The Project Gutenberg EBook of Roman History, Books I-III, by Titus Livius

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Title: Roman History, Books I-III

Author: Titus Livius

Release Date: January 25, 2004 [EBook #10828]

Language: English

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ROMAN HISTORY

By

Titus Livius


Translated by


John Henry Freese, Alfred John Church, and William Jackson Brodribb


With a Critical and Biographical Introduction and Notes by Duffield
Osborne


Illustrated

1904



LIVY'S HISTORY

Of the lost treasures of classical literature, it is doubtful whether
any are more to be regretted than the missing books of Livy. That
they existed in approximate entirety down to the fifth century, and
possibly even so late as the fifteenth, adds to this regret. At the
same time it leaves in a few sanguine minds a lingering hope that some
unvisited convent or forgotten library may yet give to the world a
work that must always be regarded as one of the greatest of Roman
masterpieces. The story that the destruction of Livy was effected by
order of Pope Gregory I, on the score of the superstitions contained
in the historian's pages, never has been fairly substantiated, and
therefore I prefer to acquit that pontiff of the less pardonable
superstition involved in such an act of fanatical vandalism. That the
books preserved to us would be by far the most objectionable from
Gregory's alleged point of view may be noted for what it is worth in
favour of the theory of destruction by chance rather than by design.

Here is the inventory of what we have and of what we might have had.
The entire work of Livy--a work that occupied more than forty years
of his life--was contained in one hundred and forty-two books, which
narrated the history of Rome, from the supposed landing of AEneas,
through the early years of the empire of Augustus, and down to the
death of Drusus, B.C. 9. Books I-X, containing the story of early
Rome to the year 294 B.C., the date of the final subjugation of the
Samnites and the consequent establishment of the Roman commonwealth as
the controlling power in Italy, remain to us. These, by the accepted
chronology, represent a period of four hundred and sixty years. Books
XI-XX, being the second "decade," according to a division attributed
to the fifth century of our era are missing. They covered seventy-five
years, and brought the narrative down to the beginning of the second
Punic war. Books XXI-XLV have been saved, though those of the fifth
"decade" are imperfect. They close with the triumph of AEmilius, in 167
B.C., and the reduction of Macedonia to a Roman province. Of the other
books, only a few fragments remain, the most interesting of which
(from Book CXX) recounts the death of Cicero, and gives what appears
to be a very just estimate of his character. We have epitomes of all
the lost books, with the exception of ten; but these are so scanty as
to amount to little more than tables of contents. Their probable date
is not later than the time of Trajan. To summarize the result, then,
thirty-five books have been saved and one hundred and seven lost--a
most deplorable record, especially when we consider that in the later
books the historian treated of times and events whereof his means of
knowledge were adequate to his task.

TITUS LIVIUS was born at Patavium, the modern Padua, some time between
61 and 57 B.C. Of his parentage and early life nothing is known. It
is easy to surmise that he was well born, from his political bias in
favour of the aristocratic party, and from the evident fact of his
having received a liberal education; yet the former of these arguments
is not at all inconsistent with the opposite supposition, and the
latter should lead to no very definite conclusion when we remember
that in his days few industries were more profitable than the higher
education of slaves for the pampered Roman market. Niebuhr infers,
from a sentence quoted by Quintilian, that Livy began life as a
teacher of rhetoric. However that may be, it seems certain that he
came to Rome about 30 B.C., was introduced to Augustus and won his
patronage and favour, and after the death of his great patron and
friend retired to the city of his birth, where he died, 17 A.D. It
is probable that he had fixed the date of the Emperor's death as the
limit of his history, and that his own decease cut short his task.

No historian ever told a story more delightfully. The available
translations leave much to be desired, but to the student of Latin
Livy's style is pure and simple, and possesses that charm which purity
and simplicity always give. If there is anything to justify the charge
of "Patavinity," or provincialism, made by Asinius Pollio, we, at
least, are not learned enough in Latin to detect it; and Pollio, too,
appears to have been no gentle critic if we may judge by his equally
severe strictures upon Cicero, Caesar, and Sallust. This much we know:
the Patavian's heroes live; his events happen, and we are carried
along upon their tide. Our sympathies, our indignation, our
enthusiasm, are summoned into being, and history and fiction appear to
walk hand in hand for our instruction and amusement. In this latter
word--fiction--lies the charge most often and most strongly made
against him--the charge that he has written a story and no more; that
with him past time existed but to furnish materials "to point a moral
or adorn a tale." Let us consider to what extent this is true, and, if
true, in what measure the author has sinned by it or we have lost.

No one would claim that the rules by which scientific historians of
to-day are judged should be applied to those that wrote when history
was young, when the boundaries between the possible and the impossible
were less clearly defined, or when, in fact, such boundaries hardly
existed in men's minds. In this connection, even while we vaunt, we
smile. After all, how much of our modern and so-called scientific
history must strike the reasoning reader as mere theorizing or as
special pleading based upon the slenderest evidence! Among the
ancients the work of the historians whom we consider trustworthy--such
writers, for instance, as Caesar, Thucydides, Xenophon, Polybius, and
Tacitus--may be said to fall generally within Rawlinson's canons 1 and
2 of historical criticism--that is, (1) cases where the historian has
personal knowledge concerning the facts whereof he writes, or (2)
where the facts are such that he may reasonably be supposed to have
obtained them from contemporary witnesses. Canon 2 might be elaborated
and refined very considerably and perhaps to advantage. It naturally
includes as sources of knowledge--first, personal interviews with
contemporary witnesses; and, second, accesses to the writings of
historians whose opportunities brought them within canon 1. In this
latter case the evidence would be less convincing, owing to the lack
of opportunity to cross-question, though even here apparent lack of
bias or the existence of biased testimony on both sides, from which a
judicious man might have a fair chance to extract the truth, would go
far to cure the defect.

The point, however, to which I tend is, that the portions of Livy's
history from which we must judge of his trustworthiness treat, for the
most part, of periods concerning which even his evidence was of the
scantiest and poorest description. He doubtless had family records,
funeral panegyrics, and inscription--all of which were possibly almost
as reliable as those of our own day. Songs sung at festivals and
handed down by tradition may or may not be held more truthful. These
he had as well; but the government records, the ancient fasti, had
been destroyed at the time of the burning of the city by the Gauls,
and there is no hint of any Roman historian that lived prior to the
date of the second Punic war. Thus we may safely infer that Livy wrote
of the first five hundred years without the aid of any contemporary
evidence, either approximately complete or ostensibly reliable. With
the beginning of the second Punic war began also the writing of
history. Quintus Fabius Pictor had left a work, which Polybius
condemned on the score of its evident partiality. Lucius Cincius
Alimentus, whose claim to knowledge if not to impartiality rests
largely on the fact that he was captured and held prisoner by
Hannibal, also left memoirs; but Hannibal was not famous for treating
prisoners mildly, and the Romans, most cruel themselves in this
respect, were always deeply scandalized by a much less degree of
harshness on the part of their enemies. Above all, there was Polybius
himself, who perhaps approaches nearer to the critical historian than
any writer of antiquity, and it is Polybius upon whom Livy mainly
relies through his third, fourth, and fifth decades. The works of
Fabius and Cincius are lost. So also are those of the Lacedaemonian
Sosilus and the Sicilian Silanus, who campaigned with Hannibal and
wrote the Carthaginian side of the story; nor is there any evidence
that either Polybius or Livy had access to their writings. Polybius,
then, may be said to be the only reliable source from which Livy could
draw for any of his extant books, and before condemning unqualifiedly
in the cases where he deserts him and harks back to Roman authorities
we must remember that Livy was a strong nationalist, one of a people
who, despite their conquests, were essentially narrow, prejudiced,
egotistical; and, thus remembering, we must marvel that he so fully
recognises the merit of his unprejudiced guide and wanders as little
as he does. All told, it is quite certain that he has dealt more
fairly by Hannibal than have Alison and other English historians by
Napoleon. His unreliability consists rather in his conclusions than in
his facts, and it is unquestioned that through all the pages of
the third decade he has so told the story of the man most hated by
Rome--the deadliest enemy she had ever encountered--that the reader
can not fail to feel the greatness of Hannibal dominating every
chapter.

Referring again to the criticisms made so lavishly upon Livy's story
of the earlier centuries, it is well to recall the contention of the
hard-headed Scotchman Ferguson, that with all our critical acumen we
have found no sure ground to rest upon until we reach the second Punic
war. Niebuhr, on the other hand, whose German temperament is alike
prone to delve or to theorize, is disposed to think--with considerable
generosity to our abilities, it appears to me--that we may yet evolve
a fairly true history of Rome from the foundation of the commonwealth.
As to the times of the kings, it is admitted that we know nothing,
while from the founding of the commonwealth to the second Punic war
the field may be described as, at the best, but a battle-ground for
rival theories.

The ancient historian had, as a rule, little to do with such
considerations or controversies. In the lack of solid evidence he had
only to write down the accepted story of the origin of things, as
drawn from the lips of poetry, legend, or tradition, and it was
for Livy to write thus or not at all. Even here the honesty of his
intention is apparent. For much of his early history he does not claim
more than is claimed for it by many of his modern critics, while time
and again he pauses to express a doubt as to the credibility of some
incident. A notable instance of this is found in his criticism of
those stories most dear to the Roman heart--the stories of the birth
and apotheosis of Romulus. On the other hand, if he has given free
life to many beautiful legends that were undoubtedly current and
believed for centuries, is it heresy to avow that these as such seem
to me of more true value to the antiquary than if they had been
subjected at their historical inception to the critical and
theoretical methods of to-day? I can not hold Livy quite unpardonable
even when following, as he often does, such authorities as the Furian
family version of the redemption of the city by the arms of their
progenitor Camillus, instead of by the payment of the agreed ransom,
as modern writers consider proven, while his putting of set speeches
into the mouths of his characters may be described as a conventional
usage of ancient historians, which certainly added to the liveliness
of the narrative and probably was neither intended to be taken
literally nor resulted in deceiving any one.

Reverting for a moment to Livy's honesty and frankness, so far as his
intent might govern such qualities, I think no stronger evidence in
his favour can be found than his avowed republican leanings at the
court of Augustus and his just estimate of Cicero's character in the
face of the favour of a prince by whose consent the great orator had
been assassinated. Above all, it must have been a fearless and honest
man who could swing the scourge with which he lashed his degenerate
countrymen in those stinging words, "The present times, when we can
endure neither our vices nor their remedies."

Nevertheless, and despite the facts that Livy means to be honest and
that he questions much on grounds that would not shame the repute of
many of his modern critics, the charge is doubtless true that his
writings are not free from prejudice in favour of his country. That he
definitely regarded history rather as a moral agency and a lesson for
the future than as an irrefutable narrative of the past, I consider
highly hypothetical; but it is probable that his mind was not of the
type that is most diligent in the close, exhaustive, and logical study
so necessary to the historian of today. "Superficial," if we could
eliminate the reproach in the word, would perhaps go far toward
describing him. He is what we would call a popular rather than a
scientific writer, and, since we think somewhat lightly of such when
they write on what we consider scientific subjects, we are too apt to
transfer their light repute to an author who wrote popularly at a time
when this treatment was best adapted to his audience, his aims, and
the material at his command. That he has survived through all these
centuries, and has enjoyed, despite all criticism, the position in
the literature of the world which his very critics have united
in conceding to him, is perhaps a stronger commendation than any
technical approval.

From the standpoint of the present work it was felt that selections
aggregating seven books would accomplish all the purposes of a
complete presentation. The editors have chosen the first three books
of the first decade as telling what no one can better tell than Livy:
the stories and legends connected with the foundation and early life
of Rome. Here, as I have said, there was nothing for him to do but cut
loose from all trammels and hang breathless, pen in hand, upon the
lips of tradition. None can hold but that her faithful scribe has writ
down her words with all their ancient colour, with reverence reigning
over his heart; however doubts might lurk within his brain. These
books close with the restoration of the consular power, after the
downfall of the tyrannical rule of the Decemvirs, the revolution
following upon the attempt of Appius Claudius to seize Virginia, the
daughter of a citizen who, rather than see his child fall into the
clutches of the cruel patrician, killed her with his own hand in the
marketplace, and, rushing into the camp with the bloody knife, caused
the soldiers to revolt. The second section comprises Books XXI-XXIV, a
part of the narrative of the second Punic war, a military exploit the
most remarkable the world has ever seen.

