicitations of our right honourable and right worshipful employers, that his majesty will not suffer his true and loyal subjects to lose their lives, ships, and goods by this thievish and unthankful rabble, who are assembled in these parts of the world, and who make a daily practice to rob and steal from all, whether friends or foes: And I trust that you will become a solicitor in this so just cause, against so inveterate an enemy.
[Footnote 64: This Captain Jordaine is said to have been treacherously slain in the time of a treaty--Purch.]
[Footnote 65: And who was the happy instrument of their own delivery, from what they accounted slavery, but the English nation?--Purch.]
This Adam Westarwood, their lord-commander, set my life to sale; offering fifty dollars to any one that would kill me, and thirty dollars for every other Englishman that they could slay: But hitherto God hath preserved me and the rest in this place; for though they have wounded two or three of our men, none have died. This villainous proceeding[66] of their lord-commander was secretly told me by some of their own people, who advised me and the rest of us to take heed to our safety. They also informed me of the noble parentage of this their lord-commander Westarwood, telling me that his father is a close-stool maker at Amsterdam, or thereabouts; and that the best of their captains are the sons of shoemakers, carpenters, or brewers. God bless their honourable and worshipful generation! I would say, God bless me from them. To make an end of this matter, I went up this year to the emperor's court at Meaco, to complain of the abuses offered to us in his dominions, contrary to the privileges his majesty had granted us. I had very good words, and fair promises made me that we should have justice, and that the tono or king of Firando should be ordered to see it performed: But as yet nothing has been done, though I have many times made earnest suit on the subject.
[Footnote 66: Unchristian, uncivil, inhumane, immane, devilish impiety.--Purch.]
While I was at the court, and in the emperor's palace at Meaco, there were several Spaniards and Portuguese there to pay their obeisance to the emperor, as is their custom every year on the arrival of their ships. There was also a Hollander at the court, who had lived almost twenty years in Japan, and speaks the Japanese language very fluently. In my hearing, and that of others, this fellow began highly to extol their king of Holland, pretending that he was the greatest king in Christendom, and held all the others under his command. He little thought that we understood what he said; but I was not slack in telling him, that he need not be so loud, for they had no king in Holland, being only governed by a count, or rather that they governed him. Nay, if they had any king at all in whom they could boast, it certainly was the king of England, who had hitherto been their protector, and without whose aid they had never been able to brag of their States. This retort made the Spaniards and Portuguese laugh heartily at the poor Hollander, and made him shut his mouth.
And now for the news of this country. The emperor is great enemy to the name of Christians, especially to the Japanese who have embraced the faith; so that all such as are found are put to death. While at Meaco, I saw fifty-five martyred at one time, because they would not forsake the faith, and among them were some children of five or six years old, who were burnt in the arms of their mothers, calling on Jesus to receive their souls. Also, in the town of Nangasaki, sixteen others were martyred for the same cause, of whom five were burnt, and the rest beheaded and cut in pieces, and their remains put into sacks and cast into the sea in thirty fathoms deep: Yet the priests got them up again, and kept their remains secretly as relics. There are many others in prison, both here and in other places, who look hourly to be ordered for execution, as very few of them revert to paganism. Last year, about Christmas, the emperor deposed one of the greatest princes in all Japan, called Frushma-tay, lord of sixty or seventy mangocas, and banished him to a corner in the north of Japan, where he has a very small portion in comparison with what was taken from him, and he had the choice of this or of cutting open his own belly. It was thought that this would have occasioned great troubles in Japan, for all the subjects of Frushma-tay were up in arms, and meant to hold out to the utmost extremity, having fortified the city of Frushma, and laid in provisions for a long time. But the tay and his son, being then at the emperor's court, were commanded to write to their vassals, ordering them to lay down their arms and submit to the emperor, or otherwise to cut open their own bellies. Life being sweet, they all submitted, and those were pardoned who had taken up arms for their tay. The emperor has given their dominions, which were two kingdoms, to two of his own kinsmen; and this year the emperor has ordered the castle belonging to Frushma to be pulled down, being a very beautiful and gallant fortress, in which I saw him this year, and far larger than the city of Rochester. All the stones are ordered to be conveyed to Osaka, where the ruined castle, formerly built by Fico-Same, and pulled down by Ogosha-Same, is ordered to be rebuilt three times larger than before; for which purpose all the tonos or kings have each their several tasks appointed them; to be executed at their several charges, not without much grumbling: For they had got leave, after so many years attendance at court, to return to their own residences, and were now sent for again all of a sadden to court, which angreth them not a little: "But go they must, will they nill they, on pain of belly-cutting."
At this time there runs a secret rumour, that Fidaia Same is alive, and in the house of the Dairo[67] at Meaco; but I think it has been reported several times before this that he was living in other places, but proved untrue. There are some rich merchants here that belong to Meaco, who are much alarmed by this report, lest, if true, the emperor may burn Meaco; and who are therefore in haste to get home. Were Fidaia actually alive it might tend to overthrow the emperor's power, for, though a great politician, he is not a martial man: But be this as it may, things can hardly be worse for us. I advised you in my last of the destruction of all the Christian churches in Japan; yet there were some remnants left at Nangasaki till this year, and in particular the monastery of Misericiordia was untouched, as were all the church-yards and burying-places; but now, by order of the emperor, all is destroyed, all the graves and sepulchres of the Christians opened, and the bones of the dead taken out by their parents and kindred, to be buried elsewhere in the fields. Streets have been built on the scites of these churches, monasteries, and burying-grounds, except in some places, where pagodas have been erected by command of the emperor, who has sent heathen priests to occupy them, thinking utterly to root out Christianity from Japan. There were certain places near Nangasaki where several jesuit fathers and other Christians were martyred, in the reign of Ogosha Same, and where their parents and friends had planted evergreen-trees, and erected altars near each tree, where many hundreds went daily to say their prayers; but now, by command of the emperor, all these trees are cut down, the altars destroyed, and the ground all levelled, it being his firm resolution utterly to root out the remembrance of all matters connected with Christianity.
[Footnote 67: The Dairo was formerly the sovereign of Japan, uniting the supreme civil and spiritual power, committing the military affairs to a kind of generalissimo, who usurped supreme authority, and reduced the Dairo to be a kind of sovereign pontiff or chief-priest.--E.]
In the months of November and December, 1618, there were two comets seen all over Japan. The first, rising in the east, was like a great fiery beam, rent to the southwards, and vanished away in about the space of a month. The other rose also in the east, like a great blazing star, and went northwards, vanishing quite away within a month near the constellation of Ursa-Major or Charles-waine. The wizards of Japan have prognosticated great events to arise from these comets, but hitherto nothing material has occurred, excepting the deposition of Frushma-tay, already related.
I am almost ashamed to write you the news which the Spaniards and Portuguese report, though some of them have shewn me letters affirming it to be true, of a bloody cross having been seen in the air in England; and that an English preacher, speaking irreverently of it from the pulpit, was struck dumb: On which miracle, as they term it the king of England sent to the pope, to have some cardinals and learned men brought to England, as intending that all the people of England should become Roman catholics. I pray you pardon me for writing of such nonsense, which I do that you may laugh; yet I assure you there are many Spaniards and Portuguese here who firmly believe it. I know not what more to write you at this time: But I hope to come to England in the next shipping that comes here; and I trust in God that I may find your worship in good health.
RICHARD COCKS.
SECTION XVI.
Ninth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, by Captain Edmund Marlow.[68]
We sailed from the Downs on the 10th February, 1612, in the good ship James, and crossed the equator on the 11th April.[69] The 27th of that month, at noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 19° 40' S. and in longitude, from the Lizard, 11° 24' W. We this day saw an island fourteen leagues from us in the S.E. which I formerly saw when I sailed with Sir Edward Michelburne. It is round like Corvo, and rises rugged, having a small peaked hill at its east end. Its lat. is 23° 30' S. and long. 10° 30' W. from the Lizard; and there is another island or two in sight, seven or eight leagues E.N.E. from this.[70]
[Footnote 68: Purch. Pilg. I. 440.--The relation of this voyage in the Pilgrims is said to have been written by Mr John Davy, the master of the ship: Probably the same John Davis, or Davies, formerly mentioned as having frequently sailed as master to India in these early voyages, and from whose pen Purchas published a Rutter, or brief book of instructions for sailing to India. On the present occasion, this voyage has been considerably abbreviated, especially in the nautical remarks, which are now in a great degree obsolete and useless, and have been already sufficiently enlarged upon in the former voyages to India.--E.]
[Footnote 69: From some indistinct notices, in the commencement of this voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander appear to have belonged to the tenth voyage of the East India Company, and the Solomon to the eleventh voyage; and that these three ships sailed from England at the same time with the James, which belonged to the ninth voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 70: This seemeth the island of Martin Vaz.--Purch. The island of Trinidad, or Martin Vaz, is only in lat. 20° 15' S. and long. 29° 32' W. from Greenwich.--E.]
We saw the island of St Lawrence on the 29th June, and anchored in five fathoms water in the bay of St Augustine on the 28th at night. Next day we weighed, and brought the ship to anchor in the river, one anchor being in thirty-five and the other in ten fathoms. A ship may ride here in shallower water at either side, the deep channel being narrow. In this anchorage no sea can distress a ship, being protected by the land and shoals, so that it may well be called a harbour, from its safety. We remained here twenty days, and sailed for Bantam on the 18th of July.
In the morning of the 24th September we saw the islands of Nintam, in lat. 1° 30' S.[71] The sound between the two great islands is eighteen leagues from Priaman, and eleven leagues from the shoals before Ticoo, which must be carefully avoided during the night, by laying two or three or four leagues off till day-light. When you see three hummocks that resemble three islands, take care always to have a person stationed on the outer end of the boltsprit to give warning of any spots in your way, as there are coral beds, which may be easily seen and avoided. The course from this sound for Ticoo or Priaman is E.N.E. to these shoals. In passing this sound, keep your lead always going, and come no nearer the large southern island than the depth of sixteen fathoms, as there are shoals towards the east side, and a breach or ledge also off the northern island, on the larboard going in for Priaman. When nearing the shoals of Ticoo, set the three hummocks on the main, which look like islands, as all the land near them is very low; and when you have these hummocks N.E. by E. then are you near the shoals, and when the hummocks are N.N.E. you are past the shoals. But great care is necessary everywhere, as it is all bad ground hereabout, till past the high land of Manancabo, which is in lat 4° 30' S. or thereby.
[Footnote 71: Pulo Mintao is probably here meant, which is to the south of the line, but touches it at its northern extremity. The sound in the text, is probably that between Pulo Botoa and Pulo Mintao.--E.]
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 26th September, where we found the Thomas, and remained fourteen days to refresh our sick men, when the Hector and our ship sailed for Bantam, where we arrived in company with the Janus and Hector on the 23d October. The 4th November we weighed from the road of Bantam, intending to proceed by the straits of Sunda for Coromandel; but the winds and currents were so strong against us, that we were forced back into the straits of Sunda to refit our ship, which was much weather-beaten. The 11th December, we anchored again at Pulo Panian, and went to work to trim our ship and take in ballast. Being ballasted, watered, and refitted, we sailed again on the 10th January, 1613, for the straits of Malacca. But, being too late in the monsoon, and both wind and current against us, we got no farther than seventy leagues from Bantam by the first of March, with much toil to the men. Wherefore we concluded to take in wood and water, and to return for Bantam by the outside of Sumatra.
Having again sailed for Coromandel, we were at noon of the 5th June, 1613, in lat. 12° N. and long. 23° W. from the salt hills, having been carried by the currents 4° 30', or ninety leagues out of our reckoning. Whoever sails from Bantam, either up or down, will find such uncertain reckoning that he may well miss his destined port, unless he looks well to the variation of the needle, which will help materially in ten or fifteen leagues, and indeed there is no other way of dealing with these currents. We now got sight of the land, which is so very low that the pagodas or pagan churches are first descried. With the aid of the lead, you may sail boldly on this coast of Coromandel in fifteen fathoms by night, and ten by day; but a steady man must always be kept at the lead on such occasions, as the sea shoals suddenly; for after thirteen fathoms, it will suddenly fall off to shoal water, being like a well or steep bank, and the ground ooze. The course along the coast is N. by E. to Pullicate, and so to Masulipatam.
The 6th June we anchored at noon in the road of Pullicate, in eight fathoms on sand. There is a middle ground, having only five fathoms, and within that another, having six, seven, and eight. The marks for the road where we anchored, are the round hill by the other hill, W. by N. and the Dutch fort S.W. by W. The latitude is 13° 30' N. and the variation 18° 10'. Departing from Pullicate roads on the night of the 7th, we were on the 8th in lat. 14° 40' at noon, having sailed twenty-three leagues since last night, our depth of water being twenty-three to twenty-fire fathoms, and our course N. by E. but the lead is our sure guide on this coast, under God. The 9th at noon we were in lat. 15° 30', having the land in sight, but not the high land of Petapoli [Putapilly]. During the last twenty-four hours, we sailed seventeen leagues north, in fifteen and sixteen fathoms. The high land now in sight is known by a pagoda or pagan temple, and is five leagues from the high land of Putapilly, in the road of which place we anchored on the 10th in five fathoms on sand, this new high land bearing from us N.N.W. the platform of palm trees upon the island E.N.E. by E. and the bar N.W. by N. The whole sea coast is low land. The latitude here is 15° 52'. Having established a factory, in which we left Mr George Chansey and our purser as merchants, with other seven men to assist in taking care of our goods, we sailed from Putapilly on the forenoon of the 19th.
We anchored in the road of Masulipatam on the 21st, where we found a ship belonging to Holland. We remained here for six months, until the 6th January, 1614, and then set sail for Putapilly, where we arrived on the 19th of that month, and remained there, taking in the merchants and their goods till the 7th February, when we sailed for Bantam. We arrived there on the 20th April, and on the 10th June set sail for Patane. By noon of that day, being in lat. 5° 44' S. we had sight of the islands nine leagues from Bantam, our course, after getting clear of the road, being N.N.E. in five, six, seven, eight, twelve, fourteen, and so to twenty-four fathoms. At six in the morning of the 11th, we were close beside the two islands that are north from Bantam near Sumatra, in lat. 5° S. and in twenty fathoms; this being the surest course both going to and from Bantam, but it is necessary to keep a good look-out for the sand-banks which are even with the water. The 12th, being involved in a strong adverse current, we were forced to anchor in a quarter less four fathoms, in sight of a reef, twelve leagues short of Lucapara, and forty-eight from Bantam.
The 14th, we came in with the island of Banda and the main of Sumatra, and went through between them in five 1/2 fathoms. In this passage it is proper to keep nearer the Sumatra shore, though the water is deeper on the Banda side of the strait; as that side is rocky, while the side towards Sumatra is oozy. The 16th we came to Palimbangan point; and the 17th at noon, being in lat, 1° 10' S. we anchored in nine fathoms, on account of it falling calm with a strong current, the isle of Pulo Tino being to seawards. The 30th, we anchored in the road of Patane in three 1/2 fathoms. On the 1st August we sailed to Sangora to trim our ship, being a good place for that purpose under shelter of two islands hard by the main, and fourteen or fifteen leagues from Patane. We anchored in Sangora road, under the eastermost of the two islands, on the 4th; and having put our ship into good trim, we came away on the 9th September, and returned to Patane next day. We remained there a month taking in the goods of the Globe, to carry them to Bantam, for which place we sailed on the 9th October, and arrived at Bantam on the 9th November. We continued there till the 27th January, 1615, to load our ship, and to get all things in readiness for our voyage home to England.
The 29th we set sail from Bantam, homewards bound; and when some hundred leagues from thence, our captain, Mr Edmund Marlow, died. He was an excellent man, and well skilled in the mathematics and the art of navigation. The first place at which we anchored was Saldanha bay, where we arrived on the 29th April, 1615, and next day our consort the Globe came in. Having well refreshed and refitted our ships, we set sail from thence on the 17th May, and arrived at St Helena on the 3d June. Sailing from thence along with our consort, on the 7th of that month, we arrived in England on the 3d of August, giving praise to God for our safety.
SECTION XVII.
Tenth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1612, written by Mr Thomas Best, chief Commander.[72]
From the full tide of this voyage, in the Pilgrims, we learn that there were two ships employed in this tenth voyage, named the Dragon and the Hosiander, in which were about 380 persons; and these were accompanied by two other ships, the James and the Solomon, which belonged to other voyages, each voyage being then a separate adventure, and conducted by a separate subscription stock, as formerly explained in the introduction to the present chapter. We learn from other parts of the Pilgrims, that the James belonged to the ninth voyage, related immediately before this, and the Solomon to the eleventh, to be afterwards narrated.--E.
[Footnote 72: Purch. Pilgr. I.456.]
S.1. Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat.
We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st of February, 1612. At noon on the 22d March we made the latitude 15° 20' N. and at two p.m. were abreast of Mayo, one of the Cape Verd islands, being S.W. by S. about twelve leagues from Bonavista. To the N. and N.N.W. of Mayo the ground is all foul, and due N. of the high hummocks a great ledge of rocks runs out from the land for five or six miles, a mile without which ledge there are twenty fathoms water. On the west side of the island, you may borrow in twelve or fifteen fathoms, till you come into the road, where we anchored in twenty-four fathoms.
On the morning of the 28th March, we came close by an island in lat. 23° 30', and long. from the meridian of Mayo, 1° 50' E. We did not land upon this island, but came within two or three miles of it, and in my opinion there is hardly any anchorage to be found. It may probably produce some refreshment, as it certainly has wood, which we saw, and it may have water, as we observed a fair plain spot and very green on its southern part; but we could find no ground within two or three miles of its coast. E.N.E. some seven or eight leagues from this, there is another island; and E. by S. or E.S.E. from the first island, about four or five leagues, there are two or three white rocks.[73]
[Footnote 73: In the text it is not said if the latitude be N. or S. yet S. is probably meant. No island is however to be found in the indicated situation. In the eleventh voyage, an island is said to have been discovered in lat. 19° 34'S. certainly known to have been Trinidad, Santa Maria d'Agosto, or Martin Vaz, of which hereafter.--E.]
We remained twenty-one days in Saldanha road, and bought for the three[74] ships thirty-nine beeves and 115 sheep, which we paid for with a little brass cut out of two or three old kettles. We got the sheep for small pieces of thin brass, worth about a penny or three halfpence each; and the beeves in the same manner for about the value of twelve-pence a-piece. This is an excellent place of refreshment, as besides abounding in beef and mutton, there is plenty of good fish, all kinds of fowls, and great store of fat deer, though we could not kill any of these. It has likewise excellent streams of fresh water, and a most healthful climate. We landed eighty or ninety sick, who were lodged in tents, and they all recovered their health in eighteen days, save one who died. From the 7th to the 28th June, when we set sail from Saldanha bay, we had continual fine weather, the sun being very warm, and the air pleasant and wholesome.
[Footnote 74: One of the ships appears to have been separated from the fleet, but it does not appear which.--E.]
We sailed from Saldanha road on the 28th June, and were 100 leagues to the east of Cabo das Aguilhas before we found any current, but it was then strong. The 31st July at noon, we found the latitude 17° 8' S. our longitude being 20° 47' E. and at four p.m. we saw the island of Juan de Nova, distant four leagues E.S.E.[75] Its size, and I think we saw it all, is about three or four miles long, all very low and rising from the sea like rocks. Off the west end we saw breakers, yet could not get ground with a line of 150 fathoms, sounding from our boat. The latitude of this island, observed with great accuracy, is 17°,[76] and it seems well laid down in our charts, both in regard to latitude and longitude. It is a most sure sign of being near this island, when many sea fowl are seen, and we accordingly saw there ranch fowl, some white, having their wings tipped only with black, and others all black.
[Footnote 75: St Juan de Nova is in lat. 17° 50' S. and long. 45° 30'E. from Greenwich--E.]
[Footnote 76: In lat. 17° S. and long. 60° E. is an island or bank called Nazareth, Corados, or Garajos, a long way however from St Juan de Nova.--E.]
The 3d August, in lat 13° 35' by observation, and longitude 22° 30' from the Cape, we saw Mal-Ilha, one of the Comoros, about twelve leagues off, having on the east part of it a very fair sugar-loaf hill.[77] At the same time with this island, we had sight of that named Comoro, bearing N.N.W. by W. being high land. At six a.m. of the 4th we were close in with Mal-Ilha, and standing in for some place in which to anchor, while some eight or nine miles from the shore, we saw the ground under the ship in not less than eight or ten fathoms. The Hosiander, two miles nearer the land, had four or five fathoms, and her boat was in three fathoms. We then sent both our boats to sound, which kept shoaling on a bank in eight, ten, and twelve fathoms, and off it only half a cable's length had no ground with 100 fathoms. At the north end of Mal-Ilha there is a fair big high island, about five or six miles in circuit.[78] A bank or ledge of rocks extends all along the west side of Mal-Ilha, continuing to the small high island; and from this little island to Mal-Ilha may be some eight or nine miles, all full of rocks, two of them of good height. Being at the north end of this ledge, and the little island bearing S.E. you may steer in with the land, keeping the island fair aboard; and within the rocks or broken ground and Mal-Ilha there is a bay with good anchorage. To the eastwards, on coming in from the ledge of rocks, there is a great shoal, the outermost end of which is N.E. or N.E. by E. from the small island five or six miles, and no ground between that we could find with forty or fifty fathoms line. In fine, all the north side of Mal-Ilha is very dangerous, but the above-mentioned channel is quite safe. I would have come to anchor here, as there is a town about a mile east from the before-mentioned bay, the people being very good, and having abundance of refreshments, as beeves, goats, hens, lemons, cocoa-nuts in great plenty, and excellent water, but could not get in, owing to the wind being directly south.
[Footnote 77: Mohilla, the Mal-ilha of the text, is in lat. 16° 44° S. and long. 44° E. from Greenwich. Its difference of long. from the Cape of Good Hope is 23° 45' E. Thus, in every instance hitherto, the observations of lat. and long. by Captain Best, at least as printed by Purchas, are grossly erroneous.--E.]
[Footnote 78: This description seems rather to refer to the island of Mayotto, about thirty leagues E. of S. from Mohilla; the small island to the north, or N. by W. being called Saddle Isle.--E.]
Two of my men had belonged to a Dutch fleet, that year when they assaulted Mosambique, on which occasion they put in here, and recovered the healths of 400 or 500 men in five weeks. Yet it is well named Mal-Ilha, or the bad island, for it is the most dangerous of any place I ever saw. It is next to Comoro, from which it is distant some twelve or fourteen leagues S.S.E.
At dawn on the 1st September we got sight of land to the eastwards, four or five leagues distant, my reckoning being then eighty or ninety leagues short, owing, I suppose, to some current setting east from the coast of Melinda; neither from the latitude of Socotoro to Damaun could we see the sun, to know our variation. The 3d at seven a.m. we spoke two country boats, which informed us that the town, church, and castle in sight was Damaun. From these boats I got two men, who engaged to carry the Dragon to the bar of Surat, promising not to bring us into less than seven fathoms. On the 5th a Surat boat came on board with Jaddow the broker, who had served Captain William Hawkins three years, and Sir Henry Middleton all the time he was here. There were likewise in this boat the brother of the customer of Surat, and three or four others. All these remained with us till the 7th, when we came to anchor at the bar of Surat, in eight 1/4 fathoms at high water, and six 1/2 at neap tides. At spring tides, however, I have found the tide to rise in the offing three fathoms, and even three 1/2. The latitude of our anchorage was 21° 10' N. and the variation 16° 20' or 16° 27'.[79] On the 11th, Thomas Kerridge came aboard, with a certificate or licence under the seals of the justice and governor of Surat, for our quiet and peaceable trade and intercourse, and with kind entreaties to come ashore, where we should be heartily welcomed by the people. They also brought off a letter or narrative, written by Sir, Henry Middleton, which had been left in charge of the Moccadam of Swally. On the same day, I again sent Mr Kerridge ashore, accompanied by Hugh Gettins.
[Footnote 79: Sorat bar is in lat. 21° 2' N. and long. 72° 50' E. from Greenwich--E.]
S.2. Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory, and Departure for Acheen.
On the 13th September, 1612, sixteen sail of Portuguese frigates, or barks, put into the river of Surat. The 22d, we determined in council to send a dispatch to the king at Agra, signifying our arrival, and to require his explicit answer, whether he would permit us to trade and settle a factory; and if refused, that we would quit his country. The 30th, I got notice that Mr Canning, our purser, and William Chambers, had been arrested ashore; wherefore I caused a ship of Guzerat to anchor close beside me, determining to detain her till I should see how matters went ashore. We also stopped a bark laden with rice from Bassare, belonging to the Portuguese, out of which we took twelve or fourteen quintals of rice, for which we paid at the rate of thirteen-pence the quintal. When I had taken possession of the Guzerat ship, I wrote to the chiefs of Surat, requiring them to send me all my men, together with the value of the goods I had landed; on which I should deliver up their ship and people, allowing them till the 5th of October to give me an answer; at which time, if I had not a satisfactory answer, I declared my determination to dispose of the ship and her goods at my pleasure. There were some 400 or 450 men aboard that ship, ten of the chiefest among whom I brought into my ship, to serve as hostages.
On the 6th October, Medi Joffer came aboard my ship, accompanied by four chiefs and many others, bringing me a great present, and came to establish trade with us, and to solicit the release of the Guzerat ship. On the 10th I left the bar of Surat, and came to Swally roads, where I anchored in eight fathoms at high water. This road-stead is ten or twelve miles north from the bar of Surat. The 17th, the governor of Aamadavar [Ahmedabad] came to the water side. I landed on the 19th, having four principal persons sent aboard my ship, as pledges for my safety. On the 21st I concluded upon articles of agreement with the governor and merchants, of which the tenor follows:
"Articles agreed upon, and sealed, by the governor of Ahmedabad, the governor of Surat, and four principal merchants; and to be confirmed by the firmaun and seal of the Great Mogul, within forty days from the date and sealing hereof, or else to be void; for the settlement of trade and factories in the cities of Surat, Cambaya, Ahmedabad, Goga, or in any other part or parts of the dominions of the Great Mogul in this country. Witnessed by their hands and seals, the 21st of October, 1612."
1. All that concerns Sir Henry Middleton is to be remitted, acquitted, and cleared to us; so that they shall never make seizure, stoppage, or stay of our goods, wares, or commodities, as satisfaction for the same.
2. They shall procure at their own proper cost, from the King or Great Mogul, his grant and confirmation of all the articles of this agreement, under the great seal of his government, and shall deliver the same to us, for our security and certainty of perpetual amity, commerce, and dealing, within forty days from the date and sealing hereof.
3. It shall be lawful for the king of England to keep his ambassador continually at the court of the Great Mogul, during all the time of this peace and trade, there to accommodate and conclude upon all such great and weighty matters as may in any respect tend to disturb or break the said peace.
4. At all times, on the arrival of any of our ships in the road of Swally, proclamation shall be made in the city of Surat, during three successive days, that all the people of the country shall be free to come down to the shore, and there to have free trade, dealing, and commerce with us.
