The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Story of the Philippines
and Our New Possessions, Including The Ladrones, Hawaii,
Cuba and Porto Rico, by Murat Halstead

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Title: The Story of the Philippines and Our New Possessions,
         Including The Ladrones, Hawaii, Cuba and Porto Rico
       The Eldorado of the Orient

Author: Murat Halstead

Release Date: May 22, 2004 [EBook #12409]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE STORY OF THE PHILIPPINES ***




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The Story of the Philippines and Our New Possessions,
Including The Ladrones, Hawaii, Cuba and Porto Rico.



The Story of the Philippines.

Natural Riches, Industrial Resources, Statistics of Productions,
Commerce and Population; The Laws, Habits, Customs, Scenery and
Conditions of the Cuba of the East Indies and the Thousand Islands
of the Archipelagoes of India and Hawaii, With Episodes of Their
Early History

The Eldorado of the Orient

Personal Character Sketches of and Interviews with Admiral Dewey,
General Merritt, General Aguinaldo and the Archbishop of Manila.

History and Romance, Tragedies and Traditions of our Pacific
Possessions.

Events of the War in the West with Spain, and the Conquest of Cuba
and Porto Rico.



By Murat Halstead,

_War Correspondent in America and Europe, Historian of the Philippine
Expedition_.



Splendidly and Picturesquely Illustrated with Half-Tone Engravings from
Photographs, Etchings from Special Drawings, and the Military Maps of
the Philippines, Prepared by the War Department of the United States.

_Our Possessions Publishing Co._




1898


The engravings in this volume were made from original photographs,
and are specially protected by copyright; and notice is hereby given,
that any person or persons guilty of reproducing or infringing upon
the copyright in any way will be dealt with according to law.




Inscribed
To the Soldiers and Sailors
of
The Army and Navy of the United States,
With Admiration for Their Achievements
In the War With Spain;
Gratitude for the Glory They Have Gained for the American Nation,
And Congratulations That All the People of All the
Country Rejoice in the Cloudless Splendor of Their Fame
That is the Common and Everlasting
Inheritance of Americans.



Author's Preface.

The purpose of the writer of the pages herewith presented has
been to offer, in popular form, the truth touching the Philippine
Islands. I made the journey from New York to Manila, to have the
benefit of personal observations in preparing a history for the
people. Detention at Honolulu shortened my stay in Manila, but
there was much in studies at the former place that was a help at the
latter. The original programme was for me to accompany General Merritt,
Commander-in-Chief of the Philippine Expedition, but illness prevented
its full realization, and when I arrived in Manila Bay the city had
already been "occupied and possessed" by the American army; and the
declaration of peace between the United States and Spain was made,
the terms fully agreed upon with the exception of the settlement of
the affairs of the Philippines. While thus prevented from witnessing
stirring military movements other than those attending the transfer
of our troops across the Pacific Ocean, an event in itself of
the profoundest significance, the reference of the determination
of the fate of the Philippine Islands to the Paris Conference,
and thereby to the public opinion of our country, in extraordinary
measure increased the general sensibility as to the situation of the
southern Oriental seas affecting ourselves, and enhanced the value
of the testimony taken on the spot of observers of experience, with
the training of journalism in distinguishing the relative pertinence
and potency of facts noted. Work for more than forty years, in the
discussion from day to day of current history, has qualified me for
the efficient exercise of my faculties in the labor undertaken. It
has been my undertaking to state that which appeared to me, so that
the reader may find pictures of the scenes that tell the Story that
concerns the country, that the public may with enlightenment solve
the naval, military, political, commercial and religious problems we
are called upon by the peremptory pressure of the conditions local,
and international, to solve immediately. This we have to do, facing the
highest obligations of citizenship in the great American Republic, and
conscious of the incomparably influential character of the principles
that shall prevail through the far-reaching sweep of the policies that
will be evolved. I have had such advantages in the assurance of the
authenticity of the information set forth in the chapters following,
that I may be permitted to name those it was my good fortune to consult
with instructive results; and in making the acknowledgments due. I
may be privileged to support the claim of diligence and success in
the investigations made, and that I am warranted in the issue of this
Story of the Philippines by the assiduous improvement of an uncommon
opportunity to fit myself to serve the country.

Indebtedness for kind consideration in this work is gratefully
acknowledged to Major-General Merritt, commanding the Philippine
Expedition; Major-General Otis, who succeeds to the duties of
military and civil administration in the conquered capital of the
islands; Admiral George Dewey, who improved, with statesmanship,
his unparalleled victory in the first week of the war with Spain,
and raised the immense questions before us; General F.V. Greene,
the historian of the Russo-Turkish war, called by the President to
Washington, and for whose contributions to the public intelligence
he receives the hearty approval and confidence of the people; Major
Bell, the vigilant and efficient head of the Bureau of Information
at the headquarters of the American occupation in the Philippines;
General Aguinaldo, the leader of the insurgents of his race in Luzon,
and His Grace the Archbishop of Manila, who gave me a message for the
United States, expressing his appreciation of the excellence of the
behavior of the American army in the enforcement of order, giving peace
of mind to the residents in the distracted city of all persuasions
and conditions, and of the service that was done civilization in the
prevention, by our arms, of threatened barbarities that had caused
sore apprehension; and, I may add, the Commissioner of the Organized
People of the Philippines, dispatched to Washington accompanying
General Greene; and of the citizens of Manila of high character,
and conductors of business enterprises with plants in the community
whose destiny is in the hands of strangers.

These gentlemen I may not name, for there are uncertainties that
demand of them and command me to respect the prudence of their
inconspicuity. This volume seems to me to be justified, and I have no
further claim to offer that it is meritorious than that it is faithful
to facts and true to the country in advocacy of the continued expansion
of the Republic, whose field is the world.

Steamship China, Pacific Ocean, September 20, 1898.



The Origin of this Story of the Philippines.

The letter following is the full expression by the author of this
volume of his purposes and principles in making the journey to the
East Indies.

_Going to the Philippines_.

Washington City, D.C., July 18.

With the authorization of the Military Authorities, I shall go to
the Philippine  Islands with General Merritt, the Military Governor,
and propose to make the  American people better acquainted with that
remarkable and most important and  interesting country. The presence
of an American army in the Philippines is an  event that will change
broad and mighty currents in the world's history. It has  far more
significance than anything transpiring in the process of the conquest
of  the West India possessions of Spain, for the only question there,
ever since the  Continental colonies of the Spanish crown won their
independence, has been the  extent of the sacrifices the Spaniards, in
their haughty and vindictive pride, would  make in fighting for a lost
Empire and an impossible cause with an irresistible  adversary. That
the time was approaching when, with the irretrievable steps of the
growth of a living Nation of free people, we would reach the point
where it should be  our duty to accept the responsibility of the
dominant American power, and accomplish  manifest Destiny by adding
Cuba and Porto Rico to our dominion, has for half a century  been the
familiar understanding of American citizens. Spain, by her abhorrent
system,  personified in Weyler, and illustrated in the murderous
blowing up of the Maine  with a mine, has forced this duty upon us;
and though we made war unprepared, the  good work is going on, and the
finish of the fight will be the relegation of Spain, whose colonial
governments have been, without exception, disgraceful and disastrous
to herself, and curses to the colonists, to her own peninsula. This
will be for her own  good, as well as the redemption of mankind from
her unwholesome foreign influences,  typified as they are in the
beautiful city of Havana, which has become the center of political
plagues and pestilential fevers, whose contagion has at frequent
intervals reached our own shores.

In the Philippine Islands the situation is for us absolutely novel. It
cannot be said to be out of the scope of reasonable American expansion
and is in the right line of enlarging the area of enlightenment and
stimulating the progress of civilization. The unexpected has happened,
but it is not illogical. It must have been written long ago on the
scroll of the boundless blue and the stars. The incident of war was
the "rush" order of the President of the United States to Admiral
Dewey to destroy the Spanish fleet at Manila, for the protection
of our commerce. The deed was done with a flash of lightning, and
lo! we hold the golden key of a splendid  Asiatic archipelago of
a thousand beautiful and richly endowed islands in our grip. This
is the most brilliant and startling achievement in the annals of
navies. Never before had the sweep of sea power, ordered through
the wires that make the world's continents, oceans and islands one
huge whispering gallery, such striking exemplification. There was
glory and fame in it, and immeasurable material for the making of
history. We may paraphrase Dr. Johnson's celebrated advertisement
of the widow's brewery by saying: Admiral Dewey's victory was not
merely the capture of a harbor commanding a great city, one of the
superb places of the earth, and the security of a base of operations
to wait for reinforcements commensurate with the  resources of the
United States of America--the victorious hero fixed his iron hand
upon a wonderful opportunity it was the privilege of our Government
to secure at large, according to the rights of a victorious Nation
for the people thereof--a chance for the youth of America, like that
of the youth of Great Britain, to realize upon the  magnificence of
India; and this is as Dr. Johnson said of the vats and barrels of
the Thrale estate--"the potentiality of wealth beyond the dreams of
avarice." It is a new departure, but not a matter for the panic or
apprehension of conservatism, that the Stars and Stripes float as the
symbol of sovereignty over a group of islands in the waters of Asia,
that are equal to all the West Indies. If we are strangers there now we
shall not be so long. We have a front on the Pacific Ocean, of three
great States--Washington, equal to England; Oregon, whose grandeur
rolls in the sound of her famous name, and incomparable California,
whose title will be the synonym of golden good times forever. The
Philippines are southwest from our western front doors. They have
been the islands of our sunsets in the winter. Now they look to us
for the rosy dawn out of which will come the clear brightness of the
white light of mornings and the fullness of the ripening noons, all
the year around. With our bulk of the North American continent bulging
into both the great oceans, it was  foreordained since the beginning
when God created the earth, that we, the possessors of this imperial
American zone, should be a great Asiatic Power. We have it now  in
evidence, written in islands among the most gorgeous of those that
shine in the  Southern seas--islands that are east from the Atlantic
and west from the Pacific  shores of the One Great Republic--that
we may personify hereafter, sitting at the head of the table when
the empires of the earth consult themselves as to the courses  of
empire. Our Course of Empire is both east and west.

The contact of American and Asiatic civilization in the Philippines,
with the  American army there, superseding the Spaniards, will be
memorable as one of the  matters of chief moment in the closing days
of the nineteenth century, and remembered  to date from for a thousand
years. It is my purpose to write of this current  history while it
is a fresh, sparkling stream, and attempt something more than the
recitation of the news of the day, as it is condensed and restrained
in telegrams; to give it according to the extent of my ability and the
advantages of my opportunity, the local coloring, the characteristic
scenery; the  pen pictures of the people and their pursuits; sketches
of the men who are doers of  deeds that make history; studies of the
ways and means of the islanders; essays to  indicate the features of
the picturesque of the strange mixture of races; the revolutionary
evolutions of politics; the forces that pertain to the mingling of
the religions  of the Occident and the Orient, in a chemistry untried
through the recorded ages.  It is a tremendous canvas upon which I am
to labor, and I know full well how inadequate  the production must be,
and beg that this index may not be remembered  against me. It is meant
in all modesty, and I promise only that there will be put  into the
task the expertness of experience and the endeavor of industry.

_Murat Halstead._




Contents.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

THE ORIGIN OF THIS STORY OF THE PHILIPPINES

CHAPTER I.

ADMIRAL DEWEY ON HIS FLAGSHIP.

A Stormy Day on Manila Bay--Call on Admiral Dewey--The Man in
White--He Sticks to His Ship--How He Surprised the Spaniards--Every
Man Did His Duty on May-Day--How Dewey Looks and Talks--What He Said
About War With Germany in Five Minutes--Feeds His Men on "Delicious"
Fresh Meat from Australia--Photography Unjust to Him

CHAPTER II.

LIFE IN MANILA.

Character of the Filipinos--Drivers Lashing Laboring Men in
the Streets--What  Americans Get in Their Native Air--The Logic
of Destiny--Manila  as She Fell Into Our Hands--The Beds in the
Tropics--A  Spanish Hotel--Profane Yells for Ice--Sad Scenes in the
Dining Room--Major-General Calls for "Francisco"--A Broken-Hearted
Pantry Woman

CHAPTER III.

FROM LONG ISLAND TO LUZON.

Across the Continent--An American Governor-General Steams Through
the Golden Gate--He is a Minute-Man--Honolulu as a Health Resort--The
Lonesome Pacific--The Skies of Asia--Dreaming Under the Stars of the
Scorpion--The Southern Cross

CHAPTER IV.

INTERVIEW WITH GENERAL AGUINALDO.

The Insurgent Leader's Surroundings and Personal Appearance--His
Reserves and Ways of Talking--The Fierce Animosity of the Filipinos
Toward Spanish Priests--A Probability of Many Martyrs in the Isle
of Luzon


CHAPTER V.

THE PHILIPPINE MISSION.

Correspondence with Aguinaldo About It--Notes by Senor Felipe
Agoncillo--Relations Between Admiral Dewey and Senor Aguinaldo--Terms
of Peace Made by Spanish Governor-General with Insurgents, December,
1897--Law Suit Between Aguinaldo and Arlacho--Aguinaldo's  Proclamation
of May 21, 1898

CHAPTER VI.

THE PROCLAMATIONS OF GENERAL AGUINALDO.

June 16th, 1898, Establishing Dictatorial Government--June 20th, 1898,
Instructions for Elections--June 23d, 1898, Establishing Revolutionary
Government--June 23d, 1898, Message to Foreign Powers--June  27th,
1898, Instructions Concerning Details--July 23d, 1898, Letter from
Senor Aguinaldo to General Anderson--August  1st, 1898, Resolution
of Revolutionary Chiefs Asking Recognition--August 6th, 1898, Message
to Foreign Powers Asking Recognition

CHAPTER VII.

INTERVIEW WITH ARCHBISHOP OF MANILA.

Insurgents' Deadly Hostility to Spanish Priests--The Position of
the Archbishop as He Defined It--His Expression of Gratitude to the
American Army--His Characterization of the Insurgents--A Work of
Philippine Art--The Sincerity of the Archbishop's Good Words

CHAPTER VIII.

WHY WE HOLD THE PHILIPPINES.

The Responsibility of Admiral Dewey--We Owe It to Ourselves to Hold
the Philippines--Prosperity Assured by Our Permanent Possession--The
Aguinaldo Question--Character Study of the Insurgent Leader--How
Affairs Would Adjust Themselves for Us--Congress Must Be Trusted to
Represent the People and Firmly Establish International Policy

CHAPTER IX.

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS AS THEY ARE.

Area and Population--Climate--Mineral Wealth--Agriculture--Commerce
and Transportation--Revenue and Expenses--Spanish Troops--Spanish
Navy--Spanish Civil Administration--Insurgent Troops--Insurgent Civil
Administration--United States Troops--United  States Navy--United
States Civil Administration--The Future of the Islands


CHAPTER X.

OFFICIAL HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF MANILA.

The Pith of the Official Reports of the Capture of Manila, by
Major-General Wesley Merritt, Commanding the Philippine Expedition;
General Frank V. Greene, General Arthur McArthur, and General
Thomas Anderson, with the Articles of Capitulation, Showing How
8,000 Americans Carried an Intrenched City with a Garrison of 13,000
Spaniards, and Kept Out 14,000 Insurgents--The Difficulties of American
Generals with Philippine Troops

CHAPTER XI.

THE ADMINISTRATION OF GENERAL MERRITT.

The Official Gazette Issued at Manila--Orders and Proclamation of
Major-General Wesley Merritt, Who, as Commander of the Philippine
Expedition, Became, Under the Circumstances of the Capture of Manila,
the Governor of That City

CHAPTER XII.

THE AMERICAN ARMY IN MANILA.

Why the Boys Had a Spell of Homesickness--Disadvantages of the
Tropics--Admiral  Dewey and His Happy Men--How Our Soldiers Passed
the Time on the Ships--General Merritt's Headquarters--What Is Public
Property--The Manila Water Supply--England Our Friend--Major-General
Otis, General Meritt's Successor

CHAPTER XIII.

THE WHITE UNIFORMS OF OUR HEROES IN THE TROPICS.

The Mother Hubbard Street Fashion in Honolulu, and That of Riding
Astride--Spoiling Summer Clothes in Manila Mud--The White Raiment
of High Officers--Drawing the Line on Nightshirts--Ashamed  of Big
Toes--Dewey and Merritt as Figures of Show--The  Boys in White

CHAPTER XIV.

A MARTYR TO THE LIBERTY OF SPEECH.

Dr. Jose Rizal, the Most Distinguished Literary Man of the Philippines,
Writer of History, Poetry, Political Pamphlets, and Novels, Shot on the
Luneta of Manila--A Likeness of the Martyr--The Scene of His Execution,
from a Photograph--His Wife Married the Day Before His Death--Poem
Giving His Farewell Thoughts, Written in His Last Hours--The Works
That Cost Him His Life--The Vision of Friar Rodriguez


CHAPTER XV.

EVENTS OF THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.

No Mystery About the Cause of the War--The Expected and the Inevitable
Has Happened--The Tragedy of the Maine--Vigilant Wisdom of President
McKinley--Dewey's Prompt Triumph--The Battles at Manila and Santiago
Compared--General Shafter Tells of the Battle of Santiago--Report of
Wainwright Board on Movements of Sampson's Fleet in the Destruction of
Cervera's Squadron--Stars and Stripes Raised Over Porto Rico--American
and Spanish Fleets at Manila Compared--Text of Peace Protocol

CHAPTER XVI.

THE PEACE JUBILEE.

The Lessons of War in the Joy Over Peace in the Celebrations
at Chicago and Philadelphia--Orations by Archbishop Ireland
and Judge Emory Speer--The President's Few Words of Thrilling
Significance--The  Parade of the Loyal League, and the Clover Club
Banquet at Philadelphia--Address by the President--The Hero Hobson
Makes a Speech--Fighting Bob Evans' Startling Battle Picture--The
Destruction of Cervera's Fleet--The Proclamation of Thanksgiving

CHAPTER XVII.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE PHILIPPINES.

The Abolishment of the 31st of December, 1844, in Manila--The Mystery
of the Meridian 180 Degrees West--What Is East and West?--Gaining  and
Losing Days--The Tribes of Native Filipinos--They Had an Alphabet and
Songs of Their Own--The Massacre of Magellan--His Fate Like That of
Captain Cook--Stories of Long-Ago Wars--An Account by a Devoted Spanish
Writer of the Beneficent Rule of Spain in the Philippines--Aguinaldo
a Man Not of a Nation, But of a Tribe--Typhoons and Earthquakes--The
Degeneracy of the Government of the Philippines After It Was Taken
from Mexico--"New Spain"--The Perquisites of Captain-Generals--The
Splendor of Manila a Century Ago

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES.

Important Facts About the Lesser Islands of the Philippine
Archipelago--Location, Size and Population--Capitals and
Principal Cities--Rivers and Harbors--Surface and Soil--People
and Products--Leading Industries--Their Commerce and Business
Affairs--The Monsoons and Typhoons--The Terrors of the Tempests and
How to Avoid Them


CHAPTER XIX.

SPECIFICATIONS OF GRIEVANCES OF THE FILIPINOS.

An Official Copy of the Manifesto of the Junta Showing the Bad Faith
of Spain in the Making and Evasion of a Treaty--The Declaration
of the Renewal of the War of Rebellion--Complaints Against the
Priests Defined--The Most Important Document the Filipinos Have
Issued--Official Reports of Cases of Persecution of Men and Women in
Manila by the Spanish Authorities--Memoranda of the Proceedings in
Several Cases in the Court of Inquiry of the United States Officers

CHAPTER XX.

HAWAII AS ANNEXED.

The Star Spangled Banner Up Again in Hawaii, and to Stay--Dimensions
of the Islands--What the Missionaries Have Done--Religious Belief
by Nationality--Trade Statistics--Latest Census--Sugar Plantation
Laborers--Coinage of Silver--Schools--Coffee Growing

CHAPTER XXI.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

Captain James Cook's Great Discoveries and His Martyrdom--Character
and Traditions of the Hawaiian Islands--Charges Against the Famous
Navigator and Effort to Array the Christian World Against Him--The
True Story of His Life and Death--How Charges Against Cook Came
to Be Made--Testimony of Vancouver, King and Dixon, and Last
Words of Cook's Journal--Light Turned on History That Has Become
Obscure--Savagery of the Natives--Their  Written Language Took
Up Their High Colored Traditions and Preserved Phantoms--Scenes in
Aboriginal Theatricals--Problem of Government in an Archipelago Where
Race Questions Are Predominant--Now Americans Should Remember Captain
Cook as an Illustrious Pioneer

CHAPTER XXII.

THE START FOR THE LAND OF CORN STALKS.

Spain Clings to the Ghost of Her Colonies--The Scene of War Interest
Shifts from Manila--The Typhoon Season--General Merritt on the Way
to Paris--German Target Practice by Permission of Dewey--Poultney
Bigalow with Canoe, Typewriter and Kodak--Hongkong as a Bigger and
Brighter Gibraltar


CHAPTER XXIII.

KODAK SNAPPED AT JAPAN.

Glimpses of China and Japan on the Way Home from the
Philippines--Hongkong  a Greater Gibraltar--Coaling the China--Gangs
of Women Coaling the China--How the Japanese Make Gardens of the
Mountains--Transition from the Tropics to the Northern Seas--A
Breeze from Siberia--A Thousand Miles Nothing on the Pacific--Talk
of Swimming Ashore

CHAPTER XXIV.

OUR PICTURE GALLERY.

Annotations and Illustrations--Portraits of Heroes of the War in the
Army and Navy, and of the Highest Public Responsibilities--Admirals
and Generals, the President and Cabinet--Photographs of Scenes
and Incidents--The Characteristics of the Filipinos--Their Homes,
Dresses and Peculiarities in Sun Pictures--The Picturesque People of
Our New Possessions

CHAPTER XXV.

CUBA AND PORTO RICO.

Conditions In and Around Havana--Fortifications and Water Supply of the
Capital City--Other Sections of the Pearl of the Antilles--Porto Rico,
Our New Possession, Described--Size and Population--Natural Resources
and Products--Climatic Conditions--Towns and Cities--Railroad and
Other Improvements--Future Possibilities

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE LADRONES.

The Island of Guam a Coaling Station of the United States--Discovery,
Size and Products of the Islands

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE OFFICIAL TITLE TO OUR NEW POSSESSIONS IN THE INDIES.

Full Text of the Treaty of Peace with Spain Handed the President of
the United States as a Christmas Gift for the People, at the White
House, 1898--The Gathered Fruit of a Glorious and Wonderful Victory


CHAPTER XXVIII.

BATTLES WITH THE FILIPINOS BEFORE MANILA.

The Aguinaldo War Upon the Americans--The Course of Events
in the Philippines Since the Fall of Manila--Origin of the
Filipino War--Aguinaldo's  Insolent and Aggressive Acts, Including
Treachery--His  Agent's Vanity and Duplicity in Washington--Insurgents
Under Aguinaldo Attack American Forces--Battle of Manila,
February 4 and 5--Heroism of American Troops in Repelling the
Insurgents--Aguinaldo's Proclamations--Agoncillo's Flight to
Canada--The Ratification of the Treaty of Peace with Spain by the
American Senate Followed the Fighting--The Gallantry and Efficiency
of the American Volunteers--Another Glorious Chapter of Our War History

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE AGUINALDO WAR OF SKIRMISHES.

The Filipino Swarms, After Being Repulsed with Slaughter, Continue
Their Scattering Efforts to Be Assassins--They Plan a General
Massacre and the Burning of Manila--Defeated in Barbarous Schemes,
They Tell False Tales and Have Two Objects, One to Deceive the People
of the Philippines, the other to Influence Intervention--The Peril of
Fire--Six Thousand Regulars Sent to General Otis--Americans Capture
Iloilo, and Many Natives Want Peace--The People of the Isla of Negros
Ask that They May Go with Us--Dewey Wants Battleships and Gunboats,
Gets Them, and Is Made an Admiral--Arrival of Peace Commissioners,
with Their School Books, Just Ahead of the Regulars with Magazine
Rifles--The Germans at Manila Salute Admiral Dewey at Last



ILLUSTRATIONS.


  1. Frontispiece ... Major-General Merritt, First Governor-General of
     the Philippines.
  2. The President and His Cabinet
  3. President McKinley
  4. Secretary of State Hay
  5. Secretary of the Treasury Gage
  6. Secretary of War Alger
  7. Secretary of the Navy Long
  8. Attorney General Griggs
  9. Postmaster General Smith
 10. Secretary of the Interior Bliss
 11. Secretary of Agriculture Wilson
 12. Admiral Dewey, the Hero of Manila
 13. Map of the Philippine Islands
 14. Photograph and Autograph of Aguinaldo, as Presented by Him to Mr.
     Halstead, the Author
 15. Archbishop of Manila. His Photograph and Autograph Presented to
     Mr. Halstead, the Author
 16. Ex-Consul General Fitzhugh Lee, Now Major-General Commanding
 17. Captain Sigsbee, Commander of the Ill-fated Maine
 18. Brigadier-General F.V. Greene
 19. Government Building in Pampanga
 20. Church at Cavite
 21. Masacue--Town in Cavite
 22. Natives Taking Refreshments
 23. Official Map of the Isle of Luzon, Prepared by War Department
 24. Official Map by the War Department of the Seat of War in the
     Philippines
 25. Murat Halstead, the Author, at Manila
 26. Cathedral of Manila After Earthquake
 27. Spanish Re-inforcements Crossing Bridge Over Pasig River
 28. Oriental Hotel, Manila
 29. The Sultan of Jolo in Mindanao
 30. A Beheaded Spaniard--Sign of the Order of Katipunan
 31. San Juan del Monte, Where Revolution Started
 32. Brigadier-General E.S. Otis
 33. Brigadier-General Thomas M. Anderson
 34. Military Heroes of Santiago and Porto Rico
 35. Major-General Miles
 36. Major-General Shafter
 37. Major-General Wheeler
 38. Major-General Brooke
 39. Brigadier-General Wood
 40. Colonel Roosevelt
 41. Naval Heroes of Santiago
 42. Admiral Sampson
 43. Admiral Schley
 44. Captain Chadwick, of the New York
 45. Captain Cooke, of the Brooklyn
 46. Captain Clarke, of the Oregon
 47. Captain Evans, of the Iowa
 48. Captain Higginson, of the Massachusetts
 49. Captain Philip, of the Texas
 50. Commander Wainwright, of the Gloucester
 51. Lieutenant R.P. Hobson
 52. General Greene's Headquarters at Manila
 53. Manila and Its Outskirts, Showing Malate
 54. Principal Gate to the City
 55. Loading Buffaloes with Produce in Luzon
 56. Filipina Preparing for a Siesta
 57. Philippine Author-Martyr, His Wife and His Execution
 58. Dr. Rizal
 59. Dr. Rizal's Execution
 60. Dr. Rizal's Wife
 61. The Seat of War in Cavite
 62. Attack on Manila, Showing Position of Our Ships and Troops
 63. Fortifications of Manila
 64. United States Peace Commissioners
 65. Senator Frye
 66. Senator Gray
 67. Ex-Secretary of State Day
 68. Senator Davis
 69. Whitelaw Reid
 70. Flowers of the Philippines
 71. Interior of the Fortifications of Manila
 72. Fort Santiago at Manila, Where the American Flag Was Raised
 73. Dining Room in General Merritt's Palace at Manila
 74. An Execution Entertainment on the Luneta
 75. Victims Reported Dead After the Execution
 76. Aguinaldo and His Compatriots
 77. Senor Aguinaldo
 78. Senor Montsusgro
 79. Senor Natividah
 80. Senor Ninisgra
 81. Senor Rins
 82. Senor Belavinino
 83. Senor Covinbing
 84. Senor Mascordo
 85. Senor Arbacho
 86. Senor Pilar
 87. Senor Viola
 88. Senor Francisco
 89. Senor Llansoo
 90. Savage Native Hunters
 91. Girl's Costume to Show One Shoulder
 92. Public Buildings in Manila
 93. Fort Weyler, Built by General Weyler When Governor of the
     Philippines
 94. The Destruction of Cervera's Spanish Squadron at Santiago
 95. The Luneta--Favorite Outing Grounds of Manila, and a Place for
     Executing Insurgents
 96. Admiral Dewey's Fleet That Won the Battle of Manila Bay
 97. The Flagship Olympia
 98. The Baltimore
 99. The Concord
100. The Raleigh
101. The Boston
102. The Petrel
103. The Monument of Magellinos in the Walled City
104. A Railroad Station North of Manila--Spaniards Airing Themselves
105. The Battle of Manila Bay--In the Heat of the Raging Fight
106. A Suburb of Manila, Showing a Buffalo Market Cart
107. The Cathedral at Manila
108. An Insurgent Outlook Near Manila
109. Display in Manila Photograph Gallery, Insurgent Leaders
110. Group of Filipinos Who Want Independence
111. The Principal Gate to the Walled City
112. A Public Square in Manila
113. A Bit of Scenery in Mindanao, Showing Tropical Vegetation
114. Parade of Spanish Troops on One of Their Three Annual Expeditions
     to the Southern Islands
115. After an Execution--Prostrate Forms are Men Shot
116. Spaniards Ready to Execute Insurgent Prisoners
117. A Group of the Unconquerable Mohammedans
118. A Native House
119. Riding Buffaloes Through Groves of Date Palms
120. Natives Fishing from a Canal Boat
121. Great Bridge at Manila
122. Southern Islanders--Showing Cocoanut Palms and the Monkey Tree
123. A Review of Spanish Filipino Volunteers
124. A Spanish Festival in Manila
125. Spanish Troops Repelling an Insurgent Attack on a Convent
126. Business Corner in Manila
127. A Native in Regimentals
128. A Country Pair
129. Peasant Costumes
130. Woodman in Working Garb
131. Map of Hawaii
132. Official Map of the Hawaiian Islands
133. Map of Cuba
134. Map of Porto Rico
135. Outline Map of the Philippine Islands
136. A Spanish Dude--An Officer at Manila
137. The Harbor at Manila
138. General E.S. Otis and Staff on Porch of Malacanan Palace, Manila
139. Malacanan Palace and Pasig River, Manila
140. General Otis and Staff, Dining Room, Malacanan Palace, Manila
141. Views in Manila, Philippine Islands
142. View from My Office Window in Palace, Sept. 8, 1898
143. Fountain, Manila, August, 1898
144. Door of Hospital De San Juan Di Dios, Intramuros, Manila,
     Aug. 29, 1898
145. Sentry Box in Old Manila Wall, August, 1898
146. Dungeons in Old Manila Wall, Sept. 7, 1898
147. Door of Jesuit Church, Manila, Sept. 3, 1898
148. Court Yard of Palace, Manila, Sept, 3, 1898
149. View of Tower of Iglisia De Sta Grum, Manila, Sept. 9, 1898
150. Corner of Old Manila Wall, August, 1898
151. Interior in Palace, Manila, Sept. 4, 1898
152. View of Church of August 30, Manila
153. General Hughes' Temporary Office in Palace
154. Puerto De Gabel, Old Manila Wall, Aug. 29, 1898
155. Views in Manila, Philippine Islands
156. Wash Lady in the River, Manila
157. Soldiers Washing Their Persons and Clothes, Manila
158. Man Rowing Small Boat, Manila
159. Ferry in Canal, Manila
160. Group of Native Women on Canal Bank, Manila
161. Government Launch, Manila
162. View of Canal in New Manila
163. View From My Ferry Crossing River Looking Toward New Town, Manila
164. View of Intramuros From the Water, Manila
165. Women Washing, Manila
166. Barge in Canal, New Town, Half Barge, Half House Boat, Manila
167. Canal Scene in Neuva, Manila
168. Stern of Lighter in Canal, Manila
169. Views in Manila, Philippine Islands
170. Native Woman, with Fruit and Child
171. Native Woman
173. Fruit Woman on Main Bridge
173. Small Boy, With Pup
174. Native Woman on Canal Bank
175. Buffalo, Wagon and Two Coolies
176. Beggar on Main Bridge
177. Views in Honolulu and Manila
178. Leaving Honolulu, Aboard U.S.S. Peru for Manila
179. A Soldier on Deck of Oakland Ferry
180. Three College Men, Corporal Morrow in Center
181. U.S.S. Philadelphia Entering Honolulu Harbor
182. In Camp at Manila
183. Leaving Honolulu, U.S.S. Peru, for Manila
184. U.S.S. Philadelphia, Honolulu Harbor
185. Bridge Over River Naig, Cavite, Connecting Santa Cruz Road with
     Town of Naig
186. Highway in the Philippines
187. Native House in Suburb of Calamba, Philippines
188. Front and Back View of Native Woven Shirt
189. Malay Women of Jolo Pounding Rice
190. Ancient Cannon Taken from Insurgents
191. Arsenal Grounds in Cavite, Chapel in Front of Commandant's House
192. Bridge Crossing the River at Tambobeng, Manila Province
193. Cane Bridge Over Arm of Bay at Ilo-Ilo, Philippines
194. Sergeant Dan Hewitt, Hero of Caloocan
195. View on Pagsanjan River in the Province of La Laguna
196. Royal Street in Ilo-Ilo, Island of Panay, Philippines
197. Native Dwelling in the Suburbs of Manila
198. The Insurgent Leaders in the Philippines
199. Isabelo Artacho
200. Baldomero Aguinaldo
201. Severino de las Alas
202. Antonio Montenegro
203. Vito Belarmino
204. Pedro Paterno
205. Emilio Aguinaldo
206. Church of San Augustin, Manila
207. Schooner Anchored in Ilo-Ilo Harbor, Philippines
208. Major-General Thomas M. Anderson and Staff, in Command of 1st
     Division, 8th Army Corps, at Manila
209. Major-General Thomas M. Anderson, Commander of 1st Division,
     8th Army Corps, at Manila







CHAPTER I

Admiral Dewey on His Flagship.

A Stormy Day on Manila Bay--Call on Admiral Dewey--The Man in White--He
Sticks to His Ship--How He Surprised Spaniards--Every Man Did His
Duty on May-Day--How Dewey Looks and Talks--What He Said About War
with Germany in Five Minutes--Feeds His Men on "Delicious" Fresh Meat
from Australia--Photography Unjust to Him.

Steaming across Manila Bay from Cavite to the city on an energetic
ferry-boat, scanning the wrecks of the Spanish fleet still visible
where the fated ships went down, one of them bearing on a strip of
canvas the legible words "Remember the 'Maine,'" the talk being of
Dewey's great May-day, we were passing the famous flag-ship of the
squadron that was ordered to destroy another squadron, and did it,
incidentally gathering in hand the keys of an empire in the Indies
for America, because the American victor was an extraordinary man,
who saw the immensity of the opportunity and improved it to the utmost,
some one said: "There is the Admiral now, on the quarter-deck under the
awning--the man in white, sitting alone!" The American Consul at Manila
was aboard the ferry-boat, and said to the captain he would like to
speak to the Admiral. The course was changed a point, and then a pause,
when the Consul called, "Admiral!" And the man in white stepped to
the rail and responded pleasantly to the greeting--the Consul saying:

"Shall we not see you ashore now?"

"No," said the man in white, in a clear voice; "I shall not go ashore
unless I have to."

Some one said: "This would be a good chance to go. Come with us."

The man in white shook his head, and the ferryman ordered full speed,
the passengers all looking steadily at the white figure until it
became a speck, and the fresh arrivals were shown the objects of
the greatest interest, until the wrecks of the Oriental fleet of the
Spaniards were no longer visible, and there was only the white walls
to see of Cavite's arsenal and the houses of the navy-yard, and the
more stately structures of Manila loomed behind the lighthouse at
the mouth of the Pasig, when the eyes of the curious were drawn to
the mossback fort that decorates as an antiquity the most conspicuous
angle of the walls of "the walled city."

There was a shade of significance in the few words of the Admiral
that he would not go ashore until he must. He has from the first been
persistent in staying at Manila. There has been nothing that could
induce him to abandon in person the prize won May 1st. His order
from the President was to destroy the Spanish fleet. It was given
on the first day of the legal existence of the war, counting the day
gained, in crossing the Pacific Ocean from the United States to the
Philippines, when the 180th degree of longitude west from Greenwich
is reached and reckoned. It was thus the President held back when the
war was on; and the next day after Dewey got the order at Hongkong
he was on the way. The Spaniards at Manila could not have been more
astonished at Dewey's way of doing, if they had all been struck by
lightning under a clear sky. They had no occasion to be "surprised,"
having the cable in daily communication with Madrid, and, more than
that, a Manila paper of the last day of April contained an item of
real news--the biggest news item ever published in that town! It
was from a point on the western coast of the island of Luzon, and
the substance of it that four vessels that seemed to be men-of-war,
had been sighted going south, and supposed to be the American fleet.

What did the Spaniards suppose the American fleet they knew well
had left Hongkong was going south for? If Admiral Dewey had been a
commonplace man he would have paused and held a council of war nigh the
huge rock Corregidor at the mouth of Manila Bay. There is a channel
on either side of that island, and both were reputed to be guarded
by torpedoes. The Spaniards had an enormous stock of munitions of
war--modern German guns enough to have riddled the fleet of American
cruisers--and why did they not have torpedoes? They had the Mauser
rifle, which has wonderful range, and ten millions of smokeless powder
cartridges. Marksmen could sweep the decks of a ship with Mausers at
the distance of a mile, and with the smokeless cartridges it would have
been mere conjecture where the sharpshooters were located. There are
rows of armor-piercing steel projectiles from Germany still standing
around rusting in the Spanish batteries, and they never did any more
than they are doing. It is said--and there is every probability of
the truth of the story--that some of these bolts would not fit any
gun the Spaniards had mounted. The Admiral paid no attention to the
big rock and the alleged torpedoes, but steamed up the bay near the
city where the Spaniards were sleeping. He was hunting the fleet he
was ordered to remove, and found it very early in the morning. Still
the thunder of his guns seems to thrill and electrify the air over the
bay, and shake the city; and the echoes to ring around the world, there
is no question--not so much because the Americans won a naval victory
without a parallel, as that Dewey improved the occasion, showing that
he put brains into his business. They say--that is, some people seem to
want to say it and so do--that Dewey is a strange sort of man; as was
said of Wolfe and Nelson, who died when they won immortality. Dewey
lives and is covered with glory. It has been held that there were
not enough Americans hurt in the Manila fight to make the victory
truly great. But the same objection applies to the destruction of
Cervera's fleet when he ran away from Santiago. General Jackson's
battle at New Orleans showed a marvelously small loss to Americans;
but it was a good deal of a victory, and held good, though won after
peace with England had been agreed upon. The capture of Manila is
valid, too. Spain surrendered before the town did. If Dewey had been an
every-day kind of man, he would have left Manila when he had fulfilled
the letter of his orders, as he had no means of destroying the Spanish
army, and did not want to desolate a city, even if the Spaniards held
it. He remained and called for more ships and men, and got them.

"How is it?" "Why is it?" "How can it be?" are the questions Admiral
Dewey asks when told that the American people, without exception,
rejoice to celebrate him--that if one of the men known to have been
with him May 1st should be found out in any American theater he would
be taken on the stage by an irresistible call and a muscular committee
of enthusiasts, and the play could not go on without "a few words"
and the "Star Spangled Banner," "Hail Columbia," "Yankee Doodle,"
"Dixey" and "My Country, 'tis of Thee"; that the hallelujah note
would be struck; that cars are chalked "for Deweyville"; that the
board fences have his name written, or painted, or whittled on them;
that there are Dewey cigars; that blacksmith-shops have the name
Dewey scratched on them, also barn doors; and that if there are two
dwelling-houses and a stable at a cross-roads it is Deweyville,
or Deweyburg or Deweytown; that there is a flood of boy babies
named Dewey, that the girls sing of him, and the ladies all admire
him and the widows love him, and the school children adore him. The
Admiral says: "I hear such things, and altogether they amaze me--the
newspapers, the telegrams, the letters become almost unreal, for I
do not comprehend what they say of my first day's work here. There
was not a man in the fleet who did not do his duty."

The Admiral is told that he need not think to stay away until the
people who have him on their minds and in their hearts are tired of
their enthusiasm; that he cannot go home undiscovered and without
demonstrations that will shake the earth and rend the skies; that
the boys will drag the horses from his carriage, and parade the
streets with him as a prisoner, and have it out with him, giving
him a good time, until it will be a hard time, and he might as well
submit to manifest destiny! His country wanted another hero, and he
was at the right place at the right time, and did the right thing
in the right way; and the fact answers all questions accounting for
everything. Still he has a notion of staying away until the storm is
over and he can get along without being a spectacle. Why, even the
ladies of Washington are wild about him. If he should appear at the
White House to call on the President, the scene would be like that
when Grant first met Abraham Lincoln.

One rough day on the bay I took passage in a small steam-launch
to visit the Olympia, where the Admiral's flag floated, to call on
him. There was plenty of steam, and it was pleasant to get out a good
way behind the breakwater, for the waves beyond were white with anger,
and the boat, when departing from partial shelter, had proceeded
but two or three hundred yards when it made a supreme effort in two
motions--the first, to roll over; the second, to stand on its head. I
was glad both struggles were unsuccessful, and pleased with the order:
"Slow her up." The disadvantages of too much harbor were evident. The
slow-ups were several, and well timed, and then came the rise and
fall of the frisky launch beside the warship, the throwing of a
rope, the pull with a hook, the stand off with an oar, the bounding
boat clearing from four to ten feet at a jump; the clutch, the quick
step, the deft avoidance of a crushed foot or sprained ankle, with a
possible broken leg in sight, the triumphant ascent, the safe landing,
the sudden sense that Desdemona was right in loving a man for the
dangers he had passed, the thought that there should be harbors less
fluctuating, a lively appreciation of the achievements of pilots in
boarding Atlantic liners. The broad decks of the Olympia, built by
the builders of the matchless Oregon, had a comforting solidity under
my feet. The Admiral was believed to be having a nap; but he was wide
awake, and invited the visitor to take a big chair, which, after having
accompanied the launch in the dance with the whitecaps, was peculiarly
luxurious. The Admiral didn't mind me, and had a moment's surprise
about an observer of long ago strolling so far from home and going
forth in a high sea to make a call. I confessed to being an ancient
Wanderer, but not an Ancient Mariner, and expressed disapprobation
of the deplorable roughness of the California Albatross, a brute of
a bird--a feathered ruffian that ought to be shot.

The Admiral would be picked out by close attention as the origin of
some millions of pictures; but he is unlike as well as like them. Even
the best photographs do not do justice to his fine eyes, large, dark
and luminous, or to the solid mass of his head with iron-brown hair
tinged with gray. He is a larger man than the portraits indicate;
and his figure, while that of a strong man in good health and form and
well nourished, is not stout and, though full, is firm; and his step
has elasticity in it. His clean-shaven cheek and chin are massive, and
drawn on fine lines full of character--no fatty obscuration, no decline
of power; a stern but sunny and cloudless face--a good one for a place
in history; no show of indulgence, no wrinkles; not the pallor of
marble, rather the glint of bronze--the unabated force good for other
chapters of history. It would be extremely interesting to report the
talk of the Admiral; but there were two things about him that reminded
me of James G. Blaine, something of the vivid personality of the loved
and lost leader; something in his eye and his manner, more in the
startling candor with which he spoke of things it would be premature
to give the world, and, above all, the absence of all alarm about
being reported--the unconscious consciousness that one must know this
was private and no caution needed. A verbatim report of the Admiral
would, however, harm no one, signify high-toned candor and a certain
breezy simplicity in the treatment of momentous matters. Evidently
here was a man not posing, a hero because his character was heroic, a
genuine personage--not artificial, proclamatory, a picker of phrases,
but a doer of deeds that explain themselves; a man with imagination,
not fantastic but realistic, who must have had a vision during the
night after the May-day battle of what might be the great hereafter;
beholding under the southern constellations the gigantic shadow of
America, crowned with stars, with the archipelagoes of Asia under
her feet and broad and mighty destinies at command.

It was the next day that he anchored precisely where his famous ship
was swinging when I sat beside him; and his words to the representative
of three centuries of Spanish misrule had in them an uncontemplated
flash from the flint and steel of fixed purpose and imperial
force. "Fire another gun at my ships and I will destroy your city."

We can hardly realize in America how flagrant Europeanism has been in
the Manila Bay; how the big German guns bought by Spain looked from
their embrasures; how a powerful German fleet persisted in asserting
antagonism to Americanism, and tested in many ways the American
Admiral's knowledge of his rights and his country's policy until
Admiral Dewey told, not the German Admiral, as has been reported,
but his flag lieutenant, "Can it be possible that your nation means
war with mine? If so, we can begin it in five minutes." The limit
had been reached, and the line was drawn; and Dewey's words will go
down in our records with those of Charles Francis Adams to Lord John
Russell about the ironclads built in England for the Confederacy:
"My Lord, I need not point out to your lordship that this is war."

Perhaps the German Admiral had exceeded the instructions of his
Imperial Government, and the peremptory words of the American Admiral
caused a better understanding, making for peace rather than for war.

Next to the Americans the English have taken a pride in Admiral Dewey,
and they are in the Asiatic atmosphere our fast friends. They do
not desire that we should give up the Philippines. On the contrary,
they want us to keep the islands, and the more we become interested
in those waters and along their shores, the better. They know that
the world has practically grown smaller and, therefore, the British
Empire more compact; and they find Russia their foe. They see that with
the Pacific Coast our base of operations looking westward, we have
first the Hawaiian Islands for producers and a coal station, naval
arsenal, dockyards for the renovation and repair and replenishment
of our fleets; and they see that we have reserved for ourselves
one of the Ladrones, so that we will have an independent route to
the Philippines. The Japanese have cultivated much feeling against
our possession of Hawaii, the animus being that they wanted it for
themselves; and likewise they are disturbed by our Pacific movement,
anticipating the improvement of the most western of the Alutian
Islands, an admirable station overlooking the North Pacific; all
comprehending with Hawaii, the Alutian Island found most available,
the Ladrone that we shall reserve and the Philippines, we shall have
a Pacific quadrilateral; and this is not according to the present
pleasure and the ambition for the coming days, of Japan. England
would have approved our holding all the islands belonging to the
Spanish, including the Canaries, and Majorca and Minorca and their
neighboring isles in the Mediterranean, and take a pride in us. She
has been of untold and inestimable service to us in the course of the
Spanish War, and her ways have been good for us at Manila, while the
Germans have been frankly against us, the Russians grimly reserved,
and the French disposed to be fretful because they have invested in
Spanish bonds upon which was raised the money to carry on the miserable
false pretense of war with the Cubans. One day while I was on the fine
transport Peru, in the harbor of Manila, the American Admiral's ship
saluted an English ship-of-war coming in that had saluted his flag,
and also displayed American colors in recognition that the harbor of
Manila was an American port. That was the significance of the flashes
and thundering of the Admiral's guns and the white cloud that gathered
about his ship that has done enough for celebrity through centuries.

Admiral Dewey created the situation in the Philippines that the
President wisely chose by way of the Paris Conference to receive the
deliberate judgment of the Senate and people of the United States. Dewy
has been unceasingly deeply concerned about it. His naval victory
was but the beginning. He might have sailed away from Manila May 2d,
having fulfilled his orders; but he had the high and keen American
spirit in him, and clung. He needed a base of operations, a place upon
which to rest and obtain supplies. He had not the marines to spare
to garrison a fort save at Cavite, twelve miles from Manila; and he
needed chickens, eggs, fresh meat and vegetables; and it was important
that the Spanish Army should be occupied on shore. Hence, Aguinaldo,
who was in Singapore, and the concentration of insurgents that had
themselves to be restrained to make war on civilized lines. One of
the points of the most considerable interest touching the Filipinos is
that the smashing defeat of the fleet of Spain in Manila Bay heartened
them. They have become strong for themselves. The superiority of
the Americans over the Spaniards as fighting men is known throughout
the islands Spain oppressed; and the bonds of the tyrants have been
broken. It should not be out of mind that the first transports with
our troops did not reach Manila for six weeks, and that the army was
not in shape to take the offensive until after General Merritt's
arrival, late in July. All this time the American Admiral had to
hold on with the naval arm; and it was the obvious game of Spain,
if she meant to fight and could not cope with the Americans in the
West Indies, to send all her available ships and overwhelm us in
the East Indies. At the same time the German, French, Russian and
Japanese men-of-war represented the interest of the live nations of
the earth in the Philippines. As fast as possible Admiral Dewey was
re-enforced; but it was not until the two monitors, the Monterey and
Monadnock, arrived, the latter after the arrival of General Merritt,
that the Admiral felt that he was safely master of the harbor. He
had no heavily armored ships to assail the shore batteries within
their range, and might be crippled by the fire of the great Krupp
guns. It was vital that the health of the crews of his ships should
be maintained, and the fact that the men are and have been all summer
well and happy is not accidental. Admiral Dewey took the point of
danger, if there was one, into his personal keeping, by anchoring the
Olympia on the Manila side of the bay, while others were further out
and near Cavite; and throughout the fleet there was constant activity
and the utmost vigilance. There was incessant solicitude about what
the desperate Spaniards might contrive in the nature of aggressive
enterprise. It seemed incredible to Americans that nothing should
be attempted. How would a Spanish fleet have fared for three months
of war with us in an American harbor? There would have been a new
feature of destructiveness tried on the foe at least once a week.

The Spaniards ashore seemed to be drowsy; but the Americans were
wide awake, ready for anything, and could not be surprised; so
that we may commend as wisdom the Spanish discretion that let them
alone. The ship that was the nearest neighbor of Admiral Dewey for
months of his long vigil flew the flag of Belgium. She is a large,
rusty-looking vessel, without a sign of contraband of war, or of
a chance of important usefulness about her; but she performed a
valuable function. I asked half a dozen times what her occupation
was before any one gave a satisfactory answer. Admiral Dewey told
the story in few words. She was a cold-storage ship, with beef and
mutton from Australia, compartments fixed for about forty degrees
below zero. Each day the meat for the American fleet's consumption was
taken out. There was a lot of it on the deck of the Olympia thawing
when I was a visitor; and the beef was "delicious." I am at pains
to give Dewey's word. While the Spaniards ashore were eating tough,
lean buffalo--the beasts of burden in the streets, the Americans
afloat rejoiced in "delicious" beef and mutton from Australia. It
was explained that the use of cold-storage meat depended upon giving
it time to thaw, for if it should be cooked in an icy state it would
be black and unpalatable, losing wholly its flavor and greatly its
nourishing quality. Australia is not many thousand miles from the
Philippines--and one must count miles by the thousands out there. The
Belgians have a smart Consul at Manila who is a friend of mankind.

One of the incidents in the battle of Manila--all are fresh in
the public memory--is that Admiral Dewey did not make use of the
conning-tower--a steel, bomb proof, for the security of the officer
in command of the ship--the Captain, of course, and the commander of
the fleet, if he will.

This retreat did not prove, in the battle of Yalu and the combats
between the Chileans and Peruvians, a place of safety; but as a rule
there is a considerable percentage of protection in its use. Admiral
Dewey preferred to remain on the bridge--and there were four fragments
of Spanish shells that passed close to him, striking within a radius
of fifteen feet. The Admiral, when told there had been some remark
because he had not occupied the conning-house in the action, walked
with me to the tower, the entrance to which is so guarded that it
resembles a small cavern of steel--with a heavy cap or lid, under
which is a circular slit, through which observations are supposed to
be made. "Try it," the Admiral said, "and you find it is hard to get
a satisfactory view." He added, when I had attempted to look over
the surroundings: "We will go to the bridge;" and standing on it he
annotated the situation, saying: "Here you have the whole bay before
you, and can see everything." I remarked: "The newspaper men are
very proud of the correspondent of the Herald who was with you on the
bridge;" and the Admiral said: "Yes; Stickney was right here with us."

