Inveterate Melancholy, howsoever it may seem to be a continuate, inexorable
disease, hard to be cured, accompanying them to their graves, most part, as
[2789]Montanus observes, yet many times it may be helped, even that which
is most violent, or at least, according to the same [2790]author, it may
be mitigated and much eased.
Nil desperandum. It may be hard to cure,
but not impossible for him that is most grievously affected, if he but
willing to be helped.
Upon this good hope I will proceed, using the same method in the cure,
which I have formerly used in the rehearsing of the causes; first general,
then particular; and those according to their several species. Of these
cures some be lawful, some again unlawful, which though frequent, familiar,
and often used, yet justly censured, and to be controverted. As first,
whether by these diabolical means, which are commonly practised by the
devil and his ministers, sorcerers, witches, magicians, &c., by spells,
cabilistical words, charms, characters, images, amulets, ligatures,
philters, incantations, &c., this disease and the like may be cured? and if
they may, whether it be lawful to make use of them, those magnetical cures,
or for our good to seek after such means in any case? The first, whether
they can do any such cures, is questioned amongst many writers, some
affirming, some denying. Valesius, cont. med. lib. 5. cap. 6. Malleus
Maleficar, Heurnius, lib. 3. pract. med. cap. 28. Caelius lib. 16. c. 16.
Delrio Tom. 3. Wierus lib. 2. de praestig. daem. Libanius Lavater de
spect. part. 2. cap. 7. Holbrenner the Lutheran in Pistorium, Polydore
Virg. l. 1. de prodig. Tandlerus, Lemnius, (Hippocrates and Avicenna
amongst the rest) deny that spirits or devils have any power over us, and
refer all with Pomponatius of Padua to natural causes and humours. Of the
other opinion are Bodinus Daemonamantiae, lib. 3, cap. 2. Arnoldus,
Marcellus Empyricus, I. Pistorius, Paracelsus Apodix. Magic. Agrippa
lib. 2. de occult. Philos. cap. 36. 69. 71. 72. et l. 3, c. 23, et 10.
Marcilius Ficinus de vit. coelit. compar. cap. 13. 15. 18. 21. &c.
Galeottus de promiscua doct. cap. 24. Jovianus Pontanus Tom. 2. Plin.
lib. 28, c. 2. Strabo, lib. 15. Geog. Leo Suavius: Goclenius de ung.
armar. Oswoldus Crollius, Ernestus Burgravius, Dr. Flud, &c. Cardan de
subt. brings many proofs out of Ars Notoria, and Solomon's decayed works,
old Hermes, Artefius, Costaben Luca, Picatrix, &c. that such cures may be
done. They can make fire it shall not burn, fetch back thieves or stolen
goods, show their absent faces in a glass, make serpents lie still, stanch
blood, salve gouts, epilepsies, biting of mad dogs, toothache, melancholy,
et omnia mundi mala, make men immortal, young again as the [2791]Spanish
marquis is said to have done by one of his slaves, and some, which
jugglers in [2792]China maintain still (as Tragaltius writes) that they
can do by their extraordinary skill in physic, and some of our modern
chemists by their strange limbecks, by their spells, philosopher's stones
and charms. [2793]Many doubt,
saith Nicholas Taurellus, whether the
devil can cure such diseases he hath not made, and some flatly deny it,
howsoever common experience confirms to our astonishment, that magicians
can work such feats, and that the devil without impediment can penetrate
through all the parts of our bodies, and cure such maladies by means to us
unknown.
Daneus in his tract de Sortiariis subscribes to this of
Taurellus; Erastus de lamiis, maintaineth as much, and so do most
divines, out of their excellent knowledge and long experience they can
commit [2794]agentes cum patientibus, colligere semina rerum, eaque
materiae applicare, as Austin infers de Civ. Dei et de Trinit. lib. 3.
cap. 7. et 8. they can work stupendous and admirable conclusions; we see
the effects only, but not the causes of them. Nothing so familiar as to
hear of such cures. Sorcerers are too common; cunning men, wizards, and
white-witches, as they call them, in every village, which if they be sought
unto, will help almost all infirmities of body and mind, Servatores in
Latin, and they have commonly St. Catherine's wheel printed in the roof of
their mouth, or in some other part about them, resistunt incantatorum
praestigiis ([2795]Boissardus writes) morbos a sagis motos propulsant
&c., that to doubt of it any longer, [2796]or not to believe, were to
run into that other sceptical extreme of incredulity,
saith Taurellus. Leo
Suavius in his comment upon Paracelsus seems to make it an art, which ought
to be approved; Pistorius and others stiffly maintain the use of charms,
words, characters, &c. Ars vera est, sed pauci artifices reperiuntur; the
art is true, but there be but a few that have skill in it. Marcellius
Donatus lib. 2. de hist, mir. cap. 1. proves out of Josephus' eight
books of antiquities, that [2797]Solomon so cured all the diseases of the
mind by spells, charms, and drove away devils, and that Eleazer did as much
before Vespasian.
Langius in his med. epist. holds Jupiter Menecrates,
that did so many stupendous cures in his time, to have used this art, and
that he was no other than a magician. Many famous cures are daily done in
this kind, the devil is an expert physician, as Godelman calls him, lib.
1. cap. 18. and God permits oftentimes these witches and magicians to
produce such effects, as Lavater cap. 3. lib. 8. part. 3. cap. 1.
Polid. Virg. lib. 1. de prodigiis, Delrio and others admit. Such cures
may be done, and as Paracels. Tom. 4. de morb. ament. stiffly
maintains, [2798]they cannot otherwise be cured but by spells, seals, and
spiritual physic.
[2799]Arnoldus, lib. de sigillis, sets down the
making of them, so doth Rulandus and many others.
Hoc posito, they can effect such cures, the main question is, whether it
be lawful in a desperate case to crave their help, or ask a wizard's
advice. 'Tis a common practice of some men to go first to a witch, and then
to a physician, if one cannot the other shall, Flectere si nequeant
superos Acheronta movebunt. [2800]It matters not,
saith Paracelsus,
whether it be God or the devil, angels, or unclean spirits cure him, so
that he be eased.
If a man fall into a ditch, as he prosecutes it, what
matter is it whether a friend or an enemy help him out? and if I be
troubled with such a malady, what care I whether the devil himself, or any
of his ministers by God's permission, redeem me? He calls a [2801]
magician, God's minister and his vicar, applying that of vos estis dii
profanely to them, for which he is lashed by T. Erastus part. 1. fol.