The question who was the greatest general that ever lived has been a
fruitful source of discussion, and Alexander, Caesar, and Napoleon have
each found numerous and ardent supporters. Without decrying the signal
abilities of these chiefs, it must nevertheless be remembered that
each commanded a homogeneous army and had behind him a compact nation
the most warlike and powerful of his time. The adversaries also of the
Greek and the Roman were in the one instance an effete power already
falling to pieces by its own internal weakness, and in the other, for
the most part, scattered tribes of barbarians without unity of purpose
or military discipline. Even in his civil wars Caesar's armies were
veterans, and those of the commonwealth were, comparatively speaking,
recruits. But when the reader of these pages carefully considers
the story of Hannibal's campaign in Italy, what does he find? Two
nations--one Caucasian, young, warlike above all its contemporaries,
with a record behind it of steady aggrandizement and almost unbroken
victory, a nation every citizen of which was a soldier. On the other
side, a race of merchants Semitic in blood, a city whose citizens had
long since ceased to go to war, preferring that their gold should
fight for them by the hands of mercenaries of every race and
clime--hirelings whose ungoverned valour had proved almost as deadly
to their employers and generals as to their enemies. Above all, the
same battle had been joined before when Rome was weaker and Carthage
stronger, and Carthage had already shown her weakness and Rome her
strength.

And now in this renewed war we see a young man, aided only by a little
group of compatriots, welding together army of the most heterogeneous
elements--Spaniards, Gauls, Numidians, Moors, Greeks--men of almost
every race except his own. We see him cutting loose from his base of
supplies, leaving enemies behind him, to force his way through
hostile races, through unknown lands bristling with almost impassable
mountains and frigid with snow and ice. We see him conquering here,
making friends and allies there, and, more wonderful than all, holding
his mongrel horde together through hardships and losses by the force
of his character alone. We see him at last descending into the plains
of Italy. We see him not merely defeating but annihilating army after
army more numerous than his own and composed of better raw material.
We see him, unaided, ranging from end to end of the peninsula, none
daring to meet him with opposing standards, and the greatest general
of Rome winning laurels because he knew enough to recognise his own
hopeless inferiority. All stories of reverses other than those of mere
detachments may pretty safely be set down as the exaggeration of Roman
writers. Situated as was Hannibal, the loss of one marshalled field
would have meant immediate ruin, and ruin never came when he fought
in Italy. On the contrary, without supplies save what his sword could
take, without friends save what his genius and his fortune could win,
he maintained his place and his superiority not for one or for two but
through fourteen years, during all which time we hear no murmur
of mutiny, no hint of aught but obedience and devotion among the
incongruous and unruly elements from which he had fashioned his
invincible army; and at the end we see him leaving Italy of his own
free will, at the call of his country, to waste himself in a vain
effort to save her from the blunders of other leaders and from the
penalty of inherent weakness, which only his sword had so long warded
off.

When I consider the means, the opposition, and the achievement--a
combination of elements by which alone we can judge such questions
with even approximate fairness--I can not but feel that of all
military exploits this invasion of Italy, which we shall read of here,
was the most remarkable; that of all commanders Hannibal has shown
himself to be the greatest. Some of Livy's charges against him as a
man are doubtless true. Avarice was in his blood; and cruelty also,
though it ill became a Roman to chide an enemy on that score. Besides,
Livy himself tells how Hannibal had sought for the bodies of the
generals he had slain, that he might give them the rites of honourable
sepulture; tells it, and in the next breath relates how the Roman
commander mutilated the corpse of the fallen Hasdrubal and threw the
head into his brother's camp. So, too, his naive explanation that
Hannibal's "more than Punic perfidy" consisted mainly of ambushes
and similar military strategies goes to show, as I have said, that
whatever is unjust in our author's estimate was rather the result of
the prejudiced deductions of national egotism than of facts wilfully
or carelessly distorted by partisan spite.

To the reader who bears well in mind the points I have ventured to
make, I predict profit hardly less than pleasure in these pages; for
Livy is perhaps the only historian who may be said to have been honest
enough to furnish much of the material for criticism of himself, and
to be, to a very considerable extent, self-adjusting.

DUFFIELD OSBORNE.



THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE [1]

Whether in tracing the history of the Roman people, from the
foundation of the city, I shall employ myself to a useful purpose, I
am neither very certain, nor, if I were, dare I say; inasmuch as I
observe that it is both an old and hackneyed practice, later authors
always supposing that they will either adduce something more authentic
in the facts, or, that they will excel the less polished ancients in
their style of writing. Be that as it may, it will, at all events,
be a satisfaction to me that I too have contributed my share to
perpetuate the achievements of a people, the lords of the world; and
if, amid so great a number of historians, my reputation should remain
in obscurity, I may console myself with the celebrity and lustre of
those who shall stand in the way of my fame. Moreover, the subject is
of immense labour, as being one which must be traced back for more
than seven hundred years, and which, having set out from small
beginnings, has increased to such a degree that it is now distressed
by its own magnitude. And, to most readers, I doubt not but that the
first origin and the events immediately succeeding, will afford but
little pleasure, while they will be hastening to these later times, in
which the strength of this overgrown people has for a long period been
working its own destruction. I, on the contrary, shall seek this, as
a reward of my labour, viz., to withdraw myself from the view of the
calamities, which our age has witnessed for so many years, so long as
I am reviewing with my whole attention these ancient times, being free
from every care that may distract a writer's mind, though it can not
warp it from the truth. The traditions that have come down to us of
what happened before the building of the city, or before its building
was contemplated, as being suitable rather to the fictions of poetry
than to the genuine records of history, I have no intention either to
affirm or to refute. This indulgence is conceded to antiquity, that by
blending things human with divine, it may make the origin of cities
appear more venerable: and if any people might be allowed to
consecrate their origin, and to ascribe it to the gods as its authors,
such is the renown of the Roman people in war, that when they
represent Mars, in particular, as their own parent and that of their
founder, the nations of the world may submit to this as patiently
as they submit to their sovereignty. But in whatever way these and
similar matters shall be attended to, or judged of, I shall not
deem it of great importance. I would have every man apply his mind
seriously to consider these points, viz., what their life and what
their manners were; through what men and by what measures, both in
peace and in war, their empire was acquired and extended; then, as
discipline gradually declined, let him follow in his thoughts their
morals, at first as slightly giving way, anon how they sunk more and
more, then began to fall headlong, until he reaches the present times,
when we can endure neither our vices nor their remedies. This it is
which is particularly salutary and profitable in the study of history,
that you behold instances of every variety of conduct displayed on a
conspicuous monument; that thence you may select for yourself and for
your country that which you may imitate; thence note what is shameful
in the undertaking, and shameful in the result, which you may avoid.
But either a fond partiality for the task I have undertaken deceives
me, or there never was any state either greater, or more moral, or
richer in good examples, nor one into which luxury and avarice made
their entrance so late, and where poverty and frugality were so much
and so long honoured; so that the less wealth there was, the less
desire was there. Of late, riches have introduced avarice and
excessive pleasures a longing for them, amid luxury and a passion for
ruining ourselves and destroying everything else. But let complaints,
which will not be agreeable even then, when perhaps they will be also
necessary, be kept aloof at least from the first stage of beginning so
great a work. We should rather, if it was usual with us (historians)
as it is with poets, begin with good omens, vows and prayers to the
gods and goddesses to vouchsafe good success to our efforts in so
arduous an undertaking.

[Footnote 1: The tone of dignified despondency which pervades this
remarkable preface tells us much. That the republican historian was
no timid or time-serving flatterer of prince or public is more than
clear, while his unerring judgment of the future should bring much of
respect for his judgment of the past. When he wrote, Rome was more
powerful than ever. Only the seeds of ruin were visible, yet he
already divines their full fruitage.--D. O.]


CONTENTS

BOOK I

THE PERIOD OF THE KINGS--B.C. 510

Arrival of AEneas in Italy--Ascanius founds Alba Longa--Birth of
Romulus and Remus--Founding the city--Rome under the kings--Death of
Lucretia--Expulsion of the Tarquins--First consuls elected

BOOK II

THE FIRST COMMONWEALTH--B.C. 509-468

Brutus establishes the republic--A conspiracy to receive the kings
into the city--Death of Brutus--Dedication of the Capitol--Battle of
Lake Regillus--Secession of the commons to the Sacred Mount--Five
tribunes of the people appointed--First proposal of an agrarian
law--Patriotism of the Fabian family--Contests of the plebeians and
patricians

BOOK III

THE DECEMVIRATE--B.C. 468-446

Disturbances over the agrarian law--Cincinnatus called from his fields
and made dictator--Number of tribunes increased to ten--Decemvirs
appointed--The ten tables--Tyranny of the decemvirs--Death of
Virginia--Re-establishment of the consular and tribunician power




LIVY'S ROMAN HISTORY


BOOK I[1]

THE PERIOD OF THE KINGS

To begin with, it is generally admitted that, after the taking of
Troy, while all the other Trojans were treated with severity, in the
case of two, AEneas and Antenor, the Greeks forbore to exercise the
full rights of war, both on account of an ancient tie of hospitality,
and because they had persistently recommended peace and the
restoration of Helen: and then Antenor, after various vicissitudes,
reached the inmost bay of the Adriatic Sea, accompanied by a body of
the Eneti, who had been driven from Paphlagonia by civil disturbance,
and were in search both of a place of settlement and a leader, their
chief Pylaemenes having perished at Troy; and that the Eneti and
Trojans, having driven out the Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and
the Alps, occupied these districts. In fact, the place where they
first landed is called Troy, and from this it is named the Trojan
canton. The nation as a whole is called Veneti. It is also agreed that
AEneas, an exile from home owing to a like misfortune, but conducted
by the fates to the founding of a greater empire, came first to
Macedonia, that he was then driven ashore at Sicily in his quest for a
settlement, and sailing thence directed his course to the territory of
Laurentum. This spot also bears the name of Troy. When the Trojans,
having disembarked there, were driving off booty from the country, as
was only natural, seeing that they had nothing left but their arms and
ships after their almost boundless wandering, Latinus the king and the
Aborigines, who then occupied these districts, assembled in arms from
the city and country to repel the violence of the new-comers. In
regard to what followed there is a twofold tradition. Some say that
Latinus, having been defeated in battle, first made peace and then
concluded an alliance with AEneas; others, that when the armies had
taken up their position in order of battle, before the trumpets
sounded, Latinus advanced to the front, and invited the leader of the
strangers to a conference. He then inquired what manner of men they
were, whence they had come, for what reasons they had left their home,
and in quest of what they had landed on Laurentine territory. After
he heard that the host were Trojans, their chief AEneas, the son of
Anchises and Venus, and that, exiled from home, their country having
been destroyed by fire, they were seeking a settlement and a site for
building a city, struck with admiration both at the noble character of
the nation and the hero, and at their spirit, ready alike for peace or
war, he ratified the pledge of future friendship by clasping hands.
Thereupon a treaty was concluded between the chiefs, and mutual
greetings passed between the armies: AEneas was hospitably entertained
at the house of Latinus; there Latinus, in the presence of his
household gods, cemented the public league by a family one, by giving
AEneas his daughter in marriage. This event fully confirmed the Trojans
in the hope of at length terminating their wanderings by a lasting and
permanent settlement. They built a town, which AEneas called Lavinium
after the name of his wife. Shortly afterward also, a son was the
issue of the recently concluded marriage, to whom his parents gave the
name of Ascanius.

Aborigines and Trojans were soon afterward the joint objects of a
hostile attack. Turnus, king of the Rutulians, to whom Lavinia had
been affianced before the arrival of AEneas, indignant that a stranger
had been preferred to himself, had made war on AEneas and Latinus
together. Neither army came out of the struggle with satisfaction. The
Rutulians were vanquished: the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost
their leader Latinus. Thereupon Turnus and the Rutulians, mistrustful
of their strength, had recourse to the prosperous and powerful
Etruscans, and their king Mezentius, whose seat of government was at
Caere, at that time a flourishing town. Even from the outset he had
viewed with dissatisfaction the founding of a new city, and, as at
that time he considered that the Trojan power was increasing far more
than was altogether consistent with the safety of the neighbouring
peoples, he readily joined his forces in alliance with the Rutulians.
AEneas, to gain the good-will of the Aborigines in face of a war so
serious and alarming, and in order that they might all be not only
under the same laws but might also bear the same name, called both
nations Latins. In fact, subsequently, the Aborigines were not behind
the Trojans in zeal and loyalty toward their king AEneas. Accordingly,
in full reliance on this state of mind of the two nations, who were
daily becoming more and more united, and in spite of the fact that
Etruria was so powerful, that at this time it had filled with the fame
of its renown not only the land but the sea also, throughout the whole
length of Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, AEneas led out
his forces into the field, although he might have repelled their
attack by means of his fortifications. Thereupon a battle was fought,
in which victory rested with the Latins, but for AEneas it was even the
last of his acts on earth. He, by whatever name laws human and divine
demand he should be called, was buried on the banks of the river
Numicus: they call him Jupiter Indiges.