5. That all English commodities shall pay custom, according to the value or price they bear, at the time of entry at the custom-house, after the rate of three 1/2 per cent. ad valorem.
6. All petty and pedlar ware to be free from duty, that does not exceed the value of ten dollars.
7. The English are to have ten manu carried from the water side to Surat for a manuda,[80] and at the same rate back; and are to be furnished with carts on application to the moccadam of Swally for sending to Surat, and at that place by a broker with carts downwards to the sea side at Swally.
[Footnote 80: This unexplained rate of carriage was probably ten manuda for one mahinoodic.--E.]
8. If any of our people die in the country, neither the king, the governor, nor any inferior officer should pretend any title or claim to any thing that had belonged to the deceased, neither should demand any fees, taxes, or customs, upon the same.
9. In case all the men left in these parts should die before the return of any of our ships, then some officer appointed for the purpose shall make a true inventory and schedule of all monies, goods, jewels, provisions, apparel, or other things, belonging to our nation, and shall safely preserve and keep the same, to be delivered over to the general, captain, or merchants of the first English ships that arrive afterwards, from whom a regular receipt and discharge shall be given for the same.
10. That they shall guarantee all our men and goods on land, redeeming all of both or either that may happen to be taken on the land by the Portuguese; delivering both to us again free of all charges, or in lieu thereof the full value of our said goods and men, and that without delay.
11. Insomuch as there are rebels and disobedient subjects in all kingdoms, so there may be some pirates and sea-rovers of our nation, who may happen to come into these parts to rob or steal. In that case, the trade and factory belonging to the English shall not be held responsible or liable to make restitution for goods so taken; but we shall aid the subjects of the Great Mogul, to the best of our power who may happen to be thus aggrieved, by application to our king for justice against the aggressors, and for procuring restitution.
12. That all victuals and provisions, required during the stay of our ships in the roads of Surat and Swally, shall be free of custom, provided they do not exceed the value of 1000 dollars.
13. That in all questions of wrongs and injuries offered to us and to our nation, we shall receive speedy justice from the judges and others in authority, according to the nature of our complaints and the wrongs done to us, and shall not be put off by delays, or vexed by exorbitant charges or loss of time.
On the 24th October, I landed the present intended for the Great Mogul, which I brought to the tent of the governor of Ahmedabad, who took a memorandum of all the particulars, as also a copy of our king's letter to their sovereign. After which, as before agreed upon with the governor, I sent them back aboard ship: For I had told him, unless his king would confirm the articles agreed upon, and likewise write our king a letter, that I would neither deliver the present nor our king's letter; for, if these things were refused, then was their king an enemy not a friend, and I had neither present nor letter for the enemy of our king. At this time, however, I delivered our present to the governor, and another to his son.
The 14th November, a great fleet of frigates or barks, consisting of some 240 sail, came in sight. I thought they had come to attack us, but they were a caffila of merchantmen bound for Cambaya; as there comes every year a similar fleet from Goa, Chaul, and other places to the southwards, for Cambaya, whence they bring the greatest part of the loading which is carried by the caracks and galleons to Portugal.
The 27th I received notice from Mr Canning and Edward Christian, who were both ashore, that four galleons were fitted out from Goa, and were coming to attack us, having been in full readiness, and at anchor on the bar of Goa on the 14th November. The Portuguese fleet came in sight of us on the 28th; and on the 29th drew near us with the tide of flood. At two in the afternoon I got under weigh, and by four was about two cables length from their vice-admiral, fearing to go nearer lest I might have got my ship aground. I then opened a fire upon him, both with great guns and small arms, and in an hour had peppered him well with some fifty-six great shot. From him we received one small ball, either from a minnion or saker, into our mizen-mast, and with another he sunk our long-boat, which we recovered, but lost many things out of it.
The 30th at day-light, I set sail and steered among the midst of the Portuguese fleet, bestirring ourselves manfully, and drove three of their four ships aground on the bar of Surat; after which I anchored about nine a.m. This morning the Hosiander did good service, coming through also among the enemy's ships, and anchored beside me. At the tide of flood, the three ships that were aground floated. We then weighed and made sail towards them, they remaining at anchor. On getting up to them, we spent upon three of them 150 great shot, and the morning after some fifty more. At night, we gave the admiral a salute from our four stern guns as a farewell; in return for which he fired one of his bow guns, a whole or demi-culverine, the shot from which came even with the top of our forecastle, went through our Davie, killed William Burrel, and carried off the arm of another of our men. The Hosiander[81] spent the whole of this day in firing against one of the ships that was aground, and received many shots from the enemy, one of which killed Richard Barker the boatswain.
[Footnote 81: Nathaniel Salmon of Leigh was master of the Hosiander.--Purch.]
Night coming on, we anchored some six miles from the Portuguese ships; and at nine p.m. they sent a frigate down towards us, which came driving right athwart halse of the Hosiander, and being discovered by their good watch, was speedily saluted by shot. The first shot made them hoist sail, the second went through their sails, and, they immediately made off.[82] Their intention certainly was to have set our ships on fire, if they had found us off our guard.[83]
[Footnote 82: This frigate was sunk by the shot, as I was assured by Mr Salmon the actor, and eighty of her men were taken up drowned.--Purch.]
[Footnote 83: On this occasion the Portuguese had four great galleons and some twenty-six frigates, or armed barks. In these fights they lost all their quondam credit, and 160 men, or as others say 500; and the English settled trade at Surat in spite of all their efforts.--Purch.]
We remained at anchor all the first December, the Portuguese not coming to us nor we to them; though they might easily have come to us without danger from the sands, but not so we to them. This day I called a council, and it was concluded to go down to the south, that we might have a broader channel, hoping that the galleons would follow us. We accordingly went down some six or seven leagues on the 2d, but they did not follow us; wherefore on the 3d we stood up again, and anchored fairly in sight of them. We weighed again on the morning of the 4th, and stood away before them, they following: But in the afternoon they gave us over, and hauled in with the land, and at night we directed our course for Diu. At night of the 5th, we anchored in fourteen fathoms near the shore, four or five leagues eastwards of Diu.
The 9th we came to Madafaldebar[84] which is ten or eleven leagues E. by N. from Diu, the coast between being very fair, and having no unseen dangers. The depth near Diu is fifteen or sixteen fathoms, halfway to Madafaldebar twelve fathoms, then ten and nine, but not less; and in nine fathoms we anchored in a fine sandy bay, on the west side of which is a river coming from a considerable distance inland. This place is some five or six miles west from the isles of Mortie[85] The 15th we set sail to explore the bay of Mohar,[86] having been reported by some of the people who had belonged to the Ascension to be a good place for wintering in, or waiting the return of the monsoon for sailing to the southwards. We accordingly anchored that night in the bay, which is nine or ten leagues E.N.E. from Madafaldebar, finding the coast and navigation perfectly good, with ten fathoms all the way, and no danger but what is seen. I sent my boat ashore, and got twenty excellent sheep for three shillings each, the best we had seen in the whole voyage. We found the ruins of a great town at this place, but very few inhabitants.
[Footnote 84: From the indications in the text, this must be Jaffrabat on the coast of Guzerat, about thirty-one miles E. by N. from Diu. The name used in the text must be taken from the native language, while that of modern geography is the Persian, Mogul, or Arabic name of the place.--E.]
[Footnote 85: Called Searbett in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindostan, eight miles E.N.E. from Jaffrabat.--E.]
[Footnote 86: Called on the margin of the Pilgrims, Moha, Mona, or Mea; and which from the context appears to be a bay immediately west from Wagnagur.--E.]
There happened to be an army encamped in the neighbourhood of this place, and on the 17th, the general sent four men to me, requesting a conference. I landed on the 21st, and had much conversation with the general, who greatly desired to have two pieces of ordnance from us, making many fair promises of favour to our nation, and even presented me with a horse and furniture and two Agra girdles or sashes; but I refused him, having none to spare, and needing all we had for our defence. I presented him in return with two vests of stammel cloth, two firelocks, two bottles of brandy, and a knife.
The 22d, we saw the four galleons coming towards us, and at nine p.m. they anchored within shot of where we lay. At sun-rise next morning we weighed and bore down upon them, and continued to fight them till between ten and eleven a.m. when they all four weighed and stood away before the wind. We followed them two or three hours, but they sailed much better large than we, so that we again came to anchor, and they likewise anchored about two leagues from us. In this days fight, I expended 133 great shot, and about 700 small. At sunrise of the 24th we again weighed and bore down upon the galleons, and began to fight them at eight a.m. continuing till noon, having this day expended 250 great shot, and 1000 small. By this time both sides were weary, and we all stood to sea, steering S. by E. The galleons followed us till two or three p.m. when they put about and come to anchor. I now took account of our warlike ammunition, and found more than half our shot expended, the store of the Hosiander being in a similar situation. We had now discharged against the enemy 625 great shot, and 3000 small.
Being about four or five leagues from the land, we met with a sand, on which there was only two or two 1/2 fathoms, laying S.S.E. or thereabout from Mosa. I went over it in nine fathoms, at which time the two high hills over Gogo were nearly N. from us. Upon this sand the Ascension was cast away. Between the main and this sand, the channel is nine and ten fathoms, and the shoaling is rather fast. We continued steering S. with the tide of ebb, and anchored in eight fathoms, finding the tide to set E.N.E. and W.S.W. by the compass. At midnight of the 24th we weighed, standing S.S.E. and at two p.m. of the 25th we anchored in seventeen fathoms at high water, full in sight of Damaun, which bore E.S.E. In the afternoon of the 26th we anchored off the bar of Surat. The 27th we went to Swally road, when Thomas Kerridge and Edward Christian came aboard.
On the 6th of January, 1613, the Firmaun from the Great Mogul, in confirmation of peace and settlement of a factory for trade, came to Swally as a private letter; wherefore I refused to receive it, lest it might be a counterfeit, requiring that the chief men of Surat should come down and deliver it to me, with the proper ceremonials. Accordingly, on the 11th, the sabandar, his father-in-law Medigoffar, and several others, came to Swally, and delivered the Firmaun to me in form, making great professions of respect for our nation in the name of their king. The 14th we landed all our cloth, with 310 elephants teeth, and all our quicksilver. This day likewise the Portuguese galleons came within three or four miles of us. The 16th, I landed Anthony Starkey, with orders to travel over land for England, carrying letters to give notice of our good success.[87]
[Footnote 87: Mr Starkey and his Indian companion or guide were poisoned on the way by two friars.--Purch.]
The 17th, having received all my goods from Surat, I set sail at night, leaving these coasts. The 18th we passed the four galleons, which all weighed and followed us for two or three hours; but we finally separated without exchanging shots. The 19th, when abreast of Basseen, we stopt three Malabar barks, which had nothing in them, and from one of which we took a boat. The 20th at night we were abreast of Chaul, both town and castle being full in sight. In the afternoon of the 21st we were abreast of Dabul, where we boarded three junks belonging to Calicut, laden with cocoanuts. The 22d in the morning, the Hosiander sent her boat aboard two junks, and at noon we were at the rocks, which are ten or eleven leagues N. of Goa, and six or eight miles from the main. Two or three of these rocks are higher than the hull of a large ship. At six p.m. we were abreast of Goa, which is easily known by the island at the month of the river, on which island there is a castle. All the way from Damann to Goa, the coast trends nearly N. and S. with a slight inclination to N.W. and S.E. the whole being very fair and without danger, having fair shoaling and sixteen or seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off shore, with good-anchorage every where.
The 24th we saw a fleet of sixty or eighty frigates or barks bound to the southwards, being in lat. 13° 00' 30". The high land by the sea now left us, and the shore became very low, yet with fair shoaling of sixteen and seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off. In the afternoon we went into a bay, where all the before-mentioned frigates were at anchor, together with three or four gallies. We brought out a ship with us, whence all the Portuguese fled in their boats, and as two frigates lay close aboard of her, they had carried away every thing valuable. Next day we examined our prize, and found nothing in her except rice and coarse sugar, with which we amply supplied both ships; and having taken out her masts, and what firing she could afford, we scuttled and sunk her, taking out likewise all her people, being twenty or twenty-five Moors. The 26th we met a boat belonging to the Maldives laden with cocoa-nuts and bound for Cananor, into which I put all the people of the prize, except eight, whom I kept to assist in labour, one of them being a pilot for this coast.
The 27th we were a little past Calicut, abreast of Paniany, our lat. at noon being 10° 30' N. In the morning of the 28th, we saw Cochin, which is known by the towers and castle, being in lat 9° 40' N. or thereby. All the way from Goa to Cochin we never had above twenty fathoms, though, sometimes four or five leagues from the land; and when only three, four, or six miles off, the depths were from ten to twelve fathoms. From lat 11° 30' N. to Cochin, the land was all very low by the water side; but up the country it was very high all along. Four or five leagues to the north of Cochin, there is a high land within the country, somewhat like a table mountain, yet rounded on the top, having long high mountains to the north of this hill. All this day, the 28th, we sailed within six or eight miles of the land, in nine, ten, and twelve fathoms.
We anchored on the 30th in fifteen fathoms, about twenty-six leagues to the north of Cape Comorin right over against a little village, whence presently came off six or eight canoes with water and all kinds of provisions; the name of this place is Beringar, which our mariners usually call Bring-John, being in the kingdom of Travancor. The 1st February, the king sent me a message, offering to load my ship with pepper and cinnamon, if I would remain and trade with him. The 5th we were abreast of Cape Comorin, where we had a fresh gale of wind at E. by N. which split our fore-top-sail and main bonnet, yet a canoe with eight men came off to us three or four leagues from the land. We were here troubled with calms and great heat, and many of our men fell sick, of which number I was one. On the 8th we were forced back to the roads of Beringar. This place has good refreshments for ships, and the people are very harmless, and not friends to the Portuguese. From this place to Cape Comorin, all the inhabitants of the sea coast are Christians, and have a Portuguese priest or friar residing among them. It is to be remarked, that the whole coast, even from Damaun to Cape Comorin, is free from danger, and there is fair shoaling all the way from Cochin to that cape, having sixteen, eighteen, and twenty fathoms close to the land, and no ground five or six leagues off, after you come within twenty-five or thirty leagues of the Cape. The variation at Damaun was 16° 30'; halfway to the Cape about 15°, and 14° at the cape, the latitude of which is 7° 30' N. [exactly 7° 57'].
In the afternoon we were fair off the Cape, and found much wind at E.S.E. giving small hope of being able to go eastwards till the end of the monsoon, which our Indians reported would be about the end of April. So I bore up, and came to anchor, four or five leagues within the Cape, in twenty fathoms close by two rocks. About two miles right off these two rocks is a sunken rock, which is very dangerous, especially if sailing in twenty fathoms, but by keeping in twenty-four fathoms all danger is avoided. We remained here nine days, when we again made sail. In the morning of the 28th we had sight of Ceylon, some eight or nine leagues E.S.E. being in lat. 7° N. At 4 p.m. we were close in with that island, in thirteen, fifteen, and sixteen fathoms. The 1st of March, at 6 p.m. we were abreast of Columbo, the lat. of which is about 6° 30' N. [7° 2']; having twenty-four and twenty-five fathoms three leagues off. The 12th we stood in with the land, and anchored in twenty-four fathoms, the wind being S.E. and S. I sent my boat ashore four leagues to the north of Punta de Galle, and after some time a woman came to talk with one of our Indians who was in the boat. She said we could have no provisions: but by our desire she went to tell the men. Afterwards two men came to us, who flatly refused to let us have any thing, alleging that our nation had captured one of their boats; but it was the Hollanders not the English. The 14th, in the morning, the southern point of Ceylon, called Tanadare [Dondra], bore E.S.E. of us, some five leagues off. This point is in lat. 5° 30' [5° 54' N.], and is about ten or twelve leagues E.S.E. from Punta de Galle. The 17th we were near one of the sands mentioned by Linschoten, being two leagues from the land. We had twenty-five fathoms water, and on the land, right opposite this sand, is a high rock like a great tower. The land here trends E.N.E.[88]
[Footnote 88: Owing probably to careless abbreviation by Purchas, this solitary notice is all that is given of the voyage between Dondra-head in Ceylon and Acheen, in the north-west end of Sumatra, to which the observation in the text seems to refer.--E.]
S.3. Occurrences at Acheen, in Sumatra.
At noon of the 12th April, 1613, we came to anchor in the road of Acheen, in twelve fathoms, but ships may ride in ten or even eight fathoms; the best place in which to ride being to the eastward of the castle, and off the river mouth. I landed the merchants on the 13th; but the king did not come to town till the 15th, when he sent me his chop or licence to land, which was brought by an eunuch, accompanied by the Xabander and six or eight more, to whom I gave 120 mam. I landed along with them, and two hours afterwards the king sent me a present of some provisions, I having sent him on my landing a present of two pieces;[89] the custom being to make the king some small present on landing, in return for which he sends several dishes of meat.
[Footnote 89: These pieces, so often mentioned in the early voyages, were probably fowling-pieces, or European fire-arms.--E.]
On the 17th, the king sent an elephant, with a golden bason, for our king's letter, which I accompanied to court, attended by forty of our men, who were all admitted into the king's presence. After many compliments, the king returned me our king's letter, that I might read it to him; and accordingly the substance of it was explained in the native language, with the contents of which he was well pleased. After some time, the king told me that he would shew me some of his diversions, and accordingly caused his elephants to fight before us. When six of them had fought for some time, he caused four buffaloes to be brought, which made a very excellent and fierce fight; such being their fierceness that sixty or eighty men could hardly part them, fastening ropes to their hind-legs to draw them asunder. After these, some ten or twelve rams were produced, which fought very bravely. When it was so dark that we could hardly see, these sports were discontinued, and the king presented me with a banquet of at least 500 dishes, and such abundance of hot drinks as might have sufficed to make an army drunk. Between nine and ten at night, he gave me leave to depart, sending two elephants to carry me home; but as they had no coverings I did not ride either of them.
On the 18th, I went again to court by appointment of the king, when we began to treat concerning the articles formerly granted by his grandfather to Mr James Lancaster; but when we came to that in which all goods were to be brought in and carried out free from customs, we broke off without concluding any thing. The 19th the ambassador of Siam came to visit me, and told me, that about thirty months before, three Englishmen had waited upon his king, who gave them kind entertainment, being rejoiced at receiving letters from the king of England. He also said that his king would be much pleased if our ships came to his ports, telling me what great quantities of Portugal cloth, for so he called our English cloth, would sell in his country. According to his opinion, the colours most saleable in his country are, stammel and other reds, yellows, and other light, gay, and pleasing colours, such as those already in most request at Surat. He also told me, that his king had made a conquest of the whole kingdom of Pegu, as that he is now the most powerful sovereign in the east, except the emperor of China, having twenty-six tributary kings under his government and authority, and is able to equip for war 6000 elephants. Their coin is all of silver, gold being less esteemed, and of less proportional value than with us. That country produces great abundance of pepper and raw silk; and he said the Hollanders have factories at Patane, an excellent port, where they are called English. Siam likewise, according to him, is a good port, and nearer the court than Patane: Those who go to the city in which the king resides land always at the port of Siam, whence the royal residence is twenty days journey by land. I requested from the ambassador to give me a letter to his sovereign, and letters also to the governors of the maritime towns in Siam, in favour of the English nation, when we should come upon these coasts, which he promised me. And, lastly, in token of friendship we exchanged coins; I giving him some of our English coin, and receiving from him the coins of Siam. I had often, after this first interview, friendly intercourse with this ambassador.
I went to court on the 20th, butt had no opportunity to speak with the king; whereupon I sent to the king's deputy, or chief minister, and complained of having been dishonoured, and of having been abused by the shahbander. He promised me speedy redress, and that he should inform the king without delay, which indeed he did that same day. On the day following, the king sent two officers of his court to me, to intimate that I might repair freely to his court at all times, passing the gate without hindrance or waiting for his criss. He also removed the shahbander of whom I had complained, and appointed a gentleman, who had formerly been his vice-ambassador to Holland, to attend upon me at all times to court, or any where else, at my pleasure. The 24th I went to court, and had access to the king, who satisfied me in all things, and promised to ratify and renew all the articles formerly agreed upon between his predecessor and Mr James Lancaster. After many compliments, he gave me leave; and presently after my return, he sent me an elephant to attend upon me, and to carry me at all times to any place I pleased. This is a sign of the highest honour and esteem, as no person may have an elephant, or ride upon one, but those whom the king is pleased to honour with that privilege.
The 2d of May, the king invited me to his fountain to swim, and I was there accordingly along with him, the place being some five or six miles from the city; and he even sent me two elephants, one to ride upon, and the other to carry my provision. Having washed and bathed in the water, the king made me partake of a very splendid banquet, in which there was too much arrak, the whole being eaten and drank us we sat in the water; and at this entertainment all his nobles and officers were present. Our banquet continued from one till towards five in the evening, when the king allowed me to depart. Half an hour afterwards, all the strangers were permitted to go away, and presently afterwards he came away himself.
On the 14th, some Portuguese came to Acheen on an embassy from the governor of Malacca to the king; and as the wind was scant, they landed three leagues to the east of Acheen road. I immediately sent the Hosiander, of which I appointed Edward Christian captain, to go in search of the bark from Malacca, which was brought to me on the 17th: But the king sent me two messengers, desiring me to release her and her people and cargo; which I refused, till I had examined the bark and her contents; saying, however, that in honour and respect for his majesty, I should then do whatever he was pleased to desire. Afterwards, I was informed by Mr Christian, that there were only four or five bales of goods in the bark, and that nothing she contained had been meddled with. Being satisfied of this I went ashore, and found my merchants were at the court. They returned presently, saying, that the king was greatly displeased at the capture of the Portuguese bark in his port, protesting by his god that he would make us all prisoners, if she were not released. Having notice that I was ashore, the king presently sent for me; and, as I was on my way to the court, I met with a gentleman from the king, who desired me in his name to release the bark; but I told him I must first see and speak to the king. I was then brought into the king's presence, and, after much discourse with him, I gave him the bark and all her contents; with which he was so much pleased, that he gave me the title of Arancaia Puto, signifying the honourable white man, requiring all his nobles to call me by that name. In farther proof of his satisfaction with my conduct on this occasion, he sold me all his benzoin at my own price, being twenty tailes the bahar, though then selling commonly at thirty-four and thirty-five tailes. He at the same time expressed his esteem and affection for me in the strongest terms, desiring me to ask from him whatever I thought proper. I only requested his letters of recommendation and favour for Priaman, which he most readily promised; and, at my taking leave, he both made me eat some mangoes, of which he was then eating, and gave me some home with me.
On the 27th, Malim Cairy came to Acheen, by whom I received letters from our merchants at Surat, as also a copy of the firmaun, sent them from Agra, bearing date the 25th January, in the seventh year of the then reigning Great Mogul, by which everything was confirmed that had been agreed upon between the governor of Ahmedabad and me. The 17th of June, a Dutch merchant came to Acheen from Masulipatam, who had been eight months on his way, from whom we learnt the death of Mr Anthony Hippon at Patane, and of Mr Brown, master of the Globe, who died at Masulipatam, where our people had met with evil usage. The 24th I received of the king his present for the king of England, consisting of a criss or dagger, a hasega, four pieces of fine Calicut lawn, and eight camphire dishes.[90]
[Footnote 90: In the translation of the letter accompanying these presents, to be noticed hereafter, they are thus described:--"A criss wrought with gold, the hilt being of beaten gold, with a ring of stones; an Assagaya of Swasse, half gold half copper; eight porcelain dishes small and great, of camfire one piece of souring stuff; three pieces of callico lawns."--The passage in Italics is inexplicable, either in the words of the letter, or in the description in the text.--E.]
The 3d of July, the fleet of armed vessels belonging to Acheen arrived, being only twenty days from the coast of Johor, at which place they had captured the factory of the Hollanders, making prize of all their goods, and had brought away some twenty or twenty-four Dutchmen as prisoners. The 7th, I received the king's letter for Priaman, together with a chop or licence for my departure; and on the 12th, taking my leave of Acheen, I embarked. In the morning of the 13th I set sail. It is to be noted, that, from the 12th April to the middle of June, we had much rain here at Acheen, seldom two fair days following, and accompanied, by much wind in sudden gusts. From the 15th June to the 12th July, we had violent gales of wind, always at S.W. or W.S.W. or W.
S.4. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence Home to England.
Leaving Acheen, as said before, on the 13th July, 1613, we came in sight of Priaman on the 3d of August, it being then nine or ten leagues off, N.E. by E. and clearly known by two great high hills, making a great swamp or saddle between them. We saw also the high land of Tecoo, which is not more than half the height of that of Priaman, and rises somewhat flat. At the same time likewise we saw the high land of Passaman, some seven or eight leagues north of Tecoo, mid-way between Tecoo and Priaman, which mountain is very high, and resembles Aetna in Sicily.[91] In the afternoon of the 7th we came to Tecoo, and anchored to the eastward of the three islands in seven fathoms, the southmost isle bearing W.S.W. the middle isle W.N.W. and the northern isle N. 1/2 E. our anchorage being a mile from them.
[Footnote 91: Perhaps this observed similarity with Aetna is meant to indicate that this hill also is a volcano.--E.]
I sent ashore my merchants on the 19th, and landed myself in the afternoon. Next day, by advice of our council, the Hosiander was sent to Priaman, with the letter of the king of Acheen. She sailed from Tecoo on the 12th, and came back on the 18th, when she was dispatched to Bantam. The 25th there came a junk from Bantam, the owners of which were Chinese. They confirmed to me the reported death of Sir Henry Middleton, with the loss of most of the men belonging to the Trades-increase, in consequence of her main-mast breaking, while heaving her down for careening her bottom. She was now returned from Pulo-Pannian to Bantam, and they said that three hundred Chinese had died while employed at work upon her.
The 28th a boat I had sent to Passaman returned, having been well entertained at that place, and brought with them the Scrivano to deal with me, with whom accordingly I concluded a bargain. The 29th, the governor of Tecoo sent for me to come ashore, when I went to wait upon him. He was in council, with all the chiefs of the district, and, after a long discussion, we agreed on the following price of pepper. In the first place, we were to pay eighteen dollars the bahar; then there was 8d. the bahar for lastage or weighing, 30d. for canikens, and 35 d. for seilars: Besides all which they bargained for presents to sixteen chiefs or great men. On the 30th, Henry Long came from Passaman, and informed me that Mr Oliver had fallen sick, and that several others of our men had died there; upon which I sent my pinnace to bring back Mr Oliver and all others who survived, and to discontinue our factory at that place.
The 21st October, the Hosiander returned from Bantam, bringing me letters from the English merchants at that place; saying that they had 17,000 bags of pepper ready, all of which I might have, or any part of it I thought proper, if I chose to come for it, at thirteen dollars the timbane. On this, and several other considerations, I held a mercantile council, in which it was agreed that the Hosiander should be left at Tecoo for the sale of our Surat goods, all of which were accordingly put on board her for that purpose, and I departed in the Dragon for Bantam from the road of Tecoo on the 30th October. I remained in this road of Tecoo eleven weeks, in which time I bought 115 or 120 tons of pepper, and buried twenty-five of our men. All of these either died, or contracted their mortal illnesses at Passaman, not at Tecoo; and surely, if we had not attempted to trade at Passaman, all, or at least most of these, might have now been living. Wherefore, I earnestly advise all of our nation to avoid sending any of their ships or men to Passaman, for the air there is so contagious, and the water so unwholesome, that it is impossible for our people to live at that place.