There were many reasons for the officer commanding the American
fleet that day to watch closely the developments. The Spaniards had,
for their own purposes, even falsified the official charts of the
bay. Where our vessels maneuvered and the flagship drew twenty-two
feet of water and had nine feet under the keel, the chart called for
fifteen feet only!

It is not a secret that the President wanted Admiral Dewey, if
it was not in his opinion inconsistent with his sense of duty,
to go to Washington. Naturally the President would have a profound
respect for the Admiral's opinion as to the perplexing problem of the
Philippines. The Admiral did not think he should leave his post. He
could cover the points of chief interest in writing, and preferred
very much to do so, and stay right where he was "until this thing is
settled." The opinion of the Admiral as to what the United States
should do with, or must do about, the political relations of the
Philippines with ourselves and others, have not been given formal
expression; but it is safe to say they are not in conflict with his
feeling that the American fleet at Manila should be augmented with
gunboats, cruisers and two or three battle-ships. It was, in the
opinion of the illustrious Admiral, when the Peace Commission met in
Paris, the time and place to make a demonstration of the sea power
of the United States.

The personal appearance of Admiral Dewey is not presented with
attractive accuracy in the very familiar portrait of him that has
been wonderfully multiplied and replenished. The expression of the
Admiral is not truly given in the prints and photos. The photographer
is responsible for a faulty selection. The impression prevails that the
hero is "a little fellow." There is much said to the effect that he
is jaunty and has excess of amiability in his smile. He weighs about
180 pounds, and is of erect bearing, standing not less than five feet
ten inches and a quarter. His hair is not as white as the pictures
say. The artist who touched up the negative must have thought gray
hair so becoming that he anticipated the feast of coming years. The
figure of the Admiral is strong, well carried, firm, and his bearing
that of gravity and determination, but no pose for the sake of show,
no pomp and circumstance, just the Academy training showing in his
attitude--the abiding, unconscious grace that is imparted in the
schools of Annapolis and West Point--now rivaled by other schools in
"setting up." The Admiral is of solidity and dignity, of good stature
and proportions; has nothing of affectation in manners or insincerity
in speech; is a hearty, stirring, serious man, whose intensity is
softened by steady purposes and calm forces, and moderated by the
play of a sense of humor, that is not drollery or levity, but has a
pleasing greeting for a clever word, and yields return with a flash
in it and an edge on it.



CHAPTER II

Life in Manila.

Character of the Filipinos--Drivers Lashing Laboring Men in
the Streets--What Americans Get in Their Native Air--The Logic
of Destiny--Manila as She Fell into Our Hands--The Beds in the
Tropics--A Spanish Hotel--Profane Yells for Ice--Sad Scenes in the
Dining Room--Major-General Calls for "Francisco"--A Broken-Hearted
Pantry Woman.

The same marvelous riches that distinguish Cuba are the inheritance
of Luzon. The native people are more promising in the long run than
if they were in larger percentage of the blood of Spain, for they
have something of that indomitable industry that must finally work
out an immense redemption for the eastern and southern Asiatics. When,
I wonder, did the American people get the impression so extensive and
obstinate that the Japanese and Chinese were idlers? We may add as
having a place in this category the Hindoos, who toil forever, and,
under British government, have increased by scores of millions. The
southern Asiatics are, however, less emancipated from various
indurated superstitions than those of the East; and the Polynesians,
spread over the southern seas, are a softer people than those of the
continent. However, idleness is not the leading feature of life of the
Filipinos, and when they are mixed, especially crossed with Chinese,
they are indefatigable. On the Philippine Islands there is far less
servility than on the other side of the sea of China, and the people
are the more respectable and hopeful for the flavor of manliness that
compensates for a moderate but visible admixture of savagery. We of
North America may be proud of it that the atmosphere of our continent,
when it was wild, was a stimulant of freedom and independence. The red
Indians of our forests were, with all their faults, never made for
slaves. The natives of the West Indies, the fierce Caribs excepted,
were enslaved by the Spaniards, and perished under the lash. Our
continental tribes--the Seminoles and the Comanches, the Sioux and
Mohawks, the Black Feet and the Miamis--from the St. Lawrence to
Red River and the oceans, fought all comers--Spaniards, French and
English--only the French having the talent of polite persuasion and
the gift of kindness that won the mighty hunters, but never subjugated
them. We may well encourage the idea that the quality of air of the
wilderness has entered the soil. When, in Manila, I have seen the men
bearing burdens on the streets spring out of the way of those riding
in carriages, and lashed by drivers with a viciousness that no dumb
animal should suffer, I have felt my blood warm to think that the men
of common hard labor in my country would resent a blow as quickly as
the man on horseback--that even the poor black--emancipated the other
day from the subjugation of slavery by a masterful and potential race,
stands up in conscious manhood, and that the teachings of the day are
that consistently with the progress of the country--as one respects
himself, he must be respected--and that the air and the earth have the
inspiration and the stimulus of freedom. The Chinese and Japanese are
famous as servants--so constant, handy, obedient, docile, so fitted to
minister to luxury, to wait upon those favored by fortune and spurred
to execute the schemes for elevation and dominance, and find employment
in the enterprise that comprehends human advancement. It must be
admitted that the Filipinos are not admirable in menial service. Many
of them are untamed, and now, that the Americans have given object
lessons of smiting the Spaniards, the people of the islands that
Magellinos, the Portuguese, found for Spain, must be allowed a measure
of self-government, or they will assert a broader freedom, and do it
with sanguinary methods. As Americans have heretofore found personal
liberty consistent with public order--that Republicanism was more
stable than imperialism in peaceable administration, and not less
formidable in war, it seems to be Divinely appointed that our paths
of Empire may, with advantage to ourselves, and the world at large,
be made more comprehensive than our fathers blazed them out. But
one need not hesitate to go forward in this cause, for we have only
gone farther than the fathers dreamed, because, among their labors of
beneficence, was that of building wiser than they knew, and there is
no more reason now why we should stop when we strike the salt water
of the seas, and consent to it that where we find the white line of
surf that borders a continent we shall say to the imperial popular
Republic, thus far and no farther shalt thou go, and here shall thy
proud march be stayed--than there was that George Washington, as the
representative of the English-speaking people, should have assumed that
England and Virginia had no business beyond the Allegheny Mountains,
and, above all, no right to territory on the west of the Allegheny
and Kanawha, and north of the Ohio river, a territory then remote,
inhabited by barbarians and wanted by the French, who claimed the
whole continent, except the strip along the Atlantic possessed by the
English colonies. Washington was a believer in the acquisition of the
Ohio country. He was a man who had faith in land--in ever more land. It
is the same policy to go west now that it was then. Washington crossed
the Allegheny and held the ground. Jefferson crossed the Mississippi,
and sent Louis and Clark to the Pacific; and crossing the great western
ocean now is but the logic of going beyond the great western rivers,
prairies and mountains then. We walk in the ways of the fathers when
we go conquering and to conquer along the Eastward shores of Asia.

One of the expanding and teeming questions before the world now,
and the authority and ability to determine it, is in the hands of
the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States, is whether
Manila shall become an American city, with all the broad and sweeping
significance attaching thereto. Manila was not dressed for company
when I saw her, for she had just emerged from a siege in which
the people had suffered much inconvenience and privation. The water
supply was cut off, and the streets were not cleaned. The hotels were
disorganized and the restaurants in confusion. The trees that once cast
a grateful shade along the boulevards, that extended into the country,
rudely denuded of their boughs, had the appearance of the skeletons
of strange monsters. The insurgent army was still in the neighborhood
in a state of uneasiness, feeling wronged, deprived, as they were,
of an opportunity to get even with the Spaniards, by picking out
and slaying some of the more virulent offenders. There was an immense
monastery, where hundreds of priests were said to be sheltered, and the
insurgents desired to take them into their own hands and make examples
of them. The Spaniards about the streets were becoming complacent. They
had heard of peace, on the basis of Spain giving up every thing,
but the Philippines, and there were expectations that the troops
withdrawn from Cuba might be sent from Havana to Manila, and then,
as soon as the Americans were gone, the islanders could be brought to
submission by vastly superior forces. There were more rations issued to
Spanish than to American soldiers, until the division of the Philippine
Expedition with Major-General Otis arrived, but the Americans were
exclusively responsible for the preservation of the peace between the
implacable belligerents, and the sanitary work required could not at
once be accomplished, but presently it was visible that something was
done every day in the right direction. There was much gambling with
dice, whose rattling could be heard far and near on the sidewalks,
but this flagrant form of vice was summarily suppressed, we may say
with strict truth, at the point of the bayonet. The most representative
concentration of the ingredients of chaos was at the Hotel Oriental,
that overlooked a small park with a dry fountain and a branch of the
river flowing under a stone bridge, with a pretty stiff current,
presently to become a crowded canal. It is of three lofty stories
and an attic, a great deal of the space occupied with halls, high,
wide and long. The front entrance is broad, and a tiled floor runs
straight through the house. Two stairways, one on either side, lead to
the second story, the first steps of stone. In the distance beyond,
a court could be seen, a passable conservatory--but bottles on a
table with a counter in front declared that this was a barroom, as
it was. The next thing further was a place where washing was done,
then came empty rooms that might be shops; after this a narrow and
untidy street, and then a livery stable--a sort of monopolistic cab
stand, where a few ponies and carriages were to be found--but no one
understood or did anything as long as possible, except to say that
all the rigs were engaged now and always. However, a little violent
English language, mixed with Spanish, would arouse emotion and excite
commotion eventuating in a pony in harness, and a gig or carriage,
and a desperate driver, expert with a villainous whip used without
occasion or remorse.

The cool place was at the front door, on the sidewalk, seated on a
hard chair, for there was always a breeze. The Spanish guests knew
where the wind blew, and gathered there discussing many questions
that must have deeply interested them. But they had something to eat,
no authority or ability to affect any sort of change, and unfailing
tobacco, the burning of which was an occupation. The ground floor of
the hotel, except the barroom, the washroom, the hall, the conservatory
and the hollow square, had been devoted to shop keeping, but the shop
keepers were gone, perhaps for days and perhaps forever! Stone is
not used to any great extent in house interiors, except within a few
feet of the surface of the earth. Of course, there is no elevator in
a Spanish hotel. That which is wanted is room for the circulation of
air. Above the first flight of stairs the steps have a deep dark red
tinge, and are square and long, so that each extends solidly across
the liberal space allotted to the stairway. The blocks might be some
stone of delightful color, but they are hewn logs, solid and smooth,
of a superb mahogany or some tree of harder wood and deeper luxuriance
of coloring. The bedrooms are immensely high, and in every way ample,
looking on great spaces devoted to wooing the air from the park and the
river. The windows are enormous. Not satisfied with the giant sliding
doors that open on the street, revealing windows--unencumbered with
sash or glass, there are sliding doors under the window sills, that
roll back right and left and offer the chance to introduce a current
of air directly on the lower limbs. One of the lessons of the tropics
is the value of the outer air, and architecture that gives it a chance
in the house. It is a precious education. The artificial light within
must be produced by candles, and each stupendous apartment is furnished
with one tallowy and otherwise neglected candle stick, and you can
get, with exertion, a candle four inches long. There is a wardrobe,
a wash stand, with pitcher and basin, and a commode, fans, chairs,
and round white marble table, all the pieces placed in solitude, so
as to convey the notion of lonesomeness. The great feature is the
bed. The bedstead is about the usual thing, save that there is no
provision for a possible or impossible spring mattress, or anything
of that nature. The bed space is covered with bamboo, platted. It is
hard as iron, and I can testify of considerable strength, for I rested
my two hundred pounds, and rising a few pounds, on this surface, with
no protection for it or myself for several nights, and there were no
fractures. There is spread on this surface a Manila mat, which is a
shade tougher and less tractable than our old style oilcloth. Upon
this is spread a single sheet, that is tucked in around the edges
of the mat, and there are no bed clothes, absolutely none. There
is a mosquito bar with only a few holes in it, but it is suspended
and cannot under any circumstances be used as a blanket. There is a
pillow, hard and round, and easy as a log for your cheek to rest upon,
and it is beautifully covered with red silk. There is a small roll,
say a foot long and four inches in diameter, softer than the pillow,
to a slight extent, and covered with finer and redder silk, that is
meant for the neck alone. The comparatively big red log is to extend
across the bed for the elevation it gives the head, and the little and
redder log, softer so that you may indent it with your thumb, saves the
neck from being broken on this relic of the Spanish inquisition. But
there is a comforter--not such a blessed caressing domestic comforter
as the Yankees have, light as a feather, but responsive to a tender
touch. This Philippine comforter is another red roll that must be a
quilt firmly rolled and swathed in more red silk; and it is to prop
yourself withal when the contact with the sheet and the mat on the
bamboo floor of the bedstead, a combination iniquitous as the naked
floor--becomes wearisome. It rests the legs to pull on your back, and
tuck under your knees. In the total absence of bed covering, beyond
a thin night shirt, the three red rolls are not to be despised. The
object of the bed is to keep cool, and if you do find the exertion
of getting onto--not into--the bed produces a perspiration, and the
mosquito bar threatens suffocation, reliance may be had that if you
can compose yourself on top of the sheet (which feels like a hard wood
floor, when the rug gives way on the icy surface and you fall) and
if you use the three rolls of hard substance, covered with red silk,
discreetly and considerately, in finding a position, and if you permit
the windows--no glass--fifteen feet by twelve, broadcast, as it were,
to catch the breath of the river and the park; if you can contrive
with infinite quiet, patience and pains to go to sleep for a few
hours, you will be cool enough; and when awakened shivering there is
no blanket near, and if you must have cover, why get under the sheet,
next the Manila mat, and there you are! Then put your troublesome and
probably aching legs over the bigger red roll, and take your repose! Of
course, when in the tropics you cannot expect to bury yourself in
bedclothing, or to sleep in fur bags like an arctic explorer. The
hall in front of your door is twelve feet wide and eighty long, lined
with decorative chairs and sofas, and in the center of the hotel is
a spacious dining room. The Spaniard doesn't want breakfast. He wants
coffee and fruit--maybe a small banana--something sweet, and a crumb
of bread. The necessity of the hour is a few cigarettes. His refined
system does not require food until later. At 12 o'clock he lunches,
and eats an abundance of hot stuff--fish, flesh and fowl--fiery
stews and other condolences for the stomach. This gives strength to
consider the wrongs of Spain and the way, when restored to Madrid,
the imbeciles, who allowed the United States to capture the last
sad fragments of the colonies, sacred to Spanish honor, shall be
crushed by the patriots who were out of the country when it was
ruined. It will take a long time for the Spaniards to settle among
factions the accounts of vengeance. One of the deeper troubles of the
Spaniards is that they take upon themselves the administration of the
prerogatives of him who said "Vengeance is mine." The American end of
the dining room contains several young men who speak pigeon Spanish,
and Captains Strong and Coudert are rapidly becoming experts, having
studied the language in school, and also on the long voyage out. There
are also a group of resident Englishmen and a pilgrim from Norway,
but at several tables are Americans who know no Spanish and are mad
at the Spaniards on that provocation among other things.

There is, however, a connecting link and last resort in the person
of a young man--a cross between a Jap and Filipino. He is slender
and pale, but not tall. His hair is roached, so that it stands up
in confusion, and he is wearied all the time about the deplorable
"help."' It is believed he knows better than is done--always a source
of unhappiness. His name is Francisco; his reputation is widespread. He
is the man who "speaks English"--and is the only one--and it is not
doubted that he knows at least a hundred words of our noble tongue. He
says, "What do you want?" "Good morning, gentlemen"; "What can I do for
you?" "Do you want dinner?" "No, there is no ice till 6 o'clock." He
puts the Americans in mind of better days. Behind this linguist is
a little woman, whose age might be twenty or sixty, for her face is
so unutterably sad and immovable in expression that there is not a
line in it that tells you anything but that there is to this little
woman a bitterly sad, mean, beastly world. She must be grieving over
mankind. It is her duty to see that no spoon is lost, and not an orange
or banana wasted, and her mournful eyes are fixed with the intensity
of despair upon the incompetent waiters, who, when hard pressed by wild
shouts from American officers, frantic for lack of proper nourishment,
fall into a panic and dance and squeal at each other; and then the
woman of fixed sorrow, her left shoulder thin and copper-colored,
thrust from her low-necked dress, her right shoulder protected, is in
the midst of the pack, with a gliding bound and the ferocity of a cat,
the sadness of her face taking on a tinge of long-suffering rage. She
whirls the fools here and there as they are wanted. Having disentangled
the snarl, she returns to the door from which her eyes command both
the pantry and the dining-room to renew her solemn round of mournful
vigilance. The Americans are outside her jurisdiction. She has no more
idea what they are than Christopher Columbus, when he was discovering
America, knew where he was going. When Francisco does not know what
the language (English) hurled at him means he has a far-away look,
and may be listening to the angels sing, for he is plaintive and
inexpressive. He looks so sorry that Americans cannot speak their
own language as he speaks English! But there are phrases delivered by
Americans that he understands, such as, "Blankety, blank, blank--you
all come here." Francisco does not go there, but with humble step
elsewhere, affecting to find a pressing case for his intervention,
but when he can no longer avoid your eye catching him he smiles a
sweet but most superior smile, such as becomes one who speaks English
and is the responsible man about the house.

There never was one who did more on a capital of one hundred words. His
labors have been lightened slightly, for the Americans have picked up a
few Spanish words, such as, "Ha mucher, mucher--don't you know? Hielo,
hielo!" Hielo is ice, and after the "mucher" is duly digested the
average waiter comes, by and by, with a lump as big as a hen's egg
and is amazed by the shouts continuing "hielo, hielo!" pronounced
much like another and wicked word.

"Oh, blanketination mucher mucher hielo!" The Filipinos cannot
contemplate lightly the consumption of slabs of ice. The last words
I heard in the dining-room of the Hotel Oriental were from a soldier
with two stars on each shoulder: "Francisco, oh, Francisco," and the
little woman with left shoulder exposed turned her despairing face
to the wall, her sorrow too deep for words or for weeping.



CHAPTER III

From Long Island To Luzon.

Across the Continent--An American Governor-General Steams Through
the Golden Gate--He Is a Minute-Man--Honolulu as a Health Resort--The
Lonesome Pacific--The Skies of Asia--Dreaming Under the Stars of the
Scorpion--The Southern Cross.

Spain, crowded between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, was the
world's "West" for many centuries, indeed until Columbus found a
further West, but he did not go far enough to find the East Indies. The
United States is now at work in both the East and West Indies.

Our Manila expeditions steamed into the sunsets, the boys pointing
out to each other the southern cross. The first stage of a journey,
to go half round the world on a visit to our new possession, was by
the annex boat from Brooklyn, and a rush on the Pennsylvania train,
that glimmers with gold and has exhausted art on wheels, to Washington,
to get the political latitude and longitude by observation of the two
domes, that of the Capitol, and the library, and the tremendous needle
of snow that is the monument to Washington, and last, but not least,
the superb old White House.

The next step was across the mountains on the Baltimore and Ohio,
the short cut between the East and the West, traversed so often by
George Washington to get good land for the extension of our national
foundations. The space between Cincinnati and Chicago is cleared on the
"Big Four" with a bound through the shadow of the earth, between two
rare days in June, and the next midnight, the roaring train flew high
over the Missouri River at Omaha, and by daylight far on the way to
Ogden. The country was rich in corn and grass, and when one beholds the
fat cattle, lamentations for the lost buffalo cease. It is a delight
to see young orchards and farmhouses, and cribs and sheds fortified
against tornadoes by groves, laid out with irritating precision to
confront the whirling storms from west and south. The broad bad lands
in which the tempests are raised devour the heart of the continent.

I made note of the 888-mile post beyond Omaha, but the 1,000-mile
telegraph pole and tree glided away while I was catching the lights
and shadows on a fearfully tumbled landscape. The alkali has poisoned
enormous tracts, and the tufts of sagebrush have a huge and sinister
monotony. Looking out early in the morning there was in our track
a "gaunt grey wolf" with sharp ears, unabashed by the roar of the
train. His species find occasional scraps along the track and do
not fear the trains. Then I saw something glisten in the herbage,
and it was a rattlesnake, if it were not a whisky bottle.

The gigantic lumps of tawny earth, with castellated crags of stone,
ghostly ruins one would say of cities that perished thousands of years
before the bricks were made for Babylon. Profound beds for vanished
torrents yawned into a scrap of green valley, and the glitter of a
thread of water. A town blossomed from a coal mine, and there was
an array of driven wells with force pumps to quench the thirst of
seething and raging locomotives. A turn in the line and a beautiful
cloud formation like billows of white roses, massive, delicately
outlined fantastic spires like marble mountains, carved--ah! the
cloud comes out clear as if it were a wall of pearl, and there are
the everlasting mighty hills with their brows of exquisite snow!

These are lofty reservoirs from which the long days glowing with
sunshine send down streams of water at whose touch the deserts
bloom. The eye is refreshed as we make a closer acquaintance of
the mountains. Where water flows and trees "wag their high tops"
there is hope of homes. There are canyons that cause one to smile
at remembrances of what were considered the dizzy gorges of the
Alleghenies. There is a glow as of molten lead in one corner of a misty
valley far away. It is Salt Lake, the Dead Sea of America. Beyond
this at an immense elevation is a lake with the tinge of the indigo
sky of the tropics. If one could stir a portion of the Caribbean Sea
into Lake Geneva, the correct tint could be obtained. Thirty miles
of snow sheds announce progress in the journey to the Pacific. There
is still heat and dust, but beside the road are villages; and there
are even fountains.

Each stream is a treasure, and its banks are rich with
verdure. There are sleek cows on bright grass. The mountains
are no longer forbidding. They take on robes of loveliness. The
valleys broaden and on the easy slopes there are orchards where the
oranges glisten. There are clusters of grapes. We have come upon that
magic land, California. There is golden music in the name. This is a
conquest. The war in which it was won was not one of philanthropy. We
gathered an empire.

General Merritt never minded the weather, whether the wind blew or
not, and instead of holding his ship for several hours after the
appointed time, wanted to know five minutes after 10 o'clock whether
the time for starting was not 10 o'clock and by whom the boat was
detained. At ten minutes after 10 the gangplank was swung free, with
a desperate man on it who scrambled on with the help of long legs and
a short rope. As the ship swung from the dock and got a move on there
were thousands of men and women exalted with emotion, and there were
crowded steamers and tugs toppling with swarming enthusiasts resounding
with brass bands and fluttering with streaming flags. The ladies were
especially frantic. Spurts of white smoke jetted from forts and there
were ringing salutes. Steam whistles pitched a tune beyond the fixed
stars. The national airs with thrilling trumpet tones pierced the
din, and a multitude of voices joined with the bands giving words and
tone to the magnetic storm. How many miles the Newport was pursued I
cannot conjecture. There were tall ladies standing on the high decks
of tugs that were half buried in the foam of the bay, but as long
as they could hold a "Star Spangled Banner" in one hand, and a few
handkerchiefs in another, their skirts streaming in grace and defiance
before the rising gale, they sang hosannas, and there were attitudes
both of triumph and despair as the fair followers, dashed with spray,
gave up the chase, passionately kissing their hands god-speed and
good-by. This was going to the Indies through the Golden Gate!

A breakage of dishes, that sounded as though the ship were going
to pieces, belied the prophesy that beyond the bar there was to
be no moaning; and the Pacific would not be pacified. However,
the reputation of the ocean was good enough to go to sleep on,
but the berths squirmed in sympathy with the twisting and plunging
ship. It was not a "sound of revelry by night," to which the wakeful
listened through the dismal hours, and in the morning there was a
high sea--grand rollers crowned with frothy lace, long black slopes
rising and smiting like waves of liquid iron.

The Pacific was an average North Atlantic, and it was explained by the
tale that the peaceful part of this ocean is away down South where the
earth is most rotund, and the trade winds blow on so serenely that they
lull the navigators into dreams of peace that induce a state of making
haste slowly and a willingness to forget and be forgotten, whether--


Of those who husbanded the golden grain
Or those who flung it to the winds like rain,


The gulls are not our snowy birds of the Atlantic. We are lonesome
out here, and the Albatross sweeps beside us, hooded like a cobra,
an evil creature trying to hoodoo us, with owlish eyes set in a frame
like ghastly spectacle glasses.

General Merritt's blue eyes shone like diamonds through the stormy
experiences while the young staff officers curled up as the scientists
did on the floor, and smiled a sort of sickly smile! The highest
compliment that can be paid them is that the group of officers
and gentlemen surrounding the commander of the expedition to the
Philippines, express his own character.

It was funny to find that the private soldiers were better served
with food than the General and his staff. There was reform, so as
to even up the matter of rations, but the General was not anxious
and solicitous for better food. His idea of the correct supper after
a hard day's service is a goodly sized sliced onion with salt, meat
broiled on two sticks, hard tack, a tin cup of coffee, for luxuries a
baked potato, a pipe of tobacco, a nip of whisky, a roll in a blanket
and a sleep until the next day's duties are announced by the bugle.

As the gentlemen of the staff got their sea legs, and flavored
the narration of their experiences with humor, I found myself in a
cloudy state and mentioned a small matter to the brigadier surgeon,
who whipped out a thermometer and took my temperature, and that man of
science gave me no peace night or day, and drove me from the ship into
Paradise--that is to say I was ordered to stay at Honolulu. Through
a window of the Queen's hospital I saw lumps of tawny gold that were
pomegranates shaking in the breeze, another tree glowed with dates,
and a broad, vividly green hedge was rich with scarlet colors. I was
duly examined by physicians, who were thorough as German specialists. I
had, in the course of a few hours, a nap, a dish of broth, a glass
of milk, a glass of ice water and an egg nog. That broth flowed like
balm to the right spot. It was chicken broth. When I guzzled the egg
nog I would have bet ten to one on beating that fever in a week, and
the next morning about 4:30, when there was competitive crowing by a
hundred roosters, I was glad of the concert, for it gave assurance of
a supply of chickens to keep up the broth and the eggs that disguised
the whiskey.

Two days later I gave up the egg nog because it was too good for
me. I knew I did not deserve anything so nice, and suspected it was a
beneficence associated with a cloud on my brow. I had the approval of
the hospital physician as to egg nog, and he cut off a lot of dainties
sent by the Honolulu ladies, who must have imagined that I was one
of the heroes of the war. Their mission is to make heroes happy. I
was detained under the royal palms, and other palms that were planted
by the missionaries, four weeks, and got away on the ship Peru with
Major-General Otis, and when we had gone on for a fortnight, as far
as from the Baltic to Lake Erie, we saw some rocks that once were
Spanish property.

As we left Honolulu the air was already a-glitter with Star Spangled
Banners. There are three great points to be remembered as to the
annexation of Hawaii:

1. There is not to be a continuance of the slavery of Asiatics in
the new possession.

2. "Manhood suffrage" is not to be extended to Asiatics, often actually
as under strictly conventional constitutional construction.

3. The archipelago is to be a United States territory, but not a
State of the United States. Ex-President Harrison says in his most
interesting book: "This Country of Ours," which should be one of our
national school books:

"Out of the habit of dealing with the public domain has come the common
thought that all territory that we acquire must, when sufficiently
populous, be erected into States. But why may we not take account
of the quality of the people as well as of their numbers, if future
acquisitions should make it proper to do so? A territorial form
of government is not so inadequate that it might not serve for an
indefinite time."

It is to be remarked of the Hawaiian Islands that they did not possess
the original riches of timber that distinguished the West Indies,
especially Cuba, where Columbus found four varieties of oranges. One
of the features of Hawaiian forestry is the Royal Palm, but it was
not indigenous to the islands. The oldest of the stately royalists
is not of forty years' growth, and yet they add surprising grace to
many scenes, and each year will increase their height and enhance
their beauty.

Hawaiians will be saved from extinction by miscegenation. There will
be no harm done these feeble people by the shelter of the flag of the
great republic. The old superstitions prevail among them to an extent
greater than is generally understood. I had the privilege of visiting
an American home, the background of which was a rugged mountain
that looked like a gigantic picture setting forth the features of
a volcanic world. Far up the steep is a cave in which the bones of
many of the old savages were deposited in the days of civil war and
inhuman sacrifices. The entrance was long ago--in the days the Hawaii
people describe as "Before the Missionaries." The hole going to the
holy cavern was closed, but there is still pious watching over the
place of bones, and if there are climbers of the mountain not to be
trusted with the solemn secrets of ancient times, they are stalked
by furtive watchmen of the consecrated bones, and no doubt the ever
alert sentinels would resist violation of the sepulchre in the rocks;
and the natives are careful to scatter their special knowledge that
the spot is haunted by supernatural shapes and powers. The Americans
living in the midst of these mysteries are rather proud of the ghosts
they never see, but have to put up with the haunting guard still
ministering to the gods that dwelt in the shrines where the shadows
of extinct volcanoes fall, long before the masterful missionaries
planted their first steps in the high places.

After twenty-two days' steaming from San Francisco--Queen's Hospital
time not counted--we were directly south of China's Yellow Sea,
and within a few hours of sighting the isle of Luzon.

Only at Honolulu, all the way from San Francisco, was there a sail or a
smoke not of a vessel of the Philippine expedition. All the long days
and nights the eye swept the horizon for companionship, finding only
that of our associates in adventure, and very little of them. Even the
birds seem to shrink from the heart of the watery world spread between
America and Asia; and the monsters of the deep are absent. One day,
about a thousand miles from California, a story spread of a porpoise
at play, but the lonely creature passed astern like a bubble. Bryant
sang of the water fowl that flew from zone to zone, guided in certain
flight on the long way over which our steps are led aright, but the
Pacific zones are too broad for even winged wanderers. The fish that
swarm on our coast do not seem to find home life or sporting places
in this enormous sea. Only the flying fish disturb the silky scene and
flutter with silver wings over the sparkling laces that glisten where
the winds blow gently, and woo the billows to cast aside the terrors
of other climes and match the sky of blue and gold in beauty; but,
unlike the stars, the waves do not differ in glory, and the spread
of their splendor, when they seem to roll over a conquered universe,
appeals to the imagination with the solemn suggestion not that order
rules but that old chaos settles in solemn peace. The days terminate
on this abyss in marvelous glories. The glowing spectacle is not
in the west alone, but the gorgeous conflagration of the palaces we
build in dreams spreads all around the sky. The scene one evening in
the vicinity of the sun departing in Asia to light up the morning
of the everlasting to-morrow touching America with magical riches,
was that of Niagara Falls ten thousand times magnified and turned
to molten gold, that burned with inconceivable luster, while the
south and north and east were illuminated with strange fires and
soft lights, fading and merged at last in the daffodil sky. Then
the west became as a forest of amazing growth, and the ship entered
its dusky recesses like a hunter for game such as the world never
saw--and we looked upon the slow-fading purple islands that are the
northern fringes of the greater one of the Philippines, and studied
the rather faint and obscure Southern Cross and the stately sheen of
the superb constellation of the Scorpion. It is a pity to have to say
that the Cross of the South is a disappointment--has to be explained
and made impressive by a diagram. It is more like a kite than a
cross; has a superfluous star at one corner, and no support at all
of the idea of being like a cross unless it is worked up and picked
into the fancy. The North Star shines on the other side of the ship,
and the Great Dipper dips its pointers after midnight, into the mass
of darkness that is the sea when the sun and moon are gone.

The voyage from Honolulu to the farther Pacific was not so long that we
forgot the American send-off we got in that Yankee city. The national
airs sounded forth gloriously and grand. Flags and hankerchiefs
fluttered from dense masses of spectators, and our colors were radiant
above the roofs. There was, as usual, a mist on the mountains, and
over Pearl Harbor glowed the arch of the most vivid rainbow ever
seen, and Honolulu is almost every day dipped in rainbows. This
was a wonder of splendor. The water changed from a sparkling green
to a darkly luminous blue. From the moment the lofty lines of the
coast--our mountains now--faded, till the birds came out of the west,
the Pacific Ocean justified its name. The magnificent monotony of its
stupendous placidity was not broken except by a few hours of ruffled
rollers that tell of agitations that, if gigantic, are remote.

The two thousand and one hundred miles from California to Honolulu
seemed at first to cover a vast space of the journey from our Pacific
coast to the Philippines, but appeared to diminish in importance
as we proceeded and were taught by the persistent trade winds that
blew our way, as if forever to waft us over the awful ocean whose
perpetual beauty and placidity were to allure us to an amazing abyss,
from which it was but imaginative to presume that we, in the hands of
infinite forces, should ever be of the travelers that return. Similar
fancies beset, as all the boys remember--the crews of the caravels
that carried Columbus and his fortunes. There were the splendors of
tropical skies to beguile us; the sea as serene as the sky to enchant
us! What mighty magic was this that put a spell upon an American army,
seeking beyond the old outlines of our history and dreams, to guide
us on unfamiliar paths? What was this awakening in the soft mornings,
to the thrilling notes of the bugle? The clouds were not as those
we knew in other climes and years. We saw no penciling of smoke on
the edges of the crystal fields touched up with dainty ripples too
exquisite to be waves--that which is a delight for a moment and passes
but to come again, in forms too delicate to stay for a second, save
in those pictures that in the universe fill the mind with memories
that arc like starlight. The glancing tribes of flying fish became
events. We followed the twentieth parallel of longitude north of the
equator, right on, straight as an arrow's flight is the long run of the
ship--her vapor and the bubbles that break from the waters vanishing,
so that we were as trackless when we had passed one breadth after
another of the globe, as the lonesome canoes of the Indians on the
Great Lakes.



CHAPTER IV

Interview with General Aguinaldo.

The Insurgent Leader's Surroundings and Personal Appearance--His
Reserves and Ways of Talking--The Fierce Animosity of the Filipinos
Toward Spanish Priests--A Probability of Many Martyrs in the Isle
of Luzon.

Practically all persons in the more civilized--and that is to say the
easily accessible--portions of the Philippine Islands, with perhaps
the exception of those leading insurgents who would like to enjoy the
opportunities the Spaniards have had for the gratification of greed
and the indulgence of a policy of revenge, would be glad to see the
Americans remain in Manila, and also in as large a territory as they
could command.

Spaniards of intelligence are aware that they have little that is
desirable to anticipate in case the country is restored to them along
with their Mausers and other firearms, great and small, according to
the terms of capitulation. They get their guns whether we go and leave
them or we stay and they go. It is obvious that the insurgents have
become to the Spaniards a source of anxiety attended with terrors. The
fact that they allowed themselves to be besieged in Manila by an
equal number of Filipinos is conclusive that their reign is over, and
they are not passionately in favor of their own restoration. Their
era of cruel and corrupt government is at an end, even if we shall
permit them to make the experiment. Their assumed anxiety to stay,
is false pretense. They will be hurt if they do not go home.

The exasperation of the Filipinos toward the church is a phenomenon,
and they usually state it with uncandid qualifications of the
inadequate definition of the opinions and policy made by General
Aguinaldo. Representations of my representative character as an
American journalist, that gave me an importance I do not claim or
assume to have, caused the appearance at my rooms, in Manila, of
insurgents of high standing and comprehensive information, and of
large fortunes in some cases. I was deeply impressed by their violent
radicalism regarding the priests. At first they made no distinction,
but said flatly the priests were the mischiefmakers, the true tyrants,
and next to the half-breed Filipinos crossed with Chinese--who are
phenomenal accumulators of pecuniary resources--the money-makers,
who profited wrongfully by the earnings of others.

And so "the priests must go," they said, and have no choice except
that of deportation or execution. In few words, if they did not go
away they would be killed. When close and urgent inquiry was made, the
native priests were not included in the application of this rule. The
Spanish priests were particularly singled out for vengeance, and with
them such others as had been "false to the people" and treacherous
in their relations to political affairs.

The number to be exiled or executed was stated at 3,000. The priests
are panicky about this feeling of the natives, as is in evidence in
their solicitude to get away. They at least have no hope of security if
the Spaniards should regain the mastery of the islands. Two hundred and
fifty of them in vain sought to get passage to Hongkong in one boat. I
was informed on authority that was unquestionable that the eviction
or extermination of the Spanish priests was one of the inevitable
results of Filipine independence--the first thing to be done.

It was with three objects in view that I had an interview with General
Aguinaldo: (1) To ascertain exactly as possible his feeling and policy
toward the United States and its assertion of military authority;
(2) to inquire about his position touching the priests, (3) and to
urge him to be at pains to be represented not only at Washington, but
at Paris. As regards the latter point, it was clear that the people
of the Philippines, whatever they might be, ought to be represented
before the Paris conference. No matter what their case was, it should
be personally presented, even if the representatives were witnesses
against rather than for themselves. In the interest of fair play
and the general truth the Philippine population should put in an
appearance at the seat of the government of the United States for the
information of the President, and at the scene of the conference to
testify; and I was sure it would appear in all cases that they were
at least better capable of governing themselves than the Spaniards
to govern them. There could be no form of government quite so bad
as that of the fatal colonial system of Spain, as illustrated in the
Philippines and in the Americas.

General Aguinaldo was neither remote nor inaccessible. His headquarters
were in an Indian village, just across the bay, named Bacoor, and
in less than an hour a swift steam launch carried Major Bell, of the
bureau of information, a gallant and most industrious and energetic
officer, and myself, to water so shallow that we had to call canoes to
land in front of a church that before the days of Dewey was riddled
by the fire of Spanish warships because occupied by insurgents. The
walls and roof showed many perforations. The houses of the village
were of bamboo, and there were many stands along the hot and dusty
street on which fruit was displayed for sale.

The General's house was about as solid a structure as earthquakes
permit, its roof of red tile instead of the usual straw. His rooms
were in the second story, reached by a broad stairway, at the top
of which was a landing of liberal dimensions and an ante-room. The
General was announced at home and engaged in writing a letter to
General Merritt--then his rather regular literary exercise. There
were a dozen insurgent soldiers at the door, and as many more at the
foot and head of the stairs, with several officers, all in military
costume, the privates carrying Spanish Mausers and the officers wearing
swords. We were admitted to an inner room, with a window opening on
the street, and told the General would see us directly. Meanwhile
well-dressed ladies of his family passed through the audience room
from the General's office to the living rooms, giving a pleasant
picture of domesticity.

The door from the study opened and a very slender and short young
man entered with a preoccupied look that quickly became curious. An
attendant said in a low voice, "General Aguinaldo." He was unexpectedly
small--could weigh but little over 100 pounds--dressed in pure white,
and his modesty of bearing would have become a maiden. The first
feeling was a sort of faint compassion that one with such small
physical resources should have to bear the weighty responsibilities
resting upon him. Major Bell had often met him, and introduced
me. The General was gratified that I had called, and waited for the
declaration of my business. He had been informed of my occupation;
the fact that I had recently been in Washington and expected soon
to be there again; was from Ohio, the President's state, a friend of
his, and had written a book on Cuba, a task which gave me, as I had
visited the Island of Cuba during the war, an acquaintance with the
Spanish system of governing colonies.

The interpreter was a man shorter than the General, but not quite so
slight. His hair was intensely black and he wore glasses. He is an
accomplished linguist, speaks English with facility and is acknowledged
by the priests to be the equal of any of them in reading and speaking
Latin. It is to be remarked that while Aguinaldo is not a man of
high education he has as associates in his labors for Philippine
independence a considerable number of scholarly men. It is related
that in a recent discussion between a priest and an insurgent, the
latter stated as a ground of rebellion that the Spaniards did nothing
for the education of the people, and was asked, "Where did you get
your education?" He had been taught by the Jesuits.

My first point in talking with Aguinaldo was that the people of
the Philippines ought to be strongly represented in Paris, and of
the reasons briefly presented, the foremost was that they sought
independence, and should be heard before the commission by which
their fate would be declared for the present, so far as it could
be, by a tribunal whose work was subject to revision. The general's
information was that the Paris conference would be opened September
15, an error of a fortnight, and his impression was that the terms
regarding the Philippines would be speedily settled, so that there
could not be time to send to Paris, but there had been a determination
reached to have a man in Washington.

It is to be taken into account that this interview was before anything
had been made known as to the mission which General Merritt undertook,
and that in a few days he set forth to perform, and that the terms
of the protocol had not been entirely published in Manila. I told
the general it was not possible that the Philippine problem could
speedily be solved, and made known to him that the transport China,
which holds the record of quick passage on the Pacific, was to sail
for San Francisco in three days, and he would do well to have his men
for Washington and Paris go on her if permission could be obtained,
as there was no doubt it could, and I mentioned the time required to
reach Washington and Paris--that one could be on a trans-Atlantic
steamer in New York six hours after leaving Washington, that the
Philippine commissioners going to Paris should make it a point to
see the President on the way, and the whole matter one of urgency,
but it was certainly not too late to act.

The General said it had been thought a representative of the islands
and of the cause of the people should go to Washington, but the man
was in Hongkong. He could, however, be telegraphed, so that he could
catch the China at Nagasaka, Japan, where she would have to stop two
days to take coal. The Washington commissioner might go to Paris, but
instructions could not reach him before he left Hongkong, as it would
not be desirable to telegraph them. Upon this I stated if it suited
his convenience and he would send instructions by me, I was going on
the China, and would charge myself with the special confidential care
of his dispatches and deliver them to the commissioner at the coaling
station, when he should join the ship; and if it was the desire of
the General to have it done I would telegraph the President that
Philippine commissioners were on the way. These suggestions were
received as if they were agreeable, and esteemed of value.

The conversation turned at this point to the main question of the
future government of the Philippines, and I inquired what would
be satisfactory to the General, and got, of course, the answer,
"Philippine independence." But I said after the United States had sent
a fleet and destroyed the Spanish fleet and an army in full possession
of Manila she was a power that could not be ignored; and what would be
thought of her assuming the prerogative of Protector? She could not
escape responsibility. His views as to the exact line of demarkation
or distinction between the rights of the United States and those of
the people of the islands should be perfectly clear, for otherwise
there would be confusion and possibly contention in greater matters
than now caused friction.

I endeavored to indicate the idea that there might be an adjustment on
the line that the people of the Philippines could manage their local
matters in their own way, leaving to the United States imperial
affairs, the things international and all that affected them,
the Filipinos looking to the administration of localities. I had
asked questions and stated propositions as if it were the universal
consent that General Aguinaldo was the dictator for his people and
had the executive word to say; but when it came to drawing the fine
lines of his relations with the United States as the embodiment of a
revolutionary movement, he became shy and referred to those who had
to be consulted.

His words were equivalent to saying his counselors must, in all matters
of moment, be introduced. It came to the same thing at last as to his
commissioner or commissioners to Washington or Paris, one or both, and
he also asserted the purpose of having the congress elected assemble at
a railroad town--Moroles, about fifty miles north of Manila--a movement
it is understood that is under the guidance of others than the General,
the bottom fact being that if there should be a Philippine Republic
Aguinaldo's place, in the judgment of many who are for it, would be
not that of chief magistrate, but the head of the army. There are
others and many of them of the opinion that he is not a qualified
soldier. The congress assembled at Moroles, and has made slow progress.

It may as well be remembered, however, that the distinctions of civil
and military power have been always hard to observe, in Central and
South American states, whose early Spanish education has been outgrown
gradually, and with halting and bloody steps. General Aguinaldo, then
engaged in evolving a letter to General Merritt, has since issued
proclamations that yield no share to the United States in the native
government of the islands. But there are two things definitely known,
as if decreed in official papers, and probably more so; that the
Filipinos of influential intelligence would be satisfied with the
direction of local affairs and gladly accept the protectorate of the
United States on the terms which the people of the United States may
desire and dictate.

The greater matter is that whenever it is the fixed policy of
the United States to accept the full responsibility of ruling the
Philippines, neither Aguinaldo nor any other man of the islands
would have the ability to molest the steady, peaceable, beneficent
development of the potentiality of our system of justice to the people,
and the preservation by and through the popular will of the union
of liberty under the law, and order maintained peaceably or forcibly
according to needs.

In continuation of his explanation that he had to refer matters
to others called his counselors, disclaiming the presumption in my
questions of his personal responsibility for the conduct of the native
insurrection, General Aguinaldo said with the greatest deliberation
and the softest emphasis of any of his sayings, that the insurgents
were already suspicious of him as one who was too close a friend
of the Americans, and yielded too much to them, and that there was
danger this feeling might grow and make way with his ability to do
all that he would like in the way of keeping the peace. There were,
he said, inquiries to the effect: What had the insurgents got for
what they had done in the capture of Manila? Were they not treated
by the Americans with indifference?

Major Bell interposed to say that the Americans were in the Philippines
not as politicians, but as soldiers, and had the duty of preserving
order by military occupation, and it was not possible there could
be maintained a double military authority--two generals of equal
powers in one city under martial law. There must be one master and
no discussion. The United States could take no secondary attitude
or position--would treat the insurgents with great consideration,
but they of necessity were exclusively responsible for the carrying
out of the provisions of the capitulation.

This was exactly to the point, and the interpreter cut his rendering
of it, using but few words, and they did not cheer up the General
and those about him. Evidently they want to know when and where
they realize. It had been noticeable that the greater importance
Aguinaldo attaches to what he is saying the lower his voice and the
more certainly he speaks in a half whisper with parted lips, show-in
teeth and tongue; and he has a surprising faculty of talking with
the tip of his tongue, extended a very little beyond his lips. There
was something so reserved as to be furtive about his mouth, but his
eyes were keen, straight and steady, showing decision, but guarding
what he regarded the niceties of statement. However, his meaning that
there were insurgents who were finding fault with him was not so much
indicative of a rugged issue as a confession of impending inabilities.

He had nothing to say in response to Major Bell's explicit remark
about the one-man and one-country military power, but the action of
the insurgents in removing their headquarters--or their capital, as
they call it--to a point forty miles from Manila, proves that they
have come to an understanding that the soldiers of the United States
are not in the Philippines for their health entirely, or purely in
the interest of universal benevolence. The Filipinos must know, too,
that they could never themselves have captured Manila. It is not
inapt to say that the real center of the rebellion against Spain is,
as it has been for years, at Hongkong.

I reserved what seemed the most interesting question of the interview
with the Philippine leader to the last. It was whether a condition
of pacification was the expulsion of the Catholic priests as a
class. This was presented with reference to the threats that had
been made in my hearing that the priests must go or die, for they
were the breeders of all trouble. Must all of them be removed in
some way or another? If not, where would the line be drawn? The
lips of the General were parted and his voice quite low and gentle,
the tongue to a remarkable degree doing the talking, as he replied,
plainly picking words cautiously and measuring them. The able and
acute interpreter dealt them out rapidly, and his rendering gave
token that the Filipinos have already had lessons in diplomacy--even
in the Spanish style of polite prevarication--or, if that may be a
shade too strong, let us say elusive reservation--the use of language
that is more shady than silence, the framing of phrases that may
be interpreted so as not to close but to continue discussion and
leave wide fields for controversy. The General did not refer to his
counselors, or the congress that is in the background and advertised
as if it were a new force.

The words of the interpreter for him were:

"The General says the priests to whom objection is made, and with whom
we have a mortal quarrel, are not our own priests, but the Spaniards'
and those of the orders. We respect the Catholic church. We respect
our own priests, and, if they are friends of our country, will protect
them. Our war is not upon the Catholic church, but upon the friars,
who have been the most cruel enemies. We cannot have them here. They
must go away. Let them go to Spain. We are willing that they may go
to their own country. We do not want them. There is no peace until
they go."

I said my information was that the objectionable Orders expressly
proscribed by the insurgents were the Dominicans, Augustines,
Franciscans and Recollects, but that the Jesuits were not
included. This was fully recited to the General, and with his eyes
closing and his mouth whispering close to the interpreter's cheek he
gave his answer, and it was quickly rendered:

"The Jesuits, too, must go. They also are our enemies. We do not want
them. They betray. They can go to Spain. They may be wanted there,
not here; but not here, not here."

The question whether the friars must make choice between departure and
death was not met directly, but with repetitions--that they might be at
home in Spain, but could not be a part of the independent Philippines;
and, significantly, they should be willing to go when wanted, and
would be. Two Catholic priests--Americans, not Spaniards--were at this
moment waiting in the ante room, to ask permission for the priests
Aguinaldo has in prison to go back to Spain, and the General could
not give an answer until he had consulted his council. Probably he
would not dare to part with the priests, and an order from him would
be disregarded. They have many chances of martyrdom, and some of them
have already suffered mutilation.

Something had been said about my cabling the President as to the
Filipinos' determination to send a representative to Paris, and I had
tendered my good offices in bearing instructions to a commissioner from
Hongkong to meet the China at Nagasaki, the Japanese railway station,
where the American transports coal for their long voyage across the
Pacific. But that matter had been left in the air. General Aguinaldo
had said he would be obliged if I would telegraph the President,
and I thought if the decision was that there was to be a Philippine
representative hurried to Paris, it was something the President would
be glad to know. I was aware there might be a difficulty in getting
permission for a special messenger to go on the China to Japan to
meet the commissioners going from Hongkong, and I would be willing
to make the connection, as I had offered the suggestion. But it was
necessary to be absolutely certain of General Aguinaldo's decision
before I could cable the President; therefore, as I was, of course,
in an official sense wholly irresponsible, I could communicate with
him without an abrasion of military or other etiquette. It was the
more needful, as it would be a personal proceeding, that I should be
sure of the facts. Therefore I asked the General, whose time I had
occupied more than an hour, whether he authorized me to telegraph
the President that a commission was going to Paris, and desired me
to render any aid in conveying information.

The General was troubled about the word "authorized," and instead of
saying so concluded that I must have a deep and possibly dark design
and so he could not give me the trouble to cable. The assurance that
it would not be troublesome did not remove the disquiet. I could not
be troubled, either, as a bearer of dispatches. The General could
not authorize a telegram without consulting. In truth, the General
had not made up his mind to be represented in Paris, holding that it
would be sufficient to have an envoy extraordinary in Washington.

Others, without full consideration, in my opinion, concur in
this view. I can imagine several situations at Paris in which a
representative Filipino would be of service to the United States,
simply by standing for the existence of a state of facts in the
disputed islands. I dropped the matter of being a mediator, having
planted the Paris idea in the mind of the Philippine leader, who is of
the persuasion that he is the dictator of his countrymen, for the sake
of his country, until he wishes to be evasive, and then he must consult
others who share the burdens of authority, and told him when taking
my leave I would like to possess a photograph with his autograph and
the Philippine flag. In a few minutes the articles were in my hands,
and passing out, there were the American priests in the ante-room,
the next callers to enter the General's apartment. Their business was
to urge him to permit the Catholic priests held as prisoners by the
insurgents--more than 100, perhaps nearly 200 in number--to go home.

When the news came that General Merritt had been ordered to Paris, and
would pass through the Red sea en route, taking the China to Hongkong
to catch a peninsular and oriental steamer, I telegraphed the fact to
General Aguinaldo over our military wires and his special wire, and
his commissioner, duly advised, became, with General Merritt's aid,
at Hongkong a passenger on the China.

He is well known to the world as Senor Filipe Agoncillo, who visited
Washington City, saw the President and proceeded to Paris.