45. And elsewhere he encourageth his patients to have a good faith, [2802]
a strong imagination, and they shall find the effects: let divines say to
the contrary what they will.
He proves and contends that many diseases
cannot otherwise be cured. Incantatione orti incantatione curari debent;
if they be caused by incantation, [2803]they must be cured by incantation.
Constantinus lib. 4. approves of such remedies: Bartolus the lawyer,
Peter Aerodius rerum Judic. lib. 3. tit. 7. Salicetus Godefridus, with
others of that sect, allow of them; modo sint ad sanitatem quae a magis
fiunt, secus non, so they be for the parties good, or not at all. But
these men are confuted by Remigius, Bodinus, daem. lib. 3. cap 2.
Godelmanus lib. 1. cap. 8, Wierus, Delrio lib. 6. quaest. 2. tom. 3.
mag. inquis. Erastus de Lamiis; all our [2804]divines, schoolmen, and
such as write cases of conscience are against it, the scripture itself
absolutely forbids it as a mortal sin, Levit. cap. xviii. xix. xx. Deut.
xviii. &c. Rom. viii. 19. Evil is not to be done, that good may come of
it.
Much better it were for such patients that are so troubled, to endure
a little misery in this life, than to hazard their souls' health for ever,
and as Delrio counselleth, [2805]much better die, than be so cured.
Some
take upon them to expel devils by natural remedies, and magical exorcisms,
which they seem to approve out of the practice of the primitive church, as
that above cited of Josephus, Eleazer, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Austin.
Eusebius makes mention of such, and magic itself hath been publicly
professed in some universities, as of old in Salamanca in Spain, and Krakow
in Poland: but condemned anno 1318, by the chancellor and university of
[2806]Paris. Our pontifical writers retain many of these adjurations and
forms of exorcisms still in the church; besides those in baptism used, they
exorcise meats, and such as are possessed, as they hold, in Christ's name.
Read Hieron. Mengus cap. 3. Pet. Tyreus, part. 3. cap. 8. What
exorcisms they prescribe, besides those ordinary means of [2807]fire
suffumigations, lights, cutting the air with swords,
cap. 57. herbs,
odours: of which Tostatus treats, 2. Reg. cap. 16. quaest. 43, you shall
find many vain and frivolous superstitious forms of exorcisms among them,
not to be tolerated, or endured.
Being so clearly evinced, as it is, all unlawful cures are to be refused,
it remains to treat of such as are to be admitted, and those are commonly
such which God hath appointed, [2808]by virtue of stones, herbs, plants,
meats, and the like, which are prepared and applied to our use, by art and
industry of physicians, who are the dispensers of such treasures for our
good, and to be [2809]honoured for necessities' sake,
God's intermediate
ministers, to whom in our infirmities we are to seek for help. Yet not so
that we rely too much, or wholly upon them: a Jove principium, we must
first begin with [2810]prayer, and then use physic; not one without the
other, but both together. To pray alone, and reject ordinary means, is to
do like him in Aesop, that when his cart was stalled, lay flat on his back,
and cried aloud help Hercules, but that was to little purpose, except as
his friend advised him, rotis tute ipse annitaris, he whipped his horses
withal, and put his shoulder to the wheel. God works by means, as Christ
cured the blind man with clay and spittle: Orandum est ut sit mens sana
in corpore sano. As we must pray for health of body and mind, so we must
use our utmost endeavours to preserve and continue it. Some kind of devils
are not cast out but by fasting and prayer, and both necessarily required,
not one without the other. For all the physic we can use, art, excellent
industry, is to no purpose without calling upon God, nil juvat immensos
Cratero promittere montes: it is in vain to seek for help, run, ride,
except God bless us.
tells them that it is not to be expected, except with a true faith they call upon God, and teach their patients to do the like.The council of Lateran, Canon 22. decreed they should do so: the fathers of the church have still advised as much: whatsoever thou takest in hand (saith [2816]Gregory)
let God be of thy counsel, consult with him; that healeth those that are broken in heart, (Psal. cxlvii. 3.) and bindeth up their sores.Otherwise as the prophet Jeremiah, cap. xlvi. 11. denounced to Egypt, In vain shalt thou use many medicines, for thou shalt have no health. It is the same counsel which [2817]Comineus that politic historiographer gives to all Christian princes, upon occasion of that unhappy overthrow of Charles Duke of Burgundy, by means of which he was extremely melancholy, and sick to death: insomuch that neither physic nor persuasion could do him any good, perceiving his preposterous error belike, adviseth all great men in such cases, [2818]
to pray first to God with all submission and penitency, to confess their sins, and then to use physic.The very same fault it was, which the prophet reprehends in Asa king of Judah, that he relied more on physic than on God, and by all means would have him to amend it. And 'tis a fit caution to be observed of all other sorts of men. The prophet David was so observant of this precept, that in his greatest misery and vexation of mind, he put this rule first in practice. Psal. lxxvii. 3.
When I am in heaviness, I will think on God.Psal. lxxxvi. 4.
Comfort the soul of thy servant, for unto thee I lift up my soul:and verse 7.
In the day of trouble will I call upon thee, for thou hearest me.Psal. liv. 1.
Save me, O God, by thy name,&c. Psal. lxxxii. Psal. xx. And 'tis the common practice of all good men, Psal. cvii. 13.
when their heart was humbled with heaviness, they cried to the Lord in their troubles, and he delivered them from their distress.And they have found good success in so doing, as David confesseth, Psal. xxx. 12.
Thou hast turned my mourning into joy, thou hast loosed my sackcloth, and girded me with gladness.Therefore he adviseth all others to do the like, Psal. xxxi. 24.
All ye that trust in the Lord, be strong, and he shall establish your heart.It is reported by [2819]Suidas, speaking of Hezekiah, that there was a great book of old, of King Solomon's writing, which contained medicines for all manner of diseases, and lay open still as they came into the temple: but Hezekiah king of Jerusalem, caused it to be taken away, because it made the people secure, to neglect their duty in calling and relying upon God, out of a confidence on those remedies. [2820]Minutius that worthy consul of Rome in an oration he made to his soldiers, was much offended with them, and taxed their ignorance, that in their misery called more on him than upon God. A general fault it is all over the world, and Minutius's speech concerns us all, we rely more on physic, and seek oftener to physicians, than to God himself. As much faulty are they that prescribe, as they that ask, respecting wholly their gain, and trusting more to their ordinary receipts and medicines many times, than to him that made them. I would wish all patients in this behalf, in the midst of their melancholy, to remember that of Siracides, Ecc. i. 11. and 12.
