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Title: Lander's Travels
       The Travels of Richard Lander into the Interior of Africa

Author: Robert Huish

Release Date: June 20, 2004 [EBook #12667]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LANDER'S TRAVELS ***









TRAVELS
OF
RICHARD AND JOHN  LANDER,
INTO
THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA,
FOR THE DISCOVERY
OF THE
COURSE AND TERMINATION OF THE NIGER;

FROM

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN THE POSSESSION OF THE LATE
CAPT. JOHN WILLIAM BARBER FULLERTON,
Employed in the African Service:

WITH
_A Prefatory Analysis of the Previous Travels_
OF
PARK, DENHAM, CLAPPERTON, ADAMS, LYON, RITCHIE, &c.
Into the hitherto unexplored Countries of Africa.

BY ROBERT  HUISH, ESQ.

Author of the "Last Voyage of Capt. Sir John Ross, to the Arctic
Regions," "Memoirs of W. Cobbett, Esq." "Private and Political Life
of the late Henry Hunt, Esq." &c. &c. &c.

LONDON:

_(Printed for the Proprietors,)_

PUBLISHED BY JOHN SAUNDERS, 25, NEWGATE  STREET.

1836.



INTRODUCTION.

Many are the acquisitions which geography has made since the
boundaries of commerce have been extended, and the spirit of
enterprise has carried our adventurous countrymen into countries
which had never yet been indented by a European foot; and which, in
the great map of the world, appeared as barren and uninhabitable
places, destitute of all resources from which the traveller could
derive a subsistence. It must, however, on the other hand, be
admitted, that design has frequently had little to do in the
discovery of those countries, however well it may have been
conceived, and however great the perseverance may have been, which
was exhibited in the pursuit. The discovery of America was, indeed,
a splendid example of an enlightened conception, and an undaunted
heroism, crowned with the most complete success; and the laudable and
unabated ardour which this country, in despite of the most appalling
obstacles, has persisted in solving the great geographical problem of
the Course and Termination of the Niger, may be placed second in rank
to the discovery of America.

As long as any fact is shut out from the knowledge of man, he who is
in search of it will supply the deficiency by his own conclusions,
which will be more or less removed from the object of his pursuit,
according to the previous opinions which he may have formed, or to
the credit which he may have placed on the reports of others. These
remarks cannot be better illustrated, than in the case furnished by
the Joliba, the Quorra, or Niger, the termination of which river was
utterly unknown until Richard and John Lander, braving difficulties
which would have broken any other hearts than theirs, succeeded in
navigating the river until its conflux with the ocean. Since Park's
first discovery of the Joliba, every point of the compass has been
assumed for the ulterior course and termination of that river, and
however wrong subsequent discovery has proved this speculative
geography to have been, it is not to be regarded as useless. Theories
may be far short of the truth, but while they display the ingenuity
and reasoning powers of their authors, they tend to keep alive that
spirit of inquiry and thirst for knowledge which terminates in
discovery.

Various accounts of this river had been gradually collected from
different sources, which afforded grounds for fresh theories
respecting its termination. That of Reichard was the favourite, he
supposing that it assumed a southwest course, and terminated in the
gulph of Guinea. It was observed at the time, that there was neither
evidence on which such an opinion could be supported, nor any by
which it could be refuted. Discovery has proved him to be right in
respect to its ultimate disposal; but at the same time, he
participated in the general error regarding its course to Wangara.
These different opinions appeared in several publications, in which,
as might be expected, much error was mixed up with the general
correctness. That the river flowed into the sea at Funda, was the
principal and chief point that was gained; but the most extraordinary
circumstance attending this discovery, was, that no one knew where
Funda was. The only exception to these was the theory of Major
Denham, supported by Sultan Bello's information, who continued its
easterly course below Boossa, and ended it in Lake Tchad.

Such was the uncertain condition in which the course of the Niger
remained, when the happy idea occurred of sending the Messrs. Landers
to follow its course below Boossa. By this step the British
government completed what it had begun, and accomplished in a few
months the work of ages.



CONTENTS

CHAP. I.
Herodutus. Early History of Africa. Interior of Africa. Malte Brun.
Division of Africa. Early African Discoveries. Portuguese
Discoveries. Madeira. Island of Arguin. Bemoy. Prester John. Death of
Bemoy. Elmina. Ogane. John II. Lord of Guinea. Diego Cam. His return
to Congo. Catholic Missionaries. Acts of the Missionaries. Magical
Customs of the Natives. Expulsion of the Portuguese.

CHAP. II.
Expeditions of the English. Thompson. First Expedition of Jobson.
African Animals. Jobson's arrival at Tenda. Bukar Sano. Second
Expedition of Jobson. The Horey. Expedition of Vermuyden. Expedition
of Stibbs. Falls of Barraconda. Natives of Upper Gambia. Dangers from
the Elephants and Sea Horses. Travels of Jannequin.

CHAP. III.
African Association. Expedition of Ledyard. His Death. Expedition of
Lucas. Major Houghton. His Death.

CHAP   V. [*]
Park's First Journey. Pisania. Dr. Laidley. Jindy. Mandingo Negroes.
Kootacunda. Woolli. Konjour. Membo Jumbo. Tallika. Ganado.
Kuorkarany. Fatteconda. Almami. Departure from Fatteconda. Joag.
Robbery of Mr. Park by the Natives. Demba Sego. Gungadi. Tesee.
Tigitty Sego. Anecdote of an African Wife. Kooniakary. Sambo Sego.

[Footnote: Chap. IV. was accidentally numbered Chap. V.]

CHAP. VI.
King Semba. Sego Jalla. Salem Daucari. Route from Soolo to Feesurah.
Kemmoo. Kaarta. Koorabarri. Funing Kedy. Ali, King of Ludamar.
Sampaka. Arrival at the Camp of Ali. Conduct of the Moors. Robberies
of Ali. Illness of Mr. Park. Curiosity of the African Ladies.
Whirlwinds of the Desert. An African Wedding.

CHAP. VII.
Sufferings of Mr. Park. Departure of Ali. Park's introduction to
Fatima. Beauty of the Moorish Women. The Great Desert of Jarra. Demba
Taken by the Moors. Jarra. Queira. Escape of Mr. Park. His perilous
Situation. Shrilla. Wawra. Dingyee. Departure from Doolinkeaboo.
First view of the Niger. Amiable conduct of a Bambara Woman. Mansong
King of Sego. Sansanding. Park's encounter with a lion. Moorzan.
Silla. Kea. Superstition of the Natives. Madiboo. Sibity. Sansanding.
Conduct of Mansong. Yamina. Balaba. Taffara. Sominoo. Kollikorro.
Saphie writing. Bambakoo. Kooma. Park robbed by the Foulahs.
Reflections.

CHAP. VIII.
Sibidooloo. The Mansa of Wonda. Mansia. Generous Conduct of a Karfa.
A Negro School. Treatment of the  Slaves. Close of the Rhamadam.
Departure of  the Coffle. The Jallonka Wilderness. Coffle attacked by
Bees. Fate of Nealee. Koba. Jallonka Banditti. Malacotta.
Magnanimous Conduct of Damel. Park's Arrival in England.

CHAP. IX.
Frederic Horneman. Ummesogeir. Siwah. Conduct of the Siwahans.
Mourzouk. Fezzan. Death of Horneman. Nicholls. His Death.

CHAP. X.
Adams. Soudenny. Timbuctoo. King and Queen of Timbuctoo. La Mar
Zarah. Natives of Timbuctoo. Their Customs. Their Religion. Female
Physicians. Amusements at Timbuctoo. Capture of Slaves. Penal Code at
Timbuctoo. Doubts respecting the Niger.

CHAP. XI.
Adams' Departure from Timbuctoo. Tudenny. Distress in the Desert.
Vied D'leim. Escape of Adams. Hilla Gibla. Adam's Amour with Isha.
Adams sold as a Slave. Hieta Mouessa Ali. Recapture of Adams.

CHAP. XII.
Wadinoon. Treatment of Slaves. Cruel Treatment of Adams. Murder of
Dolbie. Characteristics of European Slaves. Ransom of Adams. Return
of Adams to England. Justification of Adams.

CHAP. XIII.
Sidi Hamet. Timbuctoo. Women of Timbuctoo. Dress of the Natives of
Timbuctoo. Bimbinah. Wassanah. Reflections on National Character.
Comparison  between Adams and Sidi Hamet. Reflections on Timbuctoo.
Close of Adams' Narrative.

CHAP. XIV.
Population of West Barbary. The Errifi. The Shilluh. Anecdote of
Shilluh. Character of the Arabs. The Moors. The Marabouts. Religion
of the Africans.

CHAP. XV.
Second Expedition of Park. His Departure. Attacks on Mr. Park. His
disheartening Situation. Conduct of Mansong. Death of Mr. Anderson.
Death of Mr. Park. Manuscripts of Park.

CHAP. XVI.
Tuckey's Expedition. His Departure. Disasters of the Expedition.
Death of Tuckey. Expedition of Captain Gray. Expedition of Major
Laing.

CHAP. XVII.
Expedition of Captain Lyon. Benioleed. Zemzem. Bonjem. Sockna. Hoon.
Wadan. Journey to Mourzouk. Zeighan. Samnoo. Wad el Nimmel.

CHAP. XVIII.
Mourzouk. Description of Mourzouk. Castle of Mourzouk. Construction
of the Houses of Mourzouk. The Fighi. African Education. The Burying
Places of Mourzouk. Dress of the Women. Filthy habits of the Natives.
Their Dances. Dresses of the Sultan's Children. The Sultan's Son.
Revenue of the Sultan of Fezzan. Personal Characteristics of the
Natives. Moral Character of the Fezzaners. Music of the Fezzaners.
Illness of Captain Lyon. His Distressing Situation. Treachery of
Mukni. Death of Mr. Ritchie. Return of Captain Lyon.

CHAP. XIX.
Expedition of Denham and Clapperton. Sockna. Sand Storm in the
Desert. Mourzouk. Interview with the Sultan of Mourzouk. Boo Khaloom.
Departure of Major Denham for Tripoli. Sails for England. Entrance
into Sockna. Superstition of Boo Khaloom. Marriage at Sockna.
Agutifa. Tingazeer. Zeghren. Omhal Henna. Illness of Clapperton and
Oudney. Strength of the Expedition. Description of the Arabs.

CHAP. XX.
Expedition to the Westward. Tuaricks. Kharaik. Gorma. Ancient
Inscriptions. Oubari. Roman Buildings. Route over the Sand Hills.
Wadey Shiati. Visit to the Town. Ghraat. Visit to the Sultan. Tuarick
Woman.

CHAP. XXI.
Departure from Mourzouk. Gabrone. Medroosa. Tegerhy. Natives of
Tegerhy. Skeletons of Slaves. Major Denham and the Skeletons.
Slaughter of the Camels. Anay Sultan Tibboo. Kisbee. Tiggema.
Dirkee. Plundering Arabs. Bilma. Female Natives of Bilma. Boo
Khaloom, and Captain Lyon's Book. Surgical Skill of the Arabs.
Aghadem. Tibboo Couriers. Beere Kashitery. Negro Shampooing. Gunda
Tibboos. Mina Tahr. Arab Plunderers. Kofei. Traita Tibboos. Huts of
the Tarifas. Lake Tchad. Lari. Death of a Coluber. Nyagami. Tribe of
Monkeys. Woodie. Dress of the Natives of Woodie. Buridha. Strength of
Buridha. Min Ali Tahr, and the Royal Family of England.

CHAP. XXII.
Approach to Kouka. Description of the Bornou Troops. Barca Gana.
Sheik of Kouka. Presentation to the Sheik. Costume of the Women of
Kanem and Bornou. Major Denham and a young Lion. The Court of Bornou.
Kouka. Angornou. The Bornouese. Sports of the Bornouese. Expedition
against the Kerdies. Mora, the Capital of Mandara. The Sultan of
Mandara. Malem Chadily. Expedition against the Fellatas. Defeat of
the Arabs. Death of Boo Khaloom. Perilous Situation of Major Denham.
Song on Boo Khaloom. Old Birnie. Gambarou. Expedition against the
Mungas.

CHAP. XXIII.
Sultan of Loggun. The Loggunese. Mr. Tyrwhit. The Shouaa Arabs. Tahr,
the Chief of the La Salas. The Beddoomahs. Katagum. Sansan. Death of
Dr. Oudney. Market of Kano. Pugilism in Kano. Marriages and Funerals
of the People of Kano. The Governor of Hadyja. Quana. Females of
Quarra. Treatment of the Small Pox. A Fellata Fugitive.

CHAP. XXIV.
The Wells of Kamoon. Arrival at Sockatoo. Sultan Bello. Abolition of
the Slave Trade. Clapperton's Visit to Sultan Bello. Death of Mr.
Park. Obstacles to the Journey to Youri. Books of Park. Final
Abandonment of the Journey. Ateeko, the Brother of Bello. Purchase of
Major Denham's Baggage. The Civet Cat. The Executioner of Sockatoo.
Departure from Sockatoo. Account of Sockatoo. Trade of Sockatoo.
Arrival in England.

CHAP. XXV.
Lander's First Expedition with Clapperton. Sultan Bello's Letter.
Widah. The Sugar Berry. Beasts of Prey. Animals of Dahomy. Religion
of Dahomy. Its Government. Officers of the Court of Dahomy. Marriages
at Dahomy. Carnival at Abomey. Sacrifice of Victims at Abomey.
Anecdote of the King of Dahomy. Badagry. Introduction to the Chief of
Eyeo. Saboo. Humba, Death of Captain Pearce. Dances at Jannah. Lander
at an African Almacks. Duffoo. Erawa. Washoo. Koosoo. Akkibosa,
Medical Treatment in Eyeo. Loko. Tshow. Entrance into Katunga.
Theatrical Entertainments at Eyeo. Method of Salutation.

CHAP. XXVI.
Situation of the City of Eyeo. Its Markets. Feasts of the
Youribanies. Produce of Youriba. Etiquette at the Court of Katunga.
African Antelopes. Sultan Yarro. Female Cavalry. Kiama. Sultan.
Yarro's Daughter. Wawa. Its Productions and Natives. The Widow Zuma.
Her Costume and Domestic Marriage to Clapperton. Character of the
Inhabitants of Wawa. Departure from Wawa. Boussa. Inquiries
respecting Park. Place of Park's Death. Expected Recovery of Park's
Journal. Letter from the King of Youri. Conduct of the Widow Zuma.
Her Dress and Escort. Mahommed El His Camp. Rejoicings at Koolfu. Its
Trade. The  Widow Laddie, Employment of time at Koolfu. Character of
its People. Akinjie. Futika. Baebaejie.

CHAP. XXVII.
Military Tactics of the Fellatas. Female Warrior of Zamfra.
Proceedings of Bello. Letter of Sultan Bello. Death of Clapperton.

CHAP. XXVIII.
Almena. Cannibals of Almena. Natives of Catica. The River Coodoma.
Cuttup. The Sultan of Cuttup. Lander and the Wives of the Sultan. The
River Rary. Dunrora. Lander taken back to Cuttup. Zaria. Crosses the
Koodonia. Arrival at Badagry. Attempt on the Life of Lander by
Poison. Ransomed by Captain Laing. Arrival in England.

CHAP. XXIX.
African Discoveries. Expedition of Richard and John Lander.
Instructions of Government. Departure from Portsmouth. Badagry. Visit
to King Adooley. His Conduct. Traits of Lander's Character. Visit of
the King's Eldest Son. Intrigues of the Mulattoes. Division of
Badagry. Visit to the King of Portuguese Town. Customs of the
Natives.

CHAP. XXX.
Evasive Conduct of Adooley. Visit to Adooley. Visit from the Chief of
Spanish Town. Rapacity of Adooley. Visit of General Poser's Headman.
Religious Rites of the Mahommedans. Sports of the Natives. The Houssa
Mallams. Surgical Skill of Richard Lander. Articles demanded by
Adooley. Female of Jenna. Character of Adooley. His Filial Affection.
Battle between the Lagos and Badagrians. Trial by the Cap.

CHAP. XXXI.
Departure from Badagry. Progress up the River. Arrival at Wow
Regulations of the Fetish at Wow. The Village of Sagba. Passage of a
Swamp. Basha. Soato. Arrival at Bidjie. Bad Faith of Adooley.
Introduction to the Chief of Bidjie. Departure from Bidjie Arrival of
a Messenger from Jenna. Laatoo. Larro. The Chief of Larro. Customs at
Larro. Departure from Larro. Introduction at the Court of Jenna. The
Governor of Jenna. Pascoe and his Wife. Musicians of Jenna. The
Badagry Guides. African Wars. Women of Jenna. Fate of the Governor's
Wives. Conduct of the Widow. Abominable Customs at Jenna. Mourning of
the Women. An African Tornado. Departure from Jenna. Arrival and
Departure from Bidjie. The Chief of Chow. Departure from Chow. Egga.
Arrival at Jadoo. Natives of Jadoo. Affection of the African Mothers.
Engua. Afoora. Assinara. Arrival at Chouchou. Tudibu. Eco. Dufo.
Chaadoo. Arrival at Row. Chekki. Coosoo. The Butter Tree. Departure
from Coosoo. Arrival at Acboro. Lazipa. Cootoo. Bohoo. Visit to the
Head Minister. Mallo. Jaguta. Shea. Esalay. Desertion of Esalay.
Atoopa. Leoguadda. Eetcho. Market at Eetcho. Eetcholee. Arrival at
Katunga.

CHAP. XXXII.
Visit to Mansolah. Customs of the Court of Katunga. Mansolah's Visit
to the Landers. Intended Route of the Landers. The Master of the
Horse. Decay of Katunga. The Markets of Katunga. Visit from Ebo.
Intrigues of the Wives of Ebo. Visit of Houssa Mallams. Presents to
the Head Men. Their Affluence. Site of Katunga. Character of the
Natives. Political Constitution of Alorie. Exhibition of the
Presents. Projected Departure from Katunga. Wives of Mansolah. Last
Interview with Mansolah.

CHAP. XXXIII.
Departure from Katunga. Revolt of the Carriers. Arrival at Rumbum.
Acra. Visit of the Natives. The Governor of Keeshee. Visit of the
Mallams. Singular Application of an Acba Woman. Departure from Acba.
Return of the Badagry Guides. African Banditti. Village of Moussa.
Progress to Kiama. Meeting of the Kiama Escort. Arrival at Benikenny.
Kiama.

CHAP   XXXIV.
Presents to the King of Kiama. Visit to the King. Parentage of the
Widow Zuma. Visit from the Mahommedan Mallams. Their Honesty. The
Bebun Salah. Religious Ceremonies of the Mahommedans. Anniversary of
the Bebun Salah. Races at Kiama. Approach of the King. His Dress. The
King's Children.

CHAP. XXXV.
Kakafungi. Illness of John Lander. Distressing Situation of the
Landers. Departure from Coobley. The Midiki, or Queen of Boussa. Mr.
Park's Effects. Disappointment respecting Mr. Park's Papers. Kagogie.
Arrival at Yaoorie. Deceitful conduct of the Sultan. Description of
Yaoorie. Message to the King of Boussa. Departure from Yaoorie.
Letter from the Sultan of Yaoorie.

CHAP. XXXVI.
Arrival  at Guada. Adventure with a Crocodile. Subterraneous Course
of the Niger. The King Consults the Niger. Arrival at Wowow.
Interview with the King. Negotiation for a Canoe. The King and the
Salt Cellar. Arrival of the Canoe from Wowow. Preparations for
Departure. Departure from Boossa. Arrival at Patashie. Message from
the King of Wowow. Visit to the King of Wowow. Return to Patashie.
Arrival at Lever. Conduct of Ducoo. Canoes demanded by the Chief of
Teah. Treacherous Conduct of the Chief. Departure from Patashie.
Bajiebo. Interview with the Chief of Leechee. Majie. Belee. The King
of the Park Water. Interview with the Water King. Progress down the
Niger. Zagozhi. Messengers arrive from Rabba.

CHAP. XXXVII.
Visit of the two Arabs. Message from Mallam Dendo. Present of Mr.
Park's Tobe to the Prince of Rabba. Perfidy of the King of Nouflie.
Departure from Zagozhi. Noble Speech of the Prince of Rabba.
Construction of the Canoes. Last Audience of the King of the Dark
Water.

CHAP. XXXVIII.
Danger from the Hippopotami. Dacannie. Gungo. Arrival at Egga.
Annoyances at Egga. Departure from Egga. Arrival at Kacunda. Visit
from the Chief's Brother. Departure from Kacunda. Alarm of the
Natives. Hostile motions of the Natives. Explanation of the Chief.
Information obtained from the Funda Mallam. Detention at Damaggoo.
First signs of European intercourse. Departure from Damaggoo. Arrival
at Kirree. Attacked by the Natives. The Landers taken to Kirree. Loss
of their Property. Holding of a Palaver. The Kirree people.

CHAP. XXXIX.
Departure from Kirree. Superstition of the Eboes. Arrival at an Eboe
Town. Visit to the King of Eboe. First interview with Obie. The
Palaver. King Boy. Character of the Kings of Africa. Decision of
Obie. Embarrassments of the Landers. Conduct of the Eboe people.
Revels of the Natives. The little fat female Visitor. Her
Intoxication.

CHAP. XL.
Exorbitant demand of King Boy. Visit of King Obie. Arrangement made
with King Boy. Preparation for Departure. Hostile disposition of the
Natives. Description of Adizzetta. Etiquette of King Boy. Offering to
the Fetish. Progress down the River. Uncomfortable situation of the
Landers. Introduction to Forday. Progress to Brass Town. Procession
down the River. Superstitious Practices of the Natives. Description
of Brass, Residence of the Landers at Brass. Traffic of the Natives.

CHAP. XLI.
Richard Lander proceeds to the English Brig. Arrival in the second
Brass River. Reception on board the Brig. Scandalous conduct of
Captain Lake. Disappointment of King Boy. Captain Lake and the Pilot.
Unfeeling behaviour of Lake. Richard Lander's anxiety about his
Brother. Return of John Lander. John Lander's stay at Brass Town. His
Narrative.

CHAP. XLII.
Proceedings on board the Brig. Presents to King Boy. Perfidy of the
Pilot. Hostile Motions of the Natives. Brig. Providential Escape.
Nautical Instructions. Release of Mr. Spittle. Perilous Situation of
the Passage to Fernando Po. Fernando Po. Colonization of Fernando Po.
Traffic with the Natives. Localities of Fernando Po. The Kroomen.
Natives of Fernando Po. Costume of the Natives. Their Thieving
Propensities. Punishment of the Thieves. Resources of the Island.
Method of obtaining Palm Wine. Island of Anna Bon. Injurious Effects
of the Climate. Prospective Commercial Advantages. Voyage to the
Calebar River. Geographical and Nautical Directions. The Tornadoes.
Superstitious Custom of the Natives. Duke Ephraim. Visit to Duke
Ephraim. The Priests of Duke Town. Mourning amongst the Natives.
Attack of an Alligator. The Thomas taken by a Pirate. Departure from
Fernando Po. Death of the Kroomen. Arrival in England. Advantages of
the Expedition. Investigation of the Niger. Course of the Niger.
Ptolemy's Hypothesis of the Niger. Sources of the African Rivers.
Benefit of Lander's Expedition.

CHAP. XLIII.
Richard Lander's Third Expedition. Fitting out of the Expedition.
Vessels Employed in the Expedition. Sailing of the Expedition.
Arrival in the River Nun. Attack of the Natives. Impolitic Conduct of
Lander. Return of Richard Lander to Fernando Po. Return of Lander to
Attah. Reconciliation of the Damaggoo Chiefs. Abolition of the
Sacrifices of Human Beings. Rabba. Ascent of the River Tchadda.
Prophecy of King Jacket. Lander wounded by the Natives. Approaching
Death of Lander. Death of Richard Lander. Infamous Conduct of
Liverpool Merchants. Causes of the Attack. Meeting of the Inhabitants
of Truro.



THE
TRAVELS
OF
RICHARD LANDER,
INTO
THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.



CHAPTER I.

Previously to entering upon the immediate subject of the origin and
progress of the different voyages, which have been undertaken for
exploring the interior of Africa, it may be not only interesting, but
highly instructive, to take a rapid survey of the great Peninsula, as
it appeared to the earlier travellers, and as it was found by the
last of them, amongst whom may be included the individual, whose
adventures in the present work, claim our chief attention. It is on
record, that the coasts of Africa have been navigated from as early a
period, as six hundred years before Christ, and, according to the
earliest records of history, the circumnavigation of Africa was
accomplished by the Phoenicians, in the service of Pharaoh Necho. On
referring to Herodotus, the earliest and most interesting of Greek
historians, and to whom we are indebted for the knowledge of many
important facts relative to Africa, in the earliest periods of its
history, we find, in corroboration of the circumnavigation of Africa
by the Phoenicians, "that taking their course from the Red Sea they
entered into the Southern Ocean; on  the approach of autumn, they
landed in Lybia, and planted some corn in the place, where they
happened to find themselves; when this was ripe, and they had cut it
down, they again departed. Having thus consumed two years, they in
the third passed the columns of Hercules, and returned to Egypt.
Their relation may obtain attention from others, but to me it seems
incredible, for they affirmed that having sailed round Africa, _they
had the sun on their right hand._"

It is worthy of remark, that the very circumstance, which led
Herodotus to attach discredit to the circumnavigation of Africa by
the Phoenicians, on account of their having the sun to the right, is
the very strongest presumption in favour of its truth. Some
historians have indeed endeavoured to prove, that the voyage was
altogether beyond any means, which navigation at that early era could
command; but in the learned exposition of Rennell, a strong degree of
probability is thrown upon the early tradition. At all events it may
be considered, that the obscure knowledge, which we possessed of the
peninsular figure of Africa, appears to have been derived from the
Phoenicians. Herodotus, however, was himself a traveller, in those
early times, of no mean celebrity. Despairing of obtaining accurate
information of the then known part of the habitable world, he
determined to have recourse to travelling, for the purpose of
completing those surveys, which had been undertaken by his
predecessors, and which had been left in a dubious and indefinite
state. He resided for a considerable period in Egypt, during which,
he entered into a friendly communion with the native priests, from
whom he obtained much accurate information, as well as a great deal
that was false and exaggerated relative to the extensive region,
which extends from the Nile to the Atlantic. According to his
description it is much inferior in fertility to the cultivated parts
of Europe and Asia, and suffering extremely from severe drought; yet
he makes mention of a few spots, such as Cinyps, and the high tract
Cyrene, which, undergoing the process of irrigation, may stand
comparison with the richest portions of the globe. Generally,
however, in quitting the northern coast, which he terms significantly
the forehead of Africa, the country became more and more arid. Hills
of salt arose, out of which the natives constructed their houses,
without any fear of their melting beneath a shower in a region where
rain was unknown. The land became almost a desert, and was filled
with such multitudes of wild beasts, as to be considered their proper
inheritance, and scarcely disputed with them by the human race.
Farther to the south, the soil no longer afforded food even to these
wild tenants; there was not a trunk of a tree, nor a drop of
water--total silence and desolation reigned.

This may be considered as the first picture on record of the northern
part of Africa; a country, which, even after the lapse of two
thousand years, presents to the eye of science, as regards its
interior recesses, a blank in geography, a physical and not less a
moral problem; a dark and bewildering mystery. The spirit of
enterprise has carried our mariners to the arctic seas, braving the
most appalling dangers in the solution of a great geographical
problem; by the same power, civilization has been carried into the
primeval forests of the American continent, and cities have arisen in
the very heart of the Andes. The interior of Africa, however,
notwithstanding its navigable rivers, has been hitherto almost a
sealed chapter in the history of the globe. The deserts, which extend
from Egypt to the Atlantic, and which cover a great surface of the
interior, have proved a barrier to the march of conquest, or
civilization; and whatever science has gained, has been wrested by
the utmost efforts of human perseverance and the continual sacrifice
of human life.

It must, however, be allowed that there are obstacles existing to the
knowledge and the civilization of central Africa, which cannot be
overcome by the confederated power of human genius. Extending 5000
miles in length, and nearly the same extent in breadth, it presents
an area, according to Malte Brun, of 13,430,000 square miles,
unbroken by any estuary, or inland sea, and intersected by a few long
or easily navigable rivers; all its known chains of mountains are of
moderate height, rising in terraces, down which the waters find their
way in cataracts, not through deep ravines and fertile valleys. Owing
to this configuration, its high table lands are without streams, a
phenomenon unknown in any other part of the world; while, in the
lower countries, the rivers, when swelled with the rains, spread into
floods and periodical lakes, or lose themselves in marshes. According
to this view of the probable structure of the unknown interior, it
appears as one immense flat mountain, rising on all sides from the
sea by terraces; an opinion favoured by the absence of those narrow
pointed promontories, in which other continents terminate, and of
those long chains of islands, which are, in fact, submarine
prolongations of mountain chains extending across the main land. It
is, however, not impossible, that in the centre of Africa, there may
be lofty table lands like those of Quito, or valleys like that of
Cashmeer, where, as in those happy regions, spring holds a perpetual
reign.

In regard to the population, as well as its geographical character,
Africa naturally divides itself into two great portions, north and
south of the mountains of Kong and the Jebel el Komar, which give
rise to the waters of the Senegal, the Niger and the Nile. To the
north of this line, Africa is ruled, and partially occupied by
foreign races, who have taken possession of all the fertile
districts, and driven the aboriginal population into the mountains
and deserts of the interior. It is consistent with general
experience, that in proportion as civilization extends itself, the
aboriginal race of the natives become either extinct, or are driven
farther and farther into the interior, where they in time are lost
and swept from the catalogue of the human race.

South of this line, we find Africa entirely peopled with the Negro
race, who alone seem capable of sustaining the fiery climate, by
means of a redundant physical energy scarcely compatible with the
full development of the intellectual powers of man. Central Africa is
a region distinguished from all others, by its productions and
climate, by the simplicity and yet barbarian magnificence of its
states; by the mildness and yet diabolical ferocity of its
inhabitants, and peculiarly by the darker nature of its
superstitions, and its magical rites, which have struck with awe
strangers in all ages, and which present something inexplicable and
even appalling to enlightened Europeans; the evil principle here
seems to reign with less of limitation, and in recesses inaccessible
to white men, still to enchant and delude the natives. The common and
characteristic mark of their superstition, is the system of Fetiches,
by which an individual appropriates to himself some casual object as
divine, and which, with respect to himself, by this process, becomes
deified, and exercises a peculiar fatality over his fortune. The
barbarism of Africa, may be attributed in part its great fertility,
which enables its inhabitants to live without are but chiefly to its
imperviousness to strangers. Every petty state is so surrounded with
natural barriers, that it is isolated from the rest, and though it
may be overrun and wasted, and part of its inhabitants carried into
captivity, it has never been made to form a constituent part of one
large consolidated empire and thus smaller states become dependent,
without being incorporated. The whole region is still more
inaccessible on a grand scale, than the petty states are in
miniature; and while the rest of the earth has become common, from
the frequency of visitors, Africa still retains part of the mystery,
which hung over the primitive and untrodden world.

Passing over the attempts of the very early travellers to become
acquainted with the geographical portion of Africa, in which much
fiction, and little truth, were blended, we arrive at that period,
when the spirit of discovery began to manifest itself amongst some of
the European states. The darkness and lethargy, which characterised
the middle ages, had cast their baneful influence over every project,
which had discovery for its aim, and even the invaluable discovery of
the mariner's compass, which took place at the commencement of the
thirteenth century, and which opened to man the dominion of the sea,
and put him in full possession of the earth had little immediate
effect in emboldening navigators to venture into unfrequented seas.
At a somewhat earlier period, it is true, the Hanse Towns and the
Italian republics began to cultivate manufactures and commerce, and
to lay the foundation of a still higher prosperity, but they carried
on chiefly an inland or coasting trade. The naval efforts, even of
Venice or Genoa, had no further aim than to bring from Alexandria,
and the shores of the Black Sea, the commodities of India, which had
been conveyed thither chiefly by caravans over land. Satisfied with
the wealth and power, to which they had been raised by this local and
limited commerce, these celebrated republics made an attempt to open
a more extended path over the ocean. Their pilots, indeed, guided
most of the vessels engaged in the early voyages of discovery, but
they were employed, and the means furnished, by the great monarchs,
whose ports were situated upon the shores of the Atlantic.

The first appearance of a bolder spirit, in which the human mind
began to  make a grand movement in every direction, in religion,
science, freedom, and liberty, may be dated from about the end of the
fifteenth century. The glory of leading the way in this new career,
was reserved for Portugal, then one  of the smallest, and least
powerful of the European kingdoms.

When in 1412, John I. sent forth a few vessels, to explore the
western shores of Africa, while he prepared a great armament to
attack the moors of Barbary, the art of navigation was still very
imperfect, nor had the Portuguese ever ventured to sail beyond Cape
Non. But what most powerfully contributed to give impulse and
direction to the national ardour, was the enlightened enthusiasm,
with which prince Henry of Portugal, a younger son of John I.,
espoused the interests of science, and the prosecution of nautical
discovery. In order to pursue his splendid projects without
interruption, he fixed his residence at Sagres, near Cape St.
Vincent, where the prospect of the open Atlantic continually invited
his thoughts to their favourite theme. His first effort was upon a
small scale. He fitted out a single ship, the command of which was
entrusted to two gentlemen of his household, who volunteered their
services, with instructions to use their utmost endeavours to double
Cape Bojador, and thence to steer southward. According to the mode of
navigation, which then prevailed, they held their course along the
shore, and by following that direction, they must have encountered
almost insuperable difficulties, in the attempt to pass the cape;
their want of skill was, however, compensated by a fortunate
accident. A sudden squall drove them out to sea, and when they
expected every moment to perish, landed them on an unknown island,
which, from their happy escape, they named Porto Santo. They returned
to Portugal with the good tidings, and were received with the
applause due to fortunate adventurers. The following year, prince
Henry sent out three ships to take possession of the new island; a
fixed spot on the horizon, towards the south, resembling a small
black cloud, soon attracted the attention of the settlers, and the
conjecture suggested itself that it might be land. Steering towards
it, they arrived at a considerable island, uninhabited, and covered
with wood, which, on that account, they called Madeira.

By these voyages, the Portuguese became accustomed to a bolder
navigation, and at length, in 1433, Gilianez, one of prince Henry's
captains, by venturing out into the open sea, succeeded in doubling
Cape Bojador, which, until then, had been regarded as impassable.
This successful voyage, which the ignorance of the age placed on a
level with the most famous exploits recorded in history, opened a new
sphere to navigation, as it discovered the vast continent of Africa,
still washed by the Atlantic Ocean, and stretching towards the south.
A rapid progress was then made along the shores of the Sehara, and
the Portuguese navigators were not long in reaching the fertile
regions watered by the Senegal and the Gambia.

The early part of this progress was dreary in the extreme; they saw
nothing before them but a wild expanse of lifeless earth and sky,
naked rocks and burning sands, stretching immeasurably into the
exterior, and affording no encouragement to any project of
settlement. After, however, passing Cape Blanco, the coast began to
improve in appearance, and when they saw the ivory and gold brought
down from the interior, those regions began to excite the lust of
conquest. This was, however, an undertaking beyond the means of any
force which had as yet sailed from Portugal. In 1443, however, Nuno
Tristan discovered the island of Arguin, and as Gonzalo da Centra was
in 1445 killed by a party of negroes, in attempting to ascend a small
river, near the Rio Grande, the Portuguese considered an insular
position to be the most eligible for a settlement, and the island of
Arguin was accordingly fixed upon.

This establishment had been scarcely formed, when an important event
took place, which afforded a favourable opportunity and pretext for
laying the foundation of the Portuguese empire in Africa. Bemoy, a
prince of the Jaloofs, arrived at Arguin, as a suppliant for foreign
aid, in recovering his dominions from a more powerful competitor or
usurper. He was received with open arms, and conveyed to Lisbon,
where he experienced a brilliant reception, his visit being
celebrated by all the festal exhibitions peculiar to that age,
bull-fights, puppet-shows, and even feats of dogs. On that occasion,
Bemoy made a display of the agility of his native attendants, who on
foot, kept pace with the swift horses, mounting and alighting from
these animals at full gallop After being instructed in the Christian
religion, he was baptized, and did homage to the king and the pope,
for the crown, which was to be placed on his head; for this purpose a
powerful armament under the command of Pero vaz d'Acunha, was sent
out with him, to the banks of the Senegal.

The circumstance, which tended more particularly to inflame the pious
zeal of the Christian monarch, was the information, that to the east
of Timbuctoo there was a territory inhabited by a people who were
neither moors nor pagans, but who, in many of their customs resembled
the Christians. It was immediately inferred, that this could be no
other than the kingdom of the mysterious personage known in Europe,
under the uncouth appellation of Prester John. This singular name
seems first to have been introduced by travellers from eastern Asia,
where it had been applied to some Nestorian bishop, who held there a
species of sovereignty, and when rumours arrived of the Christian
king of Abyssinia, he was concluded to be the real Prester John.
His dominions  being reported to stretch far inland, and the breadth
of the African continent being very imperfectly understood, the
conclusion was formed, that a mission from the western coast might
easily reach his capital. It does not fully appear, what were the
precise expectations from an intercourse with this great personage,
but it seems to have been thoroughly rooted in the minds of the
Portuguese, that they would be raised to a matchless height of glory
and felicity, if they could by any means arrive at his court. The
principal instruction given to all officers employed in the African
service, was, that in every quarter, and by every means, they should
endeavour to effect this discovery. They accordingly never failed to
put the question to all the wanderers of the desert, and to every
caravan that came from the interior, but in vain, the name had never
been heard. The Portuguese then besought the natives at all events,
into whatever region they might travel, studiously to inquire if
Prester John was there, or if any one knew where he was to be found,
and on the promise of a splendid reward, in case of success, this was
readily undertaken.

The conclusion of the adventure of Bemoy, was  extremely tragical.
A quarrel having arisen between him and the commander of the
expedition, the latter stabbed the African prince on board his own
vessel. Whether this violent deed was prompted by the heat of
passion, or by well-grounded suspicions of the prince's fidelity, was
never fully investigated, but the king learned the event with great
regret, and in consequence, gave up his design of building a fort on
the Senegal. Embassies were, however, sent to the most powerful of
the neighbouring states, nor was any pause made in the indefatigable
efforts to trace the abode of Prester John. Amongst the great
personages, to whom an embassy was sent, are mentioned the kings of
Tongubutue, (Timbuctoo,) and Tucurol, a Mandingo chief named
Mandimansa, and a king of the Foulhas, with all of whom a friendly
intercourse was established. All endeavours were, however, vain as to
the primary object, but the Portuguese thereby gained a more complete
knowledge of this part of interior Africa than was afterwards
attained in Europe till a very recent period.

There is, however, one circumstance attending these discoveries of
the Portuguese, and the embassies, which they in consequence sent to
the native princes, which deserves particular attention. There is
very little doubt existing, but that the Portuguese were acquainted
with the town and territory of Timbuctoo; and the question then
presents itself, by what means did the Portuguese succeed in
penetrating to a kingdom, which, for centuries afterwards, baffled
all the efforts of the most enterprising travellers to arrive within
some hundred miles of it. The city of Timbuctoo, for instance, was,
for a considerable length of time, the point to which all the
European travellers had directed their attention; but so vague and
indefinite were the accounts of it, that the existence of Timbuctoo
as a town, began to be questioned altogether, or at least, that the
extraordinary accounts, which had been given of it, had little or no
foundation in truth. From the time of Park to the present period, we
have information of only three Europeans reached Timbuctoo, and
considerable doubt still exists in regard to the truth of the
narrative of one of them. It is true that the intelligence of the
Portuguese embassies, as respecting the particulars of them, and the
manner in which they were conducted, has either perished, or still
remains locked up in the archives of the Lusitanian monarchy. But
when we look into the expeditions, which have been projected of late
years into the interior of Africa, we cannot refrain from drawing the
conclusion, that the character of the African people must have
undergone a change considerably for the worse, or that our
expeditions are not regulated on those principles so as to command
success.

The Portuguese in the meantime continued to extend their discoveries
in another quarter, for in 1471, they reached the Gold Coast, when
dazzled by the importance and splendour of the commodity, the
commerce of which gave name to that region, they built the fort of
Elmina or The Mine, making it the capital of their possessions on
that part of the continent. Pushing onward to Benin, they received a
curious account of an embassy said to be sent at the accession of
every new prince, to a court of a sovereign named Ogane, who was said
to reside seven or eight hundred miles in the interior. On the
introduction of the ambassadors, a silk curtain concealed the person
of his majesty from them, until the moment of their departure, when
the royal foot was graciously put forth from under the veil, and
reverence was done to it as a "holy thing." From this statement it
appears that the pope of Rome is not the only person, whose foot is
treated as a "holy thing;" there is not, however, any information
extant, that the Portuguese ambassadors kissed the great toe of the
African prince, and therefore the superiority of the pope in this
instance is at once decided. The statement, however, of the
Portuguese ambassadors excited greatly the curiosity of the court on
their return, and it was immediately surmised by them, that this
mysterious potentate was more likely to be Prester John, than any
person whom they had yet heard of. It must, however, be remarked,
that it was a subject of great doubt and discussion to determine who
this Ogane really was.

Although in possession of the extensive coast of Africa, the
Portuguese had, as yet, no declared title to it, for that purpose,
therefore, they appealed to religion or rather the superstition of
the age. It was a maxim, which the bigots of the Vatican had
endeavoured strongly to inculcate, that whatever country was
conquered from infidel nations, became the property of the victors.
This title was, however, not completed until it was confirmed by a
special grant obtained from the pope, and accordingly the reigning
monarch of Portugal, John II., obtained the grant of all the lands
from Cape Bojador to the Indies inclusive. Robertson, speaking of
this grant, says, "extravagant as this donation, comprehending such a
large portion of the habitable globe, would now appear even in
catholic countries, no person in the fifteenth century doubted but
that the pope, in the plenitude of his apostolic power, had a right
to confer it."

The grant was no sooner confirmed by the pope, than John hesitated
not a moment to style himself Lord of Guinea, giving his commanders,
at the same time, instructions that, instead of the wooden crosses,
which it had hitherto been the custom to erect in token of conquest,
pillars of stone should be raised twice the stature of a man, with
proper inscriptions, and the whole surmounted by a crucifix inlaid
with lead. The first, who sailed from Elmina, for the purpose of
planting these ensigns of dominion in regions yet undiscovered was
Diego Cam, in 1484. After passing Cape St. Catherine, he encountered
a very strong current setting direct from the land, which was still
at a considerable distance; on tasting the water, however, it was
found to be fresh, from which the conjecture was drawn, that he was
at the mouth of some great river, which ultimately turned out to be
the fact. This river has since been celebrated under the name of the
Congo, or the Zaire, lying in latitude 8 deg. south, and longitude 13 deg.
east. On reaching the southern bank of the river, Diego planted his
first pillar, after which he ascended its borders, and opened a
communication with the natives by means of signs. His first inquiry
was respecting the residence of their sovereign, and, on receiving
the information, that he resided at the distance of several days
journey inland, he determined to send a number of his men with
presents for the prince, the natives undertaking to be the guides,
and pledging themselves, within a stipulated period, to conduct them
back again. As the natives meantime passed and repassed on the most
intimate footing, Diego took the advantage of a moment, when several
of the principal persons were on board his ship, weighed anchor and
put to themselves as good and _bona fide_ Christians, as any of the
revered men, who had been sent out to instruct them. The early
missionaries, however, committed the same fault, which has
distinguished the labours of those of later periods, for they
immediately began attack one of the most venerated institutions of
the realm of Congo which was polygamy; and to the aged monarch the
privation of his wives appeared so intolerable, that he renounced the
Christian faith, and relapsed into all the impurities of paganism and
polygamy. The heir apparent, however, saw nothing so very dreadful in
the sacrifice of his wives, and braving the displeasure of his
father, remained attached to the Portuguese. The holy fathers managed
their business on this occasion with that skill, for which the cowled
tribe have ever been distinguished, and by the aid of the Apostle St.
James, and a numerous cavalry of angels, the old king died, and
Alphonso, the zealous  convert, became entitled to reign. His
brother, however, Panso Aquitimo, supported by the nobles and almost
the whole nation, raised the standard of revolt, in support of
polygamy and paganism. A civil war ensued, which is generally the
attendant upon the proselytism of a people, and Alphonso had only a
handful of Portuguese to oppose to the almost innumerable host of his
countrymen; but the holy fathers again applied to their auxiliaries,
and in consequence of apparitions in the clouds, at one time of St.
James, and another of the Virgin Mary, Alphonso always came off
victorious, and as he thereby became firmly seated on the throne, the
missionaries secured for themselves a safe and comfortable
establishment at Congo. The following account of the conduct of these
missionaries, as it is given in the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, cannot
fail to afford a considerable degree of entertainment, at the same
time, it is much to be deplored, that men engaged in so sacred a
cause, "could play such fantastic tricks before high heaven," and
disgrace the doctrine, which they meant to teach.

Being reinforced by successive bodies of their brethren, the
missionaries spread over the neighbouring countries of Lundi, Pango,
Concobella and Maopongo, many tracts of which were rich and populous,
although the state of society was extremely rude. Everywhere their
career was nearly similar; the people gave them the most cordial
reception, flocked in crowds to witness and to share in the pomp of
their ceremonies; accepted with thankfulness their sacred gifts, and
received by thousands the rite of baptism. They were not, however, on
this account prepared to renounce their ancient habits and
superstitions. The inquisition, that _chef d'ouvre_ of sacerdotal
guilt, was speedily introduced into their domestic arrangements, and,
as was naturally to be supposed, caused a sudden revulsion, on which
account the missionaries thenceforth maintained only a precarious and
even a perilous position. They were much reproached, it appears, for
the rough and violent methods employed to effect their pious
purposes, and although they treat the accusation as most unjust, some
of the proceedings, of which they boast with the greatest
satisfaction, tend not a little to countenance the charge. When, for
example, they could not persuade the people to renounce their
superstitions, they used a large staff, with which they threw down
their idols and beat them to pieces; they even stole secretly into
the temples, and set them on fire. A missionary at Maopongo, having
met one of the queens, and finding her mind inaccessible to all his
instructions, determined to use sharper remedies, and seizing a
whip, began to apply it lustily to her majesty's person: the effect
he describes as most auspicious; every successful blow opened her
eyes more and more to the truth, and she at last declared herself
wholly unable to resist such forcible arguments in favour of the
catholic doctrine. She, however, hastened to the king, with loud
complaints respecting this mode of mental illumination; and the
missionaries thenceforth lost all favour with that prince and the
ladies of his court, being allowed to remain solely in dread of the
Portuguese. In only one other instance were they allowed to employ
this mode of conversion. The smith, in consequence of the skill,
strange in the eyes of a rude people, with which he manufactured
various arms and implements, was supposed to possess a measure of
superhuman power, and he had thus been encouraged to advance
pretensions to the character of a divinity, which were very generally
admitted. The missionaries appealed to the king, respecting this
impious assumption, and that prince conceiving that it interfered
with the respect due to himself, agreed to deliver into their hands
the unfortunate smith, to be converted into a mortal in any manner
they might judge efficacious. After a short and unsuccessful
argument, they had recourse to the same potent instrument of
conversion, as they had applied to the back of the queen. The son of
Vulcan, deserted in this extremity by all his votaries, still made a
firm stand for his celestial dignity, till the blood began to stream
from his back and shoulders, when he finally yielded, and renounced
all pretensions to a divine origin.

A more intimate acquaintance discovered other irregularities amongst
the natives, against which a painful struggle was to be maintained.
According to the custom of the country, and it were well if the same
custom could be introduced into some particular parts of Europe, the
two parties, previously to marriage, lived together for some time, in
order to make a trial of each other's tempers and inclinations,
before entering into the final arrangement. To this system of
probation, the natives were most obstinately attached, and the
missionaries in vain denounced it, calling upon them at once either
to marry or to separate. The young ladies were always the most
anxious to have the full benefit of this experimental process; and
the mothers, on being referred to, refused to incur any
responsibility, and expose themselves to the reproaches of their
daughters, by urging them to an abridgment of the trial, of which
they might afterwards repent. The missionaries seem to have been most
diligent in the task, as they called it, of "reducing strayed souls
to matrimony." Father Benedict succeeded with no fewer than six
hundred, but he found it such "laborious work," that he fell sick and
died. Another subject of deep regret, respecting the many
superstitious practices still prevalent, even among those who
exhibited some sort of Christian profession, was, that sometimes the
children, brought for baptism, were bound with magic cords, to which
the mothers, as an additional security from evil, had fastened beads,
relics, and figures of the Agnus Dei. It was a compound of paganism
and Christianity, which the priests turned away from with disgust;
but still the mothers seemed more inclined to part with the beads,
relics, and figures of the Agnus Dei, than their magic cords. The
chiefs, in like manner, while they testified no repugnance to avail
themselves of the protection promised from the wearing of crucifixes
and images of the Virgin, were unprepared to part with the enchanted
rings and other pagan amulets with which they had been accustomed to
form a panoply round their persons. In case of dangerous illness,
sorcery had been always contemplated as the main or sole remedy, and
those who rejected its use were reproached, as rather allowing their
sick relations to die, than incur the expense of a conjuror. But the
most general and pernicious application of magic was made in judicial
proceedings: when  a  charge was advanced against any individual, no
one ever thought of inquiring into the facts, or of collecting
evidence--every case was decided by preternatural tests. The
magicians prepared a beverage, which produced on the guilty person,
according to the measure of his iniquity, spasm, fainting, or death,
but left the innocent quite free from harm. It seems a sound
conclusion of the missionaries, that the draught was modified
according to the good or ill will of the magicians, or the liberality
of the supposed culprit. The trial called Bolungo, was indeed
renounced by the king, but only to substitute another, in which the
accused was made to bend over a large basin of water, when, if he
fell in, it was concluded that he was guilty. At other times, a bar
of red hot iron was passed along the leg, or the arm was thrust into
scalding water, and if the natural effect followed, the person's head
was immediately struck off. Snail shells, applied to the temples, if
they stuck, inferred guilt. When a dispute arose between man and man,
the plan was, to place shells on the heads of both, and make them
stoop, when he, from off whose head the shell first dropped, had a
verdict found against him. While we wonder at the deplorable
ignorance on which these practices were founded, we must not forget
that "the judgments of God," as they were termed, employed by our
ancestors, during the middle ages, were founded on the same
unenlightened views, and were in some cases absolutely identical.

Other powers, of still higher name, held sway over the deluded minds
of the people of Congo. Some ladies of rank went about beating a
drum, with dishevelled hair, and pretended to work magical cures.
There was also a race of mighty conjurors, called Scingilli, who had
the power of giving and withdrawing rain at pleasure; and they had a
king called Ganja Chitorne, or God of the earth, to whom its first
fruits were regularly offered. This person never died, but when tired
of his sway on earth, he nominated a successor, and killed himself;
a step, doubtless, prompted by the zeal of his followers, when they
saw any danger of his reputation for immortality being compromised.
This class argued strongly in favour of their vocation, as not only
useful, but absolutely essential, since without it the earth would be
deprived of those influences, by which alone it was enabled to
minister to the wants of man. The people accordingly viewed, with the
deepest alarm, any idea of giving offence to beings, whose wrath
might be displayed in devoting the land to utter sterility.

We cannot trace any record, stating the period or the manner in which
the Portuguese and their officious missionaries were expelled from
Congo; it is, however, supposed that they at length carried their
religious innovations to such a length, as to draw down upon them the
vengeance of the people, and that some bold and decisive steps were
taken to liberate the country from its usurpers. It is, however,
certain, that Capt. Tucky, in his late expedition, did not find a
single trace of either the Portuguese or their missionaries on the
banks of the Zaire.

The traveller has ever found much greater difficulty in making
discoveries in Mahometan than in Gentoo or Pagan countries, and from
this cause the great continent of Africa is much less known to
Europeans than it was in ancient times. Until the present age, and a
very recent part of it, our knowledge of that immense portion of the
globe extended but very little way from the coast, and its
enterprises have made great advances to a knowledge of that interior
before unexplored. The design of examining on land Africa, to find
out the manners, habits, and institutions of its men, the state of
the country, its commercial capabilities in themselves, and relative
to this country, formed the African Association. From the liberal
sentiments, knowledge, and comprehensive views of that society, were
the courage and enterprise of adventurers stimulated to particular
undertakings of discovery.