CHAPTER V

The Philippine Mission.

Correspondence With Aguinaldo About It--Notes by Senor Felipe
Agoncillo--Relations Between Admiral Dewey and Senor Aguinaldo--Terms
of Peace Made by Spanish Governor-General with Insurgents, December,
1897--Law Suit Between Aguinaldo and Artacho--Aguinaldo's Proclamation
of May 24, 1898.

When General Merritt decided to hold the China for a day to take
him to Hongkong on the way to Paris, I telegraphed Aguinaldo of the
movements of the ship, arid received this dispatch from the General:

"War Department, United States Volunteer Signal Corps, sent from
Bakoor August 29, 1898.--To Mr. Murat Halstead, Hotel Oriente, Manila:
Thankful for your announcing China's departure. We are to send a person
by her if possible, whom I recommend to you. Being much obliged for
the favor.

"_A. G. Escamilla_," "Private Secretary to General Aguinaldo."

On the same day the General sent the following personal letter:

"Dear Sir: The bearer, Dr. G. Apacible, is the person whom was
announced to you in the telegram.

"I am desirous of sending him to Hongkong, if possible, by the China,
recommending him at the same time to your care and good will. Thanking
you for the favor, I'm respectfully yours,

_Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy_.

"Mr. Murat Halstead, Manila.

"Bakoor, 29th August, 1898."

General Aguinaldo proceeded vigorously to make use of his knowledge
that the China would go to Hongkong for General Merritt and sent his
secretary and others to me at the Hotel Oriente, but they arrived
after I had left the house. They came to the China and General Merritt
had not arrived and did not appear until within a few minutes of
the start. Then the deputation from the insurgent chieftain had an
interview with him, asking that two of their number should go to
Hongkong on the China to express fully the views of the insurgent
government to to the commissioner, Don Felipe Agoncillo, chosen to
represent the Filipinos at Washington and Paris and to ask that he be
allowed to go to the United States on the China. When the committee saw
General Merritt he was taking leave of Admiral Dewey, and the General,
who had not heard of this movement until that moment--the question
being entirely new--invited the opinion of the Admiral, who said there
was "certainly no objection," and on the contrary, it would be very
well to permit the passage of the deputation to Hongkong and of the
commissioner appointed from that city to Washington. General Merritt
at once in half a dozen words gave the order, and the journey began.

General Greene, who reads and translates Spanish with facility
and whose Spanish speech is plain, treated with marked courtesy
the Filipino committee to Hongkong and thence the commissioner
and his secretary from Hongkong to San Francisco, on the way to
Washington and Paris. General Greene, while according distinction
to the representatives of the insurgents, stated to them that his
attentions were personal and he could not warrant them official
recognition at Washington or anything more than such politeness as
gentlemen receive from each other. The commissioner was Don Felipe
Agoncillo, and his secretary, Sixto Lopez.

Saturday, September 24, the Salt Lake newspapers contained stories to
the effect that the Germans had entered into an alliance offensive and
defensive with the Aguinaldo government and would furnish equipments
for an army of 150,000 men. We were on the Union Pacific Railroad at
the time, and I called the attention of Don Felipe Agoncillo to this
remarkable intelligence and asked him what he thought of it. He said
emphatically that it was "Nothing," "No true," "Nothing at all,"
and he laughed at the comic idea. There was also in the Salt Lake
newspapers a statement that the Aguinaldo 'government' had sent
to President McKinley a letter strongly expressing good-will and
gratitude. There did not seem to be much news in this for Don Felipe,
but it gave him much pleasure, and he, not perhaps diplomatically
but enthusiastically, pronounced it good.

_What Agoncillo Approved_.

The dispatch marked with his approbation by the Philippine commissioner
was the following from Washington, under date of September 23:

"The President doubtless would be glad to hear any views these
Filipinos might care to set forth, being fresh from the islands and
thoroughly acquainted with the wishes of the insurgents. But it would
be plainly impolitic and inconsistent for the President, at this
date and pending the conclusion of the peace conference at Paris,
to allow it to be understood, by according a formal reception to the
delegates, that he had thereby recognized the Philippine government
as an independent nationality. His attitude toward the Filipinos
would be similar to that assumed by him toward the Cubans. As the
Filipinos have repeatedly, by public declaration, sought to convey
the impression that the United States representatives in Manila have
at some time during the progress of the war recognized Aguinaldo as
an independent ally, and entered into formal co-operation with him,
it may be stated that the government at Washington is unaware that
any such thing has happened. Admiral Dewey, who was in command of all
the United States forces during the most critical period, expressly
cabled the Secretary of the Navy that he had entered into no formal
agreement with Aguinaldo. If General Otis followed his instructions,
and of that there can be no doubt, he also refrained from entering
into any entangling agreements. As for Consul-General Wildman, any
undertaking he may have assumed with Aguinaldo must have been upon
his own personal and individual responsibility, and would be without
formal standing, inasmuch as he has not the express authorization
from the State Department absolutely requisite to negotiations in such
cases. Therefore, as the case now stands, the peace commissioners are
free to deal with the Philippine problem at Paris absolutely without
restraint beyond that which might be supposed to rise from a sense
of moral obligation to avoid committing the Filipinos again into the
hands of their late rulers."

Senor Agoncillo, the commissioner of the Philippine insurgents at
Paris, made, in conversations on the steamer China, when crossing
the Pacific Ocean from "Nagasaka to San Francisco, this statement in
vindication of Aguinaldo, and it is the most complete, authoritative
and careful that exists of the relations between Admiral Dewey and
the insurgent leader:

_Brief Notes By Senor Agoncillo_.

"On the same day that Admiral Dewey arrived at Hongkong Senor
Aguinaldo was in Singapore, whither he had gone from Hongkong, and
Mr. Pratt, United States Consul-General, under instructions from the
said Admiral, held a conference with him, in which it was agreed that
Senor Aguinaldo and other revolutionary chiefs in co-operation with the
American squadron should return to take up arms against the Spanish
government of the Philippines, the sole and most laudable desire of
the Washington government being to concede to the Philippine people
absolute independence as soon as the victory against the Spanish arms
should be obtained.

"By virtue of this argument Senor Aguinaldo proceeded by the first
steamer to Hongkong for the express purpose of embarking on the Olympia
and going to Manila; but this intention of his was not realized,
because the American squadron left Hongkong the day previous to
his arrival, Admiral Dewey having received from his government an
order to proceed immediately to Manila. This is what Mr. Wildman,
United States Consul-General in Hongkong, said to Senor Aguinaldo
in the interview which took place between them. A few days after the
Spanish squadron had been totally destroyed in the Bay of Manila by
the American squadron, the latter obtaining a most glorious triumph,
which deserved the fullest congratulations and praise of the Philippine
public, the McCullough arrived at Hongkong and her commander said
to Senor Aguinaldo that Admiral Dewey needed him (le necesitaba)
in Manila and that he brought an order to take him on board said
transport, as well as other revolutionary chiefs whose number should
be determined by Senor Aguinaldo, and, in fact, he and seventeen
chiefs went to Cavite on the McCullough.

"Senor Aguinaldo began his campaign against the Spaniards the very
day that he received the 1,902 Mauser guns and 200,000 cartridges,
which came from Hongkong. The first victory which he obtained
from the Spaniards was the surrender or capitulation of the Spanish
General, Senor Pena, who was the Military Governor of Cavite, had his
headquarters in the town of San Francisco de Malabon, and his force
was composed of 1,500 soldiers, including volunteers.

"The revolutionary army in six days' operations succeeded in getting
possession of the Spanish detachments stationed in the villages of
Bakoor, Imus, Benakayan, Naveleta, Santa Cruz de Malabon, Rosario
and Cavite Viejo.

"On June 9 last the whole province of Cavite was under the control
of the provisional revolutionary government, including many Spanish
prisoners and friars, 7,000 guns, great quantities of ammunition and
some cannon.

"At the same time that the province of Cavite was being conquered
other revolutionary chiefs were carrying on campaigns in the Batangas,
Laguna, Tayabas, Nueva Eziza, Bulcau, Batangas, Pampanga and Morong,
which were under control of the revolutionary army by June 12, and
such progress was made by the Philippine revolution in the few days
of campaign against the Spaniards that by August 3 last it held under
conquest fifteen important provinces of the island of Luzon; these
provinces are being governed by laws emanating from the provisional
revolutionary government and in all of them perfect order and complete
tranquility reign.

"It is to be noted that the Spanish government has sent to Senor
Aguinaldo various emissaries, who invited him to make common cause with
Spain against the United States, promising him that the government of
the Spanish nation would concede to him anything he might ask for the
Philippine people. But Senor Aguinaldo has invariably replied to those
emissaries, that it was too late and that he could not consider any
proposition from the Spanish government, however beneficial it might
be to the Philippines, because he had already pledged his word of honor
in favor of certain representatives of the government at Washington.

"In view of this positive resolution of Senor Aguinaldo there began
forthwith the intrigues of the Spanish enemy directed against the
life of Senor Aguinaldo.

_Peace Convention of December, 1896._

"Senor Aguinaldo, in his own name and in that of the other chiefs
and subordinates, obligated himself to lay down their arms, which,
according to an inventory, were to be turned over to the Spanish
government, thus terminating the revolution. His Excellency the
Governor and Captain-General, Don Fernando Primo de Rivera, as the
representative of His Majesty's government in the Philippines,
obligated himself on his side (1) to grant a general amnesty to
all those under charges or sentenced for the crime of rebellion
and sedition and other crimes of that category; (2) to introduce
into the Philippines all reforms necessary for correcting in an
effective and absolute manner the evils which for so many years
had oppressed the country, in political and administrative affairs;
and (3) an indemnity of $800,000, payable at the following dates:
A letter of credit of the Spanish Filipine Bank for $400,000 against
the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank in Hongkong was to be delivered to
Senor Aguinaldo on the same day that he should leave Biak-va-Bato,
where he had established his headquarters, and should embark on the
steamer furnished by the Spanish government (this letter of credit
was in point of fact delivered); $200,000 was to be paid to the said
Senor Aguinaldo as soon as the revolutionary general, Senor Ricarte,
should receive his telegram ordering him to give up his arms, with an
inventory thereof, to the commissioner designated by his excellency
the Governor and Captain-General, Don Fernando Primo de Rivera; and
the remaining $200,000 should be due and payable when the peace should
be a fact, and it should be understood that peace was a fact when
the Te Deum should be sung by order of his excellency the Governor
and Captain-General of the Philippines.

"Senor Aguinaldo complied in every respect, so far as he was concerned,
with the peace agreement. But the Spanish government did not observe
a similar conduct, and this has been deplored and still is deeply
deplored by the Philippine people. The general amnesty which was
promised has remained completely a dead letter. Many Filipinos are
still to be found in Fernando Po and in various military prisons in
Spain suffering the grievous consequences of the punishment inflicted
upon them unjustly and the inclemencies of the climate to which they
are not accustomed. Some of these unfortunates, who succeeded in
getting out of those prisons and that exile, are living in beggary
in Spain, without the government furnishing them the necessary means
to enable them to return to the Philippines.

"In vain has the Philippine public waited for the reforms also
promised. After the celebration of the compact of June and the
disposition of the arms of the revolutionists the Governor-General
again began to inflict on the defenseless natives of the country
arbitrary arrest and execution without judicial proceedings solely
on the ground that they were merely suspected of being secessionists;
proceedings which indisputably do not conform to the law and Christian
sentiments.

"In the matter of reforms the religious orders again began to obtain
from the Spanish government their former and absolute power. Thus
Spain pays so dearly for her fatal errors in her own destiny!

"In exchange for the loftiness of mind with which Senor Aguinaldo has
rigidly carried out the terms of the peace agreement, General Primo de
Rivera had the cynicism to state in the congress of his nation that
he had promised no reform to Senor Aguinaldo and his army, but that
he had only given them a piece of bread in order that they might be
able to maintain themselves abroad. This was reechoed in the foreign
press, and Senor Aguinaldo was accused in the Spanish press of having
allowed himself to be bought with a handful of gold, selling out his
country at the same time. There were published, moreover, in those
Spanish periodicals caricatures of Senor Aguinaldo which profoundly
wounded his honor and his patriotism.

"Senor Aguinaldo and the other revolutionists who reside in Hongkong
agreed not to take out one cent of the $400,000 deposited in the
chartered bank and the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, the only amount
which Senor Aguinaldo received from the Spanish government on account
of the stipulated indemnity, but to use it for arms in order to
carry on another revolution in the Philippines, in case the Spanish
government should fail to carry out the peace agreement, at least
in so far as it refers to general amnesty and reforms. All the above
named revolutionists, Senor Aguinaldo setting the example, resolved to
deny themselves every kind of comfort during their stay in Hongkong,
living in the most modest style, for the purpose of preventing a
reduction by one single cent of the above named sum of $400,000,
which they set aside exclusively for the benefit of their country.

_Law Suit between Don J. Artacho and Don E. Aguinaldo._

"Senor Artacho, induced by the father solicitor of the Dominicans
and the Consul-General of Spain, filed in the courts of that colony
a summons against Don E. Aguinaldo, asking for a division of the
above-mentioned $400,000 between those revolutionary chiefs who resided
in Hongkong. Artacho and three others, who joined the revolution in
its last days and rendered little service to it, were the only ones who
desired a division of this money; whereas forty-seven revolutionaries,
many of whom were most distinguished chiefs, were opposed to it,
supporting the resolution which Senor Aguinaldo had previously taken
in regard to it. Senor Aguinaldo, in order to avoid all scandal, did
everything possible to avoid appearing in court answering the summons
of Artacho, who, realizing that his conduct had made himself hated by
all Filipinos, agreed in a friendly arrangement to withdraw his suit,
receiving in exchange $5,000; in this way were frustrated the intrigues
of the solicitor of the Dominican order and of the Spanish Consul,
who endeavored at any cost to destroy the $400,000 by dividing it up.

"Artacho is now on trial before a judicial court on charges preferred
by various revolutionists for offenses which can be proved; he has
no influence in the revolutionary party."

_Proclamation of General Aguinaldo_.

_May 24th_, 1898.

Filipinos:

The Great Nation North America, cradle of true liberty and friendly on
that account to the liberty of our people, oppressed and subjugated
by the tyranny and despotism of those who have governed us, has
come to manifest even here a protection which is decisive, as well
as disinterested, towards us considering us endowed with sufficient
civilization to govern by ourselves this our unhappy land. To maintain
this so lofty idea, which we deserve from the now very powerful
Nation North America, it is our duty to detest all those acts which
belie such an idea, as pillage, robbery and every class of injury to
persons as well as to things. With a view to avoiding international
conflicts during the period of our campaign, I order as follows:

Article I. The lives and property of all foreigners, including Chinese
and all Spaniards who either directly or indirectly have joined in
taking arms against us are to be respected.

Article II. The lives and property of those who lay down their arms
are also to be respected.

Article III. Also are to be respected all sanitary establishments and
ambulances, and likewise the persons and things which may be found
either in one or the other, including the assistants in this service,
unless they show hostility.

Article IV. Those who disobey what is prescribed in the preceding
articles will be tried by summary court and put to death, if such
disobedience shall cause assassination, fire, robbery and violation.

Given at Cavite, the 24th of May, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo._

It is to be remarked of this semi-official statement that Admiral
Dewey did not make any promises he could not fulfill to Aguinaldo;
did not assume to speak for the President or the army of the United
States, but gave guns and ammunition to the insurgents, who aided
him in maintaining a foothold on the shore. The insurgents did not
win Dewey's victory, but aided to improve it. Without the aid of the
American army Manila might have been destroyed, but could not have
been captured intact. General Merritt settled the question of the
status of the insurgent army with respect to the capture of Manila in
a summary and sound way when he said there could be but one military
authority in a military government, and as the commanding general of
the Philippine expedition of the United States, he was that authority.



CHAPTER VI

The Proclamations of General Aguinaldo.

June 16th, 1898, Establishing Dictatorial Government--June 20th, 1898,
Instructions for Elections--June 23d, 1898, Establishing Revolutionary
Government--June 23d, 1898, Message to Foreign Powers--June 27th,
1898, Instructions Concerning Details--July 23d, 3898, Letter From
Senor Aguinaldo to General Anderson--August 1st, 1898, Resolutions
of Revolutionary Chiefs Asking for Recognition--August 6th, 1898,
Message to Foreign Powers Asking Recognition.

One of the most critical questions in the situation of the Philippines
is the precise position of the leader of the insurgents, General
Aguinaldo. His utterances in his official character of leader of
the natives who for years have been in rebellion against Spain, have
been but fragmentary, as they have come before the people. We give
for the public information the consecutive series of proclamations.

No. 1.

To the Philippine Public:

Circumstances have providentially placed me in a position for which I
can not fail to recognize that I am not properly qualified, but since
I can not violate the laws of Providence nor decline the obligations
which honor and patriotism impose upon me, I now salute you, Oh,
My Beloved People!

I have proclaimed in the face of the whole world that the aspiration
of my whole life, the final object of all my efforts and strength is
nothing else but your independence, for I am firmly convinced that
that constitutes your constant desire and that independence signifies
for us redemption from slavery and tyranny, regaining our liberty
and entrance into the concert of civilized nations.

I understand on the other hand that the first duty of every government
is to interpret faithfully popular aspirations. With this motive,
although the abnormal circumstances of the war have compelled me
to institute this Dictatorial Government which assumes full powers,
both civil and military, my constant desire is to surround myself with
the most distinguished persons of each Province, those who by their
conduct, deserve the confidence of their province to the end that the
true necessities of each being known by them, measures may be adopted
to meet these necessities and apply the remedies in accordance with
the desires of all.

I understand moreover the urgent necessity of establishing in each
town a solid and robust organization, the strongest bulwark of public
security and the sole means of securing that union and discipline
which are indispensable for the establishment of the Republic, that
is Government of the people for the people, and warding off the
international conflicts which may arise.

Following out the foregoing considerations I decree as follows:

Article I. The inhabitants of every town where the forces of the
Spanish government still remain, will decide upon the most efficacious
measures to combat and destroy them, according to the resources and
means at their disposal, according to prisoners of war the treatment
most conformable to humanitarian sentiments and to the customs observed
by civilized nations.

Article II. As soon as the town is freed from Spanish domination,
the inhabitants most distinguished for high character, social position
and honorable conduct both in the center of the community and in the
suburbs, will come together in a large meeting in which they will
proceed to elect by a majority of votes, the chief of the town and
a head man for each suburb, considering as suburbs not only those
hitherto known as such, but also the center of the community.

All those inhabitants who fulfill the conditions above named, will
have the right to take part in this meeting and to be elected,
provided always that they are friendly to Philippine independence
and are twenty years of age.

Article III. In this meeting shall also be elected by a majority of
votes, three Delegates; one of police and internal order, another of
justice and civil registry and another of taxes and property.

The delegate of police and internal order will assist the Chief in
the organization of the armed force, which for its own security each
town must maintain, according to the measure of its resources and in
the preservation of order, government and hygiene of its population.

The delegate of justice and civil registry will aid the Chief in
the formation of courts and in keeping books of registry of births,
deaths and marriage contracts, and of the census.

The delegate of taxes and property will aid the chief in the collection
of taxes, the administration of public funds, the opening of books
of registry of cattle and real property, and in all work relating to
encouragement of every class of industry.

Article IV. The Chief, as President, with the head men and the above
mentioned delegates, will constitute the popular assemblies who will
supervise the exact fulfillment of the laws in force and the particular
interests of each town.

The head man of the center of the community will be the Vice President
of the assembly, and the delegate of justice its secretary.

The head men will be delegates of the Chief within their respective
boundaries.

Article V. The Chiefs of each town after consulting the opinion of
their respective assemblies, will meet and elect by majority of votes
the Chief of the Province and three councilors for the three branches
above mentioned.

The Chief of the Province as President, the Chief of the town which
is the capital of the Province, as Vice President, and the above
named councilors will constitute the Provincial Council, which will
supervise the carrying out of the instructions of this government
in the territory of the Province, and for the general interest of
the Province, and will propose to this government the measures which
should be adopted for the general welfare.

Article VI. The above named chiefs will also elect by majority of
votes three representatives for each one of the Provinces of Manila
and Cavite, two for each one of the Provinces classified as terminal
in Spanish legislation, and one for each one of the other Provinces
and Politico-Military commands of the Philippine Archipelago.

The above named representatives will guard the general interests of the
Archipelago and the particular interests of their respective Provinces,
and will constitute the Revolutionary Congress, which will propose to
this government the measures concerning the preservation of internal
order, and external security of these islands, and will be heard by
this government on all questions of grave importance. The decision
of which will admit of delay or adjournment.

Article VII. Persons elected to any office whatsoever in the form
prescribed in the preceding article can not perform the functions
of the same without the previous confirmation by this government,
which will give it in accordance with the certificates of election.

Representatives will establish their identity by exhibiting the above
named certificates.

Article VIII. The Military Chiefs named by this government in each
Province will not intervene in the government and administration of
the Province, but will confine themselves to requesting of the Chiefs
of Provinces and towns the aid which may be necessary both in men
and resources, which are not to be refused in case of actual necessity.

Nevertheless, when the Province is threatened or occupied by the
enemy in whole or in part, the military chief of highest rank therein
may assume powers of the Chief of the Province, until the danger
has disappeared.

Article IX. The government will name for each Province a commissioner,
specially charged with establishing therein the organization prescribed
in this decree, in accordance with instructions which this government
will communicate to him. Those military chiefs who liberate the
towns from the Spanish domination are commissioners by virtue of
their office.

The above named commissioners will preside over the first meetings
held in each town and in each Province.

Article X. As soon as the organization provided in the decree has been
established all previous appointments to any civil office, whatsoever,
no matter what their origin or source, shall be null and void, and
all instructions in conflict with the foregoing are hereby annulled.

Given at Cavite, the 18th of June, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo_.

No. 2.

For the execution and proper carrying out of what is prescribed in the
decree of this government concerning the management of the Provinces
and towns of the Philippine Archipelago, I decree as follows:

_Instructions_.

Concerning the Management of the Provinces and towns.

(Then follow 45 rules concerning the elections, formation of the
police, the courts and the levying and collection of taxes.)

Given at Cavite, 20th of June, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo_.

No. 3.

_Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy_,

President of the Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, and
General in Chief of Its Army.

This government desiring to demonstrate to the Philippine people that
one of its ends is to combat with a firm hand the inveterate vices
of the Spanish administration, substituting for personal luxury
and that pompous ostentation which have made it a mere matter of
routine, cumbrous and slow in its movements, another administration
more modest, simple and prompt in performing the public service:
I decree as follows:


_Chapter I._

_Of the Revolutionary Government_.

Article I. The dictatorial government will be entitled hereafter
the revolutionary government, whose object is to struggle for the
independence of the Philippines until all nations, including the
Spanish, shall expressly recognize it, and to prepare the country so
that a true republic may be established.

The dictator will be entitled hereafter President of the Revolutionary
Government.

Article II. Four secretaryships of government are created; one of
foreign affairs, navy and commerce; another of war and public works;
another of police and internal order, justice, education and hygiene;
and another of finance, agriculture, and manufacturing industry.

The government may increase this number of secretaryships, when it
shall find in practice that this distribution is not sufficient for
the multiplied and complicated necessities of the public service.

Article III. Each secretaryship shall aid the President in the
administration of questions concerning the different branches which
it comprises.

At the head of each one shall be a secretary who shall not be
responsible for the decrees of the Presidency, but shall sign them
with the President, to give them authority.

But if it shall appear that the decree has been promulgated on the
proposition of the secretary of the department, the latter shall be
responsible conjointly with the President.

Article IV. The secretaryship of foreign affairs will be divided
into three bureaus, one of diplomacy, another of navy and another
of commerce.

The first bureau will study and dispose of all questions pertaining to
the management of diplomatic negotiations with other powers and the
correspondence of this government with them. The second will study
all questions relating to the formation and organization of our navy
and the fitting out of such expeditions as the necessities of the
revolution may require; and the third will have charge of everything
relating to internal and external commerce, and the preliminary
work which may be necessary for making treaties of commerce with
other nations.

Article V. The secretaryship of war will be divided into two bureaus;
one of war, properly speaking, and the other of public works.

The first bureau will be subdivided into four sections: One
of campaigns, another of military justice, another of military
administration, and another of military health.

The section of campaigns will have charge of the appointment and
formation of the certificates of enlistment and service of all who
serve in the revolutionary militia; of the direction of campaigns;
the preparation of plans, works of fortification, and preparing
reports of battles; of the study of military tactics for the army
and the organization of the general staff, artillery and cavalry;
and finally, of the determination of all other questions concerning
the business of campaigns and military operations.

The section of military justice will have charge of everything relating
to courts of war and military tribunals; the appointment of judges and
counsel and the determination of all questions of military justice; the
section of military administration will he charged with the furnishing
of food and other supplies necessary for the use of the army; and the
section of military health will have charge of everything relating
to the hygiene and healthfulness of the militia.

Article VI. The other secretaryships will he divided into such bureaus
as their branches may require and each bureau will be subdivided into
sections according to the nature and importance of the work it has
to do.

Article VII. The secretary will inspect and supervise all the work of
his secretaryship and will determine all questions with the President
of the government.

At the head of each bureau will be a director and in each section an
officer provided with such number of assistants as may be specified.

Article VIII. The President will appoint the secretaries of his own
free choice and in concert with them will appoint all the subordinate
officials of each secretaryship.

In order that in the choice of persons it may be possible to avoid
favoritism, it must be fully understood that the good name of the
country and the triumph of the revolution require the services of
persons truly capable.

Article IX. The secretaries may be present at the revolutionary
congress in order that they may make any motion in the name of
the President or may be interpolated publicly by any one of the
representatives; but when the question which is the object of the
motion shall be put to vote or after the interpolation is ended they
shall leave and shall not take part in the vote.

Article X. The President of the government is the personification of
the Philippine people, and in accordance with this idea it shall not
he possible to hold him responsible while he fills the office.

His term of office shall last until the revolution triumphs, unless,
under extraordinary circumstances, he shall feel obliged to offer his
resignation to congress, in which case congress will elect whomsoever
it considers most fit.


_Chapter II._

_Of the Revolutionary Congress._

Article XI. The Revolutionary Congress is the body of representatives
of the Provinces of the Philippine Archipelago elected in the manner
prescribed in the decrees of the 18th, present month.

Nevertheless, if any Province shall not be able as yet to elect
representatives because the greater part of its towns shall have not
yet succeeded in liberating themselves from Spanish domination, the
government shall have power to appoint as provisional representatives
for this Province those persons who are most distinguished for high
character and social position, in such numbers as are prescribed by
the above named decree, provided always that they are natives of the
Province which they represent or have resided therein for a long time.

Article XII. The representatives having met in the town which is the
seat of the revolutionary government, and in the building which may
be designated, will proceed to its preliminary labors, designating
by plurality of votes a commission composed of five individuals
charged with examining documents accrediting each representative,
and another commission, composed of three individuals, who will
examine the documents which the five of the former commission exhibit.

Article XIII. On the following day the above named representatives will
meet again and the two commissions will read their respective reports
concerning the legality of the said documents, deciding by an absolute
majority of votes on the character of those which appear doubtful.

This business completed, it will proceed to designate, also by absolute
majority, a President, a Vice President, and two secretaries, who
shall be chosen from among the representatives, whereupon the congress
shall be considered organized, and shall notify the government of
the result of the election.

Article XIV. The place where congress deliberates is sacred and
inviolable, and no armed force shall enter therein unless the
President thereof shall ask therefor in order to establish internal
order disturbed by those who can neither honor themselves nor its
august functions.

Article XV. The powers of congress are: To watch over the general
interest of the Philippine people, and the carrying out of the
revolutionary laws; to discuss and vote upon said laws; to discuss and
approve prior to their ratification treaties and loans; to examine and
approve the accounts presented annually by the secretary of finance, as
well as extraordinary and other taxes which may hereafter be imposed.

Article XVI. Congress shall also be consulted in all grave and
important questions, the determination of which admits of delay or
adjournment; but the President of the government shall have power to
decide questions of urgent character, but in that case he shall give
account by message to said body of the decision which he has adopted.

Article XVII. Every representative shall have power to present to
congress any project of a law, and every secretary on the order of
the President of the government shall have similar power.

Article XVIII. The sessions of congress shall be public, and only
in cases which require reserve shall it have power to hold a secret
session.

Article XIX. In the order of its deliberations, as well as in the
internal government of the body the instructions which shall be
formulated by the congress itself shall be observed. The President
shall direct the deliberations and shall not vote except in case of
a tie, when he shall have the casting vote.

Article XX. The President of the government shall not have power
to interrupt in any manner the meeting of congress, nor embarrass
its sessions.

Article XXI. The congress shall designate a permanent commission of
justice which shall be presided over by the auxilliary vice president
or each of the secretaries, and shall be composed of those persons
and seven members elected by plurality of votes from among the
representatives.

This commission shall judge on appeal the criminal cases tried by
the Provincial courts; and shall take cognizance of and have original
jurisdiction in all cases against the secretaries of the government,
the chiefs of Provinces and towns, and the Provincial judges.

Article XXII. In the office of the secretary of congress shall be kept
a book of honor, wherein shall be recorded special services rendered
to the country, and considered as such by said body. Every Filipino,
whether in the military or civil service, may petition congress for
notation in said book, presenting duly accredited documents describing
the service rendered by him on behalf of the country, since the
beginning of the present revolution. For extraordinary services, which
may be rendered hereafter, the government will propose said notation
accompanying the proposal with the necessary documents justifying it.

Article XXIII. The congress will also grant, on the proposal of the
government rewards in money, which can be given only once to the
families of those who were victims of their duty and patriotism,
as a result of extraordinary acts of heroism.

Article XXIV. The acts of congress shall not take effect until
the President of the government orders their fulfillment and
execution. Whenever the said President shall be of the opinion that
any act is unsuitable or against public policy, or pernicious, he
shall explain to congress the reasons against its execution, and if
the latter shall insist on its passage the President shall have power
to oppose his veto under his most rigid responsibility.

_Chapter III._

_Of Military Courts and Justice._

Article XXV. When the chiefs of military detachments have notice that
any soldier has committed or has perpetrated any act of those commonly
considered as military crimes, he shall bring it to the knowledge of
the commandant of the Zone, who shall appoint a judge and a secretary,
who shall begin suit in the form prescribed in the instructions dated
the 20th of the present month. If the accused shall be of the grade of
lieutenant or higher, the said commandant shall himself be the judge,
and if the latter shall be the accused, the senior commandant of the
Province shall name as judge an officer who holds a higher grade,
unless the same senior commandant shall himself have brought the
suit. The judge shall always belong to the class of chiefs.

Article XXVI. On the conclusion of the preliminary hearing, the senior
commandant shall designate three officers of equal or higher rank to
the judge and the military court shall consist of the said officers,
the judge, the councilor and the President. The latter shall be the
commandant of the Zone, if the accused be of the grade of sergeant or
less, and the senior commandant if he be of the grade of lieutenant
or higher. This court shall conduct the trial in the form customary
in the Provincial courts, but the judgment shall be appealable to
the higher courts of war.

Article XXVII. The superior court shall be composed of six members,
who shall hold rank not less than brigadier generals, and the judge
advocate. If the number of generals present in the capitol of the
revolutionary government shall not be sufficient the deficiency
shall be supplied by representatives designated and commissioned by
congress. The president of the court shall be the general having the
highest rank of all, and should there be more than one having equal
rank, the president shall be elected from among them by absolute
majority of votes.

Article XXVIII. The superior court shall have jurisdiction in all
cases affecting the higher commandants, the commandants of Zones and
all officers of the rank of major or higher.

Article XXIX. Commit Military Crimes: 1st. Those who fail to grant the
necessary protection to foreigners, both in their persons and property,
and those who similarly fail to afford protection to hospitals and
ambulances, including persons and effects which may be found in
possession of one or the other, and those engaged in the service of
the same, provided always they commit no hostile act. 2d. Those who
fail in the respect due to the lives, money and jewels of enemies who
lay down their arms, and of prisoners of war. 3d. Filipinos who place
themselves in the service of the enemy acting as spies or disclosing
to them secrets of war and the plans of revolutionary positions and
fortifications, and those who present themselves under a flag of
truce without justifying properly their office and their personality;
and 4th, those who fail to recognize a flag of truce duly accredited
in the forms, prescribed by international law.

Will Commit also Military Crimes: 1st. Those who conspire against
the unity of the revolutionists, provoking rivalry between chiefs and
forming divisions and armed bands. 2d. Those who solicit contributions
without authority of the government and misappropriate the public
funds. 3d. Those who desert to the enemy, or are guilty of cowardice
in the presence of the enemy, being armed; and, 4th, those who seize
the property of any person who has done no wrong to the revolution,
violate women and assassinate or inflict serious wounds on unarmed
persons and commit robberies or arson.

Article XXX. Those who commit the crimes enumerated will be considered
as declared enemies of the revolution, and will incur the penalties
prescribed in the Spanish penal code, and in the highest grade.

If the crime shall not be found in the said code, the offender shall
be imprisoned until the revolution triumphs unless the result of this
shall be an irreparable damage, which in the judgment of the tribunal
shall be a sufficient cause for imposing the penalty of death.

_Additional Clauses._

The government will establish abroad a revolutionary committee,
composed of a number not yet determined of persons most competent
in the Philippine Archipelago. This committee will be divided into
three delegations; one of diplomacy, another of the navy and another
of the army.

The delegation of diplomacy will manage and conduct negotiations with
foreign cabinets with a view to the recognition of the belligerency
and independence of the Philippines.

The delegation of the navy will be charged with studying and
organizing the Philippine navy and preparing the expenditures which
the necessities of the revolution may require.

The delegation of the army will study military tactics and the best
form of organization for the general staff, artillery and engineers
and whatever else may be necessary in order to fit out the Philippine
Army under the conditions required by modern progress.

Article XXXII. The government will issue the necessary instructions
for the proper execution of the present decree.

Article XXXIII. All decrees of the dictatorial government in conflict
with the foregoing are hereby annulled.

Given at Cavite, the 23d of June, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo._

_Instructions._

Desiring to bring about a proper execution of the decree dated the 23d
of the present month, and to provide that the administrative measures
shall not result hereafter in the paralysis of public business,
but that, on the contrary, it shall constitute the best guarantee of
the regularity, promptitude and fitness in the transaction of public
business, I give the following instructions and decree:

(Then follow ten rules concerning the details of installing the
government.)

Cavite, the 27th of June, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo._

_Message of the President of the Philippine Revolution._

If it is true, as it is true, that political revolutions properly
understood, are the violent means which people employ to recover the
sovereignty which naturally belongs to them, usurped and trampled
upon by a tyrannical and arbitrary government, no revolution can be
more righteous than that of the Philippines, because the people have
had recourse to it after having exhausted all the pacific means which
reason and experience could suggest.

The ancient Kings of Castile felt obliged to consider the Philippines
as a brother people, united to the Spanish in a perfect participation
of aims and interests, so much so that when the Constitution of
1812 was promulgated, at Cadiz, on account of the War of Spanish
Independence, these islands were represented in the Spanish Cortez;
but the interests of the Monastic corporations which have always
found unconditional support in the Spanish Government, overcame this
sacred duty and the Philippines remained excluded from the Spanish
Constitution, and the people at the mercy of the discretionary or
arbitrary powers of the Governor-General.

In this condition the people claimed justice, begged of the metropolis
the recognition and restitution of their secular rights by means
of reforms which should assimilate in a gradual and progressive
manner, the Philippines to the Spaniards; but their voice was quickly
throttled and their sons received as the reward of their self-denial,
deportation, martyrdom and death. The religious corporations with
whose interests, always opposed to those of the Philippine people, the
Spanish Government has been identified, scoffed at these pretensions
and answered with the knowledge of that Government that Spanish
liberties have cost blood.

What other recourse then remained to the people for insisting as in
duty bound on regaining its former rights? No alternative remained
except force and, convinced of that, it has had recourse to revolution.

And now it is not limited to asking assimilation to the Spanish
Political Constitution, but it asks a definite separation from it;
it struggles for its independence in the firm belief that the time
has arrived in which it can and ought to govern itself.

There has been established a Revolutionary Government, under wise
and just laws, suited to the abnormal circumstances through which
it is passing, and which, in proper time, will prepare it for a true
Republic. Thus taking as a sole model for its acts, reason, for its
sole end, justice, and, for its sole means, honorable labor, it calls
all Filipinos its sons without distinction of class, and invites them
to unite firmly with the object of forming a noble society, not based
upon blood nor pompous titles, but upon the work and personal merit
of each one; a free society, where exist neither egotism nor personal
politics which annihilate and crush, neither envy nor favoritism which
debase, neither fanfaronade nor charlatanism which are ridiculous.

And it could not be otherwise. A people which has given proofs of
suffering and valor in tribulation and in danger, and of hard work and
study in peace, is not destined to slavery; this people is called to
be great, to be one of the strongest arms of Providence in ruling the
destinies of mankind; this people has resources and energy sufficient
to liberate itself from the ruin and extinction into which the Spanish
Government has plunged it, and to claim a modest but worthy place in
the concert of free nations.

Given at Cavite the 23d of June, 1898.

_Emilio Aguinaldo._

_To Foreign Governments._

The Revolutionary Government of the Philippines, on its establishment,
explained, through the message dated the 23d of June last, the
true causes of the Philippine Revolution, showing, according to
the evidence, that this popular movement is the result of the laws
which regulate the life of a people which aspires to progress and to
perfection by the sole road of liberty.

The said Revolution now rules in the Provinces of Cavite, Batangas,
Mindoro, Tayabas, Laguna, Morong, Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga,
Neuva-Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, Union, Infanta, and Zambales, and
it holds besieged the capital of Manila.

In these Provinces complete order and perfect tranquility reign,
administered by the authorities elected by the Provinces in accordance
with the organic decrees dated the 18th and 23d of June last.

The Revolution holds, moreover, about 9,000 prisoners of war, who
are treated in accordance with the customs of war between civilized
nations and humane sentiments, and at the end of the war it has more
than 30,000 combatants organized in the form of a regular army.

In this situation the chiefs of the towns comprised in the above
mentioned Provinces, interpreting the sentiments which animate
those who have elected them, have proclaimed the Independence of the
Philippines, petitioning the Revolutionary Government that will entreat
and obtain from foreign Governments recognition of its belligerency
and its independence, in the firm belief that the Philippine people
have already arrived at that state in which they can and ought to
govern themselves.

This is set forth in the accompanying documents, subscribed by the
above named chiefs.

Wherefore, the undersigned, by virtue of the powers which belong to
him as President of the Revolutionary Government of the Philippines
and in the name and representation of the Philippine people, asks
the support of all the powers of the civilized world, and earnestly
entreats them to proceed to the formal recognition of the belligerency
of the Revolution and the Independence of the Philippines; since they
are the means designated by Providence to maintain the equilibrium
between peoples, sustaining the weak and restraining the strong,
to the end that by these means shall shine forth and be realized the
most complete justice in the indefinite progress of humanity.

Given at Bacoor, in the Province of Cavite, the 6th day of August,
1898. The President of the Revolutionary Government,
_Emilio Aguinaldo_.

_Statement_.

The undersigned chiefs of towns comprising the Provinces hereinafter
named, elected as such in the manner prescribed by the decree of the
18th and the instructions dated the 20th of June last, after having
been confirmed in their respective offices by the President of the
Government and having taken the prescribed oath before him, have met
in full assembly previously called for that purpose for the purpose
of discussing the solemn proclamation of Philippine independence.

The discussion took place with the prudence and at the length which
so important a question demands and, after suitable deliberation,
the following declarations were unanimously adopted:

The Philippine Revolution records on the one hand brilliant feats of
arms, realized with singular courage by an improvised army almost
without arms, and on the other the no less notable fact that the
people, after the combat, have not entered upon great excesses nor
pursued the enemy further; but have treated him, on the contrary,
with generosity and humanity, returning at once to their ordinary
and tranquil life.

Such deeds demonstrate, in an indisputable manner, that the Philippine
people was not created, as all believed, for the sole purpose of
dragging the chains of servitude, but that it has a perfect idea of
order and justice, shuns a savage life, and loves a civilized life.

But what is most surprising in this people is that it goes on giving
proofs that it knows how to frame laws, commensurate with the progress
of the age, to respect them and obey them, demonstrating that its
national customs are not repugnant to this progress; that it is not
ambitious for power nor honors nor riches aside from the rational
and just aspirations for a free and independent life, and inspired
by the most lofty idea of patriotism and national honor; and that in
the service of this idea and for the realization of that aspiration
it has not hesitated in the sacrifice of life and fortune.

These admirable--and more than admirable, these wonderful--deeds
necessarily engender the most firm and ineradicable convictions of
the necessity of leaving the Philippines free and independent, not
only because they deserve it, but because they are prepared to defend,
to the death, their future and their history.

Filipinos are fully convinced that if individuals have need of
material, moral and intellectual perfection in order to contribute
to the welfare of their fellows peoples require to have fullness of
life; they need liberty and independence in order to contribute to the
indefinite progress of mankind. It has struggled and will struggle,
with decision and constancy, without ever turning back or retrograding
before the obstacles which may arise in its path, and with unshakable
faith that it will obtain justice and fulfill the laws of Providence.

And neither will it be turned aside from the course it has hitherto
followed by the unjustifiable imprisonment, tortures, assassinations,
and the other vandal acts committed by the Spaniards against the
persons of peaceful and defenseless Filipinos. The Spaniards believe
themselves released from every legal obligation toward the Filipinos
for the sole reason that the belligerency of the Revolution has
not been recognized, taking no account of the fact that over and
above every law, whether written or prescriptive, are placed with
imprescriptible characters, culture, national honor and humanity. No;
the Filipinos have no need ever to make use of reprisals because they
seek independence with culture, liberty with unconditional respect
for the law, as the organ of justice, and a name purified in the
crucible of human sentiments.

In virtue of the foregoing considerations the undersigned, giving
voice to the unanimous aspiration of the people whom they represent,
and performing the offices received from them and the duties pertaining
to the powers with which they are invested,

Proclaim solemnly in the face of the whole world the Independence of
the Philippines;

Recognize and respect Senor Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy as President
of the Revolutionary Government, organized in the manner prescribed by
decree of the 23d and instructions of the 27th of June last, and beg
the said President that he will ask and obtain from foreign Governments
the recognition of its belligerency and independence, not only because
this act constitutes a duty of justice, but also because to no one
is it permitted to contravene natural laws nor stifle the legitimate
aspiration of a people for its amelioration and dignification.

Given in the Province of Cavite the 1st day of August, of the year
of our Lord 1898, and the first year of Philippine independence.

Follow the signatures of the local Presidents of the Provinces of
Cavite and many others.

The undersigned, Secretary of the Interior, certifies, That the present
document is a literal copy of the original, which is deposited in
the Secretaryship under his charge; in proof of which he signs it,
with the approval of the President of the Revolutionary Government
in Bacoor, the 6th day of August, 1898.

El Presidente del G. R.,
_Emilio Aguinaldo_.
El Secretano del Interior,
_Leandro Ibarra_.



_Letter from Senor Aguinaldo to General Anderson._

July 23d, 1898.

To Brigadier-General T. M. Anderson, U. S. A., etc., etc., Cavite.

In answer to the letter of your Excellency dated the 22nd of the
present month, I have the honor to manifest to you the following:

That even supposing that the effects existing in the storehouse
of Don Antonio Osorio were subject to capture, when I established
myself in the plaza (town) of Cavite, Admiral Dewey authorized me
to dispose of everything that I might find in the same, including
the arms which the Spanish left in the arsenal. But as he was aware
that said effects belonged to the personal property (ownership) of
a Filipino, who traded with them by virtue of a contribution to the
Spanish Government, I would not have touched them had not the owner
placed them at my disposition for the purposes of the war.

I came from Hong Kong to prevent my countrymen from making common
cause with the Spanish against the North Americans, pledging, before,
my word to Admiral Dewey to not give place to (to allow) any internal
discord because (being) a judge of their desires I had the strong
conviction that I would succeed in both objects; establishing a
government according to their desires.

Thus it is that at the beginning I proclaimed the dictatorship,
and afterwards, when some of the Provinces had already liberated
themselves from Spanish domination, I established a revolutionary
government that to-day exists, giving it a democratic and popular
character, as far as the abnormal circumstances of war permitted,
in order that they (the Provinces) might be justly represented and
administered to their satisfaction.

It is true that my government has not been acknowledged by any of
the foreign powers; but we expect that the great North American
nation, which struggled first for its independence and afterwards
for the abolition of slavery, and is now actually struggling for the
independence of Cuba, would look upon it with greater benevolence
than any other nation. Because of this we have always acknowledged
the right of preference as to our gratitude.

Debtor to the generosity of the North Americans, and to the favors
which we have received through Admiral Dewey, and being more desirous
than any other of preventing any conflict which would have as a result
foreign intervention which must be extremely prejudicial not alone to
my nation, but also to that of Your Excellency, I consider it my duty
to advise you of the undesirability of disembarking North American
troops in the places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spanish,
without previous notice to this government, because as no formal
agreement yet exists between the two nations, the Philippine people
might consider the occupation of its territories by North American
troops as a violation of its rights.

I comprehend that without the destruction of the Spanish squadron the
Philippine revolution would not have advanced so rapidly; because
of this I take the liberty of indicating to Your Excellency the
necessities that before disembarking troops you should communicate
in writing to this government the places that are to be occupied,
and also the object of the occupation, that the people may be advised
in due form and (thus) prevent the commission of any transgression
against friendship. I can answer for my people, because they have
given me evident proofs of their absolute confidence in my government,
but I cannot answer for that which another nation, whose friendship
is not well guaranteed, might inspire in it (the people); and it
is certain that I do this not as a menace, but as a further proof
of the true and sincere friendship which I have always professed to
the North American people in the complete security that it will find
itself completely identified with our cause of liberty.

I am, with respect,

Your obedient servant,

_Emilio Aguinaldo_.



CHAPTER VII

Interview with the Archbishop of Manila.

Insurgents' Deadly Hostility to Spanish Priests--The Position of
the Archbishop as He Defined It--His Expression of Gratitude to the
American Army--His Characterization of the Insurgents--A Work of
Philippine Art--The Sincerity of the Archbishop's Good Words.

The intense feeling by the Philippine insurgents against the Spanish
priests made it seem very desirable to see the Archbishop of Manila,
and he informed two American priests that he would have pleasure in
making an expression of his views to me to be placed before the people
of the United States. He had been charged with extreme vindictiveness
and the responsibility of demanding that the city should be defended to
the last extremity, when actually, in the consultation of dignitaries
that took place, and the surrender of the capital was demanded by
General Merritt and Admiral Dewey, he declared the situation hopeless
and that it was a plain duty to prevent the sacrifice of life. He was
overruled by the peculiar folly that has caused Spain in the course
of the war to inflict heavy and avoidable losses upon herself. Indeed,
the war originated in the Spanish state of mind that it was necessary
to open fire and shed blood for the honor of the arms of Spain. The
Spanish officers knew they could not save Manila from the hands of the
Americans while the command of the sea by our fleet was indisputable
and we had unlimited reserves to draw upon to strengthen the land
forces, irrespective of the swarms of insurgents pressing in the
rear and eager to take vengeance for centuries of mismanagement
and countless personal grievances. It was the acknowledgment of the
Spanish Captain-General, when he received the peremptory summons from
Merritt and Dewey to give up the city, that there was no place of
refuge for the women and children, the sick and the wounded; and yet
it was insisted that the honor of Spain required bloodshed--not much,
perhaps, but enough to prove that the army of Spain was warlike. When
the American army had been reinforced so as to have 8,000 men ready to
take the field, General Merritt and Admiral Dewey had a conference and
agreed to send the Spaniards in authority a formal notification that
in forty-eight hours they would bombard and assail the defenses of
the city of Manila if it were not surrendered. The Spanish reply was
that the Americans could commence operations at once, but there was
no place where the women and children, the wounded and the sick could
go to find a place of security. This was tantamount to a declaration
that the Spaniards were sliding into a surrender, but wanted to make
a claim to the contrary.

The residence of the Archbishop is within the walled city and a very
substantial edifice, the stone work confined to the lower story and
hardwood timber freely used in massive form instead of stone. His grace
was seated at a small table in a broad hall, with a lamp and writing
material before him. He is imposing as a man of importance and his
greeting was cordial to kindliness. He said his acknowledgments were
personally due the American people for the peace of mind he had enjoyed
during the occupation of the city by the army of the United States,
for its establishment of order and the justice in administration
that relieved good citizens from oppression and alarm. He was glad
to have Americans know his sensibility on this subject, and wanted
me to convey his sentiments to the President.

When asked what it was that caused the insurgents to be so ferocious
against the priests and resolved on their expulsion or destruction he
said the rebels were at once false, unjust and ungrateful. They had
been lifted from savagery by Catholic teachers, who had not only been
educators in the schools but teachers in the fields. The same Catholic
Orders that were singled out for special punishment had planted in
the islands the very industries that were sources of prosperity,
and the leaders of the insurgents had been largely educated by the
very men whom now they persecuted. Some of the persecutors had been in
Europe and became revolutionists in the sense of promoting disorder as
anarchists. It was the antagonism of the church to murderous anarchy
that aroused the insurgents of the Philippines to become the deadly
enemies of priests and church orders. It was true in Spain, as in the
Philippines, that the anarchists were particularly inflamed against
the church. His grace did not seem to have heard of the American
anarchist, but the European revolutionist has received a large share
of his attention.

He produced a box of cigars, also a bottle of sherry, and chatted
comfortably and humorously. There was one thing then that he had in
his heart--that his anxiety for peace and appreciation of order as
enjoyed under the American military government should be recorded and
responsibly reported to the people of the United States. The American
priests had informed him that I was a friend of long standing of
President McKinley, and he again enjoined that I should declare his
sentiments to the President. A beautiful work of wood carving was
shown on an easel, which had a frame of hard wood, the whole, easel and
frame, with elaborately wrought ornamentation, cut out of one tree. It
was at once strong and graceful, simple and decorative. The picture was
a gold medallion, raised on a plate of silver, an excellent likeness
of his grace. It was evident that the refinements of art were known to
"these barbarians of the Philippines," for their works testified.

His grace announced that he would return my call, and his convenience
being consulted, the time was fixed for him to appear at 11 o'clock
the next day, Sunday, and he came accordingly, accompanied by three
priests, the chaplain of the First California, Father Daugherty
who sailed with General Merritt to Manila, and Father Boyle, the
superintendent of the famous observatory founded by the Jesuits, who
was a typical Irishman of a strong and humorously hearty type. Father
Boyle had one of the most perfect methods of speaking English in the
Irish way that I have ever heard, and admitted that he had resided in
England long enough to be born there; and this was great fun. It is
not too much to say that the institution he represented is illustrious.

The cathedral of Manila is within the walled city and of immense
proportions. It was shattered by an earthquake, and in its
reconstruction wood rather than marble was used for the supporting
pillars within, but no one would find out that the stately clusters
of columns were not from the quarries rather than the forests, unless
personally conducted to the discovery. Here 2,000 Spanish soldiers,
held under the articles of capitulation, were quartered, consumed
their rations and slept, munching and dozing all around the altar and
pervading the whole edifice. The other great churches, five in number,
in the walled city, were occupied in the same way. The Archbishop
was anxious to have the soldiers otherwise provided with shelter,
and if not all of them could be restored to their ordinary uses it
was most desirable, in his opinion, the cathedral should be.