The fear of the Lord is glory and gladness, and rejoicing. The fear of the Lord maketh a merry heart, and giveth gladness, and joy, and long life:and all such as prescribe physic, to begin in nomine Dei, as [2821]Mesue did, to imitate Laelius a Fonte Eugubinus, that in all his consultations, still concludes with a prayer for the good success of his business; and to remember that of Creto one of their predecessors, fuge avaritiam, et sine oratione et invocations Dei nihil facias avoid covetousness, and do nothing without invocation upon God.
That we must pray to God, no man doubts; but whether we should pray to
saints in such cases, or whether they can do us any good, it may be
lawfully controverted. Whether their images, shrines, relics, consecrated
things, holy water, medals, benedictions, those divine amulets, holy
exorcisms, and the sign of the cross, be available in this disease? The
papists on the one side stiffly maintain how many melancholy, mad,
demoniacal persons are daily cured at St. Anthony's Church in Padua, at St.
Vitus' in Germany, by our Lady of Loretto in Italy, our Lady of Sichem in
the Low Countries: [2822]Quae et caecis lumen, aegris salutem, mortuis
vitam, claudis gressum reddit, omnes morbos corporis, animi, curat, et in
ipsos daemones imperium exercet; she cures halt, lame, blind, all diseases
of body and mind, and commands the devil himself, saith Lipsius.
twenty-five thousand in a day come thither,
[2823]quis nisi numen in
illum locum sic induxit; who brought them? in auribus, in oculis omnium
gesta, novae novitia; new news lately done, our eyes and ears are full of
her cures, and who can relate them all? They have a proper saint almost for
every peculiar infirmity: for poison, gouts, agues, Petronella: St. Romanus
for such as are possessed; Valentine for the falling sickness; St. Vitus
for madmen, &c. and as of old [2824]Pliny reckons up Gods for all
diseases, (Febri fanum dicalum est) Lilius Giraldus repeats many of her
ceremonies: all affections of the mind were heretofore accounted gods,
[2825]love, and sorrow, virtue, honour, liberty, contumely, impudency, had
their temples, tempests, seasons, Crepitus Ventris, dea Vacuna, dea
Cloacina, there was a goddess of idleness, a goddess of the draught, or
jakes, Prema, Premunda, Priapus, bawdy gods, and gods for all [2826]
offices. Varro reckons up 30,000 gods: Lucian makes Podagra the gout a
goddess, and assigns her priests and ministers: and melancholy comes not
behind; for as Austin mentioneth, lib. 4. de Civit. Dei, cap. 9. there
was of old Angerona dea, and she had her chapel and feasts, to whom
(saith [2827]Macrobius) they did offer sacrifice yearly, that she might be
pacified as well as the rest. 'Tis no new thing, you see this of papists;
and in my judgment, that old doting Lipsius might have fitter dedicated his
[2828]pen after all his labours, to this our goddess of melancholy, than
to his Virgo Halensis, and been her chaplain, it would have become him
better: but he, poor man, thought no harm in that which he did, and will
not be persuaded but that he doth well, he hath so many patrons, and
honourable precedents in the like kind, that justify as much, as eagerly,
and more than he there saith of his lady and mistress: read but
superstitious Coster and Gretser's Tract de Cruce, Laur. Arcturus
Fanteus de Invoc. Sanct. Bellarmine, Delrio dis. mag. tom. 3. l. 6.
quaest. 2. sect. 3. Greg. Tolosanus tom. 2. lib. 8. cap. 24.
Syntax. Strozius Cicogna lib. 4. cap. 9. Tyreus, Hieronymus Mengus, and
you shall find infinite examples of cures done in this kind, by holy
waters, relics, crosses, exorcisms, amulets, images, consecrated beads, &c.
Barradius the Jesuit boldly gives it out, that Christ's countenance, and
the Virgin Mary's, would cure melancholy, if one had looked steadfastly on
them. P. Morales the Spaniard in his book de pulch. Jes. et Mar. confirms
the same out of Carthusianus, and I know not whom, that it was a common
proverb in those days, for such as were troubled in mind to say, eamus ad
videndum filium Mariae, let us see the son of Mary, as they now do post to
St. Anthony's in Padua, or to St. Hilary's at Poitiers in France. [2829]
In a closet of that church, there is at this day St. Hilary's bed to be
seen, to which they bring all the madmen in the country, and after some
prayers and other ceremonies, they lay them down there to sleep, and so
they recover.
It is an ordinary thing in those parts, to send all their
madmen to St. Hilary's cradle. They say the like of St. Tubery in [2830]
another place. Giraldus Cambrensis Itin. Camb. c. 1. tells strange
stories of St. Ciricius' staff, that would cure this and all other
diseases. Others say as much (as [2831]Hospinian observes) of the three
kings of Cologne; their names written in parchment, and hung about a
patient's neck, with the sign of the cross, will produce like effects. Read
Lippomanus, or that golden legend of Jacobus de Voragine, you shall have
infinite stories, or those new relations of our [2832]Jesuits in Japan and
China, of Mat. Riccius, Acosta, Loyola, Xaverius's life, &c. Jasper Belga,
a Jesuit, cured a mad woman by hanging St. John's gospel about her neck,
and many such. Holy water did as much in Japan, &c. Nothing so familiar in
their works, as such examples.
But we on the other side seek to God alone. We say with David, Psal. xlvi.