CHAPTER II.

We are now arrived at the period when England, aroused by the
commercial advantages, which Portugal was deriving from her African
possessions, determined, in defiance of the pope of Rome and "the
Lords of Guinea," to participate in the treasures, and to form her
own settlements on the African coast, although it must be admitted,
that one of the motives by which the English merchants were actuated,
was not founded on humanity or patriotism. The glorious and splendid
results, which had arisen from the discovery of the East and West
Indies, caused the ocean to be generally viewed as the grand theatre
where wealth and glory were to be gained. The cultivation of the West
India Islands by the labour of Europeans, was found to be a task
almost impracticable, and the attention was thence drawn to discover
a source, from which manual labour could be obtained, adapted to the
climate, and this resource was soon found in the black population of
Africa. It is not to be doubted, that many of our African settlements
were formed for the purpose of procuring a supply of slaves, for the
West India possessions, at the same time, the attention of others was
excited by a far more innocent and brilliant prospect. It was in the
beginning of the seventeenth century, that an unbounded spirit of
enterprise appears to have been excited amongst the British
merchants, by vague reports of an Africa _El Dorado_. The most
flattering reports had reached Europe, of the magnitude of the gold
trade carried on at Timbuctoo, and along the course of the Niger;
despatches were even received from Morocco, representing its
treasures, as surpassing those of Mexico and Peru, and in 1618, a
company was formed in London, for the express purpose of penetrating
to the country of gold, and to Timbuctoo. Exaggeration stepped in to
inflame the minds of the speculators, with the enormous wealth which
awaited them in the interior of Africa. The roofs of the houses were
represented to be covered with plates of gold, that the bottoms of
the rivers glistened with the precious metal, and the mountains had
only to be excavated, to yield a profusion of the metallic treasure.
From the northern part of Africa, impediments of almost an
insuperable nature presented themselves, to the attainment of these
great advantages; immense deserts, as yet unexplored by human foot,
and the knowledge of the existence of tribes of barbarous people on
the borders of them, were in themselves sufficient to daunt the
spirit of adventure in those quarters, and ultimately drew the
attention to the discovery of another channel, by which the golden
treasures of Timbuctoo could be reached, without encountering the
appalling dangers of the deserts, or the murderous intentions of the
natives.

The existence of the great river Niger, had been established by the
concurrent testimony of all navigators, but of its course or origin,
not the slightest information had been received. The circumstance of
its waters flowing from the eastward, gave rise to the conjecture,
that they flowed through the interior of the continent, and emptied
themselves either by the Senegal or the Gambia, into the Atlantic. It
was, therefore, considered probable, that by ascending the Senegal or
the Gambia, which were supposed to be merely tributary streams of the
Niger, of which they formed the estuary, that Timbuctoo and the
country of gold might be reached; and so strongly was this opinion
impressed upon the minds of the merchants, and other adventurers,
that a journey to Timbuctoo became the leading project of the day,
and measures were accordingly taken to carry it into execution.

The first person sent out by the company established for exploring
the Gambia, was Richard Thompson, a Barbary merchant, a man of some
talent and enterprise, who sailed from the Thames in the Catherine,
of 120 tons, with a cargo valued at nearly two thousand pounds
sterling. The expedition of Thompson was unfortunate in the extreme,
but the accounts received of his adventures and death, have been
differently recited. It is certain, that Thompson ascended the Gambia
as far as Tenda, a point much beyond what any European had before
reached, and according to one account, he was here attacked by the
Portuguese, who succeeded in making a general massacre of the
English. Another account states, that he was killed in an affray with
his own people, and thence has been styled the first martyr, or more
properly the first victim in the cause of African discovery.

The company, however, nothing daunted by the ill success of Thompson,
despatched another expedition on a larger scale, consisting of the
Sion of 200 tons, and the St. John of 50, giving the command to
Richard Jobson, to whom we are indebted for the first satisfactory
account of the great river districts of western Africa.

Jobson arrived in the Gambia, in November, 1620, and left his ship at
Cassau, a town situate on the banks of that river. Here, however, his
progress was impeded by the machinations of the Portuguese, and so
great was the dread of the few persons belonging to that nation, who
remained at Cassan after the massacre of Thompson, that scarcely one
could be found, who would take upon himself the office of a pilot to
conduct his vessel higher up the river. In this extremity he had no
other resource than to take to his boats, but, on ascending the
river, he found his merchandise in comparatively little request, and
repented that he had not laden his boats with salt. He soon
afterwards met with Brewer, who had accompanied Thompson to Tenda,
and remained with the English factory established up the river. He
also filled Jobson with "golden hopes." Wherever the English stopped,
the negro kings, with their wives and daughters, came down to the
river side to buy, or rather to beg for trinkets, and still more for
brandy. They also showed themselves by no means ignorant of the art
of stealing, but their thefts were, in some degree, obliged to be
winked at, for fear of offending the royal personages, and drawing
down upon themselves the secret vengeance of the uncivilized hordes.
On Christmas day Tirambra, a negro prince, a great friend of the
English, sent them a load of elephant's flesh, which was accepted
with tokens of the greatest respect and gratitude, although the whole
gift was secretly thrown away.

After a navigation in boats of nearly thirty days, Jobson reached the
rapids of Barraconda, the highest point to where the tide flows, and
where he found himself involved in great difficulties. The ascent was
to be made against a current running with the greatest rapidity; the
great number of hidden rocks made it dangerous to pursue their course
during the night, the same time, that in attempting to avoid the
rocks, they struck upon sand banks and shallows, which often obliged
the crew to strip and go into the water, for the purpose of clearing
the boats from the sands. In the performance, however, of this task,
the greatest danger was run from the vast number of crocodiles, that
infested the river, and which, in several instances, seemed to be in
waiting for any prey with which the boats could supply them. The
river was also filled with "a world of sea-horses, whose paths, as
they came on shore to feed, were beaten with tracts as large as a
London highway." The land on either side of the river was covered
with immense forests of unknown trees, which appeared to team with
living things, feathered and quadruped, making a roar sometimes,
which was sufficient to instil terror into the stoutest heart.
Amongst the latter, the baboons appeared to hold the sovereignty of
the woods, and whenever the navigation of the river obliged the
travellers to keep close in shore, where the banks were covered with
trees; the baboons posted themselves on the branches, and kept up a
regular attack upon the navigators, throwing at them the largest
branches, which they could break from the trees, and apparently
holding a palaver with each other, as to the best mode of prosecuting
the attack against the lawless intruders into their territory. They
appeared actually to be aware when a branch hit one of the
navigators, for they immediately up a shout of triumph, screaming
hideously, and "grinning ghastly a horrible smile," as if expressive
of their victory. The voices of the crocodiles calling, as it were,
to each other, resembling the sound "of a deep well," might be heard
at the distance of a league, whilst the elephants were seen in huge
hordes, raising their trunks in the air, and snorting defiance to all
who dared approach them. The latter are objects of great fear to the
natives, scarcely one of whom dare approach them, but they appeared
to have an instinctive sense of the superiority of the English, for
they no sooner made a movement against them, than they hurried away
with the speed of the forest deer, and were soon lost in the depths
of their native forests. Three balls were lodged in one of the
animals, but he made off with them; he was, however, soon after found
dead by the negroes. The most formidable animals, however, were the
lions, ounces, and leopards, which were seen at some distance, but
the sailors could not obtain a shot at them. At one of their halting
places, the baboons appeared like an army consisting of several
thousands, some of the tallest placed in front, marshalled under the
guidance of a leader, the smaller ones being in the middle, and the
rear brought up by the larger ones. The sailors showed some
disposition to enter into an acquaintance with the leader of the
army, but the desire was by no means mutual, for nature has very
kindly infused into the hearts of these creatures a strong distrust
in the friendly advances of their brother bipeds, knowing them to be,
in many of their actions, false, hollow, and deceitful, a proof of
which, one of the leaders of the army received in a very striking and
forcible manner, in the shape of a bullet, which passed directly
through his body. The baboons were, however, determined that their
treacherous friends should not obtain possession of the body of their
murdered leader, for before the sailors could arrive at the spot
where the deceased general lay, his indignant and patriotic
companions had carried his body away. On following these creatures to
their haunts in the recessess of the forest, places were found, where
the branches had been so intertwined, and the ground beaten so
smoothly, as to make it rather difficult to believe that the labour
had not been accomplished by human hands.

On the 26th of January, Jobson arrived at Tenda, and he immediately
despatched a messenger to Buckar Sano, the chief merchant on the
Gambia, who soon after arrived with a stock of provisions, which he
disposed of at reasonable prices. In return for the promptitude, with
which Buckar Sano had replied to his message, Jobson treated him with
the greatest hospitality, placing before him the brandy bottle as the
most important object of the entertainment. Buckar Sano seemed by no
means unwilling to consider it in that character, for he paid so many
visitations to it that he became so intoxicated, that he lay during
the whole of the night dead drunk in the boat. Buckar Sano, however,
showed by his subsequent conduct, that drunkenness was not a vice, to
which he was naturally addicted, and that the strength of the spirit
had crept upon him, before he was aware of the consequences that were
likely to ensue. On any subsequent occasion, when the brandy bottle
was tendered to him, he would take a glass, but on being pressed to
repeat it, he would shake his head with apparent tokens of disgust;
after the exchange of some presents, and many ridiculous ceremonies,
Buckar Sano was proclaimed the white man's alchade, or mercantile
agent. Jobson had, however, some reason to doubt his good faith, from
the accounts which he gave of a city four months journey in the
interior, the roofs of the houses of which were covered with sheets
of gold. It must, however, be considered, in exculpation of the
supposed exaggerated accounts of Buckar Sano, that the Europeans at
that time possessed a very circumscribed knowledge of the extent of
the interior of Africa, and that a four months journey, to a
particular city, would not be looked upon at the time as
transgressing the bounds of truth. It is most probable that Buckar
Sano alluded to Timbuctoo, a place that has given rise to more
extraordinary conjectures, and respecting which, more fabulous
stories have been told than of Babylon, or of Carthage of ancient
history.

The circumstance of a vessel having arrived in the river for the
purpose of traffic, caused a strong sensation throughout the country,
and the natives flocked from all the neighbouring districts, anxious
not only to obtain a sight of the white men, but to commence their
commercial dealings. They erected their huts on the banks of the
river, which in a short time resembled a village, and for the first
time, the busy hum of trade was heard in the interior of Africa. The
natives, with whom Jobson commenced his commercial dealings, appeared
to possess some traces of civilization, nor were they deficient in
many of the arts, which are known amongst the civilized nations, and
which, even at that time, were with them but in their infancy.

To these people, however, succeeded a different race of visitors,
far more rude and uncivilized, whose bodies were covered with skins
of wild animals, the tails hanging as from the beasts. The men of
this race had never seen a white man before, and so great was their
fear, when Jobson presented himself amongst them, that they all ran
away, and stationed themselves at some distance from the river. They
were, however, soon tempted back again, at the sight of a few beads,
and the most friendly relations were afterwards established between
them.

Jobson found that in Tenda, as elsewhere, salt was the article
chiefly in demand, but he had unfortunately omitted to provide
himself with any great quantity of that article. Iron wares met with
a ready sale, though these were supplied at a cheaper rate by a
neighbouring people. The sword-blade of Buckar Sano, and the brass
bracelets of his wife, appeared to Jobson to be specimens of as good
workmanship as could be seen in England. Jobson, from very
prudential motives, abstained from mentioning gold; but Buckar Sano,
who knew perhaps what Europeans most coveted, told him, that if he
continued to trade with Tenda, he could dispose of all his cargoes
for gold. The negro merchant affirmed, that he had been four times at
a town in which the houses were all covered with gold, and distant a
journey of four moons. Jobson was informed that six days journey from
St. John's Mart, the name which he gave to the factory at Tenda, was
a town called Mombar, where there was much trade for gold. Three
stages farther was Jaye, whence the gold came. Some of the native
merchants, finding that Jobson had not any salt with him, refused to
enter into any commercial dealings with him, and returned highly
dissatisfied. For the commodities which he did dispose of, he
obtained, in exchange, gold and ivory; he could have obtained hides
in abundance, but they were too bulky a commodity to bear the expense
of conveyance.

Jobson wisely adapted his carriage to the negro customs; he danced
and sung with the natives, and entered with a proper spirit into all
their entertainments. He remarks, that the water of the Gambia above
Barraconda has such a strong scent of musk, from the multitude of
crocodiles, that infest that part of the river, as to be unfit for
use. The torpedo also abounds in the river about Cassan, and at first
caused not a little terror and amazement to the crew.

Amongst other acts of kindness, which Buckar Sano showed to the
Englishman, he offered to introduce him at the court of Tenda. This,
in a commercial point of view, was an advantage not to be overlooked,
independently of the knowledge, which he would acquire of the
internal geography of the country. On reaching the king's presence,
an example was witnessed of the debasing homage, which is usually
paid to negro princes, and of which some striking examples will be
given in the journey of Clapperton. The great and wealthy merchant,
on appearing in the presence of the king, first fell on his knees,
and then throwing off his shirt, extended himself naked and flat on
the ground, whilst his attendants almost buried him beneath dust and
mud; after grovelling like a beast for some time in this position, he
suddenly started up, shook off the mud from him, in which operation
he was assisted by two of his wives, who then assisted him in
equipping himself in his best attire, with his bow and quiver, and
all the other paraphernalia of a person of rank and consequence. He
and his attendants, after having made a semblance of shooting at
Jobson, laid their bows at his feet, which was understood to be a
token of homage. The king even assured the English captain, that the
country, and every thing in it, were then placed at his disposal,
"which bounty, observes Jobson, could require no less than two or
three bottles of my best brandy, although the English were not
sixpence the better for the grant."

The dry season had now commenced, and Jobson observed that the waters
of the river were gradually sinking lower and lower; but the city,
the roofs of which were plates of gold, haunted the busy fancy of
Jobson, and he used every endeavour to ascend the river, in order
that he might discover the sources from which the plates of gold were
made. It was evident to him, that Buckar Sano had either practised an
imposition upon him, or that he had grossly exaggerated the treasures
of the wonderful city; but in regard to the former, he could not
divine any motive by which Buckar Sano could be actuated in imposing
upon him; and in regard to the latter, making every allowance for
exaggeration, it might eventually transpire, that the country
abounded with the precious metal, although perhaps not exactly in the
extraordinary degree as reported by Buckar Sano. After encountering
many difficulties, he was obliged to relinquish the farther ascent of
the river, nor did he even reach the point where the previous
discoveries of Thompson terminated, which may be considered as the
utmost boundary of the discoveries of that period; indeed many years
elapsed before any travellers passed the limits at which Thompson or
Jobson had arrived. The latter gives a strange report, which,
however, was in some degree partially circulated before him, of a
silent traffic being carried on in the interior between the moors and
a negro nation, who would not allow themselves to be seen. "The
reason," he adds, "why these negroes conceal themselves, is, that
they have lips of an unnatural size, hanging down halfway over their
breasts, and which they are obliged to rub with salt continually, to
keep them from putrefaction." Thus even the great salt trade of the
interior of Africa is not wholly untinged with fable.

The stream became at last so shallow, that Jobson could not ascend
any farther, and he began his voyage downwards on the 10th February,
intending to return at the season when the periodical rains filled
the channel. He was, however, never able to execute this purpose, as
he and the company became involved in a quarrel with the merchants,
whom he visits with his highest displeasure, representing them as
persons alive only to their own immediate interests, and utterly
regardless of any of those honourable motives with which all
commercial dealings ought to be characterised.

Jobson may be said to have been the first Englishman, who enjoyed the
opportunity of observing the manners and superstitions peculiar to
the interior of Africa, but that must be taken as only within the
narrow limits to which the discoveries at that period extended. He
found that the chiefs of the different nations were attended by bands
of musicians, to whom he gives the appellation of juddies or
fiddlers, and compares them to the Irish rhymsters, or, as we should
now compare them, to the Italian improvisatori. By some other authors
they are called jelle, or jillemen; the instruments on which they
perform being rudely made of wood, having a sonorous sound, on
account of its extreme hardness, and in some instances they exhibit
the knowledge of the power of an extended string, by fastening a
piece of the gut of an animal across a plane of wood, and beating on
it with a stick. Like the majority of the musicians of the ruder
tribes, the excellence of their music depends on the noise which is
made, and if it be so obstreperous, as almost to deafen the auditors,
the greater is the pleasure which is shown.

These wandering minstrels are frequently attended by the Greegree
men, or sorcerers, who, on account of the fantastic dress which they
wear, form a most motley group; the Greegree men, trying to outvie
each other in the hideous and fantastic style of their dress, and the
more frightful they make themselves appear, the greater they believe
is the effect of their sorcery. The principal festivals are those of
circumcision and of funeral. Whenever former ceremony is performed, a
vast concourse of people are attracted, from every part of the
country, the operator being generally a Greegree man, who pretends to
determine the future fate of the individual, in the manner by which
the operation is performed, but which is always declared to be highly
prosperous, if a liberal present has been made. During the
performance of the ceremony, the forests appear in a blaze, the most
discordant shouts rending the air, intermixed with the sounds of
their instruments, composing altogether a tumult, which is heard at
the distance of many leagues. The dancing is described as of the most
ludicrous kind, marked by those indecencies, which generally
distinguish the amusements of the savage tribes. In these sports, the
women are always the foremost in the violence of their gestures; the
young ones selecting the objects of their affection, to bestow upon
them some token of their attachment.

The funeral of their chiefs is a ceremony of great solemnity, and in
some of its forms has a strong resemblance to an Irish wake. Flowers
of the most odorous scent are buried with the corpse, which is also
supplied with a considerable quantity of gold, to assist him on his
entrance into the other world, where it is believed, that the degree
of happiness, is proportionate to the quantity of gold which the
deceased has in his possession. It must, however, be mentioned, that
the natives of this part of Africa, appear to be wholly exempt from
the stigma, which belongs to some of the other tribes of Africa,
in the human victims which are sacrificed at the funerals of their
kings or chiefs, and which in some cases amount to three or four
hundred. The funerals of the kings of Tenda are conducted with a
decorum highly creditable to the people, considering their
uncivilised state; and the graves are frequently visited by the
relatives of the deceased, to repair any injury, which they may have
sustained from the violence of the rains, or the attacks of
carnivorous animals.

At all the festivals, a personage called Horey, or which Jobson calls
the devil, acts a most conspicuous part, at the same time, that he
generally carries on his operations in secret, impressing thereby on
the minds of the natives, an idea of his invisibility. The Horey
generally takes his station in the adjoining woods, whence he sends
forth the most tremendous sounds, supposed to have a very malignant
influence on all those who happen to be within hearing. It is,
however, a fortunate circumstance for the native, who is so
unfortunate as to be within hearing of the Horey's cries, that the
method is known, of appeasing the vindictive spirit of the Horey,
which is, by placing a quantity of provisions, in the immediate
vicinity of the place where his roaring is heard; and if on the
following day the provisions have disappeared, which is sure to be
the case, the natives are then satisfied that the Horey has been
appeased, which, however, lasts only for a short time, for as the
appetite of the Horey is certain to return, his cries are again
heard, and the provisions are again deposited for his satisfaction.

In regard to this Horey or devil, rather a ludicrous story is told by
Jobson, who, being in company with a Marabout, and hearing the Horey
in full cry in a neighbouring thicket, seized a loaded musket,
declaring his resolution aloud, to discharge the contents without any
further ceremony, at his infernal majesty. Dreading the consequences,
which might befal the whole nation, were the devil to be killed, the
Marabout implored Jobson to desist from his murderous design; on a
sudden, the hoarse roar of the Horey was changed into a low and
plaintive sound, expressive of an individual imploring mercy from his
destroyer;--again Jobson levelled his gun at the spot whence the
sound issued, when on a sudden, his infernal majesty presented
himself in the shape of a huge negro, bloated with fat, and who now
lay on the ground, his devilish spirit quelled, and apparently in
such an agony of fear, as to be unable to sue for the mercy of the
avenging Englishman, who stood laughing over him, at the idea of
having so easily vanquished an African devil.

The dissensions, which took place amongst the company, on the return
of Jobson, put an end for a time to all further discoveries. It was
evident that these divisions in the company, arose from a spirit of
jealousy amongst certain members of it, who had formed amongst
themselves certain schemes of personal aggrandizement, and were
therefore unwilling to despatch any one into those quarters, in which
such abundant sources presented themselves, of amassing inexhaustible
riches.

The next attempt was made by Vermuyden, an opulent merchant, on the
Gambia, about the year 1660 or 1665, who equipped a boat abundantly
stored with bacon, beef, biscuit, rice, strong waters, and other
comfortable supplies, the weight of which, however, was so great,
that on arriving at the flats and shallows, the vessel could not
proceed on her voyage without the greatest danger. After navigating
the shallows for some time, he arrived at a broad expanse of water,
which he compared to Windermere Lake, and he now found himself on a
sudden entangled in a great difficulty, owing to a number of streams
flowing into this lake, and the consequent uncertainty which existed,
of choosing that particular one, which might be considered the main
branch or stream; and were he to ascend any other, he might find that
all his labours had been spent in vain, as it might lead him to a
quarter, at a great distance from those stations and towns, where the
Europeans had established their commercial settlements. "Up the
buffing stream," says Vermuyden, "with sad labour we wrought," and
when he had ascended further up the stream, the sailors were often
obliged to strip themselves naked, and get into the water. This was
found, however, to be a most dangerous experiment, for the crocodiles
and river horses showed themselves in fearful numbers, and fully
inclined to treat the intruders on their rightful domain, with the
most marked hostility. Vermuyden says, they were ill pleased, or
unacquainted with any companions in these watery regions, and at all
events, he was convinced that his men were not very proper companions
for them. So daring were the river horses, that one of them struck a
hole in the boat with his teeth, an accident which was rather of a
serious nature, as there was no one on board possessing any skill in
carpentry; and as one attack had been made, great apprehension was
entertained that it might be renewed, and the consequences prove of
the most fatal kind. They, however, fell upon the expedient of fixing
a lantern at the stern of the vessel, which kept the monsters at a
respectful distance; they showing great alarm at any light shining in
the dark. On one occasion, when they landed for the purpose of
searching for gold, they found the territory guarded by an incredible
number of huge baboons, who seemed determined to enter into open
conflict with them, and to set at defiance every attempt that was
made to penetrate into the territory. If the sailors shouted to them;
the baboons set up a loud scream, showing their white teeth, and
making known the reception which the intruders would meet with, if
they made any further advances.

Finding that neither their oratory nor their menaces had any effect
upon the baboon army, a few guns were discharged at them, which
seemed rather to astonish them, for it was something which they had
never seen nor heard before; but as no immediate effect was visible
amongst their army, they began to consider the firing as a sort of
joke, and prepared to drive the invaders back to their boats. A
volley, however, from the human assailants, by which three of the
baboon army were laid prostrate, soon convinced the latter, that the
firing was no joke, and after making some slight show of resistance,
they carried away the dead, and retreated to the woods.

The discovery of gold being the principal object of the adventure of
Vermuyden, he landed frequently in different places, and proceeded to
wash the sand, and examine the rocks. Vermuyden had acquired, in his
native country, some slight knowledge of alchymy, and he carried out
with him not only mercury, aqua regia, and large melting pots, but
also a divining rod, which, however, as was most likely the case, was
not found to exhibit any virtue. Vermuyden, however, was not to be
laughed out of his superstitious notions, although his companions
took every opportunity of turning his expectations into ridicule, but
he found a very plausible excuse for the impotency of his divining
rod in the discovery, that its qualities had all been dried up by the
heat of the climate, and that, under every circumstance, it was not
an instrument adapted to the country in which it was to be carried
into use. On one occasion, however, the virtue of the divining rod
appeared suddenly to have returned, for his eyes were gladdened with
the sight of a large mass of apparent gold; the delusion, however,
soon vanished, for, on examination, it was found to be nothing more
than common spar. According to his report, the metal is never met
with in low fertile and wooded spots, but always in naked and barren
hills, embedded in a reddish earth. At one place, after a labour of
twenty days, he succeeded in extracting twelve pounds, and, at
length, he asserts that he arrived at the mouth of the mine itself,
and saw gold in such abundance, as surprised him with joy and
admiration. It does not appear, however, that he returned from his
expedition considerably improved in his fortune by the discovery of
this mine, nor does he give any notice of the real position of it, by
which we are led to conjecture, that the discovery of the mine was
one of those fabrications, which the travellers of those times were
apt to indulge in, for the purpose of gratifying their own vanity,
and exciting the envy of their fellow countrymen.

The spirit of African discovery began to revive in England about the
year 1720. At that time, the Duke of Chandos was governor of the
African company, and being concerned at the declining state of their
affairs, suggested the idea of retrieving them, by opening a path
into the golden regions, which were still reported to exist in the
central part of Africa. The company were not long in finding a person
competent to undertake the expedition, and, on the particular
recommendation of the duke, the appointment was given to Capt.
Bartholomew Stibbs. Being furnished with the requisite means for
sailing up the Gambia, Stibbs sailed in September, 1723, and, on the
7th of October, he arrived at James' Island, the English settlement,
situate about thirty miles from the mouth of the river, whence he
despatched a messenger to Mr. Willy, the governor, who happened at
that time to be visiting the factory at Joar, more than a hundred
miles distant, asking him to engage such vessels as were fit to
navigate the upper streams of the Gambia. To his great surprise and
mortification, however, he received an answer from Mr. Willy, that no
vessels of that kind were to be had, indeed, instead of using every
exertion to promote the cause for which Stibbs had been sent out by
the company, Willy appeared to throw every possible obstruction in
his way, as if he were actuated by a mean and petty spirit of
jealousy of the success, which was likely to await him. A few days,
however, after the answer of Willy had been received, a boat brought
down his dead body, he having fallen a victim to the fever of the
climate, which had previously affected his brain. Willy was succeeded
in the governorship by a person named Orfeur, who showed no immediate
objection to furnish the vessels and other articles necessary for the
expedition of Stibbs up the Gambia, but matters went on so slowly,
that the equipment was not completed until the middle of December,
when the season was fast approaching, which was highly unfavourable
for the accomplishment of the purpose, which Stibbs had in view. He
intended to proceed on his journey on the 24th of December, but a
slight accident, which happened to one of his boats, prevented his
departure on that day: from a superstitious idea that prevailed in
the mind of Stibbs, that success would not attend him, if he sailed
on the day celebrated as the nativity of Jesus Christ, he deferred
his journey to the 26th, when he departed with a crew consisting of
nineteen white men, a complete black one, although a Christian, and
who was to serve as an interpreter; twenty-nine Grumellas, or hired
negroes, with three female cooks; taking afterwards on board a
balafeu, or native musician, for the purpose of enlivening the
spirits of the party, and driving away the crocodiles, who are
superstitiously supposed to have a great dislike "to the concord of
sweet sounds," although emanating from the rude instrument of an
African musician.

During the early part of the voyage every thing appeared to augur
well for the success of the expedition; the party were in high
spirits, and no accident of any moment had yet occurred to check the
joviality, which prevailed amongst the crew. The natives were every
where disposed to carry on trade, and, in some places, saphies or
charms were hung on the banks of the river to induce the white men to
come on shore. Stibbs had endeavoured to conceal the object, of his
journey, but he had formed his calculations upon an erroneous
principle, for he found himself at last pointed out as the person who
was come to bring down the gold. As they approached the falls of
Barraconda, the fears of the native crew began to manifest
themselves, and, as is usual with minds immersed in ignorance and
superstition, they commenced to foretell the most dreadful disasters,
if their captain should attempt to proceed above the falls of
Barraconda; numerous stories were now told of the fearful accidents,
which had happened to almost every person who had attempted to
navigate the river above the falls; the upsetting of a single canoe,
from unskilful management, was magnified into the loss of a hundred,
and of course not a single individual escaped a watery grave. The
natives expected that their terrible narratives would have a proper
influence upon the mind of their captain, and that he would, in
consequence, desist from prosecuting his journey beyond the falls,
but when, contrary to their expectations, he expressed his
determination to proceed to the utmost extent to which the river
would be found to be navigable, the natives presented themselves in
a body before him, and declared their firm determination not to
proceed any further, for, to the apparent surprise of Stibbs, they
informed him that Barraconda was the end of the world, and certainly
no person but a fool, or a madman, would attempt to penetrate any
further. Instances, certainly, they confessed had been known of
persons going beyond the end of the world, but then, as might be
naturally expected, they never were seen any more, being either
devoured by enormous beasts, or carried away into another world, by
some horrid devils, who were always on the watch to catch the
persons, who rejecting the advice, which they themselves were now
giving, were so fool hardy as to throw themselves in their power.
Stibbs now found himself in rather an unpleasant predicament, the
natives appeared resolute not to proceed beyond Barraconda, and Stibbs
knew well that it would be highly imprudent in him to proceed without
them. A palaver was held, and all the arguments which Stibbs could
bring forward, failed to produce the desired effect upon his alarmed
crew. He, however, suddenly bethought himself, that he had an
argument in his possession, of greater potency, than any that could
be afforded by the most persuasive arguments, and taking a bottle of
brandy from his chest, he gave to each man a glass of the spirit,
when, on a sudden, a very extraordinary change appeared to take place
in their opinions and sentiments. They might have been misled as to
Barraconda being the end of the world, and they did now remember some
instances of persons returning, who had been beyond the falls, and as
to the enormous animals, who were said to have devoured the voyagers;
they now believed that no other animals were meant than crocodiles
and river horses, which, although certainly formidable, were not by
any means such dreadful objects as to prevent them prosecuting their
voyage. Thus, what the powers of oratory could not effect, nor the
arguments of sound and deliberate reason accomplish, was achieved in
a moment by the administration of a small quantity of spirituous
liquid, giving bravery to the coward, and daring to the effeminate.

They had now arrived at the dreaded boundary of the habitable world,
but the falls were not found to be nearly so formidable as they had
been represented; they bore rather the character of narrows than of
falls, the channel being confined by rocky ledges and fragments,
between which there was only one passage, where the canoes rubbed
against the rocks on each side. Contrary to the reports, which had
been in general circulation, of the dispositions of the natives of
the Upper Gambia, in which they were represented to be of a most
ferocious and savage nature, they were found to be a harmless, kind,
and good-humoured people, who, on every occasion, hastened to render
every assistance in their power to the navigators, making them
presents of fowls and provisions, and, in some instances, refusing to
take any thing in return for the articles which they gave away.

The most laborious part of the journey now presented itself, which
consisted in the great exertions, which were necessary in order to
pass the flats and quicksands, which seemed to multiply as they
ascended the river, and which obliged the natives to strip and get
into the water, to drag the boats over the shallows by main force.
Although the natives had now ascertained beyond all further doubt,
that Barraconda was not the end of the world, yet, one part of their
story was fully verified, which was that relating to the enormous
animals, with which these desolate regions were tenanted. To the
present travellers, they appeared far more formidable than to their
predecessors, for the very elephants that had fled precipitately
before the crew of Jobson, struck the greatest terror into the party
of Stibbs; for one of them showed such a determined disposition to
exhibit the extent of his strength, that he turned suddenly upon the
crew, and in a very short time put the whole of them to flight. So
little did they show any symptoms of fear for the crew, that they
were frequently seen crossing the river in  bands, at a very short
distance from the boats, throwing up the water with their trunks in
every direction, and raising such an emotion in the water, as to make
the boats rock about, to the great alarm of the crews, and
particularly the natives, who now began to wish, that they had not
been seduced by the potency of the spirituous liquid, to venture into
a region, where death presented itself to them, in the strict embrace
of an elephant's trunk, or bored to death by the teeth of the river
horse. In regard to the latter animal, the danger which they
incurred, was more imminent than with the elephants, but this did not
arise from the greater ferocity or savageness of the animal, for the
river horse moves in general in a sluggish and harmless manner; but
in the shallow places of the river, the horses were seen walking at
the bottom, and the space between them and the boat so small, that
the keel often came into collision with the back of the animal, who,
incensed at the affront offered to him, would be apt to strike a hole
through the boat with his huge teeth, and thereby endanger its
sinking. It was evident to the commander of the expedition, that the
courage of his native crew was almost paralyzed, when they had to
contend with any of these formidable creatures, although he had no
reason to complain of their exertions, in dragging the boats over the
flats and shallows, which appeared to abound in every part of the
river.

It now became manifest to Stibbs, that he had chosen an unfavourable
time of the year for his expedition; for, after having spent two
months, he found himself on the 22nd February, only fifty-nine miles
above Barraconda, and at some distance from Tenda, consequently he
was not so successful as either Thompson or Jobson, notwithstanding
his means were more efficient, and adapted to the purpose. Stibbs,
however, expressed himself greatly disappointed with the results of
his expedition, and began to look upon the golden mines of Africa,
represented as they had been to be inexhaustible, as nothing more
than the grossest falsifications, made to suit some private purpose,
or to throw a certain degree of ridicule upon the plans and exertions
of the African company. He had been informed of a mighty channel,
which was to lead him into the remote interior of Africa, but he had
as yet only navigated a river, which in certain seasons is almost
dry, and where the crews were obliged to assume the character of the
amphibious; for at one time, they were obliged to be for hours in the
water, dragging the boats over the shallows, and at another, they
were on the land, dragging the boats over it, in order to surmount
the ledges of rocks, which extended from shore to shore. At one time
they were rowing over the backs of the river horses, and the next,
they ran the risk of being thrown upon their own back, by the trunks
of the elephants, or having them snapped in two between the jaws of
the crocodiles.

The source of the great river, which, according to the description
then given of it, could not be any other than the Niger, was,
according to the opinion of Stibbs, "nothing near so far in the
country, as by the geographers has been represented." The river,
which he had navigated, did not answer in any degree with the
description which had been given of the Niger. The name was not even
known in the quarters through which he had passed; it did not flow
from any lake, that he could hear of, or which was known to any of
the natives, nor did it communicate with the Senegal, or any other
great river; and so far from it being a mighty stream in the
interior, the report was given to him by the natives, that at about
twelve days journey above Barraconda, it dwindled into a rivulet, so
small that the "fowls could walk over it."

On the return of Stibbs to the company's settlement at the month of
the Gambia, these reports were received with great reluctance, and
the strongest doubts were thrown upon their authenticity. At that
time, a person of the name of Moore was the company's factor on the
Gambia; and in order to invalidate the statements of Stibbs, he
produced Herodotus, Leo, Edrisi, and other high authorities, whilst
on the other hand, Stibbs declared, that he had never heard of such
travellers before, and that he did not see why greater faith should
be put in their reports, than in his.

Stibbs for some time supported the veracity of his statements, but
Moore and Herodotus at length prevailed, and Stibbs retired from the
service in disgust. There were, however, many strongly inclined to
attach implicit belief to the statements of Stibbs, at all events,
they had the direct tendency of preventing any other voyage being
undertaken for some time, for exploring that part of the African
continent.

The first person who brought home any accounts of French Africa, was
Jannequin, a young man of some rank, who, as he was walking along the
quay at Dieppe, saw a vessel bound for this unknown continent, and
took a sudden fancy to embark and make the voyage. He was landed at a
part of the Sahara, near Cane Blanco. He was struck in an
extraordinary degree with the desolate aspect of the region. In
ascending the river, however, he was delighted with the brilliant
verdure of the banks, the majestic beauty of the trees, and the thick
impenetrable underwood. The natives received him hospitably, and he
was much struck by their strength and courage, decidedly surpassing
similar qualities in Europeans. He saw a moorish chief, called the
Kamalingo, who, mounting on horseback, and brandishing three javelins
and a cutlass, engaged a lion in single combat, and vanquished that
mighty king of the desert. Flat noses and thick lips, so remote from
his own ideas of the beautiful, were considered on the Senegal, as
forming the perfection of the human visage; nay, he even fancies that
they were produced by artificial means. Of actual discovery, little
transpired worthy of record in the travels of Jannequin, and his
enthusiasm became soon daunted by the perils which at every step
beset him.



CHAPTER  III.

Nearly seventy years had elapsed, and the spirit of African discovery
had remained dormant, whilst in the mean time the remotest quarters
of the globe had been reached by British enterprise; the vast region
of Africa still remaining an unseemly blank in the map of the earth.
To a great and maritime nation as England then was, and to the cause
of the sciences in general, particularly that of geography, it was
considered as highly discreditable, that no step should be taken to
obtain a correct knowledge of the geographical situation of the
interior of Africa, from which continual reports arrived of the
existence of great commercial cities, and the advantages which the
Arabs derived from their intercourse with them. For the purpose of
promoting this great national undertaking, a small number of
highly-spirited individuals formed themselves into what was termed
the African Association, A sum of money was subscribed, and
individuals were sought for, who were qualified to undertake such
arduous and dangerous enterprises. Lord Rawdon, afterwards the
Marquess of Hastings, Sir Joseph Banks, the Bishop of Llandaff, Mr.
Beaufoy, and Mr. Stuart, were nominated managers.

The first adventurer was Mr. Ledyard, who, from his earliest age, had
been a traveller from one extremity of the earth to the other. He had
circumnavigated the globe with Capt. Cook, had resided for several
years amongst the American indians, and had travelled with the most
scanty means from Stockholm round the Gulf of Bothnia, and thence to
the remotest parts of Asiatic Russia. On his return from his last
journey, Sir Joseph Banks was then just looking out for a person to
explore the interior of Africa, and Ledyard was no sooner introduced
to him, than he pronounced him to be the very man fitted for the
undertaking. Ledyard also declared that the scheme was in direct
unison with his own wishes, and on being asked how soon he could
depart, he answered, "Tomorrow." Some time, however, elapsed in
making the necessary arrangements, and a passage was shortly
afterwards obtained for him to Alexandria, with the view of first
proceeding southward from Cairo to Sennaar, and thence traversing the
entire breadth of the African continent.

He arrived at Cairo on the 19th of August, 1788. His descriptions of
Egypt are bold and original, but somewhat fanciful. He represented
the Delta as an unbounded plain of excellent land miserably
cultivated; the villages as most wretched assemblages of poor mud
huts, full of dust, fleas, flies, and all the curses of Moses, and
the people as below the rank of any savages he ever saw, wearing only
a blue shirt and drawers, and tattooed as much as the South Sea
islanders. He recommends his correspondents, if they wish to see
Egyptian women, to look at any group of gypsies behind a hedge in
Essex. He describes the Mohammedans as a trading, enterprising,
superstitious, warlike set of vagabonds, who, wherever they are bent
upon going, will and do go; but he complains that the condition of a
Frank is rendered most humiliating and distressing by the furious
bigotry of the Turks; to him it seemed inconceivable that such enmity
should exist among men, and that beings of the same species should
trick and act in a manner so opposite. By conversing with the Jelabs,
or slave merchants, he learned a good deal respecting the caravan
routes and countries of the interior. Every thing seemed ready for
his departure, and he announced that his next communication would be
from Sennaar, but, on the contrary, the first tidings received were
those of his death. Some delays in the departure of the caravans,
acting upon his impatient spirit, brought on a bilious complaint, to
which he applied rash and violent remedies, and thus reduced himself
to a state, from which the care of Rosetti, the Venetian consul, and
the skill of the best physician of Cairo sought in vain to deliver
him.

The society had, at the time they engaged Ledyard, entered into terms
with Mr. Lucas, a gentleman, who, being captured in his youth by a
Sallee rover, had been three years a slave at the court of Morocco,
and after his deliverance acted as vice-consul in that empire. Having
spent sixteen years there, he had acquired an intimate knowledge of
Africa and its languages. He was sent by way of Tripoli, with
instructions to accompany the caravan, which takes the most direct
route into the interior. Being provided with letters from the
Tripolitan ambassador, he obtained the Bey's permission, and even
promises of assistance for this expedition. At the same time he made
an arrangement with two sheerefs or descendants of the Prophet, whose
persons are held sacred, to join a caravan with which they intended
to travel. He proceeded with them to Mesuraba, but the Arabs there
being in a state of rebellion, refused to furnish camels and guides,
which, indeed, could scarcely be expected, as the Bey had declined to
grant them a safe conduct through his territories. Mr. Lucas was
therefore obliged to return to Tripoli, without being able to
penetrate further into the continent. He learned, however, from
Imhammed, one of the sheerefs, who had been an extensive traveller, a
variety of particulars respecting the interior regions. The society
had, at the same time, made very particular inquiries of Ben Ali, a
Morocco caravan trader, who happened to be in London. From these two
sources, Mr. Beaufoy was enabled to draw up a view of Centra. Africa,
very imperfect, indeed, yet superior to any that had ever before
appeared.

According to the information thus obtained, Bornou and Kashna were
the most powerful states in that part of the continent, and formed
even empires, holding sway over a number of tributary kingdoms, a
statement which proved at that time to be correct, though affairs
have since greatly changed. The Kashna caravan often crossed the
Niger, and went onwards to great kingdoms behind the Gold Coast,
Gongah or Kong, Asiente or Ashantee, Yarba or Yarriba, through which
Clapperton afterwards travelled. Several extensive routes across the
desert were also delineated. In regard to the Niger, the report of
Imhammed revived the error, which represented that river as flowing
westward towards the Atlantic. The reason on which this opinion was
founded, will be evident, when we observe that it was in Kashna, that
Ben Ali considered himself as having crossed that river. His Niger,
therefore, was the Quarrama, or river of Zermie, which flows westward
through Kashna and Sackatoo, and is only a tributary to the Quorra or
great river, which we call the Niger. He describes the stream as very
broad and rapid, probably from having seen it during the rainy
season, when all the tropical rivers of any magnitude assume an
imposing appearance.

Mr. Lucas made no further attempt to penetrate into Africa. The next
expedition was made by a new agent, and from a different route. Major
Houghton, who had resided for some years as consul at Morocco, and
afterwards in a military capacity at Goree, undertook the attempt to
reach the Niger by the route of Gambia, not, like Jobson and Stibbs,
ascending its stream in boats, but travelling singly and by land. He
seems to have been endowed with a gay, active, and sanguine spirit,
fitted to carry him through the boldest undertaking, but without that
cool and calculating temper necessary for him, who endeavours to make
his way amid scenes of peril and treachery. He began his journey
early in 1791, and soon reached Medina, the capital of Woolli, where
the venerable chief received him with extreme kindness, promised to
furnish guides, and assured him he might go to Timbuctoo with his
staff in his hand. The only evil that befell him at Medina, arose
from a fire that broke out there, and spreading rapidly through
buildings roofed with cane and matted grass, converted a town of a
thousand houses, in an hour, into a heap of ashes. Major Houghton ran
out with the rest of the people into the fields, saving only such
articles as could be carried with him.

He mentions, that by trading at Fattatenda, a person may make 800 per
cent, and may live in plenty on ten pounds a year. Quitting the
Gambia, he took the road through Bambouk, and arrived at Ferbanna on
the Faleme. Here he was received with the most extraordinary kindness
by the king, who gave him a guide and money to defray his expenses. A
note was afterwards received from him, dated Simbing, which contained
merely these words: "Major Houghton's compliments to Dr. Laidley, is
in good health on his way to Timbuctoo; robbed of all his goods by
Fenda, Bucar's son." This was the last communication from him, for
soon after the negroes brought down to Pisania, the melancholy
tidings of his death, of which Mr. Park subsequently learned the
particulars. Some moors had persuaded the major to accompany them to
Tisheet, a place in the great desert, frequented on account of its
salt mines. In alluring him thither, their object, as it appears from
the result, was to rob him, for it was very much out of the direct
route to Timbuctoo. Of this in a few days he became sensible, and
insisted upon returning, but they would not permit him to leave their
party, until they had stripped him of every article in his
possession. He wandered about for some time through the desert,
without food or shelter, till at length quite exhausted, he sat down
under a tree and expired. Mr. Park was shown the very spot where his
remains wore abandoned to the fowls of the air.

A considerable degree of information respecting the country on the
Senegal, was procured by a person of the name of Bruce, who had a
large share in the administration of the affairs of the French
African Companies. In one of his numerous journeys, he ascended the
Senegal as far as Gallam, and established a fort or factory at
Dramanet, a populous and commercial town. The inhabitants carried on
a trade as far as Timbuctoo, which they described as situated 500
leagues in the interior. They imported from it gold and ivory, and
slaves from Bambarra, which was represented by them, as an extensive
region between Timbuctoo and Cassan, barren but very populous. The
kingdom of Cassan was said to be formed into a sort of island, or
rather peninsula, by the branches of the Senegal. Gold was so
abundant there, that the metal often appeared on the surface of the
ground. From these circumstances it may be concluded, that Cassan was
in some degree confounded with Bambouk, which borders it on the
south. It had long been the ambition of the French, to find access to
this golden country, but the jealousy of the native merchants
presented an obstacle, that could not be easily surmounted.



CHAPTER IV.

There is no Chapter IV as the following chapter was numbered
Chapter V by mistake.



CHAPTER V.

The death of Major Houghton left the African Association without a
single individual employed in the particular service, for which the
company was originally established. On a sudden, Mr. Mungo Park, a
native of Scotland, offered himself to the society, and the committee
having made such inquiries as they thought necessary, accepted him
for the service.

His instructions were very plain and concise. He was directed, on his
arrival in Africa, to pass on to the river Niger, either by the way
of Bambouk, or by such other route as should be most convenient; that
he should ascertain the cause, and if possible, the rise and
termination of that river; that he should use his utmost exertion to
visit the principal towns or cities in its neighbourhood,
particularly Timbuctoo and Houssa, and that he should afterwards
return to Europe, by such route as, under the then existing
circumstances of his situation, should appear to him most advisable.

He sailed from Portsmouth on the 22nd of May, 1793, and on the 4th
June, he saw the mountains over Mogadore, on the coast of Africa, and
on the 21st, after a pleasant voyage, he anchored at Jillifree, a
town on the northern bank of the Gambia, opposite to James' Island,
where the English had formerly a small fort.

On the 23rd, he proceeded to Vintain, a town situated about two miles
up a creek, on the southern side of the river. Here he continued till
the 26th, when he continued his course up the river, which is deep
and muddy. The banks are covered with impenetrable thickets of
mangrove, and the whole of the adjacent country appears to be flat
and swampy. The Gambia abounds with fish, but none of them are known
in Europe. In six days after leaving Vintain, he reached Jonkakonda,
a place of considerable trade, where the vessel was to take in part
of her lading. The next morning the European traders came from their
different factories, to receive their letters, and learn the nature
and amount of the cargo; whilst the captain despatched a letter to
Dr. Laidley, with the information of Mr. Park's arrival. Dr. Laidley
came to Jonkakonda the morning following, when he delivered to him
Mr. Beaufoy's letter, when the doctor gave him a kind invitation to
spend his time at his house at Pisania, until an opportunity should
offer of prosecuting his journey. This invitation was too acceptable
to be refused.

Pisania is a small village in the king of Yany's dominions,
established by British subjects, as a factory for trade, and
inhabited solely by them and their black servants. The white
residents at the time of Mr. Park's arrival, consisted only of Dr.
Laidley and two gentlemen of the name of Ainsley, but their domestics
were numerous. They enjoyed perfect security, and being highly
respected by the natives at large, wanted no accommodation the
country could supply, and the greatest part of the trade in slaves;
ivory, and gold was in their hands.

Being settled in Pisania, Mr. Park's first object was to learn the
Mandingo tongue, being the language in almost general use throughout
this part of Africa, without which he was convinced he never could
acquire an extensive knowledge of the country or its inhabitants. In
this pursuit he was greatly assisted by Dr. Laidley, who had made
himself completely master of it. Next to the language, his great
object was to collect information concerning the countries he
intended to visit. On this occasion he was referred to certain
traders called slatees, who are black merchants of great
consideration in this part of Africa, who come from the interior
countries, chiefly with enslaved negroes for sale; but he discovered
that little dependence could be placed on the accounts they gave, as
they contradicted each other in the most important particulars, and
all seemed extremely unwilling he should prosecute his journey.

In researches of this kind, and in observing the manners and customs
of the natives, in a country so little known to the nations of
Europe, and furnished with so many striking objects of nature, Mr.
Park's time passed not unpleasantly, and he began to flatter himself
that he had escaped the fever, to which Europeans, on their first
arrival in hot climates, are generally subject. But on the 31st July,
he imprudently exposed himself to the night dew, in observing an
eclipse of the moon, with a view to determine the longitude of the
place; the next day he found himself attacked with fever and
delirium, and an illness followed, which confined him to the house
the greater part of August. His recovery was very slow, but he
embraced every short interval of convalescence to walk out and
examine the productions of the country. In one of these excursions,
having rambled farther than usual in a hot day, he brought on a
return of his fever, and was again confined to his bed. The fever,
however, was not so violent as before, and in the course of three
weeks, when the weather permitted, he was able to renew his botanical
excursions; and when it rained, he amused himself with drawing
plants, &c. in his chamber. The care and attention of Dr. Laidley
contributed greatly to alleviate his sufferings; his company beguiled
the tedious hours during that gloomy season, when the rain falls in
torrents, when suffocating heats oppress by day, and when the night
is spent in listening to the croaking of frogs, the shrill cry of the
jackal, and the deep howling of the hyena; a dismal concert,
interrupted only by the roar of tremendous thunder.

On the 6th of October the waters of the Gambia were at their greatest
height, being fifteen feet above the high water mark of the tide,
after which they began to subside; at first slowly, but afterwards
very rapidly, sometimes sinking more than a foot in twenty-four
hours: by the beginning of November the river had sunk to its former
level, and the tide ebbed and flowed as usual. When the river had
subsided, and the atmosphere grew dry, Mr. Park recovered apace, and
began to think of his departure; for this is reckoned the most proper
season for travelling: the natives had completed their harvest, and
provisions were everywhere cheap and plentiful.

On the 2nd December 1795, Mr. Park took his departure from the
hospitable mansion of Dr. Laidley, being fortunately provided with a
negro servant, who spoke both the English and Mandingo tongues; his
name was Johnson: he was a native of that part of Africa, and having
in his youth been conveyed to Jamaica as a slave, he had been made
free, and taken to England by his master, where he had resided many
years, and at length found his way back to his native country. He was
also provided with a negro boy, named Demba, a sprightly youth, who,
besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Serawoollies, an inland
people; and to induce him to behave well, he was promised his freedom
on his return, in case the tourist should report favourably of his
fidelity and services. A free man, named Madiboo, travelling to the
kingdom of Bambara, and two slatees, going to Bondou, offered their
services, as did likewise a negro, named Tami, a native of Kasson,
who had been employed some years by Dr. Laidley as a blacksmith, and
was returning to his native country with the savings of his labours.
All these men travelled on foot, driving their asses before them.

Thus Mr. Park had no less than six attendants, all of whom had been
taught to regard him with great respect, and to consider that their
safe return hereafter to the countries on the Gambia, would depend on
his preservation.

Dr. Laidley and the Messrs. Ainsley accompanied Park the two first
days. They reached Jindy the same day, and rested at the house of a
black woman, who had formerly been the mistress of Mr. Hewett, a
white trader, and who, in consequence of that honour, was called
_Seniora_. In the evening they walked out, to see an adjoining
village, belonging to a slatee, named Jemaffoo Mamadoo, the richest
of all the Gambia traders. They found him at home, and he thought so
highly of the honour done him by this visit, that he presented them
with a fine bullock, part of which was dressed for their evening's
repast.

The negroes do not go to supper till late, and in order to amuse
themselves while the beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to
relate some diverting stories, in listening to which, and smoking
tobacco, they spent three hours. These stories bear some resemblance
to those in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, but in general are of
a more ludicrous cast.