Ascanius, the son of AEneas, was not yet old enough to rule; the
government, however, remained unassailed for him till he reached the
age of maturity. In the interim, under the regency of a woman--so
great was Lavinia's capacity--the Latin state and the boy's kingdom,
inherited from his father and grandfather, was secured for him. I will
not discuss the question--for who can state as certain a matter of
such antiquity?--whether it was this Ascanius, or one older than
he, born of Creusa, before the fall of Troy, and subsequently the
companion of his father's flight, the same whom, under the name of
Iulus, the Julian family represents to be the founder of its name.
Be that as it may, this Ascanius, wherever born and of whatever
mother--it is at any rate agreed that his father was AEneas--seeing
that Lavinium was over-populated, left that city, now a flourishing
and wealthy one, considering those times, to his mother or stepmother,
and built himself a new one at the foot of the Alban mount, which,
from its situation, being built all along the ridge of a hill, was
called Alba Longa.

There was an interval of about thirty years between the founding of
Lavinium and the transplanting of the colony to Alba Longa. Yet its
power had increased to such a degree, especially owing to the
defeat of the Etruscans, that not even on the death of AEneas, nor
subsequently between the period of the regency of Lavinia, and the
first beginnings of the young prince's reign, did either Mezentius,
the Etruscans, or any other neighbouring peoples venture to take up
arms against it. Peace had been concluded on the following terms, that
the river Albula, which is now called Tiber, should be the boundary of
Latin and Etruscan territory. After him Silvius, son of Ascanius, born
by some accident in the woods, became king. He was the father of AEneas
Silvius, who afterward begot Latinus Silvius. By him several colonies
were transplanted, which were called Prisci Latini. From this time
all the princes, who ruled at Alba, bore the surname of Silvius. From
Latinus sprung Alba; from Alba, Atys; from Atys, Capys; from Capys,
Capetus; from Capetus, Tiberinus, who, having been drowned while
crossing the river Albula, gave it the name by which it was generally
known among those of later times. He was succeeded by Agrippa, son
of Tiberinus; after Agrippa, Romulus Silvius, having received
the government from his father, became king. He was killed by a
thunderbolt, and handed on the kingdom to Aventinus, who, owing to his
being buried on that hill, which now forms part of the city of Rome,
gave it its name. After him reigned Proca, who begot Numitor and
Amulius. To Numitor, who was the eldest son, he bequeathed the ancient
kingdom of the Silvian family. Force, however, prevailed more than a
father's wish or the respect due to seniority. Amulius drove out his
brother and seized the kingdom: he added crime to crime, murdered
his brother's male issue, and, under pretence of doing honour to his
brother's daughter, Rea Silvia, having chosen her a Vestal Virgin,[2]
deprived her of all hopes of issue by the obligation of perpetual
virginity.

My opinion, however, is that the origin of so great a city and an
empire next in power to that of the gods was due to the fates. The
Vestal Rea was ravished by force, and having brought forth twins,
declared Mars to be the father of her illegitimate offspring, either
because she really imagined it to be the case, or because it was less
discreditable to have committed such an offence with a god.[3] But
neither gods nor men protected either her or her offspring from the
king's cruelty. The priestess was bound and cast into prison; the king
ordered the children to be thrown into the flowing river. By some
chance which Providence seemed to direct, the Tiber, having over flown
its banks, thereby forming stagnant pools, could not be approached at
the regular course of its channel; notwithstanding it gave the bearers
of the children hope that they could be drowned in its water however
calm. Accordingly, as if they had executed the king's orders, they
exposed the boys in the nearest land-pool, where now stands the ficus
Ruminalis, which they say was called Romularis.[4] At that time the
country in those parts was a desolate wilderness. The story goes, that
when the shallow water, subsiding, had left the floating trough, in
which the children had been exposed, on dry ground, a thirsty she-wolf
from the mountains around directed her course toward the cries of the
infants, and held down her teats to them with such gentleness, that
the keeper of the king's herd found her licking the boys with her
tongue. They say that his name was Faustulus; and that they were
carried by him to his homestead and given to his wife Larentia to be
brought up. Some are of the opinion that Larentia was called Lupa
among the shepherds from her being a common prostitute, and hence an
opening was afforded for the marvellous story. The children, thus born
and thus brought up, as soon as they reached the age of youth, did
not lead a life of inactivity at home or amid the flocks, but, in the
chase, scoured the forests. Having thus gained strength, both in body
and spirit, they now were not only able to withstand wild beasts, but
attacked robbers laden with booty, and divided the spoils with the
shepherds, in whose company, as the number of their young associates
increased daily, they carried on business and pleasure.

Even in these early times it is said that the festival of the
Lupercal, as now celebrated, was solemnized on the Palatine Hill,
which was first called Pallantium, from Pallanteum, a city of Arcadia,
and afterward Mount Palatius. There Evander, who, belonging to the
above tribe of the Arcadians, had for many years before occupied
these districts, is said to have appointed the observance of a solemn
festival, introduced from Arcadia, in which naked youths ran about
doing honour in wanton sport to Pan Lycaeus, who was afterward called
Inuus by the Romans. When they were engaged in this festival, as its
periodical solemnization was well known, a band of robbers, enraged at
the loss of some booty, lay in wait for them, and took Remus prisoner,
Romulus having vigorously defended himself: the captive Remus they
delivered up to King Amulius, and even went so far as to bring
accusations against him. They made it the principal charge that having
made incursions into Numitor's lands, and, having assembled a band
of young men, they had driven off their booty after the manner
of enemies. Accordingly, Remus was delivered up to Numitor for
punishment. Now from the very first Faustulus had entertained hopes
that the boys who were being brought up by him, were of royal blood:
for he both knew that the children had been exposed by the king's
orders, and that the time, at which he had taken them up, coincided
exactly with that period: but he had been unwilling to disclose
the matter, as yet not ripe for discovery, till either a fitting
opportunity or the necessity for it should arise. Necessity came
first. Accordingly, urged by fear, he disclosed the whole affair to
Romulus. By accident also, Numitor, while he had Remus in custody,
having heard that the brothers were twins, by comparing their age and
their natural disposition entirely free from servility, felt his mind
struck by the recollection of his grandchildren, and by frequent
inquiries came to the conclusion he had already formed, so that he
was not far from openly acknowledging Remus. Accordingly a plot was
concerted against the king on all sides. Romulus, not accompanied by a
body of young men--for he was not equal to open violence--but having
commanded the shepherds to come to the palace by different roads at
a fixed time, made an attack upon the king, while Remus, having got
together another party from Numitor's house, came to his assistance;
and so they slew the king.

Numitor, at the beginning of the fray, giving out that enemies had
invaded the city and attacked the palace, after he had drawn off the
Alban youth to the citadel to secure it with an armed garrison, when
he saw the young men, after they had compassed the king's death,
advancing toward him to offer congratulations, immediately summoned a
meeting of the people, and recounted his brother's unnatural behaviour
toward him, the extraction of his grandchildren, the manner of their
birth, bringing up, and recognition, and went on to inform them of the
king's death, and that he was responsible for it. The young princes
advanced through the midst of the assembly with their band in orderly
array, and, after they had saluted their grandfather as king, a
succeeding shout of approbation, issuing from the whole multitude,
ratified for him the name and authority of sovereign. The government
of Alba being thus intrusted to Numitor, Romulus and Remus were seized
with the desire of building a city on the spot where they had been
exposed and brought up. Indeed, the number of Alban and Latin
inhabitants was too great for the city; the shepherds also were
included among that population, and all these readily inspired hopes
that Alba and Lavinium would be insignificant in comparison with that
city, which was intended to be built. But desire of rule, the bane
of their grandfather, interrupted these designs, and thence arose a
shameful quarrel from a sufficiently amicable beginning. For as they
were twins, and consequently the respect for seniority could not
settle the point, they agreed to leave it to the gods, under whose
protection the place was, to choose by augury which of them should
give a name to the new city, and govern it when built. Romulus chose
the Palatine and Remus the Aventine, as points of observation for
taking the auguries.

It is said that an omen came to Remus first, six vultures; and
when, after the omen had been declared, twice that number presented
themselves to Romulus, each was hailed king by his own party, the
former claiming sovereign power on the ground of priority of time, the
latter on account of the number of birds. Thereupon, having met and
exchanged angry words, from the strife of angry feelings they turned
to bloodshed: there Remus fell from a blow received in the crowd. A
more common account is that Remus, in derision of his brother, leaped
over the newly-erected walls, and was thereupon slain by Romulus in
a fit of passion, who, mocking him, added words to this effect:"
So perish every one hereafter, who shall leap over my walls." Thus
Romulus obtained possession of supreme power for himself alone. The
city, when built, was called after the name of its founder.[5] He
first proceeded to fortify the Palatine Hill, on which he himself had
been brought up. He offered sacrifices to Hercules, according to the
Grecian rite, as they had been instituted by Evander; to the other
gods, according to the Alban rite. There is a tradition that Hercules,
having slain Geryon, drove off his oxen, which were of surpassing
beauty,[6] to that spot: and that he lay down in a grassy spot on the
banks of the river Tiber, where he had swam across, driving the cattle
before him, to refresh them with rest and luxuriant pasture, being
also himself fatigued with journeying. There, when sleep had
overpowered him, heavy as he was with food and wine, a shepherd who
dwelt in the neighbourhood, by name Cacus, priding himself on his
strength, and charmed with the beauty of the cattle, desired to carry
them off as booty; but because, if he had driven the herd in front of
him to the cave, their tracks must have conducted their owner thither
in his search, he dragged the most beautiful of them by their tails
backward into a cave. Hercules, aroused from sleep at dawn, having
looked over his herd and observed that some of their number were
missing, went straight to the nearest cave, to see whether perchance
their tracks led thither. When he saw that they were all turned away
from it and led in no other direction, troubled and not knowing what
to make up his mind to do, he commenced to drive off his herd from so
dangerous a spot. Thereupon some of the cows that were driven away,
lowed, as they usually do, when they missed those that were left; and
the lowings of those that were shut in being heard in answer from
the cave, caused Hercules to turn round. And when Cacus attempted
to prevent him by force as he was advancing toward the cave, he was
struck with a club and slain, while vainly calling upon the shepherds
to assist him. At that time Evander, who was an exile from the
Peloponnesus, governed the country more by his personal ascendancy
than by absolute sway. He was a man held in reverence on account
of the wonderful art of writing, an entirely new discovery to men
ignorant of accomplishments,[7] and still more revered on account of
the supposed divinity of his mother Carmenta, whom those peoples had
marvelled at as a prophetess before the arrival of the Sybil in Italy.
This Evander, roused by the assembling of the shepherds as they
hastily crowded round the stranger, who was charged with open murder,
after he heard an account of the deed and the cause of it, gazing
upon the personal appearance and mien of the hero, considerably more
dignified and majestic than that of a man, asked who he was. As soon
as he heard the name of the hero, and that of his father and native
country, "Hail!" said he, "Hercules, son of Jupiter! my mother,
truthful interpreter of the will of the gods, has declared to me that
thou art destined to increase the number of the heavenly beings, and
that on this spot an altar shall be dedicated to thee, which in after
ages a people most mighty on earth shall call Greatest, and honour in
accordance with rites instituted by thee." Hercules, having given him
his right hand, declared that he accepted the prophetic intimation,
and would fulfil the predictions of the fates, by building and
dedicating an altar. Thereon then for the first time sacrifice was
offered to Hercules with a choice heifer taken from the herd, the
Potitii and Pinarii, the most distinguished families who then
inhabited those parts, being invited to serve at the feast. It so
happened that the Potitii presented themselves in due time and the
entrails were set before them: but the Pinarii did not arrive until
the entrails had been eaten up, to share the remainder of the feast.
From that time it became a settled institution, that, as long as the
Pinarian family existed, they should not eat of the entrails of
the sacrificial victims. The Potitii, fully instructed by Evander,
discharged the duties of chief priests of this sacred function
for many generations, until their whole race became extinct, in
consequence of this office, the solemn prerogative of their family,
being delegated to public slaves. These were the only religious rites
that Romulus at that time adopted from those of foreign countries,
being even then an advocate of immortality won by merit, to which the
destiny marked out for him was conducting him.