1. God is our hope and strength, and help in trouble, ready to be found.
For their catalogue of examples, we make no other answer, but that they are
false fictions, or diabolical illusions, counterfeit miracles. We cannot
deny but that it is an ordinary thing on St. Anthony's day in Padua, to
bring diverse madmen and demoniacal persons to be cured: yet we make a
doubt whether such parties be so affected indeed, but prepared by their
priests, by certain ointments and drams, to cozen the commonalty, as [2833]
Hildesheim well saith; the like is commonly practised in Bohemia as
Mathiolus gives us to understand in his preface to his comment upon
Dioscorides. But we need not run so far for examples in this kind, we have
a just volume published at home to this purpose. [2834]A declaration of
egregious popish impostures, to withdraw the hearts of religious men under
the pretence of casting out of devils, practised by Father Edmunds, alias
Weston, a Jesuit, and divers Romish priests, his wicked associates,
with
the several parties' names, confessions, examinations, &c. which were
pretended to be possessed. But these are ordinary tricks only to get
opinion and money, mere impostures. Aesculapius of old, that counterfeit
God, did as many famous cures; his temple (as [2835]Strabo relates) was
daily full of patients, and as many several tables, inscriptions, pendants,
donories, &c. to be seen in his church, as at this day our Lady of
Loretto's in Italy. It was a custom long since,
And God often winks at these impostures, because they forsake his word, and betake themselves to the devil, as they do that seek after holy water, crosses,&c. Wierus, lib. 4. cap. 3. What can these men plead for themselves more than those heathen gods, the same cures done by both, the same spirit that seduceth; but read more of the Pagan god's effects in Austin de Civitate Dei, l. 10. cap. 6. and of Aesculapius especially in Cicogna l. 3. cap. 8. or put case they could help, why should we rather seek to them, than to Christ himself, since that he so kindly invites us unto him,
Come unto me all ye that are heavy laden, and I will ease you,Mat. xi. and we know that there is one God,
one Mediator between God and man, Jesus Christ,(1 Tim. ii. 5)
who gave himself a ransom for all men.We know that
we have an [2840] advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ(1 Joh. ii. 1.) that there is no
other name under heaven, by which we can be saved, but by his,who is always ready to hear us, and sits at the right hand of God, and from [2841] whom we can have no repulse, solus vult, solus potest, curat universos tanquam singulos, et [2842]unumquemque nostrum et solum, we are all as one to him, he cares for us all as one, and why should we then seek to any other but to him.
Of those diverse gifts which our apostle Paul saith God hath bestowed on
man, this of physic is not the least, but most necessary, and especially
conducing to the good of mankind. Next therefore to God in all our
extremities (for of the most high cometh healing,
Ecclus. xxxviii. 2.) we
must seek to, and rely upon the Physician, [2843]who is Manus Dei, saith
Hierophilus, and to whom he hath given knowledge, that he might be
glorified in his wondrous works. With such doth he heal men, and take away
their pains,
Ecclus. xxxviii. 6. 7. when thou hast need of him, let him
not go from thee. The hour may come that their enterprises may have good
success,
ver. 13. It is not therefore to be doubted, that if we seek a
physician as we ought, we may be eased of our infirmities, such a one I
mean as is sufficient, and worthily so called; for there be many
mountebanks, quacksalvers, empirics, in every street almost, and in every
village, that take upon them this name, make this noble and profitable art
to be evil spoken of and contemned, by reason of these base and illiterate
artificers: but such a physician I speak of, as is approved, learned,
skilful, honest, &c., of whose duty Wecker, Antid. cap. 2. and Syntax.
med. Crato, Julius Alexandrinus medic. Heurnius prax. med. lib.
3. cap. 1. &c. treat at large. For this particular disease, him that
shall take upon him to cure it, [2844]Paracelsus will have to be a
magician, a chemist, a philosopher, an astrologer; Thurnesserus, Severinus
the Dane, and some other of his followers, require as much: many of them
cannot be cured but by magic.
[2845]Paracelsus is so stiff for those
chemical medicines, that in his cures he will admit almost of no other
physic, deriding in the mean time Hippocrates, Galen, and all their
followers: but magic, and all such remedies I have already censured, and
shall speak of chemistry [2846]elsewhere. Astrology is required by many
famous physicians, by Ficinus, Crato, Fernelius; [2847]doubted of, and
exploded by others: I will not take upon me to decide the controversy
myself, Johannes Hossurtus, Thomas Boderius, and Maginus in the preface to
his mathematical physic, shall determine for me. Many physicians explode
astrology in physic (saith he), there is no use of it, unam artem ac quasi
temerarium insectantur, ac gloriam sibi ab ejus imperitia, aucupari: but I
will reprove physicians by physicians, that defend and profess it,
Hippocrates, Galen, Avicen. &c., that count them butchers without it,
homicidas medicos Astrologiae ignaros, &c. Paracelsus goes farther, and
will have his physician [2848]predestinated to this man's cure, this
malady; and time of cure, the scheme of each geniture inspected, gathering
of herbs, of administering astrologically observed; in which Thurnesserus
and some iatromathematical professors, are too superstitious in my
judgment. [2849]Hellebore will help, but not alway, not given by every
physician, &c.
but these men are too peremptory and self-conceited as I
think. But what do I do, interposing in that which is beyond my reach? A
blind man cannot judge of colours, nor I peradventure of these things. Only
thus much I would require, honesty in every physician, that he be not
over-careless or covetous, harpy-like to make a prey of his patient;
Carnificis namque est (as [2850]Wecker notes) inter ipsos cruciatus
ingens precium exposcere, as a hungry chirurgeon often produces and
wire-draws his cure, so long as there is any hope of pay, Non missura
cutem, nisi plena cruoris hirudo. [2851]Many of them, to get a fee, will
give physic to every one that comes, when there is no cause, and they do so
irritare silentem morbum, as [2852]Heurnius complains, stir up a silent
disease, as it often falleth out, which by good counsel, good advice alone,
might have been happily composed, or by rectification of those six
non-natural things otherwise cured. This is Naturae bellum inferre, to
oppugn nature, and to make a strong body weak. Arnoldus in his 8 and 11
Aphorisms gives cautions against, and expressly forbiddeth it. [2853]A
wise physician will not give physic, but upon necessity, and first try
medicinal diet, before he proceed to medicinal cure.
[2854]In another
place he laughs those men to scorn, that think longis syrupis expugnare
daemones et animi phantasmata, they can purge fantastical imaginations and
the devil by physic. Another caution is, that they proceed upon good
grounds, if so be there be need of physic, and not mistake the disease;
they are often deceived by the [2855]similitude of symptoms, saith
Heurnius, and I could give instance in many consultations, wherein they
have prescribed opposite physic. Sometimes they go too perfunctorily to
work, in not prescribing a just [2856]course of physic: To stir up the
humour, and not to purge it, doth often more harm than good. Montanus
consil. 30. inveighs against such perturbations, that purge to the
halves, tire nature, and molest the body to no purpose.
'Tis a crabbed
humour to purge, and as Laurentius calls this disease, the reproach of
physicians: Bessardus, flagellum medicorum, their lash; and for that
cause, more carefully to be respected. Though the patient be averse, saith
Laurentius, desire help, and refuse it again, though he neglect his own
health, it behoves a good physician not to leave him helpless. But most
part they offend in that other extreme, they prescribe too much physic, and
tire out their bodies with continual potions, to no purpose. Aetius
tetrabib. 2. 2. ser. cap. 90. will have them by all means therefore
[2857]to give some respite to nature,
to leave off now and then; and
Laelius a Fonte Eugubinus in his consultations, found it (as he there
witnesseth) often verified by experience, [2858]that after a deal of
physic to no purpose, left to themselves, they have recovered.