About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3rd of December, Park took
his leave of Dr. Laidley and Messrs. Ainsley, and rode slowly into
the woods. He had now before him a boundless forest, and a country,
the inhabitants of which were strangers to civilized life. He
reflected that he had parted from the last European he might probably
behold, and perhaps quitted for ever the comforts of Christian
society. These thoughts necessarily cast a gloom over his mind, and
he rode musing along for about three miles, when he was awakened from
his reverie by a number of people, who, running up, stopped the
asses, giving him to understand, that he must either go with them to
Peckaba, to present himself to the king of Woolli, or pay customs to
them. He endeavoured to make them comprehend, that not travelling for
traffic, he ought not to be subjected to a tax like merchants, but
his reasoning was thrown away upon them. They said it was usual for
travellers of all descriptions to make a present to the king of
Woolli, and without doing so, none could be permitted to proceed. As
the party were numerous, he thought it prudent to comply with their
demand, and presented them with four bars of tobacco. At sunset he
reached a village near Kootacunda.

The next day entering Woolli, he stopped to pay customs to an officer
of the king. Passing the night at a village called Tabajang: at noon
the following day Park reached Medina, the capital of the king of
Woolli's dominions. It is a large place, and contains at least a
thousand houses. It is fortified in the common African manner by a
high mud wall, and an outward fence of pointed stakes and prickly
bushes, but the walls were neglected, and the outward fence had
suffered considerably by being plucked up for fire-wood. Mr. Park
obtained a lodging with one of the king's near relations, who warned
him, at his introduction to the king, not to shake hands with him,
that liberty not being allowed to strangers. With this salutary
warning, Park paid his respects to Jatta, the king, and asked his
permission to pass to Bondou. He was the same old man, of whom Major
Houghton speaks in such favourable terms. The sovereign was seated
before the door of his hovel, surrounded by a number of men and
women, who were singing and clapping their hands. Park, saluting him
respectfully, told him the object of his visit. The monarch not only
permitted him to proceed on his journey, but declared he would offer
prayers for his safe return. One of Mr. Park's attendants, to
manifest his sense of the king's courtesy, roared out an Arabic song,
at every pause of which the king himself, and all present, striking
their hands against their foreheads, exclaimed, with affecting
solemnity, _Amen, Amen._ The king further assured him, that a guide
should be ready on the following day, to conduct him to the frontier
of Bondou. Having taken leave, he sent the king an order upon Dr.
Laidley for three gallons of rum, and received in return a great
store of provisions.

December the 6th, early in the morning, on visiting Jatta, he found
his majesty sitting upon a bullock's hide, warming himself before a
large fire, for the Africans frequently feel cold when a European is
oppressed with heat. Jatta received his visitant very kindly, and
earnestly entreated him to advance no farther into the interior,
telling him that Major Houghton had been killed in his route. He said
that travellers must not judge of the people of the eastern country
by those of Woolli. The latter were acquainted with white men, and
respected them; whereas, in the east, the people had never seen one,
and would certainly destroy the first they beheld. Park, thanking the
king for his affectionate concern, told him he was determined,
notwithstanding all danger, to proceed. The king shook his head, but
desisted from further persuasion, and ordered the guide to hold
himself in readiness.

On the guide making his appearance, Park took his last farewell of
the good old king, and in three hours reached Konjour, a small
village, where he and his party rested for the night. Here he bought
a fine sheep for some beads, and his attendants killed it, with all
the ceremonies prescribed by their religion. Part of it was dressed
for supper, after which a dispute arose between one of the negroes
and Johnson, the interpreter, about the sheep's horns. The former
claimed the horns as his perquisite, as he had performed the office
of butcher, and Johnson disputed the claim. To settle the matter, Mr.
Park gave a horn to each of the litigants.

Leaving Konjour, and sleeping at a village called Malla, on the 8th
he arrived at Kolor, a considerable town, near the entrance into
which he saw hanging upon a tree, a sort of masquerade habit, made of
the bark of trees, which he was told belonged to Mumbo Jumbo. The
account of this personage is thus narrated by Mr. Park: "This is a
strange bugbear, common to all the Mandingo towns, and much employed
by the pagan natives in keeping their women in subjection, for as the
kafirs are not restricted in the number of their wives, every one
marries as many as he can maintain, and, as it frequently happens,
that the ladies disagree among themselves, family quarrels rise
sometimes to such a height, that the husband can no longer preserve
peace in his household. In such cases, the interposition of Mumbo
Jumbo is called in, and is always decisive."

This strange minister of justice, who is supposed to be either the
husband himself, or some person instructed by him, disguised in the
dress before mentioned, and armed with his rod of public authority,
announces his coming by loud and continual screams in the woods near
the town. He begins the pantomime at the approach of night, and, as
soon as it is dark, enters the town, and proceeds to the bentang, at
which all the inhabitants immediately assemble.

This exhibition is not much relished by the women, for as the person
in disguise is unknown to them, every married female suspects the
visit may be intended for herself, but they dare not refuse to
appear, when they are summoned: and the ceremony commences with songs
and dances, which continue till midnight, when Mumbo fixes on the
offender. The victim, being immediately seized, is stripped naked,
tied to a post, and severely scourged with Mumbo's rod, amidst the
shouts and derisions of the assembly; and it is remarkable, that the
rest of the women are loudest in their exclamations against their
unhappy sister. Daylight puts an end to this indecent and unmanly
revel.

On the 9th of December, Park reached Tambacunda, leaving which the
next morning, he arrived in the evening at Kooniakary, a town of
nearly the same size and extent as Kolor. On the 11th he came to
Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli near Bondou.

King Jatta's guide being now to return, Park presented him with some
amber, and having been informed that it was not possible at all times
to procure water in the wilderness, he inquired for men, who would
serve both as guides and water-bearers, and he procured three
negroes, elephant hunters, for that service, paying them three bars
each in advance.

The inhabitants of Koojar beheld the white man with surprise and
veneration, and in the evening invited him to see a _neobering,_ or
wrestling match, in the bentang. This is an exercise very common in
all these countries. The spectators formed a ring round the
wrestlers, who were strong, active young men, full of emulation, and
accustomed to such contests. Being stripped to a short pair of
drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil or _Shea_ water, the
combatants approached, each on all fours, parrying for some time,
till at length one of them sprang forward, and caught his antagonist
by the knee. Great dexterity and judgment were now displayed, but the
combat was decided by strength. Few Europeans would have subdued the
conqueror. The wrestlers were animated by the sound of a drum.

After the wrestling, commenced a dance, in which many performers
assisted, provided with little bells fastened to their legs and arms,
and here also the drum assisted their movements. The drum likewise
keeps order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of certain
Mandingo sentences; for example, when the sport is about to begin,
the drummer strikes, which is understood to signify, _Ali boe si,_
"sit all down," upon which the lookers-on immediately squat
themselves on the ground, and when the combatants are to begin, he
strikes, _Amuta, amuta,_ "take hold, take hold."

In the morning of the 12th, he found that one of the elephant hunters
had absconded with the money he had received beforehand; and to
prevent the other two from following his example, Park made them
instantly fill their calabashes with water, and they entered the
wilderness that separates Woolli from Bondou. The attendants halted
to prepare a saphie or charm, to ensure a safe journey. This was done
by muttering a few sentences, and spitting upon a stone, thrown
before them on the road. Having repeated this operation three times,
the negroes proceeded with assurance off safety.

Riding along, they came to a large tree, called by the natives _neema
taba_. It was decorated with innumerable rags of cloth, which persons
travelling across the wilderness had at different times tied to the
branches, which was done, according to the opinion of Mr. Park, to
inform the traveller that water was to be found near it; but the
custom has been so sanctioned by time, that nobody now presumes to
pass without hanging up something. Park followed the example, and
suspended a handsome piece of cloth on one of the boughs; and being
informed that either a well or a pool of water was at no great
distance, he ordered the negroes to unload the asses, that they might
give them some corn, and regale themselves with the provisions,
which they had brought, meanwhile he sent one of the elephant hunters
to look for the well. A pool was found, but the water was thick and
muddy, and the negro discovered near it the remains of fire and
fragments of provisions, which showed that it had been lately
visited, either by travellers or banditti. The attendants,
apprehending the latter, and supposing that the robbers lurked at no
great distance, Mr. Park proceeded to another watering place. He
arrived there late in the, evening, fatigued with so long a day's
journey; and kindling a large fire, laid down, more than a gunshot
from any bush, the negroes agreeing to keep watch by turns, to
prevent surprise. The negroes were indeed very apprehensive of
banditti during the whole of the journey. As soon, therefore, as
daylight appeared, they filled their soofros and calabashes at the
pool, took their departure, and arrived at Tallika, the first town in
Bondou, on the 13th December. Mr. Park says, that he cannot take
leave of Woolli without observing, that he was every where well
received by the natives, and that the fatigues of the day were
generally alleviated by a hearty welcome at night.

Tallika, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, is inhabited
chiefly by the Mohammedan Foulahs, who acquire no inconsiderable
affluence by furnishing provisions to the coffles or caravans, and by
the sale of ivory from hunting elephants. Here an officer constantly
resides, whose business it is to watch the arrival of the caravans,
which are taxed according to the number of loaded asses.

Mr. Park lodged with this officer, and was accompanied by him to
Fatteconda, the king's residence, for which he was paid five bars.
They halted for the first night at Ganado, where they partook of a
good supper, and were further exhilarated by an itinerant musician,
or singing man, who told a number of entertaining stories, and played
some sweet airs, by blowing his breath upon a bow-string, and
striking it at the same time with a stick.

At daybreak Mr. Park's fellow-travellers, the Serawoollies, took
their leave, with many prayers for his safety. A mile from Ganado
they crossed a branch of the Gambia, called Neriko, and in the
evening reached Koorkarany, a Mohammedan town, in which the
blacksmith had some relations. Koorkarany is surrounded by a high
wall, and is provided with a mosque. Here a number of Arabic
manuscripts were shown to Mr. Park, particularly a copy of the book
called _Al Sharra_. Leaving Koorkarany, they were joined by a young
man, who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt, and as night set in,
they reached Dooggi, a small village about three miles from
Koorkarany. There they purchased a bullock for six small stones of
amber.

Early in the morning of the 18th December, they departed from Dooggi,
joined by a party of Foulahs and others, in the evening arrived at a
village called Buggil, and passed the night in a miserable hut,
having no other bed than a bundle of corn stalks. The wells are here
dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. From Buggil they
travelled along a dry, stony height, covered with mimosas, and
descended into a deep valley, in which, pursuing their course, they
came to a large village, where they intended to lodge. Many of the
natives were dressed in a thin French gauze, which they called
_byqui_; this being a dress calculated to show the shape of their
persons, was very fashionable among the women. These females were
extremely rude and troublesome; they took Mr. Park's cloak, cut the
buttons from the boy's clothes, and were proceeding to other
outrages, when he mounted his horse, and proceeded on his journey.
In the evening they reached Soobrudooka, and as the company were
numerous, they purchased a sheep and corn wherewith to regale
themselves, after which, they slept by their baggage. From
Soobrudooka they came to a large village on the banks of the Faleme,
which is here very rapid and rocky. The river abounds with a small
fish, of the size of sprats, which are prepared for sale by pounding
them in mortars, and exposing them to dry in the sun in large lumps.

An old moorish shereeff, who came to bestow his blessing on Mr. Park,
and beg some paper to write saphies upon, said that he had seen Major
Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and that he died in the country of
the moors. Mr. Park and some of his attendants gave him a few sheets
of paper, on which to write his charms. Proceeding northward along
the banks of the river, they arrived at Mayemow, the chief man of
which town presented Mr. Park with a bullock, and he in return gave
him some amber and beads. Crossing the river, they entered
Fatteconda, the capital of Bondou, and received an invitation from a
slatee to lodge at his house, for as in Africa there are no inns,
strangers stand at the Bentang, or market-place, till they are
invited by some of the inhabitants. Soon afterwards, Mr. Park was
conducted to the king, who was desirous of seeing him immediately,
if he was not too much fatigued for the interview.

He took his interpreter with him, and followed the messenger till
they were quite out of the town, when suspecting some trick, Mr. Park
stopped and asked his guide, whither he was going?--Upon this, he
pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some little distance, and
told him that the king frequently gave audience in that retired
manner, in order to avoid a crowd of people. When he advanced, the
king desired him to come and sit by him upon the mat, and after
hearing his story, on which he made no observation, he inquired of
Mr. Park, if he wished to purchase any slaves or gold. Being answered
in the negative, he seemed surprised, but desired him to visit him
again in the evening, that he might be supplied with some provisions.

This prince was called Almami, and was a pagan. It was reported that
he had caused Major Houghton to be plundered. His behaviour,
therefore, at this interview, although distinguished by greater
civility than was expected, caused Mr. Park some uneasiness, for as
he was now entirely in his power, he thought it more politic to
conciliate the good opinion of the monarch, by a few presents.
Accordingly, in the evening, Mr. Park took with him a canister of
gunpowder, some amber, tobacco, and an umbrella; and as he considered
that his bundles would inevitably be searched, he concealed some few
articles in the roof of the hut where he lodged, putting on his new
blue coat, in order to preserve it.

Mr. Park on coming to the entrance of the court, as well as his guide
and interpreter, according to custom, took off their sandals, and the
former pronounced the king's name aloud, repeating it till he was
answered from within. They found the monarch sitting upon a mat, and
two attendants with him. Mr. Park told him his reasons for passing
through his country, but his majesty did but seem half satisfied. He
thought it impossible, he said, that any man in his senses would
undertake so dangerous a journey, merely to look at the country and
its inhabitants. When, however, Mr. Park had delivered his presents,
his majesty seemed well pleased, and was particularly delighted with
the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and unfurled, to the great
admiration of himself and his two attendants, who could not for some
time comprehend the use of this wonderful machine. After this, Mr.
Park was about to take his leave, when the king began a long preamble
in favour of the whites, extolling their immense wealth and good
dispositions. He next proceeded to an eulogium on Mr. Park's blue
coat, of which the yellow buttons seemed particularly to please his
fancy, and he concluded by entreating Mr. Park to present him with
it, assuring him, as a matter of great consolation to him for the
loss of it, that he would wear it on all public occasions, and inform
every one who saw it, of the great liberality of Mr. Park towards
him. The request of an African prince, in his own dominions, comes
very little short of a command. Mr. Park, therefore, very quietly
took off his coat, the only good one in his possession, and laid it
at his feet. In return for his compliance, he presented Mr. Park
with great plenty of provisions, and desired to see him again in the
morning. Mr. Park accordingly attended, and found the king sitting on
his bed. His majesty told him he was sick, and wished to have a
little blood taken from him, but Mr. Park had no sooner tied up his
arm, and displayed the lancet, than his courage failed, and he begged
him to postpone the operation. He then observed, that his women were
very desirous to see him, and requested that he would favour them
with a visit. An attendant was ordered to conduct him, and he had no
sooner entered the court appropriated to the ladies, than the whole
seraglio surrounded him, some begging for physic, some for amber, and
all of them trying that great African specific, blood-letting. They
were ten or twelve in number, most of them young and handsome, and
wearing on their heads ornaments of gold and beads of amber. They
rallied him on the whiteness of his skin and the prominency of his
nose. They insisted that both were artificial, the first they said,
was produced when he was an infant, by dipping him in milk, and they
insisted that his nose had been pinched every day, till it had
acquired its present unsightly and unnatural conformation. On his
part, without disputing his own deformity, he paid them many
compliments on African beauty. He praised the glossy jet of their
skins, and the lovely depression of their noses; but they said, that
flattery, or as they emphatically termed it, _honey-mouth_, was not
esteemed in Bondou. The ladies, however, were evidently not
displeased, for they presented him with a jar of honey and some fish.

Mr. Park was desired to attend the king again, a little before
sunset, on which occasion he presented to his majesty some beads and
writing paper, as a small offering, in return for which the king gave
him five drachms of gold. He seconded the act by one still greater,
he suffered the baggage to pass without examination, and Mr. Park was
allowed to depart when he pleased.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, Mr. Park left Fatteconda, and
in a few hours arrived at a small village, the boundary between
Bondou and Kajaaga. Hearing it was dangerous for travellers, Mr. Park
resolved to proceed by night, until they should reach a more
hospitable part of the country, and directed their course through the
woods. On this occasion, Mr. Park says, "the stillness of the air,
the howling of the wild beasts, and the deep solitude of the forest,
made the scene solemn and impressive. Not a word was uttered by any
of us, but in a whisper; all were attentive, and every one anxious to
show his sagacity, by pointing out to me the wolves and hyenas, as
they glided, like shadows, from one thicket to another." The
following afternoon they arrived at Joag, in the kingdom of Kajaaga,
where they took up their abode at the house of the chief man, here
called the _dooty_. He was a rigid Mohammedan, but distinguished for
his hospitality. The town was supposed to contain about two thousand
inhabitants; it was surrounded by a high wall, in which were a number
of port-holes for musketry. Every man's possession was likewise
surrounded by a wall, the whole forming so many distinct citadels,
and, amongst a people unacquainted with the use of artillery, the
walls answer all the purposes of stronger fortifications.

The same evening, Madiboo, the Bushreen from Pisania, went to pay a
visit to his father and mother, who dwelt at a neighbouring town,
called Dramanet. He was joined by the blacksmith; and as soon as it
was dark, Mr. Park was invited to see the sports of the inhabitants.
A great crowd surrounded a dancing party; the dances, however,
consisted more in wanton gestures, than in muscular exertion or
graceful attitudes. The women vied with each other in displaying the
most voluptuous movements imaginable.

On the 25th December, early in the morning, a number of horsemen
entered the town, and came to the bentang on which Mr. Park had made
his bed. One of them, thinking he was asleep, attempted to steal his
musket; but finding that he could not effect his purpose
undiscovered, he desisted.

Mr. Park now perceived, by the countenance of the interpreter,
Johnson, that something bad was in agitation; he was also surprised
to see Madiboo, and the blacksmith so soon returned. On inquiring the
reason, Madiboo informed him, that as they were dancing at Dramanet,
ten horsemen belonging to Batcheri, the king, with his second son at
their head, had inquired if the white man had passed. The ten
horsemen mentioned by Madiboo arrived, and entering the bentang
dismounted, and seated themselves with those who had come before, the
whole being about twenty in number, forming a circle round him, and
each man holding his musket in his hand. Mr. Park now remarked to his
landlord, that as he did not understand the Serawoolii tongue, he
hoped whatever the men had to say, they would speak in Mandingo. To
this they agreed, and a man, loaded with a remarkable number of
saphies, opened the business in a long oration, purporting that the
white man had entered the king's town, without having first paid the
duties, or giving any present to the king, and that according to the
laws of the country, his people, cattle and baggage were forfeited,
and he added, that they had received orders from the king, to conduct
Mr. Park to Mauna. It would have been equally vain and imprudent to
have resisted or irritated such a body of men, he, therefore,
affected to comply with their demands. The poor blacksmith, who was a
native of Kasson, mistook this feigned compliance for a real
intention, and begged Mr. Park privately, that he would not entirely
ruin him by going to Mauna, adding, that as he had every reason to
believe that a war would soon take place between Kasson and Kajaaga,
he should not only lose his little property, the savings of four
years' industry, but should certainly be detained and sold as a
slave.

Mr. Park told the king's son, he was ready to go with him upon
condition, that the blacksmith, who was an inhabitant of a distant
kingdom, and entirely unconnected with him, should be allowed to stay
at Joag until his return. To this they all objected, and insisted
that as all had acted contrary to the laws, all were equally
answerable for their transgressions.

Their landlord strenuously advised Mr. Park not to go to the king,
who, he said, if he discovered any thing valuable in his possession,
would seize it without ceremony. In consequence of this
representation, Mr. Park was the more solicitous to conciliate
matters with the king's officers, and acknowledged that he had indeed
entered the king's frontiers, without knowing that he was to pay the
duties beforehand, but was ready to pay them then; accordingly he
tendered, as a present to the king, the drachms of gold, which he had
received from the king of Bondou; this they accepted, but insisted on
examining his baggage. The bundles were opened, but the men were
greatly disappointed in not finding much gold and amber: they made up
the deficiency, however, by taking whatever things they fancied, and
departed, having first robbed him of half his goods. These
proceedings tended, in a great degree, to dispirit the attendants of
Mr. Park. Madiboo begged of him to return; Johnson laughed at the
thoughts of proceeding without money, and the blacksmith was afraid
to be seen, or even to speak, lest any one should discover him to be
a native of Kasson. In this dejected state of mind, they passed the
night by the side of a dim fire.

In the course of the following day Mr. Park was informed, that a
nephew of Demba Sego Jalla, the Mandingo king of Kasson, was coming
to visit him. The prince had been sent out on a mission to Batcheri,
king of Kajaaga, to endeavour to settle some disputes between his
uncle and the latter, in which, having been unsuccessful, he was on
his return to Kasson, to which place he offered to conduct Mr. Park,
provided he would set out on the following morning.

Mr. Park gratefully accepted this offer, and, with his attendants,
was ready to set out by daylight on the 27th of December. The retinue
of Demba Sego was numerous, the whole amounting, on the departure
from Joag, to thirty persons and six loaded asses. Having proceeded
for some hours, they came to a tree, for which Johnson had made
frequent inquiry, and here, having desired them to stop, he produced
a white chicken he had purchased at Joag for the purpose, and tied it
by the leg to one of the branches; he then declared they might now
proceed without fear, for their journey would be prosperous. This
circumstance exhibits the power of superstition over the minds of the
negroes, for although this man had resided seven years in England, he
retained all the prejudices imbibed in his youth. He meant this
ceremony, he told Mr. Park, as an offering to the spirits of the
wood, who were a powerful race of beings, of a white colour, with
long flowing hair.

At noon the travellers stopped at Gungadi, where was a mosque built
of clay, with six turrets, on the pinnacles of which were placed six
ostrich eggs. Towards evening they arrived at Samee a town on the
banks of the Senegal, which is here a beautiful but shallow river,
its banks high, and covered with verdure.

On the following day they proceeded to Kajee, a large village, part
of which is on the north, and part on the south side of the river.
About sunset Mr. Park and Demba Sego embarked in the canoe, which the
least motion was likely to overset, and Demba Sego thinking this a
proper time to examine a tin box belonging to Mr. Park, that stood in
the fore part of the canoe, by stretching out his hand for it,
destroyed the equilibrium and overset the vessel. As they were not
far advanced, they got back to the shore without much difficulty, and
after wringing the water from their clothes, took a fresh departure,
and were safely landed in Kasson.

Demba Sego now told Mr. Park, that they were in his uncle's
dominions, and he hoped that he would consider the obligation he owed
to him, and make him a suitable return by a handsome present. This
proposition was rather unexpected by Mr. Park, who began to fear that
he had not much improved his condition by crossing the water, but as
it would have been folly to complain, he gave the prince seven bars
of amber and some tobacco, with which he seemed well satisfied.

In the evening of December the 29th, they arrived at Demba Sego's
hut, and the next morning Mr. Park was introduced by the prince to
his father, Tigitty Sego, brother to the king of Kasson, chief of
Tesee. The old man viewed his visitor with great earnestness, having
never beheld but one white man before, whom Mr. Park discovered to be
Major Houghton. He appeared to disbelieve what Mr. Park asserted, in
answer to his inquiries concerning the motives that induced him to
explore the country, and told him that he must go to Kooniakary to
pay his respects to the king, but desired to see him again before he
left Tesee.

Tesee is a large unwalled town, fortified only by a sort of citadel,
in which Tiggity Sego and his family reside. The present inhabitants,
though possessing abundance of cattle and corn, eat without scruple
rats, moles, squirrels, snakes, locusts, &c. The attendants of Mr.
Park were one evening invited to a feast, where making a hearty meal
of what they thought to be fish and kouskous, one of them found a
piece of hard skin in the dish, which he brought away with him, to
show Mr. Park what sort of fish they had been eating. On examining
the skin, it was discovered they had been feasting on a large snake.
Another custom, which is rigidly adhered to, is, that no woman is
allowed to eat an egg, and nothing will more affront a woman of Tesee
than to offer her an egg. The men, however, eat eggs without scruple.

The following anecdote will show, that in some particulars the
African and European women have a great resemblance to each other,
and that conjugal infidelity is by no means confined to the latter. A
young man, a kafir of considerable affluence, who had recently
married a young and handsome wife, applied to a very devout Bushreen
or Mussulman priest of his acquaintance, to procure him saphies for
his protection during the approaching war. The Bushreen complied with
his request, and to render the saphies more efficacious, enjoined the
young man to avoid any nuptial intercourse with his bride for the
space of six weeks. The kafir obeyed, and without telling his wife
the real cause, absented himself from her company. In the mean time
it was whispered that the Bushreen, who always performed his evening
devotions at the door of the kafir's hut, was more intimate with the
young wife, than was consistent with virtue, or the sanctity of his
profession. The husband was unwilling to suspect the honour of his
sanctified friend, whose outward show of religion, as is the case
with the priests and parsons of the civilized part of the world,
protected him from even the suspicion of so flagitious an act. Some
time, however, elapsed before any jealousy arose in the mind of the
husband, but hearing the charge repeated, he interrogated his wife on
the subject, who confessed that the holy man had seduced her.
Hereupon the kafir put her into confinement, and called a palaver on
the Bushreen's conduct, which Mr. Park was invited to attend. The
fact was proved against the priest, and he was sentenced to be sold
into slavery, or find two slaves for his redemption, according to the
pleasure of the complainant. The injured husband, however, desired
rather to have him publicly flogged, before Tiggity Sego's gate; this
was agreed to, and the sentence immediately carried into execution.
The culprit was tied by the hands to a strong stake, and the
executioner with a long black rod round his head, for some time
applied it with such dexterity to the Bushreen's back, as to make him
roar until the woods resounded. The multitude, by their looking and
laughing, manifested how much they enjoyed the punishment of the old
gallant, and it is remarkable, that the number of stripes was exactly
the same as enjoined by the Mosaic law, _forty, save one._

On the 8th of January, Demba Sego, who had borrowed Mr. Park's horse,
for the purpose of making a small excursion into the country,
returned and informed his father, that he should set out for
Kooniakary early the next day. The old man made many frivolous
objections, and gave Mr. Park to understand, that he must not depart
without paying him the duties to which he was entitled from all
travellers; besides which, he expected some acknowledgment for his
kindness towards him. Accordingly, the following morning Demba Sego,
with a number of people, came to Mr. Park, to see what goods he
intended as a present to the old chief. Mr. Park offered them seven
bars of amber, and five of tobacco, but Demba, having surveyed these
articles, very coolly told him they were not a present suitable to a
man of Tiggity Sego's consequence, and if he did not make him a
larger offering, he would carry all the baggage to his father, and
let him choose for himself. Without waiting for a reply, Demba and
his attendants immediately opened the bundles, and spread the
different articles upon the floor; everything that pleased them they
took without a scruple, and Demba in particular seized the tin box,
which had so much attracted his attention in crossing the river. Upon
collecting the remains of his little fortune, after these people had
left him, Mr. Park found, that as at Joag, he had been plundered of
half, so he was here deprived of half the remainder. Having been
under some obligations to Demba Sego, Mr. Park did not reproach him
for his rapacity, but determined at all events to quit Tesee the
following morning; in the mean while, to raise the drooping spirits
of his attendants, he purchased a fat sheep, and had it dressed for
dinner.

Early in the morning of January the 10th, Mr. Park and his company
left Tesee, and about midday came in sight of the hills in the
vicinity of Kooniakary. Having slept at a small village, the next
morning they crossed a narrow but deep stream, called Krisko, a
branch of the Senegal. Proceeding eastward, about two o'clock they
came in sight of the native town of Jambo, the blacksmith, from which
he had been absent about four years. He was received with the
greatest affection by his relations, but he declared that he would
not quit Mr. Park during his stay at Kooniakary, and they set out for
that place in the morning of the 14th January. About the middle of
the day, they arrived at Soolo, a small village about three miles to
the south of it, where Mr. Park went to visit a slatee, named Salim
Daucari, who had entrusted him with effects to the value of five
slaves, and had given Mr. Park an order for the whole of the debt.
The slatee received his visitors with great kindness. It was,
however, remarkable that the king of Kasson was by some means
apprised of the motions of Mr. Park, for he had not been many hours
at Soolo, when Sambo Sego, the second son of the king of Kasson, came
thither with a party of horse, to inquire what had prevented him from
proceeding to Kooniakary, and waiting upon the king, who he said was
impatient to see him. Salim Daucari apologised for Mr. Park, and
promised to accompany him to Kooniakary. They accordingly departed
from Soolo at sunset, and in about an hour entered Kooniakary, but as
the king had gone to sleep, the interview was deferred till the next
morning, and the travellers slept in the hut of Sambo Sego.



CHAPTER VI.

On the ensuing morning Mr. Park went to have an audience of King
Demba Sego Jalla, but the crowd of people that were assembled to see
him was so great, that he could scarcely gain admittance; he at
length arrived in the presence of the monarch, whom he found sitting
upon a mat in a large hut: he appeared to be about sixty years of
age. He surveyed Mr. Park with great attention, and on being made
acquainted with the object of his journey, the good old king was
perfectly satisfied, and promised him every assistance in his power.
He said that he had seen Major Houghton, and presented him with a
white horse, but that after passing the kingdom of Kaarta, he had
lost his life among the moors, but in what manner he was utterly
ignorant. The audience being ended, Mr. Park returned to his lodging,
where he made up a small present for the king, who sent him in return
a large white bullock.

Although the king was well disposed towards Mr. Park, the latter soon
discovered that very great and unexpected obstacles were likely to
impede his progress. A war was on the eve of breaking out between
Kasson and Kajaaga; the kingdom of Kaarta, through which his route
lay, being involved in the issue, and was also threatened with
hostilities by Bambarra. Taking these circumstances into
consideration, the king advised Mr. Park to remain in the vicinity of
Kooniakary, till some decisive information could be obtained of the
state of the belligerents, which was expected to be received in four
or live days. Mr. Park readily submitted to this proposal, and
returned to Soolo, where he received from Salim Daucari, on Dr.
Laidley's account, the value of three slaves, chiefly in gold dust.

Being anxious to proceed as soon as possible, Mr. Park begged Daucari
to use his interest with the king, to procure him a guide by the way
of Foolado, as it was reported that the war had commenced. Daucari
accordingly set out for Kooniakary on the morning of the 20th, and
the same evening returned with an answer from the king, stating that
his majesty had made an agreement with the king of Kaarta, to send
all merchants and travellers through his dominions, but if Mr. Park
wished to take the route of Foolado, the king gave him permission to
do so, though he could not consistently with his agreement send him a
guide. In consequence of this answer, Mr. Park determined to wait
till he could pass through Kaarta without danger.

In the interim, however, it was whispered abroad, that the white man
had received abundance of gold from Salim Daucari, and on the morning
of the 23rd, Sambo Sego paid Mr. Park a visit, attended by a party of
horsemen, and insisted upon knowing the exact amount of the money
which he had received, declaring at the same time, that one half of
it must go to the king; that he himself must have a handsome present,
as being the king's son, and his attendants, as being the king's
relations. Mr. Park was preparing to submit to this arbitrary
exaction, when Salim Daucari interposed, and at last prevailed upon
Sambo to accept sixteen bars of European merchandize, and some powder
and ball, as a complete payment of every demand that could be made in
the kingdom of Kasson.

Mr. Park resided at Soolo for several days, occasionally visiting
surrounding country, and he reports that the number of towns and
villages, and the extensive cultivation around them, surpassed every
thing he had yet seen in Africa.

The king of Kasson having now obtained information, that the war had
not yet commenced between Bambarra and Kaarta, and that Mr. Park
might probably pass through the latter country before the Bambarra
army invaded it, sent two guides early on the morning of the 3rd of
February, to conduct him to the frontiers. He accordingly took leave
of Salim Daucari, and Jambo the blacksmith, and about ten o'clock
departed from Soolo. In the afternoon of the 4th, they reached Kimo,
a large village, the residence of Madi Konko, governor of the hilly
country of Kasson, which is called Soromma.

At Kimo, the guides, appointed by the king of Kasson, left Mr. Park,
and he waited at this place till the 7th, when he departed, with Madi
Konko's son as a guide. On the 8th of February they travelled over a
rough stony country, and, having passed a number of villages, arrived
at Lackarago, a small village standing upon the ridge of hills that
separates Kasson from Kaarta. The following morning they left
Lackarago, and soon perceived, towards the south-east, the mountains
of Fooladoo. Proceeding with great difficulty down a stony and abrupt
precipice, they continued their way in a dry bed of a river, where
the trees, meeting over head, made the place dark and cool. About ten
o'clock they reached the sandy plains of Kaarta, and at noon came to
a watering place, where a few strings of beads purchased as much milk
and corn meal as they could eat. Provisions were here so plentiful,
that the shepherds seldom asked any return for the refreshment a
traveller required. At sunset the travellers reached Feesurah, where
they rested.

Mr. Park and his attendants remained at Feesurah, during the whole of
the following day, for the purpose of learning more exactly the
situation of affairs, before they ventured further. Their landlord
asked so exorbitant a sum for their lodging, that Mr. Park refused to
submit to his demand, but his attendants, frightened at the reports
of approaching war, would not proceed unless he was satisfied, and
persuaded him to accompany them to Kemmoo for their protection on the
road. This Mr. Park accomplished by presenting his host with a
blanket to which he had taken a liking.

Matters being thus amicably adjusted, our travellers again set out on
the 11th, preceded by their landlord of Feesurah on horseback. This
man was one of those negroes who observe the ceremonial part of
Mahometanism, but retain all their pagan superstitions, and even
drink strong liquors; they are called Johars or Jowers, and are very
numerous in Kaarta. When the travellers had got into a lonely wood,
he made a sign for them to stop, and taking hold of a hollow niece of
bamboo, that hung as an amulet round his neck, whistled very loudly
three times. Mr. Park began to suspect it was a signal for some of
his associates to attack the travellers, but the man assured him it
was done to ascertain the successful event of their journey. He then
dismounted, laid his spear across the road and having said several
short prayers, again gave three loud whistles; after which he
listened, as if expecting an answer, but receiving none, said they
might proceed without fear, for no danger actually existed.

On the morning of the 12th, they departed from Karan Kalla, and it
being but a short day's journey to Kemmoo, they travelled slower than
usual, and amused themselves by collecting eatable fruits near the
road side. Thus engaged, Mr. Park had wandered a short distance from
his people, when two negro horsemen, armed with muskets, came
galloping from the thickets. On seeing them, he made a full stop; the
horsemen did the same, and all three seemed equally surprised and
confounded. As he approached them, their fears increased, and one
casting upon him a look of horror, rode off at full speed; while the
other, in a panic of fear, put his hand over his eyes, and continued
muttering prayers, till his horse, apparently without his knowledge,
slowly conveyed him after his companion. About a mile to the westward
they fell in with Mr. Park's attendants, to whom they related a
frightful story: their fears had dressed him in the flowing robes of
a tremendous spirit, and one of them affirmed, that a blast of wind,
cold as water, poured down upon him from the sky, while he beheld the
dreadful apparition.

About two o'clock, Mr. Park entered the capital of Kaarta, which is
situate in the midst of an open plain, the country for two miles
round being cleared of wood. They immediately proceeded to the king's
residence, and Mr. Park, being surrounded by the astonished
multitude, did not attempt to dismount, but sent in the landlord of
Feesurah, and Madi Konko's son, to acquaint his majesty of his
arrival. The king replied, that he would see the stranger in the
evening, and ordered an attendant to procure him a lodging, and
prevent annoyance from the crowd. Mr. Park was conducted into a large
hut, in which he had scarcely seated himself, than the mob entered,
it being found impossible to keep them out, and when one party had
seen him, and asked a few questions, they retired, and another
succeeded, party after party, during the greater part of the day.

The king, whose name was Koorabarri, now sent for Mr. Park, who
followed the messenger through a number of courts, surrounded with
high walls. Mr. Park was astonished at the number of the king's
attendants: they were all seated, the men on the king's right hand,
and the women and children on the left. The king was not
distinguished from his subjects by any superiority of dress, being
seated on a leopard's skin, spread upon a bank of earth, about two
feet high. Mr. Park seated himself upon the ground before him, and
relating the causes that induced him to pass through his country,
solicited his protection. The king replied, that he could at present
afford him but little assistance, all communication between Kaarta
and Bambarra being cut off; and Monsong, king of Bambarra, with his
army on his march to Kaarta, there was little hope of reaching
Bambarra by the direct route, for coming from an enemy's country, he
would certainly be plundered or taken for a spy. Under these
circumstances he did not wish him to remain at Kaarta, but advised
him to return to Kasson till the war was at an end, when, if he
survived the contest, he would bestow every attention on the
traveller, but if he should fall, his sons would take him under their
care.

Mr. Park dreaded the thoughts of passing the rainy season in the
interior of Africa, and was averse to return to Europe, without
having made further discoveries, he therefore rejected the well-meant
advice of the king, and requested his majesty to allow a man to
accompany him as near the frontiers of Kaarta as was consistent with
safety. The king, finding he was resolved to proceed, told him that
one route, though not wholly free from danger, still remained, which
was first to go into the Moorish kingdom of Luda-mar, and thence by a
circuitous route to Jarra, the frontier town of Ludamar. He then
inquired of Mr. Park how he had been treated since he left the
Gambia, and jocularly asked him how many slaves he expected to take
home with him on his return. He was, however interrupted by the
arrival of a man mounted on a fine moorish horse covered with sweat
and foam, who having something of importance to communicate, the king
immediately took up his sandals, which is the signal for strangers to
retire. Mr. Park accordingly took leave, but afterwards learned that
this messenger was one of the scouts employed to watch the motions of
the enemy, and had brought intelligence that the Bambarra army was
approaching Kaarta.

In the evening the king sent to the stranger a fine sheep, a very
acceptable gift, as they had not broken their fast during the whole
of the day. At this time, evening prayers were announced, by beating
on drums, and blowing through hollowed elephants' teeth; the sound of
which was melodious, and nearly resembled the human voice. On the
following morning, Mr. Park sent his horse-pistols and holsters as a
present to the king, and informed him that he wished to leave Kemmoo
as soon as he could procure a guide. In about an hour the king
returned thanks for his present, and sent a party of horsemen to
conduct him to Jarra. On that night he slept at a village called
Marena, where, during the night, some thieves broke into the hut
where the baggage was deposited, cut open one of Mr. Park's bundles,
and stole a quantity of beads, part of his clothes, some amber and
gold. The following day was far advanced before they recommenced
their journey, and the excessive heat obliged them to travel but
slowly. In the evening they arrived at the village of Toorda, when
all the king's people turned back with the exception of two, who
remained to guide Mr. Park and his attendants to Jarra.

On the 15th of February they departed from Toorda, and about two
o'clock came to a considerable town called Funing-kedy, where being
informed that the road to Jarra was much infested by the moors, and
that a number of people were going to that town on the following
day, Mr. Park resolved to stay and accompany them. Accordingly in the
afternoon of the 17th of February, accompanied by thirty people, he
left Funing-kedy, it being necessary to travel in the night to avoid
the moorish banditti. At midnight they stopped near a small village,
but the thermometer being so low as 68 deg., none of the negroes could
sleep on account of the cold. They resumed their journey at daybreak,
and in the morning passed Simbing, the frontier village of Ludamar.

From this village Major Houghton wrote his last letter, with a
pencil, to Dr. Laidley, having been deserted by his negro servants,
who refused to follow him into the moorish country. This brave but
unfortunate man, having surmounted many difficulties, had endeavoured
to pass through the kingdom of Ludamar, where Mr. Park learned the
following particulars concerning his fate. On his arrival at Jarra,
he got acquainted with some moorish merchants, who were travelling to
Tisheel, a place celebrated for its salt pits in the great desert,
for the purpose of purchasing salt. It is supposed that the moors
deceived him, either in regard to the route he wished to pursue, or
the state of the country between Jarra and Timbuctoo, and their
intention probably was to rob and leave him in the desert. At the end
of two days he suspected their treachery, and insisted on returning
to Jarra. Finding him to persist in this determination, the moors
robbed him of every thing he possessed, and went off with their
camels; the major, being thus deserted, returned on foot to a
watering place called Tarra. He had been some days without food, and
the unfeeling moors refusing to give him any, he sunk at last under
his distresses. Whether he actually perished of hunger, or was
murdered by the savage Mahometans, is not certainly known. His body
was dragged into the woods, and Mr. Park was shown at a distance, the
spot where his remains were left to perish.

Leaving Simbing, the travellers arrived in safety at Jarra, which is
a large town situate at the bottom of rocky hills; the houses being
built of clay and stones intermixed, the former answering the purpose
of mortar. It forms part of the moorish kingdom of Ludamar, but the
majority of the inhabitants are negroes, who purchase a precarious
protection from the moors, in order to avert their depredations.

On Mr. Park's arrival at Jarra, he obtained a lodging at the house of
Daman Jumma, a Gambia slatee, to whom he had an order from Dr.
Laidley for a debt of the value of six slaves. Daman readily
acknowledged the debt, but said he was afraid he could not pay more
than two slaves' value. He was, however, very useful to Mr. Park, by
procuring his beads and amber to be exchanged for gold, which being
more portable, was more easily concealed from the moors.

The difficulties, which they had  already encountered, and the savage
deportment of the moors, had completely frightened Mr. Park's
attendants, and they declared they would not proceed one step further
to the eastward. In this situation, Mr. Park applied to Daman, to
obtain from Ali, king of Ludamar, a safe conduct into Bambarra, and
he hired one of Daman's slaves to guide him thither, as soon as the
passport should be obtained. A messenger was despatched to Ali, then
encamped near Benown, and Mr. Park sent that prince, as a present,
five garments of cotton cloth purchased from Daman. On the 26th of
February, one of Ali's slaves arrived, as he said, to conduct Mr.
Park as far as Goomba, and demanded one garment of blue cotton cloth
for his attendance. About this time the negro boy Demba declared,
that he would never desert his master, although he wished that he
would turn back, to which he was strongly recommended by Johnson, who
had declared his reluctance to proceed.

On the following day, Mr. Park delivered a copy of his papers to
Johnson, to convey them to Gambia with all possible expedition, and
he left in Daman's possession various articles, which he considered
not necessary to take with him. He then left Jarra, accompanied by
his faithful boy, the slave sent by king Ali, and one of Daman's
slaves. Without meeting with any occurrence of note, Mr. Park arrived
on the 1st of March at a large town called Deena, inhabited by a
greater proportion of moors than of negroes. Mr. Park lodged in a hut
belonging to one of the latter. The moors, however, assembled round
it, and treated him with every sort of indignity, with a view to
irritate him, and afford them a pretence for pillaging his baggage.
Finding, however, their attempts ineffectual, they at last declared
that the property of a Christian was lawful plunder to the followers
of Mahomet, and accordingly opened his bundles, and robbed him of
every thing they chose.

Mr. Park spent the 2nd of March, in endeavouring to prevail on his
people to proceed with him, but so great was their dread of the
moors, that they absolutely refused. Accordingly, the next morning,
about two o'clock, Mr. Park proceeded alone on his adventurous
journey. He had not, however, got above half a mile from Deena, when
he heard some one calling after him, and on looking back, saw his
faithful boy running after him. He was informed by the boy, that
Ali's man had set out for Benown, but Daman's negro was still at
Deena, but that if his master would stop a little, he could persuade
the latter to join him. Mr. Park waited accordingly, and in about
three hours the boy returned with the negro. In the afternoon, they
reached a town called Samamingkoos, inhabited chiefly by Foulahs.

On the 4th they arrived at a large town called Sampaka, where, on
hearing that a white man was come into the town, the people, who had
been keeping holiday and dancing, left of this pastime, and walking
in regular order two by two, with the music before them, came to Mr.
Park. They played upon a flute, which they blowed obliquely over the
end, and governed the holes on the sides with their fingers. Their
airs were plaintive and simple.

Mr. Park stopped at Sampaka for the sake of being accompanied by some
of the inhabitants, who were going to Goomba; but in order to avoid
the crowd of people, whom curiosity had assembled round him, he
visited in the evening a negro village called Samee, where he was
kindly received by the dooty, who killed two fine sheep, and invited
his friends to the feast. On the following day his landlord insisted
on his staying till the cool of the evening, when he would conduct
him to the next village. Mr. Park was now within two days journey of
Goomba, and had no further apprehension of being molested by the
moors. He therefore accepted the invitation, and passed the forenoon
very agreeably with the poor negroes, the mildness of their manners
forming a striking contrast to the savageness and ferocity of the
moors. In the midst of their cheerfulness, a party of moors
unexpectedly entered the hut. They came, they said, by Ali's orders,
to convey the white man to his camp at Benown. They told Mr. Park,
that if he did not make any resistance, he was not in any danger, but
if he showed any reluctance, they had orders to bring him by force.
Mr. Park was confounded and terrified; the moors, observing his
consternation, repeated the assurance of his safety, and added, that
they had come to gratify the curiosity of Ali's wife, who was
extremely desirous to see a Christian, but that afterwards, they had
no doubt that Ali would make him a present, which would compensate
for his trouble, and conduct him safely to Bambarra. Entreaty or
refusal would have been equally unavailing. Mr. Park took leave of
his landlord and company with great reluctance, and, attended by his
negro boy (for Daman's slave made his escape on seeing the Moors),
followed the messengers, and reached Dalli in the evening, where they
were strictly watched for the night.

On the following day, Mr. Park and his boy were conducted by a
circuitous path, through the woods to Dangoli, where they slept. They
continued their journey on the 9th, and without any particular
occurrence arrived at Deena, when Mr. Park went to pay his respects
to one of Ali's sons. He sat in a hut, with five or six companions,
washing their hands, feet, and mouths. The prince handed Mr. Park a
double-barrelled gun, and told him to dye the stock blue, and repair
one of the locks. Mr. Park with great difficulty persuaded him that
he knew nothing of gun-making, then, said he, you shall give me some
knives and scissors immediately. The boy, who acted as interpreter,
declaring Mr. Park had no such articles, he hastily snatched up a
musket, and would have shot the boy dead upon the spot, had not the
Moors interfered, and made signs to the strangers to retreat. The boy
attempted to make his escape in the night, but was prevented by the
Moors, who guarded both him, and his master, with the strictest
attention.

On the 12th, Mr. Park and his guards departed for Benown, and reached
the camp of Ali a little before sunset. It was composed of a great
number of dirty tents, scattered without order, amongst which
appeared large herds of camels, cattle, and goats. Mr. Park had no
sooner arrived, than he was surrounded by such a crowd, that he could
scarcely move. One pulled his clothes, another took off his hat, a
third examined his waistcoat buttons, and a fourth calling out, _La
ilia el Allah, Mahomet ra sowl Allald_ (there is but one God, and
Mahomet is his prophet), signifying, in a menacing tone, that he must
repeat those words. At length, he was conducted to the king's tent,
where a number of both sexes were waiting his arrival. Ali appeared
to be an old man of the Arab cast, with a long white beard, and of a
sullen and proud countenance. Having gazed on the stranger, he
inquired of the Moors, if he could speak Arabic, hearing that he
could not, he appeared much surprised, but made no remarks. The
ladies were more inquisitive; they asked many questions, inspected
every part of Mr. Park's dress, unbuttoned his waistcoat to display
the whiteness of his skin; they even counted his toes and fingers. In
a short time, the priest announced evening prayers, but before the
people departed, some boys had tied a wild hog to one of the tent
strings. Ali made signs to Mr. Park to kill it, and dress it for food
to himself, he, however, did not think it prudent to eat any part of
an animal so much detested by the Moors, and accordingly replied,
that he never ate the flesh of swine. They then untied the hog, in
hopes that it would run immediately at him, the Moors believing that
a great enmity subsists between hogs and Christians, but the animal
no sooner regained his liberty, than he attacked every person he met,
and at last took shelter under the king's couch. Mr. Park was then
conducted to the tent of Ali's chief slave, but was not permitted to
enter, nor touch any of the furniture. A little boiled corn, with
salt and water, was afterwards served him for supper, and he lay upon
a mat spread upon the sand, surrounded by the curious multitude.

The next day, Mr. Park was conducted by the king's order, to a hut
constructed of corn stalks of a square form, and a flat roof,
supported by forked sticks; but out of derision to the Christian, Ali
had ordered the wild hog before mentioned to be tied to one of the
sticks, and it proved a very disagreeable inmate, the boys amusing
themselves by beating and irritating the animal. Mr. Park was also
again tormented by the curiosity of the Moors. He was obliged to take
off his stockings to exhibit his feet, and even his jacket and
waistcoat to show them the mode of his toilet. This exercise he was
obliged to repeat the whole day. About eight o'clock in the evening,
Ali sent him some kouskous and salt and water, being the only
victuals he had tasted since the morning. During the night, the Moors
kept a regular watch, and frequently looked into the hut to see if he
was asleep. About two o'clock a Moor entered the hut, probably with a
view of stealing something, and groping about, laid his hand upon Mr.
Park's shoulder. He immediately sprang up, and the Moor in a hurry,
fell upon the wild hog, which returned the attack by biting his arm.
The cries of the Moor alarmed his countrymen, who conjecturing their
prisoner had made his escape, prepared for pursuit. Ali did not sleep
in his own tent, but came galloping upon a white horse from a tent at
a considerable distance; the consciousness of his tyrannical and
cruel behaviour had made him so suspicious, that even his own
domestics knew not where he slept. The cause of the outcry being
explained, the prisoner was allowed to sleep until morning without
further disturbance.

With the returning day, the boys, says Mr. Park, assembled to beat
the hog, and the men and women to plague the Christian. On this
subject, Mr. Park expresses himself most feelingly, for he adds, "it
is impossible for me to describe the behaviour of a people, who study
mischief as a science, and exult in the miseries and misfortunes of
their fellow-creatures. It is sufficient to observe, that the
rudeness, ferocity, and fanaticism, which distinguish the Moors from
the rest of mankind, found here a proper subject whereon to exercise
their propensities. I was a _stranger_, I was _unprotected_, and I
was a _Christian_, each of these circumstances is sufficient to drive
every spark of humanity from the heart of a Moor; but when all of
them, as in my case, were combined in the same person, and a
suspicion prevailed withal, that I was come as a spy into the
country, the reader will easily imagine that, in such a situation, I
had every thing to fear. Anxious, however, to conciliate favour, I
patiently bore every insult, but never did any period of my life pass
so heavily; from sunrise to sunset was I obliged to suffer, with
unruffled countenance, the insults of the rudest savages on earth."

Mr. Park had now a new occupation thrust upon him, which was that of
a _barber_. His first display of official skill in his new capacity,
was in shaving the head of the young prince of Ludamar, in the
presence of the king, his father, but happening to make a slight
incision, the king ordered him to resign the razor, and walk out of
the tent. This was considered by Mr. Park as a very fortunate
circumstance, as he had determined to make himself as useless and
insignificant as possible, being the only means of recovering his
liberty.

On the 18th of March, four Moors arrived from Jarra, with Johnson the
interpreter, having seized him before he knew of Mr. Park's
confinement, and brought with them the bundle of clothes left at
Daman Jumma's house. Johnson was led into All's tent and examined;
the bundle was opened, and Mr. Park was sent for, to explain the use
of the various contents. To Mr. Park's great satisfaction, however,
Johnson had committed his papers to the charge of one of Daman's
wives. The bundle was again tied up, and put into a large cowskin
bag. In the evening Ali sent to Mr. Park for the rest of his effects,
to secure them, according to the report of the messengers, _as there
were many thieves in the neighbourhood_. Every thing was accordingly
carried away, nor was he suffered to retain a single shirt. Ali,
however, disappointed at not finding a great quantity of gold and
amber, the following morning sent the same people, to examine whether
anything was concealed about his person. They searched his apparel,
and took from him his gold, amber, watch and a pocket compass. He had
fortunately in the night buried another compass in the sand, and
this, with the clothes he had on, was all that was now left him by
this rapacious and inhospitable savage.

The pocket compass soon became an object of superstitious curiosity,
and Ali desired Mr. Park to inform him, why the small piece of iron
always pointed to the Great Desert? Mr. Park was somewhat puzzled: to
have pleaded ignorance, would have made Ali suspect he wished to
conceal the truth; he therefore replied, that his mother resided far
beyond the land of Sehara, and whilst she lived, the piece of iron
would always point that way, and serve as a guide to conduct him to
her, and that if she died, it would point to her grave. Ali now
looked at the compass with redoubled wonder, and turned it round and
round repeatedly, but finding it always pointed the same way, he
returned it to Mr. Park, declaring he thought there was magic in it,
and he was afraid to keep so dangerous an instrument in his
possession.