It is estimated that 2,000 of the American soldiers in the
expeditionary force are Catholics, and Father Daugherty was anxious to
preach to them in English. During the call upon me by the Archbishop
this subject was discussed, and the suggestion made that the Americans
had tents in great number that they did not occupy and that would
probably not be preserved by keeping them stored in that hot and trying
climate. They might be pitched on the Luneta, which is beside the sea,
and the town thus relieved of 13,000 men, who, herded in churches,
produced unsanitary conditions. This seemed reasonable, and the policy
of the change would have a tendency to develop an element of good-will
not to be despised and rejected. It might be that the cathedral alone
could be cleared without delay or prejudice with a pleasant effect,
and if so why not? His grace was certainly diplomatic and persuasive
in stating the case, and his attendants were animated with zeal that
the Americans should have the credit of re-opening the cathedral
for worship. It was true the Spanish garrison first occupied it,
but if the necessity that its ample roof should protect soldiers
from the torrential rains had existed perhaps it had ceased to be
imperative. The matter was duly presented to the military authorities,
and the objection found to immediate action that the Spanish prisoners
of war should not for the time be located outside the walled city. They
must be held where they could be handled.

Coincident with the call of the Archbishop came Captain Coudert,
of the distinguished family of that name in New York, and his grace
was deeply interested in that young man and warmly expressed his
gratification in meeting an American officer of his own faith. The
Archbishop is a man of a high order of capacity, and his influence
has been great. His position is a trying one, for it would be quite
impossible for him to remain in Manila if the insurgents should
become the masters of the situation. The claim of hostile natives
that the Spanish priests have an influence in matters of state that
make them a ruling class is one that they urge when expressing their
resolve that the Friars must go. The Spanish policy, especially in
the municipal governments, has been to magnify the office of the
priests in political functions. The proceedings of a meeting of the
people in order to receive attention or to have legal standing must
be certified by a priest. It is the Spanish priest that is wanted in
matters of moment, and the laws make his presence indispensable. The
Spanish priests are, therefore, identified in the public mind with
all the details of misgovernment. The civilized Filipinos profess
christianity and faith in the native priests, carefully asserting
the distinction. In his conversation with me, General Aguinaldo
repeatedly referred to the necessity of consulting his advisers,
and said he had to be careful not to offend many of his followers,
who thought he had gone very far in his friendship for the United
States. He gave emphasis to the assertion that they were "suspicious"
of him on that account. It was my judgment at first that the General,
in stopping short when a question was difficult and referring to
the Council he had to consult, was showing a capacity for finesse,
that he really had the power to do or to undo, though he has not a
personal appearance of possible leadership. Now this, even, has been
modified. His Council seems to be the real center of power. When I
was talking with Aguinaldo there were two American priests waiting to
propose the deportation of his prisoners who were priests, and he had
to refer that question. The Council has decided to keep the priests
in confinement, and it is remarked that the General desired to give
up his prisoners and was false in saying he favored sending them
to Spain. There are misapprehensions in this association. He has no
doubt thought well of holding fast his most important hostages. If
he personally desired to release the priests, he probably would
not venture to do it. He is not so silly as to believe in his own
inviolability by bullets, and digestion of poisons; and those who are
such savages as to confide in these superstitions are not unlikely
to try experiments just to strengthen their faith. The potentiality
of Aguinaldo as a personage is not so great as has been imagined,
and if he attempts a rally against the American flag he will be found
full of weakness.

The Archbishop, I was told, had much pleasure in meeting an American
he was assured would attempt to be entirely just, and present
him according to his own declarations to the people of the United
States. He knew very well, unquestionably, the stories circulated
in the American camps, that his voice had been loudest and last
in urging hopeless war, in telling impossible tales of visionary
Spanish reinforcements, and denouncing the Americans as "niggers"
and "pigs." It is a fact that Spaniards have cultivated the notion
among the rural Filipinos, that Americans are black men, and pigs
is their favorite epithet for an American. The radical enemies of
His Grace are, no doubt, responsible for unseemly stories about his
animosities, for that he and those around him were sincere in their
respect for, and gratitude toward the American army of occupation,
for its admirable bearing and good conduct, was in itself too obviously
true to be doubted.



CHAPTER VIII

Why We Hold the Philippines.

The Responsibility of Admiral Dewey--We Owe It to Ourselves to Hold
the Philippines--Prosperity Assured by Our Permanent Possession--The
Aguinaldo Question--Character Study of the Insurgent Leader--How
Affairs Would Adjust Themselves for Us--Congress Must Be Trusted to
Represent the People and Firmly Establish International Policy.

If Admiral Dewey, after obeying the order of the President to destroy
the Spanish fleet at Manila, had steamed away and sought a station
to get coal to drive him somewhere else, there would have been no
Philippine question on the other side of the world from Washington
City. The Admiral desired to keep open telegraphic communication,
and made a proposition to that effect, but the Spanish authorities
curtly refused. Then the cable was cut by order of the Admiral, a
section removed, and both ends marked by buoys. Reflection caused the
Spaniards to regret that they had not consented to keep open the cable,
that it might be used under restrictions by both belligerents. They
mentioned their change of mind, and were told they were too late. The
American Admiral may have been apprehensive, and he had reason to be,
that the Spaniards, knowing they would be crushed in the West Indies
if they risked a decisive naval engagement there, might send all their
available ships of war to the Philippines, and secure a superiority
of force, possibly to destroy their enemies at Manila. It is clear
now that this is what the Spaniards ought to have tried to do. The
Americans were committed to the blockade of Cuba, occupying all
the vessels of war they had at hand, and the whole fleet of Spain
could have been in the Suez Canal, on the way to Manila when the
movement was known to our navy department. Then Admiral Dewey would,
of course, have been warned by way of Hong Kong and a dispatch boat,
that he should put to sea and take care of his men and ships. The
result might have been the temporary restoration of the Philippines to
Spain. Our Admiral, six hundred miles from Hongkong, the closest cable
connection, could not afford to leave Manila in direct communication
with Madrid. It was for this reason and not that he desired to keep
out of way or orders, as some able publicists have kindly promulgated,
that the Admiral cut the cable.

The gravest of his responsibilities came upon him after his victory
freed the harbor of declared enemies, and placed the great city at
his mercy. If the Spaniards used their big Krupp guns against his
ships, he could bombard the city and burn it. He held the keys to the
Philippines, with Manila under his guns, and the question before him
then was the same before the country now. The question that incessantly
presses is, whether the Dewey policy is to be confirmed, and the logic
of the stay in the harbor, and the dispatch of troops to take the town
made good. We hold the keys of the Philippines. Shall we continue to
do so? This question transcends in immediate importance--inevitable
consequence--remote as well as near, all the war with Spain has
raised. So broad a matter should not be rested on narrow grounds, nor
decided with haste. It ought to be scrutinized in all its bearings,
and all susceptibilities and material affairs regarded, for it will
affect all the people for all time.

What are the Philippines? They are the richest prize of soil and
climate that has been at hazard in the world for many years--one that
would be seized, if it could be done without war, by any of the great
nations other than our own without hesitation. The only scruple we need
entertain, the sole reason for deliberation, is because it is a duty of
the government to be sure when there are imperial considerations to be
weighed, that the people should be consulted. It was on this account
distinctly, that the President knew the issue of the permanency of
the possession of the Philippines was one of peculiar novelty and
magnitude, that he permitted it to exist. Spain must have been as
acquiescent in this as in yielding the independence of Cuba, and the
concession to us without any intermediate formality of Porto Rico. It
is not inconsistent with the policy of magnanimity that is generally
anticipated after the victory of a great power over a lesser one,
that we should hold the Philippines. We have only to keep the power
we have in peace, and let it work as a wholesome medicine, and all
the islands of the group of which Manila is the central point, will
be ours without conflict. In our system there is healing for wounds,
and attraction for the oppressed. The holding of the islands by Spain
would signify the continued shedding of blood, and drainage of the
vital resources of the peninsula. As against Spain the Philippines
will be united and desperate unto death, while they would without
coercion walk hand in hand with us, and become the greatest of our
dependencies--not states, but territories.

It would be an act of mercy to Spain to send her soldiers and priests
from the Philippines, home. Even if we consent that she may keep
her South Sea possession, she will lose it as she has all the rest,
for the story of the Philippines is that of Spanish South and Central
America, and the modern story of Cuba is the old one of all countries
South and West of the Gulf of Mexico and around by way of the Oceans
to Argentina, Mexico, Venezuela, Peru, Chili, and the rest had the
same bloody stream of history to trace, and sooner or later the
tale must all be told. Since Spain has already surrendered Cuba and
Porto Rico, the record of the Philippines is the last chapter of her
colonial experiences, by which she has dazzled and disgusted the world,
attaining from the plunder of dependencies wealth that she invested
in oppressive warfare to sustain a depraved despotism and display
a grandeur that was unsound, sapping her own strength in colonial
enterprises that could not be other than without profit, because the
colonies were the property of the crown, and the prey of caste.

The Spanish nation was forbidden by their government, not of the
people or for the people, to profit by the colonies, and the viceroys,
the captain-generals, and the whole official class were corrupted,
and inefficient in all things, except methods of tyranny to procure
a harvest of gold and silver not from the mines of the metals alone,
but from the industries, whatever they were. The people at large were
allowed no share in their own earnings, beyond a subsistence so scanty
that deep humiliation and grievous hardship were the fateful rewards
of labor.

It was because the colonial policy of Spain impoverished and degraded
the Spaniards at home, through the injustice, greed and profligacy
of those abroad, that the huge structure, once so great an imposition
upon mankind, a rotten fabric so gilt that the inherent weakness was
disguised, has finally fallen into universal and irretrievable ruin.

It is well Spain should retain the Canaries and the Balearic group,
for they are as Spanish as any peninsular province, and legitimately
belong therefore to the kingdom. The application of this principle
excludes Spain from the Philippines, and their des- [NOTE: gap in
original] been committed by the failure of war to our hands. There
is no nation that will dispute our peaceable possession of the
Philippines. Any other nation's proprietorship will be challenged.
Our authoritative presence in the islands will be a guarantee of peace.
Any other assertion of supremacy will be the signal for war. Our
assumption of sovereignty over the islands would quickly establish
tranquility. Any other disposition of the burning questions now
smoldering will cause an outburst of the flames of warfare. The
Spaniards in Manila have been transient. They are not rooted in the
soil. They all come and go like Captain-Generals, a mere official
class, with the orders of the Church participating actively in secular
concerns, more active as politicians than as teachers of religion. In
the view of the native population it is as indispensable that the
priests of Spain shall return to their native land as that the soldiers
should go. The deportation of these people would remove classes of
consumers and not affect unfavorably a productive industry, or the
prosperity of a self-sustaining community, and there would be but
rare instances of the severance of family ties.

It will be said of the affirmation that, the avowal of the possession
of the Philippines as a responsibility without end would be a peace
measure, and anything else make for war, does not take into account
the attitude of the Philippine Dictator, by proclamation, General
Aguinaldo, and his followers. We desire to speak with respect of the
General, for he has shown in trying times, under strong temptations,
the presence in his character of personal integrity in public matters,
and reference is made to his refusal to consent to the division among
insurgents alleged to be leaders, of the money paid by the Spaniards
for the disarmament of the rebels, when two years ago there was an
agreement upon the terms of a truce. This money transaction has
been referred to as the sale of their cause by Aguinaldo and his
associates, as if they, as individuals, had pocketed the usufruct
of the bargain. The money was paid by Spain as an earnest of her
sincerity, the Captain-General representing the force and good faith
of the kingdom, in granting reforms to the Philippines. On condition
of insurgent disarmament the people of the island were to be allowed
representation in the Spanish Cortes, the orders of the Church were
to be removed from relations to the Government that were offensive
to the people. There was a long list of articles of specification
of the reforms that were to be granted, the usual liberality of
words of promise always bestowed by Spain upon her colonists. The
representatives of Spain denied nothing that was asked; and to
give weight to the program of concessions, there was paid in hand to
Aguinaldo, through a transaction between banks in Manila and Hongkong,
four hundred thousand dollars, the first installment of eight hundred
thousand dollars agreed upon. [1] The Spaniards probably understood
that they were bribing the insurgents and paying a moderate sum to
cheaply end the war; and it did not cost the authorities of Spain
anything, for they exacted the money from the Manila Bank of Spain,
and still owe the bank. Aguinaldo's understanding, acted upon,
was different. He accepted the money as a war fund, and has held and
defended it for the purchase of arms, and resumed hostilities when all
promises of reform were broken, and nothing whatever done beyond the
robbery of the bank to bribe the rebel chiefs, which was the Spanish
translation. Of course, it was claimed by the enemies of Aguinaldo
that he was bought and paid for, but he has maintained the fund,
though there were those professors of rebellion, who made claims
to a share of the money. The second installment of the money that
the rebels were to have been paid is yet an obligation not lifted,
and the hostilities were revived as soon as the craft of the Spanish
negotiators in promising everything because they meant to do nothing,
became obvious. The actual proceedings in this case can be summed up
in a sentence: The Spaniards took four hundred thousand dollars out
of the Bank of Spain and gave it to the insurgents, for a temporary
armistice. General Aguinaldo, though he appears very well in refusing
to employ the money paid by Spain as a bribe for himself, has not
the elements of enduring strength as the leader of the insurgents. As
against the Spaniards he can keep the field, and carry on a destructive
guerilla warfare, hopeless on both sides, like that going on in Cuba,
when that island was invaded by the American army. But as against
American rule the Philippines would cease to be insurgents. The
islanders will not be controlled by sentimentalism. Government by the
United States would differ from that by Spain, as the two nations are
different in character, in the nature of their political institutions,
in their progressive movement. America is all active and free, and her
freedom would be extended to the islanders. The transformation would
be one from the paralysis of despotism to the life of liberty. The
words despotism and freedom would instantly have a distinct business
meaning. Make known in the city of Manila that the Americans will
abandon it, and the reviving hopes of the men of affairs would be
instantly clouded, and the depression deepen into despondency and
despair. Let it be the news of the day that the Americans will stay,
and the intelligence of the city would regard its redemption as
assured, every drooping interest revive, and an era of prosperity
unknown under the dismal incompetency of Spain, open at once. It is
legitimate that there should be freedom of speech as to the details
of the proceedings. If our Government should do what Admiral Dewey
did when he was the master of Manila, because he had annihilated the
Spanish fleet and had the power to destroy the city--cast anchor and
stay where we are already in command--the task is neither so complex
nor costly as its opponents claim. Our territorial system is one easy
of application to colonies. We have had experience of it from the
first days of our Government. There is no commandment that a Territory
shall become a State in any given time, or ever. We can hold back a
Territory, as we have Arizona and New Mexico, or hasten the change
to Statehood according to the conditions, and the perfect movement of
the machinery requires only the presence in Congress of dominant good
sense. Congress is easily denounced, but no one has found a substitute
for it, and it is fairly representative of the country. Congress will
never gamble away the inheritance of the people. It will probably,
in spite of all shortcomings, have its average of ability and utility
kept up. Congress may go wrong, but will not betray. Our outlying
possessions must be Territories until they are Americanized, and we
take it Americans know what that word means. If a specification is
wanted as a definition, we have to say the meaning is just what has
happened in California since our flag was there. In the case of the
Philippines, if we stick, and we do not see how we can help doing so,
the President will, in regular course, appoint a Territorial Governor,
and as a strong Government capable of quick and final decisions must
be made, the Governor should be a military man, and have a liberal
grant, by special Act of Congress, of military authority. He should
be a prompt, and all around competent administrator. He will not have
to carry on war offensive or defensive. He need not be in a hurry
to go far from Manila. He will not be molested there. The country
will gravitate to him. The opponents of the Republican form of
Government, as it is in the United States and the Territories of the
Nation will become insignificant in the Philippines. They will have
no grievances, except some of them may not be called at once to put
on the trappings of personal potentiality. General Aguinaldo would
find all the reforms the Spanish promised when they paid him four
hundred thousand dollars to prove their good intentions, free as the
air. He could not make war against the benignancy of a Government,
Republican in its form and its nature, which simply needs a little
time, some years maybe, before erasing the wrongs that have had a
growth of centuries. The American Governor-General need not send out
troops to conquer districts, coercing the people. The people will soon
be glad to see the soldiers of the United States, the representatives
of the downfall and departure of the instruments of Spain. Aguinaldo
and his party have a Congress. It might be an approved beginning of
a Territorial Legislature, and the insurgent General might be the
presiding officer. There would be abundant reason for the auspicious
exercise of all his rights in the public service. As for the cost
of the Philippines under our Government, that would fall upon the
treasury of the United States. There can be no doubt that it would be
for several years a considerable sum, but the public men who favored
peace for the liberation of Cuba, did not make counting the cost
the most prominent feature of the war they advocated, but accepted
the fact that the national honor and fame, the glory of heroism and
deeds of daring and sacrifice, are priceless, and their achievement
beyond price. There is to be said under this head, that the Philippine
Islands are of natural riches almost without parallel. The great isle
of Luzon teems with productions that have markets the world over,
and it is commonplace for the savages in the mountains to come out
of their fastnesses with nuggets of gold to make purchases. Cotton,
sugar, rice, hemp, coffee and tobacco, all tropical fruits and woods,
are of the products. There is profusion of the riches that await the
freedom of labor and the security of capital, and the happiness of the
people. Under American government the Philippines would prosper, and it
would be one of our tasks to frame legislation. The laws of Congress
would be the higher code of law, and the Philippines would desire,
and be invited, of course, to send their ablest men to be Territorial
representatives in the Congress of the United States. In the name
of peace, therefore, and in behalf of the dignity and authority of
this Nation--in mercy to the Spaniards, in justice to the Filipinos,
it is due ourselves, and should have the favor of all who would see
our country expand with the ages, and walking in the footsteps of
Washington and Jefferson, finding the path of empire that of freedom
and taking our place as a great Power, accepting the logic of our
history, and the discharge of the duties of destiny--we should hold
on to the Philippines--and when the great distance of those islands
from this continent is mentioned, remember that the Pacific may now
be crossed in as few days as was the Atlantic forty years ago.

The labor questions and the silver questions even come into the
Philippines problem to be scanned and weighed. In Eastern Asia,
which we have invaded, and a part of which we have appropriated for
a time, the people use silver for the measure of value, and in the
islands that interest us, as they do not deal in the mysteries of
rupees, but in dollars, the facts in the case are plainly within the
common understanding. In Manila the Mexican dollar goes in ordinary
small exchanges, payment of wages and settlement of bills, for fifty
cents; but the banks sell the Mexicans twenty-one of them for ten gold
dollars--an American eagle! So far as the native people go, labor and
produce are counted in silver, and the purchaser, or employer gets
as much for a silver dollar as for a gold dollar. The native will
take ten dollars in gold for ten dollars only in all settlements
of accounts, and would just as willingly--even more so, accept ten
Mexican dollars as ten American dollars in gold coin. Salaries are
paid and goods delivered according to the silver standard. Of course,
in due time this state of things will pass away, if we hold to the
gold standard, but as the case stands the soldiers and sailors of
our army and fleet, paid under the home standard, receive double pay,
and get double value received for clothing, tobacco and whatever they
find they want--indeed, for the necessaries and luxuries of life. The
double standard in this shape is not distasteful to the boys.

We have both theories and conditions confronting us in these aspects
of the silver and labor questions. The Oriental people are obdurate
in their partiality for silver. It is the cheaper labor that adheres
to the silver standard, partially, it is held, because silver is the
more convenient money for the payment of small sums. But labor cannot
be expected, at its own expense, to sustain silver for the profit of
capital, or rather of the middle man between labor and capital. Labor,
so far as it is in politics in this country, should not, without
most careful study and deliberation, conclude that its force in
public affairs would be abated, and its policy of advancing wages
antagonized by the absorption of the Philippines in our country. On
the contrary, the statesmanship that is representative of labor may
discover that it is a great fact, one of the greatest of facts,
that the various countries and continents of the globe are being
from year to year more and more closely associated, and that to
those intelligently interested, without regard to the application
of their views of justice or expediency, in the labor and silver
questions--the convictions, the fanaticisms, of the vast silver
nations--and enormous multitudes of the people of Asia, touching the
silver standard--and the possible progress of labor, as a guiding as
well as plodding ability increases incessantly in interest, and must
grow in inheritance. As the conditions of progressive civilization are
developed our interests cannot be wholly dissevered from those of the
Asiatics. We would be unwise to contemplate the situation of to-day
as one that can or should perpetuate itself. Suppose we accept, the
governing responsibility in the Philippines. It is not beyond the range
of reasonable conjecture that American labor can educate the laborers
of the Philippines out of their state of servitude as cheap laborers,
and lead them to co-operate rather than compete with us, and not to
go into the silver question further than to consent that it exists,
and is in the simplest form of statement, whether the change in the
market value of the two money metals is natural or artificial. It is
necessary in common candor to state that the most complete solution
of the money metal embarrassments would be through the co-operation
of Asia and America. Europe is for gold, Asia for silver, and the
Americas divided. Japan is an object lesson, her approximation to
the gold standard has caused in the Empire an augmentation of the
compensation of labor. This is not wholly due to the change in the
standard. The war with China, the increase in the army and navy, and
the absorption of laborers in Formosa, the new country of Japan, have
combined with the higher standard of value, to elevate wages. All facts
are of primary excellence in the formation of the policies of nations.



CHAPTER IX

The Philippine Islands As They Are.

Area and Population--Climate--Mineral Wealth--Agriculture--Commerce
and Transportation--Revenue and Expenses--Spanish Troops--Spanish
Navy--Spanish Civil Administration--Insurgent Troops--Insurgent Civil
Administration--United States Troops--United States Navy--United
States Civil Administration--The Future of the Islands.

General Frank V. Greene made an exhaustive study of all reports
of an official character regarding the area, population, climate,
resources, commerce, revenue and expenses of the Philippines Islands,
and prepared a memorandum for the general information that is the
most thorough and complete ever made, and is the latest and highest
authority on all the subjects to which it relates, and they include
the solid information the business men of the United States want
respecting our Asiatic associations. The memorandum is herewith
submitted in substance, and all the particulars of public concern.


Area and Population.

These islands, including the Ladrones, Carolinas and Palaos, which
are all under the Government of Manila, are variously estimated at
from 1,200 to 1,300 in number. The greater portion of these are small
and of no more value than the islands off the coast of Alaska. The
important islands are less than a dozen in number, and 90 per cent. of
the Christian population live on Luzon and the five principal islands
of the Visayas group.

The total population is somewhere between 7,000,000 and 9,000,000. This
includes the wild tribes of the mountains of Luzon and of the islands
in the extreme south. The last census taken by the Spanish Government
was on December 31, 1887, and this stated the Christian population
to be 6,000,000 (in round numbers). This is distributed as follows:


                                           Per
                  Area.   Population.   Sq. Mile.
        Luzon    44,400    3,426,000       79
        Panay     4,700      735,000      155
        Cebu      2,400      504,000      210
        Leyte     3,300      279,000       71
        Bohol     1.300      245,000      188
        Negros    3,300      242,000       73
                 ======    =========      ===
                 59,800    5,422,000       91


The density of population in these six islands is nearly 50 per
cent. greater than in Illinois and Indiana (census of 1890), greater
than in Spain, about one-half as great as in France, and one-third
as great as in Japan and China, the exact figures being as follows:


                     Area.     Population.       Per Sq. Mile.
    Illinois        56,000       3,826,351            68
    Indiana         35,910       2,192,494            61
                    ------       ---------           ---
                    91,910       6,018,755            64

    Spain          197,670      17,565,632            88
    France         204,092      38,517,975           189
    Japan          147,655      42,270,620           286
    China        1,312,328     383,253,029           292


The next most important islands, in the order of population, are:


                 Area.         Population.    Per Sq. Mile.
    Mindanao     34,000        209,000            6
    Samar         4,800        186,000           38
    Mindoro       4,000         67,000           17
    Nomblon         600         35,000           58
    Masbate       1,400         21,000           15
                 ------        -------           --
                 44,800        518,000           11


Various smaller islands, including the Carolinas, Ladrones and Palaos,
carry the total area and Christian population to--


                140,000       6,000,000          43


This is considerably greater than the density of population in the
States east of the Rocky Mountains. Owing to the existence of mountain
ranges in all the islands, and lack of communication in the interior,
only a small part of the surface is inhabited. In many provinces the
density of population exceeds 200 per square mile, or greater than
that of any of the United States, except Massachusetts and Rhode
Island. The total area of the Philippines is about the same as that
of Japan, but its civilized population is only one-seventh.

In addition to the Christian population, it is estimated (in the
Official Guide) that the islands contain the following:


    Chinese (principally in Manila)                 75,000
    Moors or Mohametans in Paragon and Jok         100,000
    Moors or Mohametans in Mindanao and Basilan    209,000
    Heathen in the Philippines                     830,000
    Heathen in the Carolinas and Palaos             50,000
                                                 ---------
                                                 1,264,000


The Official Guide gives a list of more than thirty different races,
each speaking a different dialect; but five-sixths of the Christian
population are either Tagalos or Visayas. All the races are of the
Malay type. Around Manila there has been some mixture of Chinese and
Spanish blood with that of the natives, resulting in the Mestizos or
Half-breeds, but the number of these is not very great.

As seen in the provinces of Cavite and Manila, the natives (Tagalos)
are of small stature, averaging probably 5 feet 4 inches in height,
and 120 pounds in weight for the men, and 5 feet in height, and 100
pounds in weight for the women. Their skin is coppery brown, somewhat
darker than that of the mulatto. They seem to be industrious and
hard-working, although less so than the Chinese. By the Spaniards they
are considered indolent, crafty, untruthful, cowardly and cruel, but
the hatred between the Spaniards and the native races is so intense
and bitter that the Spanish opinion of the natives is of little
or no value. To us they seem industrious and docile, but there are
occasional evidences of deceit and untruthfulness in their dealings
with us. The bulk of the population is engaged in agriculture, and
there were hardly any evidences of manufactures, arts or mining. The
greater number seemed to be able to read and write, but I have been
unable to obtain any exact figures on this subject. They are all
devout Roman Catholics, although they hate the monastic orders.

In Manila (and doubtless also in Cebu and Iloilo) are many thousands of
educated natives, who are merchants, lawyers, doctors and priests. They
are well informed and have accumulated property. They have not traveled
much, but there is said to be quite a numerous colony of rich Filipinos
in Madrid, as well as in Paris and London. The bibliography of the
Philippines is said to number 4,500 volumes, the greater part of which
have been written by Spanish priests and missionaries. The number of
books on the subject in the English language is probably less than
a dozen.


Climate.

The climate is one of the best known in the tropics. The islands extend
from 5 to 21 deg. north latitude, and Manila is in 14d. 35m. The
thermometer during July and August rarely went below 79 or above
85. The extreme ranges in a year are said to be 61 and 97, and the
annual mean, 81. There are three well-marked seasons, temperate
and dry from November to February, hot and dry from March to May,
and temperate and wet from June to October. The rainy season reaches
its maximum in July and August, when the rains are constant and very
heavy. The total rainfall has been as high as 114 inches in one year.

Yellow fever appears to be unknown. The diseases most fatal among
the natives are cholera and smallpox, both of which are brought from
China. Low malarial fever is brought on by sleeping on the ground
or being chilled by remaining, without exercise, in wet clothes;
and diarrhea is produced by drinking bad water or eating excessive
quantities of fruit. Almost all of these diseases are preventable
by proper precautions, even by troops in campaign. The sickness in
our troops was very small, much less than in the cold fogs at camp
in San Francisco.


Mineral Wealth.

Very little is known concerning the mineral wealth of the islands. It
is stated that there are deposits of coal, petroleum, iron, lead,
sulphur, copper and gold in the various islands, but little or
nothing has been done to develop them. A few concessions have been
granted for working mines, but the output is not large. The gold
is reported on Luzon, coal and petroleum on Cebu and Iloilo, and
sulphur on Leyte. The imports of coal in 1894 (the latest year for
which the statistics have been printed) were 91,511 tons, and it came
principally from Australia and Japan. In the same year the imports
of iron of all kinds were 9,632 tons.

If the Cebu coal proves to be good quality there is a large market
for it in competition with the coal from Japan and Australia.


Agriculture.

Although agriculture is the chief occupation of the Philippines,
yet only one-ninth of the surface is under cultivation. The soil is
very fertile, and even after deducting the mountainous areas, it is
probable that the area of cultivation can be very largely extended,
and that the islands can support a population equal to that of Japan
(42,000,000).

The chief products are rice, corn, hemp, sugar, tobacco, cocoanuts
and cacao. Coffee and cotton were formerly produced in large
quantities--the former for export and the latter for home consumption;
but the coffee plant has been almost exterminated by insects, and the
home made cotton clothes have been driven out by the competition of
those imported from England. The rice and corn are principally produced
in Luzon and Mindoro, and are consumed in the islands; the rice crop
is about 765,000 tons; it is insufficient for the demand and 45,000
tons of rice were imported in 1894, the greater portion from Saigon,
and the rest from Hongkong and Singapore; also 8,669 tons (say 60,000
barrels) of flour, of which more than two-thirds came from China and
less than one-third from the United States.

The cacao is raised in the southern islands, the best quality of it
in Mindanao. The production amounts to only 150 tons, and it is all
made into chocolate and consumed in the islands.

The sugar cane is raised in the Visayas. The crop yielded, in 1894,
about 235,000 tons of raw sugar, of which one-tenth was consumed in
the islands and the balance, or 210,000 tons, valued at $11,000,000,
was exported, the greater part to China, Great Britain and Australia.

The hemp is produced in southern Luzon, Mindoro, the Visayas and
Mindanao. It is nearly all exported in bales. In the year 1894 the
amount was 96,000 tons, valued at $12,000,000.

Tobacco is raised in all the islands, but the best quality and the
greatest amount in Luzon. A large amount is consumed in the islands,
smoking being universal among the women as well as the men, but the
best quality is exported. The amount, in 1894, was 7,000 tons of leaf
tobacco, valued at $1,400,000, and 1,400 tons of manufactured tobacco,
valued at $1,750,000. Spain takes 30 per cent, and Egypt 10 per cent
of the leaf tobacco. Of the manufactured tobacco, 70 per cent, goes to
China and Singapore, 10 per cent. to England, and 5 per cent. to Spain.

Cocoanuts are grown in southern Luzon and are used in various ways. The
products are largely used in the islands, but the exports, in 1894,
were valued at $2,400,000.

Cattle, goats and sheep have been introduced from Spain, but they
are not numerous. Domestic pigs and chickens are seen around every
hut in the farming districts.

The principal beast of burden is the carabac or water buffalo, which
is used for ploughing rice fields, as well as drawing heavy loads on
sledges or on carts.

Large horses are almost unknown, but there are great numbers of native
ponies, from nine to twelve hands high, but possessing strength and
endurance far beyond their size.



Commerce and Transportation.

The internal commerce between Manila and the different islands is quite
large, but I was unable to find any official records giving exact
figures concerning it. It is carried on almost entirely by water,
in steamers of 500 to 1,000 tons. There are regular mail steamers,
once in two weeks, on four routes, viz.; Northern Luzon, Southern
Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao; also a steamer every two months to the
Carolines and Ladrones, and daily steamers on Manila Bay. These lines
are all subsidized. To facilitate this navigation extensive harbor
works have been in progress at Manila for several years, and a plan for
lighting the coasts has been made, calling for forty-three principal
lights, of which seventeen have already been constructed in the most
substantial manner, besides sixteen lights of secondary importance.

There is only one line of railway, built by English capital, running
from Manila north to Dagupan, a distance of about 120 miles. The roads
in the immediate vicinity of Manila are macadamized and in fairly
good order; elsewhere they are narrow paths of soft, black soil,
which becomes almost impassable in the rainy season. Transportation
is then effected by sledges, drawn through the mud by carabacs. There
are telegraph lines connecting most of the provinces of Luzon with
Manila, and cables to the Visayas and southern islands, and thence
to Borneo and Singapore, as well as a direct cable from Manila to
Hongkong. The land telegraph lines are owned by the Government, and
the cables all belong to an English company, which receives a large
subsidy. In Manila there is a narrow gauge street railway, operated
by horse-power, about eleven miles in total length; also a telephone
system, and electric lights.

Communications with Europe are maintained by the Spanish Trans-Atlantic
Company (subsidized), which sends a steamer every four weeks from
Manila and Barcelona, making the trip in about twenty-seven days. The
same company also sends an intermediate steamer from Manila to
Singapore, meeting the French Messagoric each way. There is also a
non-subsidized line running from Manila to Hongkong every two weeks,
and connecting there with the English, French and German mails for
Europe, and with the Pacific mail and Canadian Pacific steamers for
Japan and America.

There has been no considerable development of manufacturing industries
in the Philippines. The only factories are those connected with the
preparation of rice, tobacco and sugar. Of the manufactures and arts,
in which Japan so excels, there is no evidence.

The foreign commerce amounted, in 1894, to $28,558,552 in imports,
and $33,149,984 in exports, 80 per cent, of which goes through
Manila. About 60 per cent. of the trade is carried in British vessels,
20 per cent. in Spanish and 10 per cent. in German.

The value of the commerce with other countries in 1894 was as follows:

In Millions of Dollars (Silver).


                         Imports.      Exports.
    Spain                10.5           2.9
    Great Britain         7.1           8.7
    China                 4.6           6.8
    Germany               1.9           ---
    Saigon                 .9           ---
    United States          .7           7.4
    France                 .7           1.2
    Singapore              .4           1.7
    Japan                  .2           1.2
    Australia              .1           2.6
    Other Countries       1.5            .6
                         ----          ----
                         25.6          33.1


It is interesting to note that next to Great Britain we are the
largest customers of the Philippines, and that they export to us
nearly three times as much as to Spain. On the other hand Spain sells
to the Philippines fifteen times as much as we do.

The articles of import and their value in 1894 were as follows:

In Millions of Dollars (Silver).


               Spain.  Great  China. Germany. United   Other        Total.
                       Britain.               States.  Countries
Cotton Goods    3.9     4.O      .4      .3     --       .7         9.3
Cotton Yarns    1.2      .9      .2      .1     --       .1         2.5
Wines           1.8     --      --      --      --       .1         1.9
                                                        Russia.
Mineral Oils    --      --       .2     --       .4      .8         1.4
Iron             .2      .7     --       .2     --       .1         1.2
Rice            --      --      1.0     --      --       .1         1.1
Flour           --      --       .7     --       .2     --           .9
Sweet Meats      .5     --      --      --      --       .3          .8
Paper            .4     --      --       .1     --       .2          .7
Linen Goods      .1      .1      .1     --      --       .3          .6
Hats             .1     --      --       .3     --       .2          .6
Other Articles  2.3     1.4     2.O      .9      .1      .9         7.6
                --      --      --      --      --      --          --
               10.5     7.1     4.6     1.9      .7     3.8         28.6


The articles of export and their value in 1894 were as follows:

In Millions of Dollars (Silver).

                    Spain   Great   China   United  Austra- Other     Total
                            Britain         States  lia     Countries
Hemp                --      5.3      .9     6.6      .6     1.1 [2]   14.5
Sugar                .4     2.7     4.O      .7     1.9     1.3 [3]   11.O
Man'f. Tobacco       .2      .1      .7      ..      .1      .7 [4]    1.3
Leaf Tobacco        1.1      ..      ..      ..      ..      .3        1.4
Coffee               .3      ..      .1      ..      ..      ..         .4
Cocoanuts            ..      .6      .1      ..      ..      ..         .7
Other Articles       .9      ..      1.O      .1     ..     1.3        3.3
                    --      --      --      --      --      --         --
                    2.9     8.7     6.8     7.4     2.6     4.7       33.16


With these islands in our possession and the construction of railroads
in the interior of Luzon, it is probable that an enormous extension
could be given to this commerce, nearly all of which would come to
the United States. Manila cigars of the best quality are unknown in
America. They are but little inferior to the best of Cuba, and cost
only one-third as much. The coffee industry can be revived and the
sugar industry extended, mainly for consumption in the far East. The
mineral resources can be explored with American energy, and there is
every reason to believe that when this is done the deposits of coal,
iron, gold and lead will be found very valuable. On the other hand,
we ought to be able to secure the greater part of the trade which now
goes to Spain in textile fabrics, and a considerable portion of that
with England in the same goods and in iron.


Revenue and Expenses.

The budget for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1897, was as follows:


    Income.

    1st. Direct Taxes                         $8,496,170
    2nd. Indirect Taxes (Customs)              6,200,550
    3rd. Proceeds of Monopolies                1,222,000
    4th. Lottery                               1,000,000
    5th. Income of Government Property           257,000
    6th. Sundry Receipts                         298,300
                                             -----------
    Total                                    $17,474,020


    Expenses.

    1st. General Expenses, Pensions and Interest  $1,506,686
    2nd. Diplomatic and Consular Service              74,000
    3rd. Clergy and Courts                         1,876,740
    4th. War Department                            6,035,316
    5th. Treasury Department                       1,392,414
    6th. Navy Department                           3,562,716
    7th. Civil Administration                      2,195,378
    8th. Education                                   614,395
                                                 -----------
    Total                                        $17,258,145



The Direct Taxes were as follows:


    1st. Real Estate, 5 per cent, on income      $  140,280
    2nd. Industry and Commerce                    1,400,700
    3rd. Cedalas (Poll Tax)                       5,600,000
    4th. Chinese Poll Tax                           510,190
    5th. Tribute from Sultan of Jolo                 20,000
    6th. Railroads, 10 per cent. of
         Passenger Receipts                          32,000
    7th. Income Tax, 10 per cent. on Public
         Salaries                                   730,000
    8th. Sundry Taxes                                63,000
                                                 ----------
    Total                                        $8,496,170


Indirect Taxes were as follows:


    1st. Imports                                  $3,600,000
    2nd. Exports                                   1,292,550
    3rd. Loading Tax                                 410,000
    4th. Unloading Tax                               570,000
    5th. Fines and Penalties                          27,000
    6th. Special Tax on Liquors, Beer,
         Vegetables, Flour, Salt and Mineral
         Oils                                        301,000
                                                  ----------
    Total                                         $6,200,550


Monopolies:


    1st. Opium Contract                           $  576,000
    2nd. Stamped Paper and Stamps                    646,000
                                                  ----------
    Total                                         $1,222,000


Lottery:


    1st. Sale of Tickets, Less Cost of Prizes     $  964,000
    2nd. Unclaimed Prizes                             30,000
    3rd. Sundry Receipts                               6,000
                                                  ----------
    Total                                         $1,000,000


Income of Government Property:


    1st. Forestry Privileges                       $170,000
    2nd. Sale and Rent of Public Land and
         Buildings                                   85,000
    3rd. Mineral Privileges                           2,000
                                                   --------
    Total                                          $257,000


Sundry Receipts:


    1st. Mint (Seignorage)                        $200,000
    2nd. Sundries                                   98,300
                                                  --------
    Total                                         $298,300


The largest source of income is the Cedala or Poll Tax. Every
man and woman above 18 years of age, residing in the Philippines,
whether Spanish subject or foreigner, is required to have in his or
her possession a paper stating name, age, and occupation, and other
facts of personal identity. Failure to produce and exhibit this when
called upon renders anyone liable to arrest and imprisonment. This
paper is obtained from the internal revenue office annually, on
payment of a certain sum, varying, according to the occupation and
income of the person from $0.75 to $20.00, and averaging about $3.00
for each adult. An extra sum of 2 per cent. is paid for expense of
collection. The tax is collected at the Tribunal in each pueble,
and 20 per cent. is retained for expenses of local administration,
and 80 per cent. paid to the General Treasury. This tax falls heavily
on the poor and lightly on the rich. The tax on industry and commerce
is similarly graded according to the volume of business transacted by
each merchant or merchantile corporation. The tax on real estate is
absurdly low and levied only on municipal property and on the rent,
not the value.

The tax on imports is specific and not ad valorum; it amounts to
about 13 per cent. of estimated values. The free list is very small,
nearly everything of commercial value which is imported being subject
to duty. The revenue from imports has increased from $566,143 in 1865,
to $3,695,446 in 1894. It was about the same in 1897. On the other
hand the export tax, which was nothing in 1892, the loading tax,
which was nothing in 1893, and the unloading tax, which was nothing
in 1894, have all been increased in the last few years in order to
meet the expenses of suppressing the insurrection. These three items
yielded nearly $2,700,000 in 1897.

The monopoly of importing and selling opium is sold, by auction, to
the highest bidder for a term of three years. The present contract
runs until 1899, and yields $48,000 per month.

Every legal document must be drawn up on paper containing a revenue
stamp, engraved and printed in Spain, and every note, check, draft,
bill of exchange, receipt or similar document must bear a revenue
stamp in order to be valid. These stamps and stamped paper yielded
a revenue of $646,000 in 1897.

The lottery is conducted by the Government--the monthly drawings
taking place in the Treasury (Hacienda) Department. The sale of
tickets yielded $1,000,000 over and above prizes in 1897.

In a report to General Merritt, on August 29th, I recommended that
the opium contract be cancelled and the lottery abandoned during our
occupation of Manila; and as the poll tax and the tax on industry
and commerce had been paid for the most part in the early part of
the year, our chief sources of revenue were from the custom house,
the sale of stamps and stamped paper, and the sale of such licenses as
the law allowed (amusements, liquor saloons, etc.), for the benefit
of the city of Manila as distinguished from the general revenue. I
estimated the total at about $500,000 per month.

The expenses of administering the military government of occupation
(apart from the expenses of the army) will consist of the current
expenses of the office at the Provost Marshal General's office and
its various bureaus--at the custom house, internal revenue office,
and other offices--and the salaries of interpreters and minor employes
who are anxious to resume work as soon as they dare do so. An estimate
of these expenses was being prepared at the time I left, but was not
completed. It can hardly exceed $200,000 per month and may be much
less. This should leave $300,000 (silver) excess of income per month,
to go towards the military expenses of occupation.

As soon as it is decided that we are to retain the islands it will
be necessary to make a careful study of the sources of revenue and
items of expenses for all the islands, with a view to thoroughly
understanding the subject, before introducing the extensive changes
which will be necessary.


Currency.

The standard of value has always, until within a few years, been the
Mexican milled dollar. The Spanish dollar contains a little less silver
and, in order to introduce it and profit by the coinage, the Spaniards
prohibited the importation of Mexican dollars a few years since. Large
numbers of Mexican dollars remained in that country, however, and
others were smuggled in. The two dollars circulate at equal value.

All valuations of goods and labor are based on the silver dollar,
and a change to the gold standard would result in great financial
distress and many failures among the banks and mercantile houses in
Manila. Their argument is that while an American ten-dollar gold
piece will bring twenty-one silver dollars at any bank or house
having foreign connections, yet it will not buy any more labor or
any more hemp and sugar from the original producer than ten silver
dollars. The products of the country are almost entirely agricultural,
and the agricultural class, whether it sells its labor or its products,
would refuse to accept any less than the accustomed wages or prices,
on account of being paid in the more valuable coin. The result of
the change would be that the merchant or employe would have to pay
double for what he buys, and would receive no increase for what he
sells. While trade would eventually adjust itself to the change,
yet many merchants would be ruined in the process and would drag some
banks down with them.

The Mexican dollar is the standard also in Hongkong and China, and the
whole trade of the Far East has, for generations, been conducted on a
silver basis. Japan has, within the last year, broken away from this
and established the gold standard, but in doing so the relative value
of silver and gold was fixed at 32 1/2 to 1, or about the market rate.


Public Debt.

I was unable to obtain any precise information in regard to the
colonial debt. The last book on statistics of imports and exports was
for the fiscal year 1894, and the last printed budget was for 1896-7,
which was approved by the Queen Regent in August, 1896. Subsequent to
this date, according to the statements made to me by foreign bankers,
the Cortes authorized two colonial loans of $14,000,000 (silver)
each, known as Series A and Series B. The proceeds were to be used
in suppressing the insurrection. Both were to be secured by a first
lien on the receipts of the Manila custom house.

Series A is said to have been sold in Spain and the proceeds to have
been paid into the Colonial Office; but no part of them has ever
reached the Philippines. Possibly a portion of it was used in sending
out the 25,000 troops which came from Spain to the Philippines in
the autumn of 1896.

Series B was offered for sale in Manila, but was not taken. An effort
was then made to obtain subscribers in the Provinces, but with little
or no success. The Government then notified the depositors in the
Public Savings Bank (a branch of the Treasury Department similar to the
postal savings bureaus in other countries) that their deposits would no
longer be redeemed in cash, but only in Series B bonds. Some depositors
were frightened and took bonds, others declined to do so. Then came
the blockade of Manila and all business was practically suspended.

No printed report has been made concerning the debt, and I was unable
to obtain any satisfactory statement of the matter from the treasury
officials.

The exact in regard to the Series A bonds can be learned in Madrid;
but it will be difficult to learn how many of Series B were issued
and what consideration was received for them.

As already stated, both series of bonds rest for security on the
receipts of the Manila custom house.


Spanish Troops.

The Spanish prisoners of war number about 13,000, including about
400 officers. The infantry arms are about 32,000, the greater part
Mauser model 1895, caliber 28, and the others Remingtons, model
1889, caliber 43. The ammunition is about 22,000,000 rounds. The
field artillery consists of about twelve breech-loading steel guns,
caliber 3 5-10 inches, and ten breech-loading mountain guns, caliber
3 2-10 inches. There are six horses (ponies) for each gun, but the
harness is in bad order. Ammunition, about sixty rounds per gun, with
possibly more in the arsenals. There are about 500 cavalry ponies,
larger than the average of native horses, with saddles and equipments
complete. There is also a battalion of engineers. The fortifications of
the walled city are a fine sample of the Vauban type, on which military
engineers expended so much ingenuity 150 years ago, and of which Spain
possessed so many in her Flemish dominions. The first walls of Manila
were built about 1590, but the present fortifications date from a short
time after the capture and occupation of the place by the English,
in 1762-64. They consist of bastions and curtains, deep, wet ditch,
covered way, lunettes, demilunes, hornworks, and all the scientific
accessories of that day. They are in a good state of preservation, and
mount several hundred bronze guns, but they are chiefly of interest to
the antiquarian. On the glacis facing the bay, and also on the open
space just south of the walls, are mounted 9-inch breech loaders,
four in all, made at Hoatoria, Spain, in 1884. They are well mounted,
between high traverses, in which are bomb-proof magazines. These
guns are practically uninjured, and Admiral Dewey has the breech
blocks. While not as powerful as the guns of the present day of the
same caliber, they are capable of effective service. Their location,
however, is very faulty, as they are on the shore of the bay, with all
the churches, public buildings and most valuable property immediately
behind them. On the day after the naval battle Admiral Dewey sent word
to the Governor-General that if these guns fired a shot at any of his
vessels he would immediately reply with his whole squadron. Owing to
their location, this meant a bombardment of the city. This threat was
effective; these guns were never afterward fired, not even during the
attack of August 13th, and in return the navy did not fire on them,
but directed all their shells at the forts and trenches occupied by
the troops outside of the suburbs of the city.

Within the walled city are the cathedral and numerous churches,
convents and monasteries, the public offices, civil and military,
military workshops and arsenals, barracks for artillery, cavalry and
engineers, storehouses and a few dwellings and shops.

The infantry barracks are outside of the walls, four in number;
viz.: Neysing, Fortin, Calzada and Fruita. They are modern and
well constructed, and will accommodate about 4,000 men. They are
now occupied by the United States troops. Under the terms of the
armistice the arms laid down by the Spanish troops on August 14th
are to be returned to them whenever they evacuate the city, or the
American army evacuates it. All other public property, including
horses, artillery, public funds, munitions, etc., is surrendered to
the United States unconditionally.

The question of sending back the troops to Spain is left absolutely to
the decision of the authorities in Washington. They are all within
the walled city, but as the public buildings are insufficient
to accommodate them, they are quartered in the churches and
convents. These buildings are not adapted for this purpose; they
have no sinks, lavatories, kitchens or sleeping apartments, and
there is great danger of an epidemic of sickness if the troops are
not soon removed.

Pending their removal they are being fed with rations furnished by
the United States Commissary Department, and the officers receive
from the United States sufficient money for their support.


Spanish Navy.

At the outbreak of the war the naval force in the Philippines
consisted of


                10 Cruisers.
                19 Gunboats.
                 4 Armed Launches.
                 3 Transports.
                 1 Survey Boat.
                37


Of these Admiral Dewey destroyed, on May 1st, ten cruisers and one
transport, and he has since captured two gunboats. The Spaniards have
sunk one transport and two or three gunboats in the Pasig River. There
remain thirteen or fourteen gunboats, which are scattered among
the islands. They are of iron, from 140 to 200 tons each, are armed
with one breech-loading rifle, caliber 3 6-10 inches, and two to four
machine guns, each caliber 44-100 to 1 inch. One of the captured boats,
the Callao, under command of Lieutenant Tappan, United States Navy,
and a crew of eighteen men, rendered very efficient service in the
attack of August 13th. These boats would all be useful in the naval
police of the islands. They will, however, probably be scuttled by
the Spaniards before the islands are surrendered.

The Navy Yard at Cavite has barracks for about 1,500 men (now occupied
by United States troops) and has shops and ways for light work and
vessels of less than 1,000 tons. Many of the gunboats above mentioned
were built there. The shallow depth of water in Canacoa or Cavite Bay
would prevent the enlargement of this naval station to accommodate
large vessels, and the plan of the Spaniards was to create a large
naval station in Subig Bay, on which considerable money has already
been spent.


Spanish Civil Administration.

The Government of the Philippine Islands, including the Ladrones,
Carolinas and Palaos, is vested in the Governor-General, who,
in the language of the Spanish Official Guide, or Blue Book,
"is the sole and legitimate representative in these islands of the
supreme power of the Government of the King of Spain, and, as such,
is the supreme head of all branches of the public service, and has
authority to inspect and supervise the same, not excepting the courts
of justice." The office is held by a Lieutenant-General in the Spanish
army, and he is also Vice Royal Patron of the Indies, exercising in
these islands the ecclesiastical functions conferred on the King of
Spain by various Bulls of the Popes of Rome, Captain-General-in-Chief
of the Army of the Philippines, Inspector-General of all branches of
the service, Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forces, and President of
all corporations and societies which partake of an official character.

What corresponds to his Cabinet, or Ministry, consists of

(a) The Archbishop of Manila and four Bishops, who administer
ecclesiastical affairs in the five dioceses into which the islands
are divided for this purpose; the appointment of parish priests
and curates, however, is vested in the Governor-General. The
various religious orders which exercise so large an influence in the
politics and business of the islands, viz.: Augustinians, Dominicans,
Recollects. Franciscans, Capuchins, Benedictines and Jesuits, are
all under the management of the Bishops, subject to the supervision
of the Pope, and the prerogatives of the King as Royal Patron, which
prerogatives are exercised by the Governor-General as Viceroy.

(b) The High Court of Justice in Manila, which is the Court of
Appeals in civil and governmental cases for all the islands. There
are two principal criminal courts in Cebu and Vigan (northern Luzon)
and appeal in criminal cases lies to these courts or to the High Court
of Manila. In every Province there is a court of primary jurisdiction
in both civil and criminal cases.