'Tis that
which Nic. Piso, Donatus Altomarus, still inculcate, dare requiem
naturae, to give nature rest.
When these precedent cautions are accurately kept, and that we have now got
a skilful, an honest physician to our mind, if his patient will not be
conformable, and content to be ruled by him, all his endeavours will come
to no good end. Many things are necessarily to be observed and continued on
the patient's behalf: First that he be not too niggardly miserable of his
purse, or think it too much he bestows upon himself, and to save charges
endanger his health. The Abderites, when they sent for [2859]Hippocrates,
promised him what reward he would, [2860]all the gold they had, if all
the city were gold he should have it.
Naaman the Syrian, when he went into
Israel to Elisha to be cured of his leprosy, took with him ten talents of
silver, six thousand pieces of gold, and ten changes of raiment, (2 Kings
v. 5.) Another thing is, that out of bashfulness he do not conceal his
grief; if aught trouble his mind, let him freely disclose it, Stultorum
incurata pudor malus ulcera celat: by that means he procures to himself
much mischief, and runs into a greater inconvenience: he must be willing to
be cured, and earnestly desire it. Pars sanitatis velle sanare fuit,
(Seneca). 'Tis a part of his cure to wish his own health, and not to defer
it too long.
Barbarous immanity([2863]Melancthon terms it)
and folly to be deplored, so to contemn the precepts of health, good remedies, and voluntarily to pull death, and many maladies upon their own heads.Though many again are in that other extreme too profuse, suspicious, and jealous of their health, too apt to take physic on every small occasion, to aggravate every slender passion, imperfection, impediment: if their finger do but ache, run, ride, send for a physician, as many gentlewomen do, that are sick, without a cause, even when they will themselves, upon every toy or small discontent, and when he comes, they make it worse than it is, by amplifying that which is not. [2864]Hier. Capivaccius sets it down as a common fault of all
melancholy persons to say their symptoms are greater than they are, to help themselves.And which [2865]Mercurialis notes, consil. 53.
to be more troublesome to their physicians, than other ordinary patients, that they may have change of physic.
A third thing to be required in a patient, is confidence, to be of good
cheer, and have sure hope that his physician can help him. [2866]Damascen
the Arabian requires likewise in the physician himself, that he be
confident he can cure him, otherwise his physic will not be effectual, and
promise withal that he will certainly help him, make him believe so at
least. [2867]Galeottus gives this reason, because the form of health is
contained in the physician's mind, and as Galen, holds [2868]confidence
and hope to be more good than physic,
he cures most in whom most are
confident. Axiocus sick almost to death, at the very sight of Socrates
recovered his former health. Paracelsus assigns it for an only cause, why
Hippocrates was so fortunate in his cures, not for any extraordinary skill
he had; [2869]but because the common people had a most strong conceit of
his worth.
To this of confidence we may add perseverance, obedience, and
constancy, not to change his physician, or dislike him upon every toy; for
he that so doth (saith [2870]Janus Damascen) or consults with many, falls
into many errors; or that useth many medicines.
It was a chief caveat of
[2871]Seneca to his friend Lucilius, that he should not alter his
physician, or prescribed physic: Nothing hinders health more; a wound can
never be cured, that hath several plasters.
Crato consil. 186. taxeth
all melancholy persons of this fault: [2872]'Tis proper to them, if
things fall not out to their mind, and that they have not present ease, to
seek another and another;
(as they do commonly that have sore eyes)
twenty one after another, and they still promise all to cure them, try a
thousand remedies; and by this means they increase their malady, make it
most dangerous and difficult to be cured.
They try many
(saith [2873]
Montanus) and profit by none:
and for this cause, consil. 24. he enjoins
his patient before he take him in hand, [2874]perseverance and
sufferance, for in such a small time no great matter can be effected, and
upon that condition he will administer physic, otherwise all his endeavour
and counsel would be to small purpose.
And in his 31. counsel for a notable
matron, he tells her, [2875]if she will be cured, she must be of a most
abiding patience, faithful obedience, and singular perseverance; if she
remit, or despair, she can expect or hope for no good success.
Consil.
230. for an Italian Abbot, he makes it one of the greatest reasons why this
disease is so incurable, [2876]because the parties are so restless, and
impatient, and will therefore have him that intends to be eased,
[2877]to
take physic, not for a month, a year, but to apply himself to their
prescriptions all the days of his life.
Last of all, it is required that
the patient be not too bold to practise upon himself, without an approved
physician's consent, or to try conclusions, if he read a receipt in a book;
for so, many grossly mistake, and do themselves more harm than good. That
which is conducing to one man, in one case, the same time is opposite to
another. [2878]An ass and a mule went laden over a brook, the one with
salt, the other with wool: the mule's pack was wet by chance, the salt
melted, his burden the lighter, and he thereby much eased: he told the ass,
who, thinking to speed as well, wet his pack likewise at the next water,
but it was much the heavier, he quite tired. So one thing may be good and
bad to several parties, upon diverse occasions. Many things
(saith [2879]
Penottus) are written in our books, which seem to the reader to be
excellent remedies, but they that make use of them are often deceived, and
take for physic poison.
I remember in Valleriola's observations, a story
of one John Baptist a Neapolitan, that finding by chance a pamphlet in
Italian, written in praise of hellebore, would needs adventure on himself,
and took one dram for one scruple, and had not he been sent for, the poor
fellow had poisoned himself. From whence he concludes out of Damascenus 2
et 3. Aphoris. [2880]that without exquisite knowledge, to work out of
books is most dangerous: how unsavoury a thing it is to believe writers,
and take upon trust, as this patient perceived by his own peril.
I could
recite such another example of mine own knowledge, of a friend of mine,
that finding a receipt in Brassivola, would needs take hellebore in
substance, and try it on his own person; but had not some of his familiars
come to visit him by chance, he had by his indiscretion hazarded himself:
many such I have observed. These are those ordinary cautions, which I
should think fit to be noted, and he that shall keep them, as [2881]
Montanus saith, shall surely be much eased, if not thoroughly cured.
Physic itself in the last place is to be considered; for the Lord hath
created medicines of the earth, and he that is wise will not abhor them.