The duties of religion having been thus duly completed, the people
were summoned to a public meeting: and, as they could not be united
and incorporated into one body by any other means save legal
ordinances, Romulus gave them a code of laws: and, judging that these
would only be respected by a nation of rustics, if he dignified
himself with the insignia of royalty, he clothed himself with greater
majesty--above all, by taking twelve lictors to attend him, but also
in regard to his other appointments. Some are of opinion that he was
influenced in his choice of that number by that of the birds which had
foretold that sovereign power should be his when the auguries were
taken. I myself am not indisposed to follow the opinion of those,
who are inclined to believe that it was from the neighbouring
Etruscans--from whom the curule chair and purple-bordered toga were
borrowed--that the apparitors of this class, as well as the number
itself, were introduced: and that the Etruscans employed such a number
because, as their king was elected from twelve states in common, each
state assigned him one lictor.

In the meantime, the city was enlarged by taking in various plots of
ground for the erection of buildings, while they built rather in the
hope of an increased population in the future, than in view of the
actual number of the inhabitants of the city at that time. Next, that
the size of the city might not be without efficiency, in order to
increase the population, following the ancient policy of founders of
cities, who, by bringing together to their side a mean and ignoble
multitude, were in the habit of falsely asserting that an offspring
was born to them from the earth, he opened as a sanctuary the place
which, now inclosed, is known as the "two groves," and which people
come upon when descending from the Capitol. Thither, a crowd of all
classes from the neighbouring peoples, without distinction, whether
freemen or slaves, eager for change, flocked for refuge, and therein
lay the foundation of the city's strength, corresponding to the
commencement of its enlargement. Having now no reason to be
dissatisfied with his strength, he next instituted a standing council
to direct that strength. He created one hundred senators, either
because that number was sufficient, or because there were only one
hundred who could be so elected. Anyhow they were called fathers[8],
by way of respect, and their descendants patricians.

By this time the Roman state was so powerful, that it was a match for
any of the neighbouring states in war: but owing to the scarcity of
women its greatness was not likely to outlast the existing generation,
seeing that the Romans had no hope of issue at home, and they did
not intermarry with their neighbours. So then, by the advice of the
senators, Romulus sent around ambassadors to the neighbouring states,
to solicit an alliance and the right of intermarriage for his new
subjects, saying, that cities, like everything else, rose from the
humblest beginnings: next, that those which the gods and their own
merits assisted, gained for themselves great power and high renown:
that he knew full well that the gods had aided the first beginnings of
Rome and that merit on their part would not be wanting: therefore, as
men, let them not be reluctant to mix their blood and stock with men.
The embassy nowhere obtained a favourable hearing: but, although the
neighbouring peoples treated it with such contempt, yet at the same
time they dreaded the growth of such a mighty power in their midst to
the danger of themselves and of their posterity. In most cases when
they were dismissed they were asked the question, whether they had
opened a sanctuary for women also: for that in that way only could
they obtain suitable matches.

The Roman youths were bitterly indignant at this, and the matter began
unmistakably to point to open violence. Romulus in order to provide a
fitting opportunity and place for this, dissembling his resentment,
with this purpose in view, instituted games to be solemnized every
year in honour of Neptunus Equester, which he called Consualia. He
then ordered the show to be proclaimed among the neighbouring peoples;
and the Romans prepared to solemnize it with all the pomp with which
they were then acquainted or were able to exhibit, in order to make
the spectacle famous, and an object of expectation. Great numbers
assembled, being also desirous of seeing the new city, especially all
the nearest peoples, the Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates: the
entire Sabine population attended with their wives and children. They
were hospitably invited to the different houses: and, when they saw
the position of the city, its fortified walls, and how crowded with
houses it was, they were astonished that the power of Rome had
increased so rapidly. When the time of the show arrived, and their
eyes and minds alike were intent upon it, then, according to
preconcerted arrangement, a disturbance was made, and, at a given
signal, the Roman youths rushed in different directions to carry off
the unmarried women. A great number were carried off at hap-hazard, by
those into whose hands they severally fell: some of the common people,
to whom the task had been assigned, conveyed to their homes certain
women of surpassing beauty, who were destined for the leading
senators. They say that one, far distinguished beyond the rest in form
and beauty, was carried off by the party of a certain Talassius, and
that, when several people wanted to know to whom they were carrying
her, a cry was raised from time to time, to prevent her being
molested, that she was being carried to Talassius: and that from this
the word was used in connection with marriages. The festival being
disturbed by the alarm thus caused, the sorrowing parents of the
maidens retired, complaining of the violated compact of hospitality,
and invoking the god, to whose solemn festival and games they had
come, having been deceived by the pretence of religion and good faith.
Nor did the maidens entertain better hopes for themselves, or feel
less indignation. Romulus, however, went about in person and pointed
out that what had happened was due to the pride of their fathers,
in that they had refused the privilege of intermarriage to their
neighbours; but that, notwithstanding, they would be lawfully wedded,
and enjoy a share of all their possessions and civil rights, and--a
thing dearer than all else to the human race--the society of their
common children: only let them calm their angry feelings, and bestow
their affections on those on whom fortune had bestowed their bodies.
Esteem (said he) often arose subsequent to wrong: and they would find
them better husbands for the reason that each of them would endeavour,
to the utmost of his power, after having discharged, as far as his
part was concerned, the duty of a husband, to quiet the longing for
country and parents. To this the blandishments of the husbands were
added, who excused what had been done on the plea of passion and love,
a form of entreaty that works most successfully upon the feelings of
women.[9]

By this time the minds of the maidens were considerably soothed, but
their parents, especially by putting on the garb of mourning, and by
their tears and complaints, stirred up the neighbouring states. Nor
did they confine their feelings of indignation to their own home
only, but they flocked from all quarters to Titus Tatius, king of the
Sabines, and embassies crowded thither, because the name of Tatius
was held in the greatest esteem in those quarters. The Caeninenses,
Crustumini, and Antemnates were the people who were chiefly affected
by the outrage. As Tatius and the Sabines appeared to them to be
acting in too dilatory a manner, these three peoples by mutual
agreement among themselves made preparations for war unaided. However,
not even the Crustumini and Antemnates bestirred themselves with
sufficient activity to satisfy the hot-headedness and anger of the
Caeninenses: accordingly the people of Caenina, unaided, themselves
attacked the Roman territory. But Romulus with his army met them
while they were ravaging the country in straggling parties, and in
a trifling engagement convinced them that anger unaccompanied by
strength is fruitless. He routed their army and put it to flight,
followed in pursuit of it when routed, cut down their king in battle
and stripped him of his armour, and, having slain the enemy's leader,
took the city at the first assault. Then, having led back his
victorious army, being a man both distinguished for his achievements,
and one equally skilful at putting them in the most favourable light,
he ascended the Capitol, carrying suspended on a portable frame,
cleverly contrived for that purpose, the spoils of the enemy's
general, whom he had slain: there, having laid them down at the foot
of an oak held sacred by the shepherds, at the same time that he
presented the offering, he marked out the boundaries for a temple of
Jupiter, and bestowed a surname on the god. "Jupiter Feretrius," said
he, "I, King Romulus, victorious over my foes, offer to thee these
royal arms, and dedicate to thee a temple within those quarters, which
I have just now marked out in my mind, to be a resting-place for the
spolia opima, which posterity, following my example, shall bring
hither on slaying the kings or generals of the enemy." This is the
origin of that temple, the first that was ever consecrated at Rome. It
was afterward the will of the gods that neither the utterances of
the founder of the temple, in which he solemnly declared that his
posterity would bring such spoils thither, should be spoken in vain,
and that the honour of the offering should not be rendered common
owing to the number of those who enjoyed it. In the course of so many
years and so many wars the spolia opima were only twice gained: so
rare has been the successful attainment of this honour.[10]

While the Romans were thus engaged in those parts, the army of the
Antemnates made a hostile attack upon the Roman territories, seizing
the opportunity when they were left unguarded. Against these in like
manner a Roman legion was led out in haste and surprised them while
straggling in the country. Thus the enemy were routed at the first
shout and charge: their town was taken: Romulus, amid his rejoicings
at this double victory, was entreated by his wife Hersilia, in
consequence of the importunities of the captured women, to pardon
their fathers and admit them to the privileges of citizenship; that
the commonwealth could thus be knit together by reconciliation.
The request was readily granted. After that he set out against the
Crustumini, who were beginning hostilities: in their case, as their
courage had been damped by the disasters of others, the struggle was
less keen. Colonies were sent to both places: more, however, were
found to give in their names for Crustuminum, because of the fertility
of the soil. Great numbers also migrated from thence to Rome, chiefly
of the parents and relatives of the women who had been carried off.

The last war broke out on the part of the Sabines, and this was by far
the most formidable: for nothing was done under the influence of anger
or covetousness, nor did they give indications of hostilities before
they had actually begun them. Cunning also was combined with prudence.
Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman citadel: his maiden
daughter, who at the time had gone by chance outside the walls to
fetch water for sacrifice, was bribed by Tatius, to admit some armed
soldiers into the citadel. After they were admitted, they crushed her
to death by heaping their arms upon her: either that the citadel might
rather appear to have been taken by storm, or for the sake of setting
forth a warning, that faith should never on any occasion be kept with
a betrayer. The following addition is made to the story: that, as the
Sabines usually wore golden bracelets of great weight on their left
arm and rings of great beauty set with precious stones, she bargained
with them for what they had on their left hands; and that therefore
shields were heaped upon her instead of presents of gold. Some say
that, in accordance with the agreement that they should deliver up
what was on their left hands, she expressly demanded their shields,
and that, as she seemed to be acting treacherously, she herself was
slain by the reward she had chosen for herself.

Be that as it may, the Sabines held the citadel, and on the next day,
when the Roman army, drawn up in order of battle, had occupied all the
valley between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills, they did not descend
from thence into the plain until the Romans, stimulated by resentment
and the desire of recovering the citadel, advanced up hill to meet
them. The chiefs on both sides encouraged the fight, on the side
of the Sabines Mettius Curtius, on the side of the Romans Hostius
Hostilius. The latter, in the front of the battle, on unfavourable
ground, supported the fortunes of the Romans by his courage and
boldness. When Hostius fell, the Roman line immediately gave way,
and, being routed, was driven as far as the old gate of the Palatium.
Romulus himself also, carried away by the crowd of fugitives, cried,
uplifting his arms to heaven: "O Jupiter, it was at the bidding of thy
omens, that here on the Palatine I laid the first foundations for the
city. The citadel, purchased by crime, is now in possession of the
Sabines: thence they are advancing hither in arms, having passed the
valley between. But do thou, O father of gods and men, keep back the
enemy from hence at least, dispel the terror of the Romans, and check
their disgraceful flight. On this spot I vow to build a temple to thee
as Jupiter Stator, to be a monument to posterity that the city has
been preserved by thy ready aid." Having offered up these prayers,
as if he had felt that they had been heard, he cried: "From this
position, O Romans, Jupiter, greatest and best, bids you halt and
renew the fight." The Romans halted as if ordered by a voice from
heaven. Romulus himself hastened to the front. Mettius Curtius, on the
side of the Sabines, had rushed down from the citadel at the head of
his troops and driven the Romans in disordered array over the whole
space of ground where the Forum now is. He had almost reached the
gate of the Palatium, crying out: "We have conquered our perfidious
friends, our cowardly foes: now they know that fighting with men is a
very different thing from ravishing maidens." Upon him, as he uttered
these boasts, Romulus made an attack with a band of his bravest
youths. Mettius then happened to be fighting on horseback: on that
account his repulse was easier. When he was driven back, the Romans
followed in pursuit: and the remainder of the Roman army, fired by the
bravery of the king, routed the Sabines. Mettius, his horse taking
fright at the noise of his pursuers, rode headlong into a morass: this
circumstance drew off the attention of the Sabines also at the danger
of so high a personage. He indeed, his own party beckoning and calling
to him, gaining heart from the encouraging shouts of many of his
friends, made good his escape. The Romans and Sabines renewed the
battle in the valley between the two hills: but the advantage rested
with the Romans.

At this crisis the Sabine women, from the outrage on whom the war had
arisen, with dishevelled hair and torn garments, the timidity natural
to women being overcome by the sense of their calamities, were
emboldened to fling themselves into the midst of the flying weapons,
and, rushing across, to part the incensed combatants and assuage their
wrath: imploring their fathers on the one hand and their husbands
on the other, as fathers-in-law and sons-in-law, not to besprinkle
themselves with impious blood, nor to fix the stain of murder on their
offspring, the one side on their grandchildren, the other on their
children. "If," said they, "you are dissatisfied with the relationship
between you, and with our marriage, turn your resentment against us;
it is we who are the cause of war, of wounds and bloodshed to our
husbands and parents: it will be better for us to perish than to
live widowed or orphans without one or other of you." This incident
affected both the people and the leaders; silence and sudden quiet
followed; the leaders thereupon came forward to conclude a treaty;
and not only concluded a peace, but formed one state out of two. They
united the kingly power, but transferred the entire sovereignty to
Rome. Rome having thus been made a double state, that some benefit at
least might be conferred on the Sabines, they were called Quirites
from Cures. To serve as a memorial of that battle, they called the
place--where Curtius, after having emerged from the deep morass, set
his horse in shallow water--the Lacus Curtius.[11]

This welcome peace, following suddenly on so melancholy a war,
endeared the Sabine women still more to their husbands and parents,
and above all to Romulus himself. Accordingly, when dividing the
people into thirty curiae, he called the curiae after their names.
While the number of the women were undoubtedly considerably greater
than this, it is not recorded whether they were chosen for their age,
their own rank or that of their husbands, or by lot, to give names
to the curiae. At the same time also three centuries of knights were
enrolled: the Ramnenses were so called from Romulus, the Titienses
from Titus Tatius: in regard to the Luceres, the meaning of the name
and its origin is uncertain.[12] From that time forward the two kings
enjoyed the regal power not only in common, but also in perfect
harmony.