I set sail from Tecoo on the 30th October, and arrived in the road of Bantam on the 11th November, where I anchored in a quarter less four fathoms, [3-3/4 fathoms.] Next day I convened our English merchants on board my ship, and agreed on the price of pepper at thirteen dollars the bahar, which is 600 pounds of our weight. Having concluded my business at this place, I set sail for Saldanha bay; where I bought for a small quantity of copper, worth perhaps between three and four pounds, 494 sheep, 4 beeves, and 9 calves. We sailed again from that place on the 4th March, 1614; and on the day of our departure, the natives brought us more live-stock than we knew how to dispose of; but we brought away alive, eighty sheep, two beeves, and one calf.
The 24th of March we saw St Helena, eight or nine leagues to the W.N.W. its latitude, by my estimation, being 16° S. and its long, from the Cape of Good Hope, 22° W. At three p.m. we anchored in the road of that island, right over-against the Chappel. While at St Helena, finding the road from the Chappel [church valley], to where the lemon-trees grow, a most wicked way, insomuch that it was a complete day's work to go and come, I sent my boats to the westward, in hopes of finding a nearer and easier way to bring down hogs and goats. In this search, my people found a fair valley; some three or four miles to the S.W. which leads directly to the lemon-trees, and is the largest and finest valley in the island, after that at the Chappel, and is either the next, or the next save one, from the valley of the Chappel. At this valley, which is some three or four miles from that of the Chappel, and is from it the fourth valley or swamp one way, and from the point to the westward the second, so that it cannot be missed, it is much better and easier for getting provisions or water, and the water is better and clearer. The road or anchorage is all of one even ground and depth, so that it is much better riding here than at any other part of the island; and from this place, a person may go up to the lemon-trees and back again in three hours. We here got some thirty hogs and pigs, and twelve or fourteen hundred lemons; but if we had laid ourselves out for the purpose, I dare say we might have got 200 hogs, besides many goats.
Continuing our voyage home, we got sight of the Lizard point on the 4th June, 1614, our estimated longitude from the Cape of Good Hope being then 27° 20', besides two degrees carried by the currents; so that the difference of longitude, between the Cape and the Lizard, is 29° 20', or very nearly. Though we had then only left the Cape of Good Hope three months before, and were only two months and nine days from St Helena, more than half our company was now laid up by the scurvy, of which two had died. Yet we had plenty of victuals, as beef, bread, wine, rice, oil, vinegar, and sugar, as much as every one chose. All our men have taken their sickness since we fell in with Flores and Corvo; since which we have had very cold weather, especially in two great storms, one from the N. and N.N.E. and the other at N.W. so that it seemeth the sudden coming out of long heat into the cold is a great cause of scurvy. All the way from the Cape of Good Hope to the Azores, I had not one man sick.
The 15th of June, 1614, we came into the river Thames, by the blessing of God, it being that day six months on which we departed from Bantam in Java.
SECTION XVIII.
Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant.[92]
[Footnote 92: Purch. Pilgr. I. 466. On this occasion, only such notices as illustrate the preceding voyage are extracted.--E.]
S.1. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the Voyage.
The bay of Saldhana, and all about the Cape of Good Hope, is healthful, and so fruitful that it might well be accounted a terrestrial paradise. It agrees well with our English constitutions; for, though we had ninety or an hundred sick when we got there, they were all as well in twenty days as when we left England, except one. It was then June, and we had snow on the hills, though the weather below was warmish. The country is mixed, consisting of mountains, plains, meadows, streams, and woods which seem as if artificially planted on purpose, they are so orderly; and it has abundance of free-stone for building. It has also plenty of fish and wild-fowl, as geese, ducks, and partridges, with antelopes, deer, and other animals. The people were very loving, though at first afraid of us, because the Dutch, who resort hither to make train-oil, had used them unkindly, having stolen and killed their cattle; but afterwards, and especially on our return, they were more frank and kind. They are of middle size, well limbed, nimble and active; and are fond of dancing, which they do in just measure, but entirely naked. Their dress consists of a cloak of sheep or seals-skin to their middle, the hair side inwards, with a cap of the same, and a small skin like that of a rat hanging before their privities. Some had a sole, or kind of sandal, tied to their feet. Their necks were adorned with greasy tripes, which they would sometimes pull off and eat raw; and when we threw away the guts of beasts and sheep we bought from them, they would eat them half raw and all bloody, in a most beastly and disgusting manner. They had bracelets about their arms of copper or ivory, and were decorated with many ostrich feathers and shells. The women were habited like the men, and were at first very shy; but when here on our return voyage, they became quite familiar, even lifting their rat-skins: But they are very loathsome objects, their breasts hanging down to their waists. The hair both of the men and women is short and frizzled. With these people copper serves as gold, and iron for silver. Their dwellings are small tents, removable, at pleasure; and their language is full of a strange clicking sound, made by doubling their tongues in their throats. There is a high hill, called the Table Mountain, which covers all the adjoining territory for an hundred miles. The natives, who are quite black, behaved to us very peaceably, but seemed to have no religion, yet their skins were slashed or cut, like the priests of Baal; and one seemed to act as chief, as he settled the prices for the whole. Some of our people went a considerable way into the country, and discovered many bays and rivers.
When at Surat, the Guzerats took some of our sea-coal to send to their sovereign, the Great Mogul, as a curiosity. At this place there came against us a Portuguese squadron of four galleons, attended by twenty-five or twenty-six armed barks or frigates, commanded by an admiral named Nuno de Accunna, and having all red colours displayed, in token of defiance. When advised by the sabander to keep between us and the shore, he proudly answered, That he scorned to spend a week's provisions on his men in hindering us from trade, as he was able to force us to yield to his superior force in an hour. After three fights, they sent one of their frigates against us, manned with six or seven score of their best men, intending to set us on fire, but they were all sunk.
Medhaphrabad,[93] formerly a fine walled city, has been entirely ruined in the wars of the Moguls. It has still a strong castle, held by a refractory chief of the Rajapoots, and was besieged by the nabob, having fifty or sixty thousand men in his camp. The nabob dwelt in a magnificent tent, covered above with cloth of gold, and spread below with Turkey carpets, having declared he would not desist from the siege till he had won the castle. He sent a horse, and two vests wrought with silk and gold, to our general Captain Best, with four vests for four others. On the 23d and 24th of December, we fought again with the Portuguese, in view of the whole army of the Moguls, and forced them to cut their cables and flee from us, being better sailing vessels than ours.
[Footnote 93: Called Madafaldebar in the preceding section, and there supposed to be the place now named Jaffrabat, on the coast of Guzerat.--E.]
I rode from Swally to Surat in a coach drawn by oxen, which are ordinarily used in this country for draught, though they have plenty of excellent and handsome horses. On the way I was quite delighted to see at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest combined I had ever seen any where, often in two adjoining fields, one as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold, and ready to cut down; their grain being wheat and rice, of which they make excellent bread. All along the road there were many goodly villages, full of trees which yield a liquor called toddy, or palm-wine, which is sweet and pleasant, like new wine, being strengthening and fattening. They have grapes also, yet only make wine from the dried raisins. In Surat there are many fair houses built of stone and brick, having flat roofs, and goodly gardens, abounding in pomegranates, pomecitrons, lemons, melons, and figs, which are to be had at all times of the year, the gardens being continually refreshed with curious springs and fountains of fresh water. The people are tali, neat, and well-clothed in long robes of white callico or silk, and are very grave and judicious in their behaviour. The sabander assured us that we had slain 350 of the Portuguese; but we heard afterwards, that above 500 were killed or maimed. Our general sent letters for England by land, but the messenger and his Indian attendant were poisoned by two friars. A second letter was entrusted to a mariner, which reached its destination.
We anchored in the road of Acheen on the 12th April, 1613, where we were kindly received by the king. On the 2d of May, all the strangers then at Acheen were invited to a banquet at a place six miles from the town, and on this occasion two elephants were sent for our general. To this place all the dishes were brought by water by boys, who swam with one hand, while each carried a dish in--the other; and the drink was brought in the same manner. When the guests had satisfied themselves with tasting any of the dishes, which indeed they must of all, the remainder was thrown into the river. In this feast there were at least 500 dishes served, all well dressed. It continued from one o'clock till five; but our general, who was wearied with sitting so long in the water beside the king, was dismissed an hour before the other guests. The captain or chief merchant of the Dutch factory, either by taking too much strong drink, or from sitting too long in the cold water, caught an illness of which he died soon after.
The 2d June we were entertained by a fight of four elephants with a wild tyger, which was tied to a stake; yet did he fasten on the legs and trunks of the elephants, making them to roar and bleed extremely. This day, as we were told, one eye of a nobleman was plucked out by command of the king, for having looked at one of the king's women, while bathing in the river. Another gentleman, wearing a sash, had his head cut round, because it was too large. Some he is said to throw into boiling oil, some to be sawn in pieces, others to have their legs cut off, or spitted alive, or empaled on stakes. The 25th of June, the king of Acheen sent our general a letter for the king of England, most beautifully written and painted, of which the following is a translation of the preamble.[94]
[Footnote 94: Being merely complimentary, it has not been deemed necessary to give any more of this letter than the hyperbolical titles assumed by the petty Mallay rajah.--E.]
PEDUCKA SIRIE, Sultan, King of kings renowned in war, sole king of Sumatra, more famous than his ancestors, feared in his dominions, and honoured in all the neighbouring countries. In whom is the true image of a king, reigning by the true rules of government, formed as it were of the most pure metal, and adorned by the must splendid colours. Whose seat is most high and complete; whence floweth, as a river of fine crystal, the pure and undefiled stream of bounty and justice. Whose presence is like the most pure gold: King of Priaman, and of the mountain of gold: Lord of nine sorts of precious stones: King of two Umbrellas of beaten gold; who sitteth upon golden carpets; the furniture of whose horses, and his own armour, are of pure gold; the teeth of his elephants being likewise of gold, and every thing belonging to them. His lances half gold half silver; his small shot of the same; a saddle also for an elephant of the same; a tent of silver; and all his seals half gold half silver. His bathing-vessels of pure gold; his sepulchre also entire gold, those of his predecessors being only half gold half silver. All the services of his table of pure gold; &c.
This great king sendeth this letter of salutation to James, king of Great Britain, &c.
This king of Acheen is a gallant-looking warrior, of middle size, and full of spirit. His country is populous, and he is powerful both by sea and land. He has many elephants, of which we saw 150 or 180 at one time. His gallies are well armed with brass ordnance, such as demi-cannons, culverins, sackers, minions, &c. His buildings are stately and spacious, though not strong; and his court or palace at Acheen is very pleasant, having a goodly branch of the main river surrounding and pervading it, which he cut and brought in from the distance of six miles in twenty days, while we were there. At taking leave, he desired our general to offer his compliments to the king of England, and to entreat that two white women might be sent him: "For," said he, "if I have a son by one of them, I will make him king of Priaman, Passaman, and the whole pepper coast; so that you shall not need to come any more to me, but may apply to your own English king for that commodity."
S.2. Notes concerning the Voyage, extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon.
The regular trade-wind is seldom met with till two or three degrees south of the equator. Tornados are sure to be encountered in two or three degrees north of the line, and sometimes even four degrees. It is necessary to use the utmost diligence in getting well to the south, as in that consists the difference between a good and bad voyage, and the health of the men depend greatly on that circumstance. In passing the line, it is proper so to direct the course from the island of Mayo as to cross between the longitudes of seven and nine degrees west of the Lizard, if possible. At all events be careful not to come within six degrees, for fear of the calms on the coast of Guinea, and not beyond ten degrees west from the Lizard if possible, to avoid the W.N.W. stream which sets along the coast of Brazil to the West Indies; and in crossing the line, in 7°, 8°, or 9° west of the Lizard, you shall not fear the flats of Brazil: For the general wind in these longitudes is at E.S.E. or S.E. so that you may commonly make a S.S.W. course, so as to keep the ship full that she may go speedily through; for there is much loss of time in hauling the ship too close by the wind, and it is far better therefore to give her a fathom of the sheet.
In making for the bay of Saldanha [Table bay,] keep between the latitudes of 33° 50' and 34° 20' of S. lat. so as to be sure of coming not much wide of the bay. If, on seeing the land, it appear high, you are then to the S.W. of the bay: if low sand-hills, you are then to the northward of the bay. In falling in with, the high land to the southward, which is between the Cape of Good Hope and the bay, the land trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. seven leagues from the Cape, and then trends away N.E. and S.W. towards the point of the Sugar-loaf, some four leagues. From this point of the Sugar-loaf lieth Penguin island; but keep fair by the point, as two miles from Penguin island there are two shoals. From the point to the island there are some seven or eight miles N. and S. and so, borrowing on that point, in eight or nine fathoms, steer a course S.E. and E.S.E. till you bring the Table S.S.W. and the Sugar-loaf S.W. by W. when you may anchor in 6 or 6 1/2 fathoms as you please; and then will the point of land by the Sugar-loaf bear W.N.W. some two leagues off, and Penguin island N.N.W. some three leagues distant. The latitude of the point going into the bay of Saldanha [Table bay,] is 34° 5' S.[95] On coming in there is nothing to fear, though the air be thick, as the land is bold within a cable's length of the shore.
[Footnote 95: Only 33° 54'--E.]
In my opinion, the current near Cape Aguillas sets to the southward not above fifty or sixty leagues from the land: Wherefore, in going to the eastwards, it is right to have sixty leagues from land, so that you may miss that current. For 90 or 100 leagues beyond Cape Aguillas, the land trends E. by N. and not E.N.E. as in the charts.
In my opinion the gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all India for worms; wherefore ships going to Surat ought to use every precaution against injury from them. At Acheen our general was denominated Arancaya Pattee by the king, who showed him extraordinary favour, sending for him to be present at all sports and pastimes; and all our men were very kindly used by the people at this place, more so than any strangers who had ever been there before.
S.3. Extracts from a Treatise, written by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his Travels and Adventures.
The sheep at the Cape of Good Hope are covered with hair instead of wool. The beeves are large, but mostly lean. The natives of that southern extremity of Africa are negroes, having woolly heads, flat noses, and straight well-made bodies. The men have only one testicle, the other being cut out when very young.[96] Their apparel consists of a skin hung from their shoulders, reaching to their waist, and two small rat-skins, one before and the other behind, and all the rest of their body naked, except a kind of skin or leather-cap on their heads, and soles tied to their feet, considerably longer and broader than the foot. Their arms are very scanty, consisting of bows and arrows of very little force, and lances or darts very artificially made, in the use of which they are very expert, and even with them kill many fish. They are in use to wear the guts of sheep and oxen hanging from their necks, smelling most abominably, which they eat when hungry, and would scramble for our garbage like so many dogs, devouring it quite raw and foul.
[Footnote 96: Captain Saris told me that some have two; but these are of the baser sort and slaves, as he was told by one of these marked by this note of gentility.--Purch.]
At Surat, although Sir Henry Middleton had taken their ships in the Red Sea, they promised to deal fairly with us, considering that otherwise they might burn their ships and give over all trade by sea, as Mill Jaffed, one of the chief merchants of Surat, acknowledged to us. While at Surat, every one of us that remained any time ashore was afflicted with the flux, of which Mr Aldworth was ill for forty days. The custom here is, that all strangers make presents on visiting any persons of condition, and they give other presents in return.
Finding it impossible to have any trade at Surat, as the Portuguese craft infested the mouth of the river, our general removed with the ships to Swally roads, whence we might go and come by land without danger, between that place and Surat. Mr Canning had been made prisoner by the Portuguese, but the viceroy ordered him to be set ashore at Surat, saying, "Let him go and help his countrymen to fight, for we shall take their ships and all of them together." He was accordingly liberated, and came to us at Swally. The purser had likewise been nearly taken; but he escaped and got on board. The 3d October, Seikh Shuffe, governor of Amadavar, [Ahmedabad], the chief city of Guzerat, came to Surat and thence to Swally, where he entered into articles of agreement for trade and friendship.
The 29th of October, four Portuguese galleons and a whole fleet of frigates, or armed grabs, hove in sight. Our general went immediately to meet them in the Dragon, and fired not one shot till he came between their admiral and vice-admiral, when he gave each of them a broadside and a volley of small arms, which made them come no nearer for that day. The other two galleons were not as yet come up, and our consort the Hosiander could not get clear of her anchors, so that she did not fire a shot that day. In the evening both sides came to anchor in the sight of each other. Next morning the fight was renewed, and this day the Hosiander bravely redeemed her yesterday's inactivity. The Dragon drove three of them aground, and the Hosiander so danced the hay about them, that they durst never show a man above hatches. They got afloat in the afternoon with the tide of flood, and renewed the fight till evening, and then anchored till next day. Next day, as the Dragon drew much water, and the bay was shallow, we removed to the other side of the bay at Mendafrobay, [Jaffrabat], where Sardar Khan, a great nobleman of the Moguls, was then besieging a castle of the Rajaputs, who, before the Mogul conquest, were the nobles of that country, and were now subsisting by robbery. He presented our general with a horse and furniture, which he afterwards gave to the governor of Gogo, a poor town to the west of Surat.
After ten days stay, the Portuguese having refreshed, came hither to attack us. Sardar Khan advised our general to flee; but in four hours we drove them out of sight, in presence of thousands of the country people. After the razing of this castle, Sardar Khan reported this gallant action to the Great Mogul, who much admired it, as he thought none were like the Portuguese at sea. We returned to Swally on the 27th December, having only lost three men in action, and one had his arm shot off: while the Portuguese acknowledged to have lost 160, though report said their loss exceeded 300 men.
The 13th January, 1613, I was appointed factor for the worshipful company, and bound under a penalty of four hundred pounds. Our ships departed on the 18th, the galleons not offering to disturb them: and at this time Anthony Starkey was ordered for England. Mr Canning was seventy days in going from Surat to Agra, during which journey he encountered many troubles, having been attacked by the way, and shot in the belly with an arrow, while another Englishman in his company was shot through the arm, and many of his peons were killed and wounded. Two of his English attendants quitted him, and returned to Surat, leaving only two musicians to attend upon him. He arrived at Agra on the 9th April, when he presented our king's letter to the Great Mogul, together with a present of little value; and being asked if this present came from our king, he answered that it only came from the merchants. The Mogul honoured him with a cup of wine from his own hand, and then referred him, on the business of his embassy, to Morak Khan. One of his musicians died, and was buried in the church-yard belonging to the Portuguese, who took up the body, and buried it in the highway; but on this being complained of to the king, they were commanded to bury him again, on penalty of being all banished the country, and of having all the bodies of their own dead thrown out from the church-yard. After this, Mr Canning wrote that he was in fear of being poisoned by the jesuits, and requested to have some one sent up to his assistance, which was accordingly agreed to by us at Surat. But Mr Canning; died on the 29th of May, and Mr Kerridge went up on the 22d of June.
At this time I was to have been sent by the way of Mokha to England; but the master of the ship said it was impossible, except I were circumcised, to go so near Mecca. The 13th October, 1613, the ship returned, and our messenger made prisoner at the bar of Surat by the Portuguese armed frigates, [grabs] worth an hundred thousand pounds, and seven hundred persons going to Goa.[97] This is likely to be of great injury here, for no Portuguese is now permitted to pass either in or out without a surety; and the Surat merchants are so impoverished, that our goods are left on our hands, so that we had to send them to Ahmedabad. John Alkin, who deserted from Sir Henry Middleton to the Portuguese, came to us at this time, and told us that several of their towns were besieged by the Decaners, and other neighbouring Moors, so that they had to send away many hundred Banians and others, that dwelt among them, owing to want of provisions; and indeed three barks came now with these people to Surat, and others of them went to Cambaya. Their weak behaviour in the sea-fight with us was the cause of all this.
[Footnote 97: Probably owing to careless abridgement by Purchas, this passage is quite unintelligible. The meaning seems to be, That the ship in which was the English messenger, having a cargo worth 100,000l. sterling, and 700 persons aboard, bound on the pilgrimage to Mecca, was taken and carried into Goa.--E.]
About this time also, Robert Claxon of the Dragon, who had deserted to the Portuguese for fear of punishment, came to us accompanied by a German who had been a slave among the Turks. One Robert Johnson, who was with the Portuguese, and meant to have come to us, was persuaded by another Englishman, while passing through the Decan, to turn mussulman, and remain in that country, where he got an allowance of seven shillings and sixpence a-day from the king, and his diet from the king's table. But he died eight days after being circumcised. Robert Trully, the musician, fell out with Mr Kerridge at Agra, and went to the king of Decan, carrying a German with him as interpreter. They both offered to turn Mahometans, and Trully, getting a new name at his circumcision, received a great allowance from the king, in whose service he continues; but the German, who had been, formerly circumcised in Persia, and now thought to have deceived the king, was not entertained; whereupon he returned to Agra, where he serves a Frenchman, and now goes to mass. Robert Claxon, above mentioned, had also turned Mahometan in the Decan, with a good allowance at court; but, not being contented, he came to Surat, where he was pitied by us for his seeming penitence; but being entrusted with upwards of forty pounds, under pretence of making purchases, he gave us the slip and returned to the Decan. Thus there are at present four English renegadoes in the Decan, besides many Portuguese. The 27th October, 1613, we received letters sent by Mr Gurney of Masulipatam, written by Captain Marlow of the ship Janus, informing us of his arrival and trade at that place.
From Surat I went to Periano? three coss; thence to Cossumba, a small village, ten coss; and thence to Broach, ten coss. This is a very pretty city on a high hill, encompassed by a strong wall, and having a river running by as large as the Thames, in which were several ships of two hundred tons and upwards. Here are the best calicoes in the kingdom of Guzerat, and great store of cotton. From thence I went to Saninga [Sarang], ten coss; to Carrou? ten c. and then fourteen c. to Boldia [Brodrah], a smaller city than Broach, but well built, having a strong wall, and garrisoned by 3000 horse under Mussuff Khan. I went thence ten c. to a river named, the Wussach, [the Mahy?] where Mussuff was about to engage with the rajaputs who lay on the opposite side of the river, the chief of whom was of the race of the former kings of Surat. Thence other fourteen coss to Niriand,[Nariad] a large town where they make indigo; and thence, ten c. more to Amadabar, or Ahmedabad, the chief city of Guzerat, nearly as large as London, surrounded by a strong wall, and seated in a plain by the side of the river Mehindry. There are here many merchants, Mahometans, Pagans, and Christians; with great abundance of merchandize, which chiefly are indigo, cloth of gold, silver tissue, velvets, but nothing comparable to ours, taffeties, gumbucks, coloured baffaties, drugs, &c. Abdalla Khan is governor of this place, who has the rank and pay of a commander of 5000 horse. From, thence, on my way to Cambay, I went seven c. to Barengeo, [Baregia] where every Tuesday a cafilla or caravan of merchants and travellers meet to go to Cambay, keeping together in a large company to protect themselves from robbers. From thence sixteen c. we came to Soquatera, a fine town with a strong garrison; whence we departed about midnight, and got to Cambay about eight next morning, the distance being ten coss.
In November, we rode to Sarkess, three coss from Ahmedabad, where are the sepulchres of the Guzerat kings, the church and handsome tombs being kept in fine order, and many persons resort to see them from all parts of the kingdom. At the distance of a coss, there is a pleasant house with a large garden, a mile round, on the banks of the river, which Chon-Chin-Naw,[98] the greatest of the Mogul nobles, built in memory of the great victory he gained at this place over the last king of Guzerat, in which he took the king prisoner, and subjugated the kingdom. No person inhabits this house, and its orchard is kept by a few poor men. We lodged here one night, and sent for six fishermen, who in half an hour caught more fish for us than all our company could eat.
[Footnote 98: This name seems strangely corrupted, more resembling the name of a Chinese leader than of a Mogul Khan or Amir. Perhaps it ought to have been Khan-Khanna.--E.]
The 28th November, we received intelligence at Ahmedabad, that three English ships had arrived at Larry Bunder, the port town of Guta-Negar-Tutla, [Tatta] the chief city of Sindy. I was sent thither, and came on the 13th December to Cassumparo, where I overtook a cafilla or caravan travelling to Rahdunpoor, six days journey on my way. We went thence to Callitalouny, a fair castle; thence seven c. to Callwalla, a pretty village, given by the emperor Akbar to a company of women and their posterity for ever, to bring up their children in dancing and music. They exhibited their talents to our caravan, and every man made them some present, and then they openly asked if any of us wanted bedfellows. On the 16th we went eight coss to Cartya, where is a well-garrisoned fortress. We remained here till the 18th, waiting for another caravan for fear of thieves, and then went to Deccanaura,[99] on which day our camel was stolen and one of our men was slain. The 19th we travelled ten c. to Bollodo, a fort held by Newlock Abram Cabrate for the Mogul, and who that day brought in 169 heads of the Coolies, a plundering tribe. The 20th in thirteen c. we came to a fort named Sariandgo, and the 21st in ten c. we arrived at Rhadunpoor, a large town with a fort. We remained here till the 23d, to provide water and other necessaries for our journey through the desert.
[Footnote 99: It singularly happens, in the excellent map of Hindoostan by Arrowsmith, that none of the stages between Ahmedabad and Rahdunpoor are laid down, unless possibly Decabarah of the map may be Decanauru of the text; while Mr Arrowsmith actually inserts on his map the route of Whittington across the sandy desert of Cutch, between Rahdunpoor and the eastern branch of the Indus, or Nulla Sunkra, and thence through the Delta to Tatta.--E.]
The 23d, leaving Rhadunpoor, we travelled seven coss, and lay all night in the fields, having that day met a caravan coming from Tatta that had been plundered of every thing. On the 24th I sent off one of my peons with a letter to Larry Bunder, who promised to be there in ten days, but I think he was slain by the way; we went twelve c. that day. The 25th we travelled fourteen c. and lodged by a well, the water of which was so salt that our cattle would not drink it. The 26th ten c. to such another well, where our camels took water, not having had any for three days. The 27th after fourteen c. we lodged on the ground; and the 28th, in ten c. we came to a village called Negar Parkar. In this desert we saw great numbers, of wild asses, red deer, foxes, and other wild animals. We stopt all the 29th, and met another caravan, that had been robbed within two days journey of Tatta. Parkar pays tribute yearly to the Mogul; but all the people from thence to Inno, half a day's journey from Tatta, acknowledge no king, but rob and spare at their pleasure. When any of the Moguls come among them, they set their own houses on fire, and flee into the mountains; and as their houses are only built of straw and mortar, they are soon rebuilt. They exact customs at their pleasure, and even guard passengers through the desert, not willing they should be robbed by any but themselves. The 30th we left Parkar, and after travelling six coss, we lay at a tank or pond of fresh water. The 31st we travelled eight c. and lay in the fields beside a brackish well. The 1st January, 1614, we went ten c. to Burdiano, and though many were sick of this water, we had to provide ourselves with a supply for four days. The 2d we travelled all night eighteen c. The 3d, from afternoon till midnight, we went ten c. The 4th twelve c. This day I fell sick and vomited, owing to the bad water. The 5th, after seven c. we came to three wells, two of them salt and one sweetish. The 6th, having travelled ten c. we came to Nuraquimire, a pretty town, where our company from Rhadunpoor left us. We who remained were two merchants and myself with five of their servants, four of mine, ten camels, and five camel-drivers.