Ecclus. xxxviii. 4. ver. 7.[0000] of such doth the apothecary make a confection,
&c. Of these medicines there be diverse and infinite kinds, plants,
metals, animals, &c., and those of several natures, some good for one,
hurtful to another: some noxious in themselves, corrected by art, very
wholesome and good, simples, mixed, &c., and therefore left to be managed
by discreet and skilful physicians, and thence applied to man's use. To
this purpose they have invented method, and several rules of art, to put
these remedies in order, for their particular ends. Physic (as Hippocrates
defines it) is nought else but [2882]addition and subtraction;
and as it
is required in all other diseases, so in this of melancholy it ought to be
most accurate, it being (as [2883]Mercurialis acknowledgeth) so common an
affection in these our times, and therefore fit to be understood. Several
prescripts and methods I find in several men, some take upon them to cure
all maladies with one medicine, severally applied, as that panacea, aurum
potabile, so much controverted in these days, herba solis, &c.
Paracelsus reduceth all diseases to four principal heads, to whom
Severinus, Ravelascus, Leo Suavius, and others adhere and imitate: those
are leprosy, gout, dropsy, falling-sickness. To which they reduce the rest;
as to leprosy, ulcers, itches, furfurs, scabs, &c. To gout, stone, colic,
toothache, headache, &c. To dropsy, agues, jaundice, cachexia, &c. To the
falling-sickness, belong palsy, vertigo, cramps, convulsions, incubus,
apoplexy, &c. [2884]If any of these four principal be cured
(saith
Ravelascus) all the inferior are cured,
and the same remedies commonly
serve: but this is too general, and by some contradicted: for this peculiar
disease of melancholy, of which I am now to speak, I find several cures,
several methods and prescripts. They that intend the practic cure of
melancholy, saith Duretus in his notes to Hollerius, set down nine peculiar
scopes or ends; Savanarola prescribes seven especial canons. Aelianus
Montaltus cap. 26. Faventinus in his empirics, Hercules de Saxonia, &c.,
have their several injunctions and rules, all tending to one end. The
ordinary is threefold, which I mean to follow. Διαιτητικὴ,
Pharmaceutica, and Chirurgica, diet, or living, apothecary, chirurgery,
which Wecker, Crato, Guianerius, &c., and most, prescribe; of which I will
insist, and speak in their order.
Diet, Διαιτητικὴ, victus, or living, according to [2885] Fuchsius and others, comprehends those six non-natural things, which I have before specified, are especial causes, and being rectified, a sole or chief part of the cure. [2886]Johannes Arculanus, cap. 16. in 9. Rhasis, accounts the rectifying of these six a sufficient cure. Guianerius, tract. 15, cap. 9. calls them, propriam et primam curam, the principal cure: so doth Montanus, Crato, Mercurialis, Altomarus, &c., first to be tried, Lemnius, instit. cap. 22, names them the hinges of our health, [2887]no hope of recovery without them. Reinerus Solenander, in his seventh consultation for a Spanish young gentlewoman, that was so melancholy she abhorred all company, and would not sit at table with her familiar friends, prescribes this physic above the rest, [2888]no good to be done without it. [2889]Aretus, lib. 1. cap. 7. an old physician, is of opinion, that this is enough of itself, if the party be not too far gone in sickness. [2890]Crato, in a consultation of his for a noble patient, tells him plainly, that if his highness will keep but a good diet, he will warrant him his former health. [2891]Montanus, consil. 27. for a nobleman of France, admonisheth his lordship to be most circumspect in his diet, or else all his other physic will [2892]be to small purpose. The same injunction I find verbatim in J. Caesar Claudinus, Respon. 34. Scoltzii, consil. 183. Trallianus, cap. 16. lib. 1. Laelius a Fonte Aeugubinus often brags, that he hath done more cures in this kind by rectification of diet, than all other physic besides. So that in a word I may say to most melancholy men, as the fox said to the weasel, that could not get out of the garner, Macra cavum repetes, quem macra subisti, [2893]the six non-natural things caused it, and they must cure it. Which howsoever I treat of, as proper to the meridian of melancholy, yet nevertheless, that which is here said with him in [2894]Tully, though writ especially for the good of his friends at Tarentum and Sicily, yet it will generally serve [2895]most other diseases, and help them likewise, if it be observed.
Of these six non-natural things, the first is diet, properly so called,
which consists in meat and drink, in which we must consider substance,
quantity, quality, and that opposite to the precedent. In substance, such
meats are generally commended, which are [2896]moist, easy of digestion,
and not apt to engender wind, not fried, nor roasted, but sod
(saith
Valescus, Altomarus, Piso, &c.) hot and moist, and of good nourishment;
Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2. admits roast meat, [2897]if the burned and
scorched superficies, the brown we call it, be pared off. Salvianus,
lib. 2. cap. 1. cries out on cold and dry meats; [2898]young flesh and
tender is approved, as of kid, rabbits, chickens, veal, mutton, capons,
hens, partridge, pheasant, quails, and all mountain birds, which are so
familiar in some parts of Africa, and in Italy, and as [2899]Dublinius
reports, the common food of boors and clowns in Palestine. Galen takes
exception at mutton, but without question he means that rammy mutton, which
is in Turkey and Asia Minor, which have those great fleshy tails, of
forty-eight pounds weight, as Vertomannus witnesseth, navig. lib. 2.
cap. 5. The lean of fat meat is best, and all manner of broths, and
pottage, with borage, lettuce, and such wholesome herbs are excellent good,
especially of a cock boiled; all spoon meat. Arabians commend brains, but
[2900]Laurentius, c. 8. excepts against them, and so do many others;
[2901]eggs are justified as a nutritive wholesome meat, butter and oil may
pass, but with some limitation; so [2902]Crato confines it, and to some
men sparingly at set times, or in sauce,
and so sugar and honey are
approved. [2903]All sharp and sour sauces must be avoided, and spices, or
at least seldom used: and so saffron sometimes in broth may be tolerated;
but these things may be more freely used, as the temperature of the party
is hot or cold, or as he shall find inconvenience by them. The thinnest,
whitest, smallest wine is best, not thick, nor strong; and so of beer, the
middling is fittest. Bread of good wheat, pure, well purged from the bran
is preferred; Laurentius, cap. 8. would have it kneaded with rain water,
if it may be gotten.