On the morning of the 20th, a council was hold in Ali's tent
respecting Mr. Park, and its decision was differently related to him
by different persons, but the most probable account he received from
Ali's son, a boy, who told him it was determined to put out his eyes,
by the special advice of the priests, but the sentence was deferred
until Fatima, the queen, then absent, had seen the white man. Mr.
Park, anxious to know his destiny, went to the king and begged
permission to return to Jarra. This was, however, flatly refused, as
the queen had not yet seen him, and he must stay until she arrived,
after which his horse would be restored, and he should  be at liberty
to return to Ludamar. Mr. Park appeared pleased; and without any hope
of at present making his escape, on account of the excessive heat, he
resolved to wait patiently for the rainy season. Overcome with
melancholy, and having passed a restless night, in the morning he was
attacked by a fever. He had wrapped himself up in a cloak to promote
perspiration, and was asleep, when a party of Moors entered the hut,
and pulled away the cloak. He made signs that he was sick, and wished
to sleep, but his distress afforded sport to these savages. "This
studied and degrading insolence," says Mr. Park, "to which I was
constantly exposed, was one of the bitterest ingredients in the cup
of captivity, and often made life itself a burthen to me. In these
distressing moments I have frequently envied the situation of the
slave, who, amidst all his calamities, could still possess the
enjoyment of his own thoughts, a happiness to which I had for some
time, been a stranger. Wearied out with such continual insults, and
perhaps a little peevish from the fever, I trembled, lest my passion
might unawares overleap the bounds of prudence, and spur me to some
sudden act of resentment, when death must be the inevitable
consequence."

In this miserable situation he left the hut, and laid down amongst
some shady trees, a small distance from the camp, but Ali's son, with
a number of horsemen galloping to the place, ordered him to follow
them to the king. He begged them to allow him to remain where he was
for a few hours, when one of them presented a pistol towards him, and
snapped it twice; he cocked it a third time, and was striking the
flint with a piece of steel, when Mr. Park begged him to desist, and
returned with them to the camp. Ali appeared much out of humour, and
taking up a pistol fresh primed it, and turning towards Mr. Park with
a menacing look, said something to him in Arabic. Mr. Park desired
his boy to ask what offence he had committed, and was informed, that
having gone out of the camp without Ali's permission, it was
suspected he had some design to make his escape, but in future, if he
were seen without the skirts of the camp, orders were given that he
should be immediately shot.

About this time all the women of the camp had their feet, and the
ends of their fingers stained of a dark saffron colour, but whether
for religion or ornament, Mr. Park could not discover. On the evening
of the 26th, a party of these ladies visited him, _to ascertain by
actual inspection, whether the rites of circumcision extended to
Christians_. Mr. Park was not a little surprised at this unexpected
requisition, and to treat the business jocularly, he told them it was
not customary in his country, to give ocular demonstration before _so
many_ beautiful women, but if all would retire, one young lady
excepted, to whom he pointed, he would satisfy her curiosity. The
ladies enjoyed the joke, and went away laughing, The preferred
damsel, although she did not avail herself of the offer, to show she
was pleased with the _compliment_, sent him meal and milk.

On the morning of the 28th, Ali sent a slave to order Mr. Park to be
in readiness to ride out with him in the afternoon, as he intended to
show him to some of his women, and about four o'clock the king with
six attendants came riding to the hut. But here a new difficulty
occurred, the Moors objected to Mr. Park's _nankeen breeches_, which
they said were inelegant and indecent, as this was a visit to ladies,
but Ali ordered him to wrap his cloak around him. They visited four
different ladies, by each of whom Mr. Park was presented with a bowl
of milk and water. They were very inquisitive, and examined his hair
and skin with great attention, but affected to consider him as an
inferior being, and knit their brows, and appeared to shudder when
they looked at the whiteness of his skin. All the seladies were
remarkably corpulent, which the Moors esteem as the highest mark of
beauty. In the course of the excursion, the dress and appearance of
Mr. Park afforded infinite mirth to the company, who galloped round
him, exhibiting various feats of activity and horsemanship.

The Moors are very good horsemen, riding without fear, and their
saddles being high before and behind, afford them a very secure seat,
and should they fall, the country is so soft and sandy, that they are
seldom hurt. The king always rode upon a milk-white horse, with its
tail dyed red. He never walked, but to prayers, and two or three
horses were always kept ready saddled near his tent. The Moors set a
high value upon their horses, as their fleetness enables them to
plunder the negro countries.

On the same afternoon, a whirlwind passed through the camp, with such
violence, that it overturned three tents, and blew down one side of
the hut in which Mr. Park was. These whirlwinds come from the Great
Desert, and at that season of the year are so common, that Mr. Park
has seen five or six of them at one time. They carry up quantities of
sand to an amazing height, which resemble at a distance so many
moving pillars of smoke.

The scorching heat of the sun, upon a dry and sandy country, now made
the air insufferably hot. Ali having robbed Mr. Park of his
thermometer, he had no means of forming a comparative judgment; but
in the middle of the day, when the beams of the vertical sun are
seconded by the scorching wind from the desert, the ground is
frequently heated to such a degree, as not to be borne by the naked
foot; even the negro slaves will not run from one tent to another
without their sandals. At this time of the day, the Moors are
stretched at length in their tents, either asleep or unwilling to
move, and Mr. Park has often felt the wind so hot, that he could not
hold his hand in the current of air, which came through the crevices
of his hut, without feeling sensible pain.

During Mr. Park's stay, a child died in an adjoining tent. The mother
and relations immediately began the death howl, in which they were
joined by several female visitors. He had no opportunity of seeing
the burial, which is performed secretly during night, near the tent.
They plant a particular shrub over the grave, which no stranger is
allowed to pluck, nor even touch.

About the same time a moorish wedding was celebrated, the ceremony of
which is thus described by Mr. Park. "In the evening the tabala or
large drum was beaten to announce a wedding, which was held at one of
the neighbouring tents. A great number of people of both sexes
assembled, but without that mirth and hilarity which take place at a
negro wedding; here there was neither singing nor dancing, nor any
other amusement that I could perceive. A woman was beating the drum,
and the other women joining at times like a chorus, by setting up a
shrill scream, and at the same time moving their tongues from one
side of the mouth to the other with great celerity. I was soon tired
and had returned to my hut where I was sitting almost asleep, when an
old woman entered with a wooden bowl in her hand, and signified that
she had brought me a present from the bride. Before I could recover
from the surprise which this message created, the woman discharged
the content of the bowl full in my face. Finding that it was the same
sort of _holy water_, with which, among the Hottentots, a priest is
said to sprinkle a new-married couple, I began to suspect that the
old lady was actuated by mischief or malice, but she gave me
seriously to understand, that it was a nuptial benediction from the
bride's own person, and which, on such occasions, is always received
by the young unmarried Moors as a mark of distinguished favour. This
being the ease, I wiped my face and sent my acknowledgments to the
lady. The wedding drum continued to beat, and the women to sing, or
rather to whistle during the whole of the night. About nine in the
morning, the bride was brought in state from her mother's tent,
attended by a number of women, who carried her tent, being a present
from her husband, some bearing up the poles, others holding by the
strings, and in this manner they marched, whistling as formerly,
until they came to the place appointed for her residence, where they
pitched the tent. The husband followed with a number of men leading
four bullocks, which they tied to the tent strings, and having killed
another, and distributed the beef among the people, the ceremony was
concluded."



CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Park had now been detained a whole month in Ali's camp, during
which each returning day brought him fresh distresses. In the evening
alone, his oppressors left him to solitude and reflection. About
midnight, a bowl of kouskous, with some salt and water, was brought
for him and his two attendants, being the whole of their allowance
for the following day, for it was at this time the Mahometan Lent,
which, being kept with religious strictness by the Moors, they
thought proper to compel their Christian captive to a similar
abstinence. Time, in some degree, reconciled him to his forlorn
state: he now found that he could bear hunger and thirst better than
he could have anticipated; and at length endeavoured to amuse himself
by learning to write Arabic. The people, who came to see him, soon
made him acquainted with the characters. When he observed any one
person, whose countenance he thought malignant, Mr. Park almost
always asked him to write on the sand, or to decipher what he had
written, and the pride of showing superior attainment generally
induced him to comply with the request.

Mr. Park's sufferings and attendant feelings decreased in
intenseness from time and custom; his attempts, as the first
paroxysms ceased, to find the means to amuse and shorten the tedious
hours, is a fine picture, of human passions; and their variations,
circumstances, and situations, which, before they were encountered,
would appear intolerable, generate a resolution and firmness, which
render them possible to be borne. Providence, with its usual
benevolence, willing the happiness of mankind, fortifies the heart to
the assaults, which it has to undergo.

On the 14th of April, Ali proposed to go two days journey, to fetch
his queen Fatima. A fine bullock was therefore killed, and the flesh
cut into thin slices, was dried in the sun; this, with two bags of
dry kouskous, served for food on the road. The tyrant, fearing
poison, never ate any thing not dressed under his immediate
inspection. Previously to his departure, the negroes of Benown,
according to a usual custom, showed their arms and paid their tribute
of corn and cloth.

Two days after the departure of Ali, a shereef arrived with
merchandize from Walet, the capital of the kingdom of Biroo. He took
up his abode in the same hut with Mr. Park, and appeared be a
well-informed man, acquainted with the Arabic and Bambarra tongues;
he had travelled through many kingdoms; he had visited Houssa, and
lived some years at Timbuctoo. Upon Mr. Park's inquiring the distance
from Walet to Timbuctoo, the shereef, learning that he intended to
travel to that city, said, _it would not do_, for Christians were
there considered as the _devil's children_, and enemies to the
prophet.

On the 24th, another shereef arrived, named Sidi Mahomed Moora
Abdallah, and with these two men Mr. Park passed his time with less
uneasiness than formerly, but as his supply of victuals was now left
to slaves, over whom he had no control, he was worse supplied than
during the past month. For two successive nights, they neglected to
send the accustomed meal, and the boy, having begged a few handfuls
of ground nuts, from a small negro town near the camp, readily shared
them with his master. Mr. Park now found that when the pain of hunger
has continued for some time, it is succeeded by languor and debility,
when a draught of water, by keeping the stomach distended, will
remove for a short time every sort of uneasiness. The two attendants,
Johnson and Demba, lay stretched upon the sand in torpid slumber, and
when the kouskous arrived, were with difficulty awakened. Mr. Park
felt no inclination to sleep, but was affected with a deep convulsive
respiration, like constant sighing, a dimness of sight, and a
tendency to faint, when he attempted to sit up. These symptoms went
off when he had received nourishment.

On the 29th of April, intelligence arrived at Benown, that the
Bambarra army was approaching the frontiers of Ludamar. Ali's son,
with about twenty horsemen, arriving, ordered all the cattle to be
driven away, the tents to be struck, and the people to depart. His
orders were instantly obeyed; the baggage was carried upon bullocks,
one or two women being commonly placed upon the top of each burden.
The king's concubines rode upon camels, with a saddle of an easy
construction, and a canopy to keep the sun from them. On the 2nd of
May, they arrived at Ali's camp, and Mr. Park waited immediately upon
him; he seemed much pleased with his coming, and introduced him to
Fatima, his favourite princess, saying, "that was the Christian." The
queen had long black hair, and was remarkably corpulent; she appeared
at first shocked at having a Christian so near her, but when Mr. Park
had, by means of a negro boy, satisfied her curiosity, she seemed
more reconciled, and presented him with a bowl of milk.

The heat and the scarcity of water were greater here than at Benown.
One night, Mr. Park, having solicited in vain for water at the camp,
resolved to try his fortune at the wells, to which he was guided by
the lowing of cattle. The Moors were very busy in drawing water, and
when Mr. Park requested permission to drink, they drove him away with
outrageous abuse. He at last came to a well, where there were an old
man and two boys, to whom he made the same request. The former
immediately drew up a bucket of water, but recollecting Mr. Park was
a Christian, and fearing the bucket would be polluted by his lips, he
dashed the water into the trough, and told him to assuage his thirst
from it. The cows were already drinking at the trough, but Mr, Park
resolved to come in for his share, and, accordingly, thrusting his
head between two of the cows, he drank with great pleasure till the
water was nearly exhausted.

Thus passed the month of May, Ali still considered Mr. Park as his
lawful prisoner, and Fatima, though she allowed him a greater
quantity of victuals than fell to his portion at Benown, yet she made
no efforts for his release. Some circumstances, however, now
occurred, which produced a change in his favour more suddenly than he
expected. The fugitive Kaartans, dreading the resentment of the
sovereign, whom they had so basely deserted, offered to treat with
Ali for two hundred Moorish horsemen to assist them in an effort to
expel Daisy from Gedinggooma, for till Daisy should be vanquished,
they could neither return to their native town, nor live in security
in the neighbouring kingdoms. Ali, with a view to extort money from
these people, despatched his son to Jarra, and prepared himself to
follow him. Mr. Park, believing that he might escape from Jarra, if
he could get there, immediately applied to Fatima, prime counsellor
of the monarch, and begged her to intercede with Ali for leave to
accompany him to Jarra. The request was at length granted. His
bundles were brought before the royal consort, and Mr. Park explained
the use of the several moveables, for the amusement of the queen, and
received a promise of speedy permission to depart.

In regard to the moorish character, especially the female, which Mr.
Park had frequent opportunities of studying during his captivity at
Benown; it appears that the education of the women is neglected
altogether, they being evidently regarded merely as administering to
sensual pleasure. The Moors have singular ideas of feminine
perfection. With them, gracefulness of figure, and an expressive
countenance, are by no means requisite. Beauty and corpulency are
synonymous. A perfect moorish beauty is a load for a camel and a
woman of moderate pretensions to beauty requires a slave on each side
to support her. In consequence of this depraved taste for
unwieldiness of bulk, the moorish ladies take great pains to acquire
it early in life, and for this purpose, the young girls are compelled
by their mothers to devour a great quantity of kouskous, and drink a
large portion of camel's milk every morning. It is of no importance
whether the girl has an appetite or not, the kouskous and milk must
be swallowed, and obedience is frequently enforced by blows.

The usual dress of the women is a broad piece of cotton cloth wrapped
round the middle, which hangs down like a petticoat; to the upper
part of this are sewed two square pieces, one before and the other
behind, which are fastened together over the shoulders. The head
dress is a bandage of cotton cloth, a part of which covers
the face when they walk in the sun, but frequently, when they go
abroad, they veil themselves from head to foot. Their employment
varies according to their situation. Queen Fatima passed her time
in conversing with visitors, performing devotions, or admiring her
charms in a looking-glass. Other ladies of rank amuse themselves
in similar idleness. The lower females attend to domestic duties.
They are very vain and talkative, very capricious in their temper,
and when angry vent their passion upon the female slaves, over
whom they rule despotically.

The men's dress differs but little from that of the negroes, except
that they all wear the turban, universally made of white cotton
cloth. Those who have long beards display them with pride and
satisfaction, as denoting an Arab ancestry. "If any one
circumstance," says Mr. Park, "excited amongst the Moors favourable
thoughts towards my own person, it was my beard, which was now grown
to an enormous length, and was always beheld with approbation or
envy. I believe, in my conscience, they thought it too good a beard
for a Christian."

The great desert of Jarra bounds Ludamar on the north. This vast
ocean of sand is almost destitute of inhabitants. A few miserable
Arabs wander from one well to another, their flocks subsisting upon a
scanty vegetation in a few insulated spots. In other places, where
the supply of water and pasturage is more abundant, small parties of
Moors have taken up their residence, where they live in independent
poverty, secure from the government of Barbary. The greater part of
the desert, however, is seldom visited, except where the caravans
pursue their laborious and dangerous route. In other parts, the
disconsolate wanderer, wherever he turns, sees nothing around him but
a vast indeterminable expanse of sand and sky; a gloomy and barren
void, where the eye finds no particular object to rest upon, and the
mind is filled with painful apprehensions of perishing with thirst.
Surrounded by this dreary solitude, the traveller sees the dead
bodies of birds, that the violence of the wind has brought from
happier regions; and as he ruminates on the fearful length of his
remaining passage, listens with horror to the voice of the driving
blast, the only sound that interrupts the awful repose of the desert.

The antelope and the ostrich are the only wild animals of these
regions of desolation, but on the skirts of the desert are found
lions, panthers, elephants, and wild boars. Of domestic animals the
camel alone can endure the fatigue of crossing it: by the
conformation of his stomach, he can carry a supply of water for ten
or twelve days; his broad and yielding foot is well adapted for
treading the sand; his flesh is preferred by the Moors to any other,
and the milk is pleasant and nourishing. On the evening of the 25th
of May, Mr. Park's horse and accoutrements were sent to him by order
of Ali. He had already taken leave of queen Fatima, who most
graciously returned him part of his apparel, and early on the 20th,
he departed from the camp of Bubaker, accompanied by Johnson and
Demba, and a number of moorish horsemen.

Early in the morning of the 28th of May, Mr. Park was ordered to get
in readiness to depart, and Ali's chief slave told the negro boy,
that Ali was to be his master in future; then turning to Mr. Park, he
said, the boy and every thing but your horse go back to Bubaker, but
you may take the old fool (meaning Johnson, the interpreter) with you
to Jarra. Mr. Park, shocked at the idea of losing the boy,
represented to Ali, that whatever imprudence he had himself been
guilty of, in coming into Ludamar, he thought he had been
sufficiently punished by being so long detained, and then plundered
of his property. This, however, gave him no uneasiness, compared to
the present injury. The boy seized on was not a slave, and accused of
no offence. His fidelity to his master had brought him into his
present situation, and he, as his protector, could not see him
enslaved without deprecating the cruelty and injustice of the act.
Ali, with a haughty and malignant smile, told his interpreter, that
if Mr. Park did not depart that instant, he would send him back
likewise. Finding it was vain to expect redress, Mr. Park shook hands
with his affectionate boy, who was not less affected than himself,
and having blended his tears with those of the boy, assured him he
would spare no pains to effect his release. Poor Demba was led off by
three of Ali's slaves towards the camp at Bubaker.

On the 1st of June, they departed for Jarra, where Mr. Park took up
his residence with his old friend, Daman Jamma, whom he informed of
every thing that had befallen him. Mr. Park then requested Daman to
endeavour to ransom the boy, and promised him a bill upon Dr. Laidley
for the value of two slaves as soon as Demba arrived at Jarra. Daman
undertook the business, but Ali, considering the boy as Mr. Park's
principal interpreter, and fearing he should be instrumental in
conducting him to Bambarra, deferred the matter day after day, but
told Daman, he himself should have him hereafter, if he would, at the
price of a common slave. To this Daman agreed whenever the boy was
sent to Jarra.

On the 8th of June, Ali returned to Bubaker to celebrate a festival,
and permitted Mr. Park to remain with Daman until his return. Finding
that every attempt to recover his boy was ineffectual, he considered
it an act of necessity to provide for his own safety before the rains
should be fully set in, and accordingly resolved to escape and
proceed alone to Bambarra, as Johnson, the interpreter, had refused
further attendance. On the 28th of June, at daybreak, Mr. Park took
his departure, and in the course of the day arrived at Queira; where
he had not been a long time, before he was surprised by the
appearance of Ali's chief slave and four Moors. Johnson having
contrived to overhear their conversation, learned that they were sent
to convey Mr. Park back to Bubaker. In the evening two of the Moors
were observed privately to examine Mr. Park's horse, which they
concluded was in too bad a condition for his rider's escape, and
having inquired where he slept, they returned to their companions.
Mr. Park, on being informed of their motions, determined to set off
immediately for Bambarra to avoid a second captivity. Johnson
applauded his resolution, but positively refused to accompany him,
having agreed with Daman to assist in conducting a caravan of slaves
to Gambia.

In this emergency Mr. Park resolved to proceed by himself, and about
midnight got his clothes in readiness, but he had not a single bead,
nor any other article of value, wherewith to purchase victuals for
himself or his horse. At daybreak, Johnson, who had been listening to
the Moors all night, came to inform him they were asleep, on which,
taking up his bundle, Mr. Park stepped gently over the negroes, who
were sleeping in the open air, and having mounted his horse, bade
Johnson farewell, desiring him to take particular care of the papers,
with which he had entrusted him, and to inform his friends on the
Gambia, that he had left him in good health proceeding to Bambarra.

Mr. Park advanced with great caution for about the space of a mile,
when looking back he saw three Moors on horseback, galloping at full
speed and brandishing their double-barrelled guns. As it was
impossible to escape, he turned and met them, when two caught hold of
his bridle, and the third presenting his musket, said he must go back
to Ali. Mr. Park rode back with the Moors, with apparent unconcern,
when, in passing through some thick bushes, one of them desired him
to untie his bundle and show them the contents, but finding nothing
worth taking, one of them pulled his cloak from him, and wrapped it
about himself. This was the most valuable article in Mr. Park's
possession, as it defended him from the rains in the day, and from
the mosquitoes at night, he therefore earnestly requested them to
return it, but to no purpose. Mr, Park now perceived, that these men
had only pursued him for the sake of plunder, and turned once more
towards the east. To avoid being again overtaken, he struck into the
woods, and soon found himself on the right road.

Joyful as he now was, when he concluded he was out of danger, he soon
became sensible of his deplorable situation, without any means of
procuring food, or prospect of finding water. Oppressed with
excessive thirst, he travelled on without having seen a human
habitation. It was now become insufferable; his mouth was parched and
inflamed, a sudden dimness frequently came over his eyes, and he
began seriously to apprehend that he should perish for want of drink.
A little before sunset, he climbed a high tree, from the topmost
branches of which he took a melancholy survey of the barren
wilderness. A dismal uniformity of shrubs and sand every-where
presented itself, and the horizon was as level and uninterrupted as
that of the sea. Descending from the tree, Mr. Park found his horse
devouring the stubble and brushwood with groat avidity. Being too
faint to attempt walking, and his horse too much fatigued to carry
him, Mr. Park thought it was the last act of humanity he should ever
be able to perform, to take off his bridle and let him shift for
himself; in doing which he was suddenly affected with sickness and
giddiness, and falling upon the sand, felt as if the hour of death
was approaching. "Here then," said he, "after a short but ineffectual
struggle, terminate all my hopes of being useful in my day and
generation; here must the short span of my life come to an end. I
cast, as I believe, a last look on the surrounding scene, and whilst
I reflected on the awful change that was about to take place, this
world, with all its enjoyments, seemed to vanish from my
recollection." Nature, however, resumed her functions, and on
recovering his senses, he found the bridle still in his hand, and the
sun just setting. He now summoned all his resolution, and determined
to make another effort to prolong his existence. With this view he
put the bridle on his horse, and driving him before him went slowly
along for about an hour, when he perceived some lightning from the
north-east; to him a delightful sight, as it promised rain, The wind
began to roar amongst the bushes, and he was nearly suffocated with
sand and dust, when the wind ceased, and for more than an hour the
rain fell plentifully. He spread out his clothes to collect it, and
assuaged his thirst by wringing and sucking them. The night was
extremely dark, and Mr. Park directed his way by the compass, which
the lightning enabled him to observe. On a sudden he was surprised to
see a light at a short distance, and leading his horse cautiously
towards it, heard by the lowing of the cattle and the clamour of the
herdsmen, that it was a watering place. Being still thirsty, he
attempted to search for the wells, but on approaching too near to one
of the tents, he was perceived by a woman, who immediately gave an
alarm; Mr. Park, however, eluded pursuit by immerging into the woods.
He soon after heard the croaking of frogs, and following the sound
arrived at some shallow muddy pools, where he and his horse quenched
their thirst. The morning being calm, Mr. Park ascended a tree, and
not only saw the smoke of the watering place which he had passed in
the night, but also another pillar of smoke to the east, about twelve
or fourteen miles distant. Directing his course thither, he reached
some cultivated ground, on which some negroes were at work, by whom
he was informed that he was near a Foulah village, belonging to Ali,
called Shrilla. He had some doubts about entering it, but at last
ventured, and riding up to the dooty's house was denied admittance,
and even refused a handful of corn for his horse. Leaving this
inhospitable door, he rode slowly out of the town towards some low
huts scattered in the suburbs. At the door of a hovel hut, an old
woman with a benevolent countenance sat spinning cotton. Mr. Park
made signs that he was hungry, on which she immediately laid down her
distaff, invited him to the hut, and set before him a dish of
kouskous, of which he made a comfortable meal. In return for her
kindness Mr. Park gave her a pocket handkerchief, begging at the same
time a little corn for his horse, which she readily brought.

While the horse was feeding, the people began to assemble, and one of
them whispered something to the old woman, which greatly excited her
surprise. Mr. Park knew enough of the Foulah language, to discover
that some of the men wished to apprehend and carry him to Ali, in
hope of receiving a reward. He therefore tied up the corn, and to
prevent suspicion that he had run away from the Moors, took a
northerly direction. When he found himself clear of his attendants,
he plunged again into the woods, and slept under a large tree. He was
awakened by three Foulahs, who supposing him to be a Moor, pointed to
the sun, and said it was time to pray. Coming to a path leading
southwards, which he followed until midnight, he arrived at a small
pool of rain water. Resting here for the night, the mosquitoes and
flies prevented him from sleeping, and the howling of the wild beasts
in the vicinity kept his horse in continual terror.

On the following morning, he came to a watering place belonging to
the Foulahs, one of the shepherds invited him to come into his tent,
and partake of some dates. There was just room enough in this tent to
sit upright, and the family and furniture were huddled together in
the utmost confusion. When Mr. Park had crept into it upon his hands
and knees, he found in it a woman and three children, who with the
shepherd and himself completely occupied the floor. A dish of boiled
corn and dates was produced, and the master of the family, according
to the custom of the country, first tasted it himself, and then
offered a part to his guest. Whilst Mr. Park was eating, the children
kept their eyes fixed upon him and no sooner had their father
pronounced the word _mazarini_, than they began to cry; their mother
crept cautiously towards the door, and springing out of the tent, was
instantly followed by her children; so truly alarmed were they at the
name of a Christian. Here Mr. Park procured some corn for his horse,
in exchange for some brass buttons, and thanking the shepherd for his
hospitality departed. At sunset he came into the road which led to
Bambarra, and in the evening arrived at Wawra, a negro town belonging
to Kaarta.

Now secure from the Moors, and greatly fatigued, Mr. Park meeting
with a hearty welcome from the dooty, rested himself at this place.
He slept soundly for two hours on a bullock's hide. Numbers assembled
to learn who the stranger was, and whence he came; some thought him
an Arab, others a moorish sultan, and they debated the matter with
such warmth, that their noise at length awoke him. The dooty,
however, who had been at Gambia, at last interposed, and assured them
that he was certainly a white man, but from his appearance a very
poor one.

In the afternoon, the dooty examined Mr. Park's bag, but finding
nothing valuable, returned it and told him to depart in the morning.
Accordingly Mr. Park set out, accompanied by a negro, but they had
not proceeded above a mile, when the ass upon which the negro rode,
kicked him off, and he returned, leaving Mr. Park to travel by
himself. About noon he arrived at a town, called Dingyee, where he
was hospitably entertained by an old Foulah.

When Mr. Park was about to depart on the following day, the Foulah
begged a lock of his hair, because "white men's hair made a saphie,
that would give to the possessor all the knowledge of white men." Mr.
Park instantly complied with his request, but his landlord's thirst
for learning was such, that he had cropped one side of his head, and
would have done the same with the other, had not Mr. Park signified
his disapprobation, and told him that he wished to preserve some of
this precious ware.

After travelling several days, without meeting with any occurrence of
particular note. Mr. Park arrived at Doolinkeaboo, where the dooty,
at his request, gave him a draught of water, which is usually given
as an earnest of greater hospitality. Mr. Park promised himself here
a good supper and a comfortable bed, but he had neither the one nor
the other. The night was rainy and tempestuous, and the dooty limited
his hospitality to the draught of water. The next morning, however,
when the dooty was gone to the fields, his wife sent Mr. Park a
handful of meal, which, mixed with water, served him for breakfast.

He departed from Doolinkeaboo in company with two negroes, who were
going to Sego. They stopped at a small village, where an acquaintance
of one of the negroes invited them to a public entertainment. They
distributed with great liberality a dish called _sinkatoo_, made of
sour milk, meal, and beer. The women were admitted into the society,
a circumstance which had never come under Mr. Park's observation
before; every one drank as he pleased; they nodded to each other when
about to drink, and on setting down the calabash, commonly said
_berha_ (thank you.) Both men and women were in a state of
intoxication, but were far from being quarrelsome.

Mr. Park and the two negroes then resumed their journey, and passed
several large villages, where the former was constantly taken for a
Moor, and with his horse, which he drove before him, afforded much
mirth to the Bambarrans. "He has been at Mecca," says one; "you may
see that by his clothes." Another asked him if his horse was sick? A
third wished to purchase it, &c., and even the negroes at last seemed
ashamed of his company. They lodged that night at a small village,
where Mr. Park procured victuals for himself and corn for his horse,
in exchange for a button, and was told that he should see the Niger,
which the negroes call Joliba, or the Great Water, early on the
following day. The thought of seeing the Niger in the morning, and
the buzzing of the mosquitoes, kept Mr. Park awake the whole of the
night, he had saddled his horse, and was in readiness before
daylight, but as the gates of the village were shut on account of the
wild beasts, he was obliged to wait until the people were stirring.
At length, having departed, they passed four large villages, and in a
short time saw the smoke over Sego.

On approaching the town, Mr. Park was fortunate enough to overtake
the fugitive Kaartans, to whose kindness he had been so much indebted
in his journey through Bambarra. They readily agreed to introduce him
to the king, and they rode together through some marshy ground,
where, as he was anxiously looking round for the river, one of them
exclaimed, "_Geo affili_" see the water! and looking forwards, Mr.
Park says, "I saw, with infinite pleasure, the great object of my
mission, the long sought for majestic Niger, glittering to the
morning sun, as broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing
_slowly to the eastward_. [*] I hastened to the brink, and having
drank of the water, lifted up my fervent thanks in prayer to the
great Ruler of all things, for having thus far crowned my endeavours
with success."

[Footnote: We cannot reconcile this statement of Park with the
subsequent discovery of Lander, who established the fact, that the
Niger empties itself into the Bight of Benin. The Niger, flowing to
the eastward, could not possibly have the Bight of Benin for its
estuary, nor is it laid down in any of the recent maps as having an
easterly direction.]

Mr. Park now proceeded towards Sego, the capital of Bambarra, which
consists of four distinct towns; two on the northern bank of the
Niger, called Sego Korro and Sego Koo, and two on the southern bank,
called Sego Soo Korro and Sego See Korro. The king of Bambarra always
resides at the latter place. He employs a great many slaves to convey
people over the river, and the fare paid by each individual, ten
kowrie shells, furnishes a considerable revenue. When Mr. Park
arrived at one of the places of embarkation, the people, who were
waiting for a passage, looked at him with silent wonder, and he saw
with concern many Moors amongst them. He had continued on the bank
more than two hours, without having an opportunity of crossing,
during which time information was carried to Mansong, the king, that
a white man was coming to see him. Mansong immediately sent over one
of his chief men, who informed Mr. Park that the king could not
possibly see him until he knew what had brought him to Bambarra.
He then pointed towards a distant village, and desired Mr. Park to
take up his lodgings there, and in the morning he would give him
further instructions.

Greatly discouraged at this reception, Mr. Park set off for the
village, but found, to his further mortification, that no person
would admit him into his house, and that he was regarded with general
astonishment and fear. Thus situated, he sat all day without
victuals, under the shade of a tree. Towards night, the wind arose,
and as there was great appearance of a heavy rain, he thought of
passing the night among the branches of the trees, to secure himself
from wild beasts. About sunset a woman, returning from the labours of
the field, stopped to observe him, and perceiving that he was weary
and dejected, inquired into his situation, which he briefly explained
to her; whereupon, with looks of great compassion, she took up his
saddle and bridle, and told him to follow her. Having conducted him
into her hut, she lighted up a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and
told him he might remain there for the night. She then went out, and
returned in a short time with a fine fish, which, having half
broiled, she gave him for supper. After telling him that he might
sleep without apprehension, she called to the female part of the
family, who stood gazing in fixed astonishment, to resume their task
of spinning cotton, in which they employed themselves the greater
part of the night. They lightened their labours by songs, one of
which at least was extempore, as their guest was the subject of it.
It was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in chorus.
The air was sweet and plaintive, and the words, literally translated,
were as follow:--

"The winds roared, and the rains fell;
The poor white man, faint and weary, came and sat under our tree.
He has no mother to bring him milk--no wife to grind his corn.

CHORUS.

Let us pity the white man, no mother has he." &c.

This circumstance was to Mr. Park, affecting in the highest degree.
He was oppressed by such unexpected kindness, and the sleep fled from
his eyes. In the morning he presented his compassionate landlady with
two of the four buttons which remained on his waistcoat, the only
recompense which he had in his power. Mr. Park remained in the
village the whole of July the 21st, in conversation with the natives.
Towards evening he grew uneasy, to find that no message arrived from
the king, the more so, when he learned from the villagers, that the
Moors and Slatees, resident at Sego, had given Mansong very
unfavourable accounts of him, that many consultations had been held
concerning his reception and disposal; that he had many enemies, and
must expect no favour. On the following day, a messenger arrived from
the king, who inquired if Mr. Park had brought any present, and
seemed much disappointed, on being told that he had been robbed of
all his effects by the Moors. When Mr. Park proposed to go to court,
he said he must stop until the afternoon, when the king would send
for him. It was the afternoon of the next day, however, before
another messenger arrived from Mansong, who told Mr. Park, it was the
king's pleasure he should  depart immediately from the environs of
Sego, but that Mansong, wishing to relieve a white man in distress,
had sent five thousand kowries [*] to him to continue his journey,
and if it were his intention to proceed to Jenne, he (the messenger)
had orders to guide him to Sansanding. Mr. Park concludes his account
of this adventure in the following words:--

[Footnote: Kowries are little shells, which pass current as money, in
many parts of the East Indies as well as in Africa. Mr. Park
estimates about 250 kowries equal to one shilling. One hundred of
them would purchase a day's provision for himself and corn for his
horse.]

"I was at first puzzled to account for this behaviour of the king,
but from the conversation I had with the guide, I had afterwards
reason to believe, that Mansong would willingly have admitted me into
his presence at Sego, but was apprehensive he might not be able to
protect me against the blind and inveterate malice of the moorish
inhabitants. His conduct, therefore, was at once prudent and liberal.
The circumstances, under which I made my appearance at Sego, were
undoubtedly such as might create in the mind of the king a
well-warranted suspicion, that I wished to conceal the true object of
my journey. He argued, probably as my guide argued, who, when he was
told that I was come from a great distance, and through many dangers,
to behold the Joliba (Niger) river, naturally inquired if there were
no rivers in my own country, and whether one river was not like
another? Notwithstanding this, and in spite of the jealous
machinations of the Moors, this benevolent prince thought it
sufficient, that a white man was found in his dominions in a
condition of extreme wretchedness, and that no other plea was
necessary to entitle the sufferer to his bounty."

Being thus obliged to leave Sego, Mr. Park was conducted the same
evening to a village, about seven miles eastward, where he and his
guide were well received, as Mr. Park had learned to speak the
Bambarra tongue without difficulty. The guide was very friendly and
communicative, and spoke highly of the hospitality of his countrymen;
but he informed Mr. Park, that if Jenne was the place of his
destination, he had undertaken a very dangerous enterprise, and that
Timbuctoo, the great object of his search, was altogether in
possession of the Moors, who would not allow any Christians to reside
in it. In the evening they passed a large town called Kabba, situated
in the midst of a beautiful and highly cultivated country, bearing a
great resemblance to the centre of England.

In the course of the following day, they arrived at Sansanding, a
large town, containing 10,000 inhabitants, much frequented by the
Moors, in their commercial dealings. Mr. Park desired his guide to
conduct him to the house where they were to lodge, by the most
private way possible They accordingly rode along between the town and
the river, and the negroes, whom they met, took Mr. Park for a Moor,
but a Moor, who was sitting by the river side, discovered the
mistake, and, making a loud exclamation, brought together a number of
his countrymen; and when Mr. Park arrived at the house of the dooty,
he was surrounded by a number of people, speaking a variety of
dialects. By the assistance of his guide, however, who acted as
interpreter, Mr. Park at length understood that one of the Moors
pretended to have seen him at one place, and another at some other
place; and a Moorish woman absolutely swore, that she had kept his
house three years at Gallam on the river Senegal. The Moors now
questioned Mr. Park about his religion, but finding he was not master
of the Arabic, they sent for two Jews, in hopes that they might be
able to converse with him. The Moors now insisted that he should
repeat the Mahometan prayers, and when he told them that he could not
speak Arabic, one of them started up, and swore by the prophet, if
Mr. Park refused to go to the mosque, he would assist in carrying him
thither.

Finding the Moors becoming exceedingly clamorous, the dooty
interfered, and told them that he would not see the king's stranger
ill treated while under his protection, but that in the morning he
should be sent about his business. This somewhat appeased their
clamour, but they compelled Mr. Park to ascend a high seat by the
door of the mosque, that every one might see him, where he remained
till sunset, when he was conducted to a neat little hut, with a small
court before it; but the Moors climbed in crowds over the mud walls,
to see the white man perform his evening devotions, and eat eggs. The
first demand was positively declined, but he professed his utmost
readiness to comply with the second; the dooty immediately brought
seven hens' eggs, but was much surprised that Mr. Park would not eat
them raw, as it is a prevalent opinion in the interior of Africa,
that Europeans subsist chiefly on this diet. His reluctance to
partake of this fare exalted him in the eyes of his sage visitants;
his host accordingly killed a sheep, and gave him a plentiful supper.

Mr. Park's route now lay through woods, much infested with all kinds
of wild animals. On one occasion, his guide suddenly wheeled his
horse round, calling out (_Warra billi billi_, a very largo lion.)
Mr. Park's steed was ill fitted to convey him from the scene of
danger, but seeing nothing, he supposed his guide to be mistaken,
when the latter exclaimed, "God preserve me;" and Mr. Park then saw a
very large red lion, with his head couched between his fore paws. His
eyes were fixed, as by fascination, on this sovereign of the beasts,
and he expected every moment the fatal spring; but the savage animal,
either not pressed by hunger, or struck with some mysterious awe,
remained immovable, and allowed the party to pass without
molestation. Real misery arose from a meaner cause, namely, the
amazing swarms of mosquitoes, which ascended from the swamps and
creeks, to whose attack, from the ragged state of his garments, he
was exposed at every point, and so covered over with blisters, that
he could not get any rest at night. An affecting crisis next arrived.
His horse, the faithful and suffering companion of his journey, had
been daily becoming weaker. At length, stumbling over some rough
ground, he fell; all his master's efforts were insufficient to raise
him, and no alternative remained, but to leave the poor animal, which
Mr. Park did, after collecting some grass and laying it before him,
not without, however, a sad presentiment, that, ere long, he also
might have to lie down and perish with hunger and fatigue.

Proceeding along the banks of the river, he reached Kea, a small
fishing village. The dooty, a surly old man, received him very
coolly, and when Mr. Park solicited his protection, replied with
great indifference, that he should not enter his house. Mr. Park knew
not now where to rest, but a fishing canoe at that moment coming down
the river, the dooty waved to the fisherman to land, and desired him
to take charge of the stranger as far as Moorzan.

When the canoe had proceeded about a mile down the river, the
fisherman paddled to the bank, and having desired Mr. Park to jump
out, tied the canoe to a stake; he then stripped off his clothes, and
dived into the water, where he remained so long that Mr. Park thought
he was drowned, when he suddenly raised up his head astern of the
canoe, and called for a rope. With this rope he dived a second time,
and then got into the canoe, and with the assistance of the boy, they
brought up a large basket, ten feet in diameter, containing two fine
fish, which the fisherman carried ashore, and hid in the grass. The
basket was then returned into the river, and having proceeded a
little further down, they took up another basket, in which was one
fish.

About four o'clock, they arrived at Moorzan, where Mr. Park was
conveyed across the river to Silla, a large town. Here he remained
under a tree, surrounded by hundreds of people, till it was dark,
when, with a great deal of entreaty, the dooty allowed him to enter
his balloon to avoid the rain, but the place was very damp, and his
fever returned.

The reflections, which now occurred to him, with the determination
those reflections produced, are here given in his own words. "Worn
down by sickness, exhausted with hunger and fatigue, half naked, and
without any article of value, by which I might procure provisions,
clothes, or lodging, I was now convinced, that the obstacles to my
further progress were insurmountable. The tropical rains were already
set in, the rice grounds and swamps were every where overflowed, and
in a few days more, travelling of every kind, except by water, would
be completely obstructed. The kowries, which remained of the king of
Bambarra's present, were not sufficient to enable me to hire a canoe
for any great distance, and I had little hope of subsisting by
charity, in a country where the Moors have such influence. I saw
inevitable destruction in attempting to proceed to the eastward. With
this conviction on my mind, I hope it will be acknowledged, that I
did right in going no further. I had made every effort to execute my
mission in its fullest extent, which prudence could justify. Had
there been the most distant prospect of a successful termination,
neither the unavoidable hardships of the journey, nor the dangers of
a second captivity should have forced me to desist."

Mr. Park now acquainted the dooty with his intention of returning to
Sego, proposing to travel along the southern side of the river, but
the dooty informed him, that from the number of creeks and swamps on
that side, it was impossible to travel by any other route than the
northern bank, and even that route would soon be impassable from the
overflowing of the river. However, by the dooty's recommendation, Mr.
Park was conveyed to Moorzan in a canoe, where he hired another canoe
for thirty kowries, which conveyed him to Kea, where, for forty
kowries more, the dooty permitted him to sleep in the same hut with
one of his slaves. This poor negro, perceiving he was sickly, and his
clothes very ragged, humanely lent him a large cloth to cover him for
the night.

The following day Mr. Park set out for Madiboo, in company with the
dooty's brother, who promised to carry his saddle, which he had
before left at Kea. On their road they observed a great number of
earthen jars, piled up on the bank of the river. As they approached
towards them, the dooty's brother plucked up a large handful of
herbage, which he threw upon them, making signs for Mr. Park to do
the same, which he did. The negro then informed him, that those jars
belonged to some supernatural power, and were found in their present
situation about two years ago, and that every traveller, as he passed
them, from respect to the invisible proprietor, threw some grass upon
the heap to defend them from the rain. Thus conversing, they
travelled on in the most friendly manner, until they perceived the
footsteps of a lion, when the negro insisted that Mr. Park should
walk before. The latter refused, on which the negro, after a few high
words, and menacing looks, threw down the saddle and left him. Mr.
Park having given up all hope of obtaining a horse, took off the
stirrups and girth, and threw the saddle into the river. The negro,
however, when he saw the saddle in the water jumped in, and bringing
it out by the help of his spear, ran away with it.

Mr. Park now continued his course alone, and in the afternoon reached
Madiboo. His guide, who had got there before him, being afraid he
should complain of his conduct, restored the saddle, and Mr. Park
also found his horse alive.

On the 1st of August, Mr. Park proceeded to Nyamere, where he
remained three days, on account of the continual rain. On the 5th, he
again set out, but the country was so deluged, that he had to wade
across creeks for miles together, knee-deep in water. He at length
arrived at Nyara, and on the subsequent day, with great difficulty
reached a small village called Nemaboo.

Mr. Park being assured that in the course of a few days, the country
would be overflowed, was anxious to engage a fellow traveller, when a
Moor and his wife who were going to Sego, riding on bullocks, agreed
to take him along with them; they were, however, unacquainted with
the road, and were very bad travellers. Instead of wading before the
bullocks, to feel if the ground was solid the woman boldly entered
the first swamp, seated upon the top of the load, but when she had
proceeded about two hundred yards the bullock sunk into a hole, and
threw both the load and herself amongst the reeds; she was nearly
drowned before her husband went to her assistance.

At sunset they reached Sibity, but the dooty received Mr. Park very
coolly, and when he solicited a guide to Sansanding, told him his
people were otherwise engaged. Mr. Park passed the night in a damp
old hut, which he expected every moment would fall upon him; for when
the walls of the huts are softened with the rain, they frequently
become too weak to support the roof. Mr Park heard three huts fall in
during the night, and the following morning, saw fourteen in like
manner destroyed. The rain continued with great violence, and Mr.
Park being refused provisions by the dooty, purchased some corn,
which he divided with his horse.

The dooty now compelled Mr. Park to leave Sibity, and accordingly he
set out for Sansanding, with little hope of receiving better
treatment, for he had discovered that it was universally believed, he
had come to Bambarra as a spy; and as Mansong had not admitted him
into his presence, the dooties of the different towns were at liberty
to treat him as they pleased. He arrived at Sansanding at sunset,
where his reception was just what he expected. The dooty, who had
been so kind to him formerly, privately informed him, that Mansong
had sent a canoe to Jenne to bring him back, he therefore advised him
to leave Sansanding before day-break, and not to stop at any town
near Sego. Mr. Park accordingly took his departure from Sansanding,
and proceeded to Kabba. Several people were assembled at the gate,
one of whom running towards him, took his horse by the bridle, and
led him round the walls of the town, then pointing to the west, told
him to go along, or it would fare worse with him. Mr. Park
hesitating, a number of people came up, and urged him in the same
manner, and he now suspected that some of the king's messengers, who
were in search of him, were in the town, and that these negroes from
humanity wished him to escape. He accordingly took the road for Sego,
and having passed a village, the dooty of which refused him
admittance, proceeded to a smaller one, where the dooty permitted him
to sleep in a large balloon.

Leaving his miserable residence by break of day, he arrived in the
afternoon at a small village within half a mile of Sego, where he
endeavoured in vain to procure some provisions. He was again informed
that Mansong had sent people to apprehend him, and the dooty's son
told him he had no time to lose, if he wished to escape. Mr. Park now
fully saw the danger of his situation, and determined to avoid Sego
altogether, and taking the road to Diggani, until he was out of sight
of the village, struck to the westward through high grass and swampy
ground. About noon he stopped under a tree, to consider what course
to take, and at length determined to proceed along the Niger, and
endeavour to ascertain how far the river was navigable. About sunset
he arrived at a village called Sooboo, where, for two hundred
kowries, he procured a lodging for the night.

After passing the villages of Samee and Kaimoo, he arrived at a small
town called Song, the inhabitants of which would not permit him to
enter the gate, but as lions were numerous in the adjoining woods, he
resolved to stay near the town, and accordingly laid down under a
tree by the gate. In the night, a lion kept prowling round the
village, and once advanced so near Mr. Park, that he heard him
rustling amongst the grass, and climbed the tree for safety. He had
before attempted to enter the gate, and on being prevented, informed
the people of his danger. About midnight the dooty, with some of the
inhabitants, desired him to come in; they were convinced, they said,
that he was not a Moor, for no Moor ever waited at the gate of a
village, without cursing the inhabitants.

Mr. Park now proceeded on his journey; the country began to rise into
hills, and he saw the summits of high mountains to the westward. He
had very disagreeable travelling, on account of the overflow of the
river; and in crossing a swamp, his horse sunk suddenly into a deep
pit, and was almost drowned. Both the horse and his rider were so
covered with mud, that in passing a village, the people compared them
to two dirty elephants. Mr, Park stopped at a village near Yamina,
where he purchased some corn, and dried his paper and clothes. As
Yamina is much frequented by the Moors, Mr. Park did not think it
safe to lodge there; he therefore rode briskly through it, and the
people, who looked at him with astonishment, had no time to ask
questions.

On the following day, Mr. Park passed a town called Balaba, the
prospect of the country was by no means inviting, for the high grass
and bushes seemed completely to obstruct the road, and the Niger
having flooded the low lands, had the appearance of an extensive
lake.

On the following day, Mr. Park took the wrong road, and when he
discovered his error, on coming to an eminence, he observed the Niger
considerably to the left. Directing his course towards it, through
long grass and bushes, he came to a small but rapid stream, which he
took at first for a branch of the Niger, but, on examination, was
convinced it was a distinct river, which the road evidently crossed,
as he saw the pathway on the opposite side. He sat down upon the
bank, in hopes that some traveller might arrive, who could inform him
of the situation of the ford; but none arriving, and there being a
great appearance of rain, he determined to enter the river
considerably above the  pathway, in order to reach the other side
before the stream swept him too far down. With this view he fastened
his clothes upon the saddle, and was standing up to the neck in
water, pulling his horse by the bridle to make him follow, when a
man, who came  accidentally to the place, called to him with great
vehemence, to come out, or the alligators would destroy both him and
his horse. Mr. Park obeyed, and the stranger who had never before
seen a white man, seemed wonderfully surprised, exclaiming in a low
voice, "God preserve me, who is this?" But when he found Mr. Park
could speak the Bambarra tongue, and was going the same way as
himself, he promised to assist him in crossing the river, which was
named the Frina. He then called to some person, who answered from the
other side, and a canoe with two boys came paddling from amongst the
reeds. Mr. Park gave the boys fifty kowries to ferry himself and his
horse to the opposite shore, and in the evening, arrived at Taffara,
a walled town, where he discovered that the language of the people
was pure Mandingo.

On the 20th, Mr. Park stopped at a village called Sominoo, where he
obtained some coarse food, prepared from the husks of corn, called
_boo_. On the same day he arrived at Sooha, where the dooty refused
either to sell or to give him any provisions. Mr. Park stopped a
while to examine the countenance of this inhospitable man, and
endeavoured to find out the cause of his visible discontent. The
dooty ordered a slave to dig a hole, and while the slave was thus
employed, the dooty kept muttering and talking to himself, repeatedly
pronouncing the words "_Dankatoo'_" (good for nothing), "_jankre
lemen_," (a real plague). These expressions Mr. Park thought could
not apply to any one but himself; and as the pit had much the
appearance of a grave, thought it prudent to mount his horse, and was
about to decamp, when the slave, who had gone into the village,
brought the corpse of a boy by the leg and arm, and threw it into the
pit with savage indifference. As he covered the body with earth, the
dooty often repeated, "_Naphula attiniata_," (money lost;) from which
it appeared that the boy had been one of his slaves.

About sunset Mr. Park came to Kollikorro, a considerable town, and a
great market for salt. Here he lodged with a Bambarran, who had
travelled to many parts of Africa, and who carried on a considerable
trade. His knowledge of the world had not lessened his confidence in
saphies and charms, for when he heard that his guest was a Christian,
he brought out his _walha_, or writing-board, and assured Mr. Park he
would dress him a supper of rice, if he would write him a saphie, to
protect him from wicked men. Mr. Park wrote the board full from top
to bottom on both sides, and his landlord, to possess the full force
of the charm, washed the writing off into a calabash with a little
water, and having said a few prayers over it, drank this powerful
draught, after which he licked the board quite dry. Information being
carried to the dooty that a saphie writer was in the town, he sent
his son with half a sheet of writing paper, desiring Mr. Park to
write him a _naphula saphie_, a charm to procure wealth. He brought,
as a present, some meal and milk, and when the saphie was finished,
and read to him with an audible voice, he promised to bring Mr. Park
some milk in the morning for breakfast.

The following day, Mr. Park proceeded on his journey, and in the
afternoon arrived at Marraboo, where he lodged in the house of a
Kaartan, who, from his hospitality to strangers, was called _Jatee_,
(the landlord,) his house being a sort of public inn for all
travellers. Those who had money were well lodged, for they always
made him some return for his kindness; but those who had nothing to
give were content to accept whatever he thought proper. Mr. Park,
belonging to the latter class, took up his lodging in the same hut
with seven poor fellows, who had come from Kancaba in a canoe, but
their landlord sent them some victuals.