(c) The General, second in command, who is a General of Division in
the Spanish army. He is the sub-inspector of all branches of the
military service, is Military Governor of the Province and city
of Manila and commands all the troops stationed therein, and in
the absence or sickness of the Captain General he commands all the
military forces in the islands.

(d) The General Commandant of Dock Yards and Squadron. This post is
filled by a Vice Admiral in the Spanish navy, and he commands the
naval forces, ships and establishments in the islands.

(e) The Minister of Finance, or Intendente General de Hacienda,
who is charged with the collection of customs and internal taxes,
the expenditures of public money, and the audit and control of public
accounts.

(f) The Minister of the Interior, or Director General of Civil
Administration, who is charged with all public business relating
to public instruction, charities, health, public works, forests,
mines, agriculture, industry and commerce, posts and telegraphs
and meteorology.

For the purpose of local administration the islands are divided into
Provinces and Districts, classified as follows:


            19 Civil Governments.
            24 Political-Military Governments.
            23 Political-Military Commands.
            15 Military Commands.


The most important of the Provinces are Manila, with a population of
400,238 (of which 10 per cent. are Chinese), and Cebu, with 501,076;
and the least important districts are Balabas and Corregidor, with
420 and 320 respectively.

The governor or commandant has supreme control within his province
or district of every branch of the public service, including the
Courts of Justice, and each reports to the Governor General. The
Guardia Civil or Gendarmerie, is subject only to his orders, and for
arrests and imprisonment for political offenses, he is responsible,
not to the law, but to the Governor General and the King.

The Civil Governments are governed by Civil Governors, of the rank in
the Spanish Civil Service of Chiefs of Administration of the second
class. The Political Military Governments and Commands are in charges
of military and naval officers of various grades, according to their
size and importance; ranging from General of Division at Mindanao,
Brigadier-Generals at Cebu and Iloilo, Captain in the navy at Paragua,
down to Lieutenant at Balabas and Corregidor.

The Civil or Military Governor is assisted by a secretary, a judge,
an administrator of finances, a postmaster and a captain of police.

The affairs of cities are managed by a council (Ayuntamiento)
consisting of a president, a recorder (Sindico), one or more mayors
(Alcaldo), six to ten aldermen (Regidores) and a secretary.

Outside of the cities each province or district is divided into a
number of villages or parishes (Pueblos); the total number of these
is 1,055; in each there is a parish priest, a municipal captain,
a justice of the peace, a school master and school mistress. The
number of cities is very small, and the social life of the community
depends almost wholly on the form of government of the Pueblos, or
villages. In 1893 this was reorganized with the alleged intention of
giving local self-government. The scheme is complicated and curious
and only an outline of it can be given here. It is contained in full
in the Royal Decree of May 19, 1893, a long document, supplemented
by still longer regulations for carrying the same into effect.

In brief every Pueblo in which there are paid more than 1,000 Cedulas
(poll tax) shall have a municipal tribunal consisting of five members,
by whom its local affairs and funds shall be managed. The members are a


            Municipal Captain.
            Senior Lieutenant.
            Lieutenant of Police.
            Lieutenant of Agriculture.
            Lieutenant of Cattle.


And the Village Priest is required to attend all the important
meetings.

The Captain holds office for four years, and is eligible for
indefinite re-election; the Lieutenants hold office for four years
also, one-half of them going out of office every two years, and they
are ineligible for re-election until two years after the expiration
of their term. Both Captains and Lieutenants are elected, on a day
designated by the Governor, and in presence of the village priest, and
out going Captain, by the Principalia, or body of principal men of the
village. The village is subdivided into Barangayes, or group of about
100 families each, and for each Barangay there is a Chief or Headman
(Cabeza), who is appointed by the Governor, on the recommendation of
the Municipal Tribunal. The Principalia is made up of


        Former Municipal Captains.
        Former Municipal Lieutenants.
        Former Gobernadorcilles.
        Chiefs of Barangayes.
        All inhabitants paying more than $50 annually in taxes.


The Principalia choose the 12 electors as follows:


        6 from the Chiefs of Barangayes.
        3 from Former Municipal Captains.
        3 from the largest taxpayers.


The electors hold office for six years, and one-third go out of office
every two years.

The municipal Captain must be a resident of the village, more than 25
years of age, read and speak Spanish and be a Chief of Barangay. While
the Municipal Tribunal nominally controls the local affairs, yet
the Captain has the right to suspend all its acts which he considers
against the public welfare, and report the matter to the Provincial
Governor, who has power to rescind them; the Captain appoints all
village employes, and removes them at will; he can also fine and punish
them for petty offenses; he issues orders to the police and collects
the taxes. He holds a commission as Delegate or Representative of
the Governor General, and, in fact, he exercises within his little
bailiwick the same supreme power that the governor exercises in the
province, and the Governor General in the whole Archipelago.

In each province there is a Junta or Council, whose membership
consists of


        The Administrator of Finance.
        Two Vicars.
        The Public Physician.


The latter Four Members must be residents of the Capital of the
Province, and they are elected by the Municipal Captains, from a
list of names submitted to them by the Junta with the approval of
the Governor.

The functions of this Junta or Council are solely those of inspection
and advice. It watches over affairs of the Municipal Tribunals, and
reports to the Governor its advice and recommendations concerning
them. The Municipal Captain is obliged to deposit the taxes in the
Provincial Treasury, the keys of which are held by three members of
the Council; he draws out the money in accordance with the municipal
budget, and his accounts must be approved by his lieutenants,
countersigned by the village priest, passed upon by the Provincial
Council, and finally approved by the Governor.

The Governor has power to suspend the Municipal Captain or any of his
colleagues for a period of three months, and the Governor General can
remove one or all of them from office at will; and "in extraordinary
cases or for reasons of public tranquility, the Governor shall have
power to decree, without any legal process, the abolition of the
Municipal Tribunals." (Article 45.)

In December, 1896, General Polavieja issued a decree, suspending
the elections which were to take place that month for one-third of
the municipal electors, and directed the Governors of Provinces to
send in names of persons suitable for appointment, together with the
recommendations of the village priest in each case.

An examination of this unique scheme of village government shows
that one-half of the electors are to be chosen from persons holding
a subordinate office and appointed by the Governor; that the village
priest must be present at all elections and important meetings; that
the Captain has all the responsibility, and he must also be of the
class holding a subordinate office by appointment of the governor;
that the acts of Municipal Tribunal can be suspended by the Captain
and rescinded by the Governor; and, finally, if the Municipal Tribunal
is offensive to the Governor General he can either remove its members
and appoint others in their place or can abolish it altogether.

Such is the Spanish idea of self-government; the Minister of the
Colonies, in submitting the decree to the Queen Regent, expatiated
on its merits in giving the natives such full control of their local
affairs, and expressed the confident belief that it would prove
"most beneficent to these people whom Providence has confided to the
generous sovereignty of the Spanish monarchs."

This scheme of government by Municipal Tribunals was highly approved
by the natives, except that feature of it which placed so much power
in the hands of the Governor and Governor General. This, however,
was the essence of the matter, from the Spanish standpoint, and these
portions of the Decree were the ones most fully carried out. The
natives complained, on the one hand, of the delay in putting the
Decree into operation, and on the other hand that so much of it
as was established was practically nullified by the action of the
Governors. Seeing that the Tribunals had really no power, the members
soon turned their sessions (which the Decree required to be secret)
into political meetings in favor of the insurrection. So the whole
project is thus far a failure: and the local administration is in
considerable disorder, apart from that caused by the insurgents. In
point of fact self-government and representation are unknown in these
islands. The Archbishop and the four Bishops are appointed by the Pope;
the Governor General, military and naval officers and all officials
with a salary exceeding about $2.000 (silver) are appointed by the
King or the Minister of the Colonies. Yet all the expenses are paid
from the Philippine Treasury; the salaries of all officials, military,
naval, civil and ecclesiastical, the expenses and pensions of the army,
navy and church, the cost of the diplomatic and consular service in
Japan, China and Singapore, even a portion of the expenses of the
Colonial office, Madrid, and of pensions paid to the descendants
of Columbus--all come out of the taxes raised in the islands. The
natives have no place in the government, except clerks in the public
offices at Manila and the petty positions in the villages and the
Ayentamientos of cities, where their powers and responsibilities,
as we have seen, are at all times limited and subject to revocation
whenever disapproved by the Governor.

Though the population of the islands is 40 per cent. of that of Spain,
they have no representation in the Cortes.

There is a widespread report, almost universally believed by native
Filipinos and by foreign merchants, and even acknowledged by many
Spaniards, that pecuniary dishonesty and corruption exist throughout
the whole body of Spanish office-holders, from the highest to the
lowest. Forced contributions are said to be levied on the salaries
of minor officials; the Regimental Paymasters and Commissaries are
said to have sold part of the regimental stores for their own profit,
the Collector of Customs and the Minister of Finance to have imposed
or remitted fines at the Custom House and Internal Revenue Office,
according to payment or non-payment of presents by merchants, the
judges and court officials to have "borrowed" from attorneys large
sums which are never paid, and even the Governor General is reported
to have organized a regular system of smuggling in Mexican dollars,
the importation of which was prohibited by law, on a fixed scale of
payment to himself. The current report is that Weyler carried away
over $1,000,000 as his savings during the three years from 1888 to
1891 that he held the office of Governor General, on a salary of
$40,000 a year. Of the proof of these reports I have naturally no
personal knowledge, but they are matters of common talk and belief,
and they have been stated to me by responsible persons, who have long
resided in the islands.

As above stated, the Governor General is supreme head of every branch
of the public service, not excepting the Courts of Justice. How
this power was exercised is shown in the hundreds of executions for
alleged political offenses, which took place during the years 1895,
1896 and 1897, by the thousands deported to Mindanao and Fernando Po,
and by the number of political prisoners in jail at the time of our
entry into Manila. On the first examination which General McArthur,
as Military Governor, made of the jail, about August 22nd, he released
over 60 prisoners confined for alleged political offenses. One of
them was a woman who had been imprisoned for eleven years, by order
of the Governor General, but without any charges ever having been
presented against her; another was a woman who had been in jail for
three years on a vague charge, never formulated, of having carried
a basket of cartridges to an insurgent.

The day of reckoning for three centuries of this sort of government
came when Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish squadron on May 1st,
1898. An insurrection had been in progress from August, 1896,
to December, 1897. Unable to suppress it the Government had made a
written treaty with the insurgent leaders, paying them a large sum
of money and promising to introduce various reforms on condition
that they would leave the country. Hardly had the Spanish officials
recovered from this when the appalling disaster of the destruction
of their fleet occurred under their very eyes.

Then followed in rapid succession the naval blockade, the arrival of
the insurgent leaders from Hongkong, the raising of the insurgent army,
which blockaded Manila on the land side, and finally, the American
troops. At the end of 104 days after the destruction of the Spanish
fleet, the city surrendered to a combined land and naval attack of
the American forces. On the day after the capitulation, the American
Commander in Chief issued his proclamation establishing a military
government, appointed a Military Governor, a Minister of Finance,
a Collector of Customs, Collector of Internal Revenue, Postmaster
and Judge of the Provost Court; took possession of all public funds
(about $900,000), and all public offices, and as rapidly as possible
put this government in operation.

The machinery of the Spanish Government was thoroughly disorganized
when we entered Manila. The Courts of Justice, except the inferior
criminal courts, had not been in session since early in May; the
officials had been cut off from communication with the other islands
and with Spain for over three months; there had been no customs to
collect, and, owing to the entire suspension of business, but little
internal revenue; a forced loan of $2,000,000 for military purpose
had been extracted from the Spanish-Philippine Bank, and yet the
troops were several months in arrears of pay; all government offices
outside the walled city had been moved to temporary quarters within
the walls and their records had been lost or thrown into confusion;
the officials seeing the inevitable end in sight, were intent only
on planning for their return to Spain.

This disorganization was completed when the American Military officers
took charge of the Government, and every Spanish official, without
exception, refused absolutely to continue in service. They were
immediately dismissed and dispersed.

The situation thus created is without precedent in American
history. When Scott captured the City of Mexico it was acknowledged
on both sides that his occupation was only to be temporary, and there
were no insurgents to deal with. When the Americans entered California
they found only a scanty population, who were soon outnumbered by
the American immigrants. But in the Philippine Islands there is
a population of more than 7,000,000, governed by an alien race,
whose representatives present in the Islands, including military
and naval forces, clergy and civil employes do not exceed 30,000 in
number. Against this Government an insurrection is in progress, which
claims to have been successful in provinces containing a population of
about 2,000,000. The city and province of Manila, with a population
of 400,000 more, have been captured and occupied by a foreign army,
but whether its occupation is to be temporary or permanent has not
yet been decided.

Finally, the Government officials of all classes refuse to perform
their functions; the desire of most of them is to escape to Spain. It
was stipulated in the capitulation that they should have the right to
do so at their own expense, and numbers of them, as well as friars,
have already taken their departure. The Spanish officials have
intense fear of the Insurgents; and the latter hate them, as well
as the friars, with a virulence that can hardly be described. They
have fought them with success, and almost without interruption for
two years, and they will continue to fight them with increased vigor
and still greated prospects of success, if any attempt is made to
restore the Spanish Government. In its present disorganized condition
the Spanish Government could not successfully cope with them; on the
other hand, it would not surrender to them. The result, therefore, of
an attempted restoration of Spanish power in any of the islands would
simply be civil war and anarchy, leading inevitably and speedily to
intervention by foreign nations whose subjects have property in the
islands which they would not allow to be destroyed.


Insurgent Troops.

It is very difficult to give figures for the exact numbers of insurgent
troops. In his message to foreign governments of August 6th, asking
for recognition of belligerency and independence, Aguinaldo claims
to have a force of 30,000 men, organized into a regular army. This
included the force in the provinces of Luzon outside of Manila. What
was in evidence around Manila varied from 10,000 to 15,000. They were
composed of young men and boys, some as young as fifteen years of age,
recruited in the rural districts, having no property and nothing to
lose in a civil war. They have received no pay and, although Aguinaldo
speaks in his proclamation of his intention and ability to maintain
order wherever his forces penetrate, yet the feeling is practically
universal among the rank and file that they are to be compensated
for their time and services and hardships by looting Manila.

Their equipment consists of a gun, bayonet and cartridge box; their
uniform of a straw hat, gingham shirt and trousers and bare feet;
their transportation of a few ponies and carts, impressed for a day
or week at a time; for quarters they have taken the public building
in each village or pueblo, locally known as the Tribunal, and the
churches and convents; from these details are sent out to man the
trenches. Their food while on duty consists of rice and banana leaves,
cooked at the quarters and sent out to the trenches. After a few days
or a week of active service they return to their homes to feed up or
work on their farms, their places being taken by others to whom they
turn over their guns and cartridges. Their arms have been obtained from
various sources, from purchases in Hongkong, from the supply which
Admiral Dewey found in the arsenal at Cavite, from capture made from
the Spaniards. They are partly Mausers and partly Remingtons. Their
ammunition was obtained in the same way. They have used it freely and
the supply is now rather short. To replenish it they have established
a cartridge factory at the village of Imus, about ten miles south of
Cavite, where they have 400 people engaged in re-loading cartridges
with powder and lead found at Cavite, or purchased abroad. They have
no artillery, except a few antique Columbiads obtained from Cavite,
and no cavalry. Their method of warfare is to dig a trench in front
of the Spanish position, cover it with mats as a protection against
the sun and rain, and during the night put their guns on top of the
trench above their heads and fire in the general direction of the
enemy. When their ammunition is exhausted they go off in a body to
get a fresh supply in baskets and then return to the trenches.

The men are of small stature, from 5 feet to 5 feet 6 inches in
height, and weigh from 110 to 130 pounds. Compared with them our
men from Colorado and California seemed like a race of giants. One
afternoon just after we entered Manila a battalion of the insurgents
fired upon the outposts of the Colorado regiment, mistaking them, as
they claimed, for Spaniards. The outpost retreated to their support,
and the Filipinos followed; they easily fell into an ambush and the
support, numbering about fifty men, surrounded the 250 Filipinos,
wrenched the guns out of their hands and marched them off as unarmed
prisoners--all in the space of a few minutes. Such a force can hardly
be called an army, and yet the service which it has rendered should
not be underestimated. Between 2,000 and 3,000 Spanish native troops
surrendered to it during the months of June and July. It constantly
annoyed and harrassed the Spaniards in the trenches, keeping them up
at night and wearing them out with fatigue; and it invested Manila
early in July so completely that all supplies were cut off and the
inhabitants as well as the Spanish troops were forced to live on horse
and buffalo meat, and the Chinese population on cats and dogs. It
captured the water works of Manila and cut off the water supply, and,
if it had been in the dry season, would have inflicted great suffering
on the inhabitants for lack of water. These results, it is true,
were obtained against a dispirited army, containing a considerable
number of native troops of doubtful loyalty. Yet, from August, 1896,
to April, 1897, they fought 25,000 of the best regular troops sent
out from Spain, inflicting on them a loss of over 150 officers and
2,500 men, killed and wounded, and they suffered still greater losses
themselves. Nevertheless, from daily contact with them for six weeks, I
am very confident that no such results could have been obtained against
an American army, which would have driven them back to the hills and
reduced them to a petty guerilla warfare. If they attack the American
army this will certainly be the result, and, while these guerilla
bands might give some trouble so long as their ammunition lasted, yet,
with our navy guarding the coasts and our army pursuing them on land,
it would not be long before they were reduced to subjection.


Insurgent Civil Administration.

In August, 1896, and insurrection broke out in Cavite, under the
leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, and soon spread to other provinces
on both sides of Manila. It continued with varying successes on
both sides, and the trial and execution of numerous insurgents,
until December, 1897, when the Governor-General, Primo de Rivera,
entered into written agreement with Aguinaldo, the substance of
the document, which is in possession of Senor Felipe Agoncillo,
who accompanies me to Washington, being attached hereto and marked
"A." In brief, it required that Aguinaldo and the other insurgent
leaders should leave the country, the Government agreeing to pay
them $800,000 in silver, and promising to introduce numerous reforms,
including representation in the Spanish Cortes, freedom of the press,
amnesty for all insurgents, and the expulsion of secularization of
the monastic orders. Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong
and Singapore. A portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in
banks at Hongkong, and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one
of his subordinate chiefs, named Artacho, which is interesting on
account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo. Artacho
sued for a division of the money among the insurgents, according to
rank. Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a trust fund and was to
remain on deposit until it was seen whether the Spaniards would carry
out their promised reforms, and if they failed to do so it was to
be used to defray the expenses of a new insurrection. The suit was
settled out of court by paying Artacho $5,000.

No steps have been taken to introduce the reforms, more than 2,000
insurgents who had been deported to Fernando Po and other places are
still in confinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry
on the operations of the present insurrection.

On the 24th day of April Aguinaldo met the United States Consul
and others at Singapore and offered to begin a new insurrection
in conjunction with the operations of the United States navy at
Manila. This was telegraphed to Admiral Dewey and, by his consent, or,
at his request, Aguinaldo left Singapore for Hongkong on April 26th,
and, when the McCullough went to Hongkong early in May to carry the
news of Admiral Dewey's victory, it took Aguinaldo and seventeen other
revolutionary chiefs on board and brought them to Manila Bay. They soon
after landed at Cavite, and the Admiral allowed them to take such guns,
ammunition and stores as he did not require for himself. With these
and some other arms which he had brought from Hongkong Aguinaldo armed
his followers, who rapidly assembled at Cavite and, in a few weeks,
he began moving against the Spaniards. Part of them surrendered,
giving him more arms, and the others retreated to Manila.

Soon afterwards two ships, which were the private property of Senor
Agoncillo and other insurgent sympathizers, were converted into
cruisers and sent with insurgent troops to Subig Bay and other places,
to capture provinces outside of Manila. They were very successful,
the native militia in Spanish service capitulating with their arms
in nearly every case without serious resistance. On the 18th of June
Aguinaldo issued a proclamation from Cavite establishing a Dictatorial
Government, with himself as Dictator. In each village or pueblo a
Chief (Jefe) was to be elected, and in each ward a Nendrum (Cabeza);
also in each pueblo three delegates, one of Police, one of Justice,
and one of Taxes. These were to constitute the Junta, or Assembly, and
after consulting the Junta the Chiefs of pueblos were to elect a Chief
of Province and three Counsellors, one of Police, one of Justice, and
one of Taxes. They were also to elect one or more Representatives from
each Province to form the Bevolutionary Congress. This was followed
on June 20th by a decree giving more detailed instructions in regard
to the elections. On June 23d another decree followed, changing the
title of the Government from Dictatorial to Revolutionary, and of the
chief officer from Dictator to President; announcing a Cabinet with
a Minister of Foreign Affairs, Marine and Commerce, another of War
and Public Works, another of Police and Internal Order, Justice,
Instruction and Hygiene, and another of Taxes, Agriculture and
Manufactures; the powers of the President and Congress were defined,
and a code of military justice was formulated. On the same date a
manifesto was issued to the world explaining the reasons and purposes
of the Revolution. On June 27th another decree was issued containing
instructions in regard to elections. On August 6th an address was
issued to Foreign Governments, stating that the Revolutionary
Government was in operation and control in fifteen Provinces,
and that in response to the petition of the duly elected Chiefs of
these Provinces an appeal is made for recognition of belligerency and
independence. Translations of these various documents are all apended,
marked "B," "C," "D," "E," "F," "G" and "H."

The scheme of Government is set forth in the decree of June 23d,
marked "D." An examination of this document shows that it provides
a Dictatorship of the familiar South American type. All power is
centered in the President, and he is not responsible to any one for
his acts. He is declared to be "the personification of the Philippine
public, and in this view cannot be held responsible while he holds
office. His term will last until the Revolution triumphs." He appoints
not only the heads of the departments, but all their subordinates,
and without reference to Congress. This body is composed of a single
Chamber of Representatives from each Province. The election is to
be conducted by an agent of the President, and the qualifications of
electors are "those inhabitants most distinguished for high character,
social position and honorable conduct."

If any Province is still under Spanish rule its Representative
is to be appointed by the President. Congress is to deliberate on
"all grave and transcendental questions, whose decision admits of
delay and adjournment, but the President may decide questions of
urgent character, giving the reasons for his decision in a message
to Congress." The acts of Congress are not binding until approved by
the President, and he has power of absolute veto.

Congress was to hold its first session at Saloles about September 28th.

While this scheme of Government is a pure despotism, yet it claims
to be only temporary, and intended to "prepare the country so that
a true Republic may be established." It also provides a rude form of
governmental machinery for managing the affairs of the Provinces. To
what extent it has actually gone into operation it is difficult
to say. Aguinaldo claims, in his address of August 6th, that it
is in force in fifteen Provinces, whose aggregate population is
about 2,000,000. They include the island of Mindoro and about half
of Luzon. None of those (except Cavite) have yet been visited by
Americans, and all communication with them by the Spanish Government
at Manila has been cut off since May 1st.

In the province of Cavite and that portion of the Province of
Manila outside of the city and of its suburbs, which was occupied
by the insurgent troops as well as those of the United States,
their military forces, military headquarters, etc., were very much
in evidence, occupying the principal houses and churches in every
village and hamlet, but there were no signs of Civil Government or
administration. It was reported, however, that Aguinaldo's agents
were levying taxes or forced contributions not only in the outside
villages, but (after we entered Manila) by means of secret agents,
in the market places of the city itself. At Aguinaldo's headquarters,
in Bacoor, there were signs of activity and business, and it was
reported that his Cabinet officers were in constant session there.

Aguinaldo never himself failed to claim all the prerogatives due to
his alleged position as the de facto ruler of the country. The only
general officer who saw him or had any direct communication with him
was General Anderson. He did much to thwart this officer in organizing
a native wagon train and otherwise providing for his troops, and he
went so far, in a letter of July 23d (copy herewith marked "J"), as
to warn General Anderson not to land American troops on Philippine
soil without his consent--a notice which, it is hardly necessary
to say, was ignored. The day before the attack on Manila he sent
staff officers to the same General, asking for our plans of attack,
so that their troops could enter Manila with us. The same request had
previously been made to me by one of his Brigade Commanders, to which
I replied that I was not authorized to give the information desired.

Aguinaldo did not call upon General Merritt on his arrival, and this
enabled the latter to avoid any communication with him, either direct
or indirect, until after Manila had been taken. General Merritt then
received one of Aguinaldo's staff officers in his office as Military
Governor. The interview lasted more than an hour. General Merritt
referred to his proclamation as showing the conditions under which
the American troops had come to Manila and the nature of the Military
Government, which would be maintained until further orders from
Washington. He agreed upon the lines outside of the city of Manila,
up to which the insurgent troops could come, but no further with arms
in their hands. He asked for possession of the water works, which
was given, and, while expressing our friendship and sympathy for the
Philippine people, he stated very positively that the United States
Government had placed at his disposal an ample force for carrying
out his instructions, and even if the services of Aguinaldo's forces
had been needed as allies he should not have felt at liberty to
accept them.

The problem of how to deal with Aguinaldo's Government and troops
will necessarily be accompanied with embarrassment and difficulty,
and will require much tact and skill in its solution. The United States
Government, through its Naval Commander, has, to some extent, made use
of them for a distinct military purpose, viz.: to harass and annoy the
Spanish troops, to wear them out in the trenches, to blockade Manila
on the land side, and to do as much damage as possible to the Spanish
Government prior to the arrival of our troops, and for this purpose
the Admiral allowed them to take the arms and munitions which he had
captured at Cavite, and their ships to pass in and out of Manila Bay
in their expeditions against other Provinces. But the Admiral has
been very careful to give Aguinaldo no assurances of recognition
and no pledges or promises of any description. The services which
Aguinaldo and his adherents rendered in preparing the way for attack
on Manila are certainly entitled to consideration, but, after all,
they were small in comparison with what was done by our fleet and army.

There is no reason to believe that Aguinaldo's Government has any
elements of stability. In the first place, Aguinaldo is a young man
of twenty-three years. Prior to the insurrection of 1896 he had been
a schoolmaster, and afterward Gobernadorcillo and Municipal Captain
in one of the pueblos in the Province of Cavite. He is not devoid of
ability, and he is surrounded by clever writers. But the educated and
intelligent Filipinos of Manila say that not only is he lacking in
ability to be at the head of affairs, but if an election for President
was held he would not even be a candidate. He is a successful leader of
insurgents, has the confidence of young men in the country districts,
prides himself on his military ability, and if a Republic could be
established the post he would probably choose for himself would be
General-in-Chief of the Army.

In the next place, Aguinaldo's Government, or any entirely independent
Government, does not command the hearty support of the large body of
Filipinos, both in Manila and outside, who have property, education
and intelligence. Their hatred of the Spanish rule is very keen
and they will co-operate with Aguinaldo or any one else to destroy
it. But after that is done they fully realize that they must have
the support of some strong nation for many years before they will be
in a position to manage their own affairs alone. The nation to which
they all turn is America, and their ideal is a Philippine Republic,
under American protection--such as they have heard is to be granted
to Cuba. But when it comes to defining their ideas of protection and
the respective rights and duties of each under it, what portion of
the Government is to be administered by them and what portion by us;
how the revenues are to be collected, and in what proportion the
expenses are to be divided; they have no clear ideas at all; nor is
it expected that they should have, after generations of Spanish rule
without any experience in self government. The sentiment of this class,
the educated native with property at stake, looks upon the prospect
of Aguinaldo's Government and forces entering Manila with almost as
much dread as the foreign merchants or the Spaniards themselves.

Finally, it must be remembered that this is purely a Tagalo
insurrection. There are upwards of thirty races in the Philippines,
each speaking a different dialect, but five-sixths of the entire
Christian population is composed of the Tagalos and Visayas. The former
live in Mindoro and the southern half of Luzon, and the latter in Cebu,
Iloilo and other islands in the center of the group. The Tagalos are
more numerous than the Visayas, but both races are about equal in
civilization, intelligence and wealth. It is claimed by Aguinaldo's
partisans that the Visayas are in sympathy with his insurrection and
intend to send representatives to the congress. But it is a fact that
the Visayas have taken no active part in the present insurrection
nor in that of 1896, that the Spanish Government is still in full
control at Cebu and Iloilo, and in the Viscayas islands, and that
Aguinaldo has as yet made no effort to attack them. The Visayas
number nearly 2,000,000, or about as many as the population of all
the Tagalo Provinces, which Aguinaldo claims to have captured. There
is no evidence to show that they will support his pretensions, and
many reasons to believe that on account of racial prejudices and
jealousies and other causes they will oppose him.

Upon one point all are agreed, except possibly Aguinaldo and his
immediate adherents, and that is that no native government can maintain
itself without the active support and protection of a strong foreign
government. This being admitted it is difficult to see how any foreign
government can give this protection without taking such an active
part in the management of affairs as is practically equivalent to
governing in its own name and for its own account.


United States Troops and Navy.

I assume that the reports received at the War and Navy Departments
give all the desired information in regard to the military forces of
the United States.

At the time I left (August 30th) the Eighth Corps consisted of two
divisions, numbering in all about 12,000 men, with 16 field guns and
6 mountain guns. No wagons or animals had then arrived.

One regiment was stationed within the walled city guarding its gates,
and the captured guns and ammunition; a small force was at Cavite,
and the bulk of the troops were in Manila, outside of the walled
city. They were quartered in the Spanish barracks, which were all in
good condition, and in convents and private houses. The health of the
troops was excellent, notwithstanding the extraordinary hardships to
which they had been subjected in the trenches before entering Manila.

Admiral Dewey had under his command the Charleston, Monterey and
Monadnock, which arrived in July and August, the Callao and Leyte,
which had been captured from the Spaniards, and the ships which
were in the battle of May 1st, viz: Olympia, Boston, Baltimore,
Raleigh, Concord, Petrel and McCullough. The health of the squadron
was excellent. The Olympia and Concord were being docked and cleaned
at Hongkong. Permission to use the docks at Nagansaki during the
suspension of hostilities had been declined.


United States Civil Administration.

We entered Manila on the afternoon of August 13th. On the 14th the
capitulation was signed, and the same day General Merritt issued his
proclamation establishing a Military Government. On the 15th General
McArthur was appointed Military Commander of the walled city and
Provost Marshal General of the City of Manila and its suburbs, and on
the 17th I was appointed to take charge of the duties performed by the
intendente General de Hacienda, or Minister of Finance, and all fiscal
affairs. Representatives of the Postoffice Department had arrived on
the Steamship China in July and they immediately took charge of the
Manila Post-office, which was opened for business on the 16th. The
Custom House was opened on the 18th, with Lieutenant-Colonel Whittier
as Collector, and the Internal Revenue office, with Major Bement as
Collector on the 22nd. Captain Glass of the Navy was appointed Captain
of the Port, or Naval Officer, and took charge of the office on August
19th. The collections of customs during the first ten days exceeded
$100,000. The collection of internal revenue was small owing to the
difficulty and delay in ascertaining what persons had or had not
paid their taxes for the current year. The administration of Water
Works was put in charge of Lieutenant Connor, of the Engineers, on
August 25th, the Provost Court with Lieutenant-Colonel Jewett, Judge
Advocate United States Volunteers, sitting as Judge, was appointed
and held its first session on August 23rd.

The Provost Marshal General has charge of the Police, Fire, Health
and Street Cleaning Departments, and the issuing of licenses. The
Guardia Civil, or Gendarmerie of the City, proving indifferent and
inefficient, they were disarmed and disbanded; the 13th Minnesota
regiment was detailed for police duty, and one or more companies
stationed in each Police Station, from which patrolmen were sent out
on the streets to take the place of the sentries who had constantly
patrolled them from the hour of entering the city.

The shops were all closed when we entered on Saturday afternoon, the
13th; on Monday some of them opened, and by Wednesday the Banks had
resumed business, the newspapers were published, and the merchants were
ready to declare goods at the Custom House, the tram cars were running
and the retail shops were all open and doing a large business. There
was no disorder or pillage of any kind in the city. The conduct of
the troops was simply admirable, and left no ground for criticism. It
was noted and commented upon by the foreign naval officers in the
most favorable terms, and it so surprised the Spanish soldiers that
a considerable number of them applied for permission to enlist in
our service.

At the time I left General McArthur fully established his office as
Provost Marshal General, and was organizing one by one the various
bureaus connected with it, all with United States military officers in
charge; the Provost Court was in daily session, sentencing gamblers
and persons guilty of petty disturbances, and a military commission
had just been ordered to try a Chinaman accused of burglary.

In various public offices I collected the following Spanish funds:


    At the General Treasury          $795,517.71
    At the Mint                        62,856.08
    At the Internal Revenue Office     24,077.60
                                     -----------
                                     $882,451.39


Of this amount there was in


    Gold Coin            $  4,200.00
    Gold Bars               3,806.08
    Silver Coin           190,634.81
    Copper Coin           297,300.00
    Spanish Bank Notes    216,305.00
    Accepted Checks       170,205.50
                         -----------
                         $882,451.39


The money was counted by a board of officers and turned over to
Major C. H. Whipple, Paymaster U. S. A as custodian of Spanish Public
Funds. A few thousand dollars in other public offices were still to
be collected.

The money received at the Custom House and other offices is turned in
daily, at the close of business, to Major Whipple. Money for current
expenses is furnished to heads of departments on their requisition,
by warrant drawn by the Intendente General on the Custodian of
Spanish Public Funds. The heads of the departments are to submit
their vouchers and accounts monthly to an auditing department, which
was being organized when I left.

All these public offices and funds were surrendered to me only on
threat of using force and on granting permission to file a formal
written protest. None of these had been received at the time I left,
but the ground of verbal protest was that the officials recognized no
authority in these islands but the Governor General appointed by the
King of Spain, and without his order they were unwilling to surrender
them. On the other hand, I recognized no authority of the Spanish
Governor General who was merely a prisoner of war; I acted under the
orders of General Merritt as the United States Military Governor,
and in accordance with the terms of capitulation. The claim will
probably be made by the Spanish officials that as we captured Manila
a few hours after the peace protocol had been signed at Washington,
this property still belongs to the Spaniards. But I believe that the
law in such cases was clearly defined in decisions made by the United
States Supreme Court in 1815. We captured Manila, and the capitulation
(under which these funds became United States property) was signed by
both parties, before either had received any notice of the protocol
of suspension of hostilities.

On the opening of the Custom House several important questions arose
for immediate decision. The first was in regard to Mexican dollars. The
importation of these has for several years been prohibited, with
a view of forcing the Spanish coinage (which contains less silver)
into circulation. The large English banks represented that there was
a scarcity of currency, owing to the amount which had been hoarded and
sent away during the seige, and they agreed in consideration of being
allowed to import Mexican dollars free of duty, to guarantee the notes
and accepted checks of the Spanish bank, which should be received
by us in payment of customs up to $200,000 at any one time. The
Spanish bank was in difficulty, owing to the enormous amount which
the Government had taken from it under the form of a forced loan, and
any discrimination on our part against it would result in its failure,
entailing widespread financial disturbance. As there seemed no reason
against allowing the importation of Mexican dollars and many in favor
of it, I recommended that the Custom House continue to receive the
notes and checks of this bank in payment of customs (for which we
were amply protected by the guarantee of the strong English banks)
and with General Merrill's approval wrote to these banks authorizing
them to import Mexican dollars free of duty until further notice.

The next question was in regard to the rate of duties on imports and
exports. After a careful consideration of the matter, I recommended
that the tariff be not changed until the question had been fully
studied and ample notice given. General Merritt approved this and
the customs are being collected on the Spanish tariff.

About a week after the Custom House was opened certain parties came to
me representing that Consul General Wildman, of Hongkong, had informed
them that United States goods would be admitted free of duty in Manila,
that acting on this they had purchased a cargo of American illuminating
oil in Hongkong, and that the payment of the heavy duty on it ($30 per
ton, or about 8c per gallon) would ruin them. On consulting Lieutenant
Colonel Crowder, Judge Advocate of the Eighth Army Corps, he pointed
out the language of paragraph 5 of General Merritt's proclamation,
which followed literally the instructions of the President, viz:
"The Port of Manila will be open while our military occupation may
continue, to the commerce of all neutral nations as well as our own,
in articles not contraband of war, and upon payment of the prescribed
rates of duty which may be in force at the time of the importation."

Under this there was clearly no authority for discriminating in favor
of American goods, either coming direct from a United States Port or
by transshipment at Hongkong.

The Collector of Customs was directed to act accordingly.

Another question was in regard to the importation of Chinamen into
Manila. The Consul at Hongkong telegraphed to know if they would
be admitted. As there had been no time for examining the treaties
and laws in force on this subject, I replied with General Merritt's
approval that for the present it was not practicable to admit Chinese
laborers into Manila.

Another very important question which arose was in regard to trade with
the other Philippine islands. Nearly all the hemp and the greater part
of the sugar is grown in the Visayas. The hemp is bought by foreign
merchants in Manila, who bring it there from the other islands, and
export it, paying large duties to the Manila Custom House. These
merchants were anxious to bring up their stock, of which a large
amount had accumulated during the war, and ship it abroad. The
ships engaged in this island trade were idle in the Pasig. They
belonged to a Spanish corporation, owned entirely by Scotch capital,
and had a Spanish Register. The owners were ready to transfer them
to the American flag. Could these vessels be allowed to clear for
the ports of Cebu and Iloilo, which were in Spanish possession? The
Judge Advocate advised me that they could not, without the express
authority of the President. I so notified the owners of the ships and
the hemp merchants. The day before I left Manila, however, Admiral
Dewey received a cable from the Navy Department stating that Spanish
ships had been granted the privilege of trading to American ports
during the suspension of hostilities, and that American ships could be
granted a similar privilege for Spanish ports. I understood that on
the strength of this cable General Otis intended to allow the United
States Consul at Manila to grant these vessels an American Register
and then allow them to clear for the other islands. I do not know
what the arrangement, if any was made, in regard to the payment of
export duties at Iloilo. Clearly the hemp cannot pay export duties
at both Iloilo and Manila, and the Spaniards are not likely to allow
it to leave Iloilo free while we collect an export duty on it at
Manila. Incidentally, this illustrates the complications and loss
that will arise if the islands are subdivided. The principal merchants
for all the islands are at Manila, and 90 per cent, of the duties in
imports and exports are collected at its Custom House. A large part
of the imports are redistributed through the islands; and all the
hemp and sugar, which form the principal exports, come to Manila from
other islands. If, then, we retain Luzon and give the other islands
back to Spain or some other nation, that nation will impose import
and export duties on everything coming from or to Manila. The foreign
trade of that city as a distributing and collecting point for all the
islands will be lost, and its prosperity will be destroyed; moreover,
the Government revenue from that trade will be lost.

In view of the fact that Spanish officials declined to co-operate or
assist in any way in the American government of Manila, the ease and
rapidity with which order was maintained, the machinery of government
put in operation and business reestablished, after our entry into
Manila is very remarkable. For every position in the Government
service, legal, administrative, financial, mechanical, clerical, men
could be found in our volunteer ranks who were experienced in just
that class of work at home, and they took charge of their Spanish
positions with promptness and confidence.

Even in the matter of language no serious difficulty was encountered,
for no less than 30 good interpreters were found in the California
and Colorado regiments.

The Military Government as now organized and administered, fulfills all
the requirements of preserving order and collecting the public revenue.

The civil courts, however, have yet to be organized, and their
organization will present many difficulties.



CHAPTER X

Official History of the Conquest of Manila.

The Pith of the Official Reports of the Capture of Manila, by
Major-General Wesley Merritt, Commanding the Philippine Expedition;
General Frank V. Greene, General Arthur McArthur, and General
Thomas Anderson, With the Articles of Capitulation, Showing How
8,000 Americans Carried an Intrenched City With a Garrison of 13,000
Spaniards, and Kept Out 14,000 Insurgents--The Difficulties of American
Generals With Philippine Troops.

One of the most interesting events in the records of the fall of
cities, that carried with them decisive factors affecting nations,
is that of the conquest of Manila, by the army and navy of the United
States in the memorable year of 1898. The victory of Admiral George
Dewey May 1st, in the bay of Manila, nigh Cavite, has been celebrated
in every clime and in all languages, and the great story if related
in this book as one of universal fame, and given in outline and
also in pen pictures meant to show the local coloring, and these are
incidents most illustrative that are not familiar. The names of the
ships and the officers of the victorious fleet, and the force of the
contending squadrons in men and guns are herewith presented as an
indisputable record.

Admiral Dewey held on to his command of the bay and city of Manila,
braving all dangers--and they were many--and as fast as the army could
be organized and equipped, reinforcements were forwarded. General
Wesley Merritt was appointed the Commander in Chief of the expedition
to the Philippines, and arrived at Cavite, July 25th. The official
history of the operations that forced the surrender of the old Spanish
capital in the East Indies has not received the public attention its
unusual and instructive character demands, because the reports were
not received in the States and given to the public until the Paris
peace commission was assembling, and this singularly suggestive
detail has been almost neglected. It is here for the first time
consecutively arranged, annotated and adjusted, so as to tell the
whole story. The part played by the insurgents is one that has not
been stated by authority and with precision combining narrative form
with the internal evidence of authenticity.

The first expeditionary force of the United States to arrive was
that of General Thomas Anderson, on June 30, sixty days after Dewey's
victory. The second expeditionary force, under General Frank V. Greene,
arrived July 17, and the third, under General McArthur, July 30th,
five days later than General Merritt, who found Rear Admiral George
Dewey's war ships "anchored in line off Cavite, and just outside of the
transports and supply vessels engaged in the military service." He was
"in full control of the navigation of the bay, and his vessels passed
and repassed within range of the water batteries of the town of Manila
without drawing the fire of the enemy." This immunity of protected
cruisers from the fire of nine-inch Krupp guns with an abundance of
ammunition that was, and some that was not serviceable, was due to
the terrible prestige of the American Admiral and the consequent power
of his word that if fired upon he would destroy the city. Anderson's
Americans were, General Merritt reports, disposed as follows:

The Second Oregon, detachments of California Heavy Artillery,
Twenty-third Infantry, and Fourteenth Infantry occupied the town of
Cavite; while Brigadier General F.V. Greene, United States Volunteers,
was encamped with his brigade, consisting of the Eighteenth Infantry,
Third United States Artillery, Company A, Engineer Battalion, First
Colorado, First California, First Nebraska, Tenth Pennsylvania, and
Batteries A and B of the Utah Artillery, along the line of the bay
shore near the village of Paranaque, about five miles by water and
twenty-five miles by the roads from Cavite.

The Major General commanding visited General Greene's camp and made
a reconnaissance of the position held by the Spanish, and also the
opposing lines of the insurgent forces, finding General Greene's
command encamped on a strip of sandy land running parallel to the shore
of the bay and not far distant from the beach, but owing to the great
difficulties of landing supplies "the greater portion of the force had
shelter tents only, and were suffering many discomforts, the camp being
in a low, flat place, without shelter from the heat of the tropical
sun or adequate protection during the terrific downpours of rain so
frequent at this season." The General commanding was at once struck
"by the exemplary spirit of patient, even cheerful, endurance shown
by the officers and men under such circumstances, and this feeling of
admiration for the manner in which the American soldier, volunteer
and regular alike, accept the necessary hardships of the work they
have undertaken to do, has grown and increased with every phase of
the difficult and trying campaign which the troops of the Philippine
expedition have brought to such a brilliant and successful conclusion."

The left or north flanks of General Green's camp extended to a point
on the "Calle Real," about 3,200 yards from the outer line of Spanish
defenses of the city of Manila. This Spanish line began at the powder
magazine, or old fort San Antonio, within a hundred yards of the
beach and just south of the Malate suburb of Manila, and stretched
away to the Spanish left in more or less detached works, eastward,
through swamps and rice fields, covering all the avenues of approach
to the town and encircling the city completely."

General Merritt defines with firmness and perspicuity his position
regarding the Filipinos in these terms:

"The Filipinos, or insurgent forces at war with Spain, had, prior
to the arrival of the American land forces, been waging desultory
warfare with the Spaniards for several months, and were at the time
of my arrival in considerable force, variously estimated and never
accurately ascertained, but probably not far from 12,000 men. These
troops, well supplied with small arms, with plenty of ammunition and
several field guns, had obtained positions of investment opposite to
the Spanish line of detached works throughout their entire extent; and
on the particular road called the "Calle Real," passing along the front
of General Greene's brigade camp and running through Malate to Manila,
the insurgents had established an earthwork or trench within 800 yards
of the powder-magazine fort. They also occupied as well the road to
the right, leading from the village of Passay, and the approach by the
beach was also in their possession. This anomalous state of affairs,
namely, having a line of quasi-hostile native troops between our forces
and the Spanish position, was, of course, very objectionable, but it
was difficult to deal with, owing to the peculiar condition of our
relations with the insurgents, which may be briefly stated as follows:

"Shortly after the naval battle of Manila Bay, the principal leader of
the insurgents, General Emilio Aguinaldo, came to Cavite from Hongkong,
and, with the consent of our naval authorities, began active work in
raising troops and pushing the Spaniards in the direction of the city
of Manila. Having met with some success, and the natives flocking to
his assistance, he proclaimed an independent government of republican
form, with himself as president, and at the time of my arrival in the
islands the entire edifice of executive and legislative departments
and subdivision of territory for administration purposes had been
accomplished, at least on paper, and the Filipinos held military
possession of many points in the islands other than those in the
vicinity of Manila.

"As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival, nor offer his
services as a subordinate military leader, and as my instructions from
the President fully contemplated the occupation of the islands by the
American land forces, and stated that "the powers of the military
occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the
political condition of the inhabitants," I did not consider it wise to
hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until I should
be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as I would not until
then be in a position to issue a proclamation and enforce my authority,
in the event that his pretensions should clash with my designs.

"For these reasons the preparations for the attack on the city were
pressed, and military operations conducted without reference to the
situation of the insurgent forces. The wisdom of this course was
subsequently fully established by the fact that when the troops of
my command carried the Spanish intrenchments, extending from the
sea to the Pasay road on the extreme Spanish right, we were under
no obligations, by prearranged plans of mutual attack, to turn to
the right and clear the front still held against the insurgents,
but were able to move forward at once and occupy the city and suburbs."

General Anderson was the first officer of the American army to arrive,
and says Admiral Dewey gave him "every possible assistance," and
favored him "with a clear statement of the situation." On the second
day after he appeared at Cavite, which was one day after General
Merritt's departure from San Francisco, he had "an interview with
the insurgent chief, Aguinaldo, and learned from him that the Spanish
forces had withdrawn, driven back by his army as he claimed, to a line
of defense immediately around the city and its suburbs. He estimated
the Spanish forces at about 14,000 men, and his own at about the same
number. He did not seem pleased at the incoming of our land forces,
hoping, as I believe, that he could take the city with his own army,
with the co-operation of the American fleet.

"Believing that however successful the insurgents may have been in
guerilla warfare against the Spaniards, that they could not carry their
lines by assault or reduce the city by siege, and suspecting, further,
that a hearty and effective co-operation could not be expected, I
had at once a series of reconnaissances made to exactly locate the
enemy's lines of defense and to ascertain their strength."

The date of the impression made on General Anderson's mind as to
the displeasure of Aguinaldo is important. The insurgent chief would
have preferred the military distinctions to have been reserved for
himself. General Anderson says of the Spanish attacks on General
Greene's lines:

"These conflicts began on the night of July 31, as soon as the
enemy had realized that we had taken the places of the Filipinos,
and began a system of earthworks to the front of their old line. It
may have been merely coincident, but these attacks and sorties began
at the time the Captain General of Manila was relieved by his second
in command. For more than six weeks the insurgents had kept up a
bickering infantry fire on the Spanish trenches, firing occasionally
some old siege pieces captured by Admiral Dewey at Cavite and given
to Aguinaldo. These combats were never serious, and the Spaniards,
so far as I know, made no sorties upon them. But there is no doubt
of the fact that the Spaniards attacked our lines with force and
vindictiveness, until they were informed that the bringing on of a
general engagement would lead to a bombardment of the city. After
this there was for several days a tacit suspension of hostilities."

As to the situation of General Greene, Brigadier General Merritt says:

"The difficulty in gaining an avenue of approach to the Spanish line
lay in the fact of my disinclination to ask General Aguinaldo to
withdraw from the beach and the 'Calle Real,' so that Greene could
move forward. This was overcome by instructions to General Greene
to arrange, if possible, with the insurgent brigade commander in
his immediate vicinity to move to the right and allow the American
forces unobstructed control of the roads in their immediate front. No
objection was made, and accordingly General Greene's brigade threw
forward a heavy outpost line on the "Calle Real" and the beach and
constructed a trench, in which a portion of the guns of the Utah
batteries was placed.

"The Spanish, observing this activity on our part, made a very sharp
attack with infantry and artillery on the night of July 31. The
behavior of our troops during this night attack was all that could
be desired, and I have, in cablegrams to the War Department, taken
occasion to commend by name those, who deserve special mention for
good conduct in the affair. Our position was extended and strengthened
after this and resisted successfully repeated night attacks, our forces
suffering, however, considerable loss in wounded and killed, while the
losses of the enemy, owing to the darkness, could not be ascertained.

"The strain of the night fighting and the heavy details for outpost
duty made it imperative to re-enforce General Greene's troops with
General MacArthur's brigade, which had arrived in transports on
the 31st of July. The difficulties of this operation can hardly be
overestimated. The transports were at anchor off Cavite, five miles
from a point on the beach where it was desired to disembark the
men. Several squalls, accompanied by floods of rain, raged day after
day, and the only way to get the troops and supplies ashore was to
load them from the ship's side into native lighters (called 'cascos')
or small steamboats, move them to a point opposite the camp, and then
disembark them through the surf in small boats, or by running the
lighters head on to the beach. The landing was finally accomplished,
after days of hard work and hardship; and I desire here to express
again my admiration for the fortitude and cheerful willingness of
the men of all commands engaged in this operation.

"Upon the assembly of MacArthur's brigade in support of Greene's,
I had about 8,500 men in position to attack, and I deemed the time
had come for final action. During the time of the night attacks I
had communicated my desire to Admiral Dewey that he would allow his
ships to open fire on the right of the Spanish line of intrenchments,
believing that such action would stop the night firing and loss of
life, but the Admiral had declined to order it unless we were in danger
of losing our position by the assaults of the Spanish, for the reason
that, in his opinion, it would precipitate a general engagement, for
which he was not ready. Now, however, the brigade of General MacArthur
was in position and the Monterey had arrived, and under date of August
6 Admiral Dewey agreed to my suggestion that we should send a joint
letter to the Captain General notifying him that he should remove
from the city all non-combatants within forty-eight hours."

The joint note of General Merritt and Admiral Dewey was as follows:

_Headquarters U.S. Land and Naval Forces_,
Manila Bay,
Philippine Islands,
August 7, 1898.

The General in Chief Commanding Spanish Forces in Manila.

Sir: We have the honor to notify your excellency that operations of
the land and naval forces of the United States against the defenses
of Manila may begin at any time after the expiration of forty-eight
hours from the hour of receipt by you of this communication, or sooner
if made necessary by an attack on your part.

This notice is given in order to afford you an opportunity to remove
all non-combatants from the city.

Very respectfully,

_Wesley Merritt_, Major-General, United States Army, Commanding Land
Forces of the United States.

_George Dewey_, Rear-Admiral, United States Navy, Commanding United
States Naval Forces on Asiatic Station.