Water.] Pure, thin, light water by all means use, of good smell and taste, like to the air in sight, such as is soon hot, soon cold, and which Hippocrates so much approves, if at least it may be had. Rain water is purest, so that it fall not down in great drops, and be used forthwith, for it quickly putrefies. Next to it fountain water that riseth in the east, and runneth eastward, from a quick running spring, from flinty, chalky, gravelly grounds: and the longer a river runneth, it is commonly the purest, though many springs do yield the best water at their fountains. The waters in hotter countries, as in Turkey, Persia, India, within the tropics, are frequently purer than ours in the north, more subtile, thin, and lighter, as our merchants observe, by four ounces in a pound, pleasanter to drink, as good as our beer, and some of them, as Choaspis in Persia, preferred by the Persian kings, before wine itself.
very commodious to a city(according to [2908]Vegetius)
when fresh springs are included within the walls,as at Corinth, in the midst of the town almost, there was arx altissima scatens fontibus, a goodly mount full of fresh water springs:
if nature afford them not they must be had by art.It is a wonder to read of those [2909]stupend aqueducts, and infinite cost hath been bestowed in Rome of old, Constantinople, Carthage, Alexandria, and such populous cities, to convey good and wholesome waters: read [2910]Frontinus, Lipsius de admir. [2911]Plinius, lib. 3. cap. 11, Strabo in his Geogr. That aqueduct of Claudius was most eminent, fetched upon arches fifteen miles, every arch 109 feet high: they had fourteen such other aqueducts, besides lakes and cisterns, 700 as I take it; [2912]every house had private pipes and channels to serve them for their use. Peter Gillius, in his accurate description of Constantinople, speaks of an old cistern which he went down to see, 336 feet long, 180 feet broad, built of marble, covered over with arch-work, and sustained by 336 pillars, 12 feet asunder, and in eleven rows, to contain sweet water. Infinite cost in channels and cisterns, from Nilus to Alexandria, hath been formerly bestowed, to the admiration of these times; [2913]their cisterns so curiously cemented and composed, that a beholder would take them to be all of one stone: when the foundation is laid, and cistern made, their house is half built. That Segovian aqueduct in Spain, is much wondered at in these days, [2914]upon three rows of pillars, one above another, conveying sweet water to every house: but each city almost is full of such aqueducts. Amongst the rest [2915]he is eternally to be commended, that brought that new stream to the north side of London at his own charge: and Mr. Otho Nicholson, founder of our waterworks and elegant conduit in Oxford. So much have all times attributed to this element, to be conveniently provided of it: although Galen hath taken exceptions at such waters, which run through leaden pipes, ob cerussam quae in iis generatur, for that unctuous ceruse, which causeth dysenteries and fluxes; [2916]yet as Alsarius Crucius of Genna well answers, it is opposite to common experience. If that were true, most of our Italian cities, Montpelier in France, with infinite others, would find this inconvenience, but there is no such matter. For private families, in what sort they should furnish themselves, let them consult with P. Crescentius, de Agric. l. 1. c. 4, Pamphilius Hirelacus, and the rest.
Amongst fishes, those are most allowed of, that live in gravelly or sandy waters, pikes, perch, trout, gudgeon, smelts, flounders, &c. Hippolitus Salvianus takes exception at carp; but I dare boldly say with [2917] Dubravius, it is an excellent meat, if it come not from [2918]muddy pools, that it retain not an unsavoury taste. Erinacius Marinus is much commended by Oribatius, Aetius, and most of our late writers.
[2919]Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2. censures all manner of fruits, as subject to putrefaction, yet tolerable at sometimes, after meals, at second course, they keep down vapours, and have their use. Sweet fruits are best, as sweet cherries, plums, sweet apples, pearmains, and pippins, which Laurentius extols, as having a peculiar property against this disease, and Plater magnifies, omnibus modis appropriata conveniunt, but they must be corrected for their windiness: ripe grapes are good, and raisins of the sun, musk-melons well corrected, and sparingly used. Figs are allowed, and almonds blanched. Trallianus discommends figs, [2920]Salvianus olives and capers, which [2921]others especially like of, and so of pistick nuts. Montanus and Mercurialis out of Avenzoar, admit peaches, [2922]pears, and apples baked after meals, only corrected with sugar, and aniseed, or fennel-seed, and so they may be profitably taken, because they strengthen the stomach, and keep down vapours. The like may be said of preserved cherries, plums, marmalade of plums, quinces, &c., but not to drink after them. [2923]Pomegranates, lemons, oranges are tolerated, if they be not too sharp.
[2924]Crato will admit of no herbs, but borage, bugloss, endive, fennel, aniseed, baum; Callenius and Arnoldus tolerate lettuce, spinach, beets, &c. The same Crato will allow no roots at all to be eaten. Some approve of potatoes, parsnips, but all corrected for wind. No raw salads; but as Laurentius prescribes, in broths; and so Crato commends many of them: or to use borage, hops, baum, steeped in their ordinary drink. [2925]Avenzoar magnifies the juice of a pomegranate, if it be sweet, and especially rose water, which he would have to be used in every dish, which they put in practice in those hot countries, about Damascus, where (if we may believe the relations of Vertomannus) many hogsheads of rose water are to be sold in the market at once, it is in so great request with them.
Man alone, saith [2926]Cardan, eats and drinks without appetite, and useth
all his pleasure without necessity, animae vitio, and thence come many
inconveniences unto him. For there is no meat whatsoever, though otherwise
wholesome and good, but if unseasonably taken, or immoderately used, more
than the stomach can well bear, it will engender crudity, and do much harm.
Therefore [2927]Crato adviseth his patient to eat but twice a day, and
that at his set meals, by no means to eat without an appetite, or upon a
full stomach, and to put seven hours' difference between dinner and supper.
Which rule if we did observe in our colleges, it would be much better for
our healths: but custom, that tyrant, so prevails, that contrary to all
good order and rules of physic, we scarce admit of five. If after seven
hours' tarrying he shall have no stomach, let him defer his meal, or eat
very little at his ordinary time of repast. This very counsel was given by
Prosper Calenus to Cardinal Caesius, labouring of this disease; and [2928]
Platerus prescribes it to a patient of his, to be most severely kept.
Guianerius admits of three meals a day, but Montanus, consil. 23. pro. Ab.
Italo, ties him precisely to two. And as he must not eat overmuch, so he
may not absolutely fast; for as Celsus contends, lib. 1. Jacchinus 15. in
9. Rhasis, [2929]repletion and inanition may both do harm in two contrary
extremes. Moreover, that which he doth eat, must be well [2930]chewed, and
not hastily gobbled, for that causeth crudity and wind; and by all means to
eat no more than he can well digest. Some think
(saith [2931]
Trincavelius, lib. 11. cap. 29. de curand. part. hum.) the more they eat
the more they nourish themselves:
eat and live, as the proverb is, not
knowing that only repairs man, which is well concocted, not that which is
devoured.