Mr. Park now altered his course from the river to the mountains, and
in the evening arrived at a village, called Frookaboo, from which
place he proceeded on the following day to Bambakoo. This town is not
so large as Marraboo, but the inhabitants are rich; for when the
Moors bring their salt through Kaarta or Barnbarra, they rest at this
place; the negro merchants purchasing the salt by wholesale, and
retailing it to great advantage. Here Mr. Park lodged at the house of
a Serawoolli negro, and was visited by a number of Moors, who treated
him with great civility. A slave-merchant, who had resided many years
on the Gambia, gave Mr. Park an imperfect account of the distance to
that river, but told him the road was impassable at that season of
the year, and added, that it crossed the Joliba at about half a day's
journey westward of Bammakoo; and as there were not any canoes large
enough to receive his horse, he could not possibly get him over for
some months to come. Mr. Park consulted with his landlord how to
surmount this difficulty, who informed him that one road which was
very rocky, and scarcely passable for horses, still remained, but if
he procured a proper guide over the hills to a town called
Sibidooloo, he had no doubt but he might travel forwards through
Manding. Being informed that a _jilli-kea_, or singing-man, was about
to depart for Sibidooloo, Mr. Park set out in company with him; but
when they had proceeded up a rocky glen about two miles, the
singing-man discovered that he had brought him the wrong road, as the
horse-road lay on the other side of the hill. He then threw his drum
upon his back, and mounted up the rocks, where, indeed, no horse
could follow him, leaving Mr. Park to admire his agility, and trace
out a road for himself.

Mr. Park rode back to the level ground, and following a path, on
which he observed the marks of horses' feet, came to some shepherds'
huts, where he was informed that he was on the right road to
Sibidooloo. In the evening he arrived at a village called Kooma,
situated in a delightful valley. This village is the sole property of
a Mandingo merchant, who fled thither with his family during a former
war. The harmless villagers surrounded Mr. Park, asked him a thousand
questions about his country, brought corn and milk for himself, and
grass for his horse, and appeared very anxious to serve him.

On the 25th, he departed from Kooma, in company with two shepherds,
who were going towards Sibidooloo; but as the horse travelled slowly,
and with great difficulty, the shepherds kept walking on at a
considerable distance, when on a sudden Mr. Park heard some people
calling to each other, and presently a loud screaming, as from a
person in great distress. He rode slowly to the place whence the
noise proceeded, and in a little time perceived one of the shepherds
lying among the long grass near the road. When Mr. Park came close to
him, he whispered that a party of armed men had seized his companion,
and shot two arrows at himself, as he was making his escape. Mr. Park
now stopped to consider what course it was most proper for him to
pursue, and looking round, saw, at a small distance, a man sitting on
the stump of a tree, and six or seven more sitting among the grass,
with muskets in their hands. He had now no hopes of escaping, and
therefore rode on towards them, in hopes they were elephant hunters.
On coming up to them, he inquired if they had caught any thing, when
one of them ordered him to dismount, but appearing suddenly to
recollect himself, made signs to him to proceed. He accordingly rode
past, but was soon followed by the men, who ordered him to stop, and
informed him, that the king of the Foulahs had sent them to bring him
his horse, and all that belonged to him, to Fooladoo. Mr. Park turned
round, and went with them, till they came to a dark part of the wood,
when one of them said, "This place will do," and immediately snatched
his hat from his head, another drew a knife, and cut off a metal
button that remained upon his waistcoat, and put it into his pocket.
They then searched Mr. Park's pockets, examined every part of his
apparel, and at length stripped him quite naked. While they were
examining the plunder, he begged them, with great earnestness, to
return his pocket-compass; but when he pointed it out to them, as it
lay on the ground, one of the banditti, thinking he meant to take it
up, cocked his musket, and swore he would lay him dead on the spot,
if he presumed to lay his hand upon it. After this, some went away
with his horse, and the remainder, after some deliberation, returned
him the worst of the two shirts and a pair of trousers; and on going
away, one of them threw back his hat, in the crown of which he kept
his memorandums. After they were gone, Mr. Park sat for some time,
looking around him with amazement and terror. "Whatever way I
turned," says he, "nothing appeared but danger and difficulty. I saw
myself in the midst of a vast wilderness, in the depth of the rainy
season, naked and alone, surrounded by savage animals, and men still
more savage. I was five hundred miles from the nearest European
settlement. All these circumstances crowded at once to my
recollection, and I confess that my spirits began to fail me. I
considered my fate as certain, and that I had no alternative but to
lie down and perish. The influence of religion, however, aided and
supported me. I reflected that no human prudence or foresight could
possibly have averted my present sufferings. I was indeed a stranger
in a strange land, yet I was still under the protecting eye of that
Providence, who has condescended to call himself the stranger's
friend. At this moment, painful as my reflections were, the
extraordinary beauty of a small moss in fructification irresistibly
caught my eye. I mention this, to show from what trifling
circumstances the mind will sometimes derive consolation, for though
the whole plant was not larger than the top of one of my fingers, I
could not contemplate the delicate conformation of its roots, leaves,
and capsules, without admiration. Can that Being, thought I, who
planted, watered, and brought to perfection, in this obscure part of
the world, a thing which appears of so small importance, look with
unconcern upon the situation and sufferings of creatures formed after
his own image? Surely not. Reflections like these would not allow me
to despair. I started up, and disregarding both hunger and fatigue,
travelled forwards, assured that relief was at hand, and I was not
disappointed."

In a short time Mr. Park came to a small village, where he overtook
the two shepherds, who had come with him from Koona. They were much
surprised to see him, as they expected the Foulahs had murdered him.
Departing from this village, they travelled over several rocky
ridges, and at sunset arrived at the town of Sibidooloo.



CHAPTER  VIII.

Sibidooloo is the frontier town of Manding, and is situated in a
fertile valley, surrounded with high rocky hills. The chief man is
here called the mansa, which usually signifies king; but it appear
that the government of Manding is a sort of republic, as every town
has a particular mansa, and the chief power of the state is lodged in
an assembly of the whole body.

Mr. Park related to the mansa the circumstance of the robbery, and
his story was confirmed by the two shepherds. The mansa continued
smoking his pipe while he heard the relation, when, tossing up the
sleeve of his coat with an indignant air, "Sit down," said he to Mr.
Park, "you shall have every thing restored to you. I have sworn it."
Then turning to an attendant, "Give the white man," said he, "a
draught of water, and with the first light of the morning go over the
hills, and inform the dooty of Bammakoo that a poor white man, the
king of Bambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of
Fouladoo's people."

He heartily thanked the mansa for his kindness, and accepted his
invitation, but having waited two days without receiving any
intelligence, and there being a great scarcity of provisions, he was
unwilling to trespass further on the generosity of his host, and
begged permission to depart. The mansa told him, he might go as far
as a town called Wonda, and remain there until he heard some account
of his property. Accordingly, departing from that place, he reached
it on the 30th. The mansa of Wonda was a Mahometan and, as well as
chief magistrate of the town, was a schoolmaster. Mr. Park lodged in
the school, which was an open shed; the little raiment upon him could
neither protect him from the sun by day, nor the dews and mosquitoes
by night; his fever returned with great violence, and he could not
procure any medicine wherewith to stop its progress. He remained at
Wonda nine days, endeavouring to conceal his distress from his
landlord, for which purpose, he several times lay down the whole of
the day, out of his sight, in a field of corn, yet he found that the
mansa was apprised of his situation, for one morning as he feigned to
be asleep by the fire, he heard the mansa complain to his wife, that
they were likely to find him a very troublesome guest, as, in his
present sickly state, they should be obliged, for the sake of their
good name, to maintain him till he recovered or died.

The scarcity of provisions was at this time severely felt by the poor
people. Mr. Park, having observed every evening five or six women
come to the mansa's house, and each receive a portion of corn,
inquired of the mansa, whether he maintained these women from
charity, or expected a return from the next harvest. "Observe that
boy," replied the Mansa, pointing to a fine child about five years of
age, "his mother has sold him to me for forty days' provisions for
herself and the rest of the family. I have bought another boy in the
same manner."

Mr. Park was much afflicted with this melancholy circumstance, but he
afterwards observed that the mother, when she had received her corn,
would come and talk to her son with much cheerfulness, as if he had
still been under her care.

On the 6th of September, two people arrived from Sibidooloo with Mr.
Park's horse and clothes; the pocket-compass was, however, broken to
pieces. The horse was now so much reduced, that he saw that it would
be impracticable to travel any further with him; he therefore
presented him to his landlord, and requested him to send the saddle
and bridle to the mansa of Sibidooloo, as an acknowledgment for his
trouble and kindness.

On the morning of September 8th, Mr. Park took leave of his
hospitable landlord, who presented him with a spear, as a token of
remembrance, and a leathern bag to contain his clothes. On the 9th,
he reached Nemacoo, where he could not procure any provisions, as the
people appeared to be actually starving, but in the afternoon of the
10th, a negro trader, named Modi Lemina Taura, brought him some
victuals, promising to conduct him to his house at Kennyetoo on the
following day.

In travelling to Kennyetoo, Mr. Park hurt his ankle, and was unable
to proceed. The trader, in consequence, invited him to stop with him
a few days, and accordingly he remained there until the 14th.

On the 17th, he proceeded to Mansia, a considerable town, where small
quantities of gold are collected. The mansa of this town gave him a
little corn, but demanded something in return, and on Mr. Park's
assuring him that he had not anything in his possession, replied, as
if in jest, that his white skin should not defend him, if he told him
any falsehoods. He then conducted him to the hut wherein he was to
sleep, but took away his spear, saying it should be returned in the
morning. This circumstance raised Mr. Park's suspicions, and he
requested one of the inhabitants, who had a bow and quiver, to sleep
in the hut with him. About midnight a man made several attempts to
enter the hut, but was prevented by Mr. Park and the negro, and the
latter, on looking out, perceived it was the mansa himself. In the
morning, Mr. Park, fearing the mansa might devise some means to
detain him, departed before he was awake, the negro having recovered
the spear.

On the arrival of Mr. Park at Kamalia, a small town, he proceeded to
the house of Karfa Taura, the brother of his hospitable landlord at
Kennyetoo. He was sitting in his balloon, surrounded by several
slatees, to whom he was reading from an Arabic book. He asked Mr.
Park if he understood it, and being answered in the negative, desired
one of the slatees to fetch the little curious book that was brought
from the west country. Mr. Park was surprised and delighted to find
this volume _"The Book of Common Prayer"_ and Karfa expressed great
joy to hear he could read it, as some of the slatees, who had seen
Europeans upon the coast, were unwilling, from his distressed
appearance, to admit that Mr. Park was a white man, but suspected
that he was some Arab in disguise. Karfa, however, perceiving he
could read this book, had no doubt concerning Mr. Park, and promised
him every assistance in his power, at the same time informing him,
that it was impossible to cross the Jallonka wilderness for many
months to come, as eight rapid rivers lay in the way. He added, that
he himself intended to set out for Gambia, with a caravan of slaves,
as soon as the rivers were fordable, and the grass burnt, and invited
Mr. Park to stay and accompany him, remarking that when a caravan
could not travel through the country, it was idle for a single man to
attempt it. Mr. Park admitted the rashness of the attempt, but
assured him that he had no alternative, for not having any money, he
must either beg his subsistence by travelling from place to place, or
perish from want. Karfa now looked at him with great earnestness,
informing him that he had never before seen a white man, and inquired
if he could eat the common victuals of the country. He added, that if
he would remain with him till the rains were over, he would conduct
him in safety to the Gambia, and then he might make him what return
he pleased. Mr. Park having agreed to give him the value of one prime
slave, he ordered a hut to be swept for his accommodation.

Thus was Mr. Park delivered by the friendly care of this benevolent
negro, from a situation truly deplorable, but his fever became daily
more alarming. On the third day after his arrival, as he was going
with Karfa to visit some of his friends, he was so faint that he
staggered and fell into a pit; Karfa endeavoured to console him, and
assured him that if he would not walk out into the wet, he would soon
be well. Mr. Park followed his advice, and in general confined
himself to his hut, but was still tormented with the fever for five
ensuing weeks. His benevolent landlord came every day to inquire
after his health. When the rains became less frequent, the fever left
him, but in so debilitated a condition, that it was with great
difficulty he could get to the shade of a tamarind tree, at a short
distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the corn fields, and the
delightful prospect of the country. At length he found himself
recovering, towards which the benevolent manners of the negroes, and
the perusal of Karfa's little volume, greatly contributed.

Meanwhile many of the slatees who resided at Kamalia, having spent
all their money, and become in a great measure dependent on Karfa's
bounty, beheld Mr. Park with envy, and invented many ridiculous
stories to lessen him in his host's esteem, but Karfa paid no
attention to them, and treated him with unabated kindness. As he was
one day conversing with some slaves, which a Serawoolli merchant had
brought from Sego, one of them begged him to give him some victuals,
Mr. Park replied, he was a stranger and had none to give. "I gave
_you_, some victuals" said the slave, "when _you_ were hungry. Have
you forgotten the man who brought you milk at Karrankalla? But,"
added he with a sigh, "_the irons were not then on my legs_." Mr.
Park immediately recollected him, procured for him some ground nuts,
and learned that he had been taken by the Bambarrans, the day after
the battle at Joka, and sent to Sego, where he had been purchased by
his present master, who was carrying him to Kajaaga.

In the middle of December, Karfa, who proposed to complete his
purchase of slaves, departed for Kancaba, a large town on the banks
of the Niger, and a great slave market. It was his intention to
return in a month, and during his absence left Mr. Park to the care
of a good old bushreen, who was schoolmaster at Kamalia. The name of
this schoolmaster was Fankooma, and although a Mahometan, was not
intolerant in his principles. He read much, and took great pleasure
in professional efforts. His school contained seventeen boys, mostly
of pagan parents, and two girls. The girls were taught by daylight,
but the boys were instructed before the dawn and late in the evening;
by being considered, while pupils, as the domestic slaves of the
master, they were employed by him during the day in various
avocations. Emulation is encouraged by their tutor to stimulate his
scholars. When the pupil has read through the Koran, and learned a
certain number of public prayers, he undergoes an examination by the
bushreens, who, when satisfied with his learning and abilities,
desire him to read the last page of the Koran. This being done, the
boy presses the paper to his forehead, and pronounces the word Amen;
upon which the bushreens rise, shake him by the hand, and bestow upon
him the title of bushreen. The parents then redeem their son, by
giving his master the value of a slave; but if they cannot afford it,
the boy continues the slave of the schoolmaster, until he ransoms
himself by his own industry.

On the 24th January, Karfa returned to Kamalia, with thirteen prime
slaves, whom he had purchased. He also brought a young girl for his
fourth wife, whom he had married at Kancaba. She was kindly received
by her colleagues, who had swept and whitewashed one of the best huts
for her accommodation.

On the day after his arrival, Karfa having observed that Mr. Park's
clothes were become very ragged, presented him with a garment and
trousers, the usual dress of the country.

Karfa's slaves were all prisoners of war, who had been taken by the
Bambarran army. Some of them had been kept three years at Sego in
irons, whence they were sent with other captives up the Niger to
Yamina, Bammakoo and Kancaba, where they were sold for gold dust.
Eleven of them confessed that they had been slaves from their birth,
but the other two refused to give any account of themselves to Mr.
Park, whom they at first regarded with looks of horror, and
repeatedly asked _if his countrymen were cannibals_. They were very
desirous to know what became of the slaves after they had crossed the
salt water. Mr. Park told them that they were employed in cultivating
the land, but they would not believe him: and one of them putting his
hand upon the ground, said with great simplicity, "Have you really
got such ground as this to set your feet upon?"

The slaves were constantly kept in irons, and strictly watched. To
secure them, the right leg of one and the left of another were
fastened by the same pair of fetters, by supporting which with a
string, they could walk very slowly. Every four slaves were also
fastened together by a rope of twisted thongs; and during the night
their hands were fettered, and sometimes a light iron chain was put
round their necks. Those who betrayed any symptoms of discontent,
were secured by a thick billet of wood about three feet long, which
was fastened to the ankle by a strong iron staple. All these fetters
were put on as soon as the slaves arrived at Kamalia, and were not
taken off until the morning they set out for the Gambia. In other
respects, the slaves were not harshly treated. In the morning they
were led to the shade of a tamarind tree, where they were encouraged
to keep up their spirits by playing different games of chance, or
singing. Some bore their situation with great fortitude, but the
majority would sit the whole of the day in sullen melancholy, with
their eyes fixed on the ground. In the evening, their irons being
examined, and their hand-fetters put on, they were conducted into two
large huts, and guarded during the night. Notwithstanding this
strictness, however, one of Karfa's slaves, about a week after his
arrival, having procured a small knife, opened the rings of his
fetters, cut the rope, and made his escape, and more might have got
off, had not the slave, when he found himself at liberty, refused to
stop to assist his companions in breaking the chain, which was round
their necks.

All the merchants and slaves who composed the coffle, were now
assembled at Kamalia and its vicinity; the day of departure for the
Gambia was frequently fixed, and afterwards postponed. Some of the
people had not prepared their provisions, others were visiting their
friends, or collecting their debts; thus the departure was delayed
until February was far advanced, when it was determined to wait
_until the fast moon was over_. "Loss of time," observes Mr. Park,
"is of no great importance in the eyes of a negro. If he has any
thing of consequence to perform, it is a matter of indifference to
him whether he does it to-day or to-morrow, or a month or two hence;
so long as he can spend the present moment with any degree of
comfort, he gives himself very little concern for the future."

The Rhamadam was strictly observed by the bushreens, and at the close
of it, they assembled at the Misura to watch for the new moon, but as
the evening was cloudy, they were for some time disappointed, and
several had returned home resolving to fast another day, when
suddenly the object of their wishes appeared from behind a cloud, and
was welcomed by clapping of hands, beating of drums, firing muskets,
and other demonstrations of joy. This moon being accounted extremely
lucky, Karfa gave orders that the people of the coffle should
immediately prepare for their journey, and the slatees having held a
consultation on the 16th of April, fixed on the 19th as the day of
departure.

This resolution freed Mr. Park from much uneasiness, as he was
apprehensive, from the departure having been so long deferred, that
the rainy season would again commence before it took place, and
although his landlord behaved with great kindness, his situation was
very disagreeable. The slatees were unfriendly to him, and three
trading Moors, who had arrived at Kamalia during the absence of
Karfa, to dispose of salt procured on credit, had plotted mischief
against him from the day of their arrival; his welfare thus depended
merely upon the good opinion of an individual, who was daily hearing
tales to his prejudice. He was somewhat reconciled by time to their
manner of living, but longed for the blessings of civilized society.

On the morning of April 19th, the coffle assembled and commenced its
journey. When joined by several persons at Maraboo and Bola, it
consisted of seventy-three persons, thirty-five of whom were slaves
for sale. The free men were fourteen in number, but several had wives
and domestic slaves, and the schoolmaster, who was going to his
native country Woradoo, had eight of his scholars. Several of the
inhabitants of Kamalia accompanied the coffle a short way on its
progress, taking leave of their relations and friends. On reaching a
rising ground, from which they had a prospect of the town, the people
of the coffle were desired to sit down facing the west, and the
town's people facing Kamalia. The schoolmaster and two principal
slatees, then placed themselves between the two parties, and repeated
a long and solemn prayer, after this they walked round the coffle
three times, pressing the ground with the end of their spears, and
muttering a charm. All the people of the coffle then sprang up and
set forwards, without formally bidding their friends farewell. The
slaves had all heavy loads upon their heads, and many of them having
been long in irons, the sudden exertion of walking quick, caused
spasmodic contractions of their legs, and they had scarcely proceeded
a mile, when two of them were obliged to be taken from the rope, and
suffered to walk more slowly. The coffle after halting two hours at
Maraboo, proceeded to Bola, thence to Worumbang, the frontier village
of Manding, towards Jallonkadoo.

Here they procured plenty of provisions, as they intended shortly to
enter the Jallonka wilderness, but having on the 21st travelled a
little way through the woods, they determined to take the road to
Kinytakooro, a town in Jallonkadoo, and this being a long day's
journey distant, they halted to take some refreshment. Every person,
says Mr, Park, opened his provision bag, and brought a handful or two
of meal to the place where Karfa and the slatees were sitting. When
every one had brought his quota, and whole was properly arranged in
small gourd shells, the schoolmaster offered up a short prayer, the
substance of which was, that God and the holy prophets might preserve
them from robberies and all bad people, that their provisions might
never fail them, nor their limbs become fatigued. This ceremony being
ended, every one partook of the meal, and drank a little water, after
which they set forward, rather running than walking, until they came
to the river Kokoro.

This river is a branch of the Senegal, its banks are very high, and
from various appearances it was evident, that the water had risen
above twenty feet perpendicular during the rainy season, but it was
then only a small stream sufficient to turn a mill, and abounding in
fish. The coffle proceeded with great expedition until evening, when
they arrived at Kinytakooro, a considerable town, nearly square,
situated in the midst of an extensive and fertile plain.

In this day's journey, a woman and a girl, two slaves belonging to a
slatee of Bola, could not keep up with the coffle from fatigue. They
were dragged along until about four in the afternoon, when being both
affected with vomiting, it was discovered that _they had eaten clay_.
Whether this practice, which is frequent amongst the slaves, proceeds
from a vitiated appetite, or an intention to destroy themselves, is
uncertain. Three people remaining to take care of them, the slaves
were suffered to lie down in the woods until they were somewhat
recovered, but they did not reach the town until past midnight, and
were then so exhausted that their master determined to return with
them to Bola.

Kinytakooro being the first town beyond the limits of Manding, great
ceremony was observed in entering it. The coffle approached it in the
following procession: first went the singing men, followed by the
other free men, then the slaves, fastened as usual by a rope round
their necks, four to a rope, and a man with a spear between each
party, after them the domestic slaves, and in the rear the free
women. When they came within a hundred yards of the gate, the singing
men began a loud song, extolling the hospitality of the inhabitants
towards strangers, and their friendship in particular to the
Mandingos. Arriving at the Bentang, the people assembled to hear
their _dentegi_ (history,) which was publicly recited by two of the
singing men. They began with the events of that day, and enumerated
every circumstance which had befallen the coffle in a backward
series, to their departure from Kamalia. When they had ended, the
chief men of the town gave them a small present, and every person of
the coffle, both free and enslaved, was entertained and lodged by the
inhabitants.

On the 22nd of April, the coffle proceeded to a village seven miles
westward. The inhabitants of this village, expecting an attack from
the Foulahs of Fooladoo, were constructing small huts among the
rocks, on the side of a high hill.

The situation was nearly impregnable, high precipices surrounded it
on every side but the eastern, where was left a path broad enough for
one person to ascend. On the brow of the hill were collected heaps of
large stones, to be thrown down upon the enemy, if an attack on the
post was attempted.

The coffle entered the Jallonka wilderness on the 23rd. They passed
the ruins of two small towns, burnt by the Foulahs, and the fire had
been so intense as to vitrify the walls of several huts, which at a
distance appeared as if coloured with red varnish. The coffle crossed
the river Wonda, where fish were seen in great abundance. Karfa now
placed the guides and young men in the front, the women and slaves in
the centre, and the free men in the rear, and in this order they
proceeded through a woody beautiful country, abounding with
partridges, guinea fowls, and deer. At sunset they arrived at a
stream called Comeissang. To diminish the inflammation of his skin,
produced by the friction of his dress from walking, and long exposure
to the heat of the sun, Mr. Park took the benefit of bathing in the
river. They had now travelled about thirty miles, and were greatly
fatigued, but no person complained. Karfa ordered one of his slaves
to prepare for Mr. Park a bed made of branches of trees, and when
they had supped upon kouskous moistened with boiling water, they all
laid down, but were frequently disturbed by the howling of the wild
beasts, and the biting of small brown ants.

The next morning, most of the free people drank some _noening_, a
sort of gruel, which was also given to the slaves that appeared least
able to travel, but a female slave of Karfa's who was called Nealee,
refused to partake of this refreshment, and was very sullen. The
coffle proceeded over a wild and rocky country, and Nealee, soon
overcome by fatigue, lagged behind, complaining dreadfully of pains
in her legs, on which her load was given to another slave, and she
was directed to keep in front. The coffle rested near a small
rivulet, and a hive of bees being discovered in a hollow tree, some
negroes went in quest of the honey, when an enormous swarm flew out,
and attacked the people of the coffle. Mr. Park, who first took the
alarm, alone escaped with impunity. The negroes at length again
collected together at some distance from the place where they were
dispersed, but Nealee was missing, and many of the bundles were left
behind. To recover these, they set fire to the grass eastward of the
hive, and as the wind drove the fire furiously along, they pushed
through the smoke, until they came to the bundles. They also found
poor Nealee lying by the rivulet, she had crept to the stream, hoping
to defend herself from the bees by throwing water over her body, but
she was stung dreadfully. The stings were picked out, and her wounds
washed and anointed, but she refused to proceed further. The slatees
by the whip forced her to proceed about four or five hours longer,
when, attempting to run away, she fell down with extreme weakness.
Again was the whip applied, but ineffectually; the unfortunate slave
was unable to rise. After attempting to place her upon an ass, on
which she could not sit erect, a litter of bamboo canes was made,
upon which she was tied with slips of bark, and carried on the heads
of two slaves for the remainder of the day. The coffle halted at the
foot of a high hill, called Gankaran-kooro. The travellers had only
eaten one handful of meal each during the day's journey, exposed to
the ardour of a tropical sun. The slaves were much fatigued, and
showed great discontent; several _snapt their fingers_, a certain
mark of desperation. They were all immediately put in irons, and
those who had shown signs of despondency were kept apart.

In the morning, however, they were greatly recovered, except poor
Nealee, who could neither walk nor stand, she was accordingly placed
upon an ass, her hands being fastened together under the neck, and
her feet under the belly, to secure her situation. The beast,
however, was unruly, and Nealee was soon thrown off, and one of her
legs was much bruised. As it was found impossible to carry her
forward, the general cry of the coffle was, "_Kang tegi! kang tegi!_"
(Cut her throat! cut her throat!) Mr. Park proceeded forwards with
the foremost of the coffle, to avoid seeing this operation performed,
but soon after he learned that Karfa and the schoolmaster would not
agree to have her killed, but had left her on the road. Her fate
diffused melancholy throughout the whole coffle, notwithstanding the
outcry before mentioned, and the schoolmaster fasted the whole day in
consequence of it. The coffle soon after crossed the Furkoomah, a
river the same size as the Wonda, and travelled so expeditiously,
that Mr. Park with difficulty kept up with it.

On the 26th April, the coffle ascended a rocky hill, called
Bokikooro, and in the afternoon, entering a valley, forded the Bold,
a smooth and clear river. About a mile westward of this river,
discovering the marks of horses' feet, they were afraid that a party
of plunderers were in the neighbourhood; and to avoid discovery and
pursuit, the coffle travelled in a dispersed manner through the high
grass and bushes.

The following day, hoping to reach a town before night, they passed
expeditiously through extensive thickets of bamboos. At a stream
called Nuncolo, each person ate a handful of meal, moistened with
water, in compliance with some superstitious custom. In the
afternoon, they arrived at Sooseta, a Jallonka village, in the
district of Kullo, a tract of country lying along the banks of the
Black River; and the first human habitation they had met with in a
journey of five days, over more than a hundred miles. With much
difficulty they procured huts to sleep in, but could not obtain any
provisions, as there had been a scarcity before the crops were
gathered in, during which all the inhabitants of Kullo had subsisted
upon the yellow powder of the _nitta_, a species of the mimosa, and
the seeds of the bamboo, which, when properly prepared, tastes nearly
similar to rice. As the provisions of the coffle were not exhausted,
kouskous was dressed for supper, and several villagers were invited
to partake; meanwhile one of the schoolmaster's boys, who had fallen
asleep under the bentang, was carried off during the night; but the
thief, finding that his master's residence was only three days'
journey distant, thinking he could not be retained with security,
after stripping him, suffered him to return.

They now crossed the Black River by a bridge of a curious
construction. Several tall trees are fastened together by the tops,
which float on the water, while the roots rest on the rocks on each
side of the river; these are covered with dry bamboos, and the whole
forms a passage, sloping from each end towards the middle, so as to
resemble an inverted arch. In the rainy season the bridge is carried
away, but the natives constantly rebuilt it, and on that account
exact a small tribute from every passenger.

Being informed that, two hundred Jalonkas had assembled to intercept
and plunder the coffle, they altered their course, and about midnight
arrived at a town called Koba. They now discovered that a free man
and three slaves were missing; upon which it was concluded that the
slaves had murdered the free man, and made their escape, and six
people were sent back to the last village to endeavour to procure
information. Meanwhile the people of the coffle were ordered to
conceal themselves in a cotton field, and no person to speak but in a
whisper. Towards morning, the men returned, but without the object of
their pursuit. The coffle then entered the town, and purchased a
quantity of ground nuts, which were roasted for breakfast; and, being
provided with huts, determined to rest there for the day. They were
agreeably surprised by the arrival of their companions. One of the
slaves had hurt his foot, and as the night was dark, they had lost
sight of the coffle, when the free man, who was aware of his danger,
insisted on putting the slaves in irons, and as they were refractory,
threatened to stab them one by one with his spear; they at last
submitted, and in the morning followed the coffle to Koba. In the
course of the day, the intelligence concerning the Jalonka plunderers
was confirmed, on which Karfa, continuing at Koba until the 30th,
hired some persons for protectors, and they proceeded to a village
called Tinkingtang.

On the following day, the slaves being greatly fatigued, the coffle
only proceeded nine miles, where provisions were procured by the
interest of the schoolmaster, who sent a messenger forward to
Malacotta, his native town, to acquaint his friends with his arrival,
and desire them to provide provisions for the entertainment of the
coffle for two or three days.

They halted at another village further on until the return of the
messenger from Malacotta. About two the messenger returned,
accompanied by the schoolmaster's elder brother. "The interview,"
says Mr. Park, "between the two brothers, who had not seen each other
for nine years, was very natural and affecting. They fell upon each
other's neck, and it was some time before either of them could speak.
At length, when the schoolmaster had a little recovered himself, he
took his brother by the hand, and turning round, 'This is the man,'
said he, pointing to Karfa, 'who has been my father in Manding. I
would have pointed him out sooner to you, but my heart was too
full.'" The coffle then proceeded to Malacotta, where they were well
entertained for three days, being each day presented with a bullock
from the schoolmaster.

Malacotta is an unwalled town; the huts are made of unsplit canes
twisted into wicker work, and plastered over with mud. The
inhabitants are active and industrious; they make good soap by
boiling ground nuts in water, and adding a lye of wood ashes. They
also manufacture excellent iron, which they exchange in Bondou for
salt.

A party of traders brought intelligence to this town of a war between
the king of Foota Torra and the king of the Jaloffs, which soon
became a favourite subject of conversation in this part of Africa.
Its circumstances were as follow:--Almami Abdulkader, king of Foota
Torra, inflamed with a zeal for propagating the religion of the
prophet, sent an ambassador to Damel, king of the Jaloffs,
accompanied by two principal bushreens, each bearing a long pole, to
the end of which was fixed a large knife. When admitted into the
presence of Damel, the ambassador ordered the bushreens to present
the emblems of his mission, which he thus explained:--"With this
knife," said he, "Abdulkader will condescend to shave the head of
Damel, if Damel will embrace the Mahometan faith; and with the other
knife, Abdulkader will cut the throat of Damel, if Darnel refuses to
embrace it. Take your choice."

The king of the  Jaloffs having told the ambassador he chose neither
of his propositions, civilly dismissed him. Abdulkader soon after
invaded Damel's dominions with a powerful army. As he approached, the
towns and villages were abandoned, the wells filled up, and their
effects carried off by the inhabitants. He advanced three days into
the country of the Jaloffs, without opposition; but his army had
suffered so greatly for want of water, that many of his men had died
by the way. This compelled him to march to a watering-place in the
woods, where his men, having quenched their thirst, and being
overcome with fatigue, lay down among the bushes to sleep. Thus
situated, they were attacked by the forces of Damel in the night, and
completely routed. King Abdulkader himself, with a great number of
his followers, being taken prisoners. The behaviour of the king of
the Jaloffs on this occasion we shall relate in Mr. Park's own words.
"When his royal prisoner was brought before him in irons, and thrown
upon the ground, the magnanimous Damel, instead of setting his foot
upon his neck, and stabbing him with his spear, according to custom
in such cases, addressed him as follows:--'Abdulkader, answer me this
question. If the chance of war had placed me in your situation, and
you in mine, how would you have treated me ?'--'I would have thrust
my spear into your heart,' returned Abdulkader, with great firmness,
'and I know that a similar fate awaits me.'--'Not so,' said Damel;
'my spear is indeed red with the blood of your subjects killed in
battle, and I could now give it a deeper stain, by dipping it in your
own; but this would not build up my towns, nor bring to life the
thousands, who fell in the woods; I will not, therefore, kill you in
cold blood, but I will retain you as my slave, until I perceive that
your presence in your own kingdom will be no longer dangerous to your
neighbours, and then I will consider of the proper way of disposing
of you.' Abdulkader was accordingly retained, and worked as a slave
for three months, at the end of which period, Damel listened to the
solicitations of the inhabitants of Foota Torra. and restored to them
their king."

The coffle resumed their journey on the 7th May, and having crossed a
branch of the Senegal, proceeded to a walled town, called Bentingala,
where they rested two days. In one day more, they reached Dindikoo, a
town at the bottom of a high ridge of hills, which gives the name of
Konkodoo to this part of the country; at Dindikoo was a negro of the
sort called in the Spanish West Indies, Albinos, or white negroes.
His hair and skin were of a dull white colour, cadaverous and
unsightly, and considered as the effect of disease.

After a tedious day's journey, the coffle arrived at Satadoo, on the
evening of the 11th. Many inhabitants had quitted this town, on
account of the plundering incursions of the Foulahs of Foota Jalla,
who frequently carried off people from the corn fields and wells near
the town.

The coffle crossed the Faleme river on the 12th, and at night halted
at a village called Medina, the sole property of a Mandingo merchant,
who had adopted many European customs. His victuals were served up in
pewter dishes, and his houses were formed in the mode of the English
houses on the Gambia.

The next morning they departed, in company with another coffle of
slaves, belonging to some Serawoolli traders, and in the evening
arrived at Baniserile, after a very hard day's journey.

Mr. Park was invited by one of the slatees, a native of this place,
to go home to his house. He had been absent three years, and was met
by his friends with many expressions of joy. When he had seated
himself upon a mat near the threshold of his door, a young woman, his
intended bride, brought some water in a calabash, and, kneeling
before him, requested him to wash his hands. This being done, the
young woman drank the water; an action here esteemed as the greatest
proof that can be given of fidelity and affection.

Mr. Park now arrived on the shores of the Gambia, and on the 10th
June 1797 reached Pisania, where he was received as one risen from
the dead; for all the traders from the interior had believed and
reported, that, like Major Houghton, he was murdered by the Moors of
Ludamar. Karfa, his benefactor, received double the stipulated price,
and was overpowered with gratitude; but when he saw the commodious
furniture, the skilful manufactures, the superiority in all the arts
of life, displayed by the Europeans, compared with the attainments of
his countrymen, he was deeply mortified, and exclaimed "Black men are
nothing," expressing, at the same time his surprise, that Park could
find any motive for coming to so miserable a land as Africa.

Mr. Park had some difficulty in reaching home. He was obliged to
embark on the 15th June, in a vessel bound to America, and was
afterwards driven by stress of weather, into the island of Antigua,
whence he sailed on the 24th November, and on the 22nd December
landed at Falmouth. He arrived in London before dawn on the morning
of Christmas day, and in the garden of the British Museum
accidentally met his brother-in-law, Mr. Dickson. Two years having
elapsed since any tidings had reached England, he had been given up
for lost, so that his friends and the public were equally astonished
and delighted by his appearance. The report of his unexpected return,
after making such splendid discoveries, kindled throughout the nation
a higher enthusiasm than had perhaps been excited by the result of
any former mission of the same nature. The Niger had been seen
flowing _eastward_, into the interior of Africa, and hence a still
deeper interest and mystery were suspended over the future course and
termination of this great central stream. Kingdoms had been
discovered, more flourishing and more populous than any formerly
known on that continent; but other kingdoms, still greater and
wealthier, were reported to exist in regions, which Mr. Park had
vainly attempted to reach. The lustre of his achievements had
diffused among the public in general an ardour for discovery, which
was formerly confined to a few enlightened individuals; it was,
however, evident that the efforts of no private association could
penetrate the depths of this vast continent, and overcome the
obstacles presented by its distance, its deserts, and its barbarism.



CHAPTER IX.

It was now thought advisable to trace, without interruption the
interesting career of Mr. Park, from its commencement to its close.
The enthusiasm for discovery was, however, not confined solely to
England; for the return of Park had no sooner reached Germany, than
Frederick Horneman, a student of the university of Gottingen,
communicated to Blumenbach, the celebrated professor of natural
history, his ardent desire to explore the interior of Africa under
the auspices of the British African Association. The professor
transmitted to the association a strong recommendation of Horneman,
as a young man, active, athletic, temperate, knowing sickness only by
name, and of respectable literary and scientific attainments. Sir
Joseph Banks immediately wrote, "If Mr. Horneman be really the
character you describe, he is the very person whom we are in search
of."

On receiving this encouragement, Horneman immediately applied his
mind to the study of natural history and the Arabic language, and in
other respects sought to capacitate himself for supporting the
character of an Arab or a Mahometan, under which he flattered himself
that he should escape the effects of that ferocious bigotry, which
had opposed so fatal a bar to the progress of his predecessors.

In May 1797, Horneman repaired to London, where his appointment was
sanctioned by the association, and having obtained a passport from
the Directory, who then governed France, he visited Paris, and was
introduced to some influential members of the National Institute. He
reached Egypt in September, spent ten days at Alexandria, and set out
for Cairo, to wait the departure of the Kashna caravan. The interval
was employed in acquiring the language of the Mograben Arabs, a tribe
bordering on Egypt. While he was at Cairo, intelligence was received
of the landing of Buonaparte in that country, when the just
indignation of the natives vented itself upon all Europeans, and,
amongst others, on Horneman, who was arrested and confined in the
castle. He was relieved upon the victorious entry of the French
commander, who immediately set him at liberty, and very liberally
offered him money, and every other supply which might contribute to
the success of his mission.

It was not before the 5th September 1798, that Horneman could meet
with a caravan proceeding to the westward, when he joined the one
destined for Fezzan. The travellers soon passed the cultivated lands
of Egypt, and entered on an expanse of sandy waste, such as the
bottom of the ocean might exhibit, if the waters were to retire. This
desert was covered with the fragments, as it were, of a petrified
forest; large trunks, branches, twigs, and even pieces of bark, being
scattered over it. Sometimes these stony remains were brought in as
mistake for fuel. When the caravan halted for the night, each
individual dug a hole in the sand, gathered a few sticks, and
prepared his victuals after the African fashion of kouskous, soups,
or puddings. Horneman, according to his European habits, at first
employed the services of another, but finding himself thus exposed to
contempt or suspicion, he soon followed the example of the rest, and
became his own cook.

There are, as usual, oases in this immense waste. Ten days brought
the caravan to Ummesogeir, a village situated upon a rock, with 120
inhabitants, who, separated by deserts, from the rest of the world,
passed a peaceful and hospitable life, subsisting on dates, the chief
produce of their arid and sterile soil.

Another day's journey brought them to Siwah, a much more extensive
oasis, the rocky border of which is estimated by Horneman to be fifty
miles in circumference. It yields, with little culture, various
descriptions of grain and vegetables; but its wealth consists chiefly
in large gardens of dates, baskets of which fruit form here the
standard of value. The government is vested in a very turbulent
aristocracy, of about thirty chiefs, who meet in council in the
vicinity of the town wall, and in the contests which frequently
arise, make violent and sudden appeals to arms. The chief question in
respect to Siwah is, whether it does or does not comprise the site of
the celebrated shrine of Jupiter Ammon, that object of awful
veneration to the nations of antiquity, and which Alexander himself,
the greatest of its heroes, underwent excessive toil and peril to
visit and to associate with his name. This territory does in fact
contain springs, and a small edifice, with walls six feet thick,
partly painted and adorned with hieroglyphics. There are also antique
tombs in the neighbouring mountains, but as the subsequent
discoveries of Belzoni and Edmonstone have proved that all these
features exist in other oases, scattered in different directions
along the desert borders of Egypt, some uncertainty must perhaps for
ever rest on this curious question.

The route now passed through a region still indeed barren, yet not
presenting such a monotonous plain of sand as intervenes between
Egypt and Siwah. It was bordered by precipitous limestone rocks,
often completely filled with shells and marine remains. The caravan,
while proceeding along these wild tracts, were alarmed by a
tremendous braying of asses, and, on looking back, saw several
hundred of the people of Siwah, armed and in full pursuit, mounted on
these useful animals. The scouts, however, soon brought an assurance
that they came with intentions perfectly peaceable, having merely
understood that in the caravan there were two Christians from Cairo,
and on their being allowed to kill them, the others would be
permitted to proceed without molestation. All Horneman's address and
firmness were required in this fearful crisis. He opposed the most
resolute denial to the assertions of the Siwahans, he opened the
Koran, and displayed the facility with which he could read its pages.
He even challenged his adversaries to answer him on points of
mahommedan faith.  His companions in the caravan, who took a pride in
defending one of their members, insisted that he had cleared himself
thoroughly from the imputation of being an infidel, and as they were
joined by several of the Siwahans, the whole body finally renounced
their bloody purpose, and returned home.

The travellers next passed through Angila, a town so ancient as to be
mentioned by Herodotus, but now small, dirty, and supported solely by
the passage of the inland trade. They then entered the Black
Harutsch, a long range of dreary mountains, the _mons ater_ of the
ancients, through the successive defiles of which they found only a
narrow track enclosed by rugged steeps, and obstructed by loose
stones. Every valley too and ravine into which they looked, appeared
still more wild and desolate than the road itself. A scene of a more
gay and animated description succeeded, when they entered the
district of Limestone Mountains, called the White Harutsch. The rocks
and stones here appeared as if glazed, and abounded in shells and
other marine petrifactions, which on being broken had a vitrified
appearance.

After a painful route of sixteen days through this solitary region,
the travellers were cheered by seeing before them the great oasis, or
small kingdom of Fezzan. Both at Temissa, the first frontier town,
and at Zuila, the ancient capital, which is still inhabited by many
rich merchants, they were received with rapturous demonstrations of
joy. The arrival of a caravan is the chief event which diversifies
the existence of the Fezzaners, and diffuses through the country
animation and wealth. At Mourzouk, the modern capital, the reception
was more solemn and pompous. The sultan himself awaited their arrival
on a small eminence, seated in an arm chair, ornamented with cloth of
various colours, and forming a species of throne. Each pilgrim, on
approaching the royal seat, put off his sandals, kissed the
sovereign's hand, and took his station behind, where the whole
assembly joined in a chant of pious gratitude.

Fezzan, according to Horneman, has a length of 300, and a breadth of
200 miles, and is much the largest of all the oases, which enliven
the immense desert of Northern Africa. It relieves, however, in only
an imperfect degree, the parched appearance of the surrounding
region. It is not irrigated by a river, nor even a streamlet of any
dimensions; the grain produced is insufficient for its small
population, supposed to amount to 70,000 or 75,000 inhabitants, and
few animals are reared except the ass, the goat, and the camel.
Dates, as in all this species of territory, form the chief article of
land produce, but Fezzan derives its chief importance from being the
centre of that immense traffic, which gives activity and wealth to
interior Africa. Mourzouk, in the dry season, forms a rendezvous for
the caravans proceeding from Egypt, Morocco and Tripoli, to the great
countries watered by the western river. Yet the trade is carried on
less by the inhabitants themselves, than by the Tibboos, Tuaricks,
and other wandering tribes of the desert, concerning whom Horneman
collected some information, but less ample than Lyon and Denham
afterwards obtained from personal observation. Of Timbuctoo, he did
not obtain much information, Morocco being the chief quarter whence
caravans proceed to that celebrated seat of African commerce. In
regard, however, to the eastern part of Soudan, he received
intelligence more accurate than had hitherto reached Europe. Houssa
was for the first time understood to be, not a single country or
city, but a region comprehending many kingdoms, the people of which
are said to be the handsomest, most industrious, and most intelligent
in that part of Africa, being particularly distinguished for their
manufacture of fine cloths. Amongst the states mentioned, were
Kashna, Kano, Daura, Solan, Noro, Nyffe, Cabi, Zanfara and Guber.
Most or all of these were tributary to Bornou, described as decidedly
the most  powerful kingdom in central Africa, and which really was so
regarded before the rise of the Fellatah empire caused in this
respect, a remarkable change. The Niger, according to the unanimous
belief in the northern provinces, was said to flow from Timbuctoo
eastward through Houssa, and holding the same direction till it
joined or rather became the Bahr-elabiad, the main stream of the
Egyptian Nile. Prevalent as this opinion is amongst the Arabs, late
discoveries have proved it to be decidedly erroneous; the river or
rivers which water Houssa, being wholly distinct from that great
stream which flows through Bambarra and Timbuctoo.

Horneman, after remaining some time at Mourzouk, had resolved to join
a caravan about to proceed southwards into the interior, when
observing that the cavalcade consisted almost wholly of black
traders, any connexion or intercourse with whom was likely to afford
him little favour in the eyes of the Moors, he was induced to forego
this purpose; more especially as there was the greatest reason to
apprehend obstruction in passing through the country of the Turiacks,
then at war with Fezzan. He was informed besides, that caravans from
Bornou occasionally terminated their journey at Mourzouk, again
returning south; by which under more propitious circumstances he
hoped to accomplish his object. These considerations determined him
to postpone his departure, resolving in the mean while, with the view
of forwarding his despatches to the association, to visit Tripoli,
where, however, he did not arrive till the 19th August, 1799, having
been detained a considerable time by sickness. After remaining in
this city about three months he returned to Mourzouk, nor was it till
the 6th April, 1800, that he departed thence for the southward, in
company with two shereefs, who had given him assurances of friendship
and protection. His letters were filled with the most sanguine hopes
of success. But the lapse of two years without any tidings, threw a
damp on the cheering expectations then raised in the association and
the public. In September 1803, a Fezzan merchant informed Mr. Nissen,
the Danish consul of Tripoli, that Yussuph, as Horneman had chosen to
designate himself, was seen alive and well on his way to Gondasch,
with the intention of proceeding to the coast, and of returning to
Europe. Another moorish merchant afterwards informed Mr. M'Donogh,
British consul at Tripoli, that Yussuph was in safety at Kashna, in
June 1803, and was there highly respected as a mussulman, marabout or
saint. Major Denham afterwards learned that he had penetrated across
Africa as far as Nyffe, on the Niger, where he fell a victim, not to
any hostility on the part of the natives, but to disease and the
climate. A young man was even met with, who professed to be his son,
though there were some doubt as to the grounds of his claim to that
character.

The association, when their expectations from Horneman had failed,
began to look round for other adventurers, and there were still a
number of active and daring spirits ready to brave the dangers of
this undertaking. Mr. Nicholls, in 1804, repaired to Calabar, in the
Gulf of Benin, with the view of penetrating into the interior by this
route, which appeared shorter than any other, but without any
presentiment that the termination of the Niger was to be found in
that quarter. He was well received by the chiefs on that coast, but
could not gain much information respecting that river, being informed
that most of the slaves came from the west, and that the navigation
of the Calabar stream, at no great distance was interrupted by an
immense waterfall, beyond which the surface of the country became
very elevated. Unfortunately, of all the sickly climates of Africa,
this is perhaps the most pestilential, and Mr. Nicholls, before
commencing his journey, fell a victim to the epidemic fever.

Another German named Roentgen, recommended also by Blumenbach,
undertook to penetrate into the interior of Africa by way of Morocco.
He was described as possessing an unblemished character, ardent zeal
in the cause, with great strength both of mind and body. Like
Horneman, he made himself master of Arabic, and proposed to pass for
a Mahommedan. Having in 1809 arrived at Mogadore, he hired two
guides, and set out to join the Soudan caravan. His career, however,
was short indeed, for soon after his body was found at a little
distance from the place whence he started. No information could ever
be obtained as to the particulars of his death, but it was too
probably conjectured that his guides murdered him for the sake of his
property.



CHAPTER X.

We are now entering upon the narrative of a series of the most
extraordinary adventures which ever befel the African travellers, in
the person of an illiterate and obscure seaman, of the name of Robert
Adams, who was wrecked on the western coast of Africa, in the
American ship Charles, bound to the isle of Mayo, and who may be said
to have been the first traveller who ever reached the far-famed city
of Timbuctoo.

The place where the Charles was wrecked was called Elgazie, and the
captain and the whole of the crew were immediately taken prisoners by
the Moors. On their landing, the Moors stripped the whole of them
naked, and concealed their clothes under ground; being thus exposed
to a scorching sun, their skins became dreadfully blistered, and at
night they were obliged to dig holes in the sand to sleep in, for the
sake of coolness.

About a week after landing, the captain of the ship was put to death
by the Moors, for which the extraordinary reason was given, that he
was extremely dirty, and would not go down to the sea to wash
himself, when the Moors made signs for him to do so.

After they had remained about ten or twelve days, until the ship and
its materials had quite disappeared, the Moors made preparations to
depart, and divided the prisoners amongst them. Robert Adams and two
others of the crew were left in the possession of about twenty Moors,
who quitted the sea coast, having four camels, three of which they
loaded with water, and the other with fish and baggage. At the end of
about thirty days, during which they did not see a human being, they
arrived at a place, the name of which Adams did not hear, where they
found about thirty or forty tents, and a pool of water surrounded by
a few shrubs, which was the only water they had met with since
quitting the coast.

In the first week of their arrival, Adams and his companions being
greatly fatigued, were not required to do any work, but at the end of
that time, they were put to tend some goats and sheep, which were the
first they had seen. About this time, John Stevens arrived, under
charge of a Moor, and was sent to work in company with Adams. Stevens
was a Portuguese, about eighteen years of age. At this place they
remained about a month.

It was now proposed by the Moors to Adams and Stevens, to accompany
them on an expedition to Soudenny to procure slaves. It was with
great difficulty they could be made to understand this proposal, but
the Moors made themselves intelligible by pointing to some negro
boys, who were employed in taking care of sheep and goats. Being in
the power of the Moors, they had no option, and having therefore
signified their consent, the party consisting of about eighteen
Moors, and the two whites, set out for Soudenny.

Soudenny is a small negro village, having grass and shrubs growing
about it, and a small brook of water. For a week or thereabouts,
after arriving in the neighbourhood of this place, the party
concealed themselves amongst the hills and bushes, lying in wait for
the inhabitants, when they seized upon a woman with a child in her
arms, and two children (boys), whom they found walking in the evening
near the town.

During the next four or five days, the party remained concealed, when
one evening, as they were all lying on the ground, a large party of
negroes, consisting of forty or fifty made their appearance, armed
with daggers, and bows and arrows, who surrounded and took them all
prisoners, without the least resistance being attempted, and carried
them into the town; tying the hands of some, and driving the whole
party before them. During the night above one hundred negroes kept
watch over them. The next day they were taken before the governor or
chief person, named Muhamoud, a remarkably ugly negro, who ordered
that they should all be imprisoned. The place of confinement was a
mere mud wall, about six feet high, from whence they might readily
have escaped, though strongly guarded, if the Moors had been
enterprising, but they were a cowardly set. Here they were kept three
or four days, for the purpose, as it afterwards appeared, of being
sent forward to Timbuctoo, which Adams concluded to be the residence
of the king of the country. At Soudenny, the houses have only a
ground floor, and are without furniture or utensils, except wooden
bowls, and mats made of grass. They never make fires in their houses.
After remaining about four days at Soudenny, the prisoners were sent
to Timbuctoo, under an escort of about sixty armed men, having about
eighteen camels and dromedaries.

During the first ten days they proceeded eastward, at the rate of
about fifteen to twenty miles a day, the prisoners and most of the
negroes walking, the officers riding, two upon each camel or
dromedary. As the prisoners were all impressed with the belief that
they were going to execution, several of the Moors attempted to
escape, and in consequence, after a short consultation, fourteen were
put to death by being beheaded, at a small village at which they then
arrived, and as a terror to the rest, the head of one of them was
hung round the neck of a camel for three days, until it became so
putrid, that they were obliged to remove it. At this village, the
natives wore gold rings in their ears, sometimes two rings in each
ear. They had a hole through the cartilage of the nose, wide enough
to admit a thick quill, in which Adams saw some of the natives wear a
large ring of an oval shape, that hung down to the mouth.

They waited, only one day at this place, and then proceeded towards
Timbuctoo. Shaping their course to the northward of east, and
quickening their pace to the rate of twenty miles a day, they
completed their journey in fifteen days.