The notable words in this are those "against the defenses of Manila,"
instead of against the city itself--the usual way--the city was to
be spared if possible.

Manila, August 7, 1898.

The Governor-General and Captain-General of the Philippines to the
Major-General of the Army and the Rear Admiral of the Navy, commanding,
respectively, the Military and Naval Forces of the United States.

Gentlemen: I have the honor to inform your excellencies that at
half-past 12 to-day I received the notice with which you favor me,
that after forty-eight hours have elapsed you may begin operations
against this fortified city, or at an earlier hour if the forces
under your command are attacked by mine.

As your notice is sent for the purpose of providing for the safety
of non-combatants, I give thanks to your excellencies for the humane
sentiment you have shown, and state that, finding myself surrounded
by insurrectionary forces, I am without places of refuge for the
increased numbers of wounded, sick, women, and children who are now
lodged within the walls.

Very respectfully, and kissing the hands of your excellencies,

_Formire Jaudenes_, Governor-General and Captain-General of the
Philippines.

The second paragraph of the Governor-General and Captain-General's
letter indicates a sense of helplessness, and credits the insurgents
with surrounding the city so that there was no refuge. August 9th
there was a second joint note from Major-General Merritt and Rear
Admiral Dewey, in the terms following:

"The Governor-General and Captain-General of the Philippines.

"Sir: The inevitable suffering in store for the wounded, sick, women,
and children, in the event that it becomes our duty to reduce the
defenses of the walled town in which they are gathered, will, we feel
assured, appeal successfully to the sympathies of a general capable of
making the determined and prolonged resistance which your excellency
has exhibited after the loss of your naval forces and without hope
of succor.

"We therefore, submit, without prejudice to the high sentiments of
honor and duty which your excellency entertains, that surrounded on
every side as you are by a constantly increasing force, with a powerful
fleet in your front and deprived of all prospect of reinforcement and
assistance, a most useless sacrifice of life would result in the event
of an attack, and therefore every consideration of humanity makes it
imperative that you should not subject your city to the horrors of
a bombardment. Accordingly, we demand the surrender of the city of
Manila and the Spanish forces under your command."

The Captain-General wanted time to hear from Madrid, and was refused.

The language of General Greene, in stating the fact that he took
possession of the intrenchments of the insurgents, is in these words:

"On the morning of July 29, in compliance with verbal instructions
received the previous day from the Adjutant-General of the Eighth
Army Corps, I occupied the insurgent trenches, from the beach to the
Calle Real, with one battalion Eighteenth United States Infantry,
one battalion First Colorado Infantry, and four guns--two from each
of the Utah batteries--these trenches being vacated at my request
by the insurgent forces under Brigadier-General Noriel. As these
trenches were badly located and insufficient in size and strength,
I ordered another line constructed about 100 yards in advance of
them, and this work was completed, mainly by the First Colorado,
during the night of July 29-30. The length of this line was only
270 yards, and on its right were a few barricades, not continuous,
occupied by the insurgents, extending over to the large rice swamp,
just east of the road from Pasay to Paco (shown on the accompanying
map). Facing these was a strong Spanish line, consisting of a stone
fort, San Antonio de Abad, near the beach, intrenchments of sandbags
and earth about seven feet high and 10 feet thick, extending in a
curved direction for about 1,200 yards and terminating in a fortified
blockhouse, known as No 14, beyond our right on the Pasay road. It
faced our front and enveloped our right flank."

General Greene, reporting the fighting on his front, says of the
Spanish position and first attack.

Mounted in and near the stone fort were seven guns in all, viz.,
three bronze field guns of 3.6 inches caliber, four bronze mountain
guns of 3.2 inches caliber, and in the vicinity of Blockhouse No. 14
were two steel mountain guns of 3.2 inches caliber. The line was
manned throughout its length by infantry, with strong reserves at
Malate and at the walled city in its rear.

Shortly before midnight of July 31-August 1 the Spaniards opened
a heavy and continuous fire with both artillery and infantry from
their entire line. Our trenches were occupied that day by the two
battalions of the Tenth Pennsylvania Infantry, one foot battery (H),
nearly 200 strong, of the Third Artillery, and four guns, two of
Battery A and two of Battery B, Utah Artillery. For about an hour
and a half the firing on both sides, with artillery and infantry,
was very heavy and continuous, our expenditure of ammunition being
160 rounds of artillery and about 60,000 rounds of infantry. That of
the Spaniards was nearly twice as much.

The American loss was ten killed and forty-three wounded.

General Greene says: "Major Cuthbertson, Tenth Pennsylvania, reports
that the Spaniards left their trenches in force and attempted to
turn our right flank, coming within 200 yards of his position. But as
the night was intensely dark, with incessant and heavy rain, and as
no dead or wounded were found in front of his position at daylight,
it is possible that he was mistaken and that the heavy fire to which
he was subjected came from the trenches near Block House 14, beyond
his right flank, at a distance of about 700 yards. The Spaniards
used smokeless powder, the thickets obscured the flash of their guns,
and the sound of the Mauser bullets penetrating a bamboo pole is very
similar to the crack of the rifle itself.

"This attack demonstrated the immediate necessity of extending our
intrenchments to the right and, although not covered by my instructions
(which were to occupy the trenches from the bay to Calle Real, and to
avoid precipitating an engagement), I ordered the First Colorado and
one battalion of the First California, which occupied the trenches at 9
a. m., August 1, to extend the line of trenches to the Pasay road. The
work was begun by these troops, and continued every day by the troops
occupying the trenches in turn, until a strong line was completed by
August 12, about 1,200 yards in length, extending from the bay to the
east side of the Pasay road. Its left rested on the bay and its right
on an extensive rice swamp, practically impassible. The right flank was
refused, because the only way to cross a smaller rice swamp, crossing
the line about 700 yards from the beach, was along a cross-road in
rear of the general line. As finally completed the works were very
strong in profile, being five to six feet in height and eight to ten
feet in thickness at the base, strengthened by bags filled with earth.

"The only material available was black soil saturated with water,
and without the bags this was washed down and ruined in a day by the
heavy and almost incessant rains. The construction of these trenches
was constantly interrupted by the enemy's fire. They were occupied
by the troops in succession, four battalions being usually sent out
for a service of twenty-four hours, and posted with three battalions
in the trenches, and one battalion in reserve along the crossroad
to Pasay; Cossack posts being sent out from the latter to guard the
camp against any possible surprise from the northeast and east. The
service in the trenches was of the most arduous character, the rain
being almost incessant, and the men having no protection against it;
they were wet during the entire twenty-four hours, and the mud was
so deep that the shoes were ruined and a considerable number of men
rendered barefooted. Until the notice of bombardment was given on
August 7, any exposure above or behind the trenches promptly brought
the enemy's fire, so that the men had to sit in the mud under cover
and keep awake, prepared to resist an attack, during the entire tour
of twenty-four hours.

"After one particularly heavy rain a portion of the trench contained
two feet of water, in which the men had to remain. It could not be
drained, as it was lower than an adjoining rice swamp, in which the
water had risen nearly two feet, the rainfall being more than four
inches in twenty-four hours. These hardships were all endured by
the men of the different regiments in turn, with the finest possible
spirit and without a murmur of complaint."

This is a vivid picture of hard service. General Greene continues:

"August 7 the notice of bombardment after forty-eight hours, or sooner
if the Spanish fire continued, was served, and after that date not
a shot was fired on either side until the assault was made on August
13. It was with great difficulty, and in some cases not without force,
that the insurgents were restrained from opening fire and thus drawing
the fire of the Spaniards during this period.

"Owing to the heavy storm and high surf it was impossible to
communicate promptly with the division commander at Cavite, and I
received my instructions direct from the major-general commanding,
or his staff officers, one of whom visited my camp every day, and I
reported direct to him in the same manner. My instructions were to
occupy the insurgent trenches near the beach, so as to be in a good
position to advance on Manila when ordered, but meanwhile to avoid
precipitating an engagement, not to waste ammunition, and (after August
1) not to return the enemy's fire unless convinced that he had left
his trenches and was making an attack in force. These instructions
were given daily in the most positive terms to the officer commanding
in the trenches, and in the main they were faithfully carried out.

"More ammunition than necessary was expended on the nights of August
2 and 5, but in both cases the trenches were occupied by troops under
fire for the first time, and in the darkness and rain there was ground
to believe that the heavy fire indicated a real attack from outside
the enemy's trenches. The total expenditure of ammunition on our side
in the four engagements was about 150,000 rounds, and by the enemy
very much more.

"After the attack of July 31-August I, I communicated by signal
with the captain of the U. S. S. Raleigh, anchored about 3,000 yards
southwest of my camp, asking if he had received orders in regard to the
action of his ship in case of another attack on my troops. He replied:

"Both Admiral Dewey and General Merritt desire to avoid general action
at present. If attack too strong for you, we will assist you, and
another vessel will come and offer help. "In repeating this message,
Lieutenant Tappan, commanding U. S. S. Callao, anchored nearer the
beach, sent me a box of blue lights, and it was agreed that if I
burned one of these on the beach the Raleigh would at once open fire
on the Spanish fort."

General Merritt speaks of the Colorado skirmishers leaving their
breastworks when the navy ceased firing on the 13th of August, and
advancing swiftly, finding the Spanish trenches deserted, "but as
they passed over the Spanish works they were met by a sharp fire from
a second line, situated in the streets of Malate, by which a number
of men were killed and wounded, among others the soldier who pulled
down the Spanish colors still flying on the fort and raised our own."

General Greene is complimentary to the officers and who conducted
the reconnaissances while he was at Camp Dewey twenty-five days,
and states:

"Captain Grove and Lieutenant Means, of the First Colorado, had been
particularly active in this work and fearless in penetrating beyond
our lines and close to those of the enemy. As the time for attack
approached, these officers made a careful examination of the ground
between our trenches and Fort San Antonio de Abad, and, finally,
on August 11, Major J. F. Bell, United States Volunteer Engineers,
tested the creek in front of this fort and ascertained not only that
it was fordable, but the exact width of the ford at the beach, and
actually swam in the bay to a point from which he could examine the
Spanish line from the rear. With the information thus obtained it was
possible to plan the attack intelligently. The position assigned to
my brigade extended from the beach to the small rice swamp, a front
of about 700 yards.

"After the sharp skirmish on the second line of defense of the
Spaniards, and after Greene's brigade moved through Malate, meeting
a shuffling foe, the open space at the luneta, just south of the
walled city, was reached about 1 p. m. A white flag was flying at the
southwest bastion, and I rode forward to meet it under a heavy fire
from our right and rear on the Paco road. At the bastion I was informed
that officers representing General Merritt and Admiral Dewey were on
their way ashore to receive the surrender, and I therefore turned east
to the Paco road. The firing ceased at this time, and on reaching this
road I found nearly 1,000 Spanish troops who had retreated from Santa
Ana through Paco, and coming up the Paco road had been firing on our
flank. I held the commanding officers, but ordered these troops to
march into the walled city. At this point, the California regiment
a short time before had met some insurgents who had fired at the
Spaniards on the walls, and the latter in returning the fire had
caused a loss in the California regiment of 1 killed and 2 wounded.

"My instructions were to march past the walled city on its surrender,
cross the bridge, occupy the city on the north side of the Pasig,
and protect lives and property there. While the white flag was flying
on the walls yet, very sharp firing had just taken place outside,
and there were from 5,000 to 6,000 men on the walls, with arms in
their hands, only a few yards from us. I did not feel justified
in leaving this force in my rear until the surrender was clearly
established, and I therefore halted and assembled my force, prepared
to force the gates if there was any more firing. The Eighteenth
Infantry and First California were sent forward to hold the bridges
a few yards ahead, but the second battalion, Third Artillery, First
Nebraska, Tenth Pennsylvania, and First Colorado were all assembled
at this point. While this was being done I received a note from
Lieutenant-Colonel Whittier, of General Merritt's staff, written from
the Captain-General's office within the walls, asking me to stop the
firing outside, as negotiations for surrender were in progress."

And General Greene continues: "I then returned to the troops outside
the walls and sent Captain Birkhimer's battalion of the Third Artillery
down the Paco road to prevent any insurgents from entering. Feeling
satisfied that there would be no attack from the Spanish troops
lining the walls, I put the regiments in motion toward the bridges,
brushing aside a considerable force of insurgents who had penetrated
the city from the direction of Paco, and were in the main street
with their flag expecting to march into the walled city and plant
it on the walls. After crossing the bridges the Eighteenth United
States Infantry was posted to patrol the principal streets near the
bridge, the First California was sent up the Pasig to occupy Quiapo,
San Miguel, and Malacanan, and with the First Nebraska I marched down
the river to the Captain of the Port's office, where I ordered the
Spanish flag hauled down and the American flag raised in its place."

The insurgents were disposed to disregard the white flag and the
process of the capitulation, but "a considerable force" of them
was "brushed aside." General Greene's losses before Manila were 16
killed and 66 wounded: his force 5,100. He remarks: "The resistance
encountered on the 13th was much less than anticipated and planned for,
but had the resistance been greater the result would have been the
same, only the loss would have been greater. Fortunately, the great
result of capturing this city, the seat of Spanish power in the East
for more than three hundred years, was accomplished with a loss of
life comparatively insignificant."

Captain T.B. Mott, detached from General Merritt's temporarily,
served on General Greene's staff, and received this mention:

"In posting troops in the trenches, in making reconnaissances,
in transmitting orders under fire, and in making reports, he has
uniformly exhibited courage, military ability, and sound judgment,
the qualities, in short, which are most valuable in a staff officer."

Captain Bates, Lieutenant Schieflie, and Captain D.F. Millet, artist
and author, are praised for activity, intelligence and valuable
service. Millet was with Greene before Plevna, during the Russo-Turkish
campaign. Greene was appointed the senior member of the committee to
arrange the terms of the capitulation.

General Anderson had instructions to extend his line to crowd
the insurgents out of their trenches with their consent, but this
was not attempted, for that would have brought on an engagement
prematurely. Anderson had purchased wire-cutters with insulated handles
in San Francisco, and they were useful! Anderson had his trenches with
the insurgents. McArthur's division was before a "circulated line of
earthworks faced with sand bags," and the problem of the advance was
made difficult because "we could not be sure whether our first attack
was to be tentative or serious, this depending on action of the navy;
second, from our orders not to displace the insurgents without their
consent from their position to the right of their guns on the Pasay
road. This to the very last the insurgent leaders positively refused
to give. Yet, if we could not go far enough to the right to silence
their field guns and carry that part of their line, they would have
a fatal cross fire on troops attacking blockhouse No. 14. I therefore
directed General MacArthur to put the three 2.10 inch guns of Battery
B, Utah Volunteer Artillery, in the emplacement of the insurgent gun
and to place the Astor Battery behind a high garden wall to the right
of the Pasay road, to be held there subject to orders.

"I assumed that when the action became hot at this point, as I knew
it would be, that the insurgents would voluntarily fall back from
their advanced position, and that the Astor Battery and its supports
could take position without opposition."

General Anderson got a message from General MacArthur. "I knew from
this that he wished to push the insurgents aside and put in the
Astor Battery. I then authorized him to attack, which he did, and,
soon after, the Twenty-third Infantry and the Thirteenth Minnesota
carried the advance line of the enemy in the most gallant manner,
the one gun of the Utah Battery and the Astor Battery lending most
effective assistance."

It was General Anderson's opinion that MacArthur should counter march
and go to Malate by the beach, but he had gone too far, for "the guns
of the Astor Battery had been dragged to the front only after the
utmost exertions, and were about being put into battery. At the same
time I received a telegram stating that the insurgents were threatening
to cross the bamboo bridge on our right; and to prevent this and guard
our ammunition at Pasay, I ordered an Idaho battalion to that point."

Again the insurgents were making mischief, and General Anderson,
as well as General Greene had the experience of the continuance of
fire when the white flag was flying. The loss of General Anderson in
the taking of the city was nineteen men killed and one hundred and
three wounded. He concludes by saying:

"The opposition we met in battle was not sufficient to test the
bravery of our soldiers, but all showed bravery and dash. The losses
show that the leading regiments of the First Brigade--Thirteenth
Minnesota, Twenty-third Infantry, and the Astor Battery--met the most
serious opposition and deserve credit for their success. The Colorado,
California, and Oregon regiments, the Regulars, and all the batteries
of the Second Brigade showed such zeal that it seems a pity that they
did not meet foemen worthy of their steel."

General MacArthur says: "Several hours before the operations of the
day were intended to commence, there was considerable desultory firing
from the Spanish line, both of cannon and small arms, provoked no
doubt by Filipino soldiers, who insisted upon maintaining a general
fusilade along their lines."

General MacArthur's personal mention is remarkably spirited, and
makes stirring reading. We quote:

"The combat of Singalong can hardly be classified as a great military
event, but the involved terrain and the prolonged resistance created
a very trying situation, and afforded an unusual scope for the display
of military qualities by a large number of individuals.

"The invincible composure of Colonel Ovenshine, during an exposure
in dangerous space for more than an hour, was conspicuous and very
inspiring to the troops; and the efficient manner in which he took
advantage of opportunities as they arose during the varying aspects
of the fight was of great practical value in determining the result.

"The cool, determined, and sustained efforts of Colonel Reeve, of the
Thirteenth Minnesota, contributed very materially to the maintenance
of the discipline and marked efficiency of his regiment.

"The brilliant manner in which Lieutenant March accepted and discharged
the responsible and dangerous duties of the day, and the pertinacity
with which, assisted by his officers and men, he carried his guns over
all obstacles to the very front of the firing line, was an exceptional
display of warlike skill and good judgment, indicating the existence
of many of the best qualifications for high command in battle.

"The gallant manner in which Captain Sawtelle, brigade quartermaster,
volunteered to join the advance party in the rush; volunteered
to command a firing line, for a time without an officer, and again
volunteered to lead a scout to ascertain the presence or absence of the
enemy in the blockhouse, was a fine display of personal intrepidity.

"The efficient, fearless, and intelligent manner in which Lieutenant
Kernan, Twenty-first United States Infantry, acting assistant
adjutant-general of the brigade, and Second Lieutenant Whitworth,
Eighteenth United States Infantry, aid, executed a series of dangerous
and difficult orders, was a fine exemplification of staff work
under fire.

"The splendid bravery of Captains Bjornstad and Seebach, and Lieutenant
Lackore, of the Thirteenth Minnesota, all wounded, and, finally,
the work of the soldiers of the first firing line, too, all went to
make up a rapid succession of individual actions of unusual merit."

Major General Merritt's account of the capture of the city must be
given in full, for there are no words wasted, and he clears the field
of all confusion.

"The works of the second line soon gave way to the determined advance
of Greene's troops, and that officer pushed his brigade rapidly
through Malate and over the bridges to occupy Binondo and San Miguel,
as contemplated in his instructions. In the meantime the brigade
of General MacArthur, advancing simultaneously on the Pasay road,
encountered a very sharp fire, coming from the blockhouses, trenches,
and woods in his front, positions which it was very difficult to carry,
owing to the swampy condition of the ground on both sides of the roads,
and the heavy undergrowth concealing the enemy. With much gallantry
and excellent judgment on the part of the brigade commander and the
troops engaged these difficulties were overcome with a minimum loss
(see report of brigade commander appended), and MacArthur advanced
and held the bridges and the town of Malate, as was contemplated in
his instructions.

"The city of Manila was now in our possession, excepting the walled
town, but shortly after the entry of our troops into Malate a white
flag was displayed on the walls, whereupon Lieutenant-Colonel C. A
Whittier, United States Volunteers, of my staff, and Lieutenant Brumby,
United States Navy, representing Admiral Dewey, were sent ashore to
communicate with the Captain-General. I soon personally followed
these officers into the town, going at once to the palace of the
Governor-General, and there, after a conversation with the Spanish
authorities, a preliminary agreement of the terms of capitulation
was signed by the Captain-General and myself. This agreement was
subsequently incorporated into the formal terms of capitulation,
as arranged by the officers representing the two forces, a copy of
which is hereto appended and marked.

"Immediately after the surrender the Spanish colors on the sea front
were hauled down and the American flag displayed and saluted by the
guns of the navy. The Second Oregon Regiment, which had proceeded
by sea from Cavite, was disembarked and entered the walled town as
a provost guard, and the colonel was directed to receive the Spanish
arms and deposit them in places of security. The town was filled with
the troops of the enemy driven in from the intrenchments, regiments
formed and standing in line in the streets, but the work of disarming
proceeded quietly and nothing unpleasant occurred.

"In leaving the subject of the operations of the 13th, I desire here
to record my appreciation of the admirable manner in which the orders
for attack and the plan for occupation of the city were carried out
by the troops exactly as contemplated. I submit that for troops to
enter under fire a town covering a wide area, to rapidly deploy and
guard all principal points in the extensive suburbs, to keep out the
insurgent forces pressing for admission, to quietly disarm an army
of Spaniards more than equal in numbers to the American troops,
and finally by all this to prevent entirely all rapine, pillage,
and disorder, and gain entire and complete possession of a city of
300,000 people filled with natives hostile to the European interests,
and stirred up by the knowledge that their own people were fighting
in the outside trenches, was an act which only the law-abiding,
temperate, resolute American soldier, well and skillfully handled by
his regimental and brigade commanders, could accomplish.

The trophies of Manila were nearly $900,000,000, of which $240,000,000
were copper coin, 13,000 prisoners and 22,000 arms.

Three days after the surrender, General Merritt received news of the
protocol, and soon was ordered to Paris. In parting he says of the
insurgent chief that he had written communication with him on various
occasions, and "he recognized my authority as military governor of the
town of Manila and suburbs, and made professions of his willingness
to withdraw his troops to a line which I might indicate, but at
the same time asking certain favors for himself. The matters in this
connection had not been settled at the date of my departure. Doubtless
much dissatisfaction is felt by the rank and file of the insurgents
that they have not been permitted to enjoy the occupancy of Manila,
and there is some ground for trouble with them owing to that fact,
but notwithstanding many rumors to the contrary, I am of the opinion
that the leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances, as
they are sufficiently intelligent and educated to know that for them
to antagonize the United States would be to destroy their only chance
of future political improvement.

The Commanding General's personal acknowledgments are very handsome,
as follows:

"Brigadier-General E.P. Hughes, my inspector-general at San Francisco,
was especially noticeable in accomplishing the instruction of the green
troops that came to the city, many of them without arms, clothing, or
equipment of any kind. His services will undoubtedly be duly recognized
by Major-General Otis, with whom I left him to continue the good work.

"I desire especially to express my acknowledgments to Brigadier-General
Babcock, my adjutant-general and chief of staff, for his most valuable
services from the inception of the campaign in San Francisco to the
close of the work at the present time. This officer is too well known
to require special mention of his services in any one direction. He
was my right arm, not only in the office but in the field, and
much of the success that has attended the expedition is due to his
individual efforts.

"I desire especially to mention Major McClure and Major Whipple,
of the pay department, who volunteered their services after they
had completed their legitimate duties, and performed excellent work
whenever called upon. Major McClure was especially important in his
services immediately after the surrender, taking long rides under
my orders to the Spanish lines, and bearing instructions to them
which resulted in effecting their withdrawal in such manner as to
prevent the incursion of the insurgents in the northern portions of
the city. Other officers have been named in my special reports and
have been recommended for brevets and promotion.

"I especially call attention to the services of Captain Mott,
as mentioned in the report of Brigadier-General Greene. He was
cheerful, willing, intelligent, and energetic in the discharge of the
multifarious duties imposed upon him in connection with our troops
and trenches during the rainy season, and in the final action showed
these rare characteristics which stamp him as a very superior soldier."


_The Terms of Capitulation_

The undersigned having been appointed a commission to determine the
details of the capitulation of the city and defenses of Manila and
its suburbs and the Spanish forces stationed therein, in accordance
with the agreement entered into the previous day by Major General
Wesley Merritt, United States Army, American commander in chief in the
Philippines, and His Excellency Don Fermin Jaudenes, acting General
in chief of the Spanish Army in the Philippines, have agreed upon
the following:

1. The Spanish troops, European and native, capitulate with the city
and its defenses, with all the honors of war, depositing their arms
in the places designated by the authorities of the United States, and
remaining in the quarters designated and under the orders of their
officers, and subject to the control of the aforesaid United States
authorities, until the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the
two belligerent nations.

All persons included in the capitulation remain at liberty, the
officers remaining in their respective homes, which shall be respected
as long as they observe the regulations prescribed for their government
and the laws in force.

2. Officers shall retain their side arms, horses, and private property.

3. All public horses and public property of all kinds shall be turned
over to staff officers designated by the United States.

4. Complete returns in duplicate of men by organizations, and full
lists of public property and stores shall be rendered to the United
States within ten days from this date.

5. All questions relating to the repatriation of officers and men of
the Spanish forces and of their families, and of the expenses which
said repatriation may occasion, shall be referred to the Government
of the United States at Washington.

Spanish families may leave Manila at any time convenient to them.

The return of the arms surrendered by the Spanish forces shall take
place when they evacuate the city or when the American Army evacuates.

6. Officers and men included in the capitulation shall be supplied by
the United States, according to their rank, with rations and necessary
aid as though they were prisoners of war, until the conclusion of a
treaty of peace between the United States and Spain.

All the funds in the Spanish treasury and all other public funds
shall be turned over to the authorities of the United States.

7. This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship,
its educational establishments, and its private property of all
descriptions are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and
honor of the American Army.

_F.V. Greene_, Brigadier-General of Volunteers, United States Army.

_B.P. Lamberton_, Captain, United States Navy.

_Charles A. Whittier_, Lieutenant-Colonel and Inspector-General.

_E.H. Crowder_, Lieutenant-Colonel and Judge-Advocate.

_Nicholas de la Petra_, Auditor General Excmo.

_Carlos_, Coronel de Ingenieros.

_Jose_, Coronel de Estado Major.


The Spaniards wanted a long array of specifications as to what the
Americans might and should not do, but finally were struck with the
sufficiency of the shining simple words, "under the special safeguard
of the faith and honor of the American Army."



CHAPTER XI

The Administration of General Merritt.

The Official Gazette Issued at Manila--Orders and Proclamations Showing
the Policy and Detail of the Administration of Major-General Wesley
Merritt, Who, as Commander of the Philippine Expedition, Became, Under
the Circumstances of the Capture of Manila, the Governor of That City.

_General Merritt's Proclamation to the Filipinos._

Headquarters Department of the Pacific, August 14, 1898.

To the People of the Philippines:

I. War has existed between the United States and Spain since April 21
of this year. Since that date you have witnessed the destruction by an
American fleet of the Spanish naval power in these islands, the fall
of the principal city, Manila, and its defenses, and the surrender
of the Spanish army of occupation to the forces of the United States.

II. The commander of the United States forces now in possession has
instructions from his Government to assure the people that he has
not come to wage war upon them, nor upon any part or faction among
them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and
in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, by active
aid or honest submission, co-operate with the United States in its
efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose, will receive the
reward of its support and protection.

III. The government established among you by the United States is a
government of military occupation; and for the present it is ordered
that the municipal laws such as affect private rights of persons and
property, regulate local institutions, and provide for the punishment
of crime, shall be considered as continuing in force, so far as
compatible with the purposes of military government, and that they be
administered through the ordinary tribunals substantially as before
occupation, but by officials appointed by the government of occupation.

IV. A Provost-Marshal-General will be appointed for the city
of Manila and its outlying districts. This territory will be
divided into sub-districts, and there will be assigned to each a
Deputy-Provost-Marshal.

The duties of the Provost-Marshal-General and his deputies will be
set forth in detail in future orders. In a general way they are
charged with the duty of making arrests of military, as well as
civil offenders, sending such of the former class as are triable by
courts-martial to their proper commands, with statements of their
offenses and names of witnesses, and detaining in custody all other
offenders for trial by military commission, provost courts, or native
criminal courts, in accordance with law and the instructions hereafter
to be issued.

V. The port of Manila, and all other ports and places in the
Philippines which may be in the actual possession of our land and naval
forces, will be open, while our military occupation may continue, to
the commerce of all neutral nations as well as our own, in articles
not contraband of war, and upon payment of the prescribed rates of
duty which may be in force at the time of the importation.

VI. All churches and places devoted to religious worship and to the
arts and sciences, all educational institutions, libraries, scientific
collections, and museums are, so far as possible, to be protected; and
all destruction or intentional defacement of such places or properly,
of historical monuments, archives, or works of science and art, is
prohibited, save when required by urgent military necessity. Severe
punishment will be meted out for all violations of this regulation.

The custodians of all property of the character mentioned in this
section will make prompt returns thereof to these headquarters, stating
character and location, and embodying such recommendations as they may
think proper for the full protection of the properties under their care
and custody, that proper orders may issue enjoining the co-operation
of both military and civil authorities in securing such protection.

VII. The Commanding General, in announcing the establishment of
military government, and in entering upon his duty as Military Governor
in pursuance of his appointment as such by the government of the United
States, desires to assure the people that so long as they preserve
the peace and perform their duties toward the representatives of the
United States they will not be disturbed in their persons and property,
except in so far as may be found necessary for the good of the service
of the United States and the benefit of the people of the Philippines.

_Wesley Merritt_,

Major-General, United States Army, Commanding.

The general orders following are full of curious interest, as they
declare the true intent and meaning of the Philippine Expedition,
and define the situation at Manila, with extraordinary precision,
and are in the strictest sense by authority:

_Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps_

Manila Bay, August 9th, 1898.

_General Orders_, No. 3.

1. In view of the extraordinary conditions under which this Army is
operating, the Commanding General desires to acquaint the officers
and men composing it, with the expectations which he entertains as
to their conduct.

You are assembled upon foreign soil situated within the western
confines of a vast ocean separating you from your native land. You have
come not as despoilers and oppressors, but simply as the instruments
of a strong free government, whose purposes are beneficent and which
has declared itself in this war, the champion of those oppressed by
Spanish misrule.

It is therefore the intention of this order to appeal directly to your
pride in your position as representatives of a high civilization,
in the hope and with the firm conviction that you will so conduct
yourselves in your relations with the inhabitants of these islands,
as to convince them of the lofty nature of the mission which you come
to execute.

It is not believed that any acts of pillage, rapine, or violence will
be committed by soldiers or other in the employ of the United States,
but should there be persons with this command who prove themselves
unworthy of this confidence, their acts will be considered not only
as crimes against the sufferers, but as direct insults to the United
States flag, and they will be punished on the spot with the maximum
penalties known to military law.

By Command of Major-General Merritt: _J.B. Babcock_, Adjutant-General.

Official: _Bentley Mott_, Aid.





_Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps._

Manila, P. I., August 15th, 1898.

_General Orders_, No. 4.

1. In addition to his duties as Division Commander, Brigadier-General
T.M. Anderson, U. S. Vols., is hereby assigned to the command of the
District of Cavite and will remove his headquarters to that point. The
garrison of the District of Cavite will be augmented upon the arrival
of the next transports containing troops for this command.

2. In addition to his duties as Brigade Commander, Brigadier-General
Arthur MacArthur, U. S. Vols., is hereby appointed Military Commandant
of the walled city of Manila, and Provost-Marshal-General of the City
of Manila, including all the outlying districts within the municipal
jurisdiction. General MacArthur will remove his headquarters within the
walled city and will bring with him one strong regiment of his command
to take station within the walled town. The Commanding Officer of the
2nd Oregon Vol. Inf., now stationed in the walled city, will report to
General MacArthur, and the Companies of the 2nd Oregon Vol. Inf., now
at Cavite, will, upon being relieved by other troops, be sent to Manila
to join the regiment. General MacArthur will relieve the Civil Governor
of his functions, and take possession of the offices, clerks and all
machinery of administration of that office, retaining and employing
the present subordinate officers of civil administration until,
in his judgment, it is desirable to replace them by other appointments.

3. Colonel James S. Smith, 1st California Vol. Inf., in addition to his
duties as Regimental Commander, is appointed Deputy Provost-Marshal
for the Districts of the city north of the Pasig River, and will
report to General MacArthur. Colonel S. Ovenshine, 23rd U. S. Inf.,
is appointed Deputy Provost-Marshal for the districts of the city,
including Ermita and Malate, outside of the walled town and south of
the Pasig River, and will report to General MacArthur.

4. Under paragraphs "3" and "4" of the terms of capitulation, full
lists of public property and stores, and returns in duplicate of the
men by organizations, are to be rendered to the United States within
ten days, and public horses and public property of all kinds are to be
turned over to the staff officers of the United States designated to
receive them. Under these paragraphs the Chief of Artillery at these
headquarters, and the Chiefs of the Staff Departments, will take
possession of the public property turned over as above, pertaining
to their respective departments.

The returns of the prisoners will be submitted to the Military
Commandant of the City, who will assign the men for quarters in such
public buildings and barracks as are not required for the use of United
States troops. The horses and private property of the officers of the
Spanish forces are not to be disturbed. The Chief Paymaster at these
headquarters will turn over such portion of the Spanish public funds
received by him, by virtue of this order, to the administration of
his office.

5. All removals and appointments of subordinate officers of civil
administration, and transfers of funds authorized by this order, must
receive the approval of the Commanding General, before action is taken.

6. The Chief Quartermaster and Chief Commissary of Subsistence at
these headquarters will establish depots of supply in Manila with as
little delay as possible.

Quartermaster and Subsistence depots will also be retained at Cavite.

By Command of Major-General Merritt:
_J. B. Babcock_,
Adjutant-General.

Official: _Bentley Mott_, Aid.





_Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps._

Manila, P. I., August 17th, 1898.

_General Orders_ No. 5.

1. In addition to the command of his Brigade, Brigadier-General
F. V. Greene, U. S. Vols., will perform the duties hitherto performed
by the Intendente General de Hacienda, and will have charge, subject
to instructions of the Major General Commanding, of all fiscal affairs
of the Government of Manila.

2. Lieutenant-Colonel C. A. Whittier, U. S. Vols., is appointed
Collector of Customs, and the Chief Paymaster, Department of the
Pacific, will designate a bonded officer of the Pay Department as
custodian of all public funds. Both of these officers will report to
Brigadier-General Greene for instructions.

By Command of Major-General Merritt:
_J. B. Babcock_,
Adjutant-General.

Official: _Bentley Mott_, Aid.





_Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps._

Manila, P. I., August 17th, 1898.

_General Orders_, No. 6.

The Major-General Commanding desires to congratulate the troops of
this command upon their brilliant success in the capture, by assault,
of the defenses of Manila, on Saturday, August 13, a date hereafter
to be memorable in the history of American victories.

After a journey of seven thousand miles by sea, the soldiers of
the Philippine Expedition encountered most serious difficulties in
landing, due to protracted storms raising high surf, through which it
was necessary to pass the small boats which afforded the only means
of disembarking the army and its supplies. This great task, and the
privations and hardships of a campaign during the rainy season in
tropical lowlands, were accomplished and endured by all the troops, in
a spirit of soldierly fortitude, which has at all times during these
days of trial, given the Commanding General the most heartfelt pride
and confidence in his men. Nothing could be finer than the patient,
uncomplaining devotion to duty which all have shown.

Now it is his pleasure to announce that within three weeks after the
arrival in the Philippines of the greater portion of the forces,
the capital city of the Spanish possessions in the East, held by
Spanish veterans, has fallen into our hands, and he feels assured
that all officers and men of this command have reason to be proud of
the success of the expedition.

The Commanding General will hereafter take occasion to mention to
the Home Government, the names of officers, men and organizations,
to whom special credit is due.

By Command of Major-General Merritt:
_J. B. Babcock_,
Adjutant-General

Official: _Bentley Mott_, Aid.





_Headquarters of the Provost-Marshal-General and Military Commandant._

City of Manila, P. I., August 18th, 1898.

_General Orders_, No. 1.

1. In obedience to the provisions of General Orders, No. 3, dated
Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps, Manila,
P. I., August l5th, 1898, the undersigned hereby assumes the office
and duties of Military Commandant of the walled city of Manila;
Provost-Marshal-General of the city of Manila, including the outlying
districts within the municipal jurisdiction, and also the functions
of Civil Governor.

2. Until further orders the preservation of law and order throughout
the city will be maintained according to the arrangements which
now obtain.

3. The location of these Headquarters will be at the office of the
Civil Governor, corner of San Juan de Letran and Anda Streets, and to
the above address will be referred all papers requiring action by the
undersigned. To insure prompt investigation, all claims, complaints,
and petitions should be presented in the English language.

4. Major Harry C. Hale, Assistant Adjutant-General U. S. Volunteers;
aide de camp to the Commanding General, having been assigned
for temporary duty at these Headquarters, is hereby appointed
Adjutant-General to the undersigned.

5. Colonel S. Overshine having been appointed by proper authority
Deputy Provost-Marshal of the districts of the city (including Ermita
and Malate) outside of the walled town and south of the Pasig river,
will organize and establish his office as soon as possible, and report
the location thereof to these Headquarters.

6. Colonel James S. Smith, 1st California Volunteer Infantry, having
been appointed by proper authority Deputy Provost-Marshal of the
districts of the city north of the Pasig river, will organize and
establish his office as soon as possible and report location thereof
to these Headquarters.

(Sgd.) _Arthur MacArthur_,
Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers.
Military Commandant and Provost-Marshal-General.





The Official Gazette of Aug. 23 is a record of the organization of
the Military Government of Manila.

_Office Chief of Police._

_Manila_, P. I.

_Order_ No. 1.

By command of Brigadier-General MacArthur and Military Commandant,
the Thirteenth Regiment Minnesota Volunteer Infantry is designated
to perform the police duty of this city and the commanding officer
thereof is appointed Chief of Police, and Major Ed. S. Bean, Inspector
of Police.

Companies D, G, J and S are hereby detailed to at once take charge
of the police stations and perform the necessary duties pertaining
to the position of police and maintenance of order.

C. McC. _Reeve_,
Colonel 13th Regiment Minnesota Volunteer Infantry and Chief of Police.
Aug. 22d. 1898.



_Office Chief of Police._

_Manila_, P. I.

_Order_ No. 2.

1. The following is published for the information of the police of
this city:

2. Bulletin hoards will be kept in all stations and all orders issued
from this office will be posted thereon.

3. Armed native and Spanish soldiers must be disarmed before being
allowed to pass through gates, either way.

4. Arrest drunk and disorderly persons.

5. Spanish officers are allowed to wear their side arms.

6. Commanding officers will have their respective districts patroled
at least once each hour during the day and night.

7. Shoes must be blacked and all brasses bright and shining at
all times.

8. Be courteous in your contact with both natives and Spaniards and
see that all soldiers of other commands observe this rule.

9. Particular attention must be given by men at the gates to the
saluting of officers in passing through, and particularly so to the
general officers.

Ed. S. Bean,
Major 13th Regiment Minnesota Volunteer Infantry, and Inspector
of Police.
Aug. 22d, 1898.

Approved,
_Reeve_,
Colonel 13th Regiment Minnesota Volunteer Infantry and Chief of Police.





_Headquarters of the Provost-Marshal and Military Commandant._

Adjutant-General's Office, City of Manila, P. I., August 22nd, 1898.

_General Orders_, No. 3.

Colonel McC. Reeve, 13th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry, is hereby
directed to relieve the Commandante of the Guardia Civil Veterana of
his functions, and will take possession of his office and will employ
such officers and soldiers of his regiment _as may_ be necessary for
the adequate police protection of this city.

By Command of Brigadier-General MacArthur,
Provost-Marshal-General and Military Commandant,
Harry C. Hale,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

_Order_ No. 3.

_Office Chief of Police. Manila_, P.I.

To Commanding Officer.

_Stations_.

Notify all livery stables and other places in your districts,
depositing large quantities of manure and other refuse in the streets,
that they must cart it away daily, themselves.

Failure to do so will result in the arrest of the offending party.

_Ed. S. Bean_, Major 13th Minnesota Volunteers, and Inspector of
Police.

August 22d, 1898.

Approved

_Reeve_, Colonel 13th Minnesota Volunteers, and Chief of Police.





_Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps._

Manila, Philippine Islands, August 22nd, 1898.

_General Orders_, No. 8.

I. For the maintenance of law and order in those portions of the
Philippines occupied or controlled by the Army of the United States,
and to provide means to promptly punish infraction of the same,
Military Commissions and Provost Courts, composed and constituted in
accordance with the laws of war, will be appointed from time to time
as occasion may require.

II. The local courts, continued in force for certain purposes in
proclamation from these headquarters, dated August 14th, 1898, shall
not exercise jurisdiction over any crime or offense committed by any
person belonging to the Army of the United States, or any retainer
of the Army, or person serving with it, or any person furnishing
or transporting supplies for the Army; nor over any crime or offense
committed on either of the same by any inhabitant or temporary resident
of said territory. In such cases, except when Courts Martial have
jurisdiction, jurisdiction to try and punish is vested in Military
Commissions and the Provost Court, as hereinafter set forth.

III. The crimes and offenses triable by Military Commission are murder,
manslaughter, assault and battery with intent to kill, robbery, rape,
assault and battery with intent to rape, and such other crimes,
offenses, or violations of the laws of war as may be referred to
it for trial by the Commanding General. The punishment awarded by
Military Commission shall conform, as far as possible, to the laws
of the United States, or the custom of war. Its sentence is subject
to the approval of the Commanding General.

IV. The Provost Court has jurisdiction to try all other crimes and
offenses, referred to in Section II of this order; not exclusively
triable by Courts Martial or Military Commission, including violations
of orders or the laws of war, and such cases as may be referred to
it by the Commanding General. It shall have power to punish with
confinement, with or without hard labor, for not more than six (6)
months, or with fine not exceeding Two Hundred and Fifty Dollars
($250.00) or both. Its sentence does not require the approval of the
Commanding General, but may be mitigated or remitted by him.

V. The Judge of the Provost Court will be appointed by this
Commanding General. When in the opinion of the Provost Court its
power of punishment is inadequate, it shall certify the case to the
Commanding General for his consideration and action.

By Command of Major-General Merritt:
_J.B. Babcock_, Adjutant-General.
Official: _Bentley Mott_, Aid.





_Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army Corps._

Manila, P.I., August 22nd, 1898.

_Special Orders_, No. 32.

1. Upon the recommendation of the Intendente General de Hacienda,
Major R.B.C. Bement, Engineer Officer, U.S. Volunteers, is hereby
appointed Administrator de Hacienda (Collector of Internal Revenue),
and will report without delay to Brigadier-General F.V. Greene,
U.S. Volunteers, Intendente General, Manila.

2. The following orders are confirmed: Special Orders No. 5,
Headquarters Second Division, Eighth Army Corps, August 6th, 1898,
placing First Lieutenant W.G. Haan, 3rd U. S. Artillery, in command
of a separate battery to be organized by details from batteries of
3rd U.S. Artillery, to man the Hotchkiss revolving cannon brought on
the transport Ohio.

3. Private H.J. Green, Company E, 2nd Oregon Volunteer Infantry,
detailed on special duty at these headquarters, will be paid
commutation of rations at the rate of seventy-five cents per diem, it
being entirely impracticable for him to cook or utilize rations. He
will also be paid commutation of quarters at the usual rate. Both
commutations to be paid while this man is employed on his present
duty and stationed in this city, and to date from and inclusive of
the 16th inst.

4. Corporal Jerome Patterson, Company H, 23rd U.S. Infantry, Corporal
James Maddy, Company F, 2nd Oregon Volunteer Infantry, Private Emmett
Manley, Company D, 23rd U.S. Infantry, Private Robert M. Nichols,
Company A, 1st Idaho Volunteer Infantry, Private P.H. Sullivan,
Company F, 23rd U.S. Infantry, are hereby detailed on special duty at
these Headquarters., and will report at once to the Adjutant-General
for duty.

5. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles L. Jewett, Judge Advocate,
U.S. Volunteers, is hereby appointed Judge of the Provost Court,
for the city of Manila. He will hold the sessions of his court at
the headquarters of the Provost-Marshal-General. The Quartermaster
Department will provide the necessary offices and office furniture.

The Provost Court will be attended by one or more Assistant
Provost-Marshal, to be detailed by the Provost-Marshal-General, who
will be charged with the duty of enforcing its orders and executing
its processes. The form of accusation in the Provost Court will be
substantially the same as that used in Courts Martial, and a record
of all cases tried, assimilated to that of the summary court, will
be kept.

6. Upon the recommendation of the Chief Commissary of the Department
of the Pacific, the issue to Spanish Prisoners by Major S.A. Cloman,
C.S., U.S. Vols., Depot Commissary, Cavite, P.I., of one (1) box of
soap (60 lbs. net) is hereby confirmed.

7. Sergeant Charles H. Burritt, Company C, 1st Wyoming Volunteer
Infantry, will report to Lieutenant Morgareidge, 1st Wyoming Volunteer
Infantry, on board Steamer Ohio, for temporary duty in unloading
commissary supplies.

Upon completion of this duty Sergeant Burritt will rejoin his Company.

8. Lieutenant Charles H. Sleeper, 1st Colorado Volunteer Infantry,
is hereby appointed Deputy Collector of Internal Revenue, and will
report to Major R.B.C. Bement, U.S. Vols., Administrator de Haciena
(Collector of Internal Revenue), for instructions.

9. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles L. Potter, U.S. Vols., Chief Engineer
Officer, Eighth Army Corps, will assume charge of the water supply
of this city, and will report to Brigadier-General Arthur MacArthur,
U.S. Vols., Military Commandant of Manila, for instructions.

By Command of Major-General Merritt:

_J.B. Babcock_,
Adjutant-General.
Official: _Bentley Mott_, Aid.

The responsibilities of General Merritt in his Manila, campaign were
graver than the country understands, and his success was regarded as so
much a matter of course that there has been forgetfulness to take into
account the many circumstances that gave anxiety preceding decisions
that seem easy now that they have been vindicated by events. The
departure from San Francisco of the Major-General commanding the
Philippine expedition was as well known to the Spanish as to the
American cabinet, and there is reason to think there were no important
particulars of the sailing of the third division of our Philippine
soldiers unknown to enemies. There were in gold coin, a million and
a half dollars in the strong box of Merritt's ship, the Newport. The
Spanish spies were not as well posted as an average hackman, if they
did not report the shipment of gold. It would have been a triumph
for Spain to have captured the commanding general and the gold, the
Astor Battery and the regular recruits with the headquarters ship,
The Spanish were known to have a gunboat or two lurking in the islands
within striking distance of our transports, unarmed vessels--except
a few deck pieces of field artillery--with more than a thousand men
on each. General Merritt wanted the escort of ships of war to make
all secure, and application to Admiral Dewey to send one of his war
boats, brought the statement that he could not spare a ship. Just at
that time he heard of the run by Camara with the Cadiz fleet Eastward
on the Mediterranean, and soon he had word that the Pelayo and her
companions were in the Suez canal. General Greene had not arrived
at Manila at that time, and the monitors Monterey and Monadnock were
getting along slowly. Dewey knew he would have to evacuate the scene
of his victory in case Camara was fully committed to go to Manila, and
wait for the Monitors, and when he got them he said he would return
and sink another Spanish fleet, but that was something it might be
critical to explain, and General Merritt, after leaving San Francisco,
did not get any news for twenty-six days. All that time he would have
had no justification for surprise if he had been attacked by a Spanish
gunboat, and if the Spaniards had pushed on their Rapide--the converted
German liner the Normania--she could have been handled to cut off the
American reinforcements on the way to the camps of the little American
army already landed. When General Merritt reached Cavite, he found the
situation difficult for the army and pushed things as the only way to
get out of trouble. He had two armies to deal with, one the Spaniards,
fiercely hostile, and the other, the Filipinos, factional and jealous,
each outnumbering by five thousand the American forces with which
the city was assailed and finally captured. There was no time lost,
and if there had been any delay, even two days, the peace protocol
would have found our army in the trenches, and the city belonging to
the Spaniards. It was the energy of General Merritt, heartily shared
by his division commanders, that prevented this embarrassment,
which would have been a moral and military misfortune. We have
given the General's orders to his troops and the Filipinos after
the fall of the city--also his original statement of policy, and
noted how cleverly they supported each other, and how smoothly the
work of organization and administration is carried on the world is
well aware. The orders deputing the officers to discharge certain
duties are plain business. There was no departure from the strict,
straight line of military government, and the threatened entanglements
firmly touched passed away. There was nothing omitted, or superfluous,
and the purpose and programme of policy was made clear by events. The
confusion overcome by the genius of common sense there was order, all
rights respected, the administration was a success from the beginning
and continued, and is to be continued--security is established, there
is public confidence in the air--the "faith and honor of the army"
are inviolable, Manila is ours, and there is peace. If war comes in
that quarter of the globe we shall stand on ground that earthquakes
cannot shake.



CHAPTER XII

The American Army in Manila.

Why the Boys Had a Spell of Home Sickness--Disadvantages of the
Tropics--Admiral Dewey and his Happy Men--How Our Soldiers Passed
the Time on the Ships--General Merritt's Headquarters--What Is Public
Property--The Manila Water Supply--England Our Friend--Major-General
Otis, General Merritt's Successor.

The American soldiers in the Philippines were most devoted and
cheerful, patient under hardship and pleasantly satisfied that they
were as far to the front as anybody and seeing all there was to see
during the siege of Manila. They were out in tropical rains, and the
ditches they waded were deep with mud unless filled with water. They
were harassed by the Spanish with the long-range Mausers at night and
insufficiently provided a part of the time with rations. At best they
had a very rough experience, but kept their health and wanted to go
into the city with a rush. They would rather have taken chances in
storming the place than sleep in the mud, as they did for twenty days.

When the defenders of Manila concluded that the honor of Spain would
be preserved by the shedding of only a little blood in a hopeless
struggle and fell back from very strong positions before the advance
of skirmish lines, and the American columns entered the city, keeping
two armies--the Spaniards and the insurgents--apart, and, taking
possession, restored order and were sheltered in houses, it soon
began to occur to the boys, who came out of the wet campaign looking
like veterans and feeling that they had gained much by experience,
that they were doing garrison duty and that it was objectionable. The
soldiers who arrived on the Peru, City of Pueblo and Pennsylvania
were shocked that they had missed the fight and disgusted with the
news of peace. They had made an immense journey to go actively into
war, and emerged from the ocean solitude to police a city in time of
peace. It was their notion that they lacked occupation; that their
adventure had proved an enterprise that could not become glorious.

The romance of war faded. Unquiet sensations were produced by the
stories that there was nothing to do but go home, and they would
soon be placed aboard the transports and homeward bound. Besides,
the climate was depressing. The days were hot and the nights were not
refreshing. The rations were better and there were dry places to sleep,
but there was no inspiring excitement, and it was not a life worth
living. War--"the front"--instead of offering incomparable varieties,
became tedious--it was a bore, in fact. How could a crowded city and
thronged streets be attractive in a military sense, or the scene of
patriotic sacrifice, when the most arduous duty was that of police? Was
it for this they had left homes in Oregon, Montana, Pennsylvania,
Wisconsin, Tennessee, Nebraska, Utah, California and Colorado?

There came an episode of homesickness. It was about time in a soldier's
life to contrast it with the farms and the villages, the shops,
mines and manufactories. They were kept busy on guard and in caring
for themselves, in activities as the masters of a strange community,
but the novelties of the tropics lost their flavor. What did a man
want with oranges when there were apples? What was a rice swamp
compared with a corn field? Think of the immeasurable superiority,
as a steady thing, of an Irish potato to a banana, or a peach to a
pineapple! What was a Chinese pony alongside a Kentucky horse, or a
water buffalo with the belly of a hippopotamus and horns crooked as
a saber and long as your arm to one who had seen old-fashioned cows,
and bulls whose bellowing was as the roaring of lions? The miserable
but mighty buffaloes were slower than oxen and, horns and all, tame
as sheep--the slaves of serfs!