Several years afterward, some relatives of King Tatius ill-treated
the Ambassadors of the Laurentines, and on the Laurentines beginning
proceedings according to the rights of nations, the influence and
entreaties of his friends had more weight with Tatius. In this manner
he drew upon himself the punishment that should have fallen upon them:
for, having gone to Lavinium on the occasion of a regularly recurring
sacrifice, he was slain in a disturbance which took place there. They
say that Romulus resented this less than the event demanded, either
because partnership in sovereign power is never cordially kept up, or
because he thought that he had been deservedly slain. Accordingly,
while he abstained from going to war, the treaty between the cities
of Rome and Lavinium was renewed, that at any rate the wrongs of the
ambassadors and the murder of the king might be expiated.

With these people, indeed, there was peace contrary to expectations:
but another war broke out much nearer home and almost at the city's
gates. The Fidenates,[13] being of opinion that a power in too close
proximity to themselves was gaining strength, hastened to make war
before the power of the Romans should attain the greatness it was
evidently destined to reach. An armed band of youths was sent into
Roman territory and all the territories between the city and the
Fidenae was ravaged. Then, turning to the left, because on the right
the Tiber was a barrier against them, they continued to ravage the
country, to the great consternation of the peasantry: the sudden
alarm, reaching the city from the country, was the first announcement
of the invasion. Romulus aroused by this--for a war so near home could
not brook delay--led out his army, and pitched his camp a mile from
Fidenae. Having left a small garrison there, he marched out with all
his forces and gave orders that a part of them should lie in ambush in
a spot hidden amid bushes planted thickly around; he himself advancing
with the greater part of the infantry and all the cavalry, by riding
up almost to the very gates, drew out the enemy--which was just what
he wanted--by a mode of battle of a disorderly and threatening nature.
The same tactics on the part of the cavalry caused the flight, which
it was necessary to pretend, to appear less surprising: and when, as
the cavalry appeared undecided whether to make up its mind to fight or
flee, the infantry also retreated--the enemy, pouring forth suddenly
through the crowded gates, were drawn toward the place of ambuscade,
in their eagerness to press on and pursue, after they had broken the
Roman line. Thereupon the Romans, suddenly arising, attacked the
enemy's line in flanks; the advance from the camp of the standards of
those, who had been left behind on guard, increased the panic: thus
the Fidenates, smitten with terror from many quarters, took to flight
almost before Romulus and the cavalry who accompanied him could wheel
round: and those who a little before had been in pursuit of men who
pretended flight, made for the town again in much greater disorder,
seeing that their flight was real. They did not, however, escape the
foe: the Romans, pressing closely on their rear, rushed in as if it
were in one body, before the doors of the gates could be shut against
them.

The minds of the inhabitants of Veii,[14] being exasperated by the
infectious influence of the Fidenatian war, both from the tie of
kinship--for the Fidenates also were Etruscans--and because the very
proximity of the scene of action, in the event of the Roman arms being
directed against all their neighbours, urged them on, they sallied
forth into the Roman territories, rather with the object of plundering
than after the manner of a regular war. Accordingly, without pitching
a camp, or waiting for the enemy's army, they returned to Veii, taking
with them the booty they had carried off from the lands; the Roman
army, on the other hand, when they did not find the enemy in the
country, being ready and eager for a decisive action, crossed the
Tiber. And when the Veientes heard that they were pitching a camp, and
intended to advance to the city, they came out to meet them that they
might rather decide the matter in the open field, than be shut up and
have to fight from their houses and walls. In this engagement the
Roman king gained the victory, his power being unassisted by any
stratagem, by the unaided strength of his veteran army: and having
pursued the routed enemies up to their walls, he refrained from
attacking the city, which was strongly fortified and well defended
by its natural advantages: on his return he laid waste their lands,
rather from a desire of revenge than of booty. The Veientes, humbled
by that loss no less than by the unsuccessful issue of the battle,
sent ambassadors to Rome to sue for peace. A truce for one hundred
years was granted them, after they had been mulcted in a part of their
territory. These were essentially the chief events of the reign of
Romulus, in peace and in war, none of which seemed inconsistent with
the belief of his divine origin, or of his deification after death,
neither the spirit he showed in recovering his grandfather's kingdom,
nor his wisdom in building a city, and afterward strengthening it by
the arts of war and peace. For assuredly it was by the power that
Romulus gave it that it became so powerful, that for forty years after
it enjoyed unbroken peace. He was, however, dearer to the people than
to the fathers: above all others he was most beloved by the soldiers:
of these he kept three hundred, whom he called Celeres, armed to serve
as a body-guard not only in time of war but also of peace.

Having accomplished these works deserving of immortality, while he was
holding an assembly of the people for reviewing his army, in the plain
near the Goat's pool, a storm suddenly came on, accompanied by loud
thunder and lightning, and enveloped the king in so dense a mist, that
it entirely hid him from the sight of the assembly. After this Romulus
was never seen again upon earth. The feeling of consternation having
at length calmed down, and the weather having become clear and fine
again after so stormy a day, the Roman youth seeing the royal seat
empty--though they readily believed the words of the fathers who
had stood nearest him, that he had been carried up to heaven by the
storm--yet, struck as it were with the fear of being fatherless, for a
considerable time preserved a sorrowful silence. Then, after a few had
set the example, the whole multitude saluted Romulus as a god, the son
of a god, the king and parent of the Roman city; they implored his
favour with prayers, that with gracious kindness he would always
preserve his offspring. I believe that even then there were some, who
in secret were convinced that the king had been torn in pieces by the
hands of the fathers--for this rumour also spread, but it was very
doubtfully received; admiration for the man, however, and the awe felt
at the moment, gave greater notoriety to the other report. Also by the
clever idea of one individual, additional confirmation is said to have
been attached to the occurrence. For Proculus Julius, while the state
was still troubled at the loss of the king, and incensed against the
senators, a weighty authority, as we are told, in any matter however
important, came forward into the assembly. "Quirites," said he,
"Romulus, the father of this city, suddenly descending from heaven,
appeared to me this day at daybreak. While I stood filled with dread,
and religious awe, beseeching him to allow me to look upon him face to
face, 'Go,' said he, 'tell the Romans, that the gods so will, that
my Rome should become the capital of the world. Therefore let them
cultivate the art of war, and let them know and so hand it down to
posterity, that no human power can withstand the Roman arms.' Having
said this, he vanished up to heaven." It is surprising what credit was
given to that person when he made the announcement, and how much the
regret of the common people and army for the loss of Romulus was
assuaged when the certainty of his immortality was confirmed.[15]

Meanwhile[16] contention for the throne and ambition engaged the minds
of the fathers; the struggle was not as yet carried on by individuals,
by violence or contending factions, because, among a new people, no
one person was pre-eminently distinguished; the contest was carried on
between the different orders. The descendants of the Sabines wished a
king to be elected from their own body, lest, because there had been
no king from their own party since the death of Tatius, they might
lose their claim to the crown although both were on an equal footing.
The old Romans spurned the idea of a foreign prince. Amid this
diversity of views, however, all were anxious to be under the
government of a king, as they had not yet experienced the delights of
liberty. Fear then seized the senators, lest, as the minds of many
surrounding states were incensed against them, some foreign power
should attack the state, now without a government, and the army, now
without a leader. Therefore, although they were agreed that there
should be some head, yet none could bring himself to give way to
another. Accordingly, the hundred senators divided the government
among themselves, ten decuries being formed, and the individual
members who were to have the chief direction of affairs being chosen
into each decury.[17] Ten governed; one only was attended by the
lictors and with the insignia of authority: their power was limited to
the space of five days, and conferred upon all in rotation, and the
interval between the government of a king lasted a year. From this
fact it was called an interregnum, a term which is employed even now.
Then the people began to murmur, that their slavery was multiplied,
and that they had now a hundred sovereigns instead of one, and they
seemed determined to submit to no authority but that of a king, and
that one appointed by themselves. When the fathers perceived that such
schemes were on foot, thinking it advisable to offer them, without
being asked, what they were sure to lose, they conciliated the
good-will of the people by yielding to them the supreme power, yet in
such a manner as to surrender no greater privilege than they reserved
to themselves. For they decreed, that when the people had chosen a
king, the election should be valid, if the senate gave the sanction of
their authority. And even to this day the same forms are observed in
proposing laws and magistrates, though their power has been taken
away; for before the people begin to vote, the senators ratify their
choice, even while the result of the elections is still uncertain.
Then the interrex, having summoned an assembly of the people,
addressed them as follows: "Do you, Quirites, choose yourselves a
king, and may this choice prove fortunate, happy, and auspicious; such
is the will of the fathers. Then, if you shall choose a prince worthy
to be reckoned next after Romulus, the fathers will ratify your
choice." This concession was so pleasing to the people, that, not to
appear outdone in generosity, they only voted and ordained that the
senate should determine who should be king at Rome.

The justice and piety of Numa Pompilius was at that time celebrated.
He dwelt at Cures, a city of the Sabines, and was as eminently learned
in all law, human and divine, as any man could be in that age. They
falsely represent that Pythagoras of Samos was his instructor in
learning, because there appears no other. Now it is certain that this
philosopher, in the reign of Servius Tullius, more than a hundred
years after this, held assemblies of young men, who eagerly
embraced his doctrines, on the most distant shore of Italy, in the
neighbourhood of Metapontum, Heraclea, and Croton. But from these
places, even had he flourished in the same age, what fame of his could
have reached the Sabines? or by what intercourse of language could it
have aroused any one to a desire of learning? Or by what safeguard
could a single man have passed through the midst of so many nations
differing in language and customs? I am therefore rather inclined to
believe that his mind, owing to his natural bent, was attempered by
virtuous qualities, and that he was not so much versed in foreign
systems of philosophy as in the stern and gloomy training of the
ancient Sabines, a race than which none was in former times more
strict. When they heard the name of Numa, although the Roman fathers
perceived that the balance of power would incline to the Sabines if
a king were chosen from them, yet none of them ventured to prefer
himself, or any other member of his party, or, in fine, any of the
citizens or fathers, to a man so well known, but unanimously resolved
that the kingdom should be offered to Numa Pompilius. Being sent for,
just as Romulus obtained the throne by the augury in accordance with
which he founded the city, so Numa in like manner commanded the gods
to be consulted concerning himself. Upon this, being escorted into the
citadel by an augur, to whose profession that office was later made
a public and perpetual one by way of honour, he sat down on a stone
facing the south: the augur took his seaton his left hand with his
head covered, holding in his right a crooked wand free from knots,
called lituus; then, after having taken a view over the city and
country, and offered a prayer to the gods, he defined the bounds of
the regions of the sky from east to west: the parts toward the south
he called the right, those toward the north, the left; and in front of
him he marked out in his mind the sign as far as ever his eyes could
see. Then having shifted the lituus into his left hand, and placed
his right on the head of Numa, he prayed after this manner: "O father
Jupiter, if it be thy will that this Numa Pompilius, whose head I
hold, be king of Rome, mayest thou manifest infallible signs to us
within those bounds which I have marked." Then he stated in set terms
the auspices which he wished to be sent: on their being sent, Numa was
declared king and came down from the seat of augury.