This town of Nuraquimire is within three days journey of Tatta, and to us, after coming out of the desert, seemed quite a paradise. We agreed with a kinsman of the Rajah, or governor, for twenty laries, or shillings, to conduct us on the remainder of our journey. We accordingly departed on the 8th, and travelled ten c. to Gaundajaw, where we had been robbed but for our guard. The 9th we were twice set upon, and obliged to give each time five laries to get free. We came to Sarruna, a great town of the rajputs with a castle, fourteen coss from Tatta. We visited the governor, Ragee Bouma, eldest son to sultan Bulbul, who was lately captured by the Moguls and had his eyes pulled out, yet had escaped about two months ago, and was now living in the mountains inviting all his kindred to revenge. The Ragee treated me kindly as a stranger, asking me many questions about my country. He even made me sup with him, and gave me much wine, in which he so heartily partook, that he stared again. A banian at this place told me that Sir Robert Sherly had been much abused by the Portuguese and the governor of Larry Bunder, having his house set on fire, and his men much hurt in the night; and that on his arrival at Tatta, thirteen days journey from thence, he had been unkindly used by the governor of that city. He likewise told me of the great trade carried on at Tatta, and that ships of 300 tons might be brought up to Larry Bunder; and advised me to prevail upon Ragee Bouma to escort us to Tatta.
According to this bad advice, we hired the Ragee for forty laries to escort us with fifty horsemen to the gates of Tatta. We departed from Sarruna on the 11th January, and having travelled five coss we lay all night by the side of a river. Departing at two next morning, the Ragee led us in a direction quite different from our right road, and came about daybreak into a thicket, where he made us all be disarmed and bound, and immediately strangled the two merchants and their five men by means of their camel ropes. After stripping them of all their clothes, he caused their bodies to be flung into a hole dug on purpose. He then took my horse and eighty rupees from me, and sent me and my men up the mountains to his brothers, at the distance of twenty coss, where we arrived on the 14th, and where I remained twenty days a close prisoner. On the 7th February, an order came to send me to Parkar, the governor of which place was of their kindred, and that I should be sent from thence to Rhadunpoor; but I was plundered on the way of my clothes and every thing else about me, my horse only being left me, which was not worth taking away.
Arriving at Parkar on the 28th February, and finding the inhabitants charitable, we were reduced to the necessity of begging victuals; and actually procured four mahmoodies by that means, equal to as many shillings. But having the good fortune to meet a banian of Ahmedabad, whom I had formerly known, he relieved me and my men. We were five days in travelling from Parkar to Rhadunpoor, where I arrived on the 19th March, and went thence to Ahmedabad on the 2d April, after an absence of 111 days. Thence to Brodia and Barengeo, thence sixteen c. to Soquatera, and ten c. to Cambay. We here crossed the large river, which is seven coss in breadth,[100] and where many hundreds are swallowed up yearly. On the other side of the river we came to Saurau,[101] where is a town and castle of the razbootches or rajputs. The 16th of April I travelled twenty-five coss to Broach. The 17th I passed the river [Narbuddah], and went ten c. to Cossumba; and on the 18th thirteen c. to Surat.
[Footnote 100: The great river in the text is assuredly the upper part of the gulf of Cambay, where the tide sets in with prodigious rapidity, entering almost at once with a vast wave or bore, as described on a former occasion in the Portuguese voyages.--E.]
[Footnote 101: Probably Sarrode, on the south side of the entry of the river Mahy.--E.]
According to general report, there is no city of greater trade in all the Indies than Tatta in Sinde; its chief port being Larry Bunder, three days journey nearer the mouth of the river. There is a good road without the river's mouth, said to be free from worms; which, about Surat especially, and in other parts of India, are in such abundance, that after three or four months riding, were it not for the sheathing, ships would be rendered incapable of going to sea. The ports and roads of Sinde are said to be free. From Tatta they go in two months by water to Lahore, and return down the river in one. The commodities there are baffatys, stuffs, lawns [muslins], coarse indigo, not so good as that of Biana. Goods, may be carried from Agra on camels in twenty days to Bucker on the river Indus, and thence in fifteen or sixteen days aboard the ships at the mouth of the Indus. One may travel as soon from Agra to Sinde as to Surat, but there is more thieving on the Sinde road, in spite of every effort of the Mogul government to prevent it.
The inhabitants of Sinde consist mostly of Rajputs, Banians, and Baloches, the governors of the cities and large towns being Moguls. The country people are rude; going naked from the waist upwards, and wear turbans quite different from the fashion of the Moguls. Their arms are swords, bucklers, and lances; their bucklers being large and shaped like bee-hives, in which they are in use to give their camels drink, and their horses provender. Their horses are good, strong, and swift, and though unshod, they ride them furiously, backing them at a year old. The Rajputs eat no beef or buffalo flesh, even worshipping them; and the Moguls say that the Rajputs know how to die as well as any in the world. The Banians kill nothing, and are said to be divided into more than thirty different casts, that differ somewhat among them in matters of religion, and may not eat with each other. All burn their dead; and when the husband dies, the widow shaves her head, and wears her jewels no more, continuing this state of mourning as long as she lives.
When a Rajput dies, his wife accompanies his body to the funeral pile in her best array, attended by all her friends and kindred, and by music. When the funeral pile is set on fire, she walks round it two or three times, bewailing the death of her husband, and then rejoicing that she is now to live with him again: After which, embracing her friends, she sits down on the top of the pile among dry wood, taking her husband's head on her lap, and orders fire to be put to the pile; which done, her friends throw oil upon her and sweet perfumes, while she endures the fire with wonderful fortitude, loose not bound. I have seen many instances of this. The first I ever saw was at Surat, the widow being a virgin of ten years old, and her affianced husband being a soldier slain in the wars at a distance, whence his clothes and turban were sent to her, and she insisted on burning herself along with these. The governor refused to give her permission, which she took grievously to heart, and insisted on being burnt; but they durst not, till her kindred procured leave by giving the governor a present, to her great joy. The kindred of the husband never force this, but the widow esteems it a disgrace to her family not to comply with this custom, which they may refrain from if they choose: But then they must shave their heads, and break all their ornaments, and are never afterwards allowed to eat, drink, sleep, or keep company with any one all the rest of their lives. If, after agreeing to burn, a woman should leap out of the fire, her own parents would bind her and throw her in again by force; but this weakness is seldom seen.
The Banian marriages are made at the age of three years or even under; and two pregnant women sometimes enter into mutual promises, if one of their children should prove male and the other female, to unite them in marriage. But these marriages are always in the same cast and religion, and in the same trade and occupation; as the son of a barber with the daughter of a barber, and so on. When the affianced couple reach three years of age, the parents make a great feast, and set the young couple on horseback dressed in their best clothes, a man sitting behind each to hold them on. They are then led about the city in procession, according to their state and condition, accompanied by bramins or priests and many others, who conduct them to the pagoda or temple; and after going through certain ceremonies there, they are led home, and feasts are given for several days, as they are able. When ten years of age, the marriage is consummated. The reason they assign for these early marriages is, that they may not be left wifeless, in case their parents should die. Their bramins are esteemed exceedingly holy, and have the charge of their pagodas or idol temples, having alms and tithes for their maintenance; yet they marry, and follow occupations, being good workmen and ready to learn any pattern. They eat but once a day, washing their whole bodies before and after meat, and use ablutions after the natural evacuations.
The Baloches are Mahometans, who deal much in camels, and are mostly robbers by land or on the rivers, murdering all they rob; yet are there very honest men among them in Guzerat and about Agra. While I was in Sinde, they took a boat with seven Italians and a Portuguese friar, all the rest being slain in fight. This was ripped up by them in search of gold.[102]
[Footnote 102: This is obscurely expressed, leaving it uncertain what was ripped up in search of gold: The boat, the bodies of the slain, or the prisoners.--E.]
John Mildnall, or Mildenhall, an Englishman, had been employed with three other young Englishmen, whom he poisoned in Persia, to make himself master of the goods. He was himself also poisoned, yet, by means of preservatives, he lived many months afterwards, though exceedingly swelled, and so came to Agra with the value of 20,000 dollars. On this occasion I went from Surat for Agra, on the 14th May, 1614. I arrived first at Bramport, [Bushanpoor] where Sultan Parvis lives, situated in a plain on the river Taptee or of Surat, which is there of great breadth, and at this place there is a large castle. Thence I went to Agra in twenty-six days, having travelled the whole way from Surat to Agra, which is 700 coss or 1010 English miles, in thirty-seven days of winter, during which time it rained almost continually. From Surat to Burhanpoor is a pleasant champain country, well watered with rivers, brooks, and springs. Between Burhanpoor and Agra the country is very mountainous, not passable with a coach, and scarcely to be travelled on camels. The nearest way is by Mando, passing many towns and cities on every day's journey, with many high hills and strong castles, the whole country being well inhabited, very peaceable, and clear of thieves.
Agra is a very large town, its wall being two coss in circuit, the fairest and highest I ever saw, and well replenished with ordnance; the rest of the city being ruinous, except the houses of the nobles, which are pleasantly situated on the river. The ancient royal seat was Fatipoor, twelve coss from Agra, but is now fallen into decay. Between these two is the sepulchre of the king's father, to which nothing I ever saw is comparable: yet the church or mosque of Fatipoor comes near it, both being built according to the rules of architecture. In Agra the Jesuits have a house and a handsome church, built by the Great Mogul, who allows their chief seven rupees a-day, and all the rest three, with licence to convert as many as they can: But alas! these converts were only for the sake of money; for when, by order of the Portuguese, the new converts were deprived of their pay, they brought back their beads again, saying they had been long without pay, and would be Christians no longer. In consequence of the Portuguese refusing to deliver back the goods taken at Surat, the king ordered the church doors to be locked up and they have so continued ever since; so the padres make a church of one of their chambers, where they celebrate mass twice a day, and preach every Sunday, first in Persian to the Armenians and Moors, and afterwards in Portuguese for themselves, the Italians, and Greeks.
By them I was informed of the particulars of Mildenhall's goods, who had given them all to a French protestant, though himself a papist, that he might marry a bastard daughter he had left in Persia, and bring up another. The Frenchman refusing to make restitution, was thrown into prison and after four months all was delivered up.
Between Agumere and Agra, at every ten coss, being an ordinary day's journey, there is a Serai or lodging house for men and horses, with hostesses to dress your victuals if you please, paying a matter of three-pence for dressing provisions both for man and horse. And between these two places, which are 120 coss distant, there is a pillar erected at every coss, and a fair house every ten coss, built by Akbar, on occasion of making a pilgrimage on foot from Agra to Agimere, saying his prayers at the end of every coss. These houses serve for accommodating the king and his women, no one else being allowed to use them. The king resides at Agimere on occasion of wars with Rabna, a rajput chief, who has now done homage, so that there is peace between them. I made an excursion to the Ganges, which is two days journey from Agra. The Banians carry the water of the Ganges to the distance of many hundred miles, affirming that it never corrupts, though kept for any length of time. A large river, called the Geminie [Jumna], passes by Agra.
On the 24th of May, 1616, while on our voyage home to England, we went into Suldunha bay, where were several English ships outwards bound, namely, the Charles, Unicorn, Janus, Globe, and Swan, the general being Mr Benjamin Joseph. We arrived safe at Dover on the 15th September, 1616.
John Mildenhall, mentioned in the foregoing article, left England on the 12th February, 1600, and went by Constantinople, Scanderoon, Aleppo, Bir, Caracmit, Bitelis, Cashbin, Ispahan, Yezd, Kerman, and Sigistan, to Candhar; and thence to Lahore, where he arrived in 1603. He appears to have carried letters from Queen Elizabeth to the Great Mogul, by whom he was well received, and procured from him letters of privilege for trade in the Mogul dominions. He thence returned into Persia, whence he wrote to one Mr Richard Staper from Cashbin, on the 3d October, 1606, giving some account of his travels, and of his negociations at the court of the Mogul. This letter, and a short recital of the first two years of his peregrinations, are published in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 114--116, but have not been deemed of sufficient importance for insertion in this collection.--E.
SECTION XIX.
Eleventh Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, in the Salomon.[103]
We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st February, 1611, according to the computation of the church of England, or 1612 as reckoned by others. We were four ships in company, which were counted as three separate voyages, because directed to several parts of India: The James, which was reckoned the ninth voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander the tenth, and our ship, the Salomon, as the eleventh.
[Footnote 103: Purch. Pilgr. I. 486. This unimportant voyage is only preserved, for the sake of continuing the regular series of voyages which contributed to the establishment of the East India Company. We learn from Purchas that it was written by Ralph Wilson, one of the mates in the Salomon, who never mentions the name of his captain. This voyage, as given by Purchas, contains very little information, and is therefore here abridged, though not extending to two folio pages in the Pilgrims.--E.]
I would advise such as go from Saldanha bay with the wind at E. or S.E. to get to a considerable distance from the land before standing southwards, as otherwise the high lands at the Cape will take the wind from them; and if becalmed, one may be much troubled, as there is commonly in these parts a heavy sea coming from the west. Likewise, the current sets in for the shore, if the wind has been at N.N.W. or W. or S.S.W. And also the shore is so bold that no anchorage can be had.
The 18th October, we espied the land, being near Celeber in the island of Sumatra, in about 3° of south latitude. The 2d November, coming between Java and a ragged island to the westwards of the point of Palimbangan, we met a great tide running out so fast that we could hardly stem it with the aid of a stiff gale. When afterwards the gale slacked, we came to anchor, and I found the tide to run three 1/2 leagues in one watch. I noticed that this tide set outwards during the day, and inwards through the night. This day at noon the point of Palimbangan bore N.E. by E. three leagues off, and from thence to the road of Bantam is five leagues, S.S.E. 1/3 E. The latitude of Bantam is 6° 10' S. and the long. 145° 2' E. This however is rather too much easterly, as I think the true longitude of Bantam is 144° E. from Flores.[104]
[Footnote 104: The long. of Bantam is 106° E. from Greenwich. That in the text appears to have been estimated from the island of Flores, which is 31° 20' W. from Greenwich, so that the longitude of Bantam ought to have been stated as 137° 20' E. from Flores, making an error of excess in the text of seven or eight degrees.--E.]
The 7th March, at five p.m. while in lat. 20° 34' S. we descried land nine leagues off, N.E. 1/2 N. The S.E. part of this island is somewhat high, but falleth down with a low point. The W. part is not very high, but flat and smooth towards the end, and falls right down. The south and west parts of this island is all surrounded with shoals and broken ground, and we did not see the other sides; yet it seemed as if it had good refreshments. The longitude of this island is 104° from Flores, but by my computation 107°.[105] In these long voyages, we do not rely altogether on our reckoning, but use our best diligence for discovering the true longitudes, which are of infinite importance to direct our course aright.
[Footnote 105: No island is to be found in the latitude and longitude indicated in the text.--E.]
SECTION XX.
The Twelfth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1613, by Captain Christopher Newport.[106]
The full title of this voyage, as given in the Pilgrims, is as follows:--"A Journal of all principal Matters passed in the Twelfth Voyage to the East India, observed by me Walter Payton, in the good ship the Expedition.--Whereof Mr Christopher Newport was captain, being set out Anno 1612. Written by the said Walter Payton." The date of the year of this voyage, according to our present mode of computation, was 1613, as formerly explained at large, the year being then computed to commence on the 25th March, instead of the 1st January.--E.
[Footnote 106: Purch. Pilgr. I. 488.]
S.1. Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia.
The 7th January, 1613, we sailed from Gravesend for India, in the good ship Expedition of London, about the burden of 260 tons, and carrying fifty-six persons; besides the Persian ambassador and his suite, of whom there were fifteen persons, whom we were ordered to transport to the kingdom of Persia, at the cost of the worshipful company. The names of the ambassador and his people were these. Sir Robert Sherley the ambassador, and his lady, named Teresha, a Circassian; Sir Thomas Powell, and his lady, called Tomasin, a Persian; a Persian woman, named Leylye; Mr Morgan Powell; Captain John Ward; Mr Francis Bubb, secretary; Mr John Barbar, apothecary; John Herriot, a musician; John Georgson, goldsmith, a Dutchman; Gabriel, an old Armenian; and three Persians, named Nazerbeg, Scanderbeg, and Molhter.
In the morning of the 26th April; we fell in with a part of the land of Ethiopia, [Southern Africa,] close adjoining to which is a small island, called Conie island, [Dassen island] all low land, and bordered by many dangerous rocks to seawards. It is in the lat. of 33° 30' S. The wind falling short, we were constrained to anchor between that island and the main, where we had very good ground in nineteen or twenty fathoms. We sent our boat to the island, where we found Penguins, geese, and other fowls, and seals in great abundance; of all which we took as many as we pleased for our refreshment. By a carved board, we observed that the Hollanders had been there, who make great store of train-oil from the seals. They had left behind them the implements of their work, together with a great copper cauldron standing on a furnace, the cauldron being full of oil; all which we left as we found them.
Having spent two days here at anchor, and the wind coming favourable, we weighed and proceeded for the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived, by God's grace, at Saldanha on the 30th of April, where we found six ships at anchor. Two of these, the Hector and James, were English, and the other four Hollanders, all homeward bound. We here watered, and refreshed ourselves well with reasonable abundance of the country sheep and beeves, which were bought from the natives, and plenty of fresh fish, which we caught with our seyne. The 10th May the Pepper-corn arrived here, likewise homewards bound; and as she was but ill provided with necessaries, we supplied her from our scanty store as well as we could spare.
Being all ready to depart with the first fair wind, which, happened on the 15th May, we then sailed altogether from the bay, taking leave according to the custom of the sea, and we directed our course for St Augustine. In our way we had sight of Capo do Arecife,[107] part of the main land of Africa, in lat. 33° 25' S. on the 24th May, the compass there varying 6° 9'. The 15th June we got sight of the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar, and on the 17th came to anchor close beside port St Augustine, meaning to search the soundings and entrance into the bay before we went in, as there was no one in the ship well acquainted with it. Having done this, we went in next day, and came to anchor in ten fathoms, yet our ship rode in forty fathoms. We had here wood and water, and great abundance of fresh fish, which we caught in such quantities with the seyne as might have served for six ships companies, instead of our own. But we could get no cattle from the natives, who seemed to be afraid of us; for, though they came once to us, and promised to bring us cattle next day, they seemed to have said so as a cover for driving away their cattle, in which they were employed in the interim, and they came no more near us. Some days after, we marched into the woods with forty musketeers, to endeavour to discover some of the natives, that we might buy cattle; but we only found empty houses, made of canes, whence we could see the people had only gone away very recently, as their fires were still burning, and the scales of fish they had been broiling were lying about. We also saw the foot-marks of many cattle, which had been there not long before, and had to return empty handed.
[Footnote 107: The latitude in the text indicates Burtrenhook, near the mouth of the Groot river, this being probably the Dutch name, while that in the text is the Portuguese.--E.]
The entry into the port of St Augustine resembles that of Dartmouth haven; and on going in, you must bring the wood, called Westminster-hall, to which it has some resemblance, to bear N.E. by E. and then steer due E. borrowing a little towards the south side of the bay, where your soundings will be thirteen, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, all good ground, till you be shut within the shoal. After this you have deep water till you come into the road, and then have seven, eight, and ten fathoms. But if you go too far behind the hill on the larboard hand, which resembles an old barn, you shall then have thirty and forty fathoms. St Augustine is in lat 23° 30' S. the var. being 15° 40'.[108]
[Footnote 108: Long. 44° 20' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
We sailed from St Augustine on the 23d June, directing our course for the island of Mohelia, and on the 3d July we had sight of an island called Juan, nine or ten leagues E. by S. from Mohelia. We came also this day to anchor at Mohelia, between it and some broken land off its southern side. We had here great abundance of refreshments, and very cheap; for we bought five bullocks in exchange for one Levant sword, and had goats, hens, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, plantains, oranges, lemons, and limes, for trifles worth little. Such bullocks as we had for money cost a dollar each, or ten pieces of 4-1/2d.; at which rate we purchased forty-one beeves. The natives of this island are chiefly Moors [negroes], but there are Arabians, Turks, and others also among them; and they are much engaged in wars with the people of Juan, [Hinznan or Johanna,] and Comoro islands in their neighbourhood. They told us that the king of the island died the day we arrived, being succeeded by his son, Phanehomale, who was only of tender years, and was to reign under the protection of the queen his mother. His brother-in-law, as chief man, accompanied by several other people of condition, came down to bid us welcome, and used us very kindly. Both he and many others of the islanders spoke tolerably good Portuguese, so that I had much conversation with them, and was informed of every thing I wished to know.
In this island they build barks, in which they trade along the coast of Melinda and Arabia, disposing of slaves and fruit, by which means they supply themselves with dollars, and with such articles as they need. I suspect also that they have some dealings with the Portuguese, but they would not let us know this, lest we might suspect them of treachery. They told me that we were welcome, and that the whole island was at our command to do us service; but, if we had been Portuguese, they would have put us all to the sword. In my opinion, however, it would be dangerous to repose too much confidence in them. The king's brother-in-law shewed me a letter of recommendation of the place, written in Dutch, and left there by a Hollander; and he requested of us to leave a letter to the same purport, certifying their honest and friendly dealings, that they might be able to show to others of our nation. To this we consented, and I gave them a writing, sealed by our captain, expressing the good entertainment we had received, and the prices of provisions; yet recommending to our countrymen, not to trust them any farther than might seem consistent with their own safety. They speak a kind of Moorish language, somewhat difficult to learn; so that I could only pick up the few words following, which may serve to ask for provisions and fruits, by such as do not understand Portuguese, or in speaking to any of the natives who have not that language.
Gumbey, a bullock. Buze, a goat. Coquo, a hen. Sinzano, a needle. Seiavoye, cocoa-nuts. Demon, lemons. Mage, water. Surra, a kind of drink. Soutan, the king. Quename, a pine-apple. Cartassa, paper. Tudah, oranges. Arembo, bracelets. Figo, plantains.
This island of Mohelia is in lat 12° 10' S.[109] and has good anchorage in its road in forty fathoms. Having watered and refreshed ourselves sufficiently, we sailed from thence on the 10th of July, directing our course for the island of Socotora. The 19th we passed to the north of the equator; and on the 25th we had sight of land, which we supposed to have been Cape Guardafui, at the entrance into the Red Sea; and so, taking a departure for Socotora, we were unable to find it. We were therefore obliged to consider how we might shelter ourselves against the fury of the winter in these parts, and also to procure refreshments; wherefore we determined to sail for the islands of Curia Muria, which are in about the latitude of 18° N.[110] over against the desert of Arabia Felix. In our way; the weather was continually so foggy, that we were unable at any time to see half an English mile before us, such being usual in these seas in the months of July, August, and September. In all this time both the sun and stars were so continually obscured, that we were never able to get an observation, by which to regulate or correct our dead reckoning; but, God being our guide, we at length groped out the land by means of the lead. We could now clearly perceive the colour of the water to be changed to white, with many yellow grassy weeds floating on the surface; and heaving the lead continually as we advanced, we at length struck ground in forty-three fathoms. Proceeding nearer the land, our sounding lessened to twenty-two fathoms, when we anchored on good ground; and though we distinctly heard the rut of the shore at no great distance, we could not perceive the land till next day, when the weather was somewhat clearer. We then sent our skiff in shore, to see if any place could be discovered of more security for our ship to ride in; but, on account of the great sea that came rolling into the bay, the surge was so violent that they could not come near the shore, and had to return as they went; only that they had been able to descry some fair stone-houses by the sea-side, which proved to be Doffar, in Arabia Felix.
[Footnote 109: Lat. 13° 35' S. Long. 45° 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 110: These islands are at the mouth of a bay of the same name on the oceanic coast of that portion of Arabia named Mahra, in long, 55° 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
When God sent us a little clear weather, we could perceive a high cape on the western side of the bay, which we discovered from our skiff the second time it was sent, and could plainly see that it formed a very good road for all kinds of winds, except between the E. and S. by E. points. We were thankful to God for this discovery, and warped our ship to that road, with much toil to our men, as it was six or seven leagues from the place where we had anchored. On the 3d of August, having brought our ship to anchor in that road, we went ashore in the boat to a little village by the sea-side, called Resoit, inhabited mostly by Arabian fishermen, who entertained us kindly, and gave us all the information we desired respecting the country. The governor also of Doffar came down to us, whose name was Mir Mahommed Madoffar, who bade us kindly welcome, and presented us with three bullocks, and some sheep, goats, hens, sugar-canes, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and the like. In return we made him a present of a fine damasked fowling-piece, double lockt, which he greatly admired. He appeared to desire our friendship as much as we did his; and he gave us licence to land at all times when we were inclined. He also gave orders to have a market established for us at the village of Resoit, that we might be supplied with every kind of provision that the country affords. Their cattle were both dear and lean, and fresh water so scarce, bad, and difficult to be had, that we were forced to hire the natives to bring it down to us in skins from a distance, paying them at the rate of twenty-four shillings for the fill of five pipes.
Before leaving this place, Mir Mahommed desired us to leave a writing of commendation in his favour, specifying the kind and good entertainment we had received. This was accordingly granted, and I wrote it upon parchment, beginning it in large letters, the purport being similar to that granted at Mohelia, and this also was signed by the captain. The governor also sent us three notes signed by himself, for the purpose of being given by us to other ships, if they should happen to come upon this part of the coast, as we had been constrained to do, by which he might know our ships from those of other nations, and give them good entertainment accordingly. Cape Resoit is in lat. 16° 38' N. and has good anchorage in 5-1/2 or 6 fathoms.
The 28th August, we set sail from thence, directing our course for the coast of Persia, coasting along the oceanic shore of Arabia; it being our chiefest object to set the lord ambassador on shore, as, by reason of the news we had received at the Cape of Good Hope, our expectations of trade at Surat, Dabul, and all other parts thereabouts, were frustrated. The 2d September, we sailed close beside an island on the coast of Arabia, called Macyra, in lat. 20° 30' N. And on the 4th of that month we passed the eastermost point of Arabia, called Cape Rassalgat, in lat. 22° 34' N.[111]
[Footnote 111: This Cape is in lat. 23° N. and long. 58° 45'E. from Greenwich.--E.]
Note.--In explanation of the disappointment of trade at Surat, &c. there is the following marginal note in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 490.--"These news at the Cape were, Captain Hawkins coming away in disgust, as denied leave to trade; the English being often wronged by the Mogul, in frequent breach of promise, as already shewn; for which they forced a trade in the Red Sea on the Mogul subjects. Which afterwards procured the privileges granted to Captain Best, as already related, lest the Moguls should have the sea shut up to them, and all their trade stopt. They were the more induced to grant these privileges to the English, on seeing them able to withstand the Portuguese, whose marine force had held the Guzerat people under maritime subjection, and made them afraid to trade with the English."--Purch.