Upon their arrival at Timbuctoo, the whole party were immediately
taken before the king, who ordered the Moors into prison, but
treated Adams and the Portuguese boy as curiosities; taking them to
his house, they remained there during their residence at Timbuctoo.

For some time after their arrival, the queen and her female
attendants used to sit and look at Adams and his companions for hours
together. She treated them with great kindness, and at the first
interview offered them some bread baked under ashes.

The king and queen, the former of whom was named Woollo, the latter
Fatima, were very old grey-headed people. Fatima was like the
majority of African beauties, extremely fat. Her dress was of blue
nankeen, edged with gold lace round the bosom and on the shoulder,
and having a belt or stripe of the same material, half-way down the
dress, which came only a few inches down the knees. The dress of the
other females of Timbuctoo, though less ornamented than that of the
queen, was in the same sort of fashion, so that as they wore no close
under garments, they might, when sitting on the ground, as far as
decency was concerned, as well have had no covering at all. The
queen's head dress consisted of a blue nankeen turban, but this was
worn only upon occasions of ceremony, or when she walked out. Besides
the turban, she had her hair stuck full of bone ornaments of a square
shape, about the size of dice, extremely white; she had large gold
hoop ear-rings, and many necklaces, some of them of gold, the others
made of beads of various colours. She wore no shoes, and in
consequence, her feet appeared to be as hard and dry "as the hoofs of
an ass."

The king's house or palace, which is built of clay and grass, not
whitewashed, consists of eight or ten small rooms on the ground
floor, and is surrounded by a wall of the same materials, against
part of which the house is built. The space within the wall is about
half an acre. Whenever a trader arrives, he is required to bring his
merchandize into this space, for the inspection of the king, for the
purpose of duties being charged upon it. The king's attendants, who
are with him during the whole of the day, generally consist of about
thirty persons, several of whom are armed with daggers, and bows and
arrows. Adams did not know if the king had any family.

For a considerable time after the arrival of Adams and his companion,
the people used to come in crowds to stare at them, and he afterwards
understood that many persons came several days journey on purpose.
The Moors remained closely confined in prison, but Adams and the
Portuguese boy had permission to visit them. At the end of about six
months, a company of trading Moors arrived with tobacco, who after
some weeks ransomed the whole party.

Timbuctoo is situated on a level plain [*], having a river about two
hundred yards from the town, on the south-east side, named La Mar
Zarah. The town appeared to Adams to cover as much ground as Lisbon.
He was unable to give any account of number of its inhabitants,
estimated by Caillie to amount to 10,000 or 12,000. The houses are
not built in streets, nor with any regularity, its population
therefore, compared with that of European towns, is by no means in
proportion to its size. It has no wall nor any thing resembling
fortification. The houses are square, built of sticks, clay, and
grass, with flat roofs of the same materials. The rooms are all on
the ground-floor, and are without any of furniture, except earthen
jars, wooden bowls, and mats made grass, upon which the people sleep.
He did not observe a houses, or any other buildings, constructed of
stone. The palace of the king he described as having walls of clay,
or clay and sand, rammed into a wooden case or frame, and placed in
layers, one above another, until they attained the height required,
the roof being composed of poles or rafters laid horizontally, and
covered with a cement or plaster, made of clay or sand.

[Footnote: This account of Timbuctoo, as given by Adams, by no means
corresponds with that which was subsequently given by Caillie. The
latter makes it situated on a very elevated site, in the vicinity of
mountains; in fact the whole account of that celebrated city, as
given by Caillie, is very defective.]

The river La Mar Zarah is about three quarters of a mile wide at
Timbuctoo, and appeared in this place to have but little current,
flowing to the south-west. About two miles from the town to the
southward, it runs between two high mountains, apparently as high as
the mountains which Adams saw in Barbary; here the river is about
half a mile wide. The water of La Mar Zarah is rather brackish, but
is commonly drunk by the natives, there not being, according to the
report of Adams, any wells at Timbuctoo.

It must be remarked in this place, that at the time when Adams
related the narrative of his residence in Africa, and particularly in
the city of Timbuctoo, a very considerable degree of distrust was
attached to it; and in order to put the veracity of Adams to a
decisive test, the publication of his adventures was delayed until
the arrival of Mr. Dupuis, then the British vice-consul at Mogadore,
to whose interference Adams acknowledged himself indebted for his
ransom, and who, on account of his long residence in Africa, and his
intimate acquaintance with the manners and customs of the natives,
was fully competent to the detection of any imposition which it might
be the intention of Adams to practise upon those, who undertook the
publication of his adventures. From this severe ordeal Adams came out
fully clear of any intention to impose, and the principal points of
his narrative were corroborated by the knowledge and experience of
Mr. Dupuis. Thus that gentleman, in allusion to the description which
Adams gave of La Mar Zarah, mentions that the Spanish geographer
Marmol, who describes himself to have spent twenty years of warfare
and slavery in Africa, about the middle of the sixteenth century,
mentions the river La-ha-mar as a branch of the Niger, having muddy
and unpalatable waters. By the same authority, the Niger itself is
called Yea, or Issa, at Timbuctoo, a name which D'Anville has adopted
in his map of Africa.

The vessels used by the natives are small canoes for fishing, the
largest of which are about ten feet long, capable of carrying three
men; they are built of fig-trees hollowed out, and caulked with
grass, and are worked with paddles about six feet long.

The natives of Timbuctoo are a stout healthy race, and are seldom
sick, although they expose themselves by lying out in the sun at
mid-day, when the heat is almost insupportable to a white man. It is
the universal practice of both sexes to grease themselves all over
with butter produced from goat's milk, which makes the skin smooth,
and gives it a shining appearance. This is usually renewed every day:
when neglected, the skin becomes rough, greyish, and extremely ugly.
They usually sleep under cover at night, but sometimes, in the
hottest weather, they will lie exposed to the night air, with little
or no covering, notwithstanding that the fog, which rises from the
river, descends like dew, and, in fact, at that season supplies the
want of rain.

All the males of Timbuctoo have an incision on their faces from the
top of the forehead down to the nose, from which proceed other
lateral incisions over the eyebrows, into all of which is inserted a
blue dye, produced from a kind of ore, which is found in the
neighbouring mountains. The women have also incisions on their faces,
but in a different fashion; the lines being from two to five in
number, cut on each cheek bone, from the temple straight down; they
are also stained with blue. These incisions being made on the faces
of both sexes when they are about twelve months old, the dyeing
material, which is inserted in them, becomes scarcely visible as they
grow up.

With the exception of the king and queen, and their immediate
companions, who had a change of dress about once a week, the people
are in general very dirty, sometimes not washing themselves for
twelve or fourteen days together. Besides the queen, who, as has been
already stated, wore a profusion of ivory and bone ornaments in her
hair, some of a square shape, and others about as thick as a
shilling, but rather smaller, strings of which she also wore about
her wrists and ankles; many of the women were decorated in a similar
manner, and they seemed to consider hardly any favour too great to be
conferred on the person who would make them a present of these
precious ornaments. Gold ear-rings were much worn, some of the women
had also rings on their fingers, but these appeared to Adams to be of
brass; and as many of the latter had letters upon them, he concluded,
both from this circumstance and from their workmanship, that they
were not made by the negroes, but obtained from the moorish traders.

The ceremony of marriage amongst the upper ranks at Timbuctoo is, for
the bride to go in the day-time to the king's house, and to remain
there until after sunset, when the man who is to be her husband goes
to fetch her away. This is usually followed by a feast the same
night, and a dance. Adams did not observe what ceremonies were used
in the marriages of the lower classes.

As it is common to have several concubines besides a wife, the women
are continually quarrelling and fighting; there is, however, a marked
difference in the degree of respect with which they are treated by
the husband, the wife always having a decided pre-eminence. The
negroes, however, appeared to Adams to be jealous and severe with all
their women, frequently beating them apparently for very little
cause.

The women appear to suffer very little from child-birth, and they
will be seen walking about as usual the day after such an event. It
is their practice to grease a child all over soon after its birth,
and to expose it for about an hour to the sun. The infants at first
are of a reddish colour, but become black in three or four days.

Illicit intercourse appeared to be but little regarded amongst the
lower orders, and chastity among the women in general seemed to be
preserved only so far as their situations or circumstances rendered
it necessary for their personal safety or convenience. In the higher
ranks, if a woman prove with child, the man is punished with slavery,
unless he will take the woman for his wife, and maintain her. Adams
knew an instance of a young man, who, having refused to marry a woman
by whom he had a child, was on that account condemned to slavery. He
afterwards repented, but was not then permitted to retract his
refusal, and was sent away to be sold.

It does not appear that they have any public religion, as they have
not any house of worship; no priest, and, as far as Adams could
discover, never meet together to pray. He had seen some of the
negroes, who were circumcised; but he concluded that they had been in
possession of the Moors, or had been resident at Sudenny. On this
subject Mr. Dupuis says, "I cannot speak with any confidence of the
religion of the negroes of Timbuctoo; I have, however, certainly
heard, and entertain little doubt, that many of the inhabitants are
Mahommedans; it is also generally believed in Barbary, that there are
mosques at Timbuctoo; but, on the other hand, I am confident that the
king is neither an Arab nor a Moor, especially as the traders, from
whom I have collected these accounts, have been either the one or the
other; and I might consequently presume, that, if they did give me
erroneous information on any points, it would at least not be to the
prejudice, both of their national self-conceit, and of the credit and
honour of their religion."

The only ceremony which Adams saw, that appeared like the act of
prayer, was on the occasion of the death of any of the inhabitants,
when the relatives assembled and sat round the corpse. The burial is
not attended with any ceremony whatever; the deceased are buried in
the clothes in which they die, at a small distance to the south-west
of the town.

Their only physicians are old women, who cure diseases and wounds by
the application of simples. Adams had a wen on the back of his right
hand, the size of a large egg, which one of the women cured in about
a month, by rubbing it and applying a plaster of herbs. They cure the
tooth-ache by the application of a liquid prepared from roots, which
frequently causes not only the defective tooth to fall out, but one
or two of the others.

On referring to the notes of Mr. Dupuis on the subject of the cures
performed by the negro women, we read, "I may take this opportunity
of observing that he (Adams) recounted, at Mogadore, several stories
of the supernatural powers or charms possessed by some of the
negroes, and which practised both, defensively to protect their own
persons from harm, and offensively against their enemies. Of these
details I do not remember more than the following circumstance,
which, I think, he told me happened in his presence:--

"A negro slave, the property of a desert Arab, having been threatened
by his master with severe punishment, for some offence, defied his
power to hurt him, in consequence of a charm by which he was
protected. Upon this the Arab seized a gun, which he loaded with a
ball, and fired at only a few paces distant from the negro's breast;
but the negro, instead of being injured by the shot, stooped to the
ground and picked up the ball, which had fallen inoffensive at his
feet."

It seems strange that Adams should have omitted their extraordinary
stories in his narrative; for he frequently expressed to Mr. Dupuis a
firm belief, that the negroes were capable of injuring their enemies
by witchcraft; and he once pointed out to him a slave at Mogadore, of
whom on that account he stood particularly in awe. He doubtless
imbibed this belief, and learned the other absurd stories, which he
related, from the Arabs, some of whom profess to be acquainted with
the art themselves, and all of whom are, it is believed, firmly
persuaded of its existence, and of the peculiar proficiency of the
negroes in it.

It is perhaps not unreasonable to suppose, that having found his
miraculous stories, and his belief in witchcraft discredited and
laughed at, both at Mogadore and Cadiz, Adams should have at length
grown ashamed of repeating them, and even outlived his superstitious
credulity. This solitary instance of suppression may rather be
considered as a proof of his good sense, and as the exercise of a
very allowable discretion, than as evidence of an artfulness, of
which not a trace had been detected in any other part of his conduct.

Dancing is the principal and favourite amusement of the natives of
Timbuctoo; it takes place about once a week in the town, when a
hundred dancers or more assemble, men, women, and children, but the
greater number are men. Whilst they are engaged in the dance, they
sing extremely loud to the music of the tambourine, fife, and
bandera, [*] so that the noise they make, may be heard all over the
town; they dance in a circle, and when this amusement continues till
the night, generally round a fire. Their usual time of beginning is
about two hours before sunset, and the dance not unfrequently lasts
all night. The men have the most of the exercise in these sports
while daylight lasts, the women continuing nearly in one spot, and
the men dancing to and from them. During this time, the dance is
conducted with some decency, but when night approaches, and the women
take a more active part in the amusement, their thin and short
dresses, and the agility of their actions are little calculated to
admit of the preservation of any decorum. The following was the
nature of the dance; six or seven men joining hands, surrounded one
in the centre of the ring, who was dressed in a ludicrous manner,
wearing a large black wig stuck full of kowries. This man at
intervals repeated verses, which, from the astonishment and
admiration expressed at them by those in the ring, appeared to be
extempore. Two performers played on the outside of the ring, one on a
large drum, the other on the bandera. The singer in the ring was not
interrupted during his recitations, but at the end of every verse,
the instruments struck up, and the whole party joined in loud chorus,
dancing round the man in the circle, stooping to the ground, and
throwing up their legs alternately. Towards the end of the dance, the
man in the middle of the ring was released from his enclosure, and
danced alone, occasionally reciting verses, whilst the other dancers
begged money from the by-standers.

[Footnote: The bandera is made of several cocoa-nut shells, tied
together with thongs of goat-skin, and covered with the same
material; a hole at the top of the instrument is covered with strings
of leather, or tendons, drawn tightly across it, on which the
performer plays with the fingers, in the manner of a guitar.]

It has been already stated, that Adams could not form any idea of the
population of Timbuctoo, but on one occasion he saw as many as
two-thousand assembled at one place. This happened when a party of
five hundred men were going out to make war on Bambarra [*]. The day
after their departure, they were followed by a great number of
slaves, dromedaries, and heiries laden with previsions. Such of these
people as afterwards returned, came back in parties of forty or
fifty; many of them did not return at all whilst Adams remained at
Timbuctoo; but he never heard that any of them had been killed.

[Footnote: This statement, which is in opposition to the usual
opinion, that Timbuctoo is a dependency of Bambarra, receives some
corroboration from a passage in Isaaco's journal (p. 205.), where a
prince of Timbuctoo is accused by the king of Sego, of having, either
personally, or by his people, plundered two Bambarra caravans, and
taken both merchandise and slaves.]

About once a month, a party of a hundred or more armed men marched
out in a similar manner, to procure slaves. These armed parties were
all on foot, except the officers; they were usually absent from one
week to a month, and at times brought in considerable numbers. The
slaves were generally a different race of people from those of
Timbuctoo, and differently clothed, their dress being for the most
part of coarse white linen or cotton. He once saw amongst them a
woman, who had her teeth filed round, it was supposed, by way of
ornament, and as they were very long, they resembled crow quills. The
greatest number of slaves that Adams recollects to have seen brought
in at one time, were about twenty, and these, he was informed, were
from a place called Bambarra, lying to the southward and westward of
Timbuctoo, which he understood to be the country, whither the
aforesaid parties generally went out in quest of them.

The negro slaves brought to Barbary from Timbuctoo appear to be of
various nations, many of them distinguished by the make of their
persons and features, as well as by their language. Mr. Dupuis
recollects an unusually tall stout negress at Mogadore, whose master
assured him that she belonged to a populous nation of cannibals. He
does not know whether the fact was sufficiently authenticated, but it
is certain that the woman herself declared it, adding some revolting
accounts of her own feasts on human flesh.

Adams never saw any individual put to death at Timbuctoo, the
punishment for heavy offences being generally slavery; for slighter
misdemeanours, the offenders are punished with beating with a stick;
but in no case is this punishment very severe, seldom exceeding two
dozen blows, with a stick of the thickness of a small walking-cane.

The infrequency of the punishment of death in a community, which
counts human life amongst its most valuable objects of trade, is not,
however, very surprising; and considerable influence must be conceded
to the operation of self-interest, as well as to the feelings of
humanity, in accounting for this merciful feature, if it be indeed
merciful, in the criminal code of the negroes of Soudan.

During the whole of the residence of Adams at Timbuctoo, he never saw
any other Moors than those whom he accompanied thither, and the ten
by whom they were ransomed; and he understood from the Moors
themselves, that they were not allowed to go in large bodies to
Timbuctoo. This statement bears on the face of it a certain degree of
improbability; but it loses that character when it is considered that
Timbuctoo, although it is become, in consequence of its frontier
situation, the port, as it were, of the caravans from the north,
which could not return across the desert the same season, if they
were to penetrate deeper into Soudan, is yet, with respect to the
trade itself, probably only the point whence it diverges to Houssa,
Tuarick, &c. on the east, and to Walet, Jinnie, and Sego, on the west
and south, and not the mart where the merchandise of the caravans is
sold in detail. Such Moors, therefore, as did not return to Barbary
with the returning caravan, but remained in Soudan until the
following season, might be expected to follow their trade to the
larger marts of the interior, and to return to Timbuctoo only to meet
the next winter's caravans. Adams arriving at Timbuctoo in February,
and departing in June, might therefore miss both the caravans
themselves and the traders, who remained behind in Soudan; and, on
the same principle, Park might find Moors carrying on an active trade
in the summer at Sansanding, and yet there might not be one at
Timbuctoo.

Adams never proceeded to the southward of Timbuctoo, further than
about two miles from the town, to the mountains before spoken of; he
never saw the river Joliba or Niger, though he had heard mention made
of it. He was told at Tudenny, that the river lay between that place
and Bambarra.

This apparently unimportant passage, affords on examination a strong
presumption in favour of the truth and simplicity of this part of
Adams' narrative.

In the course of his examinations, almost every new inquirer
questioned him respecting the Joliba or Niger, and he could not fail
to observe, that because he had been at Timbuctoo, he was expected,
as a matter of course, either to have seen, or at least frequently to
have heard of that celebrated river. Adams, however, fairly admitted
that he knew nothing about it, and notwithstanding the surprise of
many of his examiners, he could not be brought to acknowledge that he
had heard the name even once mentioned at Timbuctoo. All that he
recollected was, that a river Joliba had been spoken of at Tudenny,
where it was described as lying in the direction of Bambarra.

They who recollect Major Rennell's remarks respecting the Niger, in
his Geographical Illustrations, will not be much surprised that Adams
should not hear of the Joliba, from the natives of Timbuctoo. At that
point of its course, the river is doubtless known by another name,
and if the Joliba were spoken of at all, it would probably be
accompanied, as Adams states, with some mention of Bambarra, which
may be presumed to be the last country eastward, in which the Niger
retains its Mandingo name.



CHAPTER XI.

The ten Moors who had arrived with the five camels laden with
tobacco, had been three weeks at Timbuctoo, before Adams learnt that
the ransom of himself, the boy, and the Moors, his former companions,
had been agreed upon. At the end of the first week, he was given to
understand, that himself and the boy would be released, but that the
Moors would be condemned to die; it appeared however afterwards, that
in consideration of all the tobacco being given for the Moors, except
about fifty pounds weight, which was expended for a man slave, the
king had agreed to release all the prisoners.

Two days after their release, the whole party consisting of the ten
moorish traders, fourteen moorish prisoners, two white men and one
slave quitted Timbuctoo, having only the five camels, which belonged
to the traders; those which were seized when Adams and his party were
made prisoners, not having been restored. As they had no means left
of purchasing any other article, the only food they took with them
was a little Guinea corn flour.

On quitting the town they proceeded in an easterly course, inclining
to the north, going along the border of the river, of which they
sometimes lost sight for two days together. Except the two mountains
before spoken of to the southward, between which the river runs,
there are none in the immediate neighbourhood of Timbuctoo, but at a
little distance there are some small ones.

They had travelled eastward about ten days, at the rate of about
fifteen or eighteen miles a day, when they saw the river for the last
time; it then appeared rather narrower than at Timbuctoo. They then
loaded the camels with water, and striking off in a northerly
direction, travelled twelve or thirteen days at about the same pace.

At the end of this time they arrived at a place called Tudenny, or
Taudenny, a large village inhabited by Moors and negroes, in which
there are four wells of very excellent water. In this place there are
large ponds or beds of salt, which both the Moors and negroes come in
great numbers to purchase; in the neighbourhood the ground is
cultivated in the same manner as at Timbuctoo. From the number of
Moors, many, if not all of whom, were residents, it appeared that the
restriction respecting them, which was in force at Timbuctoo, did not
extend to Tudenny.

The Moors here are perfectly black, the only personal distinction
between them and the negroes being, that the Moors had long black
hair, and had no scars on their faces. The negroes are in general
marked in the same manner as those of Timbuctoo. Here the party
stayed fourteen days to give the ransomed Moors, whose long
confinement had made them weak, time to recruit their strength; and
having sold one of the camels for two sacks of dates and a small ass,
and loaded the four remaining camels with water, the dates and the
flour, they set out to cross the desert, taking a north-west
direction.

They commenced their journey from Tudenny about four o'clock in the
morning, and having travelled the first day about twenty miles, they
unloaded the camels, and laid down by the side of them to sleep.

The next day they entered the desert, over which they continued to
travel in the same direction nine and twenty days, without meeting a
single human being. The whole way was a sandy plain like the sea,
without either tree, shrub or grass. After travelling in this manner
about fourteen days, at the rate of sixteen or eighteen miles a day,
the people began to grow very weak; their stock of water began to run
short, and their provisions were nearly exhausted. The ass died of
fatigue, and its carcass was immediately cut up and laden on the
camel, where it dried in the sun, and served for food, and had it not
been for this supply, some of the party must have died of hunger.
Being asked if ass's flesh was good eating, Adams replied, "It was as
good to my taste then, as a goose would be now."

In six days afterwards, during which their pace was slackened to not
more than twelve miles a day, they arrived at a place, where it was
expected water would be found; but to their great disappointment,
owing to the dryness of the season, the hollow place, of about thirty
yards in circumference, was found quite dry.

All their stock of water at this time consisted of four goat-skins,
and those not full, holding from one to two gallons each; and it was
known to the Moors, that they had then ten days further to travel
before they could obtain a supply.

In this distressing dilemma it was resolved to mix the remaining
water with camels' urine. The allowance of this mixture to each camel
was only about a quart for the whole ten days; each man was allowed
not more than about half a pint a day.

The Moors, who had been in confinement at Timbuctoo, becoming every
day weaker, three of them in the four following days lay down, unable
to proceed. They were then placed upon the camels, but continual
exposure to the excessive heat of the sun, and the uneasy motion of
the animals, soon rendered them unable to support themselves; and
towards the end of the second day, they made another attempt to
pursue their journey on foot, but could not. The following morning at
day-break, they were found dead on the sand, in the place where they
had lain down at night, and were left behind, without being buried.
The next day, another of them lay down, and, like his late
unfortunate companions, was left to perish; but on the following day,
one of the Moors determined to remain behind, in the hope that he,
who had dropped the day before, might still come up, and be able to
follow the party; some provisions were left with him. At this time it
was expected, what proved to be the fact, that they were within a
day's march of their town, but neither of the men ever after made his
appearance, and Adams has no doubt that they perished.

Vled Duleim, the name of the place at which they now arrived, was a
village of tents, inhabited entirely by Moors, who, from their dress,
manners, and general appearance, seemed to be of the same tribe as
those of the encampment to which Adams was conveyed from El Gazie.
They had numerous flocks of sheep and goats, and two watering places,
near one of which their tents were pitched, but the other lay nearly
five miles off.

Vled, or Woled D'leim, is the douar of a tribe of Arabs inhabiting
the eastern parts of the desert, from the latitude of about twenty
degrees north to the tropic. They are a tribe of great extent and
power, inhabiting detached fertile spots of land, where they find
water and pasturage for their flocks, but are very ignorant of the
commonest principles of agriculture. They are an extremely fine race
of men, their complexion very dark, almost as black as that of the
negroes. They have straight hair, which they wear in large
quantities, aqueline noses, and large eyes. Their behaviour is
haughty and insolent, speaking with fluency and energy, and appearing
to have great powers of rhetoric. Their arms are javelins and swords.

The first fortnight after the arrival of the party was devoted to
their recovery from the fatigues of the journey; but as soon as their
strength was re-established, Adams and his companion were employed in
taking care of goats and sheep. Having now begun to acquire a
knowledge of the moorish tongue, they frequently urged their masters
to take them to Suerra, which the latter promised they would do,
provided they continued attentive to their duty.

Things, however, remained in this state for ten or eleven days,
during which time they were continually occupied in tending the
flocks of the Moors. They suffered severely from exposure to the
scorching sun, in a state almost of utter nakedness, and the miseries
of their situation were aggravated by despair of ever being released
from slavery.

The only food allowed to them was barley-flour and camels' and goats'
milk; of the latter, however, they had abundance. Sometimes they were
treated with a few dates, which were a great rarity, there being
neither date-trees, nor trees of any other kind, in the whole of the
country round. But as the flocks of goats and sheep consisted of a
great number, from one hundred and fifty to two hundred, and as they
were at a distance from the town, Adams and his companion sometimes
ventured to kill a kid for their own eating, and to prevent discovery
of the fire used in cooking it, they dug a cave, in which a fire was
made, covering the ashes with grass and sand.

At length, Adams, after much reflection on the miserable state in
which he had been so long kept, and was likely to pass the remainder
of his life, determined to remonstrate upon the subject. His master,
whose name was Hamet Laubed, frankly replied to him, that as he had
not been successful in procuring slaves, it was now his intention to
keep him, and not, as he had before led him to expect, to take him to
Suerra or Mogadore. Upon hearing this, Adams resolved not to attend
any longer to the duty of watching the goats and sheep; and in
consequence, the following day, several of the young goats were found
to have been killed by the foxes.

This led to an inquiry, whether Adams or the boy was in fault, when
it appearing that the missing goats were a part of Adams' flock, his
master proceeded to beat him with a thick stick; he, however,
resisted, and took away the stick, upon which a dozen Moors,
principally women, attacked him, and gave him a severe beating.

As, notwithstanding what had occurred, Adams persisted in his
determination not to resume his task of tending the goats and sheep,
his master was advised to put him to death, but this he was not
inclined to do, observing to his advisers, that he should thereby
sustain a loss, and that if Adams would not work, it would be better
to sell him. In the mean time, he remained idle in the tent for three
days, when he was asked by his master's wife if he would go to the
distant well, to fetch a couple of skins of water, it being of a
better quality; to which he signified his consent, and went off the
next morning on a camel, with two skins to fetch the water.

On his arrival at the other well, instead of procuring water, he
determined to make his escape; and understanding that the course to a
place called Wadinoon lay in a direction to the northward of west, he
passed the well, and pushing on in a northerly course, travelled the
whole of that day, when the camel, which had been used to rest at
night, and had not been well broken in, would not proceed any
further, and in spite of all the efforts Adams could make, it lay
down with fatigue, having gone upwards of twenty miles without
stopping. Finding there was not any remedy, Adams took off the rope,
with which his clothes were fastened round his body, and as the camel
lay with his fore knee bent, he tied the rope round it in a way to
prevent its rising, and then laid down by the side of it. This rope,
which Adams had brought from Timbuctoo, was made of grass, collected
on the banks of the river.

The next morning, at daylight, he mounted again, and pushed on till
about nine o'clock, when he perceived some smoke in advance of him,
which he approached. There was a small hillock between him and this
place, ascending which, he discovered about forty or fifty tents
pitched, and on looking back, he saw two camels coming towards him,
with a rider on each. Not knowing whether these were in pursuit of
him, or strangers going to the place in view, but being greatly
alarmed, he made the best of his way forward. On drawing near to the
town, a number of women came out, and he observed about a hundred
Moors standing in a row, in the act of prayer, having their faces
towards the east, and at times kneeling down, and leaning their heads
to the ground. On the women discovering Adams, they expressed great
surprise at seeing a white man. He inquired of them the name of the
place, and they told him it was Hilla Gibla. Soon afterwards the two
camels, before spoken of, arriving, the rider of one of them proved
to be the owner of the camel on which Adams had escaped, and the
other his master. At this time Adams was sitting under a tent,
speaking to the governor, whose name was Mahomet, telling him his
story; they were soon joined by his two pursuers, accompanied by a
crowd of people.

Upon his master claiming him, Adams protested that he would not go
back; that his master had frequently promised to take him to Suerra,
but had broken his promises, and that he had made up his mind either
to obtain his liberty or die. Upon hearing both sides, the governor
determined in favour of Adams, and gave his master to understand,
that if he was willing to exchange him for a bushel of dates and a
camel, he should have them; but if not, he should have nothing. As
Adams' master did not approve of these conditions, a violent
altercation arose, but at length, finding the governor determined,
and that better terms were not to be had, he accepted the first
offer, and Adams became the slave of Mahomet.

The natives of Hilla Gibla or El Kabla, appeared to be better
clothed, and a less savage race than those of Woled D'leim, between
whom there appeared to be great enmity. The governor, therefore,
readily interfered in favour of Adams, and at one time threatened to
take away the camel, and to put Mahomet Laubed to death. Another
consideration by which the governor was probably influenced, was a
knowledge of the value of a Christian slave, as an object of ransom,
of which Mahomet Laubed seemed to be wholly ignorant.

On entering the service of his new master, Adams was sent to tend
camels, and had been so employed about a fortnight, when this duty
was exchanged for that of taking care of goats. Mahomet had two
wives, who dwelt in separate tents, one of them an old woman, the
other a young one; the goats which Adams was appointed to take care
of, were the property of the elder one.

Some days after he had been so employed, the younger wife, whose name
was Isha, or Aisha, proposed to him that he should also take charge
of her goats, for which she would remunerate him, and as there was no
more trouble in tending two flocks than one, he readily consented.
Having had charge of the two flocks for several days, without
receiving the promised additional reward, he at length remonstrated,
and after some negotiation on the subject of his claim, the matter
was compromised by the young woman's desiring him, when he returned
from tending the goats at night, to go to rest in her tent. It was
the custom of Mahomet, to sleep two nights with the elder woman, and
one with the other, and this was one of the nights devoted to the
former. Adams accordingly kept the appointment, and about nine
o'clock Aisha came and gave him supper, and he remained in her tent
all night. This was an arrangement which was afterwards continued on
those nights, which she did not pass with her husband.

Things continued in this state for about six months, and as his work
was light, and he experienced nothing but kind treatment, his time
passed pleasantly enough. One night his master's son coming into the
tent, discovered Adams with his mother-in-law, and informed his
father, when a great disturbance took place; but upon the husband
charging his wife with her misconduct, she protested that Adams had
laid down in her tent without her knowledge or consent, and as she
cried bitterly, the old man appeared to be convinced that she was not
to blame. The old lady, however, declared her belief that the young
one was guilty, and expressed her conviction that she should be able
to detect her at some future time.

For some days after, Adams kept away from the lady, but at the end of
that time, the former affair appearing to be forgotten, he resumed
his visits. One night, the old woman lifted up the corner of the
tent, and discovered Adams with Aisha, and having reported it to her
husband, he came with a thick stick, threatening to put him to death.
Adams being alarmed, made his escape, and the affair having made a
great deal of noise, an acquaintance proposed to Adams to conceal him
in his tent, and to endeavour to buy him off the governor. Some
laughed at the adventure; others, and they by far the greater part,
treated the matter as an offence of the most atrocious nature, Adams
being "a Christian, who never prayed."

As his acquaintance promised, in the event of becoming a purchaser,
to take him to Wadinoon, Adams adopted his advice, and concealed
himself in his tent. For several days, the old governor rejected
every overture, but at last he agreed to part with Adams for fifty
dollars worth of goods, consisting of blankets and dates, and thus he
became the property of Boerick, a trader, whose usual residence was
at El Kabla.

The frail one ran away to her mother.

The next day Boerick set out with a party of six men and four camels,
for a place called, according to the phraseology of Adams, Villa de
Bousbach, but the real name of which was Woled Aboussebah, which they
reached after travelling nine days at the rate of about eighteen
miles a day, directing their course to the north-east. On their route
they saw neither houses nor trees, but the ground was covered with
grass and shrubs. At this place they found about forty or fifty
tents, inhabited by the Moors, and remained five or six days; when
there, a Moor, named Abdallah Houssa, a friend of Boerick, arrived
from a place called Hieta Mouessa Ali, who informed him that it was
usual for the British consul at Mogadore, to send to Wadinoon, where
this man resided, to purchase the Christians who were prisoners in
that country, and that as he was about to proceed thither, he was
willing to take charge of Adams, to sell him for account of Boerick;
at the same time, he informed Adams that there were other Christians
at Wadinoon. This being agreed to by Boerick, his friend set out in a
few days after for Hieta Mouessa Ali, taking Adams with him. Instead,
however, of going to that place, which lay due north, they proceeded
north-north-west, and as they had a camel each, and travelled very
fast, the path being good, they went at the rate of twenty-five miles
a day, and in six days reached a place called Villa Adrialla, [*]
where there were about twenty tents. This place appeared to be
inhabited entirely by traders, who had at least five hundred camels,
a great number of goats and sheep, and a few horses. The cattle were
tended by negro slaves. Here they remained about three weeks, until
Abdallah had finished his business, and then set out for Hieta
Mouessa Ali, where they arrived in three days. Adams believed that
the reason of their travelling so fast during the last stage was,
that Abdallah was afraid of being robbed, of which he seemed to have
no apprehension after he had arrived at Villa Adrialla, and therefore
they travelled from that place to Hieta Mouessa Ali, at the rate of
only about sixteen or eighteen miles a day; their course being due
north-west.

[Footnote: It is the opinion of Mr. Dupuis, that this place should be
written _Woled Adrialla_, but he has no knowledge of it.]

Hieta Mouessa Ali was the largest place which Adams saw, in which
there were no houses, there being not less than a hundred tents.
There was here a small brook issuing from a mountain, being the only
one he had seen except that at Soudenny; but the vegetation was not
more abundant than at other places. They remained here about a month,
during which Adams was as usual employed in tending camels. As the
time hung very heavy on his hands, and he saw no preparation for
their departure for Wadinoon, and his anxiety to reach that place had
been very much excited, by the intelligence that there were other
Christians there, he took every opportunity of making inquiry
respecting the course and distance; and being at length of opinion
that he might find his way thither, he one evening determined to
desert, and accordingly he set out foot alone, with a small supply of
dried goats' flesh, relying upon getting a further supply at the
villages, which he understood were on the road. He had travelled the
whole of that night, and until about noon the next day, without
stopping, when he was overtaken by a party of three or four men on
camels, who had been sent in pursuit of him. It seems they expected
that Adams had been persuaded to leave Hieta Mouessa Ali, by some
persons who wished to take him to Wadinoon for sale, and they were
therefore greatly pleased to find him on foot and alone. Instead of
ill treating him as he apprehended they would do, they merely
conducted him back to Hieta Mouessa Ali, from whence in three or four
days afterwards Abdallah and a small party departed, taking him with
them. They travelled five days in a north-west direction at about
sixteen miles a day, and at the end of the fifth day, reached
Wadinoon. Having seen no habitations on their route, except a few
scattered tents within a day's journey of that town.

The inhabitants of Wadinoon are descended from the tribe Woled
Aboussebah, and owe their independence to its support, for the Arabs
of Aboussebah being most numerous on the northern confines of the
desert, present a barrier to the extension of the emperor of
Morocco's dominion in that direction.

They have frequent wars with their southern and eastern neighbours,
though without any important results; the sterility of the soil
throughout the whole of the region of sand, affording little
temptation to its inhabitants to dispossess each other of their
territorial possessions.



CHAPTER XII.

Wadinoon or Wednoon, was the first place at which Adams had seen
houses after he quitted Tudenny. It is a small town, consisting of
about forty houses and some tents. The former are built chiefly of
clay, intermixed with stone in some parts, and several of them have a
story above the ground-floor. The soil in the neighbourhood of the
town was better cultivated than any he had yet seen in Africa, and
appeared to produce plenty of corn and tobacco. There were also date
and fig trees in the vicinity, as well as a few grapes, apples,
pears, and pomegranates. Prickly pears flourished in great abundance.

The Christians whom Adams had heard of, whilst residing at Hieta
Mouessa Ali, and whom he found at Wadinoon, proved to be, to his
great satisfaction, his old companions, Stephen Dolbie the mate, and
James Davison and Thomas Williams, two of the seamen of the Charles.
They informed him, that they had been in that town upwards of twelve
months, and that they were the property of the sons of the governor.

Soon after the arrival of Adams at Wadinoon, Abdallah offered him for
sale to the governor or sheik, called Amedallah Salem, who consented
to take him upon trial; but after remaining a week at the governor's
house, Adams was returned to his old master, as the parties could not
agree upon the price. He was at length, however, sold to Belcassam
Abdallah for seventy dollars in trade, payable in blankets,
gunpowder, and dates.

The only other white resident at Wadinoon was a Frenchman, who
informed Adams that he had been wrecked about twelve years before on
the neighbouring coast, and that the whole of the crew, except
himself, had been redeemed. This man had turned Mahommedan, and was
named Absalom; he had a wife and child and three slaves, and gained a
good living by the manufacture of gunpowder. He lived in the same
house as the person who had been his master, and who, upon his
renouncing his religion, gave him his liberty.

Among the negro slaves at Wadinoon was a woman, who said she came
from a place called Kanno, (Cano?) a long way across the desert, and
that she had seen in her own country white men, as white as "bather,"
meaning the wall, and in a large boat, with two high sticks in it,
with cloth upon them, and that they rowed this boat in a manner
different from the custom of the negroes, who use paddles; in stating
this, she made the motion of rowing with oars, so as to leave no
doubt that she had seen a vessel in the European fashion, manned by
white people.

The work in which Adams was employed at Wadinoon, was building walls,
cutting down shrubs to make fences, or working on the corn lands, or
on the plantations of tobacco, of which a great quantity is grown in
the neighbourhood. It was in the month of August that he arrived
there, as he was told by the Frenchman before spoken of; the grain
had been gathered, but the tobacco was then getting in, at which he
was required to assist. His labour at this place was extremely
severe. On the moorish sabbath, which was also their market-day, the
Christian slaves were not required to labour, unless on extraordinary
occasions, when there was any particular work to do, which could not
be delayed. In these intervals of repose, they had opportunity of
meeting and conversing together, and Adams had the melancholy
consolation of finding that the lot of his companions had been even
more severe than his own. It appeared that, on their arrival, the
Frenchman before mentioned, from some unexplained motive, had advised
them to refuse to work, and the consequence was, that they had been
cruelly beaten and punished, and had been made to work and live hard,
their only scanty food being barley flour and indian corn flour.
However, on extraordinary occasions, and as a great indulgence, they
sometimes obtained a few dates.

In this wretched manner Adams and his fellow-captives lived until the
June following, when a circumstance occurred, which had nearly cost
the former his life. His master's son, Hameda Bel Cossim, having one
sabbath-day ordered Adams to take the horse and go to plough, the
latter refused to obey him, urging that it was not the custom of any
slaves to work on the sabbath-day, and that he was entitled to the
same indulgence as the rest. Upon which Hameda went into the house
and fetched a cutlass, and then demanded of Adams, whether he would
go to plough or not. Upon his replying that he would not, Hameda
struck him on the forehead with the cutlass, and gave him a severe
wound over the right eye, and immediately knocked him down with his
fist. This was no sooner done, than Adams was set upon by a number of
Moors, who beat him with sticks in so violent a manner, that the
blood came out of his mouth, two of his double teeth were knocked
out, and he was almost killed; it was his opinion that they would
have entirely killed him, had it not been for the interference of
Boadick, the sheik's son, who reproached them for their cruelty,
declaring that they had no right to compel Adams to work on a
market-day. The next day Hameda's mother, named Moghtari, came to
him, and asked him how he dared to lift his hand against a Moor? To
which Adams, driven to desperation by the ill treatment he had
received, replied, that he would even take his life, if it were in
his power. Moghtari then said, that unless he would kiss Hameda's
hands and feet, he should be put in irons, which he peremptorily
refused to do. Soon after. Hameda's father came to Adams, and told
him, that unless he did kiss his son's feet and hands, he must be put
in irons. Adams then stated to him, that he could not submit to do
so; that it was contrary to his religion to kiss the hands and feet
of any person; that in his own country he had never been required to
do it; and that, whatever might be the consequence, he would not do
it. Finding he would not submit, the old man ordered that he should
be put in irons, and accordingly they fastened his feet together with
iron chains, and did the same by his hands. After he had remained in
this state about ten days, Moghtari came to him again, urging him to
do as required, and declaring that, if he did not, he should never
see the Christian country again. Adams, however, persevered in
turning a deaf ear to her entreaties and threats. Some time
afterwards, finding that confinement was destructive of his health,
Hameda came to him, and took the irons from his hands. The following
three weeks, he remained with the irons on his legs, during which
time, repeated and pressing entreaties, and the most dreadful threats
were used to induce him to submit; but all to no purpose. He was also
frequently advised by the mate and the other Christians, who used to
be sent to him, for the purpose of persuading him to submit, as he
must otherwise inevitably lose his life. At length, finding that
neither threats nor entreaties would avail, and Adams having remained
in irons from June to the beginning of August, and his sufferings
having reduced him almost to a skeleton, his master was advised to
sell him; for, if longer confined, he would certainly die, and
thereby prove a total loss. Influenced by this consideration, his
master at last determined to release him from his confinement; but,
although very weak, the moment he was liberated, he was set to
gathering in the corn.

About a week afterwards, Dolbie, the mate, fell sick. Adams had
called to see him, when Dolbie's master, named Brahim, a son of the
sheik, ordered him to get up and go to work, and upon Dolbie
declaring that he was unable, Brahim beat him with a stick, to compel
him to go; but as he still did not obey, Brahim threatened that he
would kill him; and upon Dolbie's replying, that he had better do so
at once than kill him by inches, Brahim stabbed him in the side with
his dagger, and he died in a few minutes. As soon as he was dead, he
was taken by some slaves a short distance from the town, where a hole
was dug, into which he was thrown without ceremony. As the grave was
not deep, and as it frequently happened that corpses after burial
were dug out of the ground by the foxes, Adams and his two surviving
companions went the next day and covered the grave with stones.

As the Moors were constantly urging them to become Mahommedans, and
they were unceasingly treated with the greatest brutality, the
fortitude of Williams and Davison being exhausted, they at last
unhappily consented to renounce their religion, and were circumcised;
by this means they obtained their liberty, after which they were
presented with a horse, a musket, and a blanket each, and permitted
to marry; no Christian being allowed, at any place inhabited by
Moors, to take a wife, or to cohabit with a moorish woman.

As Adams was now the only remaining Christian at Wadinoon, he became
in a more especial manner an object of the derision and persecution
of the Moors, who were constantly upbraiding and reviling him, and
telling him that his soul would be lost, unless he became a
Mahommedan, insomuch that his life was becoming intolerable.

Mr. Dupuis, speaking of the conduct which Adams received from the
Moors, says, "I can easily believe Adams' statement of the brutal
treatment he experienced at Wadinoon. It is consistent with the
accounts I have always heard of the people of that country, who I
believe to be more bigoted and cruel than even the remoter
inhabitants of the desert. In the frequent instances which have come
under my observation, the general effect of the treatment of the
Arabs on the minds of the Christian captives, has been most
deplorable. On the first arrival of these unfortunate men at
Mogadore, if they have been any considerable time in slavery, they
appear lost to reason and feeling, their spirits broken, and their
whole faculties sunk in a species of stupor, which I am unable
adequately to describe. Habited like the meanest Arabs of the desert,
they appear degraded even below the negro slave. The succession of
hardships, which they endure, from the caprice and tyranny of their
purchasers, without any protecting law to which they can appeal for
alleviation or redress, seems to destroy every spring of exertion or
hope in their minds; they appear indifferent to every thing around
them; abject, servile, and brutified."

"Adams alone was, in some respects, an exception from this
description. I do not recollect any ransomed Christian slave, who
discovered a greater elasticity of spirit, or who sooner recovered
from the indifference and stupor here described."

It is to be remarked, that the Christian captives are invariably
worse treated than the idolatrous or pagan slaves, whom the Arabs,
either by theft or purchase, bring from the interior of Africa, and
that religious bigotry is the chief cause of this distinction. The
zealous disciples of Mahomet consider the negroes merely as ignorant,
unconverted beings, upon whom, by the act of enslaving them, they are
conferring a benefit, by placing them within reach of instruction in
"the true belief;" and the negroes, having no hopes of ransom, and
being often enslaved when children, are in general, soon converted to
the Mahommedan faith. The Christians, on the contrary, are looked
upon as hardened infidels, and as deliberate despisers of the
prophet's call; and as they in general steadfastly reject the
Mahommedan creed, and at least never embrace it, whilst they have
hopes of ransom; the Moslim, consistently with the spirit of many
passages in the Koran, views them with the bitterest hatred, and
treats them with every insult and cruelty which a merciless bigotry
can suggest.

It is not to be understood that the Christian slaves, though
generally ill treated and inhumanly worked by their Arab owners, are
persecuted by them ostensibly on account of their religion. They, on
the contrary, often encourage the Christians to resist the
importunities of those who wish to convert them; for, by embracing
Islamism, the Christian slave obtains his freedom, and however ardent
may be the zeal of the Arab to make proselytes, it seldom blinds him
to the calculations of self-interest.

Three days after Williams and Davison had renounced their religion, a
letter was received from Mr. Dupuis, addressed to the Christian
prisoners at Wadinoon, under cover to the governor, in which the
consul, after exhorting them most earnestly not to give up their
religion, whatever might befal them, assured them that within a
month, he should be able to procure their liberty. Davison heard the
letter read, apparently without emotion, but Williams became so
agitated that he let it drop out of his hands, and burst into a flood
of tears.

From this time, Adams experienced no particular ill treatment, but he
was required to work as usual. About a month more elapsed, when the
man who brought the letter, and who was a servant of the British
consul, disguised as a trader, made known to Adams that he had
succeeded in procuring his release, and the next day they set out
together for Mogadore.

On quitting Wadinoon, they proceeded in a northerly direction,
travelling on mules at the rate of thirty miles a day, and in fifteen
days arrived at Mogadore. Here Adams remained eight months with Mr.
Dupuis. America and England being then at war, it was found difficult
to procure for Adams a conveyance to his native country; he therefore
obtained a passage on board a vessel bound to Cadiz, where he
remained about fourteen months as servant or groom, in the service of
Mr. Hall, an English merchant there. Peace having been in the mean
time restored, Adams was informed by the American consul, that he had
now an opportunity of returning to his native country with a cartel,
or transport of American seamen, which was on the point of sailing
from Gibraltar. He accordingly proceeded thither, but arrived two
days after the vessel had sailed. Soon afterwards he engaged himself
on board a Welsh brig, lying at Gibraltar, in which he sailed to
Bilboa, whence the brig took a cargo of wool to Bristol, and after
discharging it there, was proceeding in ballast to Liverpool; but
having been driven into Holyhead by contrary winds, Adams there fell
sick, and was put on shore. From this place he begged his way up to
London, where he arrived completely destitute. He had slept two or
three nights in the open streets, when he was accidentally met by a
gentleman, who had seen him in Mr. Hall's service at Cadiz, and was
acquainted with his history, by whom he was directed to the office of
the African Association, through whose means his adventures were made
known to the public.

Adams may be said to have been the first Christian, who ever reached
the far-famed city of Timbuctoo, and it must be admitted that many
attempts were made to throw a positive degree of discredit upon his
narrative, and to consider it more the work of deep contrivance than
of actual experience. It is certain that many difficulties present
themselves in the narrative of Adams, which cannot be reconciled with
the discoveries subsequently made, but that cannot be argued as a
reason for invalidating the whole of his narrative; especially when
it is so amply and circumstantially confirmed by the inquiries which
were set on foot by Mr. Dupuis, at the instigation of the African
Association, and the result of which was, a complete confirmation of
all the circumstances, which Adams



CHAPTER XIII.

It is perhaps not the least of the many extraordinary circumstances
attending the city of Timbuctoo, that no two travellers agree in
their account of it; and for this reason it is most difficult to
decide, to whom the greatest credibility should be awarded, or, on
the other hand, whether some of them, who pretend to have resided
within its walls, ever visited it at all. The contradictions of the
respective travellers are in many instances so gross, that it is
scarcely possible to believe that the description, which they are
then giving can apply to one and the same place, and therefore we are
entitled to draw the inference, that some of them are practising on
our credulity, and are making us the dupes of their imagination,
rather than the subjects of their experience. The expectations of
moorish magnificence were raised to a very high pitch, by some of the
inflated accounts of the wealth and splendour of the great city of
central Africa; but these expectations were considerably abated by
the description given of Timbuctoo by Adams and Sidi Hamet, a moorish
merchant, who describes that city in the following terms:--

"Timbuctoo is a very large city, five times as great as Swearah
(Suera or Mogadore). It is built in a level plain surrounded on all
sides with hills, except on the south, where the plain continues to
the bank of the same river, which is wide and deep, and runs to the
east. We were obliged to go to it to water our camels, and there we
saw many boats, made of great trees, some with negroes paddling in
them across the river. The city is strongly walled in with stone laid
in clay, like the towns and houses in Suse, only a great deal
thicker."

The latter account is at total variance with both Adams and Caillie,
who describe Timbuctoo as a city having no walls, nor any thing
resembling fortifications. "The house of the king is very large and
high, like the largest house in Mogadore, but built of the same
materials as the walls. There are a great many more houses in the
city, built of stone, _with shops on one side_, where they sell salt,
the staple article, knives, blue cloth, haicks, and an abundance of
other things, with many gold ornaments. The inhabitants are blacks,
and the chief is a very large, grey-headed, old black man, who is
called shegar, which means sultan or king. The principal part of the
houses are made with large reeds, as thick as a man's arm, which
stand upon their ends, and are covered with small reeds first, and
then with the leaves of the date tree; they are round, and the tops
come to a point, like a heap of stones. Neither the shegar nor his
people are Moslem; but there is a town divided off from the principal
one, in one corner by a strong partition wall, with one gate to it,
which leads from the main town, like the Jews' town or _millah_ in
Mogadore. All the Moors or Arabs, who have liberty to come into
Timbuctoo, are obliged to sleep in that part of it every night, or to
go out of the city entirely. No stranger is allowed to enter that
millah, without leaving his knife with the gate-keeper; but when he
comes out in the morning, it is restored to him. The people who live
in that part are all Moslem. The negroes, bad Arabs, and Moors are
all mixed together, and intermarry, as if they were all of one
colour; they have no property of consequence, except a few asses;
their gate is shut and fastened every night at dark, and very
strongly guarded both by night and by day. The shegar or king is
always guarded by one hundred men on mules, armed with good guns, and
one hundred men on foot, with guns and long knives. He would not go
into the millah, and we saw him only four or five times in the two
moons we staid at Timbuctoo, waiting for the caravan; but it had
perished in the desert, neither did the yearly caravan arrive from
Tunis and Tripoli, for it also had been destroyed."

"The city of Timbuctoo is very rich, as well as very large; it has
four gates to it; all of them are opened in the day time, but very
strongly guarded and shut at night. The negro women are very fat and
handsome, and wear large round gold rings in their noses, and flat
ones in their ears, and gold chains and amber beads about their
necks, with images and white fish bones, bent round, and the ends
fastened together, hanging down between their breasts; they have
bracelets on their wrists and on their ankles, and go barefooted. I
had bought a small snuff-box, filled with snuff, at Morocco, and
showed it to the women in the principal street of Timbuctoo, which is
very wide. There were a great number about me in a few minutes, and
they insisted on buying my snuff and box; one made me an offer, and
another made me another, until one, who wore richer ornaments than
the rest, told me, in broken Arabic, that she would take off all she
had about her, and give them to me for the box and its contents. I
agreed to accept them, and she pulled off her nose-rings and
ear-rings, all her neck-chains, with their ornaments, and the
bracelets from her wrists and ankles, and gave them to me in exchange
for it. These ornaments would weigh more than a pound, and were made
of solid gold at Timbuctoo. I kept them through the whole of the
journey afterwards, and carried them to my wife, who now wears a part
of them."