Having thus obtained the kingdom, he set about establishing anew, on
the principles of law and morality, the newly founded city that had
been already established by force of arms. When he saw that the
inhabitants, inasmuch as men's minds are brutalized by military life,
could not become reconciled to such principles during the continuance
of wars, considering that the savage nature of the people must
be toned down by the disuse of arms, he erected at the foot of
Argiletum[18] a temple of Janus, as a sign of peace and war, that when
open, it might show that the state was engaged in war, and when shut,
that all the surrounding nations were at peace. Twice only since the
reign of Numa has this temple been shut: once when Titus Manlius was
consul, after the conclusion of the first Punic war; and a second
time, which the gods granted our generation to behold, by the Emperor
Caesar Augustus, after the battle of Actium, when peace was established
by land and sea. This being shut, after he had secured the friendship
of all the neighbouring states around by alliance and treaties, all
anxiety regarding dangers from abroad being now removed, in order to
prevent their minds, which the fear of enemies and military discipline
had kept in check, running riot from too much leisure, he considered,
that, first of all, awe of the gods should be instilled into them,
a principle of the greatest efficacy in dealing with the multitude,
ignorant and uncivilized as it was in those times. But as this fear
could not sink deeply into their minds without some fiction of a
miracle, he pretended that he held nightly interviews with the goddess
Egeria; that by her direction he instituted sacred rites such as would
be most acceptable to the gods, and appointed their own priests for
each of the deities. And, first of all, he divided the year into
twelve months, according to the courses of the moon;[19] and because
the moon does not fill up the number of thirty days in each month, and
some days are wanting to the complete year, which is brought round by
the solstitial revolution, he so regulated this year, by inserting
intercalary months, that every twentieth year, the lengths of all the
intermediate years being filled up, the days corresponded with the
same starting-point of the sun whence they had set out. He likewise
divided days into sacred and profane, because on certain occasions it
was likely to be expedient that no business should be transacted with
the people.

Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests, though he
discharged many sacred functions himself, especially those which now
belong to the flamen of Jupiter. But, as he imagined that in a warlike
nation there would be more kings resembling Romulus than Numa,
and that they would go to war in person, in order that the sacred
functions of the royal office might not be neglected, he appointed a
perpetual priest as flamen to Jupiter, and distinguished him by a fine
robe, and a royal curule chair. To him he added two other flamens, one
for Mars, another for Quirinus. He also chose virgins for Vesta, a
priesthood derived from Alba, and not foreign to the family of the
founder. That they might be constant attendants in the temple, he
appointed them pay out of the public treasury; and by enjoining
virginity, and various religious observances, he made them sacred and
venerable. He also chose twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and gave them
the distinction of an embroidered tunic, and over the tunic a brazen
covering for the breast. He commanded them to carry the shields called
Ancilia,[20] which fell fromheaven, and to go through the city singing
songs, with leaping and solemn dancing. Then he chose from the fathers
Numa Marcius, son of Marcius, as pontiff, and consigned to him a
complete system of religious rites written out and recorded, showing
with what victims, upon what days, and at what temples the sacred
rites were to be performed, and from what funds the money was to be
taken to defray the expenses. He also placed all other religious
institutions, public and private, under the control of the decrees of
the pontiff, to the end that there might be some authority to whom
the people should come to ask advice, to prevent any confusion in the
divine worship being caused by their neglecting the ceremonies of
their own country, and adopting foreign ones. He further ordained that
the same pontiff should instruct the people not only in the ceremonies
connected with the heavenly deities, but also in the due performance
of funeral solemnities, and how to appease the shades of the dead; and
what prodigies sent by lightning or any other phenomenon were to be
attended to and expiated. To draw forth such knowledge from the minds
of the gods, he dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius,
and consulted the god by means of auguries as to what prodigies ought
to be attended to.

The attention of the whole people having been thus diverted from
violence and arms to the deliberation and adjustment of these matters,
both their minds were engaged in some occupation, and the watchfulness
of the gods now constantly impressed upon them, as the deity of heaven
seemed to interest itself in human concerns, had filled the breasts of
all with such piety, that faith and religious obligations governed the
state, the dread of laws and punishments being regarded as secondary.
And while the people of their own accord were forming themselves on
the model of the king, as the most excellent example, the neighbouring
states also, who had formerly thought that it was a camp, not a city,
that had been established in their midst to disturb the general peace,
were brought to feel such respect for them that they considered it
impious to molest a state, wholly occupied in the worship of the gods.
There was a grove, the middle of which was irrigated by a spring of
running water, flowing from a dark grotto. As Numa often repaired
thither unattended, under pretence of meeting the goddess, he
dedicated the grove to the Camenae, because, as he asserted, their
meetings with his wife Egeria were held there. He also instituted a
yearly festival to Faith alone, and commanded her priests to be driven
to the chapel erected for the purpose in an arched chariot drawn by
two horses, and to perform the divine service with their hands wrapped
up to the fingers, intimating that Faith ought to be protected, and
that even her seat in men's right hands was sacred. He instituted many
other sacred rites, and dedicated places for performing them, which
the priests call Argei. But the greatest of all his works was the
maintenance of peace during the whole period of his reign, no less
than of his royal power. Thus two kings in succession, by different
methods, the one by war, the other by peace, aggrandized the state.
Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, Numa forty-three: the state was
both strong and attempered by the arts both of war and peace.

Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to an
interregnum. After that the people appointed as King Tullus Hostilius,
the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand against
the Sabines at the foot of the citadel: the fathers confirmed the
choice. He was not only unlike the preceding king, but even of a more
warlike disposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and,
further, the renown of his grandfather, stimulated his ambition.
Thinking therefore that the state was deteriorating through ease,
he everywhere sought for an opportunity of stirring up war. It so
happened that some Roman and Alban peasants mutually plundered each
other's lands. Gaius Cluilius at that time was in power at Alba. From
both sides ambassadors were sent almost at the same time, to demand
satisfaction. Tullus had ordered his representatives to attend to
their instructions before anything else. He knew well that the Alban
would refuse, and so war might be proclaimed with a clear conscience.
Their commission was executed in a more dilatory manner by the Albans:
being courteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they gladly took
advantage of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had both
been first in demanding satisfaction, and upon the refusal of the
Alban, had proclaimed war upon the expiration of thirty days: of this
they gave Tullus notice. Thereupon he granted the Alban ambassadors an
opportunity of stating with what demands they came. They, ignorant of
everything, at first wasted some time in making excuses: That it was
with reluctance they would say anything which might be displeasing
to Tullus, but they were compelled by orders: that they had come to
demand satisfaction: if this was not granted, they were commanded to
declare war. To this Tullus made answer, "Go tell your king, that the
king of the Romans takes the gods to witness, that, whichever of the
two nations shall have first dismissed with contempt the ambassadors
demanding satisfaction, from it they [the gods] may exact atonement
for the disasters of this war." This message the Albans carried home.

Preparations were made on both sides with the utmost vigour for a war
very like a civil one, in a manner between parents and children, both
being of Trojan stock: for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium,
Alba, and the Romans were descended from the stock of the Alban kings.
However, the result of the war rendered the quarrel less distressing,
for the struggle never came to regular action, and when the buildings
only of one of the cities had been demolished, the two states were
incorporated into one. The Albans first invaded the Roman territories
with a large army. They pitched their camp not more than five miles
from the city, and surrounded it with a trench, which, for several
ages, was called the Cluilian trench, from the name of the general,
till, by lapse of time, the name, as well as the event itself, was
forgotten. In that camp Cluilius, the Alban king, died: the Albans
created Mettius Fufetius dictator. In the meantime Tullus, exultant,
especially at the death of the king, and giving out that the supreme
power of the gods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance on
the whole Alban nation for this impious war, having passed the enemy's
camp in the night-time, marched with a hostile army into the Alban
territory. This circumstance drew out Mettius from his camp: he led
his forces as close as possible to the enemy; thence he despatched
a herald and commanded him to tell Tullus that a conference was
expedient before they came to an engagement; and that, if he would
give him a meeting, he was certain he would bring forward matters
which concerned the interests of Rome no less than of Alba. Tullus did
not reject the offer: nevertheless, in case the proposals made should
prove fruitless, he led out his men in order of battle: the Albans
on their side marched out also. After both armies stood drawn up
in battle array, the chiefs, with a few of the principal officers,
advanced into the midst. Then the Alban began as follows: "That
injuries and the non-restitution of property claimed according to
treaty is the cause of this war, methinks I have both heard our king
Cluilius assert, and I doubt not, Tullus, but that you allege the
same. But if the truth must be told, rather than what is plausible, it
is thirst for rule that provokes two kindred and neighbouring states
to arms. Whether rightly or wrongly, I do not take upon myself to
determine: let the consideration of that rest with him who has begun
the war. As for myself, the Albans have only made me their leader for
carrying on that war. Of this, Tullus, I would have you advised: how
powerful the Etruscan state is around us, and around you particularly,
you know better than we, inasmuch as you are nearer to them. They are
very powerful by land, far more so by sea. Recollect that, directly
you shall give the signal for battle, these two armies will be the
object of their attention, that they may fall on us when wearied and
exhausted, victor and vanquished together. Therefore, for the love of
heaven, since, not content with a sure independence, we are running
the doubtful hazard of sovereignty and slavery, let us adopt some
method, whereby, without great loss, without much bloodshed of either
nation, it may be decided which is to rule the other." The proposal
was not displeasing to Tullus, though both from his natural bent, as
also from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined to violence.
After consideration, on both sides, a plan was adopted, for which
Fortune herself afforded the means of execution.

It happened that there were in the two armies at that time three
brothers born at one birth, neither in age nor strength ill-matched.
That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough, and
there is hardly any fact of antiquity more generally known; yet in a
manner so well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, as
to which nation the Horatii, to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors
incline to both sides, yet I find a majority who call the Horatii
Romans: my own inclination leads me to follow them. The kings arranged
with the three brothers that they should fight with swords each in
defence of their respective country; assuring them that dominion
would rest with those on whose side victory should declare itself. No
objection was raised; the time and place were agreed upon. Before the
engagement began, a compact was entered into between the Romans and
Albans on these conditions, that that state, whose champions should
come off victorious in the combat, should rule the other state without
further dispute. Different treaties are made on different conditions,
but in general they are all concluded with the same formalities. We
have heard that the treaty in question was then concluded as follows,
nor is there extant a more ancient record of any treaty. The herald
asked King Tullus, "Dost thou command me, O king, to conclude a
treaty with the pater patratus of the Alban people?" On the king so
commanding him he said, "I demand vervain of thee, O king." The king
replied, "Take some that is pure." The herald brought a pure blade of
grass from the citadel; then again he asked the king, "Dost thou, O
king, appoint me the royal delegate of the Roman people, the Quirites,
and my appurtenances and attendants?" The king replied, "So far as
it may be done without detriment to me and to the Roman people, the
Quirites, I do so." The herald was Marcus Valerius, who appointed
Spurius Fusius pater patratus,[21] touching his head and hair with
the vervain.[22] The pater patratus was appointed ad iusiurandum
patrandum, that is, to ratify the treaty; and he went through it in a
lengthy preamble, which, being expressed in a long set form, it is not
worth while to repeat. After having set forth the conditions, he said:
"Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of the Alban people, and ye,
O Alban people, give ear. As those conditions, from first to last,
have been publicly recited from those tablets or wax without wicked
or fraudulent intent, and as they have been most correctly understood
here this day, the Roman people will not be the first to fail to
observe those conditions. If they shall be the first to do so by
public consent, by fraudulent intent, on that day do thou, O Jupiter,
so strike the Roman people, as I shall here this day strike this
swine; and do thou strike them so much the more, as thou art more
mighty and more powerful." When he said this, he struck the swine with
a flint stone. The Albans likewise went through their own set form and
oath by the mouth of their own dictator and priests.