S.2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches.
Having crossed the gulf from Cape Rasalgat, on the 10th September we got sight of the coast of Persia, in the lat. of 25° 10' N. When some seven leagues from the land, we sent our skiff ashore to make enquiry concerning the country, and to seek out some convenient place in which to land his lordship, having Sir Thomas Powell, with two of the ambassador's Persian attendants, and Albertus, our own linguist, that we might be able to converse with the natives. They came to a little village called Tesseque,[112] where they spoke with some camel-drivers and other country-people; from whom they learnt that the country was called Getche Macquerona [Mekran], and the inhabitants Baloches, all living under the government of a king, named Melik Mirza, whose chief residence was some five or six days journey from thence, at a port named Guadal. They were farther informed, that all the country of Mekran paid tribute yearly to the king of Persia. When informed of our purpose to land the ambassador, they told us that, by means of Melik Mirza, his lordship might have a safe conveyance in nine days to Kermshir, in the province of Kerman; and from thence might travel in eleven days more to Ispahan in Persia.
[Footnote 112: Tize is laid down upon this part of the Persian coast, in lat 25° 25' N. and long. 60° 80' E. from Greenwich: Perhaps the Tesseque of the text.--E.]
We then sailed along the coast, and on the 11th of the month we sent our boat ashore with Sir Thomas Powell, accompanied as before, to make farther enquiries, and to endeavour to hire a pilot to direct our course for Guadal, as we were unacquainted with the coast. They came to a place called Pesseque, about a day's journey from Tesseque, where they had similar accounts with the former, all commending the port of Guadal as the best place at which the ambassador could land. Wherefore, being unable to procure a pilot, we resolved, with God's blessing, to sail to that place with all the speed we could. On the 13th, while on our way, we espied coming towards us from the eastwards, two great boats, called teradas, which were sailing along shore for Ormus. Whereupon, that we might procure a pilot from them, we manned our skiff sufficiently to bring them by force to our ship, if entreaties were unavailing, yet without meaning to offer them the smallest injury, or even to send them away dissatisfied.
When our skiff came up with them, instead of answering the hails of our men, they waved our skiff to leeward with a drawn sword; on which, thinking to fear them, and make them lower their sail, our men fired a random shot towards them, which they answered by firing another directly at our skiff, followed by half a hundred arrows, to which our men answered by plying all their muskets. But our skiff was unable to hold way with them, as they were under sail, and had therefore to return to the ship, with one man very dangerously wounded by an arrow in the breast, who afterwards recovered. As we in the ship saw the skiff returning without them, we hoisted out our long-boat, and sent her after the two teradas, we following with the ship as near the shore as we could with safety; for it was now of much importance that we should speak with them, on purpose to avoid their spreading scandalous reports of us in the country, which might have frustrated our chief hopes of landing the ambassador at Guadal, being the place we most depended upon, and being destitute of any other place for the purpose, should this fail, considering the unwelcome intelligence we had got concerning Guzerat at the Cape.
Our long boat, having fetched up with the teradas, drove them into a bay whence they could not escape; on which the native mariners sailed so far into the bay, that one of the teradas was cast away on the beach, and the other had nearly shared the same fate, but was saved by our men just without the surf. Most of the balloches leapt overboard, and several of them narrowly escaped drowning; while nine of them were brought by our men to our ship along with the terada, part of whom they had taken out of the water. There were originally twenty-six balloches in the two teradas, but all the rest escaped ashore by swimming through the surf. When these men came aboard our ship, they were found to belong to Guadal; and when told that we were sorry for the loss of their other bark, as we meant them no harm, but only wished to speak with them, that we might learn the navigation to their port, they were glad to learn we had no evil intentions, thinking we had been as merciless as themselves, and acknowledged their loss proceeded from their own folly.
We then informed them that we were bound for Guadal, on purpose to land a Persian ambassador there, and that we earnestly entreated the master of the terada, whose name was Noradin, to pilot us to that place, for which we would satisfy him to his contentment. Knowing that he could not chuse, he consented to go with us, on condition we would permit the terada and his men to proceed to Muscat, whither they were originally bound; but we did not think this quite safe, lest they might communicate news of our arrival among the Portuguese, and thought it better to take the bark along with us to Guadal, to manifest our own good intentions. Noradin accordingly consented, between fear and good will, and was much made of by us to reassure his confidence. On the passage to Guadal, we had much conference with him and his men, both respecting the state of the country, the character of their king, and the means of the ambassador travelling from thence into Persia. Their answers and reports all confirmed what we had been already told on the coast, and gave us hopes of success. The terada was about fifteen tons burden, and her loading mostly consisted in the provisions of the country, as rice, wheat, dates, and the like. They had a Portuguese pass, which they shewed us, thinking at first we had been of that nation. I translated this, to show in what subjection the Portuguese keep all the natives of these countries, as without such a pass they are not suffered to navigate these seas, under penalty of losing their lives, ships, and goods.
Antonio Pereira de la Cerda, Captain of the Castle of Muscat, &c.
"Know all to whom these presents are shewn, that I have hereby given secure licence to this terada, of the burden of fifty candies, whereof is master Noradin, a Mahomedan baloche, dwelling in Guadal, of the age of fifty years, who carries for his defence four swords, three bucklers, five bows, with their arrows, three calivers, two lances, and twelve oars. And that in manner following: She may pass and sail from this castle of Muscat, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache, Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going she carries goods of Conga, as raisins, dates, and such like; but not without dispatch from the custom-house of this castle, written on the back hereof. In this voyage she shall not carry any prohibited goods, viz. steel, iron, lead, tobacco, ginger, cinnamon of Ceylon, or other goods prohibited by his majesty's regulations. And conforming thereto, the said terada shall make her voyage without let or hindrance of any generals, captains, or any of the fleets or ships whatever of his majesty she may happen to meet with. This licence shall be in force for one whole year, in going and returning; and if expired, shall continue in force till the completion of her voyage.
Given at the Castle of Muscat, this 16th November, 1611. Written by Antonio de Peitas, notary of the said factory, &c.
Sealed and signed by ANTONIO PEREIRA."
The certificate on the back was thus: "Registered in the book of Certificates, folio xxxii, et sequ. Signed, ANT. PEITAS."
The 17th September, we sailed past some high rugged cliffs, close to which, as Noradin told us, was a good watering place, at a village named Ivane, fifteen leagues west from Guadal. That same evening we arrived at Guadal, and anchored for the night off the mouth of the port, whence about thirty boats came out next morning to fish, some of which came to speak with the balloches we had aboard. What conversation passed among them we did not understand, being in the balloche language. Betimes on the 18th, we cleared our pilot and his boat, and he departed well contented. Soon after, the ambassador sent Nazerbeg, one of his Persian attendants, on shore in our skiff, with a message to the governor concerning his landing and passing through that country into Persia. While on the way, our skiff was met by the governor's boat, coming off to our ship, and Nazerbeg was taken into that boat, which carried him to the shore, whence he was accompanied by many of the natives to the governor's tent. He here delivered his message in Persian, which these people understand as well as their own language, and was kindly entertained. The answer from the governor was to this effect: That, although this country of Mekran did not belong to the king of Persia, it yet owed love and duty thereto, having been long tributary to the king and his predecessors, and still was. He farther said, that the king of Mekran was the king of Persia's slave, with many other hollow compliments, and that the ambassador should be made as welcome as in Persian all this only tending to allure his lordship ashore by treachery to his ruin, as appeared by the event.
With this answer Nazerbeg returned, being accompanied on board by about a dozen of the most ancient men of the balloches, to confirm the same. On coming aboard, these men saluted the ambassador most submissively, in the name of the governor of Guadal, and on their own behalf some even offering to kiss his feet; and told his lordship that he was most fortunate in coming to their city at this time, as only the day before the viceroy had come down with a troop of men, to visit a saint, and therefore his lordship would be conducted with infinite safety through the country, and protected from the danger of rebels and thieves, who infested the country between Mekran and Persia, and might either go through Kerman or Segistan to Ispahan. They added, that the viceroy would supply his lordship with camels and horses, and every other requisite for the journey, and would gladly give him every other accommodation in his power. They said, moreover, that they were much rejoiced at having such an opportunity of shewing their unfeigned love and duty towards the king of Persia, and that the ambassador should be dispatched on his journey from Guadal in two days, if he were so inclined. They told us, that our ship should be supplied with water, and every other necessary of which we were in want; and they gave us three bags of bruised dates, of about 300 pounds weight, with two boats, saying the fishing-boats were ordered to give us two fish a-piece daily, on account of their government, which they did accordingly.
By these shews of good-will, all men concurring in the same fair story, both now and formerly, we were thoroughly satisfied, and had no distrust that they meant not as well as they said. The lord ambassador, especially, was much rejoiced at the prospect of being thus enabled to reach Persia in twenty days, as they said; and we not less so, in bringing our long-desired hopes to a bearing. But God, from whom no secrets of the heart can be hidden, knew their treacherous intentions towards us; and had not his mercy exceeded his justice, we had been utterly destroyed, and it had never been known what became of us, our ship, or our goods.
Being quite satisfied with these fair promises, the ambassador got every thing in readiness, and in the morning of the 19th September, sent his money and all his baggage on shore with the balloches boats, which came aboard for the purpose. They also brought a message from the viceroy and governor, saying they had provided tents for his lordship and all his followers, close to their own, where they would be happy to receive him as soon as he pleased to land. Into this tent accordingly all the ambassador's goods were carried, and some of his followers were appointed by his orders to remain there in charge of them, till he should himself land, intending to have gone ashore the same day, about four in the afternoon, of which he sent word to the viceroy. In the mean time our boat went ashore with empty casks to bring off fresh water, and in her went the Persian followers of the ambassador, and three or four more of his people, to see the careful landing of his goods, and to accompany them to the tents.
While the ambassador's baggage was landing, some of the natives asked, if these were all the things the ambassador had to send ashore? To which it was answered, that these were all, except jewels and such like things, which were to come along with himself. Some other natives standing by, observed among themselves, That it was no matter, as these were enough for the soldiers. This was overheard and understood by Nazerbeg, who concealed it for the time, though it raised some suspicion in his mind, as he said afterwards: Yet so strongly was he prepossessed by the agreement of all that had passed before, that he could not bring himself to believe their intentions were bad. He listened, however, more attentively to all that was said afterwards among them, but could hear nothing that savoured of double-dealing.
A little while afterwards, Nazerbeg met with one Haji Comul,[113] whom God made an instrument to disclose the devilish project of the balloches to circumvent and destroy us, and who now revealed the particulars of their bloody designs. Nazerbeg was amazed, and even chid Comul for not having told this before the goods were landed. As the time appointed for the landing of the ambassador was at hand, Nazerbeg was fearful he might have come ashore before he could get to our ship to forewarn him. Wherefore, hastening to the shore, where, as God would have it, our skiff was still filling water, he told our men there was treachery plotting against us on shore, and entreated them to row him to the ship with all possible speed. He was therefore brought off immediately, yet hardly a moment too soon, as the ambassador and all his suite, together with our captain and all the principal officers among us, willing to grace the ambassador as far as we could for the honour of our country, were already in the waste, and ready to go on shore. When Nazerbeg had communicated his news, we were as ready to change our purpose as we had been before to go ashore. The purport of what he had learnt from Haji Comul was as follows:--
The viceroy and governor had agreed together to entice as many of us as they possibly could ashore, on purpose to cut all our throats; which done, they meant to have set upon the ship, and having taken her, to seize every thing she contained. They had made minute enquiry into our numbers, and had got a particular enumeration of the state and condition of every person in the ship, all of whom they intended to put to death without mercy, except the surgeon, the musicians, the women, and the boys. Their reverence for the king of Persia, of which they had so boasted, was all a mere pretence to deceive; for they were all rebels, and it was death to talk of the king of Persia in Guadal. Though we now understood their intended plot, for which God be praised, and were sufficiently put upon our guard to prevent its execution by arming ourselves, knowing that we were able to defend ourselves from injury on board, although they had great numbers of boats, and above 1500 men armed with muskets, besides others; yet were we at a loss how we might recover his lordship's goods, and his three men who were ashore along with them. But God, who had thus miraculously delivered us from their cruel treachery, opened likewise our understandings, so that we recovered all according to our wish, in the following manner:--
As the viceroy and his fellows expected the immediate landing of the ambassador and followers, together with the captain and others of us, we sent Nazerbeg again ashore, with instructions what to do. He was to inform the viceroy that the ambassador was not very well, and had therefore deferred his landing till next morning, which was Monday the 20th September. He was also directed to request the viceroy and governor, to send two or three of their boats for him very early, to bring the women and others of his company ashore, as the ship's boats were too small; and to say, that the ambassador expected to be attended by some men of condition from the viceroy, to come in the boats, out of respect to the king of Persia, whose person he represented. This message, being well delivered, took the desired effect, and the viceroy readily promised to comply with every thing required. Having finished this part of his introductions, Nazerbeg was to repair to the tent where the baggage was lodged, and to fetch from one of the trunks, two bags of money containing £200 sterling, and some other things of value, if he could so contrive without being noticed, as it was wished to conceal the knowledge we had of the villainous intentions of these barbarians. Nazerbeg was also desired to use dispatch, and to desire the three servants of the ambassador to remain all night at the tents, with promise of being relieved next morning. All was done as directed, and not only was the money brought away, but a trunk also containing Lady Shirley's apparel. When the balloches enquired the reason of taking that trunk back to the ship, they were told it contained the lady's night-clothes, and that it was to be brought ashore again next day.
[Footnote 113: In Purchas this person is named Hoge Comul; but we suspect it ought to be Haji, intimating that he had made the pilgrimage of Mecca and Medina.--E.]
The ambassador having thus recovered his money, wished much to get back one other large trunk, containing things of value, and the three men which were ashore with his baggage, even if all the rest were lost. For this purpose, we filled, over night, a large chest and a night-stool, with billets of wood, rubbish, stones, and other useless matters, to make them heavy, binding them up carefully with mats and ropes to give them an air of importance. Nazerbeg was instructed to take these on shore, to be left in place of the large trunk which he was to bring away, under pretence that it belonged to one of the merchants, and had been landed by mistake. The three men at the tent were to accompany him back to the ship, with their musical instruments, and the balloches were to be told they were wanted by the lord ambassador to accompany him with their music on his landing.
Every thing being thus properly arranged, we saw next morning early, the three boats coming off for the purpose of bringing his lordship on shore, according to promise. We then manned our skiff, and sent her ashore to put our plan into execution, by which we hoped to entrap the balloches in the snare they had laid for us. In the mean time, we received the people from the three boats into our ship, consisting of seven or eight persons of some condition, among whom was our friend Haji Comul; all the rest being slaves and fishermen. We kept them in discourse on various matters, to pass away time till our skiff could get back. During this conversation, one of them said that the viceroy earnestly desired we might bring our slurbow[114] ashore with us, as he wished much to see it, which we readily promised, to satisfy them. We soon after had the pleasure to see our skiff returning, having been completely successful, as it not only brought away the trunk and the three men, but also one of the chief men among the balloches, whom Nazerbeg enticed along with him. As soon as he came on board, he and the rest desired to see our gun-rooms, in which they had been told we had all our fire-works, of which they were in great dread, particularly of our slurbow and fire-arrows; and this answered exactly to our wishes, as we meant to have enticed them below, that we might disarm them of their long knives or daggers. When all these principal persons were down below in the gun-room, all our people being armed and in readiness, and dispersed in different parts of the ship, some on deck, some between decks, and others in the gunroom, to arrest and disarm the traitors; and when the concerted signal was given, this was instantly accomplished, to their great astonishment, yet without resistance.
[Footnote 114: From circumstances mentioned in the sequel, this seems to have been a species of cross-bow for discharging fire-arrows.--E.]
We then laid open to them our knowledge of their murderous intentions, saying their lives were now in our hands, as they had themselves fallen into the pit they had dug for us; and, if we served them right, we should now cut them in pieces, as they meant to have done by us. Yet they stoutly denied the whole alleged plot. We detained six of the chiefest men among them, and two of their boats, sending all the rest a-shore, being all naked rascals, except one, by whom we sent a message to the viceroy and governor, That, unless he sent us back all the goods and baggage we had ashore, without abstracting even the smallest portion, we would carry off those we had now in our custody. When this message was delivered to the viceroy and governor, they sent back word by the same messenger, that, if we would release the balloches, all our goods should be sent to us, and at the same time making many hollow declarations that no evil had ever been intended against us. On receiving this message, and in sight of the messenger, all our prisoners were immediately put in irons; and two letters were wrote to the viceroy in Persian, one by us and the other by the prisoners, intimating in the most determined terms, that the prisoners would be all put to death, if the goods were not safely returned without delay, giving only two hours respite at the most, the sand-glass being set before them as the messenger left the ship, that he might be induced to make haste. By these sharp means, we constrained them to restore every thing in the most ample manner; and this being done, we released the men and boats, according to promise, and sent them away. One man named Malim Simsadim, whom we had learnt, from Haji Comul, was an experienced pilot for Sinde and Cambay, we detained for that purpose, promising to reward him according to his merits.
Thus, by God's assistance, to whom be endless praise for our deliverance, we happily extricated ourselves from this dangerous and intricate affair, which was entirely concluded by six p.m. of the 20th September. We set sail that same night with our new pilot and Haji Comul, which last remained along with us, as his life would have been in danger among that accursed crew, for revealing their diabolical plot. We now bent out course for Sinde, as willing to avoid all subsequent dangers which these blood-thirsty balloches might attempt to plot against us. In our way, we had much conversation with Comul, whom we much esteemed and respected for the excellent service he had done towards us. Comul was a native of Dabul in India, his father being a Persian of the sect of Ali, in which Comul was a churchman, or priest, having likewise some skill in medicine and surgery, in which capacity he had resided in the tent of the governor of Guadal, and owing to which circumstance he had overheard their infernal plot. He had obtained leave to come aboard our ship, under pretence of procuring certain ointments or balsams, which he alleged had been promised him by our surgeons. He said that, on hearing their murderous intentions, his heart yearned within him, to think we should be led like sheep to the slaughter by such bloody butchers, and that God willed him to reveal their plot to us. He farther told us, that to his knowledge, they had already betrayed three ships in the same manner; that they were all rebels against the King of Persia, refusing to pay the tribute which they and their ancestors had been accustomed to; and that the king of Persia had levied an army, which waited not for from Guadal, with the purpose to invade the country next winter.
This country of Macquerona, or Mekran, is on the main land of Asia, bordering upon the kingdom of Persia. The port of Guadal is nearly in the lat. of 25° N, the variation being 17° 15' [lat. 24° 40' N. long. 61° 50' E.]. It has good anchorage in four or five fathoms. At night of the 21st September, the day after leaving Guadal, our balloche pilot brought our ship in danger of running on a shoal, where we had to come suddenly to anchor till next morning. The 24th at night, while laying to, because not far from Cape Camelo, a Portuguese frigate, or bark, passed close beside us, which at first we suspected to have been an armed galley, for which cause we prepared for defence in case of need.
3. Arrival at Diul-ginde,[115] and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and Bantam; and thence Home to England.
[Footnote 115: This singular name ought perhaps to have been Diul-Sinde, or Diul on the Indus, or Sinde river, to distinguish it from Diu in Guzerat.--E.]
The 26th September, 1613, we came to anchor right before the mouth of the river Sinde, or Indus, by the directions of a pilot we had from one of the boats we found fishing at that place. We rode in very good ground, in a foot less five fathoms, the mouth of the river being E. by N. being in the latitude of 24° 38' N.[116] That same day, the ambassador sent two of his people, to confer with the governor about his coming ashore, and procuring a passage through that country into Persia. The governor, whose name was Arah Manewardus, who was of Diul,[117] was most willing to receive the ambassador, and to shew him every kindness, both in regard to his entertainment there, and his passage through his province or jurisdiction. To this intent, he sent a principal person aboard, attended by five or six more, to welcome his lordship with many compliments, assuring him of kind entertainment. Presently after there came boats from Diul for his accommodation, in which he and all his people and goods went ashore on the 29th September, all in as good health as when they embarked in our ship from England. At his departure we saluted him with eleven guns, and our captain entrusted him with a fine fowling-piece, having two locks, to present to the governor of Tatta, a great city, a day's journey from Diul,[118] both cities being in the dominions of the Great Mogul. We also now set ashore our treacherous balloche pilot, Sim-sadin, though he better merited to have been thrown into the sea, as he endeavoured twice to have cast us away; once by his own means, as formerly alluded to, and afterwards by giving devilish council to the pilot we hod from the fisher boat at this place.
[Footnote 116: The river Indus has many mouths, of which no less than seventeen are laid down in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan, extending between the latitudes of 24° 45' and 23° 15' both N. and between the longitudes of 67° 12' and 69° 12' both east. That mouth where the Expedition now came to anchor, was probably that called the Pitty river, being the most north-western of the Delta, in lat 24° 45' N. and long. 67° 12' E. from Greenwich; being the nearest on her way from Guadal, and that which most directly communicates with Tatta, the capital of the Delta of the Indus.--E.]
[Footnote 117: Such is the vague mode of expression in the Pilgrims; but it appears afterwards that he was governor of Diul, at which place Sir Robert Shirley and his suite were landed. It singularly happens, that Diul is omitted in all the maps we have been able to consult; but from the context, it appears to have been near the mouth of the Pitty river, mentioned in the preceding note. It is afterwards said to have been fifteen miles up the river, in which case it may possibly be a place otherwise called Larry Bunder, about twenty miles up the Pitty, which is the port of Tatta.--E.]
[Footnote 118: Tatta is not less than seventy-five English miles from the mouth of the Pitty, and consequently sixty from Diul.--E.]
When the lord ambassador left us, we requested he would send us word how he found the country disposed, and whether we might have trade there; and for this purpose, we gave his lordship a note in writing of what we chiefly desired, which was to the following purport: "That our coming to this port was purposely to land his lordship; yet, as we had brought with us certain commodities and money, we were willing to make sales of such and so much of those as might suit, if we could obtain licence and protection for quiet trade; and, with the governor's permission, would settle a factory at this place, to which, though now but slenderly provided, we would afterwards bring such kinds and quantities of goods us might be most suitable for sale. The commodities we now had, were elephants and morse teeth, fine fowling-pieces, lead and tin in bars, and some Spanish dollars. If we could not be permitted to trade, we requested leave to provide ourselves, with refreshments, and so to depart."
The 30th September, the ambassador had an audience of the governor concerning all his business, to whom he shewed the firmaun of the king of Persia, as also the pass of the king of Spain, thinking thereby to satisfy the jealousy of the Portuguese residents at that place, who reported, on pretended intelligence from Ornus, that Don Roberto Shirley was come from England with three ships to the Indies, on purpose to steal. They peremptorily refused to give credence to the Spanish pass, saying it was neither signed nor sealed by their king, in which they could not possibly be mistaken, knowing it so well, and therefore that it was assuredly forged. On this, the ambassador angrily said, that it was idle to shew them any king's hand-writing and seal, as they had no king, being merely a waste nation, forcibly reduced under subjection to the king of Spain, and mere slaves both to him and his natural subjects. Yet the Portuguese boldly stood to their former allegations, insisting that the ambassador had other two ships in the Indies. Then Arah Manewardus sharply reproved them for their unseemly contradictions of the Persian ambassador, and ordered them out of the room.
The ambassador then made a speech to the governor concerning our admittance to trade at his port, on which the governor expressed his readiness to do so, all inconveniences understood, and desired the ambassador to send for one or two of our merchants, that he might confer with them on the subject. Upon this the ambassador wrote to us on the 2d October, saying what he had done in our affairs, and sending us assurance for our safe going and returning. Being thereby in good hope of establishing trade at this place, if not a factory, and to make sale of the small quantity of goods we now had, Mr Joseph Salbank and I, by advice of the captain and others, made ourselves ready and went ashore that same morning in one of the country boats. Our ship lay about four or five miles from the mouth of the river, from whence we had fifteen miles to travel to Diul, where the ambassador was, so that it was late in the evening before we landed there.
In our way we met a Portuguese frigate or bark, bound for Ormus, on purpose to prevent any of their ships coming till we were gone. This bark went close past our ship, taking a careful review of her, and so departed. As soon as we were landed, three or four Portuguese came up to us, asking if we had brought any goods ashore, and such like questions; but we made them no reply, pretending not to understand their language, that we might the better understand them for our own advantage, if occasion served. There then came another Portuguese, who spoke Dutch very fluently, telling me many things respecting the country and people, tending to their ill conduct and character, thinking to dissuade us from endeavouring to have any trade there. Soon after, the officers of the customs came, and conducted us to the castle, but we could not have an audience of the governor that night, as it was already late. The officers, who were mostly banians, and spoke good Portuguese, searched every part about us for money, not even leaving our shoes unsearched; and perceiving that we were surprised at this, they prayed us to be content therewith, as it was the custom of the country. To this I replied, that though the Portuguese might give them cause for so bad a fashion, yet English merchants did not hide their money in their shoes like smugglers. Then the governor's servants came to us, and lighted us from the castle to the house in which the ambassador lodged, where we were made heartily welcome, and were lodged all the time we staid in Diul, and at no expence to us. Seeing us landed, and hearing we came to treat with the governor for settling trade at that place, the Portuguese spread many slanderous and malignant lies against our king, country, and nation, reporting that we were thieves, and not merchants, and that we derived our chief subsistence by robbing other nations on the sea.
In the morning of the 3d October, the governor sent word to the ambassador that he would see and converse with us in the afternoon. In the mean time, we had notice that the Portuguese were using every effort with him and others to prevent our being entertained, both by offering him gratifications if he would refuse us, and by threatening to leave the place if we were received, pretending that they would not remain where thieves were admitted. Yet the governor sent for us, commanding four great horses, richly caparisoned, to be sent to the ambassador's house, for his lordship, Sir Thomas Powell, Mr Salbank, and me, and sent also a number of his servants to conduct us to the castle; all the ambassador's servants went likewise along with him, each carrying a halbert. In this manner we rode through some part of the city, the people in all the streets flocking out to see us, having heard talk of Englishmen, but never having seen any before, as we were the first who had ever been in that part of the country.
On coming to the castle, we were received in a very orderly manner, and led through several spacious rooms, where many soldiers were standing in ranks on each side, all cloathed from head to foot in white dresses. We were then conducted to a high turret, in which the governor and some others sat, who rose up at our entrance and saluted us, bidding us kindly welcome. We then all sat down round the room, on carpets spread on the floor, according to their fashion. The governor again bid us welcome, saying he was glad to see Englishmen in that country; but said, in regard to the trade we desired to have there, that the Portuguese would by no means consent to our having trade, and threatened to desert the place if we were received. Yet, if he could be assured of deriving greater benefit from our trade than he now had from that of the Portuguese, he should not care how soon they left him, as he thought well of our nation. In the mean time, however, as he farmed the customs of that port from the king, to whom he was bound to pay certain sums yearly for the same, whether they were actually received or not, he was under the necessity of being circumspect in conducting the business, lest he might incur the displeasure of the king, to his utter ruin. He then told us that the customs from the Portuguese trade, together with what arose from their letting out their ships to hire to the Guzerats and Banians, amounted to a lack of rupees yearly, which is £10,000 sterling.[119]
[Footnote 119: A rupee is two shillings, or somewhat more, and a lack is 100,000.--Purch.]