"Timbuctoo carries on a great trade with all the caravans that come
from Morocco, and the shores of the Mediterranean sea. From Algiers,
Tunis, Tripoli, &c. are brought all kinds of cloth, iron, salt,
muskets, powder and lead swords or scimitars, tobacco, opium, spices
and perfumes, amber beads, and other trinkets, with a few more
articles. They carry back, in return, elephants' teeth, gold dust and
wrought gold, gum-senegal, ostrich feathers, very curiously worked
turbans, and slaves; a great many of the latter, and many other
articles of less importance. The slaves are brought in from the
south-west, all strongly ironed, and are sold very cheap, so that a
good stout man may be bought for a haick, which costs in the empire
of Morocco about two dollars."

"The caravans stop and encamp about two miles from the city, in a
deep valley, and the negroes do not molest them. They bring their
merchandize near the walls of the city, where the inhabitants
purchase all their goods on exchange for the before-mentioned
articles; not more than fifty men from any one caravan being allowed
to enter the city at a time, and they must go out before others are
permitted to enter. This city carries on a great trade with Wassanah,
a city far to the south-east, in all the articles that are brought to
it by caravans, and gets returns in slaves, elephants' teeth, gold,
&c. The principal male inhabitants are clothed with blue cloth
shirts, that reach from their shoulders down to their knees, and are
very wide, and girt about their loins with a red and brown cotton
sash or girdle. They also hang about their bodies, pieces of
different coloured cloth and silk handkerchiefs. The king is dressed
in a white robe of a similar fashion, but covered with white and
yellow gold and silver plates, that glitter in the sun. He has also
many other shining ornaments of shells and stones hanging about him,
he wears a pair of breeches like the Moors and Barbary Jews, and has
a kind of white turban on his head, pointing up, and strung with
different kinds of ornaments. His feet are covered with red morocco
shoes. He has no other weapon about him than a large white staff or
sceptre, with a golden lion on the head of it, which he carries in
his hand. His countenance is mild, and he seems to govern his
subjects more like a father than a king. All but the king go
bareheaded. The poor have only a single piece of blue or other cloth
about them. The inhabitants are very numerous; I think six times as
many as in Swearah, besides Arabs and other Mahommedans in their
millah or separate town, which must contain nearly as many people as
there are altogether in Swearah. [*] The women are clothed in a light
shirt, or under-dress, and over it a green, red or blue covering,
from the bosom to below the knees, the whole of them girt about their
waists with a red girdle. They stain their cheeks and foreheads red
or yellow on some occasions; and the married women wear a kind of
hood on their heads, made of blue cloth or silk, and cotton
handkerchiefs of different kinds and colours, and go barefooted."

[Footnote: Swearah or Mogadore is stated to contain above 36,000
souls, that is 30,000 Moors and 6,000 Jews. This calculation would
make Timbuctoo to contain 216,000 inhabitants. A statement which
deserves little credit.]

"The king and people of Timbuctoo do not fear and worship God like
the Moslem, but like the people of Soudan, they only pray once in
twenty-four hours, when they see the moon, and when she is not seen,
they do not pray at all. They cannot read nor write, but are honest.
They circumcise their children, like the Arabs. They have not any
mosques, but dance every night, as the Moors and Arabs pray."

"If however European expectation had been raised to an extraordinary
height respecting the size, riches, and importance of Timbuctoo, it
was likely to be still more luxuriantly feasted with the description
of another town of central Africa, in comparison of which Timbuctoo
must appear as a city of a second rate, and which Sidi Hamet
describes as being of the magnitude, that it took him a day to walk
round it."

"According to the statement of Sidi Hamet, he travelled with about
two hundred Moslem, to a large city called Wassanah, a place he had
never before heard of, nor which is to be found in any of the modern
maps of Africa. For the first six days, they travelled over a plain
within sight of the Joliba, in a direction a little to the south of
east, till they came to a small town called Bimbinah, where the river
turned more to the south-east, by a high mountain to the east. They
now left the river, and pursued a direction more to the southward,
through a hilly and woody country for fifteen days, and then came to
the river again. The route wound with the river for three days in a
south-easterly direction, and then they had to climb over a very high
ridge of mountains, thickly covered with very lofty trees, which took
up six days; from the summit, a large chain of high mountains was
seen to the westward. On descending from this ridge, they came
immediately to the river's bank, where it was very narrow and full of
rocks. For the next twelve days, they kept on in a direction
generally south-east, but winding, with the river almost every day in
sight, and crossed many small streams flowing into it. High mountains
were plainly seen on the western side. They then came to a ferry, and
beyond that travelled for fifteen days more, mostly in sight of the
river, till at length after fifty-seven days travelling, not
reckoning the halts, they reached Wassanah."

"This city stands near the bank of the Joliba, which runs past it
nearly south, between high mountains on both sides, _and is so wide
that they could hardly distinguish a man on the other side_. The
walls are very large, built of great stones much thicker and stronger
than those of Timbuctoo, with four gates.   It took a day to walk
round them. _The city has twice as many inhabitants as Timbuctoo;_
[*] the principal people are  well dressed, but all are negroes and
kafirs. They have boats made of great trees hollowed out, which will
hold from fifteen to twenty negroes, and in these they descend the
river for three moons to the great water, and traffic with pale
people who live in great boats, and have guns as big as their
bodies." This great water is supposed to be the Atlantic, and as the
distance of three moons must not be less than two thousand five
hundred miles, it has been supposed that the Niger must communicate
with the Congo. If so it must be, doubtless, by intermediate rivers;
the whole account, however, is pregnant with suspicion, nor has any
part of it been verified by any subsequent traveller.

[Footnote: According to Sidi Hamet, Wassanah must contain nearly half
a million of inhabitants. The circumstance also of the Joliba or
Niger being there so bra that a man could scarcely be seen on the
other side, throws great discredit over the whole statement of the
moorish merchant.]

It is singular, that a great variety of opinion has existed,
respecting the exact state of government to which the city of
Timbuctoo was subject. It is well known, that the vernacular
histories, both traditionary and written, of the wars of the Moorish
empire, agree in stating, that from the middle of the seventeenth
century, Timbuctoo was occupied by the troops of the emperors of
Morocco, in whose name a considerable annual tribute was levied upon
the inhabitants; but that the negroes, in the early part of the last
century, taking advantage of one of those periods of civil dissension
bloodshed, which generally follow the demise of any of the rulers of
Barbary, did at length shake off the yoke of their northern masters,
to which the latter were never afterwards able again to reduce them.
Nevertheless, although the emperors of Morocco might be unable at the
immense distance, which separate them from Soudan, to resume an
authority, which had once escaped I hands, it is reasonable to
suppose that the nearer tribes of Arabs would not neglect the
opportunity thus afforded them, of returning to their old habits of
spoliation, and of exercising their arrogant superiority over their
negro neighbours; and that this frontier state would thus become the
theatre of continual contests, terminating alternately, in the
temporary occupation of Timbuctoo by the Arabs, and in their
re-expulsion by negroes. In order to elucidate the state of things,
which we have here supposed, we need not go further than to the
history of Europe in our own days. How often during the successful
ravages of Buonaparte, that great Arab chieftain of Christendom,
might we not have drawn from the experience of Madrid, or Berlin, or
Vienna, or Moscow, the aptest illustration of these conjectures
respecting Timbuctoo? And an African traveller, if so improbable a
personage may be imagined, who should have visited Europe in these
conjunctures, might very naturally have reported to his countrymen at
home, that Russia, Germany and Spain were but provinces of France,
and that the common sovereign of all these countries resided
sometimes in the Escurial, and sometimes in the Kremlin.

We have seen this state of things existing in Ludamar, to the west of
Timbuctoo, where a negro population is subjected to the tyranny of
the Arab chieftain Ali, between whom and his southern neighbours of
Bambarra and Kaarta we find a continual struggle of aggression and
self-defence; and the well-known character of the Arabs would lead us
to expect a similar state of things along the whole frontier of the
negro population. In the pauses of such a warfare, we should expect
to find no intermission of the animosity or precautions of the
antagonist parties. The Arab victorious would be ferocious and
intolerant, even beyond his usual violence, and the Koran or the
halter would probably be the alternatives, which he would offer to
his negro guest; whilst the milder nature of the negro would be
content with such measures of precaution and self-defence, as might
appear sufficient to secure him from the return of the enemy, whom he
had expelled, without excluding the peaceful trader; and, under the
re-established power of the latter, we might expect to find at
Timbuctoo precisely the same state of things as Adams describes to
have existed in 1811.

The reserve, with which we have seen grounds for receiving the
testimony of the natives of Africa, may reasonably accompany us in
our further comparative examination of their accounts and those of
Adams, respecting the population and external appearance of the city
of Timbuctoo. We cannot give such latitude to our credulity as to
confide in the statements of Sidi Hamet; nor do we place much
reliance on the account of Caillie, who was the last European who may
be said to have entered its walls. Notwithstanding, therefore, the
alleged splendour of its court, the polish of its inhabitants, its
civilized institutions, and other symptoms of refinement, which some
modern accounts or speculations, founded on native reports, have
taught us to look for, we are disposed to receive the humbler
descriptions of Adams, as approaching with much greater probability
to the truth. Let us, however, not be understood as rating too highly
the value of a sailor's reports. They must of necessity be defective
in a variety of ways. Many of the subjects upon which Adams was
questioned, were evidently beyond the competency of such an
individual fully to comprehend or satisfactorily to describe; and we
must be content to reserve our final estimates of the morals,
religion, civil polity, and learning, if the term may be allowed us,
of the negroes of Timbuctoo, until we obtain more conclusive
information than could possibly have been derived from so illiterate
a man as Adams. A sufficiency, however, may be gathered from his
story, to prepare us for a disappointment of the extravagant
expectations, which have been indulged respecting this boasted city.

And here we may remark, that the relative rank of Timbuctoo amongst
the cities of central Africa, and its present importance with
reference to European objects, appear to us to be considerably
overrated. The description of Leo, in the sixteenth century, may
indeed lend a colour to the brilliant anticipations in which some
sanguine minds have indulged on the same subjects in the nineteenth;
but with reference to the commercial pursuits of Europeans, it seems
to have been forgotten, that the very circumstance which has been the
foundation of the importance of Timbuctoo to the traders of Barbary,
and consequently of a great portion of its fame amongst us, its
frontier situation on the verge of the desert, at the extreme
northern limits of the negro population, will of necessity have a
contrary operation now, since a shorter and securer channel for
European enterprise into the central regions of Africa has been
opened by the intrepidity and perseverance of Park, from the
south-western shores of the Atlantic.

Independently of this consideration, there is great reason to believe
that Timbuctoo has in reality declined of late from the wealth and
consequence which it appears formerly to have enjoyed. The existence
of such a state of things, as we have described, in the preceding
pages, the oppositions of the Moors, the resistance of the negroes,
the frequent change of masters, and the insecurity of property
consequent upon these intestine struggles, would all lead directly
and inevitably to this result. That they have led to it, may be
collected from other sources than Adams. Even Park, to whom so
brilliant a description of the city was given by some of his
informants, was told by others that it was surpassed in opulence and
size by Houssa, Walet, and probably by Jinnie. Several instances also
occur in both his missions, which prove that a considerable trade
from Barbary is carried on direct from the desert to Sego and the
neighbouring countries, without ever touching at Timbuctoo; and this
most powerful of the states of Africa, in the sixteenth century,
according to Leo, is now, in the nineteenth, to all appearance, a
mere tributary dependency of a kingdom, which does not appear to have
been known to Leo even by name.

Such a decline of the power and commercial importance of Timbuctoo
would naturally be accompanied by a corresponding decay of the city
itself; and we cannot suppose that Adams' description of its external
appearance will be rejected, on account of its improbability, by
those, who recollect that Leo describes the habitations of the
natives, _in his time,_ almost in the very words of the narrative
_now_ [*], and that the flourishing cities of Sego and Sansanding
appear, from Park's account, to be built of mud, precisely in the
same manner as Adams describes the houses of Timbuctoo.

[Footnote: One of the numerous discordances between the different
translations of Leo, occurs in the passage here alluded to. The
meaning of the Italian version is simply this, that "the dwellings of
the people of Timbuctoo are cabins or huts, constructed with stakes,
covered with chalk or clay, and thatched with straw, _'le cui case
sono capanne fatte di pali coperte di creta co i cortivi di paglia.'_
But the expression in the Latin translation, which is closely
followed by the old English translator, Pery, implies a state of
previous splendour and decay, 'cojus domus omnes in tuguriola,
stramineis tectis, _sunt mutatae.'_"]

But whatever may be the degree of Adams' coincidence with other
authorities, in his descriptions of the population and local
circumstances of Timbuctoo, there is at least one asserted fact in
this part of his narrative, which appears to be exclusively his own;
the existence, we mean, of a considerable navigable river close to
the city. To the truth of which, the credit of Adams is completely
pledged. On many other subjects it is _possible_ that his narrative
might be considerably at variance with the truth, by a mere defect of
memory or observation, and without justifying any imputation on his
veracity, but it is evident that no such latitude can be allowed him
in respect to the La Mar Zarah, which, if not in substance true, must
be knowingly and wilfully false.

We shall conclude our remarks on Adams' narrative, by noticing only
two important circumstances, respectively propitious and adverse to
the progress of discovery and civilization, which is decidedly
confirmed by the account of Adams, viz. the mild and tractable
natures of the pagan negroes of Soudan, and their friendly deportment
towards strangers, on the one hand; and, on the other, the extended
and baneful range of that original feature of African society
--slavery.



CHAPTER XIV.

Previously to entering into any further detail of the different
expeditions for exploring the interior of Africa, it may be greatly
conducive to the better understanding of the subsequent narratives,
when treating of the distinct races of people by which the countries
are inhabited, to give a concise statement of the population of that
part of Africa, which is known by the appellation of West Barbary,
and which may be said to be divided into three great classes,
exclusive of the Jews, viz. Berrebbers, Arabs, and Moors. The two
former of these are, in every respect, distinct races of people, and
are each again subdivided into various tribes or communities; the
third are chiefly composed of the other two classes, or of their
descendants, occasionally mixed with the European or negro races. The
indiscriminate use of the names Arab and Moor, in speaking apparently
of the same people, frequently leads the reader into an error as to
the real class to which the individual belongs, and thus the national
character of the two classes becomes unjustly confounded, whilst at
the same time an erroneous opinion is formed of the relative virtues
and vices of the different people, with whom the traveller is brought
into collision.

In the class of the Berrebbers, we include all those, who appear to
be descendants of the original inhabitants of the country before the
Arabian conquest, and who speak several languages, or dialects of the
same language, totally different from the Arabic. The sub-divisions
of this class are:--1st, the _Errifi,_ who inhabit the extensive
mountainous province of that name on the shores of the Mediterranean;
2nd, _the Berrebbers of the interior,_ who commence on the southern
confines of the Errifi, and extend to the vicinity of Fez and
Mequinez, occupying all the mountains and high lands in the
neighbourhood of those cities; 3rd, _the Berrebbers of middle Atlas;_
and, 4th, _the Shilluh of Suse and Haha,_ who extend from Mogadore
southward to the extreme boundaries of the dominions of the Cid
Heshem, and from the sea coast to the eastern limits of the mountains
of Asia.

The Errifi are a strong and athletic race of people, hardy and
enterprising, their features are generally good, and might in many
cases be considered handsome, were it not for the malignant and
ferocious expression, which marks them, in common with the Berrebber
tribes in general, but which is particularly striking in the eye of
an Errifi. They also possess that marked feature of the Berrebber
tribes, a scantiness of beard; many of the race, particularly in the
south, having only a few straggling hairs on the upper lip, and a
small tuft on the chin. They are incessantly bent on robbery and
plundering, in which they employ either open violence or cunning and
treachery, as the occasion requires, and they are restrained by no
checks either of religion, morals, or humanity. However, to impute to
them in particular, as distinct from other inhabitants of Barbary,
the crimes of theft, treachery, and murder, would certainly be doing
them great injustice, but we believe we may truly describe them as
more ferocious and faithless than any other tribe of Berrebbers.

The Berrebbers of the districts of Fez, Mequinez, and the mountains
of middle Atlas, strongly resemble the Errifi in person, but are said
to be not quite so savage in disposition. They are a warlike people,
extremely tenacious of the independence, which their mountainous
country gives them opportunities of asserting, omit no occasion of
shaking off the control of government, and are frequently engaged in
open hostilities with their neighbours the Arabs, or the emperor's
black troops. They are, as we are informed, the only tribes in
Barbary, who use the bayonet. The districts which they inhabit are
peculiarly interesting and romantic, being a succession of hills and
valleys, well watered and wooded, and producing abundance of grain
and pasturage.

The Shilluh or Berrebbers of the south of Barbary, differ in several
respects from their brethren in the north. They are rather diminutive
in person, and besides the want of beard already noticed, have in
general an effeminate tone of voice. They are, however, active and
enterprising. They possess rather more of the social qualities than
the other tribes; appear to be susceptible of strong attachments and
friendships, and are given to hospitality. They are remarkable for
their attachment to their petty chieftains; and the engagements and
friendships of the latter are held so sacred, that no instance is on
record of any depredation being committed on travellers furnished
with their protection, which it is usual to purchase with a present,
or on any of the valuable caravans, which are continually passing to
and fro through their territory, between Barbary and Soudan: the
predominant feature of their character is, however, self interest,
and although in their dealings amongst strangers, or in the towns,
they assume a great appearance of fairness or sincerity, yet they are
not scrupulous when they have the power in their own hands, and like
the other Berrebbers, they are occasionally guilty of the most
atrocious acts of treachery and murder, not merely against
Christians, for that is almost a matter of course with all the people
of their nation, but even against Mahommedan travellers, who have the
imprudence to pass through their country, without having previously
secured the protection of one of their chiefs.

As the Shilluh have been said to be sincere and faithful in their
friendships, so they are on the other hand, perfectly implacable in
their enmities, and insatiable in their revenge. The following
anecdote will exemplify in some degree these traits of their
character. A Shilluh having murdered one of his countrymen in a
quarrel, fled to the Arabs from the vengeance of the relations of his
antagonist, but not thinking himself secure even there, he joined a
party of pilgrims and went to Mecca. From this expiatory journey he
returned at the end of eight or nine years to Barbary, and proceeded
to his native district, he there sought, under the sanctified name of
El Haje, the pilgrim, a title of reverence amongst the Mahommedans,
to effect a reconciliation with the friends of the deceased. They,
however, upon hearing of his return, attempted to seize him, but
owing to the fleetness of his horse, he escaped and fled to Mogadore,
having been severely wounded by a musket ball in his flight. His
pursuers followed him thither, but the governor of Mogadore hearing
the circumstances of the case, strongly interested himself in behalf
of the fugitive, and endeavoured, but in vain, to effect a
reconciliation. The man was imprisoned, and his persecutors then
hastened to Morocco to seek justice of the emperor. That prince, it
is said, endeavoured to save the prisoner; and to add weight to his
recommendation, offered a pecuniary compensation in lieu of the
offender's life, which the parties, although persons of mean
condition, rejected. They returned triumphant to Mogadore, with the
emperor's order for the delivery of the prisoner into their hands;
and having taken him out of prison, they immediately conveyed him
before the walls of the town, where one of the party, loading his
musket before the face of their victim, placed the muzzle to his
breast, and shot him through the body; but as the man did not
immediately fall, he drew his dagger, and, by repeated stabbing, put
an end to his existence. The calm intrepidity with which this
unfortunate Shilluh stood to meet his fate, could not be witnessed
without the highest admiration; and however much we must detest the
blood-thirstiness of his executioners, we must still acknowledge,
that there is something closely allied to nobleness of sentiment in
the inflexible perseverance, with which they pursued the murderer of
their friend to punishment.

Like the Arabs, the Berrebbers are divided into numerous petty tribes
or clans, each tribe or family distinguishing itself by the name of
its patriarch or founder. The authority of the chiefs is usually
founded upon their descent from some sanctified ancestor; or upon the
peculiar eminence of the individual himself in Mahommedan zeal, or
some other religious qualification.

With the exception already noticed, that the Berrebbers of the north
are of a more robust and stouter make than the Shilluh, a strong
family-likeness runs through all their tribes. Their customs,
dispositions, and national character, are nearly the same; they are
all equally tenacious of their independence, which their local
positions enable them to assume, and are all animated with the same
inveterate and hereditary hatred against their common enemy, the
Arab. They invariably reside in houses or hovels built of stone and
timber, which are generally situated on some commanding eminence, and
are fortified and loop-holed for self-defence. Their usual mode of
warfare is, to surprise their enemy, rather than overcome him by an
open attack; they are reckoned the best marksmen, and possess the
best fire-arms in Barbary, which render them a very destructive enemy
wherever the country affords shelter and concealment; but although
they are always an over-match for the Arabs, when attacked on their
own rugged territory, they are obliged on the other hand, to
relinquish the plains to the Arab cavalry, against which the
Berrebbers are unable to stand on open ground.

The Arabs, who now form so considerable a portion of the population
of Barbary, and whose race in the sheriffe line has given emperors to
Morocco ever since the conquest, occupy all the level country of the
empire, and many of the tribes penetrating into the desert, have
extended themselves even to the confines of Soudan. In person, they
are generally tall and robust, with fine features, and intelligent
countenances. Their hair is black and straight, their eyes large,
black and piercing, their noses gently arched; their beards full and
bushy, and they have invariably good teeth. The colour of those who
reside in Barbary, is a deep, but bright brunette, essentially unlike
the sallow tinge of the mulatto. The Arabs of the desert are more or
less swarthy, according to their proximity to the negro states,
until, in some tribes they are found entirely black, but without the
woolly hair, wide nostril, and thick lip, which peculiarly belong to
the African negro.

The Arabs are universally cultivators of the earth, or breeders of
cattle, depending on agricultural pursuits alone for subsistence. To
use a common proverb of their own, "the earth is the Arab's portion."
They are divided into small tribes or families, each separate tribe
having a particular patriarch or head, by whose name they distinguish
themselves, and each occupying its own separate portion of territory.
They are scarcely ever engaged in external commerce; they dislike the
restraints and despise the security of residence in towns, and dwell
invariably in tents made of a stuff woven from goats' hair and the
fibrous root of the palmeta. In some of the provinces, their
residences form large circular encampments, consisting of from twenty
to a hundred tents, where they are governed by a sheik or magistrate
of their own body. This officer is again subordinate to a bashaw or
governor, appointed by the emperor, who resides in some neighbouring
town. In these encampments there is always a tent set apart for
religious worship, and appropriated to the use of the weary or
benighted traveller, who is supplied with food and refreshment at the
expense of the community.

The character of the Arab, in a general view, is decidedly more noble
and magnanimous than that of the Berrebber. His vices are of a more
daring, and if the expression may be used, of a more generous cast.
He accomplishes his designs rather by open violence than by
treachery; he has less duplicity and concealment than the Berrebber,
and to the people of his own nation or religion, he is much more
hospitable and benevolent. Beyond this, it is impossible to say any
thing in his favour. But it is in those periods of civil discord,
which have been so frequent in Barbary, that the Arab character
completely develops itself. On these occasions, they will be seen
linked together in small tribes, the firm friends of each other, but
the sworn enemies of all the world besides. While these dreadful
tempests last, the Arabs carry devastation and destruction wherever
they go, sparing neither age nor sex, and even ripping open the dead
bodies of their victims, to discover whether they have not swallowed
their riches for the purpose of concealment. Their barbarity towards
Christians ought not to be tried by the same rules as the rest of
their conduct, for although it has no bounds but those which
self-interest may prescribe, it must almost be considered as a part
of their religion; so deep is the detestation which I they are taught
to feel for "the unclean and idolatrous infidel." A Christian,
therefore, who falls into the hands of the Arabs, has no reason to
expect any mercy. If it be his lot to be possessed by the Arabs of
the desert, his value as a slave will probably save his life, but if
he happens to be wrecked on the coasts of the emperor's dominions,
where Europeans are not allowed to be retained in slavery, his fate
would in most cases be immediate death, before the government could
have time to interfere for his protection. The next great division of
the people of western Barbary, are the inhabitants of the cities and
towns, who may be collectively classed under the general denomination
of MOORS, although this name is only known to them through the
language of Europeans. They depend chiefly on trade and manufactures
for subsistence, and confine their pursuits in general to occupations
in the towns. Occasionally, however, but very rarely, they may be
found to join agricultural operations with the Arabs.

The Moors may be divided into the four following classes:--1st. The
tribes descended from _Arab_ families. 2nd. Those of _Berrebber_
descent. 3rd. The _Bukharie._ 4th. The _Andalusie._

The _Arab_ families are the brethren of the conquerors of the
country, and they form the largest portion of the population of the
southern towns, especially of those, which border on Arab districts.
The _Berrebber_ families are in like manner more or less numerous in
the towns, according to the proximity of the latter to the Berrebber
districts.

The _Bukharie,_ or black tribe, are the descendants of the negroes,
brought by the emperor Mulai Ismael, from Soudan. They have been
endowed with gifts of land, and otherwise encouraged by the
subsequent emperors, and the tribe, although inconsiderable in point
of numbers, has been raised to importance in the state, by the
circumstance of its forming the standing army of the emperor, and of
its being employed invariably as the instruments of government. Their
chief residence is in the city of Mequinez, about the emperor's
person. They are also found, but in smaller numbers, in the different
towns of the empire.

The _Andalusie,_ who form the fourth class of Moors, are the reputed
descendants of the Arab conquerors of Spain, the remnant of whom, on
being expelled from that kingdom, appear to have retained the name of
its nearest province. These people form a large class of the
population of the towns in the north of Barbary, particularly of
Tetuan, Mequinez, Fez, and Rhabatt or Sallee. They are scarcely, if
at all found residing to the south of the river Azamoor, being
confined chiefly to that province of Barbary known by the name of El
Gharb.

These may be considered the component parts of that mixed population,
which now inhabit the towns of Barbary, and which are known to
Europeans by the name of Moors. In feature and appearance the greater
part of them may be traced to the Arab, or Berrebber tribes, from
which they are respectively derived, for marriages between
individuals of different tribes are generally considered
discreditable. Such, marriages, however, do occasionally take place,
either in consequence of domestic troubles, or irregularity of
conduct in the parties, and they are of course attended with a
corresponding mixture of feature. Intermarriages of the other tribes
with the Bukharie are almost universally reprobated, and are
attributed, when they occur, to interested motives on the part of the
tribe which sanctions them, or to the overbearing influence and power
possessed by the Bukharie. These matches entail on their offspring
the negro feature, and a mulatto-like complexion, but darker. In all
cases of intermarriage between different tribes or classes, the woman
is considered to pass over to the tribe of her husband.

Besides the Moors, the population of the towns is considerably
increased by the negro slaves, who are in general prolific, and whose
numbers are continually increasing by fresh arrivals from the
countries of Soudan.

There are but few of the African travellers, who, in their
descriptions of the different characters, which may be said to
constitute the various branches of African society, do not frequently
make mention of a class of men known by the name of Marabouts, who
may be regarded as the diviners or astrologers of the ancients, and
of whose manners and imposition a slight sketch may not be thought in
this place inexpedient nor useless.

In order to belong to the privileged class of the marabouts, it is
requisite to have only one wife, to drink no wine nor spirits, and to
know how to read the Koran, no matter however ill the task may be
performed. In a country where incontinence and intemperance are so
prevalent, and literature is so entirely unknown, it is not
surprising that these men should easily gain credit with the public,
but this credit is much augmented if the marabout be skilled in such
tricks as are calculated to impose upon the vulgar. The least crafty
amongst them will continue shaking their heads and arms so violently
during several hours, that they frequently fall down in a swoon;
others remain perfectly motionless, in attitudes the most whimsical
and painful, and many of these impostors have the talent of
captivating the confidence and good opinion of the multitude, by
pretending to perform miracles in the public streets. This trade
descends from father to son; and is so lucrative, that the most
fertile parts of the country swarm with these knavish hypocrites.
When they die, the neighbouring tribes erect a sort of mausoleum to
their memory, consisting of a square tower, surmounted by a cupola of
the most fantastical architecture. To these tombs, called likewise
marabouts, the devout repair in crowds, and are accosted by the
deceased through the organs of his surviving representatives, who
dwell within the walls of the tower, and artfully contrive to
increase the holy reputation of their predecessor, as well as their
own profits. The walls of their tombs are covered with votive tablets
and offerings to the deceased, consisting of fire-arms, saddles,
bridles, stirrups and baskets of fruit, which no profane hand is
allowed to touch, because the departed saint may choose to
appropriate the contents to his own use, and by emptying the basket,
acquire fresh claims to the veneration of the credulous. Some of
these jugglers generally accompany the armies, when they take the
field, feeding the commanders with promises of victory, making the
camp the scene of their mummeries and impostures, and dealing in
amulets, containing mystic words, written in characters, which none
but the marabout who disposes of them can decipher. According to the
price of these amulets, they have respectively the power of shielding
the wearer from a poniard, a musket shot and cannon ball, and there
is scarcely a man in the army, who does not wear one or more of them
round his neck, as well as hang them round that of his horse or
camel. Miraculous indeed is said to be the efficacy of their written
characters in cases of sickness, but the presence of the marabout
himself is necessary, in order that the writing may suit the nature
of the disorder. When the disease is dangerous, the writing is
administered internally, for which purpose they scrawl some words in
large characters, with thick streaks of ink round the inside of a
cup, dissolve the ink with broth, and with many devout ceremonies
pour the liquor down the sick man's throat. These impostors have
always free access to the beys and other high dignitaries of the
state; and with regard to the former, in public audiences they never
kiss his hand, but his shoulder, a token of distinction and
confidence granted only to relations and persons of importance.

In their religion, the Africans labour under the disadvantage of
being left to unassisted reason, and that too very little
enlightened. Man has, perhaps, an instinctive sentiment, that his own
fate and that of the universe are ruled by some supreme and invisible
power, yet he sees this only through the medium of his wishes and
imagination. He seeks for some object of veneration and means of
protection, which may assume an outward and tangible shape. Thus the
African reposes his faith in the doctrine of charms, which presents a
substance stamped with a supernatural character, capable of being
attached to himself individually, and of affording a feeling of
security amid the many evils that environ him. In all the moorish
borders where writing is known, it forms the basis of _Fetisherie,_
and its productions enclosed in golden or ornamented cases, are hung
round the person as guardian influences. Absurd, however, as are the
observances of the negro, he is a stranger to the bigotry of his
moslem neighbours. He neither persecutes nor brands as impious those
whose religious views differ from his own. There is only one point,
on which his faith assumes a savage character, and displays darker
than inquisitorial horrors. The despot, the object of boundless
homage on earth, seeks to transport all his pomp and the crowd of his
attendants to his place in the future world. His death must be
celebrated by the corresponding sacrifice of a numerous band of
slaves, of wives and of courtiers; their blood must moisten his
grave, and the sword of the rude warrior once drawn, does not readily
stop; a general massacre often takes place, and the capitals of these
barbarian chiefs are seen to stream with blood.



CHAPTER  XV.

It is impossible not to view the unquenchable zeal and intrepidity,
which Park evinced on his first journey, without feeling for the
individual the highest sentiments of admiration and respect. In
addition to those high qualifications, we witnessed an admirable
prudence in his intercourse with the natives, and a temper not to be
ruffled by the most trying provocations; a union of qualities often
thought incompatible, and which in our days we fear we cannot expect
to see again directed to the same pursuits. It may be further stated,
that to our own feelings, scarcely an individual of the age can be
named, who has sunk under circumstances of deeper interest than this
lamented traveller; whether we consider the loss, which geographical
science has suffered in his death, or whether we confine our views to
the blasted hopes of the individual, snatched away from his
hard-earned, but unfinished triumph, and leaving to others that
splendid consummation, which he so ardently sought to achieve. True
it is, that the future discoverer of the termination of the Niger,
must erect the structure of his fame on the wide foundation, with
which his great predecessor had already occupied the ground; but
although the edifice will owe its very existence to the labours of
Park, yet another name than his is now recorded on the finished pile;

Hos ego--feci, tulit alter honores.

The African Association, although enthusiastically attached to every
subject connected with the interior of Africa, soon found that,
unless the government would take up the subject as a national affair,
no great hope existed of arriving at the great objects of their
research; it was therefore proposed by Sir Joseph Banks, that a
memorial should be presented to his majesty George III, praying him
to institute those measures, by which the discoveries that Park had
made in the interior of Africa could be prosecuted, and which might
ultimately lead to the solution of those geographical problems, to
which the attention of the scientific men of the country were then
directed.

In the mean time Mr. Park had married the daughter of a Mr. Anderson,
with whom he had served his apprenticeship as a surgeon, and having
entered with some success in the practice of his profession, in the
town of Peebles, it was supposed, that content with the laurels so
dearly earned, he had renounced a life of peril and adventure. But
none of these ties could detain him, when the invitation was given to
renew and complete his splendid career. The invitation was formally
sent to him by government, in October 1801, to undertake an
expedition on a larger scale, into the interior of Africa. His mind
had been brooding on the subject with enthusiastic ardour. He had
held much intercourse with Mr. Maxwell, a gentleman who had long
commanded a vessel in the African trade, by whom he was persuaded
that the Congo, which since its discovery by the Portuguese, had been
almost lost sight of by the Europeans, would prove to be the channel
by which the Niger, after watering all the regions of interior
Africa, enters the Atlantic. The scientific world were very much
disposed to adopt Park's views on this subject, and accordingly the
whole plan of the expedition was adjusted with an avowed reference to
them. The agitation of the public mind, by the change of ministry,
and the war with France, delayed further proceedings till 1804, when
Mr. Park was desired by Lord Camden, the colonial secretary, to form
his arrangements, with an assurance of being supplied with every
means necessary for their accomplishment. The course which he now
suggested, was, that he should no longer travel as a single and
unprotected wanderer; his experience decided him against such a mode
of proceeding. He proposed to take with him a small party, who being
well armed and disciplined, might face almost any force which the
natives could oppose to them. He determined with this force to
proceed direct to Sego, to build there two boats forty feet long, and
thence to sail downwards to the estuary of the Congo. Instructions
were accordingly sent out to Goree, that he should be furnished
liberally with men, and every thing else of which he might stand in
need.

Mr. Park sailed from Portsmouth, in the Crescent transport, on the
30th January 1805. About the 9th of March, he arrived at the Cape
Verd Islands, and on the 28th reached Goree. There he provided
himself with an officer and thirty-five soldiers, and with a large
stock of asses from the islands, where the breed of these animals is
excellent, and which appeared well fitted for traversing the rugged
hills of the high country, whence issue the sources of the Senegal
and Niger. He took with him also two sailors and four artificers, who
had been sent from England. A month however elapsed, before all these
measures could be completed, and it was then evident that the rainy
season could not be far distant, a period, in which travelling is
very difficult and trying to European constitutions. It is clear,
therefore, that it would have been prudent to remain at Goree or
Pisania, till that season had passed; but in Mr. Park's enthusiastic
state of mind, it would have been extremely painful to linger so long
on the eve of his grand and favorite undertaking. He hoped, and it
seemed possible, that before the middle of June, when the rains
usually began, he might reach the Niger, which could then be
navigated without any serious toil or exposure. He departed,
therefore, with his little band from Pisania, on the 4th May, and
proceeded through Medina, along the banks of the Gambia. With so
strong a party, he was no longer dependent on the protection of the
petty kings and mansas, but the Africans seeing him so well provided,
thought he had now no claim on their hospitality; on the contrary,
they seized every opportunity to obtain some of the valuable articles
which they saw in his possession. Thefts were practised in the most
audacious manner; the kings drove a hard bargain for presents; at one
place, the women, with immense labour had emptied all the wells, that
they might derive an advantage from selling the water. Submitting
quietly to these little annoyances, Mr. Park proceeded along the
Gambia till he saw it flowing from the south, between the hills of
Foota Jalla and a high mountain called Mueianta. Turning his face
almost due west, he passed the streams of the Ba Lee, the Ba Ting,
and the Ba Woollima, the three principal tributaries of the Senegal.
His change of direction led him through a tract much more pleasing,
than that passed in his dreary return through the Jallonka
wilderness. The villages, built in delightful mountain glens, and
looking from their elevated precipices over a great extent of wooded
plain, appeared romantic beyond any thing he had ever seen. The rocks
near Sullo, assumed every possible diversity of form, towering like
ruined castles, spires and pyramids. One mass of granite so strongly
resembled the remains of a gothic abbey, with its niches: and ruined
staircase, that it required some time to satisfy him of its being
composed wholly of natural stone. The crossing of the river, now
considerably swelled, was attended with many difficulties, and in one
of them Isaaco, the guide, was nearly devoured by a crocodile.

It was near Satadoo, soon after passing the Faleme, that the party
experienced the first tornado, which marking the commencement of the
rainy season, proved for them the "beginning of sorrows." In these
tornadoes, violent storms of thunder and lightning are followed by
deluges of rain, which cover the ground three feet deep, and have a
peculiarly malignant influence on European constitutions. In three
days twelve men were on the sick-list; the natives, as they saw the
strength of the expedition decline, became more bold and frequent in
their predatory attacks. At Gambia attempts were made to overpower by
main force the whole party, and seize all they possessed; but, by
merely presenting their muskets, the assault was repelled without
bloodshed. At Mania Korro the whole population hung on their rear for
a considerable time, headed by thirty of the king's sons; and some
degree of delicacy was felt as to the mode of dealing with these
august thieves, so long as their proceedings were not quite
intolerable. One of them came up and engaged Mr. Park in
conversation, while another ran off with his fowling-piece, and on
his attempting to pursue him, the first took the opportunity of
seizing his great coat. Orders were now given to fire on all
depredators, royal or plebeian; and after a few shots had been
discharged without producing any fatal effects, the thieves hid
themselves amongst the rocks, and were merely seen peeping through
the crevices.

The expedition continued to melt away beneath the deadly influence of
an African climate. Everyday added to the list of the sick or dead,
or of those who declared themselves unable to proceed. Near Bangassi,
four men lay down at once. It was even with difficulty that Mr. Park
dragged forward his brother-in-law, Mr. Anderson, while he himself
felt very sick and faint. His spirits were about to sink entirely,
when, coming to an eminence, he obtained a distant view of the
mountains, the southern base of which he knew to be watered by the
Niger. Then indeed he forgot his fever, and thought only of climbing
the blue hills, which delighted his eyes.

Before he could arrive at that desired point, three weeks elapsed,
during which he experienced the greatest difficulty and suffering. At
length, he reached the summit of the ridge, which divides the Senegal
from the Niger, and coming to the brow of the hill, saw again this
majestic river rolling its immense stream along the plain. His
situation and prospects were, however, gloomy indeed, when compared
with those, with which he had left the banks of the Gambia. Of
thirty-eight men, whom he then had with him, there survived only
seven, all suffering from severe sickness, and some nearly at the
last extremity. Still his mind was full of the most sanguine hopes,
especially when, on the 22nd August, he found himself floating on the
waters of the Niger, and advancing towards the ultimate object of his
ambition. He hired canoes to convey his party to Maraboo, and the
river here, a mile in breadth, was so full and so deep, that its
current carried him easily over the rapids, but with a velocity,
which was even in a certain degree painful.

At Maraboo, he sent forward Isaaco, the interpreter, to Mansong, with
part of the presents, and to treat with that monarch for protection,
as well as for permission to build a boat. This envoy was absent
several days, during which great anxiety was felt, heightened by
several unfavourable rumours, amongst which was, that the king had
killed the envoy with his own hand, and announced his purpose to do
the same to every white man, who should come within his reach. These
fears were, however, dispelled by the appearance of the royal
singing-man, who brought a message of welcome, with an invitation to
repair to Sego, and deliver in person the remaining presents intended
for the monarch. At Samee, the party met Isaaco, who reported that
there was something very odd in his reception by Mansong. That prince
assured him, in general, that the expedition would be allowed to pass
down the Niger; but whenever the latter came to particulars, and
proposed an interview with Mr. Park, the king began to draw squares
and triangles with his finger on the sand, and in this geometrical
operation his mind seemed wholly absorbed. Isaaco suspected that he
laboured under some superstitious dread of white men, and sought by
these figures to defend himself against their magic influence. It was
finally arranged, that the presents should be delivered, not to
Mansong in person, but to Modibinne, his prime minister, who was to
come to Samee for that purpose. He accordingly appeared, and began by
inquiring, in the king's name, an explanation why Park had come to
Bambarra, with so great a train, from so distant a country, allowing
him a day to prepare his reply. Next morning, the traveller gave an
answer in form, representing his mission as chiefly commercial, and
holding forth the advantages, which Bambarra might reap by receiving
European goods directly from the coast, instead of circuitously, as
now, through Morocco, the desert, Timbuctoo, and Jenne, having a
profit levied on them at every transfer. Modibinne expressed
satisfaction both with the reasons and the presents, and on his
return next day, offered, on the part of Mansong, the option of
building a boat either at Samee, Sego, Sansanding, or Jenne. Park
chose Sansanding, thus enabling the king to avoid an interview with
the Europeans, of which he seemed to entertain so mysterious a dread.

The voyage down the river was distressing; for although the fatigue
of travelling was avoided, the heat was so intense, that it was
thought sufficient to have roasted a sirloin, and the sick had thus
no chance of recovery. Sansanding was found a prosperous and
flourishing town, with a crowded market well arranged. The principal
articles, which were cloth of Houssa or Jenne, antimony, beads, and
indigo, were each arranged in stalls, shaded by mats from the heat of
the sun. There was a separate market for salt, the main staple of
their trade. The whole presented a scene of commercial order and
activity totally unlooked for in the interior of Africa.

Mansong had promised to furnish two boats, but they were late in
arriving, and proved very defective. In order to raise money, it was
necessary to sell a considerable quantity of goods; nor was it
without much trouble, that the two skiffs were finally converted into
the schooner Joliba, forty feet long, six broad, and drawing only one
foot of water, being the fittest form for navigating the Niger
downward to the ocean.

During Mr. Park's stay at Sansanding, he had the misfortune to lose
his brother-in-law, Mr. Anderson, to whom his attachment was so
strong as to make him say, "No event which took place during the
journey ever threw the smallest gloom over my mind, till I laid Mr.
Anderson in the grave. I then felt myself as if left a second time,
lonely and friendless amidst the wilds of Africa." Although the party
were now reduced to five Europeans, one of whom was deranged, and
although the most gloomy anticipations could not fail to arise in the
mind of Mr. Park, his firmness was in no degree shaken. He announced
to Lord Camden his fixed purpose to discover the termination of the
Niger, or to perish in the attempt, adding, "Though all the
Europeans, who are with me should die, and though I were myself half
dead, I would still persevere." To Mrs. Park he announced the same
determination, combined with an undoubting confidence of success, and
the commencement of his voyage down the Niger, through the vast
unknown regions of interior Africa, he called, "turning his face
towards England."

It was on the 7th November 1805, that Park set sail on his last and
fatal voyage. A long interval elapsed without any tidings, which,
considering the great distance, and the many causes of delay, did not
at first excite alarm amongst his friends. As the following year,
however, passed on, rumours of an unpleasant nature began to prevail.
Alarmed by these, and feeling a deep interest in his fate, Governor
Maxwell, of Sierra Leone, engaged Isaaco, the guide, who had been
sent to the Gambia with despatches from the Niger, to undertake a
fresh journey to inquire after him. At Sansanding he was so far
fortunate as to meet Amadi Fatouma, who had been engaged to succeed
himself as interpreter. From him he received a journal, purporting to
contain the narrative of the voyage down the river, and of its final
issue. The party, it would appear, had purchased three slaves, who,
with the five Europeans and Fatouma, increased their number to nine.
They passed Silla and Jenne in a friendly manner; but at Rakbara
(Kabra) and Timbuctoo, they were attacked by several armed parties,
who were repelled only by a smart and destructive fire. No
particulars are given of any of these important places; nor of Kaffo
Gotoijege and others, which the discoverers are represented as having
afterwards passed. At length they came to the village, more properly
the city of Yaour, where Amadi Fatouma left the party, his services
having been engaged only to that point, He had, however, scarcely
taken his leave, when he was summoned before the king, who bitterly
complained that the white men, though they brought many valuable
commodities with them, had passed without giving him any presents. He
therefore ordered that Fatouma should be thrown into irons, and a
body of troops sent in pursuit of the English. These men reached
Boussa, and took possession of a pass, where rocks, hemming in the
river, allowed only a narrow channel for vessels to descend. When
Park arrived, he found the passage thus obstructed, but attempted
nevertheless to push his way through. The people began to attack him,
throwing lances, pikes, arrows, and stones. He defended himself for a
long time, when two of his slaves at the stern of the canoe were
killed. The crew threw every thing they had into the river, and kept
firing; but being overpowered by numbers and fatigue, unable to keep
up the canoe against the current, and seeing no probability of
escaping, Mr. Park took hold of one of the white men, and jumped into
the water. Martyn did the same, and they were all drowned in the
stream in attempting to escape. The only slave that remained in the
boat, seeing the natives persist in throwing weapons into it without
ceasing, stood up and said to them, "Stop throwing now; you see
nothing in the canoe, and nobody but myself; therefore cease. Take me
and the canoe; but don't kill me." They took possession of both, and
carried them to the king.

These sad tidings, conveyed in course to England, were not for a long
time received with general belief. The statement, being sifted with
care, was thought to contain inconsistencies, as well as such a
degree of improbability as left some room for hope; but year after
year elapsed, and this hope died away. Denham and Clapperton received
accounts from various quarters, which very nearly coincided with
those of Amadi Fatouma. Clapperton, in his last journey, even saw the
spot where he perished, which, allowing for some exaggeration, did
not ill correspond with the description just given; and further, he
received notice that Park's manuscripts were in the possession of the
king of Yaour, or Youri, who offered to deliver them up, on condition
that the captain would pay him a visit, which he, unfortunately, was
never able to perform.



CHAPTER XVI.

The fate of Park, notwithstanding the deep regret which it excited in
England and in Europe, presented nothing which could destroy the hope
of future success. The chief cause of failure could be easily traced
to the precipitation into which he had been betrayed by a too ardent
enthusiasm. Nothing had ever been discovered adverse to the
hypothesis that identified the Niger with the Congo, which still
retained a strong hold on the public mind. The views of government
and of the nation on this subject were entirely in unison. It was
therefore determined, that an expedition on a grand scale should be
fitted out, divided into two portions; one to descend the Niger, and
the other to ascend the Congo; which two parties, it was fondly
hoped, would effect a triumphant meeting in the middle of the great
stream that they were sent to explore. The public loudly applauded
this resolution; and never perhaps did an armament, expected to
achieve the most splendid victories, excite deeper interest than
this, which seemed destined to triumph over the darkness that had so
long enveloped the vast interior of Africa.

The expedition to the Congo was entrusted to Captain Tuckey, an
officer of merit and varied services, who had published several works
connected with geography and navigation. Besides a crew of about
fifty, including marines and mechanics; he was accompanied by Mr.
Smith, an eminent botanist, who likewise possessed some knowledge of
geology; Mr. Cranck, a self-taught, but able zoologist; Mr. Tudor, a
good comparative-anatomist; Mr. Lock-hart, a gardener from Kew; and
Mr. Galwey, an intelligent person, who volunteered to join the party.

They sailed from Deptford on the 16th February 1816, and reached
Malemba on the 30th June, where they met with a cordial reception
from the mafook, or king's merchant, in the belief that they were
come to make up a cargo of slaves. The chiefs, on being reluctantly
convinced of the contrary, burst into the most furious invectives
against the crowned heads of Europe, particularly the king of
England, whom they denominated the "devil," imputing chiefly to him
the stop put to this odious, but lucrative traffic. A few days
brought the English into the channel of the Congo, which, to their
great surprise, instead of exhibiting the immense size they had been
taught to expect, scarcely appeared a river of the second class. The
stream it is true, was then at the lowest, but the depth being still
more than 150 fathoms, made it impossible to estimate the mass of
water which its channel might convey to the ocean. The banks were
swampy, overgrown with mangrove trees, and the deep silence and
repose of these extensive forests made a solemn impression upon the
mind.

At Embomma, the emporium of the Congo, much interest was excited by
the discovery, that a negro officiating as cook's mate, was a prince
of the blood. [*] He was welcomed with rapture by his father, and
with a general rejoicing by the whole village. The young savage was
soon arrayed in full African pomp, having on an embroidered coat,
very much tarnished, a silk sash, and a black glazed hat, surmounted
by an enormous feather. Captain Tuckey was introduced to the
_cheeno,_ or hereditary chief, who, with his huge gilt buttons,
stockings of pink sarcenet, red half-boots, and high-crowned
embroidered hat, reminded him of punch in a puppet show. It was vain
attempting to convey to this sage prince, any idea of the objects of
the expedition. The terms which express science, and an enlightened
curiosity, did not excite in his mind a single idea, and he rang
continual changes on the questions:--Are you come to trade? and are
you come to make war? being unable to conjecture any other motive. At
length having received a solemn declaration, that there was no
intention to make war, he sealed peace by the acceptance of a large
present of brandy.

[Footnote: This is by no means an uncommon case in the ships trading
to Africa, for we were once honoured by an introduction to one of
these princes, who came to England in Capt. Fullerton's ship, in the
humble capacity of a cabin boy. We could not exactly ascertain
whether he considered any part of England, as belonging to the
territory of his father, but he seemed very much disposed to consider
our house as his home, for having once gained a footing in it, it was
a very difficult matter to make him comprehend, when it was high time
for him to take his departure. He once honoured us with a visit at
nine o'clock in the morning, and at eleven at night, he was seated
upon the same chair that he had taken possession of in the morning,
during which time he had consumed ten basins of pea-soup, with a
proportionate quantity of other substantials.]

After sailing between ridges of high rocky hills, the expedition came
to the Yellala, or great cataract, and here they met with a second
disappointment. Instead of another Niagara, which general report had
led them to expect, they saw only a comparative brook bubbling over
its stony bed. The fall appears to be occasioned merely by masses of
granite, fragments of which have fallen down and blocked up the
stream. Yet this obstruction rendered it quite impossible for the
boats to pass, nor could they be carried across the precipices and
deep ravines, by which the country was intersected. The discoverers
were, therefore, obliged to proceed by land through this difficult
region, which, without a guide on whom they could rely, was attended
with overwhelming toil. Cooloo Inga, and Mavoonda, the principal
villages, were  separated by wide intervals, which placed the
travellers under the necessity of often sleeping in the open air.
At length the country improved and became more level; the river
widened, and the obstacles to its navigation gradually disappeared.
But just as the voyage began to assume a prosperous aspect,
indications of its fatal  termination began to show themselves.
The health of the party was rapidly giving way under the effects of
fatigue, as well as the malignant influence of a damp and burning
atmosphere. Tudor, Crouch and Galwey, were successively obliged to
return to the ship. Captain Tuckey, after struggling for some time
against the increasing pressure of disease and exhaustion, as well as
the accumulating difficulties of the expedition, saw the necessity of
putting a stop to its further progress. Mr. Smith at first expressed
deep disappointment at this resolution, but soon became so ill that
he could scarcely be conveyed to the vessel. On reaching it, a sad
scene awaited the survivors; Crouch, Tudor and Galwey, were no more;
they had successively sunk under the weight of disease. Mr. Smith
soon shared their fate, and Captain Tuckey himself, on the 4th
October, added one more to the number of deaths, without having
suffered the usual attack of fever. He had been exhausted by constant
depression and mental anxiety.

From this unfortunate expedition, however, some information was
obtained respecting a part of Africa, not visited for several
centuries. No trace indeed was seen of the great kingdoms, or of the
cities and armies described by the Portuguese missionaries, so that
though the interior may very probably be more populous than the banks
of the river, there must in these pious narratives be much
exaggeration; indeed it is not unworthy of remark, that all the
accounts of the early missionaries, into whatever part of the world
they undertook to intrude themselves, can only be looked upon as a
tissue of falsehood, and hyperbolical misrepresentation.

The largest towns, or rather villages, did not contain above one
hundred houses, with five hundred or six hundred inhabitants. They
were governed by chenoos, with a power nearly absolute, and having
mafooks under them, who were chiefly employed in the collection of
revenue. The people were merry, idle, good-humoured, hospitable, and
liberal, with rather an innocent and agreeable expression of
countenance. The greatest blemish in their character appeared in the
treatment of the female sex, on whom they devolved all the laborious
duties of life, even more exclusively than is usual among negro
tribes, holding their virtues also in such slender esteem, that the
greatest chiefs unblushingly made it an object of traffic. Upon this
head, however, they have evidently learned much evil from their
intercourse with Europeans. The character of the vegetation, and the
general aspect of nature, are pretty nearly the same on the Congo, as
on the other African rivers.