The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed,
took arms. While their respective friends exhorted each party,
reminding them that their country's gods, their country and parents,
all their fellow-citizens both at home and in the army, had their eyes
then fixed on their arms, on their hands, being both naturally brave,
and animated by the shouts and exhortations of their friends, they
advanced into the midst between the two lines. The two armies on both
sides had taken their seats in front of their respective camps, free
rather from danger for the moment than from anxiety: for sovereign
power was at stake, dependent on the valour and fortune of so few.
Accordingly, therefore, on the tip-toe of expectation, their attention
was eagerly fixed on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal was
given: and the three youths on each side, as if in battle array,
rushed to the charge with arms presented, bearing in their breasts the
spirit of mighty armies. Neither the one nor the other heeded their
personal danger, but the public dominion or slavery was present to
their mind, and the thought that the fortune of their country would be
such hereafter as they themselves should have made it. Directly their
arms clashed at the first encounter, and their glittering swords
flashed, a mighty horror thrilled the spectators; and, as hope
inclined to neither side, voice and breath alike were numbed. Then
having engaged hand to hand, when now not only the movements of their
bodies, and the indecisive brandishings of their arms and weapons, but
wounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romans fell lifeless, one
upon the other, the three Albans being wounded. And when the Alban
army had raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope had entirely by
this time, not however anxiety, deserted the Roman legions, breathless
with apprehension at the dangerous position of this one man, whom the
three Curiatii had surrounded. He happened to be unhurt, so that,
though alone he was by no means a match for them all together, yet
he was full of confidence against each singly. In order therefore to
separate their attack, he took to flight, presuming that they would
each pursue him with such swiftness as the wounded state of his body
would permit. He had now fled a considerable distance from the place
where the fight had taken place, when, looking back, he perceived that
they were pursuing him at a great distance from each other, and that
one of them was not far from him. On him he turned round with great
fury, and while the Alban army shouted out to the Curiatii to succour
their brother, Horatius by this time victorious, having slain his
antagonist, was now proceeding to a second attack. Then the Romans
encouraged their champion with a shout such as is wont to be raised
when men cheer in consequence of unexpected success; and he hastened
to finish the combat. Wherefore before the other, who was not far off,
could come up to him, he slew the second Curiatius also. And now, the
combat being brought to equal terms, one on each side remained, but
unequally matched in hope and strength. The one was inspired with
courage for a third contest by the fact that his body was uninjured by
a weapon, and by his double victory: the other dragging along his body
exhausted from his wound, exhausted from running, and dispirited by
the slaughter of his brothers before his eyes, thus met his victorious
antagonist. And indeed there was no fight. The Roman, exulting, cried:
"Two I have offered to the shades of my brothers: the third I will
offer to the cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over the
Alban." He thrust his sword down from above into his throat, while he
with difficulty supported the weight of his arms, and stripped him
as he lay prostrate. The Romans welcomed Horatius with joy and
congratulations; with so much the greater exultation, as the matter
had closely bordered on alarm. They then turned their attention to the
burial of their friends, with feelings by no means the same: for the
one side was elated by the acquisition of empire, the other brought
under the rule of others: their sepulchres may still be seen in the
spot where each fell; the two Roman in one place nearer Alba, the
three Alban in the direction of Rome, but situated at some distance
from each other, as in fact they had fought.

Before they departed from thence, when Mettius, in accordance with the
treaty which had been concluded, asked Tullus what his orders were,
he ordered him to keep his young men under arms, for he intended to
employ them, if a war should break out with the Veientes. After this
both armies were led away to their homes. Horatius marched in front,
carrying before him the spoils of the three brothers: his maiden
sister, who had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him before
the gate Capena;[23] and having recognised on her brother's shoulders
the military robe of her betrothed, which she herself had worked, she
tore her hair, and with bitter wailings called by name on her deceased
lover. The sister's lamentations in the midst of his own victory, and
of such great public rejoicings, raised the ire of the hot-tempered
youth. So, having drawn his sword, he ran the maiden through the body,
at the same time reproaching her with these words: "Go hence with thy
ill-timed love to thy spouse, forgetful of thy brothers that are dead,
and of the one who survives--forgetful of thy country. So fare every
Roman woman who shall mourn an enemy." This deed seemed cruel to the
fathers and to the people; but his recent services outweighed its
enormity. Nevertheless he was dragged before the king for judgment.
The king, however, that he might not himself be responsible for a
decision so melancholy, and so disagreeable in the view of the people,
or for the punishment consequent on such decision, having summoned
an assembly of the people, declared, "I appoint, according to law,
duumvirs to pass sentence on Horatius for treason." The law was of
dreadful formula. "Let the duumvirs pass sentence for treason. If he
appeal from the duumvirs, let him contend by appeal; if they shall
gain the cause, let the lictor cover his head, hang him by a rope
on the accursed tree, scourge him either within the pomerium,[24]or
without the pomerium." The duumvirs appointed in accordance with this
decision, who did not consider that, according to that law, they could
acquit the man even if innocent, having condemned him, then one of
them said: "Publius Horatius, I judge thee guilty of treason. Lictor,
bind his hands." The lictor had approached him, and was commencing to
fix the rope round his neck. Then Horatius, on the advice of Tullus,
a merciful interpreter of the law, said, "I appeal." Accordingly the
matter was contested before the people as to the appeal. At that trial
the spectators were much affected, especially on Publius Horatius
the father declaring that he considered his daughter to have been
deservedly slain; were it not so, that he would by virtue of his
authority as a father have inflicted punishment on his son. He then
entreated them that they would not render him childless, one whom but
a little while ago they had beheld blessed with a fine progeny. During
these words the old man, having embraced the youth, pointing to the
spoils of the Curiatii hung up in that place which is now called Pila
Horatia,[25] "Quirites," said he, "can you bear to see bound beneath
the gallows, amid scourgings and tortures, the man whom you just now
beheld marching decorated with spoils and exulting in victory--a sight
so shocking that even the eyes of the Albans could scarcely endure it?
Go then, lictor, bind those hands, which but a little while since,
armed, won sovereignty for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of the
liberator of this city: hang him on the accursed tree: scourge him,
either within the pomerium, so it be only amid those javelins and
spoils of the enemy, or without the pomerium, so it be only amid the
graves of the Curiatii. For whither can you lead this youth, where his
own noble deeds will not redeem him from such disgraceful punishment?"
The people could not withstand either the tears of the father, or the
spirit of the son, the same in every danger, and acquitted him more
from admiration of his bravery, than on account of the justice of his
cause. But that so clear a murder might be at least atoned for by some
expiation, the father was commanded to expiate the son's guilt at the
public charge. He, having offered certain expiatory sacrifices, which
were ever after continued in the Horatian family, and laid a beam
across the street, made the youth pass under it, as under the yoke,
with his head covered. This beam remains even to this day, being
constantly repaired at the public expense; it is called Sororium
Tigillum (Sister's Beam). A tomb of square stone was erected to
Horatia in the spot where she was stabbed and fell.

However, the peace with Alba did not long continue. The
dissatisfaction of the populace at the fortune of the state having
been intrusted to three soldiers, perverted the wavering mind of the
dictator; and since straightforward measures had not turned out well,
he began to conciliate the affections of the populace by treacherous
means. Accordingly, as one who had formerly sought peace in time of
war, and was now seeking war in time of peace, because he perceived
that his own state possessed more courage than strength, he stirred
up other nations to make war openly and by proclamation: for his own
people he reserved the work of treachery under the show of allegiance.
The Fidenates, a Roman colony,[26] having taken the Veientes into
partnership in the plot, were instigated to declare war and take up
arms under a compact of desertion on the part of the Albans. When
Fidenae had openly revolted, Tullus, after summoning Mettius and his
army from Alba, marched against the enemy. When he crossed the Anio,
he pitched his camp at the conflux of the rivers.[27] Between that
place and Fidenae, the army of the Veientes had crossed the Tiber.
These, in the line of battle, also occupied the right wing near the
river; the Fidenates were posted on the left nearer the mountains.
Tullus stationed his own men opposite the Veientine foe; the Albans
he posted to face the legion of the Fidenates. The Alban had no more
courage than loyalty. Therefore neither daring to keep his ground, nor
to desert openly, he filed off slowly to the mountains. After this,
when he supposed he had advanced far enough, he led his entire army
uphill, and still wavering in mind, in order to waste time, opened
his ranks. His design was, to direct his forces to that side on which
fortune should give success. At first the Romans who stood nearest
were astonished, when they perceived their flanks were exposed by the
departure of their allies; then a horseman at full gallop announced
to the king that the Albans were moving off. Tullus, in this perilous
juncture, vowed twelve Salii and temples to Paleness and Panic.
Rebuking the horseman in a loud voice, so that the enemy might hear
him plainly, he ordered him to return to the ranks, that there was no
occasion for alarm; that it was by his order that the Alban army was
being led round to fall on the unprotected rear of the Fidenates. He
likewise commanded him to order the cavalry to raise their spears
aloft; the execution of this order shut out the view of the retreating
Alban army from a great part of the Roman infantry. Those who saw it,
believing that it was even so, as they had heard from the king, fought
with all the greater valour. The alarm was transferred to the enemy;
they had both heard what had been uttered so loudly, and a great part
of the Fidenates, as men who had mixed as colonists with the Romans,
understood Latin. Therefore, that they might not be cut off from the
town by a sudden descent of the Albans from the hills, they took to
flight. Tullus pressed forward, and having routed the wing of the
Fidenates, returned with greater fury against the Veientes, who were
disheartened by the panic of the others: they did not even sustain
his charge; but the river, opposed to them in the rear, prevented a
disordered flight. When their flight led thither, some, shamefully
throwing down their arms, rushed blindly into the river; others, while
lingering on the banks, undecided whether to fight or flee, were
overpowered. Never before was a more desperate battle fought by the
Romans.

Then the Alban army, which had been a mere spectator of the fight,
was marched down into the plains. Mettius congratulated Tullus on his
victory over the enemy; Tullus on his part addressed Mettius with
courtesy. He ordered the Albans to unite their camp with that of the
Romans, which he prayed heaven might prove beneficial to both; and
prepared a purificatory sacrifice for the next day. As soon as it
was daylight, all things being in readiness, according to custom, he
commanded both armies to be summoned to an assembly. The heralds,
beginning at the farthest part of the camp, summoned the Albans first.
They, struck also with the novelty of the thing, in order to hear the
Roman king deliver a speech, crowded next to him. The Roman forces,
under arms, according to previous arrangement, surrounded them; the
centurions had been charged to execute their orders without delay.
Then Tullus began as follows: "Romans, if ever before, at any other
time, in any war, there was a reason that you should return thanks,
first to the immortal gods, next to your own valour, it was
yesterday's battle. For the struggle was not so much with enemies as
with the treachery and perfidy of allies, a struggle which is more
serious and more dangerous. For--that you may not be under a mistaken
opinion--know that it was without my orders that the Albans retired to
the mountains, nor was that my command, but a stratagem and the mere
pretence of a command: that you, being kept in ignorance that you were
deserted, your attention might not be drawn away from the fight, and
that the enemy might be inspired with terror and dismay, conceiving
themselves to be surrounded on the rear. Nor is that guilt, which I
now complain of, shared by all the Albans. They merely followed their
leader, as you too would have done, had I wished to turn my army away
to any other point from thence. It is Mettius there who is the leader
of this march: it is Mettius also who the contriver of this war is: it
is Mettius who is the violator of the treaty between Rome and Alba.
Let another hereafter venture to do the like, if I do not presently
make of him a signal example to mankind." The centurions in arms stood
around Mettius: the king proceeded with the rest of his speech as he
had commenced: "It is my intention, and may it prove fortunate, happy,
and auspicious to the Roman people, to myself, and to you, O Albans,
to transplant all the inhabitants of Alba to Rome, to grant your
commons the rights of citizenship, to admit your nobles into the body
of senators, to make one city, one state: as the Alban state after
being one people was formerly divided into two, so let it now again
become one." On hearing this the Alban youth, unarmed, surrounded by
armed men, although divided in their sentiments, yet under pressure of
the general apprehension maintained silence. Then Tullus proceeded:
"If, Mettius Fufetius, you were capable of learning fidelity, and how
to observe treaties, I would have suffered you to live and have given
you such a lesson. But as it is, since your disposition is incurable,
do you at any rate by your punishment teach mankind to consider those
obligations sacred, which have been violated by you? As therefore a
little while since you kept your mind divided between the interests of
Fidenae and of Rome, so shall you now surrender your body to be torn
asunder in different directions." Upon this, two chariots drawn by
four horses being brought up, he bound Mettius stretched at full
length to their carriages: then the horses were driven in different
directions, carrying off his mangled body on each carriage, where the
limbs had remained hanging to the cords. All turned away their eyes
from so shocking a spectacle. That was the first and last instance
among the Romans of a punishment which established a precedent that
showed but little regard for the laws of humanity. In other cases
we may boast that no other nation has approved of milder forms of
punishment.[28]

Meanwhile the cavalry had already been sent on to Alba, to transplant
the people to Rome. The legions were next led thither to demolish the
city. When they entered the gates, there was not indeed such a tumult
or panic as usually prevails in captured cities, when, after the gates
have been burst open, or the walls levelled by the battering-ram, or
the citadel taken by assault, the shouts of the enemy and rush of
armed men through the city throws everything into confusion with fire
and sword: but gloomy silence and speechless sorrow so stupefied the
minds of all, that, through fear, paying no heed as to what they
should leave behind, what they should take with them, in their
perplexity, making frequent inquiries one of another, they now stood
on the thresholds, now wandering about, roamed through their houses,
which they were destined to see then for the last time. When now the
shouts of the horsemen commanding them to depart became urgent, and
the crash of the dwellings which were being demolished was heard in
the remotest parts of the city, and the dust, rising from distant
places, had filled every quarter as with a cloud spread over them;
then, hastily carrying out whatever each of them could, while they
went forth, leaving behind them their guardian deity and household
gods,[29] and the homes in which each had been born and brought up, an
unbroken line of emigrants soon filled the streets, and the sight of
others caused their tears to break out afresh in pity for one another:
piteous cries too were heard, of the women more especially, as they
passed by their revered temples now beset with armed men, and left
their gods as it were in captivity. After the Albans had evacuated the
town, the Roman soldiery levelled all the public and private buildings
indiscriminately to the ground, and a single hour consigned to
destruction and ruin the work of four hundred years, during which
Alba had stood. The temples of the gods, however--for so it had been
ordered by the king--were spared.