He then desired to know the kinds and quantities of the commodities we had brought, and what amount we had in money? To all which we gave him distinct answers, as nearly as we could remember; adding, that though we now brought but small store, we would engage to furnish his port at our next coming, which would be in about twenty-two months, with such commodities as were now brought by the Portuguese, and with such quantities of each kind as might be requisite to satisfy the demands of that port. He appeared to approve of this, and concluded by saying, as our present stock of commodities were so small, the Portuguese would only laugh at him and us if we were now admitted to trade, wherefore he wished us to defer all trade till our next coming; but that he was ready to give us a writing under his hand and seal to assure us of good entertainment at our next coming, provided we came fully prepared as we said, and on condition we should leave him a written engagement not to molest any of the ships or goods of the king of the Moguls, or his subjects. We agreed to all this, and requested he would allow us to sell those goods we now had; but which he would by no means consent to, for fear of offending the Portuguese, as stated before.
We then desired that we might have leave to provide our ship with water, and other necessary refreshments, for our money, after which we should depart as soon as possible. To this he said, that as soon as we sent him the writing he desired, he would send us the one he had promised, and would give orders to his officers to see our wants supplied; but desired that the Portuguese might know nothing of all this. Seeing no remedy, we then desired to know what kinds of commodities he wished us to bring, and also what were the commodities his country could afford in return. We were accordingly informed, that the commodities in request in Sinde were broad-cloths of various prices, and light gay colours, as stammels, reds, greens, sky-blues, indigo-blues, azures, &c. also elephants teeth, iron, steel, lead, tin, spices, and money. The commodities to be had there were, indigo of Lahore, indigo of Cherques, calicoes of all sorts, pintadoes, or painted chintzes of all sorts, all kinds of Guzerat and Cambay commodities, with many kinds of drugs. We then took our leave, and returned to the ambassador's house, whence I sent him a letter, according to his desire, signed by Mr Salbanke and me, on which he sent us another, in the Persian language, which is written backwards, much like the Hebrew, and which was interpreted to us by the ambassador, in English, as follows:
"WHEREAS there has arrived at this port of Diul, an English ship called the Expedition, of which is captain, Christopher Newport, and merchants, Joseph Salbank and Walter Peyton, and has landed here Don Robert Shirley, ambassador of the king of Persia, who has desired us to grant them trade at this port under my government, which I willingly would have granted, but not having brought merchandize in sufficient quantity to begin trade, and the Portuguese, from whom I reap benefit, refusing their consent, threatening to go away if I receive the English nation, by which I should be left destitute of all trade, whence arises those sums I have yearly to pay to the king, and in default whereof I should incur his majesty's displeasure, to my utter ruin. Yet, from the love I bear to the king of Persia, by whose ambassador I am solicited, and from affection for the English, together with the faithful performance of the writing left with me under their hands and seals by the two merchants before named, I hereby promise the English nation, under my hand and seal, if they will come like themselves, so fitted that I may derive more advantage from them than from the Portuguese, that I will infallibly grant them trade here, with such reasonable privileges as we may agree upon."
Given at Diul, this 3d of October, 1613.
ARAH MANEWARUS.
Having received this writing on the 4th October, together with orders from the governor to his officers for our being furnished with water and refreshments, we made haste to return to our ships. A little before we went away, the ambassador fell into discourse with us about procuring a firmaun from the Great Mogul, for which purpose he wished Mr Salbank to accompany him to Agra, the principal residence of that sovereign, affirming that he would procure that grant of trade for us in a short time, for which he alleged there was now a favourable opportunity, both because he had other business to transact at the court of the Mogul, and in consequence of the willingness of Manewardus to admit us to trade at his port. He alleged likewise that we might never have so favourable an opportunity, and assured us that he would therein shew himself a true-hearted Englishman, whatever the company of merchants might think of him; and that Mr Salbank should be an evidence of his earnest endeavours to serve the merchants in procuring this firmaun, not only for Diul, but for other parts of the Mogul dominions, and should also carry the grant with him over-land to England. All this seemed reasonable, and as Mr Salbank had been before in these parts, he was very willing to go, provided it met with the approbation of the captain and me, and the other gentlemen in the ship; for which purpose the ambassador wrote a letter to our captain, to urge his consent, which we carried with us.
We left Diul that same day about four in the afternoon, and on going to the river side to take boat, many of the natives flocked about to look at us. We were likewise joined by about a dozen Portuguese, who began to talk with us in Dutch, as before, asking many frivolous questions. I now answered them in their own language, on purpose that the Banians, who were present, might understand what I said; telling them that they were a shameless and lying people to spread so many slanderous and false reports of our nation, while they knew their own to be much inferior to ours in many respects, and that their scandalous conduct proceeded merely from malignant policy to prevent us from participating with them in the trade of India. To this I added, that if they did not restrain themselves within due peaceful bounds, amending their behaviour both in words and actions, they should be all driven out of India, and a more honest and loyal nation substituted in their place. Then one of the principal men among them stepped forwards, and made answer, that they had already too many enemies, and had no need of more; but that they had substantial reasons for speaking of us as they had done, as not long since one of their ships had been taken near Surat, and, as they supposed, by an English ship. To which I answered, that this was more like to have been done by the Hollanders. They then became more civil, and finally wished that we might trade in all parts of India with them, and they with us, like friends and neighbours, and that our kings might enter into some agreement to that effect. They then kindly took leave of us, and we departed.
We got back to our ship on the 6th, when it was agreed that Mr Salbank should accompany the ambassador to Agra, as proposed. For which purpose he got himself in readiness, meaning to have gone ashore next day. In the mean time, the captain, the purser, and his man, went on shore to buy fresh victuals and necessaries to take with us to sea; but, on coming to the city, they were presently ordered away by the governor, and an express order issued by proclamation, that none of the natives should hereafter bring any of the English ashore, on pain of death. We were much astonished at this sudden alteration of affairs, for which we could not divine any cause: but, on the 9th, finding we could get nothing done here, nor any farther intercourse, we set sail, directing our course for Sumatra. All the time we were here in Sinde, we had not the smallest intimation of trade having been settled at Surat, for if we had, we might have taken a different course.
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 20th November, going in between the two northermost little islands, and anchored close by the northermost of these, in five fathoms. We immediately began to bargain for pepper, the price of which we beat down from twenty-two dollars, as first asked, to seventeen dollars the bahar, at which price we got two bahars, which were brought to us on board: but the governor would not allow us, although we made him a present of a musket, to hire a house, or to buy pepper ashore, unless we would consent to bestow presents on some twenty of the officers and merchants of the place. On the 22d, we received a letter from Captain Christen, of the Hosiander, then at Tecoo, earnestly advising us to come there immediately, as we could not fail to get as much pepper as we wished at that place, and in a short time; and, as we were not acquainted with the place, Captain Chrisen sent Richard Hall, one of his master's mates, to pilot us through among the dangerous shoals that lay about the roads of Tecoo. Accordingly we went to that place, and anchored in four fathoms, Richard Hall returning on board the Hosiander, where he died that same night, being ill of the flux.
Before our arrival, the natives had offered their pepper to Captain Christen at twelve and thirteen dollars the bahar, taking payment in Surat commodities; but they now demanded twenty-two dollars in ready money, refusing to barter with them any longer for goods. They also demanded at this place as many presents as had been required at Priaman; beside which, they insisted upon having seventy-two dollars for anchorage duty. Being now in a worse situation than before, and having no time to waste in delays, we determined to come to short terms with them; wherefore we told them roundly, that we would on no account submit to their unreasonable demands, even though we might not get a single cattee of pepper. For this purpose I drew out a letter from our captain, which he signed and sealed, addressed to the head governor, stating that he had not used our nation so well as we had reason to expect, both in unreasonable demands of presents, which were not usually given upon compulsion, but rather from good-will, or in reward of good behaviour, and likewise by their improper delay in implementing their promises, so very unlike mercantile dealings; since our ships have at various times remained at their port for three, four, and even five months, depending on their promises of having full lading, which might as well have been accomplished in one month, in so far as respected the small quantity of pepper they had to dispose of. This letter was translated by the interpreter in the Hosiander, an Indian, named Johen, who perfectly understood their language.
The governor, in consequence of this remonstrance, gave orders that we might purchase pepper from any one who was inclined to sell; but sent us a message, wishing that one of us might come on shore, that the pepper might be there weighed. But still doubting that they meant to teaze us with delay, we sent back word that we could not remain so long as it would require for weighing the pepper ashore, and therefore if they would bring it to us on board, we would pay them eighteen dollars a bahar for their pepper, together with two dollars as custom to the governor, making exactly twenty dollars. As they still put off time, we set sail, as if meaning to have gone away, on which the governor sent another messenger, who spoke Portuguese tolerably, entreating us to come again to anchor, and we should have as much pepper as we could take in. We did so accordingly, and they brought pepper off to us in proas as fast as we could conveniently weigh it, and continued to do so till we had got about 200 bahars. They then began to grow slack in their proceedings, on which, fearing to lose the monsoon by spending too much time at this place, we weighed and proceeded for Bantam.
We left Tecoo on the 8th December, three of our men remaining in the Hosiander, which needed their assistance, and proceeded towards Bantam, mostly keeping in sight of Sumatra. At our entrance into the straits of Sunda, on the 16th of that month, we met the Dragon on her homeward voyage, by which ship we sent letters to England. Next day, the 17th, we anchored in Bantam roads, and went immediately ashore to provide our lodging, and by the 29th our whole cargo was completed.
We set sail from Bantam on the 2d January, 1614, for England, not having hitherto lost a single man by sickness during our whole voyage, for which we were thankful to God. This same day, as we were going out by way of Pulo Panian, we met General Saris in the Clove, then returning from Japan; and we came to anchor, that we might have his letters for England, together with four chests. We likewise spared him two of our hands, of which he was in great need; one being a youth, named Mortimer Prittie, and the other a carpenter's mate, named Thomas Valens, as he had not a single carpenter alive in his ship.
Having settled all these matters with the Clove, we resumed our voyage for England on the 4th January, and came to anchor in Saldanha bay on the 21st March, where we got a sufficient supply of beeves and sheep from the natives, with abundance of fish, caught in our own seine. We left that place on the 9th April, with prosperous winds, which continued favourable till we were three degrees north of the equator, which we crossed the 11th May. When in lat. 00° 22' N. many of our men began to fall sick, some of them of the scurvy, and with swelled legs. On the 10th July, 1614, by the blessing of God, we came to anchor in the Downs.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO INDIA.
INTRODUCTION.
In the immediately preceding chapter, we have given a series of the first twelve voyages fitted out by the English East India Company, in the prosecution of their exclusive trade to India, as preserved by Samuel Purchas; and we now mean, chiefly from the same source, to continue the series for a few years longer. At the close of the last voyage of the foregoing chapter, Purchas informs us, that "The order of reckoning must be now altered, because the voyages of the company were for the future set forth by means of a joint stock, instead of by particular ships, each upon a separate subscription, having separate stocks and factories; the whole proceedings being, in the sequel, at the general risk of, and accountable to the entire society or company of adventurers." He farther adds, "That the whole of these joint-stock voyages had not come into his hands; but that such as he had been able to procure, and were meet for publication, he had inserted in his Collection."
The learned historiographer of the East India Company[120] gives rather a different account of the former series of separate or unconnected voyages, than that which we have taken from Purchas, terming the last voyage in our former chapter only the ninth, while Purchas denominates it the twelfth.
[Footnote 120: Ann. of the Hon. E.I. Co, I. 162.]
This difference, which is not at all material, may have arisen from Purchas having considered some of the ships belonging to single adventurers or subscriptions, which made separate voyages or parts of voyages, as separate adventures. We come now to a new era in the mode of conducting the English exclusive trade to India, of the motives for which the Annals give the following account.[121]
[Footnote 121: Id. I. 165.]
"The inconveniences which had been experienced from separate classes of adventurers, partners in the East India Company, fitting out equipments on their own particular portions of stock, induced the directors, or committees, to resolve, in 1612, that, in future, the trade should be carried on by a joint stock only; and, on the basis of this resolution, the sum of £429,000 was subscribed: and, though portions of this joint stock were applied to the equipment of four voyages, the general instructions to the commanders were given in the name, and by the authority, of the governor, deputy-governor, and committees of the company of merchants in London trading to the East Indies, who explained that the whole was a joint concern, and that the commanders were to be responsible to the company for their conduct, both in the sale and purchase of commodities in the East Indies, and for their general conduct, in extending the commerce, within the limits of the company. The transition, therefore, from trading on separate adventures, which has been described as an imitation of the Dutch, to trading on a joint stock, arose out of the good sense of the English nation, which, from experience, had discovered the evil consequences of internal opposition, and had determined to proceed on a system better calculated to promote the general interest of the East India Company.
"Notwithstanding this resolution, the proportions of this aggregate sum were applied to what has been termed the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth voyages, in the following manner: In 1613, the tenth voyage was undertaken, the stock of which was estimated at £18,810 in money, and £12,446 in goods, the fleet consisting of eight vessels. In 1614, the stock for the eleventh voyage was £13,942 in money, and £23,000 in goods, the fleet being eight ships. In 1615, the stock for the twelfth voyage was £26,660 in money, and £26,065 in goods, with six ships. In 1616, the stock for the thirteenth voyage was £52,087 in money, and £16,506 in goods, the fleet containing seven ships. The purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four voyages amounted to £272,544, which, with the specified stock and cargoes, accounts for the disbursement of the £429,000, the sum subscribed on the joint stock in 1613.[122]
[Footnote 122: The enumerated particulars amount to £462,060, and exceed the subscribed joint stock by £33,060.--E.]
"The profits on this joint stock are stated to have amounted, on the first two voyages, to £120 per cent. on the original subscription; but they were subsequently much diminished, by the difficulties which the English trade to the East Indies began to experience, from the opposition of the Dutch in the Spice Islands; so that, at the conclusion of this first joint stock, in 1617, the average profits of the four voyages did not exceed £87:10s. per. cent on the original subscription, notwithstanding the cargo of one of the vessels (the New-year's Gift) cost only 40,000 rials of eight, and the sale produce, in England, amounted to £80,000 sterling."
It is not the purpose of this Collection to enlarge on the history of the East India Company, any farther than by giving relations of its early voyages, so far as these have come down to us in the Pilgrims of Purchas, their only published record; and we now therefore proceed with such of these voyages as are contained in that curious collection, and seem to be worth including in this work.--E.
SECTION I.
Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614.[122]
The ships employed on this voyage, the second set forth by the joint stock of the East India Company, were the New-year's Gift admiral, of 650 tons, on board of which Captain Downton sailed as general or chief commander; the Hector of 500 tons, vice-admiral; the Merchant's Hope, of 300 tons; and the Salomon of 200 tons. We have thus only four ships enumerated by Purchas, as employed in the second voyage of the new joint stock, instead at eight mentioned in the Annals, as before stated in the introduction to the present chapter. In this voyage, Mr William Edwards was lieutenant, or next in command under Captain Downton, being likewise Cape merchant, and commander of the Hector. Mr Nicholas Easworth was Cape merchant, and commander of the Merchant's Hope. Mr Thomas Elkington, Cape merchant, and commander of the Salomon. Mr Peter Rogers minister; Martin Pring. Arthur Spaight, Matthew Molineux, and Hugh Bennet, masters of the four ships, assisted by sundry mates,--Purch.
[Footnote 122: Purch. Pilg. I. 500.--Extracted from the journal of Captain Downton]
S.1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English.
We sailed from England on the 1st March, 1614, and arrived in the road of Saldanha, or Table Bay, on Wednesday the 15th June, being saluted on our arrival by a great storm. While every person was busy in mooring the ship, John Barter, who had lost his reason in consequence of a long fever, was suddenly missing, and was supposed to have made away with himself. The 16th we erected our tents, and placed a guard for their defence. We landed half our casks on the 17th, to be overhauled and seasoned; and this day Choree, the Saldanian or Hottentot, presented me a young steer. The 18th we landed more of our beer casks, to be washed, repaired, and seasoned. This day, Choree departed into the interior, carrying with him his copper armour, javelins, and all things belonging to him, promising to be back the third day after, but he never returned.
The 29th I sent George Downton ashore, to take observations of the latitude and variation, in consideration of the great difference in the variations, as observed in this and my former voyage in the Pepper-corn. We made the latitude exactly 34° S. and the variation 1° 45' W. by an azimuth, whereas most of the former variations at this place were easterly. We this night took down our tents, and brought every thing on board, making our ships ready to depart next day, which we did accordingly.
We came to anchor in the bay of St Augustine in Madagascar on the 6th August, when the inhabitants abandoned the place, so that we could have no intercourse with them, but we afterwards got some refreshments from them. We here cut down some straight timber for various uses. We set sail on the 12th August, and anchored in Delisa bay in Socotora on the 9th September. Next day we went ashore to wait upon the king, who was ready with his attendants to receive me, and gave me an account of the existing war in India, where the Mogul and the kings of the Deccan had united to drive the Portuguese from the country, owing to their having captured a ship coming from Juddah in the Red Sea, in which were three millions of treasure. He also informed me of two great fights which Captain Best had with the Portuguese, and of other news in these parts. I here procured such refreshments as the place could furnish, and bought 2722 pounds of aloes from the king.
Leaving Delisa on the 14th September, we got sight of the Deccan coast near Dabul on the 2d October, where we found great hindrance to our navigation, till we learnt by experience to anchor during the ebb tide, and continue our course with the tide of flood. Continuing this procedure, we anchored in the evening of the 14th, two and a half miles short of the bar of Surat; when presently a fleet of fourteen frigates or barks came to anchor near us, which we discovered by their lights, as it was quite dark. But as they could easily see us, by the lights at our ports, that we were in readiness for them, they durst not come any nearer, so that we rode quietly all night. Early of the 15th, we weighed with the land-wind, and coming somewhat near the frigates, they also weighed and stood to the southwards. We held on our course past the bar, towards South Swally, where we soon after arrived, though much opposed by contrary winds.
Soon after we were anchored, I sent Molineux in his pinnace, and Mr Spooner with Samuel Squire in my gellywatte,[123] to take the soundings within the sands. In a channel where we found only five feet at low water in our former voyage, Mr Molineux had now three fathoms; and Mr Spooner had now seven or eight feet, where our boats could not pass at all formerly. Seeing some people on the shore in the afternoon, whom I supposed might be some of our merchants from Surat, I sent my pinnace to them; but they were some of the people belonging to Coge Nozan, sent to discover what nation we were of. From them I got farther information respecting the wars with the Portuguese, being told that the Moguls were besieging Damaun and Diu, Mocrib or Mucrob Khan being the general of the Mogul forces against Damaun; and I also learnt to my sorrow, that Mucrob Khan was governor and viceroy, as it may be called, not only over Surat, but all the country round, as, from former experience, I considered him to be a great enemy of our nation, and a friend to the Portuguese. From these people likewise, I heard of the health of Mr Aldworth and the rest of our factory, and wrote to hasten his presence, sending my letters by the servants of Coge Nozan.
[Footnote 123: From this singular term, what is now called the jollyboat has probably derived its name.--E.]
I sent my purser on shore in the pinnace, early of the 16th, to purchase such necessaries as I thought might easily have been got; but he returned about ten o'clock a.m. without buying any thing for our purpose, bringing with him Mr Aldword, the chief merchant of our factory at Surat, along with whom was one Richard Steel, who had come over-land to Surat from Aleppo.[124] Mr Aldworth endeavoured to persuade me that Mucrob Khan was our friend, and that we had now an excellent opportunity to obtain good trade and satisfactory privileges while the Moguls were engaged in war with the Portuguese; and as both the Nabob and all the natives were rejoiced at hearing of our arrival, they would assuredly give us a most favourable reception. Pleased with these hopeful circumstances, I yet still wished some other person here in command instead of Mucrob Khan, of whom I remained doubtful, and that we should have no free trade from him, but in his accustomed manner, which I believed to have been, of his own accord to cross us, and not as so constrained by direction of his king; and the event turned out accordingly, though we were wise behind the band, as will appear in the sequel. Even the name he bore ought to have opened our eyes as to his influence with the Great Mogul: as Mocrub signifies as much as his own bowels, Khan meaning great lord. Yet I was deluded to believe that his favour with the king was tottering, and that he might easily be brought into disgrace, by complaint of any thing done contrary to the will or humour of the king; so that we were too bold, and injured our business when we found him opposing us, as we thought unreasonably. On enquiring into the state of our business, and the health of our factory, Mr Aldworth informed me that Paul Canning and several others had died; that Thomas Kerridge had long since been agent in his room at the court of the Mogul, and that the factory at Surat now only contained himself and William Bidulph.
[Footnote 124: Mr Richard Stell, or Steel, had gone to Aleppo, to recover a debt from a merchant of that city, who had fled to India; and, following him through Persia, Mr Steel had arrived at Surat. On his report, the factors at Surat made an experiment to open a trade with Persia, which will form the subject of a future section of this chapter.--E.]
In the morning of the 17th, I called a council to advise upon the best manner of conducting our affairs here, and to consider who might be the best person to send to Agraas resident. Then entering upon the six interrogatories, inserted in the second article of our commission, I required Mr Aldworth to give direct answers to every question.--1. In what favour was Paul Canning with the emperor and his council, and how did he conduct himself at court in the business entrusted to him? He answered, That on his first arrival at court, he was well respected by the emperor, till the Jesuits made known that he was a merchant, and not sent immediately from our king; after which he was neglected, as he himself complained: and, as for his carriage and behaviour there, so far as he knew, it was sufficiently good;--3. Then demanding, whether it were needful to maintain a resident at court? Mr Aldworth answered, That it was certainly necessary, as the emperor required that one of our nation should reside there; and therefore, that the person ought to be a man of good respect, for preventing and counteracting any injuries that might be offered by the Jesuits, our determined adversaries; as he might also be extremely useful in promoting and directing the purchase and sale of various commodities.--6. Being questioned as to the expences of a resident at court? he said, according to the estimate of Paul Canning, it might be about £300 per annum; but, some time afterwards, his estimate was found to extend to five, six, and seven hundred pounds a year.--Being afterwards questioned, Whether he thought it fit that Mr Edwards should proceed to court under the designation of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the company's commission? his opinion was, by the experience of the late Mr Canning, that such a resident would not be at all respected by the king.
In the morning of the 24th, Coge Nozan came down to the water side, and rested in my tent till I landed. I repaired to him, accompanied by all our merchants, and attended by a strong guard, armed with halberts, muskets, and pikes, having a coach to carry me from the landing place to the tent. On alighting from my coach, Coge Nozan came immediately to meet me. Before entering on business, he was told that a present for the Nabob was to be delivered to him, which was brought in. This consisted of a case containing six knives, two pair of knives, six sword-blades, six Spanish pikes, one case of combs, one mirror, one picture of Mars and Venus, one ditto of the Judgment of Paris, two Muscovy hides, and one gilded case of bottles filled with strong rich cordials. I then made the following present to himself: Six knives in single sheaths, four sword-blades, two pikes, one comb-case, a mirror, a picture of Moses, and a case of bottles, in consideration of the promise made by the nabob to our people, that whatever Coge Nozan agreed to, he the nabob would perform.
I then moved for the enlargement of our privileges, and lessening of our customs, especially at Baroach, and that we might have a daily bazar or market at the water side, where we might purchase beef for our people, according to the firmaun already granted by the Mogul, and because other flesh did not answer for them. He answered, that the nabob would shew us every favour in his power, if we would assist him against the Portuguese; that the customs of Baroach were out of his power to regulate, as the king had already farmed these to another person at a stipulated rent; and that we should have a regular market, but that bullocks and cows could not be allowed, as the king had granted a firmaun to the Banians, in consideration of a very large sum of money, that these might not be slaughtered. In fine, I found he had no power to grant us any thing; yet, willing to leave me somewhat contented, he proposed that I should send some of our merchants along with him to the nabob, where our business might be farther discussed.
I accordingly sent along with him, Mr Aldworth, Mr Ensworth, Mr Dodsworth, Mr Mitford, and some others. Two or three days afterwards, they had access to the nabob, to whom they explained our desires, as before expressed. He then desired to know whether we would go with our ships to fight for him against Damaun, in which case, he said, we might count upon his favour? To this it was answered, that we could not on any account do this, as our king and the king of Spain were in peace. He then asked if we would remove our ships to the bar of Surat, and fight there against the Portuguese ships, if they came to injure the subjects of the Mogul? This likewise was represented to be contrary to the peace between our kings. On which he said, since we would do nothing for his service, he would do nothing for us. Several of the merchants of Surat endeavoured to persuade our merchants, that I ought to give way to the reasonable request of the nabob, and might still do what I thought proper; as, notwithstanding of our ships riding at the bar, the Portuguese frigates could go in and out on each side of me, owing to their light draught of water. To this I answered, that the proposal was utterly unfit for me to listen to; as whatever I promised I must perform, though at the expence of my own life and of all under my command, and that I could not possibly lend myself to fight against the Portuguese on any account whatever, unless they first attacked me, as it was absolutely contrary to my commission from my own sovereign. I added, that, if the Portuguese provoked me by any aggression, I would not be withheld from fighting them for all the wealth of the nabob: But he made small account of this distinction, and, seeing that we refused to fulfil his wishes, he opposed us in all our proceedings as far as he could, so that we nearly lost all our former hopes of trading at this place. In this dilemma, I made enquiry respecting Gengomar and Castellata, and also of Gogo:[125] but could get poor encouragement to change for better dealing, so that we remained long perplexed how to act, and returned to our business at the ships.
[Footnote 125: Gogo is on the west shore of the gulf of Cambay. In an after passage of this voyage, what is here called Gengomar and Castellata, is called Gengomar or Castelletto, which may possibly refer to Jumbosier, on a river of the same name, about sixty miles north from Surat. Castelletta must have been a name imposed by the Portuguese.--E.]
The 27th, in the morning, when Nicholas Ufflet went ashore, he found all the people belonging to Swally had gone away from the water-side in the night, as also all those who used to stay beside the tents, in consequence of an order from the nabob; and was farther informed that our merchants were detained at Surat, having been stopped by force when attempting to cross the bridge, and had even been beaten by the guard set there by the nabob. The gunner's boy and his companion, formerly supposed to have run away, and who were in company at the time with our merchants, being on their return to the ships, were also well beaten, and detained with the rest. The 31st we began to take in fresh water, to be ready for departing, as our stay here seemed so very uncertain. This day, Thomas Smith, the master's boy, had most of the outer part of one of his thighs bitten off by a great fish, while swimming about the ship. The ravenous fish drew him under water, yet he came up again and swam to the ship, and got up to the bend, where he fainted. Being brought into the gun-room, the surgeon endeavoured to do what he could for his recovery; but he had lost so much blood that he never recovered out of the swoon, and shortly died.