Meantime the other part of the expedition, under Major Peddie, whose
destination it was to descend the Niger, arrived at the mouth of the
Senegal. Instead of the beaten track along the banks of that river or
of the Gambia, he preferred the route through the country of the
Foulahs, which, though nearer, was more difficult and less explored.
On the 17th November 1816, he sailed from the Senegal, and on the
14th December, the party, consisting of one hundred men, and two
hundred animals, landed at Kakundy, on the Rio Nunez; but before they
could begin their march, Major Peddie was attacked with fever, and
died. Captain Campbell, on whom the command devolved, proceeded on
the line proposed till he arrived at a small river, called the
Ponietta, on the frontier of the Foulah territory. By this time many
of the beasts of burden had sunk, and great difficulty was found in
obtaining a sufficient supply of provisions. The king of the Foulahs,
on being asked permission to pass through his territory, seemed
alarmed at hearing of so large a body of foreigners about to enter
his country. He contrived, under various pretexts, to detain them on
the frontier four months, during which their stock of food and
clothing gradually diminished, while they were suffering all the
evils that arise from a sickly climate and a scanty supply of
necessaries. At length, their situation became such as to place them
under the absolute necessity of returning. All their animals being
dead, it was necessary to hire the natives to carry their baggage, an
expedient which gave occasion to frequent pillage. They reached
Kakundy with the loss only of Mr. Kum-Doer, the naturalist; but
Captain Campbell, overcome by sickness and exertion, died two days
after, on the 13th of June 1817. The command was then transferred to
Lieutenant Stokoe, a spirited young naval officer, who had joined the
expedition as a volunteer. He had formed a new scheme for proceeding
into the interior; but unhappily he also sunk under the climate and
the fatigues of the, journey.

A sentence of death seemed pronounced against all, who should attempt
to penetrate the African continent, and yet were still some, daring
spirits, who did not shrink from the undertaking. Captain Gray, of
the Royal African corps, who had accompanied the last-mentioned
expedition, under Major Peddie and Captain Campbell, undertook, in
1818, to perform a journey by Park's old route along the Gambia. He
reached, without any obstacle, Boolibani, the capital of Bondou,
where he remained from the 20th June 1818 to the 22nd May 1819; but,
owing to the jealousy of the monarch, he was not permitted to proceed
any further. With some difficulty he reached Gallam, where he met
Staff-surgeon Dockard, who had gone forward to Sego, to ask
permission to proceed through Bambarra, a request which had also been
evaded. The whole party then returned to Senegal.

In 1821, Major Laing was sent on a mission from Sierra Leone, through
the Timannee, Kooranko, and Soolima countries, with the view of
forming some commercial arrangements. On this journey he found reason
to believe, that the source of the Niger lay much further to the
south than was supposed by Park. At Falabo he was assured that it
might have been reached in three days, had not the Kissi nation, in
whose territory it was situated, been at war with the Soolimanas,
with whom Major Laing then resided. He was inclined to fix the source
of this great river a very little above the ninth degree of latitude.



CHAPTER XVII.

The British government was in the mean time indefatigable in their
endeavours to find out the channels for exploring the interior of
Africa. The pashaw of Tripoli, although he had usurped the throne by
violent means, showed a disposition to improve his country, by
admitting the arts and learning of Europe, while the judicious
conduct of Consul Warrington inclined him to cultivate the friendship
of Britain. Through his tributary kingdom of Fezzan, he held close
and constant communication with Bornou, and the other leading states
of central Africa, and he readily undertook to promote the views of
any English expedition in that direction. The usual means were
supplied by the government, and the ordinary inducements held forth
by the association.

In consequence of these amicable dispositions evinced by the bashaw
of Tripoli towards the British government, it was resolved to appoint
a vice-consul to reside at Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan; and the
late Mr. Ritchie, then private secretary to Sir Charles Stuart, the
British ambassador at Paris, was selected for the undertaking. He was
joined at Tripoli by Captain G. F. Lyon, who had volunteered his
services as his companion; and to this enterprising and more
fortunate traveller, who has braved alike the rigours of an Arctic
winter, and the scorching heats of central Africa, we are indebted
for the narrative of the expedition.

On the 25th March 1819, the coffle, (_kafila_, _kefla_,) consisting
of about two hundred men, and the same number of camels, commenced
its march from Tripoli for the interior. They were accompanied by
Mohammed el Mukni, the sultan of Fezzan, from whose protection and
friendship the greatest advantages were anticipated. By the express
advice of the bashaw, the English travellers assumed the moorish
costume, with the character of Moslem. Mr. Ritchie's name was
converted into Yusuf al Ritchie; Captain Lyon called himself Said Ben
Abdallah; and Belford, a ship-wright, who had entered into their
service, took the name of Ali. In the coffle were several parties of
liberated blacks, all joyful at the idea of once more returning to
their native land, though the means of their support were very
slender, and many of them, with their young children, had to walk a
distance of two thousand miles before they could reach their own
country.

The route lay for the first two days over a sandy irregular desert,
and then entered the mountains of Terkoona, situated to the
south-east of Tripoli, and which seems to be a continuation of the
Gharian or Wahryan range. Several little streams flow from the sides
of the hills, abounding with game, particularly snipes and
partridges. On the sixth day, passing over a stony desert, they
reached Benioleed, an Arab town, with about two thousand inhabitants.
It consists of several straggling mud villages, on the sides of a
fertile ravine, several miles in length, and bounded by rocks of
difficult access. The centre is laid out in gardens, planted with
date and olive trees, and producing also corn, vegetables, and pulse.
The valley is subject to inundation during the winter rains, but in
summer requires to be watered with great labour, by means of wells of
extraordinary depth. It is inhabited by the Orfella tribe, subsisting
chiefly by agriculture, and the rearing of cattle, aided only in a
trifling degree by a manufacture of nitre; they are accounted hardy
and industrious, but at the same time dishonest and cruel. Benioleed
castle stands in latitude 31=B0 45' 38" N., longitude 14=B0 12' 10" E.

The houses are built of rough stones, on each side of the Wady, none
are above eight feet in height, receiving their light only through
the doors, and their appearance is that of a heap of ruins. The wells
are from 100 to 200 feet in depth, the water excellent. During the
rains, the valley frequently became flooded by the torrents, and the
water has been known to rise so nigh as to hide from view the tallest
olive trees in the low grounds. Men and animals are often drowned in
the night, before they have time to escape. The torrents from the
hill-sides rushing down with such impetuosity, that in an hour or
two, the whole country is inundated.

On leaving Benioleed, it was necessary to take a supply of water for
three days. The country presented an alternation of stony desert, and
plains not incapable of cultivation, but having at this season no
water. On the fifth day (6th April), they crossed Wady Zemzem, which
runs into the Gulf of Syrtis, and passing over a plain strewed in
some parts with cockle-shells, reached the well of Bonjem, which is
the northern boundary of Fezzan.

On the 7th April, the camels being loaded with four days' water, the
caravan left Bonjem, and proceeded over a barren desert called Klia.
At the end of three hours and a half, they passed a remarkable mound
of limestone and sand, resembling, until a very near approach, a
white turret. It is called by the natives the Bowl of Bazeen, the
latter word signifying an Arab dish, somewhat resembling a hasty
pudding. The halt was made at the end of ten hours, in a sandy
_wady_, called Boo-naja, twenty-two miles south-southeast of Bonjem.

The next day, the road led through a defile, called Hormut Em-halla
(the pass of the army); then passing a range of table-mountains,
running north-east and south-west, called Elood, it crossed a stony
and very uneven plain, encircled with mountains, to the pass of
Hormut Tazzet. Having cleared the pass, the road opened upon a plain
called El Grazat Arab Hoon, where the caravan encamped, after a march
of twelve hours and a half. Here one of the camels died; three others
were unable to come up, and all of the camels in the coffle were much
distressed, not having for several days tasted any kind of food. Two
hours and a half further, they came to a solitary tree, which is
reckoned a day's journey from water. Slaves, in coming from the
water, are not allowed to drink until they reach the tree, which is
one of the longest stages from Fezzan. At the end of nearly eleven
hours, the route led through a pass called Hormut Taad Abar, and
after wading through a _wady_, closely hemmed in by mountains, opened
into a small circular plain, in which was found a well of brackish,
stinking water. In hot seasons, the well is dry, and even at this
time it was very low; but the horses sucked up with avidity the mud
that was thrown out of it. Still there was not any fodder for the
camels, till, about the middle of the next day's march, they reached
a small wady, in which there were some low bushes. A strong sand-wind
from the southward now rendered the march extremely harassing. The
sand flew about in such quantities, that the travellers were unable
to prepare any food, and they could not even see thirty yards before
them. In the evening they encamped amid a plantation of palms, near
two wells of tolerably fresh water, at a short distance from Sockna.
Of this town, which is about half-way between Tripoli and Mourzouk,
Captain Lyon gives the following description:--

Sockna stands on an immense plain of gravel, bounded to the south by
the Soudah mountains, at about fifteen miles; by the mountains of
Wadam, about thirty miles to the eastward; a distant range to the
west, and those already mentioned on the north. The town is walled,
and may contain two thousand persons. There are small projections
from the walls, having loop-holes for musketry. It has seven gates,
only one of which will admit a loaded camel. The streets are very
narrow, and the houses are built of mud and small stones mixed, many
of them having a story above the ground-floor. A small court is open
in the centre, and the doors, which open from this area, give the
only light which the rooms receive. The water of Sockna is almost all
brackish or bitter. There are 200,000 date trees in the immediate
neighbourhood of the town, which pay duty; also an equal number, not
yet come into bearing, which are exempt. These dates grow in a belt
of sand, at about two or three miles distant from the town, and are
of a quality far superior to any produced in the north of Africa.
Owing to their excellence, they are sold at a very high price at
Tripoli. The adjoining country is entirely destitute of shrubs, or
any kind of food for camels, which are therefore sent to graze about
five miles off; while in the town, all animals are fed on dates.
Sheep are brought here from Benioleed, and are, in consequence of
coming from such a distance, very dear. In the gardens about three
miles from the town, barley, maize, and _gussob ohourra_ are
cultivated, as well as a few onions, turnips, and peppers. The number
of flies here are immense, and all the people carry little flappers,
made of bunches of wild bulls' hair tied to a short stick, in order
to keep those pests at a distance. The dates all being deposited in
store-houses in the town, may account in some degree for the
multitude of these insects, which in a few minutes fill every dish or
bowl containing any liquid.

The costume is here the same as that of the Bedouins, consisting
generally of a shirt and barracan, a red cap, and sandals. A few,
whose circumstances allow of it, dress in the costume of Tripoli. The
neat appearance of the men in general is very striking, compared with
that of the Arabs about the coast. The women are considered
exceedingly handsome, indeed one or two were really so, and as fair
as Europeans, but they are noted for their profligacy and love of
intrigue.

The first day of spring is at Sockna a day of general rejoicing. It
is then the custom, to dress out little tents or bowers on the tops
of the houses, decorating them with carpets, _jereeds_, shawls, and
sashes. A gaudy handkerchief on a pole, as a standard, completes the
work, which is loudly cheered by the little children, who eat, drink,
and play during the day in these covered places, welcoming the
spring by songs, and crying continually, "O welcome spring, with
pleasure bring us plenty." The women give entertainment in their
houses, and the day is quite a holiday. From the top of the houses in
which Captain Lyon lodged, these little bowers had a very pretty
effect, every roof in the town being ornamented with one. Four ears
of corn were this day seen perfectly ripe, which was very early for
the season. The gardens here are excellent, compared with the others
in Fezzan.

Ten miles east by south from Sockna is the town of Hoon. It is
smaller than Sockna, but is built and walled in the same manner. It
has three gates, three mosques, and a large building, which is
dignified with the name of a castle, but it does not appear to have
even a loop-hole for musketry. The palm groves and gardens come up
close to the walls of the town, and completely conceal it. The soil
is sand, but is fertilized by being constantly refreshed by little
channels, from wells of brackish water. The inhabitants, who are of
the tribe Fateima, bear a good character.

The town of Wadan is between twelve and thirteen miles east by north
of Hoon. It appeared much inferior to either of the other two in
point of neatness, comfort, and convenience; although its aspect is
much more pleasing; it is built on a conical hill, on the top of
which are some enclosed houses, called the castle. Here is a well of
great depth, cut through the solid rock, evidently not the work of
the Arabs. The tombs and mosques, both here and at Hoon, were
ornamented with numbers of ostrich eggs. The inhabitants of Wadan are
sheerefs, who are the pretended descendants of the prophet, and form
the bulk of the resident population, and Arabs of the tribe _Moajer_,
who spend the greater part of the year with their flocks in the
Syrtis. A few miles eastward of the town, there is a chain of
mountains, which, as well as the town itself, derives its name from a
species of buffalo called _wadan_, immense herds of which are found
there. The wadan is of the size of an ass, having a very large head
and horns, a short reddish hide, and large bunches of hair hanging
from each shoulder, to the length of eighteen inches or two feet;
they are very fierce. There are two other specimens found here, the
_bogra el weish_, evidently the _bekker el wash_ of Shaw, a red
buffalo, slow in its motions, having large horns, and of the size of
a cow; and the white buffalo, of a lighter and more active make, very
shy and swift, and not easily procured. The wadan seems best to
answer to the oryx.

There are great numbers of ostriches in these mountains, by hunting
of which, many of the natives subsist. At all the three towns,
Sockna, Hoon, and Wadan, it is the practice to keep tame ostriches in
a stable, and in two years to take three cullings of the feathers.

Captain Lyon supposes that all the fine _white_ ostrich feathers sent
to Europe are from tame birds, the wild ones being in general so
ragged and torn, that not above half a dozen perfect ones can be
found. The black, being shorter and more flexible, are generally
good. All the Arabs agree in stating, that the ostrich does not leave
its eggs to be hatched by the heat of the sun. The parent bird forms
a rough nest, in which she covers from fourteen to eighteen eggs, and
regularly sits on them, in the same manner as the common fowl does on
her chickens, the male occasionally relieving the female.[Footnote]
It is during the breeding season that the greatest numbers are
procured, the Arabs shooting the old ones on their nests.

[Footnote: There is one peculiarity attending the ostrich, which is,
that although the female lays from about twenty-five to thirty eggs,
yet she only sits upon about fifteen, throwing the remainder outside
the nest, where they remain until the young ones are hatched, and
these eggs form the first food of the young birds.--EDITOR.]

On the 22d April, Captain Lyon and his companions left Sockna, in
company with Sultan Mukni, for Mourzouk, which they entered upon the
4th May. The whole way is an almost uninterrupted succession of stony
plains and gloomy wadys, with no water but that of wells, generally
muddy, brackish, or bitter, and at fearful intervals. On the first
evening, the place of encampment was a small plain, with no other
vegetation than a few prickly _talk_ bushes, encircled by high
mountains of basalt, which gave it the appearance of a volcanic
crater. Here, at a well of tolerably good water, called Gatfa, the
camels were loaded with water for five days. The next day, the horse
and foot men passed over a very steep mountain called Nufdai, by a
most difficult path of large irregular masses of basalt; the camels
were four hours in winding round the foot of this mountain, which was
crossed in one hour. From the wady at its foot, called Zgar, the
route ascended to a flat covered with broken basalt, called Dahr
t'Moumen (the believer's back): it then led through several gloomy
wadys, till, having cleared the mountainous part of the Soudah (Jebel
Assoud), it issued in the plain called El Maitba Soudah, from its
being covered in like manner with small pieces of basalt. Three
quarters of an hour further, they reached El Maitba Barda, a plain
covered with a very small white gravel, without the slightest trace
of basalt.

"We did not see any where," says Captain Lyon, "the least appearance
of vegetation, but we observed many skeletons of animals, which had
died of fatigue in the desert, and occasionally the grave of some
human being. All their bodies were so dried by the extreme heat of
the sun, that putrifaction did not appear to have taken place after
death. In recently dead animals, I could not perceive the slightest
offensive smell; and in those long dead, the skin, with the hair on
it, remained unbroken and perfect, although so brittle as to break
with a slight blow. The sand-winds never cause these carcases to
change their places, as in a short time, a slight mound is formed
round them, and they become stationary."

Afterwards, passing between low, table-topped hills, called El Gaaf,
the coffle encamped on the third evening in a desert, called Sbir ben
Afeen, where the plain presented on all sides so perfect a horizon,
that an astronomical observation might have been taken as well as at
sea. From the excessive dryness of the air, the blankets and
barracans emitted electric sparks, and distinctly crackled on being
rubbed. The horses' tails, also, in beating off the flies, had the
same effect.

The fourth day, the route passed over sand lulls to a sandy irregular
plain, very difficult and dangerous. Here the wind, being southerly,
brought with it such smothering showers of burning sand, that they
frequently lost the track, being unable to distinguish objects at the
distance of only a few yards.

The next day's march, the fifth from Sockna, over a rocky country,
led to the walled village of Zeighan, or Zeghren, situated in the
midst of a large forest of palms, in latitude 27=B0 26' N. Eight miles
further, on basaltic hillocks, is another village, somewhat larger,
and more neatly walled, called Samnoo. The houses are very neatly
built, and the rooms are washed with a yellow mud, which has a pretty
effect. Three tolerably built white-washed minarets, the first that
had been seen since leaving Tripoli, rose to some height above the
houses, and have a pleasing appearance. Palm trees encircle the town,
and the gardens are considered good. This town, as well as Zeighan,
is famed for the number and sanctity of its marabouts. A stage of
twenty miles, over a barren plain of gravel, leads to another, but
inconsiderable town, called Timen-hint. On the next day but one, they
reached Sebha, a mud-walled town, picturesquely situated on rising
ground, surrounded with its palm groves, in the midst of a dreary,
desert plain; it has a high, square, white-washed minaret to its
principal mosque. At this place, Captain Lyon remarked a change of
colour in the population, the people being mulattoes. Two marches
more led to Ghroodwa, a miserable collection of mud huts, containing
about fifty people, who appeared a ragged drunken set, as the immense
number of tapped palms testified. From the ruins of some large mud
edifices, this place seems once to have been of more importance. The
palms, which extend for ten or fifteen miles, east and west, are the
property of the sultan, and appeared in worse condition than any they
had seen. On leaving this place, the route again entered on a barren,
stony plain, and in five hours and a half passed a small wady, called
Wad el Nimmel (the valley of ants), from the number of ants, of a
beautiful pink colour, that are found there. A few scattered palms,
and some ill-built ruined huts occurring at intervals, and betokening
the greatest wretchedness, alone relieved the dreariness of the
remainder of the journey.



CHAPTER  XVIII.

The entry into Mourzouk, the capital of Sultan Mukni, was attended
with the usual ceremonial. On drawing near to the palm groves and
gardens, which encompass the city, a large body of horse and foot was
seen approaching with silken flags. When the horsemen had advanced
within five hundred yards of the party, they set off at full speed,
and, on coming up, threw themselves from their horses, and ran to
kiss the sultan's hand. On drawing nearer to the town, the cavalcade
was met by the dancers, drummers, and pipers. Two men, bearing fans
of ostrich feathers, stationed themselves on each side of the sultan,
beating off the flies. Thus preceded by the led horses and silken
flags, they made their entry, the horsemen continuing to skirmish
till they reached the gate. The soldiers then raced up every broad
street, shouting and firing, whilst the women uttered their shrill
cry, and on passing a large open space, a salute was fired from two
six-pounders. The scene was altogether highly interesting.

Mourzouk is a walled town, containing about 2,500 inhabitants, who
are blacks, and who do not, like the Arabs, change their residence.
The walls are of mud, having round buttresses, with loopholes for
musketry, rudely built, but sufficiently strong to guard against
attack; they are about fifteen feet in height, and at the bottom
eight feet in thickness, tapering, as all the walls in this country
do, towards the top. The town has seven gates, four of which are
built up, in order to prevent the people escaping when they are
required to pay their duties. A man is appointed by the sultan to
attend each of these gates, day and night, lest any slaves or
merchandise should be smuggled into the town. The people, in building
the walls and houses, fabricate a good substitute for stones, which
are not to be found in those parts, by forming clay into balls, which
they dry in the sun, and use with mud as mortar; the walls are thus
made very strong, and as rain is unknown, durable also. The houses,
with very few exceptions, are of one story, and those of the poorer
sort, receive all their light from the doors. They are so low as to
require stooping nearly double to enter them; but the large houses
have a capacious outer door, which is sufficiently well contrived,
considering the bad quality of the wood, that composes them. Thick
palm planks, of four or five inches in breadth, for the size and
manner of cutting a tree will not afford more, have a square hole
punched through them at the top and bottom, by which they are firmly
wedged together with thick palm sticks; wet thongs of camels' hide
are then tied tightly over them, which, on drying, draw the planks
more strongly and securely together. There are not any hinges to the
doors, but they turn on a pivot, formed on the last plank near the
wall, which is always the largest on that account. The locks and keys
are very large and heavy, and of curious construction. The houses are
generally built in little narrow streets, but there are many open
places, entirely void of buildings, and covered with sand, on which
the camels of the traders rest. Many palms grow in the town, and some
houses have small square enclosures, in which are cultivated a few
red peppers and onions. The street of entrance is a broad space, of
at least a hundred yards, leading to the wall that surrounds the
castle, and is extremely pretty. Here the horsemen have full scope to
display their abilities, when they skirmish before the sultan. The
castle itself is an immense mud building, rising to the height of
eighty or ninety feet, with little battlements on the walls, and at a
distance really looks warlike. Like all the other buildings, it has
no pretensions to regularity. The lower walls are fifty or sixty feet
in thickness, the upper taper off to about four or five feet. In
consequence of the immense mass of wall, the apartments are very
small, and few in number. The rooms occupied by the sultan are of the
best quality, that is to say, comparatively, for the walls are
tolerably smooth and white-washed, and have ornamental daubs of red
paint in blotches, by way of effect. His couch is spread on the
ground, and his visitors squat down on the sandy floor, at a
respectful distance. Captain Lyon and his party were always honoured
by having a corner of the carpet offered to them. The best and most
airy part of the castle is occupied by the women, who have small
rooms round a large court, in which they take exercise, grind corn,
cook, and perform other domestic offices. The number of great ladies,
called _kibere,_ seldom exceed six. This dignified title is generally
given to the mothers of the sultan's children, or to those, who
having been once great favorites, are appointed governesses to the
rest; there are, altogether about fifty women, all black and very
comely, and from what stolen glances we could obtain, they appeared
extremely well dressed. They are guarded by five eunuchs, who keep up
their authority by occasionally beating them.

The sultan has three sons and two daughters, who live with him in
this cage, the doors of which are locked at night, and the keys
brought to him, so that he remains free from any fear of attack. The
castle is entered by a long winding passage in the wall, quite dark
and very steep. At the door is a large shed, looking on a square
place capable of containing three or four hundred men, closely
huddled together. Under this shed is a great chair of state, once
finely gilt and ornamented, with a patchwork quilt thrown over it,
and behind it are the remains of two large looking-glasses. In this
chair the sultan receives homage every Friday, before he ascends the
castle, after returning from the mosque. This place is the Mejlees,
and was the scene of all the cruelties practised by Mukni, when he
first took possession of the country.

The habitation in which Captain Lyon and his party were lodged, was a
very good one, and as all the houses are built upon nearly the same
plan, the following description will give an idea of all the rest. A
large door, sufficiently high to admit a camel, opened into a broad
passage or _skeefa,_ on one side of which was a tolerable stable for
five horses, and close to it, a small room for the slaves, whose duty
it might be to attend the house. A door opposite to that of the
stable opened into the _kowdi,_ a large square room, the roof of
which at the height of eighteen feet, was supported by four palm
trees as pillars. In the centre of the roof was a large open space,
about twelve feet by nine, from this, the house and rooms receive
light, not to mention dust and excessive heat in the afternoon. At
the end of the room facing the door, a large seat of mud was raised
about eighteen inches high, and twelve feet in length. Heaps of this
description, though higher, are found at the doors of most houses,
and are covered with loungers in the cool of the morning and evening.
The large room was fifty feet by thirty-nine. From the sides, doors
opened into smaller ones, which might be used as sleeping or store
rooms, but were generally preferred for their coolness. Their only
light was received from the door. Ascending a few steps, there was a
kind of gallery over the side rooms, and in it were two small
apartments, but so very hot as to be almost useless. From the large
room was a passage leading to a yard, having also small houses
attached to it in the same manner, and a well of comparatively good
water. The floors were of sand, and the walls of mud roughly
plastered, and showing every where the marks of the only trowel used
in the country--the fingers of the right hand. There are no windows
to any of the houses, but some rooms have a small hole in the
ceiling, or high up the wall.

Near the house was the principal mosque, to which the sultan and the
Christian party went every Friday, as a matter of course, and every
other day they found it necessary to appear there once or twice. It
is a low building, having a shed projecting over the door, which,
being raised on a platform, is entered by a few steps. A small
turret, intended to be square and perpendicular, is erected for the
Mouadden to call to prayers. One of the great lounges is on the seat
in front of the mosque, and every morning and evening they are full
of idle people, who converse on the state of the markets, and on
their own private affairs, or in a fearful whisper canvass the
sultan's conduct.

In Mourzouk there are sixteen mosques, which are covered in, but some
of them are very small. Each has an imaum, but the kadi is their
head, of which dignity he seems not a little proud. This man had
never, been beyond the boundaries of Fezzan, and could form no idea
of any thing superior to mud houses and palms; he always fancied the
Europeans to be great romancers, when they told him of their country,
and described it as being in the midst of the sea.

They had many opportunities of observing the fighi and their scholars
sitting on the sand. The children are taught their letters by having
them written on a flat board, of a hard wood, brought from Bornou and
Soudan, and repeating them after their master. When quite perfect in
their alphabet, they are allowed to trace over the letters already
made, they then learn to copy sentences, and to write small words
dictated to them. The master often repeats verses from the Koran, in
a loud voice, which the boys learn by saying them after him, and when
they begin to read a little, he sings aloud, and all the scholars
follow him from their books, as fast as they can. Practice at length
renders them perfect, and in three or four years their education is
considered complete. Thus it is, that many who can read the Koran
with great rapidity, cannot peruse a line of any other book.
Arithmetic is wholly put of the question. On breaking up for the day,
the master and all the scholars recite a prayer. The school-hours are
by no means regular, being only when the fighi has nothing else to
do. Morning early, or late in the evening, are the general times for
study. The punishments are beating with a stick on the hands or feet
and whipping, which is not unfrequently practised. Their pens are
reeds--their rubber sand. While learning their tasks, and perhaps
each boy has a different one, they all read aloud, so that the
harmony of even a dozen boys may be easily imagined.

In the time of the native sultans, it was the custom, on a fixed day,
annually, for the boys who had completed their education, to assemble
on horseback, in as fine clothes as their friends could procure for
them, on the sands to the westward of the town. On an eminence stood
the fighi, bearing in his hand a little flag rolled on a staff; the
boys were stationed at some distance, and on his unfurling the flag
and planting it in the ground, all started at full speed. He who
first arrived and seized it, was presented by the sultan with a fine
suit of clothes, and some money, and rode through the town at the
head of the others. These races ceased with the arrival of Mukni, and
parents now complain that their sons have no inducement to study.

All the houses are infested with multitudes of small ants, which
destroyed all the animals which the party had preserved, and even
penetrated into their boxes. Their bite was very painful, and they
were fond of coming into the blankets. One singularity is worthy of
remark in Fezzan, which is, that fleas are unknown there, and those
of the inhabitants, who have not been on the sea-coast, cannot
imagine what they are like. Bugs are very numerous, and it is
extraordinary that they are called by the same name as with us. There
is a species of them which is found in the sands, where the coffles
are in the habit of stopping; they bite very sharply, and fix in
numbers round the coronet of a horse; the animals thus tormented,
often become so outrageous as to break their tethers.

There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which it
is conceived in a great measure promote the advance of the summer
fever and agues. The burying places are outside the walls, and are of
considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments are
formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of cloth
tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich eggs.
One of the burying places is for slaves, who are laid very little
below the surface, and in some places the sand has been so carried
away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing to the
want of wood, no coffins are used. The bodies are merely wrapped in a
mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches, over which the
earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth falls in, and the
graves are easily known by being concave, instead of convex. The
place where the former sultans were buried, is a plain near the town;
their graves are only distinguished from those of other people, by
having a larger proportion of broken pots scattered about them. It is
a custom for the relations of the deceased to visit, and occasionally
to recite a prayer over the grave, or to repeat a verse of the Koran.
Children never pass within sight of the tombs of their parents,
without stopping to pay this grateful tribute of respect to their
memory. Animals are never buried, but thrown on mounds outside the
walls, and there left. The excessive heat soon dries up all their
moisture, and prevents their becoming offensive; the hair remains on
them, so that they appear like preserved skins.

The men of Mourzouk of the better sort, dress nearly like the people
of Tripoli. The lower orders wear a large shirt of white or blue
cotton, with long loose sleeves, trousers of the same, and sandals of
camel's hide. The shirts being long, many wear no other covering.
When leaving their houses, and walking to the market or gardens, a
_jereed_ or _aba_ is thrown round them, and a red cap, or a neatly
quilted cotton white one, completes the dress. On Fridays, they
perhaps add a turban, and appear in yellow slippers. In the gardens,
men and women wear large broad-brimmed straw hats, to defend their
eyes from the sun, and sandals made from the leaves and fibres of the
palm trees. Very young children go entirely naked, those who are
older have a shirt, many are quite bare-headed, and in that state
exposed all day to the sun and flies. The men have but little beard,
which they keep closely clipped. The dress of the women here, differs
materially from that of the moorish females, and their appearance and
smell are far from agreeable. They plait their hair in thick bobbins,
which hang over their foreheads, nearly as low down as the eye-brows,
and are there joined at the bottom, as far round to each side as the
temples. The hair is so profusely covered with oil, that it drops
down over the face and clothes. This is dried up, by sprinkling it
with plenty of a preparation made of a plant resembling wild
lavender, cloves, and one or two more species pounded into powder,
and called atria; it forms a brown dirty-looking paste, and combined
with perspiration and the flying sand, becomes in a few days far from
savoury. The back hair is less disgusting, as it is plaited into a
long tress on each side, and is brought to hang over the shoulders;
from these tresses, ornaments of silver or of coral are suspended.
Black wool is frequently worked in with their black locks, to make
them appear longer. In the centre of the forehead, an ornament of
coral or beads is placed, hanging down to the depth of an inch or
two. A woollen handkerchief is fastened on the back of the head; it
falls over behind, and is tied by a leathern strap under the chin.
Each ear is perforated for as many rings as the woman possesses, some
wearing even six on one side. The largest, which is about five inches
in diameter, hanging lowest, supported by a string from the head.
Round the neck, a tight flat collar of beads, arranged in fancy
patterns, is worn with coral necklaces, and sometimes a broad gold
plate immediately in front. A large blue shirt is generally worn, the
collar and breast ornamented with needle-work. The women also wear
white shirts, and striped silk ones called shami, which are brought
from Egypt; a jereed and red slippers complete their dress. They
generally have their wrappers of a darker colour than those of the
men. Some of the better class of women wear trousers, not fuller in
the leg than those worn in Europe; they are very prettily embroidered
with silk at the bottom of the leg, and form a handsome contrast to
the black skin of the wearer. Cornelians or agates, roughly shaped in
the form of hearts, are much worn as necklaces, and they have a
variety of rings for the thumbs and fingers. A band of silk cord
hanging round the body from one shoulder, is generally filled with
pendent leather or cloth bags, containing charms. Round the wrists
and above the elbows, armlets of silver, gold, glass, horn or ivory
are worn, according to the ability of the wearer to purchase them,
and on the ankles they have silver, brass, copper or iron shackles.
A pair of silver ones were seen, which weighed one hundred and
twenty-eight ounces, but these ponderous ornaments produce a callous
lump on the leg, and entirely deform the ankle. The poorest people
have only the jereed and sandals. Both men and women have a singular
custom of stuffing their nostrils with a twisted leaf of onions or
clover, which has a very disgusting appearance. The men, not using
oil, are much cleaner than the women, but the whole race of them,
high and low, apparently clean, are otherwise stocked with vermin,
and they make no secret of it. The sultan has been frequently
observed, when detecting an interloper, to moisten his thumb to
prevent its escape, and then demolish it with great composure and
dignity. Some of the neighbours, whom Captain Lyon visited, while
reposing on their carpets, would send for a slave to hunt for these
tormentors on their shirts, and it is a great recommendation to a
female slave on sale to say that she is well skilled in this art, and
in that of shampooing.

The natives have a variety of dances, of which two or three are
peculiar to the country. The parties assemble on the sands in the
dusk of the evening, when a number of young men and women range
themselves side by side, and dance to the sound of drums, to which
they keep good time. The men have a rude kind of iron cymbal in each
hand, which opens and shuts; this they beat in the manner of
castanets, both sexes singing at the same time in chorus. The
movements consist in stepping forward, the whole line at once, at a
particular turn of the tune, as if to catch something with their two
hands, which they hold out; they balance themselves a short time on
the advanced foot, and then step back, turning half round, first to
one side and then to the other, the whole line then moves slowly in a
circle round the musicians, who form the centre, and who all join in
the dance. There is nothing improper nor immodest in this exhibition,
but on the contrary, from its slowness and the regularity of its
movements, it is extremely pleasing and elegant. Another dance is
performed by women only, who form a circle round the drummers, and
occasionally sing a lively chorus; one advances, and with her arms
extended, foots it to and from the drummers, two or three times,
until a change of tune, when she runs quickly backwards and falls
flat down, the women behind are ready to receive her, and by a jerk
of their arms throw her again upright, on which she once more turns
round and resumes her place, leaving the one next in succession to
her, to go through the same movements, all of which are performed in
the most just time; the whole party occasionally enlivening the
music, by their skill and extraordinary shout of joy. The dancing in
the houses is not so pleasing as that in public, and as for decency,
it is quite out of the question. The male slaves have many dances, in
which great activity and exertion are requisite. One consists in
dancing in a circle, each man armed with a stick, they all move,
first half and then quite round, striking as they turn, the sticks of
those on each side of them, and then jumping off the ground as high
as they can. Another is performed by boys, and they have no drum, but
keep chorus by singing in a particular manner, _la ilia il alia,_
(there is no God, but God.)

The sultan had frequently requested Mr. Ritchie to visit his
children, and some of his negresses when they were indisposed, and he
had in consequence frequently attended them, but being himself
confined by illness, Captain Lyon was allowed to prescribe for them,
and had therefore frequent opportunities of observing the interior of
his family, which would not otherwise have been afforded him. He was
much struck with the appearance of his daughters, one of three, the
other of one year and a half old, who were dressed in the highest
style of barbarian magnificence, and were absolutely laden with gold.
From their necks were suspended large ornaments of the manufacture of
Timbuctoo; and they had massive gold armlets and anklets of two
inches in breadth, and half an inch in thickness, which, from their
immense weight had produced callous rings round the legs and arms of
the poor infants. They wore silk shirts composed of ribbons sewed
together, in stripes of various colours, which hung down over silk
trousers. An embroidered waistcoat and cap completed this
overwhelming costume. Their nails, the tips of their fingers, the
palms of their hands and soles of their feet were dyed dark-brown
with henna. Captain Lyon viewed with amazement and pity the dress of
these poor little girls, borne down as they were with finery; but
that of the youngest boy, a stupid looking child of four years old,
was even more preposterous than that of his sisters. In addition to
the ornaments worn by them, he was loaded with a number of charms,
enclosed in gold cases, slung round his body, while in his cap were
numerous jewels, heavily set in gold, in the form of open hands, to
keep off _the evil eye._ These talismans were sewn on the front of
his cap, which they entirely covered. His clothes were highly
embroidered, and consisted of three waistcoats, a shirt of white
silk, the women only wearing coloured ones, and loose cloth, silk, or
muslin trousers.

The costume of the sultan's court or hangers-on, is strictly
Tripoline, and as fine as lace or presents of cast off-clothes can
make them. It is the custom with Mukni, in imitation of the bashaw,
to bestow occasionally on his principal people some article of dress.
Those presents are made with much affected dignity, by throwing the
garment to the person intended to be honoured, and saying, "Wear
that," the dress is immediately put on in his presence, and the
receiver kneels and kisses his hand in token of gratitude. Captain
Lyon once saw the old kadi, who was very corpulent, receive as a gift
a kaftan, which was so small for him, that when he had squeezed
himself into it, he was unable to move his arms, and was in that
condition obliged to walk home.

Each of the sultan's sons has a large troop of slaves, who attend him
wherever he goes; they are generally about the same age as their
master, and are his playmates, though they are obliged to receive
from him many hearty cuffs, without daring to complain. The suite of
the youngest boy in particular, formed a very amusing groupe, few of
them exceeding five years of age. One bears his master's _bornouse,_
another holds one shoe, walking next to the boy who carries its
fellow. Some are in fine cast-off clothes, with tarnished embroidery,
whilst others are quite or nearly naked, without even a cap on their
heads, and the procession is closed by a boy, tottering under the
weight of his master's state gun, which is never allowed to be fired
off.

In Mourzouk, the luxuries of life are very limited, the people
principally subsisting on dates. Many do not, for months together,
taste corn; when obtained, they make it into a paste called _asooda,_
which is a softer kind of _bazeen._ Fowls have now almost disappeared
in the country, owing to the sultan having appropriated all he could
find for the consumption of his own family. The sheep and goats are
driven from the mountains near Benioleed, a distance of four hundred
miles; they pass over one desert, which, at their rate of travelling,
occupies five days, without food or water. Numbers therefore die,
which in course raises the price of the survivors, They are valued at
three or four dollars each, when they arrive, being quite skeletons,
and are as high as ten and twelve, when fatted. Bread is badly made,
and is baked in ovens formed of clay in holes in the earth, and
heated by burning wood; the loaves, or rather flat cakes are struck
into the side, and are thus baked by the heat which rises from the
embers. Butter is brought in goat-skins from the Syrtis, and is very
dear. Tobacco is very generally chewed by the women, as well as by
the men. They use it with the _trona_ (soda). Smoking is the
amusement of a great man, rather than of the lower class, the mild
tobacco being very dear, and pipes not easily procured.

The revenues of the sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise,
and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their
entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars; in some years the number
of slaves amount to 4,000; for a camel's load of oil or butter, seven
dollars; for a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars; and
of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs, who buy dates pay a dollar
duty on each load, equal at times to the price of the article, before
they are allowed to remove it. Above 3,000 loads are sold to them
annually. Date trees, except those of the kadi and mamlukes, are
taxed at the rate of one dollar for every two hundred; by this duty,
in the neighbourhood of Mourzouk, or more properly in the few
immediately neighbouring villages, the sultan receives yearly 10,000
dollars. Of all sheep or goats, he is entitled to a fifth. On the
sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head-money, a dollar
and a half, which, at the rate of 4,000, gives another 6,000 dollars.
The captured slaves are sold by auction, at which the sultan's
brokers attend, bidding high only for the finest. The owner bids
against them until he has an offer equal to what he considers as the
value of the slave; he has then three-fourths of the money paid to
him, while one-fourth is paid by the purchaser to the sultan. Should
the owner not wish to part with his slaves, he buys them in, and the
sum which he last names, is considered as the price, from which he
has to pay the sultan's share. The trees, which are his private
property, produce about 6,000 camel loads of dates, each load 400
pounds weight, and which may be estimated at 18,000 dollars. Every
garden pays a _tenth_ of the corn produced. The gardens are very
small, and are watered, with great labour, from brackish wells. Rain
is unknown, and dews never fall. In these alone corn is raised, as
well as other esculents. Pomegranates and fig-trees are sometimes
planted in the water-channels. Presents of slaves are frequently
made, and fines levied. Each town pays a certain sum, which is small;
but as the towns are numerous, it may be averaged to produce 4,000
dollars. Add to this his annual excursions for slaves, sometimes
bringing 1,000 or 1,600, of which one-fourth are his, as well as the
same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses, which he buys
for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the Arabs, who come
to trade, and cannot maintain them, and makes a great profit by
obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are fed by the
public, and he has no money to pay, except to the bashaw, which is
about 15,000 dollars per annum. There are various other ways, in
which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the sultan inherits
great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary to kill a
man, he becomes his entire heir.

In Mourzouk, about a tenth part of the population are slaves, though
many of them have been brought away from their native country so
young as hardly to be considered in that light. With respect to the
household slaves, little or no difference is to be perceived between
them and freemen, and they are often entrusted with the affairs of
their master. These domestic slaves are rarely sold, and on the death
of any of the family to which they belong, one or more of them
receive their liberty; when, being accustomed to the country, and not
having any recollection of their own, they marry, settle, and are
consequently considered as naturalised. It was the custom, when the
people were more opulent, to liberate a male or female on the feast
of Bairam, after the fast of Rhamadan. This practice is not entirely
obsolete, but nearly so. In Mourzouk there are some white families,
who are called mamlukes, being descended from renegades, whom the
bashaw had presented to the former sultan. These families and their
descendants are considered noble, and, however poor and low their
situation may be, are not a little vain of their title.

The general appearance of the men of Fezzan is plain, and their
complexion black. The women are of the same colour, and ugly in the
extreme. Neither sex are remarkable for figure, weight, strength,
vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of countenance,
which distinguishes them from other blacks; their cheek-bones are
higher and more prominent, their faces flatter, and their noses less
depressed, and more peaked at the tip than those of the negroes.
Their eyes are generally small, and their mouths of an immense width;
but their teeth are frequently good; their hair is woolly, though not
completely frizzled. They are a cheerful people, fond of dancing and
music, and obliging to each other. The men almost all read and write
a little, but in every thing else they are very dull and heavy; their
affections are cold and selfish, and a kind of general indifference
to the common incidents of life, mark all their actions. They are
neither prone to sudden anger, nor at all revengeful. In Mourzouk the
men drink a great quantity of _lackbi,_ or a drink called _busa,_
which is prepared from the dates, and is very intoxicating. The men
are good-humoured drunkards, and when friends assemble in the
evening, the ordinary amusement is mere drinking; but sometimes a
_kadanka_ (singing girl) is sent for. The Arabs practise hospitality
generally; but among the Fezzaners that virtue does not exist, they
are, however, very attentive and obsequious to those in whose power
they are, or who can repay them tenfold for their pretended
disinterestedness. Their religion enjoins, that, should a stranger
enter while they are at their meals, he must be invited to partake,
but they generally contrive to evade this injunction by eating with
closed doors. The lower classes are from necessity very industrious,
women as well as men, as they draw water, work in the gardens, drive
the asses, make mats, baskets, &c. in addition to their other
domestic duties. People of the better class, or, more properly, those
who can afford to procure slaves to work for them, are, on the
contrary, very idle and lethargic; they do nothing but lounge or loll
about, inquiring what their neighbours have had for dinner, gossip
about slaves, dates, &c., or boast of some cunning cheat, which they
have practised on a Tibboo or Tuarick, who, though very knowing
fellows, are, comparatively with the Fezzaners, fair in their
dealings. Their moral character is on a par with that of the
Tripolines, though, if any thing, they are rather less insincere.
Falsehood is not considered odious, unless when detected; and when
employed in trading, they affirm that it is allowed by the Koran, for
the good of merchants. However this may be, Captain Lyon asserts,
that he never could find any one able to point out the passage
authorizing these commercial falsehoods.

The lower classes work neatly in leather; they weave a few coarse
barracans, and make iron-work in a solid, though clumsy manner. One
or two work in gold and silver with much skill, considering the
badness of their tools, and every man is capable of acting as a
carpenter or mason; the wood being that of the date tree, and the
houses being built of mud, very little elegance or skill is
necessary. Much deference is paid to the artists in leather or
metals, who are called, _par excellence, sta,_ or master, as
leather-master, iron-master, &c.

From the constant communication with Bornou and Soudan, the languages
of both these countries are generally spoken, and many of their words
are introduced into the Arabic. The family slaves and their children
by their masters, constantly speak the language of the country,
whence they originally come. Their writing is in the Mogrebyn
character, which is used, as is supposed by Captain Lyon, universally
in western Africa, and differs much from that of the east. The
pronunciation is also very different, the kaf being pronounced as a
G, and only marked with one nunnation, and F is pointed below; they
have no idea of arithmetic, but reckon every thing by dots on the
sand, ten in a line; many can hardly tell how much two and two amount
to. They expressed great surprise at the Europeans being able to add
numbers together without fingering. Though very fond of poetry, they
are incapable of composing it. The Arabs, however, invent a few
little songs, which the natives have much pleasure in learning, and
the women sing some of the negro airs very prettily, while grinding
their corn.

The songs of the kadankas (singing girls), who answer to the Egyptian
almehs, is Soudanic. Their musical instrument is called rhababe, or
erhab. It is an excavated hemisphere, made from the shell of a gourd
lime, and covered with leather; to this a long handle is fixed, on
which is stretched a string of horse hairs, longitudinally closed,
and compact as one cord, about the thickness of a quill. This is
played upon with a bow. Captain Lyon says, the women really produced
a very pleasing, though a wild melody; their songs were pretty and
plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which is very
musical. What is rather singular, he heard the same song sung by the
same woman that Horneman mentions, and she recollected having seen
that traveller at the castle.

The lower classes and the slaves, who, in point of colour and
appearance, are the same, labour together. The freeman has, however,
only one inducement to work, which is hunger; he has no notion of
laying by any thing for the advantage of his family, or as a reserve
for himself in his old age; but if by any chance he obtains money, he
remains idle until it is expended, and then returns unwillingly to
work. The females here are allowed greater liberty than those of
Tripoli, and are more kindly treated. Though so much better used than
those of Barbary, their life is still a state of slavery. A man never
ventures to speak of his women; is reproached, if he spends much time
in their company, never eats with them; but is waited upon at his
meals, and fanned by them while he sleeps. Yet these poor beings,
never having known the sweets of liberty, are, in spite of their
humiliation, comparatively happy.

The authority of parents over their children is very great; some
fathers of the better class do not allow their sons even to eat or
sit down in their presence, until they become men; the poorer orders
are less strict.

There are no written records of events amongst the Fezzaners, and
their traditions are so disfigured, and so strangely mingled with
religious and superstitious falsehoods, that no confidence can be
placed in them. Yet the natives themselves look with particular
respect on a man capable of talking of the people of the olden time.
Several scriptural traditions are selected and believed. The Psalms
of David, the Pentateuch, the Books of Solomon, and many extracts
from the inspired writers, are universally known, and most
reverentially considered. The New Testament, translated into the
Arabic, which Captain Lyon took with him, was eagerly read, and no
exception was made to it, but that of our Saviour being designated as
the son of God. St. Paul, or Baulus, bears all the blame of Mahomet's
name not being inserted in it, as they believe that his coming was
foretold by Christ, but that Paul erased it; he is therefore called a
kaffir, and his name is not used with much reverence.

Captain Lyon had not been more than ten days at Mourzouk, before he
was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined him to his bed
during twenty-two days, and reduced him to the last extremity. His
unadorned narrative conveys an affecting account of the sufferings to
which the party were exposed from the insalubrity of the climate; the
inadequate arrangements which had been made for their comfort, or
even subsistence, and the sordid and treacherous conduct of the
sultan. "Our little party," he says, "was at this time miserably
poor; for we had money only sufficient for the purchase of corn to
keep us alive, and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill
a pigeon in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our
little community, and from that time, it rarely happened that one or
two of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the
water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive heat
and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery, and when it
did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who had seen
me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for me to
survive. I was no sooner convalescent than Mr. Ritchie fell ill, and
was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever, accompanied
with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys, for which he
required frequent cupping. When a little recovered, he got up for two
days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled and alarming
violence. He rejected every thing but water, and, excepting about
three hours in the afternoon, remained either constantly asleep or in
a delirious state. Even had he been capable of taking food, we had
not the power of purchasing any which could nourish or refresh him.
Our money was now all expended, and the sultan's treacherous plans to
distress us, which daily became too apparent, were so well arranged,
that we could not find any one to buy our goods. For six entire weeks
we were without animal food, subsisting on a very scanty portion of
corn and dates. Our horses were mere skeletons, added to which,
Belford became totally deaf, and so emaciated as to be unable to
walk. My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy
apprehensions. My naturally sanguine mind, however, and above all, my
firm reliance on that Power which had so mercifully protected me on
so many trying occasions, prevented my giving way to despondency; and
Belford beginning soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns
in nursing and attending on our poor companion. At this time, having
no servant, we performed for Mr. Ritchie the most menial offices.
Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and
whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our
forlorn condition, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off
our little store of rice and cuscoussou; laughing at our complaints,
and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we
should otherwise have sought and obtained."

Rhamadan, the Mahommedan Lent, was announced on the 22nd June. The
strictest fast was immediately commenced, lasting from before day,
about three a.m., till sunset, seven p.m. In order to support their
assumed character as Moslem; they were now obliged, during the
sixteen hours, to eat only by stealth, their friend Mukni having
surrounded them with spies. Mr. Ritchie only, being confined to his
bed by illness, was privileged to take food or drink. The excessive
heat, which now raged, added to their sufferings. During the month of
June, the thermometer, at five o'clock a.m., stood at from 86 deg. to
93 deg., but at two o'clock p.m., it rose to 117 deg., 122 deg., 124 deg., and at
length, on the 19th and 20th, to 131 deg. and 133 deg. of Fahrenheit. In the
early part of July, the heat somewhat abated; the thermometer, at two
p.m., ranging between 110 deg. and 117 deg.. Towards the close of the month,
it again rose to 125 deg., in August to 130 deg. and 133 deg., in September it
ranged between 119 deg. and 133 deg., with little difference in the
temperature of the mornings; and in October, the average was about
110 deg.. The minimum, in December, was 51 deg. at five a.m., and 77 deg. in the
afternoon.

The close of the Rhamadan, on the 22d July, was attended, in the
city, with the most extravagant demonstrations of rejoicing.
Everybody was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns, eating and
drinking. Poor Mr. Ritchie, after having been confined to his bed for
fifty-eight days, was now able to sit up a little, and by the 20th
August had tolerably recovered. About the same time, Belford was
again attacked with giddiness and deafness, and fell into a very weak
state. Their rate of living was now reduced to a quart of corn _per
diem,_ with occasionally a few dates, divided amongst four persons.
No one would purchase their merchandize, owing, as it became apparent
to Mukni's treacherous orders. Mr. Ritchie, for reasons not
explained, did not think it right to draw for money on the treasury,
and they were reduced to the last extremity, when the sultan
graciously condescended to advance them eight dollars, and at this
time a neighbour repaid them ten dollars, which they had lent soon
after their arrival. They were now able to treat themselves with a
little meat. About the 20th September, Mr. Ritchie, who had never
recovered his spirits, but had latterly shunned the society even of
his companions, again relapsed, and was confined to his bed, and
Belford, though better in health, was entirely deaf; their condition
became every day more destitute. They had hired a woman to cook for
them at a dollar a month. She was required to come only once a day,
to bake their bread or make their cuscoussou; and it often happened,
that when she had stolen half the allowance to which they had
restricted themselves, they were obliged to fast till the morrow.
They were saved, when on the very brink of starvation, by a supply of
seven dollars, the munificent reward conferred upon Belford by the
sultan, for constructing a rude kind of carriage for him. Soon
afterwards, they sold a horse for seventy dollars. This seasonable
supply was carefully economized; but it had become much reduced when
Captain Lyon and Belford both fell ill again. The former rose from
his bed, after being confined to it for a week, a skeleton. Under
this exigency they met with a remarkable instance of disinterested
friendship on the part of a native, Yusuf el Lizari, who, as well as
his brother, had previously shown them much kindness. "One night,"
says Captain Lyon, "as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our
friend Yusuf came in, and, addressing Mr. Ritchie, said, 'Yusuf, you,
and Said are my friends. Mukni has hopes you may die, that he may
secure to himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy; do you
want money?' Mr. Ritchie having acknowledg