As for the Chinese, if there were no other objection, they should
be condemned because too numerous--faithful, perhaps, in a way, but
appearing with too much frequency in the swarming streets. And the
women, with hair hanging down their backs, one shoulder only sticking
out of their dresses, the skin shining like a scoured copper kettle; a
skirt tight around the hips and divided to show a petticoat of another
tint, a jacket offering further contrasts in colors, slippers flapping
under naked heels, faces solemn as masks of death heads--oh, for the
rosy and jolly girls we left behind us in tears! How beautiful were
the dear golden-haired and blue-eyed blondes of other days! The boys
wanted at least tobacco and aerated waters to soothe themselves with,
and if there was not to be any more fighting, what was the matter
with going home?

They also serve, however, who only stand and wait--there are no
soldiers or sailors in the world who are in a position of greater
interest and usefulness than those of the American army and navy who
hold fast with arms the capital city of the Philippines. The army,
though much exposed, has not suffered severely from sickness. There
has been an intense and protracted strain upon the men of the ships,
but they have recovered from the amiable weakness for home, and they
are not merely well; they are more than plain healthy--they are hearty
and happy! There is the light of good times in their faces. One thing
in their favor is they have not been allowed to eat unwholesome food,
and the floors of the warboats and every piece of metal or wood that
is in sight is polished and glistening with cleanliness. The soldiers
will feel better when the postoffice is in working order and they
will do better by their organs of digestion when they are not deluged
with fizz--that is, pop, and beer made without malt, and the strange,
sweetish fruits that at first were irresistible temptations.

"Come with me and see the men of the Olympia," said Admiral Dewey,
"and see how happy they are, though they have been shut up here
four months." And the men did look jolly and bright, and proud of
the Admiral as he of them, and they were pleased when he noticed,
kindly, the hostile little monkey, who is the mascot, and the other
day bit the Captain.

The health of the boys was preserved at sea by systematic exercise. Not
a transport crossed the Pacific that was not converted into a military
school, and each floating schoolhouse had about 1,000 pupils. They
were put through gymnastics and calisthenics when, as a rule,
they were barefooted and wore no clothes but their undershirts and
trousers. There was even a scarcity of suspenders. The drill-masters
were in dead earnest, and their voices rang out until the manifestation
of vocal capacity excited admiration. The boys had to reach suddenly
for heaven with both hands and then bring their arms to their sides
with swinging energy. Then they had to strike out right and left to
the order "Right!" "Left!" until the sergeant was satisfied. Next each
foot had to be lifted and put down quickly at the word of command;
then it was needful that the legs should he widely separated in a jump
and closed up with vigor; then the spinal columns swayed forward and
back and all the joints and muscles had something to do. This was
no laughing matter to any one, though it was funny enough from the
ordinary standpoint of civil life. This medicine was taken day after
day, and seemed to vindicate itself.

It was esteemed a good thing for the boys to perspire from
exercise. There was no trouble, though, when south and west of
Honolulu, in having substantially Turkish baths in the bunks at
night, and there were queer scenes on deck--men by hundreds scantily
clothed and sleeping in attitudes that artists might have chosen to
advantage for life studies. It was necessary for those who walked
about, during the hours thus given to repose, where the enlisted
men took their rest with their undershirts and drawers around them,
to be careful not to tramp on the extended limbs. Once I feared I had
hit a soldier's nose with my heavy foot when stepping over him in a
low light, and was gratified that my heel had merely collided with
a big boy's thumb. He had gone to sleep with his head protected by
his hand. I paused long enough to note that the sheltering hand if
clinched would have been a mighty and smiting fist; and I was doubly
pleased that I had not tramped on his big nose.

Not infrequently, when we were steaming along the 20th parallel of
north latitude--that is to say, well in the torrid zone--and were
wafted by the trade winds that were after us at about our own speed,
heavy showers came up in the night and spoiled the luxurious content of
those who were spread on the decks. The boys got in good form through
the longest journey an army ever made--for the distance is greater from
the United States to the Philippines than from Spain--and every week
the skill of a soldier in acquiring the lessons of the climate and the
best methods of taking care of himself will become more useful, and the
tendency will be to settle down to the business of soldiering, make the
best of it and accept it as educational--an experience having in it the
elements of enduring enjoyments. "The days when I was in Manila, away
down in the south seas, but a little way from the island from which
came the wild man of Borneo," will be pleasant in remembrance, and
there will be perpetually an honorable distinction in identification
with an ambitious yet generous enterprise, one of the most remarkable
a nation can undertake--not excepting the Roman conquests all around
the Mediterranean, and that touched the northern sea, invading England.

In the later days of August there were in the prisons of Manila,
which answer to the penitentiary and jail in the American States,
2,200 prisoners, one of whom was a Spaniard! The prisons are divided
only by a high wall and contain many compartments to assist in
classification. There are considerable spaces devoted to airing the
prisoners, and one in which the privileged are permitted to amuse
themselves with games. The guard consisted, when I visited the place,
of sixty-three soldiers from Pennsylvania. There were many women
imprisoned. One who had been shut up for more than a year was taken
into custody because she had attempted rather informally to retake
possession of a house of which she had been proprietor and out of
which she had been fraudulently thrown. Her crime was a hysterical
assertion of her rights and her uninvited tenants were Spaniards.

One of the buildings contained the criminals alleged to be desperate,
and as they stood at the windows the chains on their right legs were
in sight. It was plainly seen in several cases that the links of the
chains used were about three inches long and that three or four turns
were taken around the right ankle. In a group of prisoners waiting
for supper to be handed them in pans in the open air a large number
wore chains. Many of the prisoners were incarcerated as insurgents,
having offended by refusing to espouse the Spanish cause or by some
other capital criminality in that line of misconduct! A commission was
investigating their cases and the Filipinos who had not satisfied the
Spanish requirements were represented by an able lawyer who was well
informed and disposed to do justice. Sixty-two of the inmates of the
penitentiary held for discontent with the Spanish system of government
were to be discharged as soon as the papers could be made out.

Many most interesting questions arise in connection with the
capitulation of the Spanish army. It was agreed that the Spaniards,
upon surrendering and giving up the public property, should be entitled
to the honors of war. It was expressly understood that the arms the
troops gave up were to be retained. In case the Americans abandoned
the islands or the Spaniards departed the rifles should be given them,
and usage would seem to determine that this return of weapons must
include the Mausers in the hands of the troops now prisoners of war
and the cartridges they would carry if they took the field.

Then arises a difficulty as to the precise meaning of the words
"public property." There were laid down by the Spaniards about 12,000
Mausers and Remingtons, and there were 10,000 in the arsenals--22,000
in all. It is admitted that 12,000 personally surrendered rifles go
back to the Spaniards, whether they or we go away from the islands--as
one or the other is sure to do--but the 10,000 stand of arms in the
arsenals come under the head of "public property," and so should be
retained permanently by the Americans. The number of ball cartridges
a soldier starting out to make a march carries is 100. There were
surrendered more than 500 rounds to the man. The public money was
public property, of course, and General Greene demanded the keys to
the vault containing it. The Spanish authorities objected, but yielded
after presenting a written protest. The money consisted of Spanish
and Mexican dollars, a lot of silver bars and change fused into one
mass, and some gold in the same state, also $247,000 in copper coin,
which was regarded, under the old dispensation, good stuff to pay
poor wages to poor men and women.

There are some fine points about customs. The American flag floats
over the city, and the importers and exporters want to know what the
charges are and how much the private concessions must be. Some of
these people ran around for several days with the object of placing
a few hundred Mexican dollars in the hands of officials, where they
would do the most good, and could not find anybody ready to confer
special favors for hard cash. These pushing business men had been
accustomed to meet calls for perquisites, and did not feel safe for a
moment without complying with that kind of formality. They turned away
embarrassed and disappointed, and were surprised to learn that they
were on a ground floor that was wide enough to accommodate everybody.

It should be mentioned in this connection, also, a Mexican dollar
passes in Manila for 50 cents American. The price of Mexican dollars
in the banks of San Francisco and Honolulu is 46 and 47 cents. The way
it works is illustrated in paying in a restaurant for a lunch--say
for two. If the account is $2 you put down a $5 United States gold
piece and receive in change eight Mexican dollars. If you buy cigars
at $40 per 1,000 a $20 American gold piece pays the $40 bill. There is
now pretty free coinage of Mexican dollars and they answer admirably
as 50-cent coins. That is one of the ways in which free coinage of
silver removes prejudices against the white metal; no one thinks of
objecting to a Mexican dollar as a half-dollar, and our boys, paid
in American gold, have a feeling that their wages are raised because
all over the city one of their dollars counts two in the settlement
of debts. These useful American dollars are admitted free of duty.

The headquarters of the American administration in Manila are in the
city hall, situated in the walled city, with a park in front that
plainly has been neglected for some time. It also fronts upon the same
open square as the cathedral, while beyond are the Jesuit College and
the Archbishop's palace. Just around the corner is a colossal church,
and a triangular open space that has a few neglected trees and ought
to be beautiful but is not. A street railroad passes between the
church and the triangle, and the mule power is sufficient to carry at
a reasonable rate a dozen Spanish officers and as many Chinamen. The
fare is 1 cent American--that is, 2 cents Philippine--and the other
side of the river you are entitled to a transfer, but the road is short
and drivers cheap. There is a system of return coupons that I do not
perfectly understand. The truth about the street railway system is
that there is very little of it in proportion to the size of the city,
but the average ride costs about 1 cent. If the Americans stay there
is an opening for a trolley on a long line.

There is no matter of business that does not depend upon the question:
Will the Americans stay? If they do all is well; if they do not all
is ill, and enterprise not to be talked of.

The most important bridge across the Pasig is the bridge of Spain. The
street railway crosses it. The carriages and the coolies, too, must
keep to the left. It is the thoroughfare between the new and old
cities, and at all hours of the day is thronged. It is a place favored
by the native gig drivers to whip heavily laden coolies out of the
way. A big Chinaman with powerful limbs, carrying a great burden,
hastens to give the road to a puny creature driving a puny pony,
lashing it with a big whip, and scrambles furiously away from a
two-wheeler whirling along a man able to pay a 10-cent fare.

In other days when one passed this bridge he faced the botanical
gardens, which had a world-wide reputation, an attraction being
a wonderful display of orchids. There were also beautiful trees;
now there are only stumps, disfigurements and desolation--some of
the horrors of war. The gardens were laid waste by the Spaniards as
a military precaution. As they seem to have known that they could
not or would not put up a big fight for the city, what was the use
of the destructiveness displayed in the gardens, parks and along the
boulevards? The fashion of taking a garden and making a desert of it
and calling it one of the military necessities of war is, however,
not peculiar to the chieftains of Spain.

Crossing the bridge of Spain to the walled city and turning to the
right there are well-paved streets bordered with strips of park
beside the river, that is rushing the same way if you are going to
headquarters; and the object that tells where to turn off to find
the old gateway through the wall, with a drawbridge over the grassy
moat, is a Monument to Alphonse, whose memory it is the habit of
these people to celebrate. Approaching the city hall (headquarters)
there is a white-walled hospital to note; then comes a heavy mass of
buildings on a narrow street, and the small square already styled
in this article a park, and we arrive at the grand entrance of the
official edifice. The room devoted to ceremony is so spacious that one
must consent that magnitude is akin to grandeur. There is the usual
double stairway and a few stone steps to overcome. On the right and
left under the second lift of stairs were corded the Spanish Mausers
and Remingtons and many boxes of cartridges. I have several times
noticed soldiers tramping on loose cartridges as though they had no
objection at all to an explosion. You can tell the Mauser ammunition,
because the cartridges are in clips of five, and the little bullets
famous for their long flight are covered with nickel. The Remington
bullets are bigger and coated with brass. Something has been said to
the effect that the Remington balls used by the Spaniards are poisonous
and that it is uncivilized to manufacture them. The object of the
Mauser and Remington system in covering the bullets, the one with
nickel and the other with brass, is not to poison, but to prevent the
lead from fouling the rifles. The point is almost reached in modern
guns of 2,000 and 3,000 yards range where the friction of the gun
barrel and the speed of the missile at the muzzle are sufficient to
fuse unprotected lead, and at any rate so much of the soft material
would soon he left in the grooves as to impair accuracy and endanger
the structure of the arm.

Right ahead when the first stairs are cleared is a splendid hall,
with a pair of gilded lions on a dais, and some of the boys had
adorned these beasts with crowns of theatrical splendor. The arms
of Spain are conspicuous, and in superb medallions illustrious
warriors, statesmen, authors, artists and navigators, look down
from the walls upon desks now occupied by American officers. Above
this floor the stairs are blocks of hardwood, the full width of the
stairway and the height of the step, and this earthquake precaution
does not detract from the dignity of the building, for the woodwork is
massive and handsome. A marvelous effect might be produced in some of
the marble palaces of private citizens in our American cities by the
construction of stairways with the iron-hard and marble-brilliant wood
that is abundant in Puerto Rico, Cuba and Luzon. The hall in which
the city council met, now the place of the provost-marshal's court,
is furnished in a style that puts to shame the frugality displayed
in the council chambers of our expensively governed American cities,
where men of power pose as municipal economists.

In the elevated chair of the President, faced by the array of chairs
of the Spanish councilmen, or aldermen, sits the provost-marshal
judge, and before him come the soldiers who have forgotten themselves
and the culprits arrested by the patrol. On the wall above him is a
full-length likeness of the Queen Regent--a beautiful, womanly figure,
with a tender and anxious mother's solicitous face. She looks down with
sad benignity upon the American military government. There is also
a portrait of the boy king, who becomes slender as he gains height,
and rather sickly than strong. It may be that too much care is taken
of him.

In the corner room at the end of the corridor Major-General Otis
received at his desk the news that Generals Merritt and Greene
were ordered home, and that he was the major-general commanding and
the chief of the civil, as well as the military department of the
government. He had already found much to do and tackled the greater
task with imperturbable spirit and a habit of hard work with, his
friends say, no fault but a habit that is almost impracticable of
seeing for himself almost everything he is himself held responsible
for. If he has a weakness of that sort he has a rare opportunity to
indulge it to the full extent of his personal resources. He certainly
dispatches business rapidly, decides the controverted points quickly
and has a clear eye for the field before him. His record is a good
one. When the war of the States came on he was a New York lawyer--his
home is at Rochester. Near the close of the war he was wounded on the
Weldon road, along which Grant was extending his left wing to envelop
Petersburg. He was struck by a musket ball almost an inch from the
end of the nose, and the course of it was through the bones of the
face under the right eye, passing out under the right ear. He was
"shot through the head," and suffered intensely for a long time,
but maintained his physical vitality and mental energy. His face
is but slightly marked by this dreadful wound. He has been a hard
student all his life, and is an accomplished soldier, as well as
an experienced lawyer. His judicial services in court-martials have
been highly estimated. Altogether he is well equipped for executing
the various duties of his position. He will "hold the fort in good
shape." In an adjacent room, Assistant Adjutant-General Strong, son
of the ex-mayor of New York, a young man of much experience in the
national guard and a sharp shooter, sticks to business with zeal and
knowledge, and in a very few days established a reputation as a helper.

So much has been said in disparagement of the "sons of somebodies"
that it is a pleasure to put in evidence the cleverness and intelligent
industry of Captain Strong, late of the 69th New York, and of Captain
Coudert, of New York.

General Merritt took possession of the palace of the governor-general,
overlooking the river, a commodious establishment, with a pretentious
gate on the street, a front yard full of shrubbery and rustling with
trees, a drive for carriages and doors for their occupants at the side
and a porte cochere, as the general said with a twinkle of his eye, for
the steam launch which was a perquisite of the Governor. The commanding
general of the Philippine expedition enjoyed the life on the river,
along which boats were constantly passing, carrying country supplies
to the city and returning. The capacity of canoes to convey fruit
and vegetables and all that the market called for was an unexpected
disclosure. There were unfailing resources up the river or a multitude
of indications were inaccurate. The General's palace is more spacious
than convenient; the dining room designed for stately banquets, but
the furniture of the table was not after the manner of feasts, though
the best the country afforded, and the supply of meat improved daily,
while the fruit told of the kindly opulence of the tropics.

There was a work of art in the palatial headquarters that the
commanding general highly appreciated--a splendid but somber painting
of the queen regent in her widow's weeds, holding the boy king as a
baby on her right shoulder, her back turned to the spectator, gloomy
drapery flowing upon the carpet, her profile and pale brow and dark
and lustrous hair shown, her gaze upon the child and his young eyes
fixed upon the spectator. This picture has attracted more attention
than any other in Manila, and the city is rich in likenesses of the
queen mother and the royal boy, who, without fault have upon them
the heavy sorrows of Spain in an era of misfortune and humiliation;
and it will take some time for the Spanish people, highly or lowly
placed, to realize that the loss of colonies, as they have held them,
is a blessing to the nation and offers the only chance of recuperation
and betterment in Spain's reputation and relations with the world.

The governor-general's palace, with General Merritt for General, was
a workshop, and the highly decorated apartments, lofty and elaborate,
were put to uses that had an appearance of being incongruous. The
cot of the soldier, shrouded in a mosquito bar, stood in the midst of
sumptuous furniture, before towering mirrors in showy frames, and from
niches looked down marble statues that would have been more at home
in the festal scenes of pompous life in the sleepy cities of dreamy
lands. There was no more striking combination than a typewriting
machine mounted on a magnificent table, so thick and resplendent
with gold that it seemed one mass of the precious metal--not gilt,
but solid bullion--and the marble top had the iridescent glow of a sea
shell. This was in the residence of the General, his dining and smoking
rooms and bedrooms for himself and staff, the actual headquarters
being next door in the residence of the secretary-general. Here was
a brilliant exhibition of mirrors, upon some of which were paintings
of dainty design and delicate execution, queerly effective. The
tall glasses stood as if upon mantles. There were other glasses that
duplicated their splendors; through the open doors down the street,
which was the one for the contemplation of the gorgeous--and down the
street means into the modern end of the city--was the residence of the
Spanish Admiral of the annihilated fleet, Montijo. It had been the
property of and was the creation of a German, who got rich and got
away in good time with $1,000,000 or more, selling his house to one
of the rich Chinese, who had the fortune, good, bad or indifferent,
to become the landlord of the Admiral whose ships disappeared in a
vast volume of white vapor on the May morning when the Americans came
and introduced themselves.

General Greene's headquarters were in the house the German merchant
built, the Chinese millionaire bought, and the Admiral, without a
fleet since the 1st of May, rented. The furnishing was rich; there were
frescoes that were aglow with the tropic birds and window curtains that
were dreams. The vast mansions of the ex-officials were not, however,
such as would have been sought as accommodations for the management of
the military and other affairs, and there was much lacking to comfort;
but as the hotels after the siege were not tolerable, the officers
had to discover houses in which they could develop resources, and
the public property was that of those who conquered to the extent to
which it had belonged to those displaced.

The Americans got out of the chaotic hotels soon as possible, for there
were some things in them simply not endurable. They rent houses and
employ servants and set up housekeeping. The newspaper correspondents
have been driven to this, and they are comparatively happy. They have
found ponies almost a necessary of life, and food that is fair is
attainable, while the flowing hydrants remove a good deal of privation
and apprehension. The water is from an uncontaminated stream, and
though slightly soiled after heavy rainfalls, it is not poisonous,
and that is what many American and European cities cannot truthfully
say of their water supplies. The demand for houses by the Americans
has raised the views of the proprietors. The street on which the
official Spaniards meant to flourish, as Weyler, Blanco and others
had done before them, and had not time to reap a harvest of plunder
before the days of doom came, would be called by the citizens of
Cleveland, O., the Euclid avenue of the town. It runs out to the old
fort where the Spaniards made their stand "for the honor of the arms
of Spain." The English and German and Chinese successful men reside
in this quarter. The majority of those who have provided themselves
with houses by the river and fronting on the street most approved,
looking out through groves and gardens, are Chinese half-castes,
claiming Chinese fathers and Philippine mothers. These are the most
rapacious and successful accumulators, and they would all be glad
to see the Americans stay, now that they are there, and have shown
themselves so competent to appreciate desirable opportunities and
understand the ways and means, the acquirements and the dispensations
of prosperity as our troops entered the city by the principal residence
street, it was noticed that guards were left at all the houses that
displayed the British flag--a reward for English courtesy, and the
feeling of the troops that the British are our friends.



CHAPTER XIII

The White Uniforms of Our Heroes in the Tropics.

The Mother Hubbard Street Fashion in Honolulu, and That of Riding
Astride--Spoiling Summer Clothes in Manila Mud--The White Raiment
of High Officers--Drawing the Line on Nightshirts--Ashamed of Big
Toes--Dewey and Merritt as Figures of Show--The Boys in White.

Recent experiences of the United States excite attention to the
fashions of the tropics. In Florida our soldiers who invaded Cuba were
in a degree and sense acclimated for the temperature of the island
that has been for so long "so near, and yet so far," so wet and yet so
hot. But the troops of the Philippine expedition were not prepared by
the chilly blasts from the mountains of California for the exceedingly
soft airs of Hawaii, though Honolulu was a pleasant introductory school
to Manila. Our new possession two thousand miles from the continent,
has been preparing for the destiny realized for two generations, and
the American ladies who dwell in the islands of perpetual summer in
the Pacific, have not submitted wholly to the dominion of the climate
and composed themselves to languish in loose and gauzy garments when
on the streets. But the Honolulu women, in general, who largely are
in the possession of luxuriant proportions, are enveloped in the
blandishments of Mother Hubbards, and do not even tie strings about
themselves to show where they would have spectators to infer their
waists ought to be. They go about flowing and fluttering in freedom,
and have all the advantages due the total abandonment of corsets,
and suffer none of the horrors of tight lacing recorded in medical
publications. The Mother Hubbard gown is not without its attractions,
but we can hardly say they are too obvious, and slender figures are
lost in voluminous folds that are billowy in the various ways and
means of embracing the evolutions of beauty. And the native singers
seem fully justified in throwing the full force of their lungs and
the rapture of their souls into the favorite chorus, "The Honolulu
Girls Are Good Enough for Me." The refrains of the Hawaiian songs
are full of a flavor of pathos, and there is the cry of sorrows,
that seem to be in the very air, but belong to other ages. The
Honolulu females of all races have flung away side saddles with
their corsets, and bestride horses and mules with the confidence
in the rectitude of their intentions that so besets and befits the
riders of bicycles. People would stare with disapproval in Honolulu
to see a woman riding with both legs on the same side of a horse,
and those wandering abroad in the voluminous folds of two spacious
garments disapprove the unusual and unseemly spectacle.

It is as hot in some parts of Texas, Arizona and California as in
any of the islands of the seas of the South, but we had not been
educated in the art of clothing armies for service in the torrid
zone, until the Philippine expedition was undertaken, and we were
making ready for challenging the Spaniards in their Cuban fastnesses,
when it speedily was in evidence that we wanted something more than
blue cloth and blankets. The Spanish white and blue stuff and straw
hats were to our eyes unsightly and distasteful, and we began with a
variety of goods. Our army hats were found good, but we tried nearly
all things before holding onto anything as sufficient for trousers
and coats. The officers on long journeys speedily resolved, if we
may judge from the results, that the suit most natty and nice for
wear within twenty degrees of the Equator was the perfect white, and
so the snowy figures below shoulder straps became familiar. This did
not, of course, indicate acute stages of active service. Never were
campaigns more destructive of good looks in clothing, than those in
assailing Santiago and Manila, in which the thin stuffs were tested in
torrential rain and ditches full of mud. The compensation was that the
volunteers fresh from the camps of instruction, put on in a few days
the appearance of veteran campaigners. In Manila there was an edifying
contrast between the Spaniards who had surrendered and the Americans
who did not pause when the Mausers were fired into their ranks, not
with the faintest hope of successful resistance, but for the "honor
of Spain." The Spanish soldiers had been well sheltered and came out
in fairly clean clothes, while the soldiers of our nation closed up
dingy ranks, suited for hunting in swamps and thickets, their coats,
hats and trousers the color of blasted grass and decayed leaves. The
passage of the line from the new to the old clothes was sudden, and
the gallant boys in blue were not in the least disconsolate over the
discoloration of their uniforms, having reached the stage where it
was a luxury to sleep on a floor or pavement, without wasting time
to find a soft or quiet spot.

The sombre taste of the Spanish ladies in dress, so famous and
effective that the black mantillas and skirts, and the fans that do
such execution in the hands of the dark-eyed coquettes, as to have
sway where empires have been lost and won--control Cuba, but does
not dominate the Philippines. The Pope of the period, it will be
remembered, divided the new worlds discovered by the navigators of
Spain and Portugal, awarding to the best of his knowledge, by a line
drawn south from the southern shore of the Caribbean Sea. Portugal
holding that to the eastward and Spain that to the westward. Hence
the separation of South America between Brazil and the rest of the
central and south American states, to await the inevitable end of the
evolutions that were the revolutions of independence. Magellines,
a Portuguese, who, being slighted in his own country, went over to
the Spaniards, and pointed out that by sailing west the east would
be attained, and so found the straits that bear his name, and the
Ladrones and Philippines, annihilating the Papal boundary line by
taking and breaking it from the rear.

The conquest of the Philippines by the Spaniards has not been complete
as a military achievement or the enforcement of the adoption of customs
and costumes according to the habits and taste of the conquerors,
who have nibbled at the edges of the vast archipelago, greater in its
length and breadth and its natural riches than the West Indies. The
Spanish ladies in the Philippines are dressed as in the ancient cities
of their own renowned peninsula. The Filipinos are of the varied
styles that adorn Africans and the Asiatics. They are gay in colors
and curious in the adjustment of stuffs, from the flimsy jackets to
the fantastic skirts. The first essential in the dress of a Filipino
is a jacket cut low, the decolette feature being obscured to some
extent by pulling out one shoulder and covering the other, taking
the chances of the lines that mark the concealment and disclosure
of breast and back. There is no expression of immodesty. The woman
of the Philippines is sad as she is swarthy, and her melancholy eyes
are almost always introspective, or glancing far away, and revising
the disappointed dreams of long ago. Profounder grief than is read
in the faces of bronze and copper no mourning artist has wrought nor
gloomy poet written. Below the jacket, the everlasting blazer, is a
liberal width of cloth tightly drawn about the loins, stomach and hips,
making no mistake in revelations of the original outline drawings, or
the flexibilities which the activities display. There are two skirts,
an outer one that opens in front, showing the tunic, which is of a
color likely to be gaudy and showing strangely with the outer one. The
feet are exposed, and if not bare, clothed only in clumsy slippers
with toe pieces, and neither heels nor uppers. Women carry burdens on
their heads, and walk erect and posed as if for snap photographs. The
young girls are fond of long hair, black as cannel coal, and streaming
in a startling cataract to the hips. It seems that the crop of hair
is unusually large, and it shines with vitality, as the breeze lifts
it in the sunshine. The Philippine boys are still more lightly clad
than the girls, who have an eye to queer combinations of colors, and
the revelation of the lines that distinguish the female form without
flagrant disclosure. There is much Philippine dressing that may under
all the surroundings be called modest, and the prevalent expression
of the Filipino is that of fixed but bewildered grief. The males are
rather careless, and display unstinted the drawings of legs, that are
copper-colored and more uniform in tint than symmetry. Two or three
rags do a surprisingly extensive service, and all the breezes cause
the fluttering of fantastic but scanty raiment. It is a comfort to
return to a country where people wear clothing not as a flimsy and
inadequate disguise. What will be the influence of our armies bent to
the tropics, upon the dress of Americans? It is a question that may
be important. The "wheel" has introduced knickerbockers and promises
to result in knee breeches. On the transports that have traversed the
Pacific the soldiers were fond of taking exercise in undershirts and
drawers only and they swarmed from their bunks at night, to sleep on
deck, sometimes condescending to spread blankets to take the edge
off the cruelty of the hard wood, but reluctant to be encumbered
with undershirts. Their favorite night dress was drawers only,
and they acted upon the false theory that one cannot take cold at
sea. The authority of officers was often necessary to impress the
average soldier that he ought to have an undershirt between his skin
and the sky. The boys were during their long voyage very sparing
in the use of shoes and stockings, and it has perhaps never before
occurred in American experiences that there was such an opportunity
to study the infinite variety of the big toe, and, indeed, of all the
toes. In active army service the care of the feet is essential. The
revelations on shipboard disclose the evils of ill-fitting shoes
to be most distrusting. One of the claims of West Point for high
consideration is in teaching the beauty of white trousers, and our
tropical army experiences will extend the fashion. When General Merritt
and Admiral Dewey parted on the deck of the China in Manila harbor,
both were clad in spotless white, their caps, coats and trousers making
a showy combination. There was also a group of sea captains who had
gathered to give the Captain of the China a good send-off, and they
with the staff officers, were all in radiant white. There was not a
boy in blue among them. The illustrious General and Admiral reminded
me of Gabriel Ravel, when in his glory as The White Knight. It would
be hard to say which wore the nattier cap, but that of the Admiral
was of the more jaunty cut, while the General--gold cord for a band
and gold buttons, especially became his blue eyes. If the officers of
the army, navy and transports could be photographed as they stood in
dazzling array, as if hewn from marble, the fashion plate resulting
would be incomparably attractive, and in the summers to come we shall
find among the influences of our tropical adventure and possessions
a heightening of the colors worn by American ladies, and a whitening
of the suits of gentlemen, involving the necessity of "calling in"
white coats, as well as straw hats on stated days in early September.



CHAPTER XIV

A Martyr to the Liberty of Speech.

Dr. Jose Rizal, the Most Distinguished Literary Man of the Philippines,
Writer of History, Poetry, Political Pamphlets, and Novels, Shot on the
Luneta of Manila--A Likeness of the Martyr--The Scene of His Execution,
from a Photograph--His Wife Married the Day Before His Death--Poem
Giving His Farewell Thoughts, Written in His Last Hours--The Works
That Cost Him His Life--The Vision of Friar Rodriguez.

There is history, romance and tragedy in the martyrdom of Dr. Rizal,
whose execution by shooting on the Luneta two years ago is a notable
incident of the cruelties of Spanish rule. This was on account of the
scholarship, the influence, the literary accomplishments, and the
personal distinction of the man. Dr. Rizal was easily the foremost
writer his race and country has produced. He was a poet, novelist,
political essayist, and historian, and his execution was for the
crime of loving his country, opposing the Spaniards, criticising and
lampooning the priests. He is called the Tagalo Martyr, for he was of
the tribe of Malay origin, the most numerous and rebellious in the
Philippine Islands. His fate was shocking. He was an intelligent,
learned man, an enthusiastic patriot, who had been educated in
Spain and France. For writing a book against Spanish oppression he
was exiled to the Island of Dapitan. There he met a young woman of
Irish parentage, with whom he fell in love. They were engaged to be
married, when, on some pretext, the Doctor was brought back to Manila,
sent to Madrid to be tried, and then sent back to Manila. The unhappy
girl to whom he was betrothed tells the rest of the story:

"Everyone knew that Dr. Rizal was innocent. All that could be brought
against him was the publication of his book, and the Spanish officials
who tried him had never even read it. Nevertheless, he was condemned to
death. I then asked permission to be married to him, and they granted
my request, thinking to add to the horror of his martyrdom. The
marriage was celebrated by a friar the same day on which he was
sentenced. I passed the whole night on my knees in prayer before
the prison door, which shut my husband from me. When morning dawned,
the Doctor came out, surrounded by soldiers, his hands bound behind
his back. They took him to the Luneta, the fashionable promenade of
the city, where all military executions take place. The lieutenant in
command of the firing party asked my husband where he would prefer
to be shot. He replied 'Through the heart.' 'Impossible,' said the
lieutenant. 'Such a favor is granted only to men of rank. You will be
shot in the back.' A moment after my husband was dead. The soldiers
shouted, 'Hurrah for Spain,' and I, 'Hurrah for the Philippines and
death to Spain.' I asked for the body. It was refused me. Then I swore
to avenge his death. I secured a revolver and dagger and joined the
rebels. They gave me a Mauser rifle, and the Philippines will be free."

In his poem, filled with his last thoughts--his exalted dreams that
had faded, his patriotic sentiments that were bloody dust and ashes,
his love for the woman he was allowed to marry a few hours before
he was shot, his woeful love for his troop of devoted friends, who
would have died for him and with him if the sacrifice then and there
had not been hopeless--it will be discovered that he was a true poet,
and we give one of his stories that was hostile to the orders of the
Church, and a satire on Spanish rule, showing why he was a martyr.

The following is a prose translation from the Spanish of the poem
Dr. Rizal wrote the night before he was executed:





_My Last Thoughts._

Farewell! my adored country; region beloved of the sun; pearl of the
Orient sea; our lost Eden! I cheerfully give for thee my saddened life,
and had it been brighter, happier and more rosy, I would as willingly
give it for thy sake.

Unhesitatingly and without regret others give thee their lives in
frenzied fight on the battlefield. But what matter the surroundings! Be
they cypress, laurel or lilies, scaffold or open country, combat
or cruel martyrdom, it is all the same, when for country and home's
redress.

I die while watching the flushing skies announce through dark mantle
the advent of a day. Should it need purple to tint its dawn, here
is my blood; I gladly will shed it if only it be gilded by a ray of
new-born light.

My dreams while only a boy, and when of vigor full, a youth, were
always to see thee, jewel of the Orient sea! thy black eyes dry,
thy frownless face uplifted, and spotless thine honor.

Dream of my life! My fervent anxiety! Shouts the soul that soon is
to depart, Hail! It is glorious to fall to give thee flight; to die
to give thee life; to die under thy Skies, and in thy maternal bosom
eternally to sleep.

Shouldst thou find some day over my grave, a lonesome, humble flower,
blossoming through the dense foliage, take it to your lips and kiss
my soul. Let me feel upon my forehead under the cold tomb your warm
and tender breath.

Let the moon with her soft and silent light watch over me; let dawn
spread its fulgent splendor; let the wind moan with solemn murmur. And
should a bird descend and repose upon my cross, let it there proclaim
a canticle of peace.

Let the burning sun evaporate the dew, spreading through space the
notes of my songs. Let a friendly being mourn my early end, praying
on calm evenings, when thou also, oh, dear country! should pray to
God for me.

Pray for all those who died unhonored; for those who suffered unequaled
torments; for our poor mothers who silently grieve; for orphans and
for widows; for prisoners in torture; and pray for thyself that thou
mayest attain thy final redemption.

And when the dark shades of night enwrap the cemetery, and the dead
are left alone to watch, do not disturb their rest, do not disturb
their mystery. Shouldst thou hear chords of a zither, it is I,
beloved country! who sings to thee.

And when my grave, by all forgotten, is marked by neither cross
nor stone, let the ploughman scatter its mould; and my ashes before
returning to nothing will become the dust of your soil.

Then, I will not mind if thou castest me into oblivion. Thy atmosphere,
thy space, thy valleys I will cross. A vibrating, limpid note I
will be in your ear; aroma, color, rumor, song, a sigh, constantly
repeating the essence of my faith.

My idolized country! grief of my griefs! My adored Philippines! Hear my
last farewell. I leave them all with thee; my fathers and my loves. I
go where there are no slaves, no oppressors, no executioners; where
faith is not death; where He who reigns is God.

Farewell! fathers and brothers, parts of my soul! Friends of my
infancy in the lost home. Give thanks that I should rest from the
fatiguing day. Farewell, sweet stranger, my friend, my joy. Farewell,
beloved beings. To die is to rest.

_Jose Rizal._





_The Vision of Friar Rodriguez._

Comfortably seated in an arm chair one night, satisfied with himself
as well as with his supper, Friar Jose Rodriguez dreamed of the
many pennies that the sale of his little books was drawing from the
pockets of the Filipinos, when suddenly, and as if by enchantment,
the yellow light of the lamp gave a brilliant, white flash, the air
was filled with soft perfume, and without his being able to explain
how or wherefrom, a man appeared.

This was an old man of medium height, dark complected and thin,
whose white beard was a contrast to his glittering vivacious eyes,
which gave his face extreme animation. Over his shoulder he wore a
long cape; a mitre on his head and a crosier in his hand gave him
the aspect of a Bishop.

At sight of him, Friar Rodriguez yawning, murmured:

"Dreams of my fertile imagin--!"

The vision did not permit him to finish the exclamation, but gave
him a whack between the shoulders.

"Eh! This is no joke!" exclaimed Friar Rodriguez, stroking with one
hand the afflicted part while with the other he rubbed his eyes.

"I see! It is no dream! But partner!"

Incensed at such familiarity, the strange personage began poking
Friar Rodriguez severely with his crosier on the stomach. The latter,
satisfied by this time that the thrashing was in earnest, exclaimed:

"Here! Here! Friar Pedro (Peter)--Is that the way you cancel
indulgencies? That was not the agreement."

The strange Bishop, aroused to a high pitch of anger, stopped his
poking and started to knock Friar Rodriguez on the head, believing
it to be a more sensitive part. Unfortunately, Friar Rodriguez's
head was too hard for anything, and the crosier fell, broken in two
pieces. At last! said the poor friar, who, pale and deadly frightened,
had fallen on his knees and was trying to creep away on all fours.

At sight of his pitiful condition, the stranger seeded satisfied,
and, placing on a table the broken crosier, said with contempt:

"Homo sine homine, membra sine spiritu! Et iste appellatur filius
meus!"

At the sound of that potent voice and language, unknown to him, Friar
Rodriguez appeared confounded. The stranger could not be Friar Pedro
(Peter) nor any brother in disguise! Impossible!

"Et tamen (the stranger continued), tanta est vanita vestra, ut ante
me Patrem vestrum--sed video, loguor et non audis!"

And shaking in disgust his head, the vision continued speaking in
Castillian, but with a foreign accent.

"And are you they who call themselves my sons? Has your haughtiness
reached such a degree that you not only pretend to be feared and
worshiped by governors and governed, but neither recognize nor respect
me, whose name you dishonor, and whose condignity you abuse? How do
I find you? Insolent with the unfortunate and cowardly towards those
who do not fear you! Surge et audi!"

His voice was so imperative and his command so expressive, that Friar
Rodriguez, although shaking with tremor, made every effort to stand
against a corner of the room.

Moved by this proof of obedience, so rarely found amongst those who
make a vow of humility, the stranger, full of contempt, repressed
a sigh and proceeded in a more familiar manner, but without losing
dignity.

"For you and for your nonsense I have been obliged to leave that
region, and come here! And what trouble I had to distinguish and
find you amongst the others! With but little difference, you are
all alike. 'Empty heads and replete stomachs!' _Up There_, they
did not cease to tease me about you all and most especially on your
account. It was useless to appear unconcerned. It was not only Lopez
de Recalde (Ignatius of Loyole) who with his eternal smile and humble
looks made fun of me; nor Domingo (Dominic) with his aristocratic
pretensions and little stars of false jewelry on his forehead, who
laughed at me; but even the great simpleton of Francisco (Francis),
do you understand? tried to poke fun at me; at me, who has thought,
argued and written more than all of them together!

"Your order is great and powerful," said Ignatius, bending his
head. "It resembles one of the Egyptian pyramids; great at the base
(you are the base), but the higher it goes the smaller it becomes--what
a difference between the base and the apex!" he murmured, while walking
away. "Doctor," said Dominic, "why did you not do with your science
as I did with the nobility I left as inheritance to my sons? We would
all be better off!"

"Mon ami, came and said Francis. If God should order me again to
earth, to preach as before amongst brutes and animals, I would preach
in your convents." And after saying this he roared in such a manner
that although small and thin, it seemed as though he would burst.

"In vain I answered them that their sons were no better than you are,
and that were we to look for skeletons in the closets, we had better
wall every crevice. But of no use. How could I argue against three,
moreover, having you to defend! Three, did I say? Why! Even Peter,
the old fisherman, attracted by the laughter, left his porter's lodge
and came to upbraid me for the trick you have played on his priests,
taking away from them all their parishes, regardless of the fact that
they had been in these islands long before you, and that they were
the first to baptise in Cebu and in Luzon.

"Of course," he said, "as my sons are lazy and in dissension among
themselves, and yours lie and shout louder, they make themselves
believed by the ignorant. But I shall be glad when my descendants
are extinct."

"And so shall I! And I! I wish it was all over with mine!" shouted
at once several voices.

"But old Peter's revenge did not stop at that. Yesterday he played
a hard joke on me. He not only confiscated a package that a Tagalo
[5] brought with him, but instead of directing him to the imbecile's
department, he took him where we all were. The poor Tagalo carried with
him a large collection of little books written by you, which were given
him by his Priest, who told him they represented so much indulgency
for his next life. As soon as the Indian had arrived everyone _Up
There_ knew he had brought books written by an Augustinian monk,
and they were snatched away. I tried to hide myself, but I could
not. What laughter and what jokes! The little angels came in a body;
the Celestial Father's Orchestra lost its time; the Virgins, instead of
watching their music sheets read the books and sang most discordantly,
and even old Anthony's little pig began grunting and twisting his tail.

"I felt ashamed; I could see every one point their finger at me and
laugh. But, in spite of all this Zarathustra, the grave and serious
Zarathustra, did not laugh. With a humiliating pride he asked me:

"'Is that your son, he who pretends that my religion is paganish,
and that I am a pagan? Have your sons degenerated to such a degree
as to confound my pure religion, root of the most perfect creeds,
with Polytheism and Idolatry? Do they know that paganism is derived
from pagani, which means inhabitant of the fields, who always were
faithful to the Greek and Roman Polytheism? You may answer that they do
not know Latin! If so, make then speak more modestly. Tell them that
paganus comes from pagus, from which the words pages, payes, paien,
paese, pais (country), are derived. Tell those unfortunate that the
Zend-Avesta religion was never professed by the rural inhabitants
of the Roman country. Tell them that my religion is monotheist, even
more so than the Roman Catholic religion, which not only accepted the
dualism of my creed, but has deified several creatures. Tell them
that Paganism in its widest and most corrupted sense, duly meant
Polytheism; that neither my religion nor that of Moses nor Mohammed
were ever Pagan religions. Tell them to read your own works, where
in every page you refer to the Pagans. Repeat to them that which you
said in speaking of the religion of the Manechees (a corruption of my
doctrine by you professed) which influenced your works and prevails
yet in your religion, and which at one time caused the Roman Catholic
Church to vacillate. Yes: I linked the principle of Good and Evil
together--Ahura-Mazda; God! But this is not to admit of two Gods, as
you, yourself said. To speak of health and sickness is not to admit two
healths. And what? Have they not copied my principle of evil in Satan,
prince of darkness? Tell them that if they do not know Latin to at
least study the religions, since they fail to recognize the true one!'

"Thus spoke Zarathustra, or Zoroaster. Then, Voltaire--Voltaire,
who had heard what you were saying about his death, accosted me,
and grasping me by the hand, effusively thanked me.

"'Why so?' I asked him.

"'Your sons, mon cher Docteur de l'Eglise,' he answered, 'have proved
and continue proving by facts, that which I maintained. And what was
it that you maintained? That besides being ignorant, they were liars.'

"To this I could not reply, for he was right. You should know that
he died when 84 years of age, possessed of all his faculties, and
with so lucid a mind that when nearing his end and being importuned
to make confession, he said: 'Let me die in peace'--and died. But the
worst of it all is, that Voltaire has been pleading with God to take
you to Heaven alive and clothed, and when asked why so, he answered
'So that we may have some fun.'

"On learning of all the indulgences that the Archbishop had allowed
on your books, to allure buyers, old Peter, thumping his bald head,
exclaimed:

"'Why did I not think of granting indulgencies with the fish I
sold, when a fisherman? We would have been rich, and Judas, instead
of selling the Master, would have sold sardines and tinapa! [6]
I would not have been obliged to cowardly apostatize, and would not
have suffered martyrdom. Verily, I say, that my friend down _Below_
leaves me behind in the matter of knowing how to make money; and yet
I am a Jew.'

"'Of course, don't you know that your friend _Below_ is a Gallego?' [7]
Said a little old man who had been _Up There_ but a few years. His
name was Tasio, and, addressing himself to me, he continued:

"'You are a great Doctor, and although you have contradicted yourself
many times, I hold you as a privileged character of vast erudition,
for, having written your books, Retractationum, and Confesiones;
and since you are so different from your sons who try, when defending
themselves, to make black appear white, and white green, I will state
my complaints, so that you, as their Father, may put a stop to it all.

"'There exists on earth an unfortunate, who, amongst many foolish acts,
has committed the following:

"'1st. He holds solidary of all that I have said during my earthly
life, an Indian called Rizal, only because said Indian has quoted
my words in a book that he wrote. As you can see, should we follow
such a system of reasoning, Rizal would also agree with the views
expressed by friars, policemen, etc., and you, yourself, Holy Doctor,
would also be solidary of all that you ascribe to heretics, Pagans,
and above all, to Manichees.

"'2nd. He wants me to think as he himself does, since he quotes me
as saying 'The Bible and the Holy Gospel.' It may be well that he,
as all fanatics, should believe that these are one and the same
thing. But I, having studied the original Hebraic Bible, know,
that it does not contain the Gospel. That the Jewish Bible, being
a history of creation, treasure and patrimony of Jewish people,
the Jews, who do not accept the Gospel, should be authority. That as
the Latin translation is incorrect, the Catholics could not lay down
the Law, notwithstanding their habit of appropriating everything to
themselves, and of misconstruing to their advantage the translation of
the original text. Besides, the Gospels, with the exception of that
written by Saint Mathew, were written in Greek later than the Bible,
and conflict in every respect with the Law of Moses, as proved by the
enemity between Jews and Christians. How, then, could I, knowing all
this, express myself as a fanatic, or as an ignorant monk? I do not
exact from any monk the speech of a free-thinker and therefore, they
should not exact that I express myself as a monk would. Why do they
want me to consolidate under one name two distinct things, which, to
a certain extent contradict each other? Let the Christians do so, but
I must not, and cannot. If I call them separately, it is in accordance
with the thought inspiring two works, two legislations, two religions,
on which they want to found the Catholic Religion. Your son, moreover,
reasons finely, when he says: 'I did not know that the Gospels were
different from the Bible, and not a principal part of it.' Tell him,
Holy Father, that in every country a part, no matter how principal may
it be, is always different from the whole, for instance: The principal
thing in Friar Rodriguez is his habit: but his habit is different from
Friar Rodriguez, as otherwise there would be one dirty Friar Rodriguez,
another shining, another creased, another wide, short, long, greasy,
etc. On the other hand, the habit is different from the monk, because
a piece of cloth, no matter how dirty, could never be presumptuous,
despotic, ignorant or obscurantistic.

"'3d. To prove the existence of a Purgatory, he quotes: 'Saint
Mathew says in Chapter twelfth, thirty-sixth verse----.' But he
quotes wrongly, as from that verse cannot be derived the existence
of a Purgatory, nor anything of its kind. The Hebrew text says:
'Wa 'ebif 'omar lakam kij 'al kal abar reg ashar idabbru 'abaschim
yittbu heschboun biom hammischphat'; the Greek text, 'Lego de hynun
hote pan rema argon, ho ean lalesosin hoi anthropoi, apodosousi peri
auton logon en hemera kriseos.' All these translated into Latin say:
'Dicto autem vobis, quoniam omne verbum otiosum quod locuti fucrint
homines, reddent rationem de co in die judicii,' which, translated
into English means, '_And I say to you, that on the Day of Judgment,
men shall have to account for every idle word_.' From all these texts,
you can see, Holy Doctor, that the only thing to be derived is that
on the Day of Judgment, Friar Rodriguez will have to give such an
account of himself, that very likely it will take him two days to
account for all the nonsense he has said.

"'I imagine that your son, instead of the thirty-sixth verse, meant
to quote the thirty-second, which says: "And all who shall say word
against the son of man will be forgiven; but he who says word against
the Holy Ghost, shall not be pardoned; neither in this life nor in
the next." From this they have tried to derive the existence of a
Purgatory. What a fertile imagination!

"'4th. Because Saint Ireneus, St. Clement of Alexandria, and Origenes,
three in all, although not being the first Christian, had some
remote idea of Purgatory, it does not follow that the Christians of
the first century did believe in it, unless it could be previously
established that three persons represent a totality, even if amongst
such a totality existed, contradictory ideas. But, as a proof that
was it not so, you, yourself, Holy Doctor, being their father, having
flourished in the fourth and fifth century, and supposed to be the
greatest amongst the Fathers of the Church, denied most emphatically,
in various instances, the existence of a Purgatory. In your CCXCV
cermon, beginning by: 'Frecuenter charitatem vestra,' etc., you said
very decidedly: 'Nemo se slecipiat fratres; _Duo_ cuim _loca_ sunt
et _terius_ non est ullus. Qui cum Christo reguare non meruerit, cum
diabolo _absque dubitatione ulla_ perebit.' This translated means,
'Do not deceive yourselves, brethren; there are but two places for
the soul and there is no third place. He who should not deserve to
live with Christ, _undoubtedly_ will perish.'

"'Further on, in de Consolatione mortuorum, you say: 'Sed recedus
anima quoe carnalibus oculis non videtur, ab angelis susciptur et
collocatur, aut in sinu, Abrahae, si fidelis est, aut in carcerio
inferni custodia si peccatrix est.' This means, 'But at the departure
of that soul which the eyes of the flesh cannot see, the angels will
receive and carry it to the Bosom of Abraham, if it has been faithful;
or to Hell, if sinful.' On the other hand, I could quote a large
number of your own texts showing that for you, Purgatory was not an
impossibility. Add to all this what Saint Fulgentius, who flourished
after you during the fifth and sixth century, says in Chapter XIV.,
of his 'de incarnatione et gratia,' etc.: 'Quicumque regnum Dei non
ingreditur, poenis oeternis cruciatur.' That is to say, 'He who could
not enter the Kingdom of God, will suffer eternal punishment.'

"'5th. Your son either cannot read, or else acts in bad faith;
otherwise, how could he, from my estatement, 'The Protestants _do
not believe_ in it; neither do the Greek Fathers, because they miss,'
etc., try to make 'The Greek Fathers DID NOT believe in a Purgatory?'

"'How could he deduct from a present, a past tense and twist the
sentences to make from it 'The Holy Greek Fathers?'

"'I used '_believe_,' the present tense, although in my time the _Holy
Greek Fathers_ did not exist, but simply the fathers belonging to
the Greek Church. Moreover, as I was following an historical order,
how could I refer to the Protestants, first, and to the _Holy Greek
Fathers_ afterwards, who believed what they wished, and who at the
time of my earthly life were a past to me?

"'And enwrapped in such bad faith, he dares to qualify as a slanderer,
imposter and ignoramus, the man who only quoted me!

"'But such proceeding is worthy of Friar Rodriguez, who, following his
system of confusing a part with the whole, tries to condemn another's
book, and mistakes the rays of the sun for the sun itself, all with
the purpose of slandering the author and calling him Freemason.

"'Tell me, Holy Doctor, after what I have told you, who is the real
ignoramus, impostor and slanderer?