In the evening of the 2d November, Mr Aldworth and Mr Elkington came down from Surat, where they left Mr Ensworth very sick. They reported to me their proceedings with the nabob, as formerly stated; but said they were now reconciled, and that he had made fair promises of future respect, with a free trade through all the country under his government. I do not attribute his severe proceedings hitherto to any hatred or ill-will to our nation, but to his fears lest we might unite with the Portuguese against him, owing to my refusing to assist him against Damaun. These his doubts and fears were increased by a knavish device of the subtle and lying Jesuits; who, taking advantage of my refusal to fight against the Portuguese without cause, at Damaun or elsewhere, pretended with the nabob that they had a letter from the viceroy, saying, That he and his friends the English meant to join their forces and come against Surat. This devilish device gave much hindrance to our business, by occasioning continual doubt in the nabob's mind of our friendly intentions; and unfortunately likewise, Mr Aldworth had strengthened these doubts and fears, though ignorant of the lying inventions of the jesuits; for, thinking to mollify their rigour, he rashly advised them to beware, lest their ill usage might force us to join with the Portuguese against them. We likewise believed that the order of the nabob, forbidding the people to trade with us on board, proceeded entirely from his desire to thwart us: But we afterwards learnt, by letter from Thomas Kerridge, that Mucrob Khan, and all other governors of sea-ports, had express orders from the Mogul, not to allow any trade with us till they had first chosen and purchased, for the king's use, all kinds of strange and unusual things we might have to dispose of.
On the 3d I called a council to deliberate concerning our business, and especially how far we might proceed in aid of the natives against the Portuguese, for which purpose we carefully examined our commission and instructions. We also arranged the appointments of the merchants for their several places of employment, both such as were to remain in the factory at Surat, and those who were to proceed on the voyage. This day likewise, sixty bales of indigo, and eleven packs of cotton-yarn, came aboard from Surat, being goods that belonged to the twelfth voyage. It was my desire to have been ashore among our merchants, that I might assist in arranging our business at Surat; and this the rather because of the turbulent, head-strong, and haughty spirit of----,[126] who was ever striving to sway every thing his own way, thwarting others who aimed at the common good, and whose better discretion led them to more humility. But such was the uncertain state of our business, partly owing to the nabob and his people, and partly to the Portuguese, who I heard were arming against us; and besides, because I understood that the nabob proposed to demand restitution for the goods taken by Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, at under rates, as they say, though I know they had goods for goods even to the value of a halfpenny. On all these accounts, therefore, I thought it best to keep nearest my principal charge, referring all things on shore to the merchants of my council, in most of whom I had great confidence.
[Footnote 126: This name is left blank in the Pilgrims, probably because Purchas, a contemporary, did not wish to give offence.--E.]
The 22d November, I finished my letters for Persia; being one for the company, to be forwarded over land, one for Sir Robert Shirley, and one of instructions for Richard Steel. The 23d, Lacandus, the Banian, came down to us, with news of discontent and hard speeches that had passed between the nabob and our merchants, but who were now again reconciled. This was occasioned by Mr Edwards refusing to let him see the presents, which he was at last obliged to consent to. All these merchants wrote me at this time separately, that the viceroy was certainly arming against us. At this time Mr Ensworth and Timothy Wood died within an hour of each other. John Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But, were now dispatched to provide such cloths and cotton-yarns as we had formerly agreed on. The 25th Mr Edwards wrote me of the coming of three great men, bringing seven firmauns from the Great Mogul; in whose presence the nabob bestowed upon him 850 mahmudies, ten fine basties, thirty top-seels, and thirty allizaes; at the same time he gave ten top-seels to Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, a cloak to Mr Aldworth and another to Mr Elkington, Mr Dodsworth having had one before. He likewise promised free trade to all places under his command, and abundant refreshments for our people in the ships.
The 27th, John Crowther came from Surat, to inform me he had been appointed by the chief merchants at Surat to accompany Mr Steel into Persia, and had therefore come to take leave of me, and to fetch away his things from the ship. This day also Mr Edwards wrote to me, by Edmund Espinol, to send him fifty elephants teeth, indifferently chosen as to size, as a banian merchant was in treaty for them all, if they could agree on terms. The 6th December, the nabob seemed ashamed that he had not shewn me the smallest respect since my arrival, and, being desirous to excuse himself, he this day entreated Mr Edwards to go on board along with the great banian who had bought our ivory, and Lacandas, the banian merchant of the junk belonging to the king of Cushan.[127] He chose this last, on account of his former familiarity with our people, and commissioned him to buy sword-blades, knives, and mirrors. By them he sent me a present, consisting of two corge of coarse bastas, ten fine bastas, ten top-seels, ten cuttonies, and three quilts, together with a message, certifying that the nabob proposed to come down to visit me in a day or two at the most. At their going ashore, I gave them a salute of five guns.
[Footnote 127: Kessem, on the coast of Arabia Felix, is probably here meant.--E.]
They told me, that the nabob had certain intelligence from Goa, that the viceroy was fitting out all the force he could muster to come against us; and expressed a wish, on the part of the nabob, that I would convoy one or two of his ships for two or three days sail from the coast, which were bound for the Red Sea. To this I answered, that I could not do this; as, if once off the coast, the wind was entirely adverse for our return: But, if he would further our dispatch, so that we might be ready in any convenient time, I would do any thing reasonable that he could desire. The 9th, the nabob's son came to the shore, but would not venture on board, wherefore I went ashore to him. He had a horse ready for me on landing to fetch me, and desired me to sit down beside him, which I did. He then commanded some horsemen, who accompanied him, to amuse me, by shewing their warlike evolutions on the sands, chasing each other after the fashion of the Deccan, whence they were; and at his desire I caused eleven guns to be fired, to do him honour. Though he refused to drink any wine at this interview, he sent for it after his departure, as also for a fowling-piece he had seen in the hands of one of our people, both which I sent him, together with a bowl from which to drink the wine.
S.2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts, and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed.
On the 16th of December, 1613, Mr Elkington wrote me, That the nabob had told him the Portuguese frigates had burnt Gogo, with many gouges or villages in its vicinity, together with ten large ships, of which the Rehemee was one, and an hundred and twenty small vessels. He said likewise, that the nabob was much displeased with me for not having fired upon the Portuguese vessels, as they passed our anchorage, which circumstance had renewed his suspicions of our friendly intelligence with the Portuguese; and, although Mr Elkington had said every thing he could to explain the reason of our conduct, as stated formerly, he could not satisfy the nabob of its propriety. The 23d two boats came off to us for lead; and on the same day we saw twenty-two Portuguese frigates, which came to anchor in the night between, us and the mouth of the river, where they continued most part of next day.
The 24th, in the morning, we saw four boats coming down the river towards us; but, on seeing the Portuguese frigates, they immediately turned back, and were chased up the river by two of the frigates. Finding they could not get up with the boats, the Portuguese landed and set fire to two or three poor cottages, and carried off two or three cattle, and then returned to their squadron at the mouth of the river. In the afternoon, they all went up the river in company. In the morning early of the 25th, we saw five or six frigates under sail. An hour or two after, we saw a boat standing towards us, which was presently chased by two frigates, on which the men in the small boat ran her a-ground and forsook her; but as the frigates could not float near where the boat was, and the tide was ebbing fast, they departed without farther harm. The 26th in the morning, I sent the Hope a good way to the northward from the rest of our fleet, to see whether the Portuguese would assail her.
Early in the morning of the 27th, the Portuguese frigates came and made a bravado before our ship, and then before the Salomon, which was next us; and from thence went directly against the Hope, which rode a great way from us, in which manoeuvre they had all their men close stowed below, and not one to be seen. The master of the Hope hailed them twice, but they would give no answer; on which they let fly at them from the bow-chases of the Hope, which only could be brought to bear, and by which they were forced with some loss to stand away. The master of the Hope was satisfied, if he had not shot at them, that they would have attempted to board, or to have set his ship on fire, as they had the advantage of both wind and tide, and were so directly a-head of his ship that he could hardly get any of his guns to bear upon them, while the rest of our ships could not have come up to his rescue. In the afternoon, I sent the Salomon to keep company with the Hope; and, going to the northwards of her, she made several shots at the frigates, but we did not perceive that any harm was done. I therefore ordered a gun to be fired, as a warning to desist, on which the Salomon stood in again and came to anchor.
In the morning of the 28th, I went in the pinnace aboard the Hope and Salomon, to enquire the reason of their firing. And the Portuguese, seeing our boats pass to and fro, removed in the afternoon, and anchored a little way without us, obviously for the purpose of cutting off our intercourse. In the meantime, the boat which had been chased ashore on the 25th, came aboard the Gift, bringing some letters from Mr Elkington, which our master sent to me, as I was then in the Hope. Having answered Mr Elkington's letter, I sent back the gelliwat to the Gift, with directions to go thence to Surat in the night. But, as the gelliwat [galivat] returned, she was chased by the frigates; which perceiving, I waved her to return, but she held on her way, not observing my signal. The frigates held her so close in chase, that they got within shot of her, and even fired one gun; and had not the Gift slipped one cable and veered another, and plied her ordnance at the Portuguese, they had surely taken or sunk the gelliwat. This forced the Portuguese to give over the chase, not without damage. Late at night, on the tide of ebb, I made the Hope and Salomon set sail and come near the other two ships, and then returned on board the Gift.
Perceiving on the 29th, that my continuing off the bar of Surat was quite unavailing, as the Portuguese frigates could pass and repass to and from the river, by going across the sands, where there was not water to float my ships; and that no boats could come to us to fetch away our goods, for fear of the frigates, neither could we have any intercourse with our friends ashore, to know what passed; I therefore set sail for Swally roads, where I arrived next day, having very little wind.
On the 14th January, 1614, we heard of many frigates being arrived, which rode at the bar of Surat all next day till night; and, leaving that place after dark, they came and rode within shot of us till next morning, when they weighed and stood back to the southwards. While they remained at anchor, supposing they might be the Mallabars, which the nabob had formerly promised to send me, I put forth a flag of truce, and sent Mr Spooner, one of our master's mates, towards them, directing him to keep a watchful eye to our signals, which we should make if we saw any reason of suspicion. Seeing our gallivat draw near, and no sign of friendship in answer to ours, I hoisted my flag and fired a shot to recall our boat, which immediately came back. At this time, our sentinel at the mast-head descried another fleet of frigates, which afterwards assembled at the bar of Surat, and went all into the river. By this I was satisfied they were all Portuguese, and was glad our men and boat had escaped their hands. Thinking these frigates were forerunners of a greater force, I ordered the decks to be cleared, all our guns thrown loose, and every thing to be in readiness for action, both for the great guns and small arms, and to fit up barricades for close quarters. In the night of the 17th, all the frigates came out of the river, and in the morning were all at the point of the bar.
The 18th, Maugie, the banian captain formerly mentioned, accompanied by another great man, who was son to Clych Khan, came to the water side to speak with me, to whom I went ashore. Not long after, word was brought from on board, that they had descried a fleet of ships far off, which looked very big, but which we could not see from the shore, owing to its being very low. Taking leave of my visitors, I returned aboard, and made every thing be put in readiness, which was done immediately. Towards night, we made them out to be six galleons, with three smaller ships, besides the sixty frigates which were here before. Two gallies belonging to this armament were not yet come up. The tide being spent, they came to anchor till next day. The 19th, they plied up to the entrance of our new channel, where they came to anchor, and where they were joined by the two gallies. One of their great ships, being too forward, came too near the sands and grounded, but was soon got off again.
On this occasion, Mucrob Khan, the nabob of Surat, sent the sabandar and several others of the principal men of Surat, with a great present of provisions to the Portuguese, and to endeavour to enter into terms of peace; but though great policy was used on both sides, they broke off without coming to any terms. This was done by the nabob to my great mortification, for he and all the country despaired of my being able to resist such disproportionate force, and he was therefore willing before hand to conciliate the viceroy by presents; considering, if I were once overthrown, his own turn would come next, either to endure a severe assault, or to make such a peace as the enemy chose to dictate. Peace was certainly most desirable for the viceroy, that he might restore trade with the Moguls. Yet, seeing the tractableness of the nabob, and his apparent earnestness for peace, the viceroy made light of it for the present, expecting to bring it to bear with great advantage after he had overthrown us, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish. When this was performed, he expected to receive great presents, and great submission from the Moguls to the dictates of the conqueror. But it pleased God, who beheld the injustice of his attempt, to turn the event contrary to the expectations both of the viceroy and the nabob. After failing in all his attempts against me, and finding he could not even gain a boats thole from me in all the time he spent here, with loss and disgrace, the viceroy was fain to revive the former despised proffer of peace with the nabob: While the nabob on the other hand, confirmed by the experience of a month, and seeing that the viceroy, after all his boastful threatenings, and with so vast an armament, was unable to prevail against our four merchant ships, or even to remove our small force one foot from their place, gave for answer, that he would not make peace with the viceroy. Thus was the viceroy frustrated in both his hopes, of an easy victory over us, and an advantageous peace with the Moguls. After this digression, I now return to our proceedings.
When we formerly heard of the force which the viceroy was fitting out against us; we had no conception it would be so formidable as it now appeared, and therefore deemed it expedient to consult how, by God's help, we might best resist. The odds and advantages on their side, made me calculate every thing that made against me. Being far out-numbered by his forces, which I esteemed the principal ships and means belonging to the Portuguese in India, and having all the people of greatest rank and valour, I considered it might be too hazardous for us to put out into deep water, as by their numbers they would be able to intercept and overcharge me, and to force me irrecoverably aground, on one side or other. Such were my apparent disadvantages in going out to sea; while I knew, on the other hand, that their numerous smaller vessels might much annoy us with fire-works, or put us otherwise into great hazard, in the place where we now rode at anchor, where I was hopeful their great ships could not or durst not come, owing to the shoal water. Though my numbers were considerably lessened by sickness and deaths, all my people, from the highest to the lowest, seemed quite courageous, yet ignorant both of our danger and how it was to be prevented; but their brave spirit gave me great hope. Yet my anxiety was not small, how I might best act in maintaining the honour of my country, and not neglect the valuable property entrusted to my care by my friends and employers; as not only was the present charge to be put in hazard, but all hopes also of future benefits, if I were now overthrown; as the enemy, if he now got the mastery, would be able to make peace with the Moguls on his own terms, to the expulsion of our nation for ever.
Besides these considerations, I leave to such parents as are tender for the safety of their dutiful and obedient children, to imagine how great was my anxiety for the safety of the people under my command. So great was my cares all this time, that I had little time for conversation, or even almost to shew myself sensible of the approaching dangers. Whenever I could get free from others, I very earnestly craved the aid and direction of the almighty and ever merciful God, who had often delivered me before from manifold dangers, praying that he would so direct me that I might omit nothing having a tendency to the safety of my charge, and our defence against the enemy. I had strong confidence that the Almighty would grant my request, and yet was often led to doubt, through my manifold and grievous offences. I resolved at length what to do, by God's assistance, providing the masters of the ships would agree to second me. Being satisfied, if we should-receive a defeat while at anchor, our disgrace would be great, and our enemies could in that case be little injured by us; while by setting sail, the viceroy, in his greediness and pride, might do himself some wrong upon the sands, by which he might cripple his own force, and thereby open a way for our getting out through the rest. Yet this plan seemed only fit for ultimate necessity, considering that much of our goods were now on their way, and others were expected from day to day; and, if once out, unless it pleased God to make us the conquerors, so as to drive the viceroy clean away, I should on no account be able to return to my anchorage, where only I could get in my lading. Considering also that the viceroy would hold his honour in such high estimation, that he would rather die than give way; and besides, that my people would be tired and half spent with labour, before going to fight, by heaving at the capstan to get up our anchors, setting the sails, and so forth, which in this hot country makes them both weary and faint, to the great diminution of their courage; while the viceroy and his soldiers being troubled with no labour, which among them is done by slaves and inferior mariners, would come fresh into the battle. Likewise, even supposing the viceroy to lose many men in the fight, he could be again supplied from the nearest towns belonging to the Portuguese, by means of his frigates; whereas we could not have a single man replaced, whatever number we might have slain or disabled.
Having none of our merchants aboard, as they were all employed in the country, or with Mr Elkington in our factory at Surat, I sent for all the masters, on the night of this Thursday the 19th January, desiring them and some of the mates to come to supper with me on board the Gift. I then made them a speech on our present situation, desiring every one to give his opinion freely, how we might best proceed in our present straits. I declared to them my confidence in God, notwithstanding all the force of these bragging Portuguese, that their injurious attempts would not prevail against us, who had been careful not to wrong them in the Indies. I represented also to them, the jealousy entertained of us by the nabob and other chief men of the country, because we had refrained from firing at the saucy bragging frigates.
I found all the masters willing and tractable to my heart's desire. We had some few discourses about our provident mooring, as also about removing a little lower down. I then proposed my plan to them, desiring to have their free opinion. I represented that our ships were now in as good condition for battle as we could make them, yet our danger by night, if we continued where we were, was not small, however provident we might be. Wherefore, I thought it fit in the morning at low water, to send one ship to ride as far down as we could have water for all our ships at the lowest ebb, at which time none of the enemies ships could come to annoy her. This, as I thought, might induce the viceroy to make some attempt at high water, when our other three ships might bear down against the stream, the springs being now at the highest, when we should see what efforts the viceroy might make, and might attend to the same and act accordingly, in the hope that the viceroy might commit some error to the weakening of his own force and our advantage. And if such should happen, it would then be proper for us to put out to sea, in the darkness of the following night, when the viceroy would not be in condition to make sail to hinder us. Or, if we saw reason, we might make sail daily on the flood, working to and again, which would somewhat dismay the Portuguese, and encourage our own men. My proposal was unanimously agreed to, as the best way of proceeding; and finding Mr Molineux quite willing to fall down with the Hope at low water next morning, this was directed accordingly.
In the morning of the 20th, at low water, the Hope went down to induce the enemy to make some attempt against her when the tide rose, and then we in the other ships stood after her. The viceroy, and all the worthy knights about him, thinking I was about to flee, hastened as soon as the flood would permit to stop the passage, and prevent our getting out. We all came to anchor short of the Hope, yet not so as to leave her destitute of our help, but rather doubting of sufficient depth for our ships at low water so far down. On coming to anchor, I went down into my cabin, meaning to have given our friends ashore notice of my purposes, that they might know it proceeded from no rashness, but in good discretion to wait upon advantages to the prejudice of our enemies. But presently I had notice, that three of the Portuguese ships and most of their frigates were coming stem on before the wind upon the Hope, followed by all the galleons.
We endeavoured to weigh our anchor, but having no time for that, we cut our cables, and made sail for the rescue of the Hope. Before we could get sufficiently near, the enemies ships were close aboard of her, and had entered their men, boarding her with great appearance of resolution. But they had no quiet abode there, nor could they rest in their own ships, neither could they cast them loose from the Hope, so greatly were they annoyed by our great guns and small arms. At length, their principal officers being slain, the rest in great numbers leapt into the sea, whence many of them were taken up by their frigates. But, before quitting their ships, they set them on fire, thinking to have burnt the Hope along with them. But, praised be the Lord of Hosts, they were burnt without harm to the Hope; for, so soon as the fire had well kindled, the flaming ships were cast loose and drifted on the sands, where they continued burning till quenched by the flowing tide. So long as day-light lasted, we continued exchanging shots from all our ships with the galleons, they being on the outside of a spit of sand, and we on the inside. They did us little injury in our hulls, but much to our ropes and sails overhead. In this conflict, besides those who were wounded, we had five men slain. By a great mischance, the main-top-sail, top-mast, and shrouds got afire, communicated from the main-top, in consequence of the fire-works lodged there taking fire, the man being slain who had the charge there. All these were burnt quite away, together with a great part of the main-mast; and this misfortune prevented us from going out into deep water to try our fortune with the viceroy in close fight. We were likewise put to our shifts, not knowing by what means we might get the mast replaced.
The 21st I got the anchor weighed, which we had been obliged to cut from the day before. On the 22d, I was informed that many great men, accompanied by a Portuguese friar, and escorted by five or six hundred horse, had come down to Swally, meaning to send the friar next day, with three or four principal Moors, to negociate a peace with the viceroy. But the nabob sent me word, that he sought for no such thing, and was resolved to conclude no peace, unless we were included. He also granted me what timber we might need, of which we availed ourselves, and promised to supply us with provisions. The Portuguese remaining quiet on the 25th, the muccadam of Swally came to me, saying that the before-mentioned friar had sent to entice him to poison the well whence we had our water, which he would not consent to, and had therefore put some live tortoises into it, that these might shew by their deaths, if poison should be put therein by the Portuguese. At night, part of the 120 bales of indigo we had purchased came to the water side, and was presently got aboard. This day Isaac Beg sent me a present of fruit from his own garden; and this day likewise the rest of the timber for repairing the Hope's mast was brought down to us.
The 27th, I sent all our boats to sound the Swash at low water, being chiefly on purpose to keep the Portuguese in ignorance of my real intentions. They sent one galley and five frigates, thinking to have cut off our boats; but in this they failed, as in every thing else they attempted against us. The 28th, the nabob sent great store of provisions to the viceroy, as goats, bread, plantains, and the like, together with a banquet of sweetmeats. Coge Nozan sent me a present of five bullocks. Several of our men died about this time of fluxes and other diseases. The 31st, we received aboard from Cambay, fifty bales of indigo. In the afternoon, one Coge Arson Ali came aboard, and presented me with several goats, a large supply of bread, roast-meat, plantains, sugar, and other such things. Along with him came an old acquaintance of mine, a Persian, who said there were news from Damaun, that the Portuguese had sent there 350 men to be buried; and we computed, that there could not be less than 100 more, killed and burnt in their ships, besides those who were drowned. They also told me, that not only were the Portuguese opposed here in India, but also by the Persians at Ormus, and that the Malays were in arms against them at Malacca. They likewise assured me, that the negociations between Mucrob Khan and the viceroy were entirely at an end, and that no peace would take place between them.
I had long wished to see this man, who, till now, could never get leave of the nabob, without which no one dared use that freedom. This jealousy of the nabob proceeded, as he said, from a great charge enjoined by the king to procure for his use all curious things of value, and he is fearful lest any of these should pass through other hands, to his disgrace, which forces him to employ strange and severe means to prevent this happening. Day being nearly spent, I sent them ashore, making them a present, and giving money to all their people, having first shewn them how far some of our great guns could throw a ball. They then took their leave and departed.
S.3Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English.
On the 3d February, 1615, there arrived at the waterside twenty-four bales of indigo, seven packs of white, seven of black, and four of blue bastas, six packs of cotton yarn, three of candikens, and one pack of crecany, all of which were brought immediately on board. This day also the supplies for the viceroy came in sight, being two ships of burden, two junks, and eight or ten of the country boats. The nabob sent me a message by Lacandas, that these were not for the purpose of fighting, but were full of combustibles, meant to be set on fire, and allowed to drift with the tide upon our ships in the night. I was glad of this information, and took immediate measures to prevent the consequences of such an attempt, as well as to defend ourselves from the smaller vessels. The spring-tides were now near the highest, and were consequently fittest for their attacks, so that I expected them every tide; and to let them see I was ready for their reception, and how little I cared for them, I directed the setting and clearing our watch, mornings and evenings, to be announced by a volley of shot from every ship, pointing the best piece in my ship at the prow of the viceroy's ship, to try his temper, and to daunt the courage of his people. It pleased God this morning, when I had least leisure for mourning, to call my only son, George Downton, to his mercy, who was buried next morning ashore, and the volleys intended to insult the viceroy, served also to honour his obsequies.
This morning also, while expecting an assault from the Portuguese, I was visited by one Mousa Attale, a Malabar captain, together with his troop, from whom I got a description of the principal ports and harbours of his country, expressing my anxious desire to become acquainted with them, and to have league and intercourse between them and the English, with mutual trade and friendship. He seemed willing to encourage this proposal, and requested letters to that effect from me, which their ships might shew to my countrymen when they happened to meet, which I gave him, as also a letter for his king, requesting kind usage for my countrymen if any of their ships should come into his harbours. After some conference, he departed, and I presented him with a sword-blade, and three or four knives.[128] This day the master of the Hope represented that he had several men killed in the former engagement, and many hurt, bruised, and disabled from service, on which I sent him three men from my ship, four from the Hector, and four from the Salomon.
[Footnote 128: These knives, so often mentioned as presents in India, were probably daggers.--E.]
The 5th I had letters from Mr Aldworth, informing of his arrival at Baroach with his companions, and saying that he had been set upon by 200 Rajput thieves, nine coss from Baroach, the day before, the thieves being armed with pikes, matchlocks, and bows and arrows; but, after some skirmishing, they fled, three of them being slain, and more wounded. In this affair Humphrey Elkington was shot through the thigh with an arrow, one of the horsemen sent by Surder Khan to guard our people was killed, and Mr Aldworth's horse sore wounded. The nabob sent me word that the viceroy proposed to assault me this day, and therefore sent Coge Nozan to guard the land. Nozan came accordingly to the water side, and sent his son, Mamud Iehad, to visit me on board, accompanied by a chief named Kemagee, the son of Leckdarsee, rajput chieftain of Guigamar or Castelletto,[129] who had for a long time maintained war with the Moguls and Portuguese. These chiefs entreated permission to see and partake in the fight, and as no assault was made that day, they remained all night on board. The rajput chief went ashore next morning, but the other remained on board two or three days, and seeing the enemy would do nothing, he went likewise ashore.
[Footnote 129: On a former occasion supposed to have been Jumbosier.--E.]
On the forenoon of the 8th, we received more indigo aboard, and in the afternoon all the Portuguese frigates, with the two junks, and two gallies, came driving up with the flood, as if for some attempt against us, either by fire, which I most doubted, or otherwise. We therefore got under weigh and advanced to meet them, upon which they all made off as fast as they could, and we came again to anchor. This was merely a device, to make us believe their fire-boats were to come against us from the south, and that we might have no suspicion of their coming from the northwards; wherefore they again assembled all their junks, frigates, and galleys next night, a little without the sands, to call our attention from the northern quarter. But I was aware of that being the place of greatest danger; and though I commanded a careful outlook to be kept both ways, I especially enjoined to be watchful in the north quarter, as it fell out accordingly. A little within the night, between us and a great light to the westwards, upon the island of Gogo, we could discern them creeping up to the north upon the flood; and then, about ten o'clock at night, when very dark, and before the moon rose, upon the last quarter of the ebb tide, there came down towards us two fire-boats, towed by two frigates, which we happily descried before they came nigh, and plied them heartily both with great guns and small arms. By this we soon beat off the frigates, which set the fire-boats adrift, and made sail from us.
One of the fire-boats drifted clear of the Gift, Hector, and Salomon, but got athwart the cable of the Hope, and presently blew up; but, blessed be God, the Hope received no harm, having cut her cable and got clear. The other fire-boat came up likewise on the quarter of the Hope, all in flames, but did no harm, as she drifted past with the ebb. She came up again with the tide of flood, and was like to have got foul of us; but our boats towed her ashore continually burning. The former one floated likewise back with the flood, but sank near us in the morning. This day I had a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas Whittington had gone distracted, and expressing some doubts of Richard Steel.