In the meantime Rome increased by the destruction of Alba. The number
of citizens was doubled. The Coelian Mount was added to the city, and,
in order that it might be more thickly populated, Tullus selected it
as a site for his palace, and subsequently took up his abode there.
The leading men of the Albans he enrolled among the patricians, that
that division of the state also might increase, the Tullii, Servilii,
Quinctii, Geganii, Curiatii, Cloelii; and as a consecrated place
of meeting for the order thus augmented by himself he built a
senate-house, which was called Hostilia[30] even down to the time of
our fathers. Further, that all ranks might acquire some additional
strength from the new people, he chose ten troops of horsemen from
among the Albans: he likewise recruited the old legions, and raised
new ones, by additions from the same source. Trusting to this increase
of strength, Tullus declared war against the Sabines, a nation at that
time the most powerful, next to the Etruscans, in men and arms. On
both sides wrongs had been committed, and satisfaction demanded in
vain. Tullus complained that some Roman merchants had been seized in a
crowded market near the temple of Feronia:[31] the Sabines that some
of their people had previously taken refuge in the asylum, and had
been detained at Rome. These were put forward as the causes of the
war. The Sabines, well aware both that a portion of their strength had
been settled at Rome by Tatius, and that the Roman power had also been
lately increased by the accession of the Alban people, began, in like
manner, to look around for foreign aid themselves. Etruria was in
their neighbourhood; of the Etruscans the Veientes were the nearest.
From thence they attracted some volunteers, whose minds were stirred
up to break the truce, chiefly in consequence of the rankling
animosities from former wars. Pay also had its weight with some
stragglers belonging to the indigent population. They were assisted
by no aid from the government, and the loyal observation of the truce
concluded with Romulus was strictly kept by the Veientes: with respect
to the others it is less surprising. While both sides were preparing
for war with the utmost vigour, and the matter seemed to turn on this,
which side should first commence hostilities, Tullus advanced first
into the Sabine territory. A desperate battle took place at the wood
called Malitiosa, in which the Roman army gained a decisive advantage,
both by reason of the superior strength of their infantry, and also,
more especially, by the aid of their cavalry, which had been recently
increased. The Sabine ranks were thrown into disorder by a sudden
charge of the cavalry, nor could they afterward stand firm in battle
array, or retreat in loose order without great slaughter.

After the defeat of the Sabines, when the government of Tullus and the
whole Roman state enjoyed great renown, and was highly flourishing, it
was announced to the king and senators, that it had rained stones on
the Alban Mount. As this could scarcely be credited, on persons being
sent to investigate the prodigy, a shower of stones fell from heaven
before their eyes, just as when balls of hail are pelted down to the
earth by the winds. They also seemed to hear a loud voice from the
grove on the summit of the hill, bidding the Albans perform their
religious services according to the rites of their native country,
which they had consigned to oblivion, as if their gods had been
abandoned at the same time as their country; and had either adopted
the religious rites of Rome, or, as often happens, enraged at their
evil destiny, had altogether renounced the worship of the gods. A
festival of nine days was instituted publicly by the Romans also on
account of the same prodigy, either in obedience to the heavenly voice
sent from the Alban Mount--for that, too, is reported--or by the
advice of the soothsayers. Anyhow, it continued a solemn observance,
that, whenever a similar prodigy was announced, a festival for nine
days was observed. Not long after, they were afflicted with
an epidemic; and though in consequence of this there arose an
unwillingness to serve, yet no respite from arms was given them by the
warlike king, who considered besides that the bodies of the young
men were more healthy when on service abroad than at home, until he
himself also was attacked by a lingering disease. Then that proud
spirit and body became so broken, that he, who had formerly considered
nothing less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to religious
observances, began to pass his time a slave to every form of
superstition, important and trifling, and filled the people's minds
also with religious scruples. The majority of his subjects, now
desiring the restoration of that state of things which had existed
under King Numa, thought that the only chance of relief for their
diseased bodies lay in grace and compassion being obtained from the
gods. It is said that the king himself, turning over the commentaries
of Numa, after he had found therein that certain sacrifices of a
secret and solemn nature had been performed to Jupiter Elicius, shut
himself up and set about the performance of those solemnities, but
that that rite was not duly undertaken or carried out, and that not
only was no heavenly manifestation vouchsafed to him, but he and his
house were struck by lightning and burned to ashes, through theanger
of Jupiter, who was exasperated at the ceremony having been improperly
performed.[32] Tullus reigned two-and-thirty years with great military
renown.

On the death of Tullus, according to the custom established in the
first instance, the government devolved once more upon the senate,
who nominated an interrex; and on his holding the comitia, the people
elected Ancus Marciusking. The fathers ratified the election. Ancus
Marcius was the grandson of King Numa Pompilius by his daughter. As
soon as he began to reign, mindful of the renown of his grandfather,
and reflecting that the last reign, glorious as it had been in every
other respect, in one particular had not been adequately prosperous,
either because the rites of religion had been utterly neglected, or
improperly performed, and deeming it of the highest importance to
perform the public ceremonies of religion, as they had been instituted
by Numa, he ordered the pontiff, after he had recorded them all from
the king's commentaries on white tables, to set them up in a public
place. Hence, as both his own subjects, and the neighbouring nations
desired peace, hope was entertained that the king would adopt the
conduct and institutions of his grandfather. Accordingly, the Latins,
with whom a treaty had been concluded in the reign of Tullus, gained
fresh courage; and, after they had invaded Roman territory, returned
a contemptuous answer to the Romans when they demanded satisfaction,
supposing that the Roman king would spend his reign in indolence among
chapels and altars. The disposition of Ancus was between two extremes,
preserving the qualities of both Numa and Romulus; and, besides
believing that peace was more necessary in his grandfather's reign,
since the people were then both newly formed and uncivilized, he also
felt that he could not easily preserve the tranquility unmolested
which had fallen to his lot: that his patience was being tried and
being tried, was despised: and that the times generally were more
suited to a King Tullus than to a Numa. In order, however, that, since
Numa had instituted religious rites in peace, ceremonies relating to
war might be drawn up by him, and that wars might not only be waged,
but proclaimed also in accordance with some prescribed form, he
borrowed from an ancient nation, the AEquicolae, and drew up the form
which the heralds observe to this day, according to which restitution
is demanded. The ambassador, when he reaches the frontiers of the
people from whom satisfaction is demanded, having his head covered
with a fillet--this covering is of wool--says: "Hear, O Jupiter, hear,
ye confines" (naming whatsoever nation they belong to), "let divine
justice hear. I am the public messenger of the Roman people; I come
deputed by right and religion, and let my words gain credit." He then
definitely states his demands; afterward he calls Jupiter to witness:
"If I demand these persons and these goods to be given up to me
contrary to human or divine right, then mayest thou never permit me to
enjoy my native country." These words he repeats when he passes
over the frontiers: the same to the first man he meets: the same on
entering the gate: the same on entering the forum, with a slight
change of expression in the form of the declaration and drawing up of
the oath. If the persons whom he demands are not delivered up, after
the expiration of thirty-three days--for this number is enjoined by
rule--he declares war in the following terms: "Hear, Jupiter, and
thou, Janus Quirinus, and all ye celestial, terrestrial, and infernal
gods, give ear! I call you to witness, that this nation "(mentioning
its name)" is unjust, and does not carry out the principles of
justice: however, we will consult the elders in our own country
concerning those matters, by what means we may obtain our rights."
The messenger returns with them to Rome to consult. The king used
immediately to consult the fathers as nearly as possible in the
following words: "Concerning such things, causes of dispute, and
quarrels, as the pater patratus of the Roman people, the Quirites, has
treated with the pater patratus of the ancient Latins, and with the
ancient Latin people, which things ought to be given up, made good,
discharged, which things they have neither given up, nor made good,
nor discharged, declare," says he to him, whose opinion he asked
first, "what think you?" Then he replies: "I think that they should
be demanded by a war free from guilt and regularly declared; and
accordingly I agree, and vote for it." Then the others were asked
in order, and when the majority of those present expressed the same
opinion, war was agreed upon. It was customary for the fetialis to
carry in his hand a spear pointed with steel, or burned at the end
and dipped in blood, to the confines of the enemy's country, and in
presence of at least three grown-up persons, to say, "Forasmuch as
the states of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latin people, have
offended against the Roman people of the Quirites, forasmuch as the
Roman people of the Quirites have ordered that there should be war
with the ancient Latins, and the senate of the Roman people, the
Quirites, have given their opinion, agreed, and voted that war should
be waged with the ancient Latins, on this account I and the Roman
people declare and wage war on the states of the ancient Latins, and
on the ancient Latin people." Whenever he said that, he used to hurl
the spear within their confines. After this manner at that time
satisfaction was demanded from the Latins, and war proclaimed: and
posterity has adopted that usage.

Ancus, having intrusted the care of sacred matters to the flamen
and other priests, set out with an army freshly levied, and took
Politorium, a city of the Latins, by storm: and following the example
of former kings, who had increased the Roman power by incorporating
enemies into the state, transplanted all the people to Rome. And since
the Sabines had occupied the Capitol and citadel, and the Albans the
Coelian Mount on both sides of the Palatium, the dwelling-place of
the old Romans, the Aventine was assigned to the new people; not long
after, on the capture of Tellenae and Ficana, new citizens were added
to the same quarter. After this Politorium, which the ancient Latins
had taken possession of when vacated, was taken a second time by force
of arms. This was the cause of the Romans demolishing that city that
it might never after serve as a place of refuge for the enemy. At
last, the war with the Latins being entirely concentrated at Medullia,
the contest was carried on there for some time with changing success,
according as the fortune of war varied: for the town was both well
protected by fortified works, and strengthened by a powerful garrison,
and the Latins, having pitched their camp in the open, had several
times come to a close engagement with the Romans. At last Ancus,
making an effort with all his forces, first defeated them in a pitched
battle, and, enriched by considerable booty, returned thence to Rome:
many thousands of the Latins were then also admitted to citizenship,
to whom, in order that the Aventine might be united to the Palatium,
a settlement was assigned near the Temple of Murcia.[33] was likewise
added not from want of room, but lest at any time it should become a
stronghold for the enemy. It was resolved that it should not only be
surrounded by a wall, but also, for convenience of passage, be united
to the city by a wooden bridge, which was then for the first time
built across the Tiber. The fossa Quiritium, no inconsiderable defence
in places where the ground was lower and consequently easier of
access, was also the work of King Ancus. The state being augmented
by such great accessions, seeing that, amid such a multitude of
inhabitants (all distinction of right and wrong being as yet
confounded), secret crimes were committed, a prison [34] was built
in the heart of the city, overlooking the forum, to intimidate the
growing licentiousness. And not only was the city increased under this
king, but also its territory and boundaries. After the Mesian forest
had been taken from the Veientines, the Roman dominion was extended as
far as the sea, and the city of Ostia built at the mouth of the Tiber;
salt-pits were dug around it, and, in consequence of the distinguished
successes in war, the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged.

In the reign of Ancus, Lucumo,[35] a wealthy and enterprising man,
came to settle at Rome, prompted chiefly by the desire and hope of
high preferment, which he had no opportunity of obtaining at Tarquinii
(for there also he was descended from an alien stock). He was the son
of Demaratus, a Corinthian, who, an exile from his country on account
of civil disturbances had chanced to settle at Tarquinii, and having
married a wife there, had two sons by her. Their names were Lucumo
and Arruns. Lucumo survived his father, and became heir to all his
property. Arruns died before his father, leaving a wife pregnant. The
father did not long survive the son, and as he, not knowing that
his daughter-in-law was pregnant, had died without mentioning his
grandchild in his will, the boy who was born after the death of his
grandfather, and had no share in his fortune, was given the name of
Egerius on account of his poverty. Lucumo, who was, on the other
hand, the heir of all his father's property, being filled with high
aspirations by reason of his wealth, had these ambitions greatly
advanced by his marriage with Tanaquil, who was descended from a very
high family, and was a woman who would not readily brook that the
condition into which she had married should be inferior to that in
which she had been born. As the Etruscans despised Lucumo, as being
sprung from a foreign exile, she could not put up with the affront,
and, regardless of the natural love of her native country, provided
only she could see her husband advanced to honour, she formed the
design of leaving Tarquinii. Rome seemed particularly suited for that
purpose. In a state, lately founded, where all nobility is rapidly
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