"'6th. Instead of accusing others of ignorance, and presuming to know
everything, he should be careful, because he has not even read your
books, notwithstanding you are his father, and that it is his duty to
know what you have said. Should he have done so, he would neither have
written so much nonsense nor would he have shown the shallowness of his
knowledge, which, by the way, he derives from some little books, which,
to propagate and maintain obscurantism, were published in Cataluna,
[8] by Sarda y Salvany.'

"Thus was old Tasio expressing himself, when the voice of the Almighty
was heard summoning me to His presence.

"Trembling, I approached, and prostrated myself at His feet.'

"'Go to Earth,' said the voice, 'and tell those who call themselves
your sons that I, having created millions of suns, around which,
thousands of worlds, inhabited by millions of millions of beings,
created by my infinite Mercy, gyrate, cannot be an instrument to the
fulfilment of a few ungrateful creatures' passions, simply handfuls
of dust carried away by a gust of wind; insignificant particles of
the inhabitants of one of my smallest worlds!'

"'Tell them that my Name must not be used to extend the misery or
ignorance of their brothers, nor shall they restrain in my Name,
intelligence and thought, which I created free. That they must not
commit abuses in my Name, cause a tear, nor a single drop of blood to
be shed. That they must not represent me as being cruel, revengeful,
subject to their whims and executor of their will. Not to represent me,
The Fountain of Goodness, as a tyrant, or an unkind Father, pretending
that they are the only possessors of Light and Eternal Life. How? I,
who have given to each being air, light, life and love, that he may be
happy, could I deny to one of the most transcendental, true happiness,
for the sake of others? Impious! Absurd! Tell them that I, who am All,
and apart from whom nothing exists, nor could exist, I have not and
cannot have enemies. Nothing equals me, and no one can oppose my will!

"'Tell them that their enemies are not my enemies; that I have
never identified myself with them, and that their maxims are vain,
insensible, blasphemous! Tell them that I pardon error, but punish
iniquity; that I will forgive a sin against me, but will prosecute
those who should torture an unfortunate. That being infinitely
Powerful, all the sins of all the inhabitants of all the worlds,
thousands of times centuplicated, can never dim an atom of my
glory. But the least injury to the poor and oppressed I will punish,
for I have not created man to make him unhappy nor the victim of his
brothers. I am the Father of all existent; I know the destiny of every
atom; let me love all men, whose miseries and needs I know. Let each
one perform his duty, that I, The God of Mercy, know my own will.'

"Thus spoke the Almighty; and I came here to fulfill his command. Now,
I say to you:

"That the miseries of the unhappy Indian whom you have impoverished
and stupefied, have reached the Throne of the Highest. _There_ have
arrived so many intelligences obscured and impaired by you! The cry
of so many exiles, tortured, and killed at your instigation! The tears
of so many mothers and the miseries of so many orphans, combined with
the noise of your orgies! Know that there is a God, (perhaps you doubt
His existence, and only use His name to advance your ends) who will
some day call you to account for all your iniquities. Know that He
needs not the money of the poor, nor is it necessary to worship Him
by burning candles and incense, saying masses or believing blindly
what others say, contrary to common sense.

"No! His luminary is greater than your own sun; His flowers more
fragrant than those on earth. He suffices to Himself. He created
intelligence for no subservient purpose; but that with its use, man
could be happy in raising himself to Him. He needs no one. He created
man, not for His sake, but for man's own. He is happy for all eternity!

"You obstinately uphold the existence of a Purgatory, using even the
most ignoble weapons and means to defend your belief. Why, instead
of wasting your time in affirming the existence of that which you
never saw, do you not preach and practice love and charity amongst
yourselves? Why not preach words of comfort and hope, to somewhat
soothe the miseries of life, instead of frightening your brothers by
tales of future punishment? Why? Because Christ's True Doctrine would
bring you no earthly wealth, and all that you look for is gold, and
gold! And to satisfy your end and bleed the timid souls, of money,
you have invented a Purgatory! Why afflict orphans and widows with
dreadful tales of the next life, only to extort from them a few
cents? Have you forgotten what the Apostle said? 'Nolo vos ignorare,
fratres, de dormientibus, ut non contristenuni, sicut qui spem non
habent,' which means, 'I do not wish you to ignore, brethren, that
which concerns those who sleep, that you may not be saddened, like
those who have lost all hope.' Also, that I, myself, have said? 'Hoec
enim est Christianoe fidei summa: vitam veram expectare post mortem,'
that is 'Here is then the summary of the Christian faith: to hope for
a true life after death.' But you, lacking in charity, and for a vile,
greedy interest, live in opposition to Christ, and pretend to be able
to mould Divine Judgment. All the strength of your philosophy seems
to be derived from your own theory, which denies the existence of
souls sufficiently sinners to be condemned, or pure enough to enter
the Kingdom of God! By whose authority do you pretend to oppose the
judgment of Him who weighs and considers the smallest thought? Who
knows it is impossible to expect perfection from beings made of clay,
subject to the miseries and oppressions of earthly life? Who told you
that He will judge as you, with your narrow, limited intelligence,
do? That the miseries of this life are not expiations of sins?

"Cease in your avaricious hoarding of wealth! You have now enough. Do
not wrench from the poor his last mouthful of bread.

"Remember what Saint Fulgentius said: 'Et si mithetur in stagnum
ignis et sulphuris qui nudum vestimento non tegit, quid passures
est qui vestimento crudelis expoliat? Et si rerum suarem avarus
possessor requiem non habebit, quomodo aliaenarum rerum insatiabilis
raptor?' Meaning, 'And if he who never clothed the naked is sent to
the pond of fire and sulphur, where will he, who cruelly stripped
them, go? And if the greedy possessor of his own wealth may never
rest, how shall it be with the thief, insatiable in his greed for
the wealth of others?'

"Preach then, the religion of Hope and Promises, as you, above
all, are in need of pardon and forgiveness. Do not speak of rigor,
nor condemn others, lest God should hear and judge you according to
the laws by you formulated. Bear always in mind Christ's words, 'Vae
vobis scribae et Pharisae hypocrite qui clauditis regnum coelorum ante
homines; vos non intratis, nec introeunts sinitis intrare!' This means,
'Woe to you, Scribes and Pharisees, who close to men the Kingdom of
God, and neither enter nor allow others to enter!'

"Now, to you personally, I will say: You are an unfortunate fool,
who speak numberless absurdities, although I could not expect aught
else from you, and would not punish you for them. But you have had the
audacity of not only insulting others, by which you forgot truth and
charity, but praised yourself and called attention to your own praise.

"Referring to yourself, you said. This Father, whom I well know (liar,
you do not even know yourself), although he may appear a little hard
headed (a little hard-headed? Ask my crosier if your head is not harder
than stone), never speaks in vain (this is true; every word you say
causes as much laughter on earth as in Heaven), nor uses words without
first thinking (if such is true, your intelligence is very limited).

"For such foolish vanity I ought to punish you severely, so that you
would stop forever your senseless writings, saving me the trouble of
coming to reprimand you at every instance.

"Were I to judge you according to your own theory, you should at
least go to your Purgatory. But, after all, you are not so bad,
as many learned persons are made to laugh at your writings.

"It would be well for your pride if you allowed the Indians to pass
by you without taking off their hats or kissing your hand. But then,
they would be imprisoned or exiled, and it would not do to increase
the wrong you do them.

"Shall I make you lame and dumb? No! Your brothers would claim it
was a trial of your forbearance, to which God had submitted you. No;
you won't catch me on that!

"What shall I do with you?"

The old Bishop meditated for a few moments, and then, he exclaimed:

"Ah! Now I know! Your own sin shall be your punishment!

"I condemn you to continue saying and writing nonsense for the rest
of your life, so that the world may laugh at you, and also, that on
the Day of Judgment you may be judged according to your deserts!"

"Amen!" replied Friar Rodriguez.

The vision then disappeared; the light of the lamp regained its
yellowish flame, and the soft perfume dispersed.

On the following day Friar Rodriguez started writing greater nonsense,
with renewed energy.

Amen!

_Jose Rizal._

Note.--The foregoing admirable translations from the writings of
Dr. Rizal were made by Mr. F.M. de Rivas, of Chicago.



CHAPTER XV

Events of the Spanish-American War.

No Mystery About the Cause of the War--The Expected and the Inevitable
Has Happened--The Tragedy of the Maine--Vigilant Wisdom of President
McKinley--Dewey's Prompt Triumph--The Battles at Manila and Santiago
Compared--General Shafter Tells of the Battle of Santiago--Report of
Wainwright Board on Movements of Sampson's Fleet in the Destruction of
Cervera's Squadron--Stars and Stripes Raised Over Porto Rico--American
and Spanish Fleets at Manila Compared.--Text of Peace Protocol.

The war between Spain and the United States was a long time coming,
and there is no more mystery about its cause than doubt as to its
decisions. It was foretold in every chapter of the terrible stories
of the conflicts between the Spaniards and their colonists, largely of
their blood, in Central and South America. The causes of war in Cuba,
and the conduct of warfare by Spain in that island were the same that
resulted in revolutionary strife in Mexico and Peru, and, indeed, all
the nations in the Americas that once were swayed by the sovereignty
of Spain. The last of the islands of the Spanish possessions in the
hemisphere introduced to the civilized world by Columbus were lost by
the western peninsula of Europe, symbolized and personified in the
Crown, as the first crumbling fragments of the colonial empires of
Spain fell away from her. Only in the case of Cuba there was the direct
intervention of the United States to establish "a stable government"
in the distracted island, desolated by war, pestilence and famine,
that had evolved conditions, of terrible misery incurable from within,
and of inhumane oppression that should be resented by all enlightened
people. It had long been realized by the thoughtful men of Spain
capable of estimating the currents of events, that the time must come,
and was close at hand, when the arms of the United States would be
directed to the conquest of Cuba. It was not only in the air that
this was to be, it was written in the history of Spanish America,
and more than that, there was not an Atlas that did not proclaim in
the maps of the continents of the Western world, that Cuba would and
in the largest sense of right should, become a part of the United
States, and must do so in order to be redeemed from the disabilities
deeply implanted, and released from having the intolerable burdens
imposed by the rule of Spain. The consciousness of the Spaniards,
that the shadow of the United States lowered over the misgovernment
of Cuba, and that there was a thunder-cloud in the north that must
burst--with more than the force of the hurricanes that spin on their
dizzy way of destruction from the Caribbean Sea--aroused the fury of
passion, of jealous hatred and thirst for revenge, in anticipation of
the inevitable, that caused the catastrophe of the blowing up of the
Maine, and kindled with the flame of the explosion, the conflagration
of warfare in the Indies West and East, that has reddened the seas and
the skies with the blood of Spain and the glow of America's victory
both in the Antilles and the Philippines, wiping from the face of the
earth the last vestiges of the colonial imperialism of Spain that gave
her mediaeval riches and celebrity, for which--as the system always
evil became hideous with malignant growth, so that each colony was
a cancer on the mother country--there has been exacted punishment of
modern poverty, and finally the humiliation of the haughty, with no
consolation for defeat, but the fact that in desperate and forlorn
circumstances there were seen glimpses of the ancient valor in Spanish
soldiers, that was once their high distinction among the legions of
embattled Europe.

The United States was not ready for war. Our regular army was a 16
to 120 Spanish troops in Cuba, our field guns 1 to 6 of Blanco's
batteries, our siege train nowhere, and fortified cities to assail;
and the ability and industry of the Spaniards as well as their
skill and strength in surveying and fortifying military lines,
and their food resources were dangerously undervalued. The war was
rushed upon the country, contrary to the calm executive judgement of
the President. The army and navy were admirable but faulty in hasty
equipment, the navy a perfect machine in itself, but without docks
and arsenals in the right place for the supply of a fleet in the old
battle field of European navies, the West Indies. The energies of the
Government were put forth as soon as the war was seriously threatened,
and the mighty people arose and swiftly as the aptitudes of Americans
in emergencies could be applied, deficiencies were supplied. The first
stroke of arms came as a dazzling flash from the far southwest, in
the story of the smashing victory of Dewey at Manila. That splendid
officer, gentleman and hero did not signal his fleet as Nelson
at Trafalgar, that every man was expected to do his duty, but he
reported that every man did his duty; and the East Indian fleet of
Spain vanished, smashed, burned and sunken by a thunderbolt! The theory
of war countenanced by the impetuous and demanded by the presumptuous,
was that our aggressive forces must attack Havana. In and around that
city were an enormous garrison, abundant military stores, forty miles
of trenches defended by sixty thousand men; and far more to be dreaded
the deadly climate, the overwhelming rains, the deep rank soil soaked
under the tropical sun and the dense vegetation, and still more the
pestilence--the ghastly Yellow Fever, and scarcely less poisonous and
fatal pernicious malarial fevers, and dysenteries that exhausted as
fast as fever consumed. Fortunately, it was decided that the place
to attack Havana was Santiago, and there the regular army, with the
exception of the regiments sent to the Philippines, was ordered and in
due time reinforced by volunteers, safely embarked and disembarked, to
become the winners on bloody fields and receive the surrender of the
Spanish garrisons of the city and province of Santiago. The vaunted
fleet of Cervera, having attempted flight, perished--the wrecks of
his fine ships strewing the southern coast of Cuba, where they remain
as memorials, like and unlike the distorted iron that was the Maine,
in the harbor of Havana, and as the shattered and charred remnants of
the fleet of Montejo, at Manila, still cumber the waters of the bay off
Cavite, telling the story of the glory of our victorious heroes there.

The responsibility of the Chief Magistrate of the United States in
the late war was remarkable. Everything of moment was referred to
him from the Cabinet officers of the Government, and he gave all the
closest attention, making, after conscientious consideration, the
decisions that determined the course of action taken. This was true
in unusual measure of the Treasury, State, War and Navy Departments.

It is well the President resisted while he could the "rush line"
in Congress, that strove headlong for war, and strenuously urged
in the time gained essential preparations, and that he pressed the
war the day it was declared with a hurry message to Admiral Dewey,
who won his immortal victory on the other side of the world within
a week of his orders by cable to "destroy" the squadron of the enemy
that might be found somewhere on the west coast of Luzon.

Nearer home there was a harder task. The Spanish army in Cuba was
much more formidable on the defensive than in the offensive. There
were greater numbers of soldiers of a better class in the service of
Spain on the island, than had been supposed, and they did not lack,
in the degree believed, discipline, ammunition or provisions. The
Spaniards had an effective field artillery, more than one hundred
guns, and their Mauser rifles were excellent, far-reaching; and,
in field ammunition, they were ahead of us in smokeless powder. Our
regiments would have given way before the Spanish rifles, that told
no tales except with bolts, that flew invisible, fatal arrows, from
the jungles, if the American soldier had not been of stuff that was
like pure steel, and marched unflinchingly through the deadly hail,
regarding the bitter pelting as a summons to "come on" and carry the
trenches and ambuscades by storm. The incapacity of the Spaniards
to put down the Cuban Rebellion caused grave misapprehensions, both
as to the Spanish and Cuban soldiery, for few Americans understand
the conditions of the interminable guerilla warfare, the particular
military accomplishment of the Spanish race, impotent in all save
the destructive effect upon those not engaged in it. In Congress no
impression could be made of the real feebleness of the Cubans, except
in bushwhacking, and it is still a puzzle that the immense masses of
Spanish troops should be so helpless against the insurgents, and yet
so troublesome in harassing invaders. The Cuban army was not a myth,
certainly, but it has been a disappointment to those who were swift
in shouting its praises, upon information given by the Cuban Key
West Bureau of News novelettes. It was well that the attack on Spain
in the West Indies was directed upon Santiago and Porto Rico. The
former manifestly was a point that commanded the central waters of
the West Indies; recently there have been expressions of surprise
that the expedition to Porto Rico, finally and handsomely led by
Major General Miles, commanding the army of the United States, was
so delayed. Investigation from the inside will duly determine that no
harm was done in that case by loss of time. Santiago was pointed out
by many circumstances as the vital spot of Spanish power in America,
where a mortal blow might be delivered. It was in the province where
the insurgents had greater strength than in any other part of the
island. It was so situated that our fleet in that locality was close
to the Windward Passage, east of Cuba, where Columbus was at once
perplexed and triumphant, and to Hayti, Jamaica and Porto Rico; and
there were several landings where it would be possible to disembark
troops, protected by the fire of our ships. More than that, Santiago
is the old capital of Cuba, the place where the head of the Cuban
church abides, and the scene of the Virginius Massacre--altogether
having a place in history almost equal to that of Havana. It was not
doubted the sanitary situation of the east end of Cuba was better than
that of the west end. Experience shows that this easy assumption was
questionable. If we omit the great plague spot, the city of Havana,
it will appear that Santiago is in a region as pestilential as can
be found in the provinces of Havana and Pinar del Rio. More than
all other associations and conspicuities, the attention of the world
was directed to Santiago because Cervera's elusive fleet, short of
coal and provisions, and overmatched by the United States navy, took
refuge in the deep harbor, hoping to clean his ships, get supplies and
escape with coal enough to open a new career. The Spaniards were too
slow, and the only ships of Spain that showed a sign of the spirit
of enterprise and the capacity of adventure, were bottled up by a
relentless blockade. Lieutenant Hobson became famous in a night in his
most hazardous effort to use the Merrimac as a cork for the bottle,
but fortunately left a gap through which the Spaniards made haste to
their doom. When the second fleet of Spain was destroyed, all chance
of disputing our supremacy at sea, or of doing anything to guard
Spanish interests either in the East or West Indies, was extinguished.

There has been no marked features of contention as to the battles of
Manila, except in the case of the gratuitous observations of critical
persons, whose feelings have been disturbed, that the storming of the
town was not bloody enough. The victory, however, was all the greater,
for the casualty lists were not long, owing to the management of the
Commanding General and the heroic Admiral, who won a battle famous as
that at New Orleans, with less bloodshed, but as Jackson's victory
was not belittled because he lost but half a dozen men killed, the
victories at Manila should not be slighted. The Santiago battles,
however, have stirred controversies, and there is a great mass of
literature, official and other, subject to endless examination, and
perhaps so voluminous as to confuse readers for some generations. The
leading and indisputable facts are, that the Spaniards fought well
on land, but were ineffectual afloat, in their attempts to inflict
injuries, though they put to sea in dashing style, and did not flinch
in efforts to evade a superior force, until the fire of the Americans
crushed them. In the incidents of warfare on the hills around and
the waves before Santiago, it is fair to say that the Spaniards
redeemed themselves from imputation of timidity, and fought in a
manner not unworthy of the countrymen of the Garrison of Morro Castle,
Havana, whose gallantry in resisting the army and fleet of England,
in 1762, commanded the respectful regard of their conquerors, and is
a glorious chapter in the story of Spain. The Santiago events were
most honorable to American arms, and it would lessen the splendor of
the reputation of the American soldiers if one failed to do justice
to the sturdy fighters they overcame. It is too early or too late
for participation in the debates whether civil or acrimonious, as
to the merits or faults of those engaged at Santiago, further than
to quote that golden sentence from the report of Commodore Schley,
that there was "glory enough to go around." We, whatever is said,
remember what was done on those hills that have an everlasting place
in history. There forever is to be application of marvelous propriety,
of the mournful and noble lines of Kentucky's poet, Theodore O'Hara:


"On Fame's eternal camping ground
Their silent tents are spread,
And Glory guards with solemn round
The bivouac of the dead."


There was a speedy realization by the country, and all the intelligent
peoples of the earth, when our troops were embarked for the Santiago
campaign, that the crisis of the war was at hand. No American thought
of failure. The only questions were as to the power of the defense
of Cuba by Spain, and the cost to us in men and money to overcome the
defenders. Those who knew the most about the conditions in Cuba had the
least confidence in the efficiency of the Cuban Army. The only body
of organized Cubans of importance was that under command of Garcia,
and it was the province of which he was in partial occupation that
we invaded in force. The public had been considerably interested and
entertained by the rousing accounts of the various naval bombardments
of Spanish shore fortresses. But the firing from our ships had not
materially shaken the Spanish defenses. The sea power had not shattered
the shore lines, but found abundant occupation in guarding transports
and protecting the troops when landing. It would have been an act of
the most gross imprudence and incompetency to have put an army ashore
unless the supremacy of the navy on the sea was absolute. More than
that, our own cities had to be assured that they were secure from
attack. On the 31st of May orders were issued for the embarkation of
the army of invasion as follows:

1. The Fifth Army Corps.

2. The Battalion of Engineers.

3. The detachment of the Signal Corps.

4. Five squadrons of cavalry, to be selected by the commanding
general of the cavalry division, in accordance with instruction
previously given.

5. Four batteries of light artillery, to be commanded by a major, to
be selected by the commanding officer of the light artillery brigade.

6. Two batteries of heavy artillery, to be selected by the commanding
officer of the siege artillery battalion, with eight (8) siege guns
and eight (8) field mortars.

7. The Battalion of Engineers, the infantry, and cavalry, will be
supplied, with 500 rounds of ammunition per man.

8. All troops will carry, in addition to the fourteen (14) days'
field rations now on hand, ten (10) days' travel rations.

9. The minimum allowance of tentage and baggage as prescribed in
General Orders 54, A.G.O., current series, will be taken.

10. In addition to the rations specified in paragraph 8 of this order,
the chief commissary will provide sixty (60) days' field rations for
the entire command.

11. All recruits and extra baggage, the latter to be stored, carefully
piled and covered, will be left in camp, in charge of a commissioned
officer, to be selected by the regimental commander. Where there are
no recruits available the necessary guard only will be left.

12. Travel rations will be drawn, at once, by the several commands,
as indicated in paragraph 8.

This was by command of Major-General Shafter. There were delays on
account of inadequate facilities for embarkation at Tampa and Port
Tampa. Orders for General Shafter to move with not less than 10,000 men
were issued on the 7th, and there was delay on account of reports of
Spanish ships of war ready to strike a blow at the transports. Twelve
squadrons of cavalry not mounted were added to the troops designated
in the general order, and June 14th the expedition sailed with 815
officers and 16,072 enlisted men, and had a smooth and uneventful
passage. There were several demonstrations for the deception of the
enemy, in one of which 500 Cubans were employed. General Shafter
was committed by the movements and the ground, as he says in his
official report:

"To approach Santiago from the east over a narrow road, at first in
some places not better than a trail, running from Daiquiri through
Siboney and Sevilla, and making attack from that quarter, was, in
my judgment, the only feasible plan, and subsequent information and
results confirmed my judgment."

The disembarkation commenced June 22nd, and all men were ordered
to carry "on the person the blanket roll (with shelter tent and
poncho), three days' field rations (with coffee, ground), canteens
filled, and 100 rounds of ammunition per man. Additional ammunition,
already issued to the troops, tentage, baggage, and company cooking
utensils left under charge of the regimental quartermaster, with one
non-commissioned officer and two privates from each company,"

Two days were occupied in getting the troops ashore, and the first
engagement was on the morning of the 24th, General Young's brigade
taking the advance, and finding a Spanish force strongly intrenched
on the Santiago road three miles from Siboney. Young's force was 964
officers and men. The enemy were driven from the field. Our loss, 1
officer and 15 men killed, and 6 officers and 46 men wounded. Spanish
loss reported 9 killed and 27 wounded. General Shafter says the
engagement had "an inspiring effect" upon the men, and "gave us a
well-watered country further to the front, on which to encamp our
troops," and the rest of the month was occupied in attempting to
land rations enough to have a reserve, and "it was not until nearly
two weeks after the army landed that it was possible to place on
shore three days' supplies in excess of those required for the daily
consumption."

General Shafter reconnoitered, and formed his plan of battle June
30th, and reports that in the opening of the engagement on July 1st
"the artillery fire from El Pozo was soon returned by the enemy's
artillery. They evidently had the range of this hill, and their first
shells killed and wounded several men. As the Spaniards used smokeless
powder it was very difficult to locate the position of their pieces,
while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our black powder plainly
indicated the position of our battery."

The advantages the Spaniards had in the use of smokeless powder were
conspicuous throughout the scenes of fighting both at Santiago and
Manila. We had, however, at Santiago a war balloon of the actual
service, of which General Shafter says: "General Kent forced the
head of his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the
narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the San Juan
and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred yards before
reaching the San Juan the road forks, a fact that was discovered by
Lieutenant-Colonel Derby of my staff, who had approached well to the
front in a war balloon. This information he furnished to the troops,
resulting in Sumner moving on the right-hand road, while Kent was
enabled to utilize the road to the left."

General Shafter officially makes the following reference to his
illness at the time: "My own health was impaired by overexertion in
the sun and intense heat of the day before, which prevented me from
participating as actively in the battle as I desired; but from a high
hill near my headquarters I had a general view of the battlefield,
extending from El Caney on the right to the left of our lines on San
Juan Hill. My staff officers were stationed at various points on the
field, rendering frequent reports, and through them by the means of
orderlies and the telephone, I was enabled to transmit my orders.

"After the brilliant and important victory gained at El Caney, Lawton
started his tried troops, who had been fighting all day and marching
much of the night before, to connect with the right of the cavalry
division. Night came on before this movement could be accomplished. In
the darkness the enemy's pickets were encountered, and the Division
Commander being uncertain of the ground and as to what might be in
his front halted his command and reported the situation to me. This
information was received about 12:30 a. m., and I directed General
Lawton to return by my headquarters and the El Pozo House as the only
certain way of gaining his new position.

"This was done, and the division took position on the right of the
cavalry early next morning, Chaffee's brigade arriving first, about
half-past 7, and the other brigades before noon."

Of the hottest of the fight on the 1st of July, General Shafter
reports: "Great credit is due to Brigadier-General H. S. Hawkins,
who, placing himself between his regiments, urged them on by voice
and bugle calls to the attack so brilliantly executed.

"In this fierce encounter words fail to do justice to the gallant
regimental commanders and their heroic men, for, while the generals
indicated the formations and the points of attack, it was, after all,
the intrepid bravery of the subordinate officers and men that planted
our colors on the crest of San Juan Hill and drove the enemy from
his trenches and blockhouses, thus gaining a position which sealed
the fate of Santiago.

"In this action on this part of the field most efficient service was
rendered by Lieutenant John H. Parker, Thirteenth Infantry, and the
Gatling gun detachment under his command. The fighting continued
at intervals until nightfall, but our men held resolutely to the
positions gained at the cost of so much blood and toil.

"I am greatly indebted to General Wheeler, who, as previously
stated, returned from the sick list to duty during the afternoon. His
cheerfulness and aggressiveness made itself felt on this part of the
battlefield, and the information he furnished to me at various stages
of the battle proved to be most useful."

The report of the General Commanding of the further fighting is a
model of forcible brevity, in these paragraphs:

"Soon after daylight on July 2 the enemy opened battle, but because
of the intrenchments made during the night, the approach of Lawton's
division, and the presence of Bates' brigade, which had taken position
during the night on Kent's left, little apprehension was felt as to
our ability to repel the Spaniards.

"It is proper here to state that General Bates and his brigade had
performed most arduous and efficient service, having marched much
of the night of June 30-July 1, and a good part of the latter day,
during which he also participated in the battle of El Caney, after
which he proceeded, by way of El Pozo, to the left of the line at
San Juan, reaching his new position about midnight.

"All day on the 2d the battle raged with more or less fury, but such
of our troops as were in position at daylight held their ground,
and Lawton gained a strong and commanding position on the right.

"About 10 p..m., the enemy made a vigorous assault to break through
my lines, but he was repulsed at all points.

"On the morning of the 3d the battle was renewed, but the enemy seemed
to have expended his energy in the assault of the previous night, and
the firing along the lines was desultory;" and this was stopped by a
letter sent by General Shafter, saying he would be obliged to "shell
Santiago," if not surrendered, and non-combatants would be given until
10 o'clock July 4th to leave the city. The reply of the Spanish General
was that he would not surrender. Then foreign consuls came within our
lines asking more time to remove the women and children. The language
of General Shafter reporting the situation at the time and the events
following, is here reproduced as of permanent interest:

"My first message went in under a flag of truce at 12:30 p.m. I was
of the opinion that the Spaniards would surrender if given a little
time, and I thought this result would be hastened if the men of
their army could be made to understand they would be well treated as
prisoners of war. Acting upon this presumption, I determined to offer
to return all the wounded Spanish officers at El Caney who were able
to bear transportation, and who were willing to give their paroles
not to serve against the forces of the United States until regularly
exchanged. This offer was made and accepted. These officers, as well as
several of the wounded Spanish privates, 27 in all, were sent to their
lines under the escort of some of our mounted cavalry. Our troops were
received with honors, and I have every reason to believe the return
of the Spanish prisoners produced a good impression on their comrades.

"The cessation of firing about noon on the 3d practically terminated
the battle of Santiago.

"A few Cubans assisted in the attack at El Caney, and fought valiantly,
but their numbers were too small to materially change the strength,
as indicated above. The enemy confronted us with numbers about equal
to our own; they fought obstinately in strong and intrenched positions,
and the results obtained clearly indicate the intrepid gallantry of the
company, officers and men, and the benefits derived from the careful
training and instruction given in the company in recent years in rifle
practice and other battle exercises. Our losses in these battles were
22 officers and 208 men killed, and 81 officers and 1,203 men wounded;
missing, 79. The missing, with few exceptions, reported later.

"The arrival of General Escario on the night of July 2, and his
entrance into the city was not anticipated, for although it was known,
as previously stated, that General Pando had left Manzanillo with
reinforcements for the garrison of Santiago, it was not believed
his troops could arrive so soon. General Garcia, with between four
and five thousand Cubans, was intrusted with the duty of watching
for and intercepting the reinforcements expected. This, however, he
failed to do, and Escario passed into the city along on my extreme
right and near the bay."

On the 11th, when the firing ceased and was not resumed "the sickness
in the army was increasing very rapidly, as a result of exposure in the
trenches to the intense heat of the sun and the heavy rains. Moreover,
the dews in Cuba are almost equal to rains. The weakness of the troops
was becoming so apparent I was anxious to bring the siege to an end,
but in common with most of the officers of the army I did not think
an assault would be justifiable, especially as the enemy seemed to
be acting in good faith in their preliminary propositions to surrender.

"July 12 I informed the Spanish Commander that Major-General Miles,
Commander-in-Chief of the American army, had just arrived in my camp,
and requested him to grant us a personal interview on the following
day. He replied he would be pleased to meet us. The interview took
place on the 13th."

The Spanish raised many points, as is their habit, and were tenacious
about retaining their arms, but yielded, and "the terms of surrender
finally agreed upon included about 12,000 Spanish troops in the city
and as many more in the surrendered district."

July 17th "we met midway between the representatives of our two armies,
and the Spanish Commander formally consummated the surrender of the
city and the 24,000 troops in Santiago and the surrendered district.

"After this ceremony I entered the city with my staff and escort, and
at 12 o'clock noon the American flag was raised over the Governor's
palace."

The men and material surrendered by the Spaniards at Santiago largely
exceeded the two English armies and their equipments at Saratoga
and Yorktown.

The yellow fever appeared in the American camp at Siboney July 4th,
and the fact was soon known to the army. General Shafter says of
the wounded and sick: "They received every attention that it was
possible to give them. The medical officers without exception worked
night and day to alleviate the suffering, which was no greater than
invariably accompanies a campaign. It would have been better if we
had more ambulances, but as many were taken as was thought necessary,
judging from previous campaigns."

General Joe Wheeler's report of the action of July 1st is a paper
full of striking points. The movement into battle began in wading
the San Juan river under heavy fire, and the General says:

"We were as much under fire in forming the line as we would be by an
advance, and I therefore pressed the command forward from the covering
which it was formed. It merged into open space, in full view of the
enemy, who occupied breastworks and batteries on the crest of the
hill which overlooked Santiago, officers and men falling at every
step. The troops advanced gallanty, soon reached the foot of the hill
and ascended, driving the enemy from their works and occupying them
on the crest of the hill.

"Colonel Carroll and Major Wessels were both wounded during
the charge, but Major Wessels was enabled to return and resume
command. General Wyckoff, commanding Kent's Third Brigade, was killed
at 12:10. Lieutenant-Colonel Worth took command and was wounded at
12:15. Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum then took command and was wounded at
12:20, and the command then devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Ewers,
Ninth Infantry.

"Upon reaching the crest I ordered breastworks to be constructed,
and sent to the rear for shovels, picks, spades, and axes. The
enemy's retreat from the ridge was precipitate, but our men were so
thoroughly exhausted that it was impossible for them to follow. Their
shoes were soaked with water by wading the San Juan River; they had
become drenched with rain, and when they reached the crest they were
absolutely unable to proceed further. Notwithstanding this condition
these exhausted men labored during the night to erect breastworks,
furnished details to bury the dead and carry the wounded back in
improvised litters."

Wheeler's loss was 6 officers and 40 men killed, 29 officers and 288
men wounded, and 10 men missing--total 372, out of a force of 127
officers and 2,536 men.

General Bates says that after his brigade remained for some time in
the first cross road after wading the San Juan river: "We moved to the
right to assault a small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort
and well protected by rifle pits. General Chaffee's brigade charged
them from the right, and the two brigades, joining upon the crest,
opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the Spanish,
upon the village of El Caney.

"From this advantageous position the Spanish were easily driven from
place to place in the village proper, and as fast as they sought
shelter in one building were driven out to seek shelter elsewhere. The
sharpshooters of my command were enabled to do effective work at
this point. The town proper was soon pretty thoroughly cleaned out of
Spanish, though a couple of blockhouses upon the hill to the right of
the town offered shelter to a few, and some could be seen retreating
along a mountain road leading to the northwest. A part of these made
a stand in a field among some bowlders.

General Lawton observes: "The light battery first opened on a column of
Spanish troops, which appeared to be cavalry moving westward from El
Caney, and about 2 miles range, resulting, as was afterwards learned,
in killing 16 in the column."

The General has much to say of a pleasing personal nature.

The report of General Kent is of extraordinary merit for the exact
detail and local color. Colonel McClernand, he says, "pointed out
to me a green hill in the distance which was to be my objective
on my left," and as he moved into action, "I proceeded to join the
head of my division, just coming under heavy fire. Approaching the
First Brigade I directed them to move alongside the cavalry (which
was halted). We were already suffering losses caused by the balloon
near by attracting fire and disclosing our position.

"The enemy's infantry fire, steadily increasing in intensity, now
came from all directions, not only from the front and the dense
tropical thickets on our flanks, but from sharpshooters thickly
posted in trees in our rear, and from shrapnel apparently aimed at
the balloon. Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of General Shafter's staff,
met me about this time and informed me that a trail or narrow way had
been discovered from the balloon a short distance back leading to the
left to a ford lower down the stream. I hastened to the forks made
by this road, and soon after the Seventy-first New York Regiment of
Hawkins' brigade came up. I turned them into the by path indicated by
Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, leading to the lower ford, sending word to
General Hawkins of this movement. This would have speedily delivered
them in their proper place on the left of their brigade, but under
the galling fire of the enemy the leading battalion of this regiment
was thrown into confusion and recoiled in disorder on the troops in
the rear."

The Second and Third Battalions "came up in better order," but there
was some delay, and General Kent says:

"I had received orders some time before to keep in rear of the cavalry
division. Their advance was much delayed, resulting in frequent halts,
presumably to drop their blanket rolls and due to the natural delay in
fording a stream. These delays under such a hot fire grew exceedingly
irksome, and I therefore pushed the head of my division as quickly
as I could toward the river in column files of twos parallel in
the narrow way by the cavalry. This quickened the forward movement
and enabled me to get into position as speedily as possible for the
attack. Owing to the congested condition of the road, the progress
of the narrow columns was, however, painfully slow. I again sent a
staff officer at a gallop to urge forward the troops in rear."

The Second Brigade and Third "moved toward Fort San Juan, sweeping
through a zone of most destructive fire, scaling a steep and difficult
hill, and assisting in capturing the enemy's strong position (Fort
San Juan) at 1:30 p.m. This crest was about 125 feet above the general
level, and was defended by deep trenches and a loop-holed brick fort
surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements."

General Hawkins, after General Kent reached the crest, "reported that
the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry had captured the hill, which I now
consider incorrect. Credit is almost equally due the Sixth, Ninth,
Thirteenth, Sixteenth, and Twenty-fourth regiments of infantry. Owing
to General Hawkins' representations, I forwarded the report sent to
corps headquarters about 3 p.m. that the Sixth and Sixteenth infantry
regiments captured the hill. The Thirteenth Infantry captured the
enemy's colors waving over the fort, but, unfortunately, destroyed
them, distributing the fragments among the men, because, as was
asserted, 'It was a bad omen,' two or three men having been shot
while assisting private Arthur Agnew, Company H, Thirteenth Infantry,
the captor. All fragments which could be recovered are submitted with
this report.

"I have already mentioned the circumstances of my Third Brigade's
advance across the ford, where in the brief space of ten minutes it
lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two ranking officers
by disabling wounds. Yet, in spite of these confusing conditions the
formations were effected without hesitation, although under a stinging
fire, companies acting singly in some instances, and by battalion and
regiments in others, rushing through the jungle, across the stream
waist deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed wire."

General Kent says:

"The bloody fighting of my brave command can not be adequately
described in words. The following list of killed, wounded, and missing
tells the story of their valor:

"July 1st the loss was 12 officers and 77 men killed, 32 officers
and 463 men wounded, 58 men missing. Total loss, 642."

The following day the Spaniards resumed the battle, and the losses
of Kent's command on the 2nd and 3d of July made up a total loss
in three days of 99 killed and 597 wounded, and 62 missing. General
Shafter said that before closing his report he desired to dwell upon
"the natural obstacles I had to encounter, and which no foresight could
have overcome or obviated. The rocky and precipitous coast afforded no
sheltered landing places, the roads were mere bridle paths, the effect
of the tropical sun and rains upon unacclimated troops was deadly,
and a dread of strange and unknown diseases had its effect on the army.

"The San Juan and Aguadores rivers would often suddenly rise so as to
prevent the passage of wagons, and then the eight pack trains with
the command had to be depended upon for the victualing of my army,
as well as the 20,000 refugees, who could not in the interests of
humanity be left to starve while we had rations."

During the Chicago Peace Jubilee, General Shafter made an address at
the Armory of the First Illinois Volunteers, and, released from the
continual forms of official reports, added much of interest to the
story of Santiago. He says of the send-off:

"We were twice embarked and twice taken back to Tampa and
disembarked. On the first occasion the cause was the appearance
of Admiral Cervera's fleet; it requiring the entire navy that was
disposable to go after that fleet, and the second time by a report
that afterwards turned out to be incorrect, that in the St. Nicholas
channel, through which we would have to go, some Spanish cruisers
had been seen."

When ordered to Tampa to command the first Cuban expedition,
he continued:

"I took the troops that I thought best fitted and prepared for that
service. There were some magnificent regiments of volunteers, but to
part of them I had issued arms only two or three days before. They
were not properly equipped, and lacked experience. As I had the
choice, I took all of the regulars that were there, and with them
three regiments of volunteers. They were magnificent men, as perfect
as men could be, but, as you know who served in '61, poorly prepared
to take care of themselves at first. You recollect it was months
before we were prepared, and we made numerous mistakes that led to
sickness and death. The same things have occurred again, and they
always will continue with troops that are not used to the field, and
in this campaign men were taken directly from their camps immediately
after being mustered in, and put into the most difficult campaign of
modern military history.

"I practically had the entire regular army of the United States, twenty
of the twenty-five regiments of infantry, five of the ten regiments
of cavalry, and five batteries of artillery, with three regiments of
volunteers, the Seventy-first New York, the Second Massachusetts,
and the regiment known as Roosevelt's rough riders. The last were
practically seasoned soldiers. They were men from the frontier, men
who had been accustomed for years to taking a little sack of corn
meal on their saddles, and a blanket, and going out to sleep out of
doors for a week or a month at a time. Of course, they knew how to
care for themselves in camp.

"Early in June I was called to the telephone in Tampa, and told from
the President's mansion in Washington to proceed immediately with
not less than 10,000 men to Santiago; that news had been received
that day that the fleet of Cervera was surely within that harbor,
and that if 10,000 men could be placed there at once the fleet and
the city could be captured in forty-eight hours. The horses and
mules had been taken off from the ships as well as the men, and the
time consumed in reloading the horses and mules allowed me to embark
17,000 men nearly. That was very fortunate for me and our cause."

On arrival off Santiago, he, "with Admiral Sampson, went down the coast
about twenty miles, and saw General Garcia, and asked him his opinion
of the country, what his force was, and whether he was disposed to
assist. I found him very willing and very glad to offer his services
at once, with 3,000 men that he had with him and another thousand
that he had up the country a little further, which were to join us
immediately. In sailing along the coast, looking for a landing place,
I selected two places--Siboney, a little indentation in the coast
about twelve or thirteen miles east of Santiago, and another little
bay about eight miles further east, where small streams entered
into the sea, making a valley and a sandbar about 150 to 200 yards
in extent. All the rest of the coast is abrupt, perpendicular walls
of rock from ten to thirty feet high, against which the waves were
dashing all the time, and where it is utterly impossible to land.

"We had the earnest and able support of the navy and their assistance
in disembarking, and the next morning were bombarding the two little
places and driving the few hundred Spanish soldiers, that were there
away. We began disembarking, and before the end of the day the men
were on shore, with 2,000 horses and mules that we had to throw
overboard to get ashore, and the artillery."

The General noted the loss of 17,000 troops out of 24,000 in the
English army that besieged Havana in 1762, at the same time of year
that he landed at Santiago, and remarked:

"I knew that my entire army would be sick if it stayed long enough;
that it was simply a question of getting that town just as soon as
possible. I knew the strength, the courage, and the will of my men,
or I thought I did, and the result shows that I was not mistaken. It
was a question of starting the moment we landed and not stopping
until we reached the Spanish outposts, and, therefore, as soon as a
division was put on shore it was started on the march.

"On the 24th the first engagement took place, in which we had between
800 and 900 men on the American side and probably 1,000 or 1,200 on
the Spanish. The enemy was strongly intrenched, showing only their
heads, while the American forces had to march exposing their whole
bodies to the fire of the enemy.

"It is announced by military experts as an axiom that trained troops
armed with the present breech-loading and rapid-firing arm cannot
be successfully assailed by any troops who simply assault. Of course
you can make the regular approaches and dig up to them. The fallacy
of that proposition was made very manifest that day when the men
composing the advance marched as deliberately over those breastworks
as they ever did when they fought with arms that you could only load
about twice in a minute and of the range of only 200 or 300 yards.

"This army was an army of marksmen. For fifteen years the greatest
attention has been paid to marksmanship, and I suppose four-fifths
of all the men in that army wore on their breasts the marksman's
badge. I had given orders, knowing that the noise of firing is
harmless and that shots put in the air are harmless--I had given the
strictest orders to all officers that their men should be told not to
fire a shot unless they could see something moving, and the firing
was to be by individuals, what is called file firing, individual
firing. The Spanish troops, not so well drilled in firing as ours,
used volley firing, which is very effective against large bodies
of troops massed and moving over a plain, but utterly inefficient
when used against skirmishers moving over a rough country. In that
battle, which lasted two hours, less than ten rounds of ammunition
per man was fired by my men, and the losses, notwithstanding my men
were exposed, their whole bodies, while the enemy were in trenches,
where only their heads could be seen, were about equal.

"I saw the commander of that force a few days later in Santiago, and
in talking about it he said to me: 'Your men behaved very strange. We
were much surprised. They were whipped, but they didn't seem to know
it; they continued to advance (laughter and applause), and we had to
go away.' He was quite right about it. They did have to go away.

"On the 29th we had reached the immediate vicinity of the peaks in
front of Santiago, about a mile and a half from the city. On the 30th
I carefully reconnoitered the ground as much as one could in the dense
undergrowth, and determined where I would make my attack, which was
simply directed in front, and to make a direct assault. There was
no attempt at strategy, and no attempt at turning their flanks. It
was simply going straight for them. In that I did not misjudge my
men, and that is where I succeeded so well. (Applause.) If we had
attempted to flank them out or dig them out by regular parallels and
get close to them my men would have been sick before it could have
been accomplished, and the losses would have been many times greater
than they were.

"The only misfortune, as I judged it, of the first day's fight,but
which I have since learned was for the best, was that immediately on
our right, and what would be in our rear when we attacked the town,
was a little village called El Caney, four miles and a half from
Santiago, and whence the best road in the country connected with
Santiago. I did not know the exact force there, but it was estimated
to be 1,000, and perhaps a little more, and it would, of course,
have been very hazardous to have left that force so near in our rear.

"Instead of finishing the affair by 9 o'clock, as we expected, it took
until 4:30 o'clock in the afternoon before the last shot was fired,
and then after a loss of nearly a hundred killed and 250 wounded on
our side and the almost total annihilation of the force opposed to
us. They had an idea that they would be killed, and when men believe
that it is hard to capture them. Just at the close of the battle
three or four hundred did attempt to escape, but ran out in front of
a brigade that they did not see, and in the course of about three
or four hundred yards most of them were dead or mortally wounded,
so that probably not more than twenty men on the other side escaped
from that battle. It was a most desperate struggle.

"Men were killed in the trenches by being knocked on the head with
muskets, and one man I was shown two days later with what would be
called a tremendous head on him, and the interpreter asked him how
that had occurred, and he doubled up his fist and spoke of the soldier
that had hit him as a black man, that he had dropped his gun and hit
him in the head with his fist. That was pretty close work.

"Meanwhile the battle in front of Santiago progressed, with
three divisions on our side, one of dismounted cavalry and two of
infantry. It was beautifully fought. Every man knew what he had to do,
and so did every officer. The orders were that Immediately upon being
deployed they were to attack. They did it. Every man kept going, and
when one's comrade dropped the rest kept going. The result was that
in about two hours the line was taken, and practically that afternoon
the battle of Santiago was ended, for those men never advanced beyond
that point.

"During the night I brought up the division of General Lawton that had
been on the right at Caney and put them on the extreme right, where I
had intended to have them the day before, and where, had they been,
we should probably have taken the town and have gotten only the men
that were there, and not the 12,000 that were far beyond our reach
who were surrendered a few days later.

"On the morning of the 2d a weak attempt was made upon our lines. In
that the Spaniards had to expose themselves, while my men were
covered. The fight lasted but a little while, and they retreated.

"On the morning of July 3 I thought we had so much of an advantage
that I could notify the enemy, first, that I wanted a surrender, and,
second, if they declined to surrender that they could have twenty-four
hours to get the women and children out of town. Of course, civilized
people do not fire on towns filled with women and children if they
will come out if it can be avoided. The Spanish commander declined
very promptly to surrender, but said he would notify the women and
children and those that desired to go, but he wanted twenty-four
hours more, and said there were a great many people to go out. They
began to stream out at once, and for forty-eight hours old men, women,
and children poured out until it was estimated that at least 20,000
people passed through our lines and out into the woods in the rear. Of
course, there was an immense amount of suffering, and numbers died,
especially of the old. Fortunately we were enabled to give them some
food, enough so that they existed, but at that time, with the Cuban
forces that I had, I was issuing daily 45,000 rations. Forty-five
thousand people are a good many to feed when you have such fearful
roads and food could only be carried on the backs of mules.

"On that morning of the 3d, about an hour after the time for
surrendering, Cervera's fleet left the harbor, and went out, as you
know, to total annihilation. It was not more than twenty or thirty
minutes after they left the mouth of the harbor before, so far as
we could hear, the firing had ceased, and 1,700 men were prisoners,
600 were killed, and three or four battleships and some torpedo boats
were either on the rocks or in the bottom of the sea--a most wonderful
victory, never equaled before in naval history, and due mainly to
the magnificent marksmanship of our men, which covered the Spanish
decks with such a hail of iron that no sailors on earth could stand
against it.

"Two days after this I saw General Toral, and I was convinced from
conversation with him that he was going to surrender. I had no one
but myself to take the responsibility, in fact, I did not want anyone
else to do it, but while I was convinced myself it was hard to convince
others. I knew that we could capture the town at any time, that we had
it surrounded so that they could not possibly get away, although on
the night of July 2 2,800 men marched in. I had understood there were
8,000, but when we counted them a few days afterward there were only
2,800. I knew that if we carried that town by force a thousand men at
least would be lost to the American army, and a thousand good American
men are a good many to expend in capturing a Spanish town (applause),
and I did not propose to do it if I could possibly talk them out of it.

"General Toral knew just as well as I did that I knew just what he
had--that he was on his last rations, and that nothing but plain rice,
that we had his retreat cut off, that we had the town surrounded,
that he could not hurt us, while we could bombard him and do some
little damage, perhaps, and that it was only a question of a few days.

"I found out a few days later what the hitch was which caused the
delay, for General Toral had told me that he had been authorized by
Blanco, the Governor-General, to enter into negotiations and make
terms for surrender, and in Cuba you know General Blanco was in
supreme command. His authority was such that he could even set aside
a law of Spain. Knowing that, I felt sure that after very little
delay they would surrender. They desired to get permission from
the Madrid government to return to Spain. It was that that delayed
them. Immediately upon receiving the permission to return to Spain
they surrendered.

"I had in line when the fighting was going on, about 13,000 men--not
more than that at any time. Inside the Spanish trenches there were
about 10,000. There were 11,500 surrendered, and I think about 1,500
of them were sick. The disproportion, considering the difference of
situation, is not very great. In fact, I think that 10,000 American
soldiers could have kept 100,000 Spaniards out had they been in the
same position (applause), although I do not wish to disparage the
bravery of the Spanish troops. They are gallant fellows, but they
have not the intelligence and do not take the initiative as do the
American soldiers; and they have not the bull-dog pluck that hangs
on day after day.

"Toral made the first proposition to surrender. He said if I would let
him take his men and such things as they could carry on their persons
and on a few pack mules that they had and guarantee him safe conduct
to Holguin, which was fifty-two miles away to the north and in the
interior, they would march out. I told him, of course, that was out
of the question; that I could not accept any such terms as that, but
I would submit it to the President. I did so, and was very promptly
informed that only unconditional surrender would be received, but I
was at liberty to say to General Toral that if they would surrender
they would be carried, at the expense of the United States government,
back to Spain. When that proposition was made to him I could see his
face lighten up and the faces of his staff, who were there. They were
simply delighted. Those men love their country intensely, they had been
brought to Cuba against their will, and had stayed there three years,
poorly clad, not paid at all, and not well fed, and the prospect of
going back to their homes had as much to do with conforming their
views to our wishes as anything that was done during the campaign.

"Meanwhile ten or twelve days had elapsed and I had received quite a
number of volunteer regiments--two from Michigan, the First District
of Columbia, a Massachusetts regiment, and an Ohio regiment, the
Eighth Ohio--all splendid troops and well equipped, and while they
were not there at the hardest of the fighting they were there during
the suffering, and everything that soldiers were called upon to do
they did like men.

"It is a great deal harder to stand up day after day and see companions
go from sickness and disease than it is to face the perils of battle.

"When I told General Toral that we would carry his men back he said:
'Does that include my entire command?' I said: 'What is your command
and where are they?' He replied the Fourth Army Corps; 11,500 men in
the city, 3,000 twenty miles in the rear of us; 7,500 he said were
up the coast less than sixty miles, and about 1,500 125 to 150 miles
off on the northeastern coast.

"There were 3,440 odd, and at a place less than sixty miles east
there were 7,500 and a few over, because we counted them and took
their arms. The result of that surrender was as unexpected to us as
probably it was to every person in the United States. There was simply
a little army there, which had gone down to assist the