The 10th, at night, about the same time as before, two other fire-boats came against us, towed by four or five frigates, bearing directly on the Hector. Immediately on perceiving them, the Gift and Hector let drive at them with great guns and small arms, so that the frigates threw them adrift, firing them sooner than they otherwise would. The burning boats floated toward the Hector, but having a stiff breeze, drifted past to leewards. Within half an hour after, we perceived many boats drifting towards the Hector, against which we again let drive, forcing the frigates to abandon them in such a hurry that they only set two of them on fire, there being four of them chained together. Fortunately we had a stiff gale, and by edging up to windward, they all floated clear to leeward. While passing, our gunner made a shot at one of the boats that was unfired, which struck her and set her on fire. The vehemence of the flames reached the fourth boat, and set her likewise on fire; so they all drifted ashore in flames, hard by our landing-place. My pinnace took three of the actors in a small canoe, in which they thought to have escaped. Two of these men were brought aboard my ship, the third being left in the Hector. Besides these, our gelliwat picked up another, which she brought with her. Thus did God disappoint all the malicious practices of our enemy.
Seeing himself foiled in all his injurious attempts, the viceroy set sail on the 11th, and fell down to the bar of Surat, where he anchored. Being suspicious that he meant to attempt taking Surat, I resolved, in that case, to have gone with my ships to set upon his fleet, which must have constrained him to desist from his enterprise against Surat, as I was desirous to assist in defending a place where we had so great a stock, and so many of our merchants. But the viceroy durst not trust me so far as to unman his ships, lest I should come against him. In the night he sent all his frigates into the river, and sent some person to propose peace, but received a flat denial. The 12th, the nabob sent Lacandas to inform me that five or six frigates had gone to the northwards, having four or five fire-boats, which they meant to let drive upon us in the night, and therefore wished me to keep a good look-out. I acknowledged his kindness, and was glad of his care, though needing no such admonition, as I was equally suspicious of their practices when out of sight as when they rode near us. The nabob had this intelligence from the Jesuits, with whom he kept on fair terms, for his better security, if he should have been put to the worst. As the frigates, or other vessels in the offing, could not well discern the place where our ships rode during the darkness of the night, by reason of the shadow of the shore, they had lights made for them ashore for guiding them where to find us during their hellish incendiary plans. Having observed this light, night after night, always in the same place, and seeing it as before on the night of the 13th, I sent William Gurdin ashore with twenty men, armed with muskets and pikes, directing them to endeavour to surround this fire-blazer, supposing him to be some traitor inhabiting the neighbourhood. But, on coming near, the fire was presently put out, and was again seen at another place, quite contrary to the direction of their pursuit; and so going up and down for a long time, they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the devil. This night the viceroy set sail from the bar of Surat, leaving about twenty of his frigates in the river to keep in check the Malabar frigates which were there for the defence of the town.
The 14th, the nabob sent a great man, who, in token of friendship, was called his brother, to visit me. This person gave as his opinion that the viceroy was gone with all his fleet to Goa, leaving some frigates to keep possession of the river, and others to return to Diu and Ormus. But my own opinion is, that the viceroy has only gone somewhere to refresh his people, and to reinforce his ships, against our putting to sea, when no sands will be in the way of his greatest ships coming against me. He also told me that the king had sent down forces for the purpose of conquering Damaun and all the sea coast. He said likewise, that they were more willing to give entertainment and trade to our nation than the Portuguese, which I thought very reasonable, as the Portuguese had always been injurious, and had done many vile things against them. Yet, unless we continue able to resist the Portuguese, they will soon unsay that speech for their own ease. When he had viewed our ship, with our ordnance and defensive preparations, we sent him and his train on shore in oar boats, in all courtesy.
We now set seriously to work in clearing and loading the Hope for England, having hitherto taken in our goods confusedly and by hasty snatches, some into one ship, and some into others, not deeming it proper to hazard all in one bottom while exposed to so much danger from the Portuguese. I had resolved to send home the Hope, not that I esteemed her burden the fittest for the goods we had provided, but because of the many impediments and disabilities of that ship, as daily complained of by the master and carpenter; in particular, that her stern-post within the rudder was unsheathed, a strange and dangerous neglect and unaccountable oversight, on which account it was fitting she should soonest return; besides, we were in danger of losing our quicksilver which was in her, and lay on her keel and bilges.
The 18th, the nabob sent to me Cage Arson Ali, the sabandar, and other merchants of Surat, requesting me to remain for fifteen days, which I would in no sort consent to. They then importuned me to stop for ten days, which likewise I refused, shewing them how prejudicial so long delay might be to my voyage. The cause of their request was, lest the viceroy might come with all his forces against Surat after my departure. Seeing them discontented at my denial, and loth to give displeasure to the nabob, which might be prejudicial to our affairs afterwards, and considering that it would require six days of the ten before we could get the Hope ready, I at last consented to their request, to their great satisfaction. At night on the 22d I had a letter from Surat, informing me that the nabob meant to visit me next day, and accordingly two elephants and six camels came down in the morning of the 23d, bringing his tents and other matters for his reception. The 24th, Mr Aldworth came down with the rest of the merchants to finish all business with me previous to our departure.
In the morning of the 25th, the nabob came down with a great train, with six other elephants, and was two hours at the water side before I knew of his arrival. When told, I was sorry for the neglect, and sent Mr Aldworth, Mr Elkington, and Mr Dodsworth ashore to compliment him, and to keep him in discourse till I could go on shore, which I did soon after. I proposed to have gone to him as a son to his father, in my doublet and hose, without arms or any great train, according to custom, to shew the trust and confidence I reposed in him; but my friends persuaded me to the contrary, insisting that I should go well appointed, and attended by a sufficient guard, to which I consented, though I afterwards repented that I had not followed my own way. I went accordingly ashore with about 140 men, part pikes, and part firelocks, who gave me a volley of small arms as I entered the nabob's tent. The nabob received me with much kindness, seeming much pleased at my coming ashore to him. We sat for some time under a very fair tent, open on all sides, and surrounded by many people, both his attendants and mine.
At length he brought me into a more private room, near adjoining, having only along with him Ali Khan, a great Persian captain, with Henie the Banian as his interpreter; while I was accompanied by Messrs. Aldworth, Elkington, and Dodsworth. We there conferred about the state of his country, and about our affairs. At last I invited him to go on board to view our ship, to which he readily consented. He then presented me with his own sword, with many complimentary speeches, saying it was the custom of his country to honour with arms such captains as had deserved well. This sword, as he said, was made in his own house, the hilt being of massy gold. In return, I presented to him my own arms, being sword and dagger, together with my girdle and hangers, by me much esteemed, and making a much finer shew than his, though of less value. We came forth together from the private tent, and I walked down to the shore to wait for his coming, whither he sent me a present of ten cuttonee quilts and twenty topseels.
Soon after the nabob came to the shore, and we took boat together, going on board my ship. Having shewn our ordnance, and the manner of pointing the guns, and explained all our other preparations for defence, I presented him with a very handsome gilt cup and cover, some fair knives, a rundlet of Muscadine wine, and some other toys. Desiring to see some of our ordnance shot off, and how far they could carry their balls on the water, I caused three guns to be fired. He would then have taken leave, but I accompanied him ashore, and ordered him to be saluted at his departure with eleven guns. When we parted at the water side, the nabob gave me four baskets of grapes. He likewise gave among the gunners and trumpeters 200 mahmoodies, and 500 among the ship's company, together with 100 books of white bastas, worth two mahmoodies each. Thus, after some compliments, we took leave of each other and parted. While rowing up along shore for my better getting on board, as the tide ran very swiftly, Lacandas came running towards the boat, bearing a message from the nabob to ask if he should erect a tomb over the grave of my son. I returned my hearty thanks for the kind offer, desiring Lacandas to say that I had already begun to do so. The nabob then went away to Surat, and not long after his tent was taken down and went after him, with all the rest of his carriages.
The 26th, the nabob's son and son-in-law, a very ingenious young man, came to visit me, upon whom I bestowed some knives and other things, such as I had left, which could not be much, as I had every now and then some great man or other to visit me, to all of whom I had to give something. The 27th, the three sons of Ali Khan came to visit me, the eldest of whom, named Guger Khan, presented me with two antilopes, a male and a female, of which I was very glad, having endeavoured before ineffectually to send some home to Sir Thomas Smith. After viewing all our ship, with our ordnance and warlike preparations for defence, I gave him four Spanish pikes, and some other things of my own, and saluted him with eleven guns at his departure.
In the afternoon of the 3d March, upon the tide of ebb, and having a light gale from the north, sufficient to give steerage-way to our ships, we hastened to get up our anchors, meaning to set sail in the prosecution of our voyage, though our friends, the Malabars, who had desired to go with us, made no attempt to come out. At this time we saw another fleet of Portuguese frigates standing in from the westwards, and being willing to do my best to hinder them from going into the river of Surat, were it only to shew our good-will to the country people, we shot at the nearest of them, though without hope of doing them any hurt, as there was room for them to pass on either side of us, beyond reach of our shot. I was willing also to shew our friends on land, as also to those who I made no doubt would go down the coast to give notice to the galleons of our coming, that we shot at their frigates going into Surat, that they might also expect that we cared little for their greater strength.
In our passage this night we had various flaws of inconstant winds, which obliged us to come to anchor for some time. As the wind became afterwards steady, though faint, we again made sail, continuing our course S. by E. along shore. At day-light nest morning we began to descry, between us and the shore, the Portuguese galleons and two gallies; all of which made sail on perceiving us, following with a light breeze, while we stood somewhat out of our course with all our sails, partly to gain time to prepare ourselves perfectly for battle, and partly to give rest to my people, who had taken much fatigue the night before, as also to draw the enemy farther from the coast, and from having the convenience of fresh supplies. Ere long, the tide of flood obliged us to anchor, not having sufficient wind to stem the current. The enemy, resting his hopes on the wind, kept longer under sail, to his great disadvantage. But as I did not consider this at the time as an error in them, I was is great doubt lest they might intend going against Surat with all their force, now that we were at sea, and there work their wills upon our friends and goods, which I could only prevent by following them. Yet the season was now so far advanced that I doubted, even with our best haste, we should hardly get off the coast before the foul weather set in; and this gave me hope that the viceroy would not expose himself to the danger of the approaching winter. While considering these things, the tide of flood was spent, and it was time for us to use the ebb, when, to my great satisfaction, I saw the viceroy and his whole fleet standing towards us, with a fresh breeze. We likewise made sail, and stood our course before him all that ebb, and so spent that night to the best advantage, partly at anchor, and partly under sail, according as wind and tide served.
In the morning of the 5th, the enemy had gained very little way upon us. We spent this day, as before, in riding or sailing, as the tide answered. This night the viceroy gained much ground upon us, and by this time we had got a good way from the coast, and had advanced well to the southwards, so that I was now satisfied the Portuguese forces could not this year give any annoyance to Surat. I considered that my purposes in these parts, both by the authority of my king, and to fulfil the designs of my employers, were, in merchant ships, fitted indeed for defence, to seek honest commerce, without striving to injure any; wherefore I held it fit for me to proceed soberly and discreetly, neither basely to flee from the enemy, nor to tempt danger by proudly seeking it, if it might be honourably avoided. The viceroy was quite differently situated. He had been sent by his master with the principal ships of all India, and all the gallants and braggarts of these parts, not only to disturb and intercept the peaceable trade of the English with the subjects of the Mogul, but to take and burn them in the harbours of that great king. The viceroy was furnished with abundance of all things the country could afford, and only wanted an upright cause. He found what he was in search of,--four poor merchant ships, having few men, many being dead, and more sick; and these bragadocios, measuring our hearts by their own, thought we could never stand against what they esteemed so superior a force; and, seeing their intent, I baited my hook, which the fish presently ran after.
The Hope, being heavily laden, was in tow of the Hector, and being sternmost, three of the Portuguese ships, and thirty or forty of their frigates, as I had expected, boarded her with the flower of all their chivalry. But, by the hand of God, and to their great amazement, they received such a blow that few of them escaped, and these by extraordinary chance, and three of their ships were burnt.[130] Thus it pleased God to baffle this their first assault. Ever after, though they beleaguered us round about for many days together, with all sorts of ships, our people still in action, and sadly worn out with continual labour, even shifting goods from ship to ship in that time, yet did they never gain from us even the value of a louse in all that time, except our bullets, which we most willingly gave them roundly, their fire-boats always failing, and nothing prospering in all their efforts. For many days together I sent the viceroy a defiance once every twenty-four hours, which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of so courageous a gentleman. Craving pardon for this digression, I now proceed with my narrative.
[Footnote 130: I strongly suspect this to be a mere recapitulation of what happened in Swally roads, as already related, as this second attack on the Hope by the Portuguese is entirely omitted by Elkington and Dodsworth.--E.]
The 6th, in the morning, I sent for my master, letting him know that I proposed, when the viceroy should come up near us, to cast about and charge him suddenly, that we might strike unexpected terror in his people, who now bragged us, seeing us flee before them. To this end I went on board all the ships, giving them directions how to act, and gave orders to the Hector, by means of her pinnace and mine, to take in an hundred bales of goods from the Hope, to lighten her, and even staid to see it done. By this time it was mid-day, when my ship struck sail for my better getting on board; at which, the viceroy thinking it staid for him in contempt, as we imagined, be and his consorts bore up with the shore, and gave up all hope of mending their fortunes by following us any farther; which course I very well liked, as there is nothing under his foot to make amends for the loss of the worst man's finger in all our ships. Besides, I wished for no occasion of fighting unless for the honour of my king and country as I would rather save the life of one of my poorest sailors than kill a thousand enemies.
Having now finished with the viceroy, I set myself to write letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have stood in for the bar of Goa to endeavour to have left some compliments there for the viceroy at his return. This was my earnest desire, but we were so long delayed in dispatching the Hope, that by the time we had finished, we were far beyond Goa.
"The rest of this journal is wanting, as he is also wanting who should have finished it. But, alas! this is the imperfection of man's best perfections; death lying in ambush to entrap those whom by open force he could not devour. He dying in this voyage, and following his son, hath left this glorious act, memoriae sacrum, the memorable epitaph of his worth, savouring of a true heroic disposition, piety and valour being in him seasoned by gravity and modesty."--Purch.
SECTION II.
Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former Voyage.[131]
"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history succeeding the former, as its author did in command."--Purch.
[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]
In employing the journals of Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, to continue the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose, to avoid prolix repetition of circumstances, already sufficiently related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently explained.--E.
S.1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington.
On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which immediately gave us chace, which it continued all that day and the next. On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But, about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and in three hours after we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the space of half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.
The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good anchorage, within a stone's throw of the shore, in twelve fathoms. The pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it was brackish.[132] The 2d June we came to anchor in Bantam road.
[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way between Cape Comorin and Bantam.--E.]
The 3d July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience of a fire very near. The 20th, Mr Jordan had letters from. Mr Ball at Macasser, complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of Motron in the government. The 21st Mr Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July, and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound for England.
The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next day.[133] Mr Evans the preacher, and Mr Hambdon, followed him, on the 8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to Japan, having a complement of twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and Macasser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night before, twenty-two leagues from Macasser, owing to the carelessness of Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them; and as Mr Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.
[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the command.--Purch.]
On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom Mr Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught, climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back. We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them; for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended with Mr Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the means of making us hated as man-stealers, in, places where we used to be well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to our disgrace.
In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the thatch over the house in which Mr Jordan lodged, which was soon extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done apurpose, as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had appostatized and turned Javan. The 2d October, Sophonee Cossock, a merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an Orancay, to confer on trade with that place. The 22d, I went ashore, accompanied by Mr Pring and Mr Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general, concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took passage with him from thence to Cambello, were brought all the way in the bilboes, for no cause.
[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was Dutch policy to cry rogue first.--Purch.]
I went ashore on the 3d November, when Captain Jordan called together the merchants, and sent for the orancay of Banda, whose letter he got translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could not give them assistance to recover the castle of Nera, without orders from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would willingly supply them with provisions, and every thing else in our power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a person to confer with the orancays, and particularly to know how we might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build a fort for that purpose.
The 23d five Hollanders anchored in the outer road, four of which came last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from Holland. At that island they found that General Butt had been cast away with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts, along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men, and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we had notice of the death of Mr Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.
S.2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope.
The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr Aldworth and Mr Steel came on board, and next day Mr Aldworth was examined, according to the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function Mr Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made, whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and, after some contest, some way was given to Mr Edwards in this affair, lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of Britain.
[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only insert what is fit for the public eye.--Purch.]
[Footnote 136: It has been said on a former occasion, that he died of poison, given, as was thought, by the jesuits.--Purch.]
After much opposition to our desire of trade, there came a firmaun from the king on the 24th November, which, according to custom, the nabob met in state two miles from the city, attended by 600 horse. Next day we were kindly entertained, and the nabob gave Mr Edwards 850 mahmoudies, thirty pieces of topseels, ten of fine calicoes, and other things. The money being to bear the charges of carrying up the present to the king, who was not willing we should incur any expence on that account, and the stuffs as a gratification to those who carried them up. To the merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of topseels, five to each, with his chop or licence for our departure, and promises of kind usage, all this being done in presence of those who brought the firmaun. The 30th, Mr Edwards and we set out for Amadavar [Ahmedabad.]
The 2d of December we reached Broach, whence the governor sent a guard of horse with us to Demylode, and there we had a new escort of horse and foot to Charmondo;[137] whence we departed on the 7th with twenty-five soldiers, all notorious thieves, as we afterwards found. With these we went ten coss, when we pitched our tents in a plain, barricading ourselves as usual with our carts. While at supper, we had nearly been assaulted by fifty horse, who passed close by us, but they found us well provided for our defence, and it appeared that the charge we carried was well known in all the country through which we travelled. The 8th we came to Brodera, [Brodrah] and made a present to the governor, who received it very kindly, and particularly requested to see our mastiff dog. Brodrah stands in a plain, which seemed fertile, and is well watered, a thing rather uncommon in those parts. We departed thence with an escort of 100 horse and foot, voluntarily offered from respect for the king's present, yet were they a considerable charge to us. We came next to Arras,[138] a town mostly inhabited by banians, and where their superstition of not killing any thing occasioned us to have very bad fare. On the 13th we came to Ahmedabad, whence we gave a commission to Richard Steel and John Crowther to proceed on their journey to Persia; and hence Mr Edwards departed from us for Agra.
[Footnote 137: On this part of the indicated route, between Broach and Brodrab, no stations are to be found in our best maps resembling these two names, unless Simlode may have been corrupted into Demylode by typographical error.--E.]
[Footnote 138: No such name is now to be found in the road between Brodrah and Ahmedabad, neither is it of much importance in any view, as the route is so vaguely indicated in the text.--E.]
All this time, the merchants at Ahmedabad, being in hopes of peace with the Portuguese, held up the price of their indigos, on which we resolved to proceed for Sarques [Sarkess,] to make trial with the country people who are the makers of that commodity. We did so on the 7th, and found plenty of employment, packing in four days no less than 400 bales: after which Mr Edwards returned to Ahmedabad, where he found the merchants greatly more tractable. Sarkess is a town of no great size, three coss from Ahmedabad, its territory being considered the best soil in all these parts for the production of indigo. All of the dealers in this commodity are apt to put tricks upon us, by mingling or otherwise. At Sarkess there are two of the most ancient monuments that are to be found in all that country; one being the tomb of a saint or prophet who was buried there, to which many pilgrims resort from great distances; and the other is the sepulchres of their ancient kings. To the north of the town, is the place where Khan-Khana first put the Guzerates to flight, who were the original inhabitants of the country, all the rest of the kingdom being shortly after reduced under the subjection of Akbar, father to the present Great Mogul. This field of victory is strongly walled round with brick, about a mile and half in circuit, all planted within with fruit-trees, and delightfully watered; having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory; in which Khan-Khana resided for some time, but he now resides at Burhanpoor.
The 24th of December we had leave from the governor of Ahmedabad to depart; but hearing that several persons had been robbed and murdered that night close by the city, order was given for us to wait till a sufficient guard could be provided for us. The 26th we departed, having with us forty carts, loaded with indigo and other goods, and came on the 27th to Mundeves,[139] where the gates were shut upon us by order of Sarder Khan. This put us in much doubt, and we procured a person to speak with the governor, who told him of letters he had received from Mucrob Khan, nabob of Surat, informing of the gallant action of our general at Swally and the safety of Surat from the Portuguese, through the bravery of the English. It was therefore agreed that we should not depart without a sufficient guard, which was to be ready for us next day. We did not however depart till the 29th; and, at Brodrah, the men belonging to Sarder Khan procured more soldiers to assist them, as there were several companies of rajputs lying in the way to intercept us, and many robberies and murders were committed daily in that part of the country.
[Footnote 139: This name also is so corrupted as not to have any resemblance in the modern geography of Hindoostan.--E.]
On the 2d of February, while passing through a narrow lane inclosed on both sides with hedges, we were assaulted by above 300 rajputs, where we could not hurt them, as they did our caffila or caravan by their arrows and shot. We therefore made all the haste we could to gain the plain, while they in the mean time cut off two of our carriages. Having got to the open ground we made a stand; but the rajputs betook themselves again to their hedges, to look after their prey, lest one thief should rob another. Many of our party were hurt on this occasion, among which was Humphrey Elkington. Next day we got to Baroach, and on the 5th to Surat, where we returned thanks to Macrob Khan for the care he had taken of our safety.
Hearing of an assault to be made next day on our ships by the Portuguese, we got his leave to go down to Swally and went aboard, but the Portuguese deceived our expectation. On occasion of the last attempt of the Portuguese to set our ships on fire, by means of four fire-boats chained together, four of them were taken in smaller boats, which captives confessed that this was the last attempt of the viceroy for this year, as he was now under the necessity of returning to Goa, for want of water and provisions. One of these captives, taken in Swally roads, and carried aboard the New-year's Gilt, emitted the following declaration:--
Examination of Domingo Francisco, on the 20th of February, 1615.
"He saith, that he was born in Lisbon, being the son of a mariner, and served under Nunna d'Acunha in the seafight against Captain Best, in one of the four galleons. He afterwards went to Macao on the coast of China, and returned thence to Goa; where, after remaining ten months, he was ordered on board a galleon called the St Antonio, in this expedition for the road of Swally, where he was made prisoner on the 8th of this month. The purpose of the viceroy, Don Jeronimo de Savedo, in this expedition, as the examinant says, was to destroy the English at Surat. The viceroy's ship was called the All-saints, of 800 tons, with 300 men, and twenty-eight cannon. Michael de Souza was captain on the St Bennet of 700 tons, 150 men, and twenty guns. John Cayatho of the St Lawrence, of 600 tons, 160 men, and 18 guns. Francisco Henriques of the St Christopher, of 600 tons, 155 men, and 18 guns. Francisco de Mirande of the St Jeronymo, of 500 tons, 180 men, and 16 guns. Gaspar de Meall of the St Antonio, of 400 tons, 140 men, and 14 guns. These were the galleons: The ships were, the St Peter of 200 tons Captain Francisco Cavaco, 150 men and eight guns; the St Paul of 200 tons, Captain Don Juan de Mascarenha, 150 men and eight guns; a pinnace of 120 tons, Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men and four guns. Lewis de Bruto was captain of one galley, and Diego de Suro of the other, each having fifty men. There were sixty barks or frigates, each having twenty soldiers, and rowing eighteen oars of a side. The reinforcement which joined afterwards, consisted of two ships of 200 tons each, two India junks, and eight small boats, which were employed to endeavour to set us on fire. In the viceroy's ship, the ordnance were all of brass, those in the other galleons being half brass and half iron:" Against all which the Almighty protected us, blessed be his name for ever.
On the 11th March, 1615, we parted from the general, he and the other two ships being bound for Acheen and Bantam, and we in the Hope for England. On the 12th we passed by the north end of the Maldives, where we found many shoals and islands most falsely laid down in the charts, as if purposely to render the navigation of these seas more dangerous. We arrived on the 17th of June in Saldanha bay, where we found a fleet of four English ships bound for Surat, under the command of Captain Keeling; which fleet, after consultation held with us, and receiving intelligence of the state of affairs there, departed on its voyage. On the 20th I met with Crosse and his company, left there for discovery,[140] and entreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my arrival. These were set upon by the savages and wounded, wherefore I delivered four muskets to Crosse at his earnest request; after which he procured Coree to come down with his whole family, and we afterwards got some cattle. He told me that there was discord among the savages, through which the mountaineers had come down and robbed them. We departed on the 26th June, leaving our longboat with Crosse, together with powder, shot, and provisions.
[Footnote 140: Of Crosse and his company of condemned persons, set on shore at the Cape of Good Hope, see afterwards in Peyton's voyage.--Purch.]
In the latitude of 29° N. we fell in with a Dutch ship from the Mauritius, having gone there to cut timber, which seemed a bastard ebony. Contrary to their expectation, they found there the lamentable wreck of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, which had gone to pieces on the rocks. The goods and men of two of these were totally lost, most of the goods of the third were saved, with part of which this ship was laden. The fourth was driven out to sea in a storm, and returned under jury-masts. The master of this ship promised to keep us company, but finding us a hindrance, he left us after ten days, without so much as a farewell or offering to carry a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened; yet, I thank God, we lost none till my arrival in Ireland off the river of Limerick on the 27th October, 1615; where also we had to endure a storm, till we hired a Scottish bark, detained by contrary winds, to pilot us into harbour. There also, a remainder of Captain M. his ungodly crew, who had lately obtained their pardon, put me in great fear; till Sir Henry Foliat secured us by a supply of men, and I sent off letters for London.
SECTION III.
Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Ajmeer in India, to Ispahan in Persia, in the Years 1615 and 1616.[141]
Having been detained at Agimere[142] from February, Mr Edwards received a letter on the 17th March, 1615, from the Great Mogul, of which he delivered a copy, together with his other letters, to Richard Steel, promising to procure the king's firmaun for our safety and furtherance, and to send it after us to Agra, where he directed us to wait for its reception. We went that night two coss to Mandill.[143]We had four servants, two horses, and a camel. The 18th we went twelve coss to Bander Sandree, [Bunder-Sanory,] a small aldea.[144] The 19th, ten coss to Mosobade, [Morabad.] The 20th to Pipelo, [Peped,] thirteen coss. The 21st to a town called Chadfoole, [Gohd?] seven coss. The 22d to Lalscotte, thirteen coss. The 23d to Mogolserai, twelve coss. The 24th to Hindone, fourteen coss. the 25th to Bramobad, twelve coss. The 26th to Futtipoor, twelve coss. This has been a fair city, which was built by Akbar, and contains a goodly palace belonging to the king. It is walled round in a handsome manner, and has many spacious gardens and sumptuous pleasure houses; but is now falling to ruin, and ranch ground within the walls is now sown with corn, the king having carried off much of the best stone to his new city of Agr