Melancholy men most part have good [2932]appetites, but ill
digestion, and for that cause they must be sure to rise with an appetite;
and that which Socrates and Disarius the physicians in [2933]Macrobius so
much require, St. Hierom enjoins Rusticus to eat and drink no more than,
will [2934]satisfy hunger and thirst. [2935]Lessius, the Jesuit, holds
twelve, thirteen, or fourteen ounces, or in our northern countries, sixteen
at most, (for all students, weaklings, and such as lead an idle sedentary
life) of meat, bread, &c., a fit proportion for a whole day, and as much or
little more of drink. Nothing pesters the body and mind sooner than to be
still fed, to eat and ingurgitate beyond all measure, as many do. [2936]
By overmuch eating and continual feasts they stifle nature, and choke up
themselves; which, had they lived coarsely, or like galley slaves been tied
to an oar, might have happily prolonged many fair years.
A great inconvenience comes by variety of dishes, which causeth the
precedent distemperature, [2937]than which
(saith Avicenna) nothing is
worse; to feed on diversity of meats, or overmuch,
Sertorius-like, in
lucem caenare, and as commonly they do in Muscovy and Iceland, to prolong
their meals all day long, or all night. Our northern countries offend
especially in this, and we in this island (ampliter viventes in prandiis
et caenis, as [2938]Polydore notes) are most liberal feeders, but to our
own hurt. [2939]Persicos odi puer apparatus: Excess of meat breedeth
sickness, and gluttony causeth choleric diseases: by surfeiting many
perish, but he that dieteth himself prolongeth his life,
Ecclus. xxxvii.
29, 30. We account it a great glory for a man to have his table daily
furnished with variety of meats: but hear the physician, he pulls thee by
the ear as thou sittest, and telleth thee, [2940]that nothing can be more
noxious to thy health than such variety and plenty.
Temperance is a bridle
of gold, and he that can use it aright, [2941]ego non summis viris
comparo, sed simillimum Deo judico, is liker a God than a man: for as it
will transform a beast to a man again, so will it make a man a God. To
preserve thine honour, health, and to avoid therefore all those inflations,
torments, obstructions, crudities, and diseases that come by a full diet,
the best way is to [2942]feed sparingly of one or two dishes at most, to
have ventrem bene moratum, as Seneca calls it, [2943]to choose one of
many, and to feed on that alone,
as Crato adviseth his patient. The same
counsel [2944]Prosper Calenus gives to Cardinal Caesius, to use a moderate
and simple diet: and though his table be jovially furnished by reason of
his state and guests, yet for his own part to single out some one savoury
dish and feed on it. The same is inculcated by [2945]Crato, consil. 9.
l. 2. to a noble personage affected with this grievance, he would have
his highness to dine or sup alone, without all his honourable attendance
and courtly company, with a private friend or so, [2946]a dish or two, a
cup of Rhenish wine, &c. Montanus, consil. 24. for a noble matron enjoins
her one dish, and by no means to drink between meals. The like, consil.
229. or not to eat till he be an hungry, which rule Berengarius did most
strictly observe, as Hilbertus, Cenomecensis Episc. writes in his life,
It much avails likewise to keep good order in our diet, [2948]to eat
liquid things first, broths, fish, and such meats as are sooner corrupted
in the stomach; harder meats of digestion must come last.
Crato would have
the supper less than the dinner, which Cardan, Contradict. lib. 1.
tract. 5. contradict. 18. disallows, and that by the authority of
Galen. 7. art. curat. cap. 6. and for four reasons he will have the
supper biggest: I have read many treatises to this purpose, I know not how
it may concern some few sick men, but for my part generally for all, I
should subscribe to that custom of the Romans, to make a sparing dinner,
and a liberal supper; all their preparation and invitation was still at
supper, no mention of dinner. Many reasons I could give, but when all is
said pro and con, [2949]Cardan's rule is best, to keep that we are
accustomed unto, though it be naught, and to follow our disposition and
appetite in some things is not amiss; to eat sometimes of a dish which is
hurtful, if we have an extraordinary liking to it. Alexander Severus loved
hares and apples above all other meats, as [2950]Lampridius relates in his
life: one pope pork, another peacock, &c.; what harm came of it? I conclude
our own experience is the best physician; that diet which is most
propitious to one, is often pernicious to another, such is the variety of
palates, humours, and temperatures, let every man observe, and be a law
unto himself. Tiberius, in [2951]Tacitus, did laugh at all such, that
thirty years of age would ask counsel of others concerning matters of diet;
I say the same.
These few rules of diet he that keeps, shall surely find great ease and
speedy remedy by it. It is a wonder to relate that prodigious temperance of
some hermits, anchorites, and fathers of the church: he that shall but read
their lives, written by Hierom, Athanasius, &c., how abstemious heathens
have been in this kind, those Curii and Fabritii, those old philosophers,
as Pliny records, lib. 11. Xenophon, lib. 1. de vit. Socrat. Emperors
and kings, as Nicephorus relates, Eccles. hist. lib. 18. cap. 8. of
Mauritius, Ludovicus Pius, &c., and that admirable [2952]example of
Ludovicus Cornarus, a patrician of Venice, cannot but admire them. This
have they done voluntarily and in health; what shall these private men do
that are visited with sickness, and necessarily [2953]enjoined to recover,
and continue their health? It is a hard thing to observe a strict diet, et
qui medice vivit, misere vivit, [2954]as the saying is, quale hoc ipsum
erit vivere, his si privatus fueris? as good be buried, as so much
debarred of his appetite; excessit medicina malum, the physic is more
troublesome than the disease, so he complained in the poet, so thou
thinkest: yet he that loves himself will easily endure this little misery,
to avoid a greater inconvenience; e malis minimum better do this than do
worse. And as [2955]Tully holds, better be a temperate old man than a
lascivious youth.
'Tis the only sweet thing (which he adviseth) so to
moderate ourselves, that we may have senectutem in juventute, et in
juventute senectutem, be youthful in our old age, staid in our youth,
discreet and temperate in both.
I have declared in the causes what harm costiveness hath done in procuring
this disease; if it be so noxious, the opposite must needs be good, or mean
at least, as indeed it is, and to this cure necessarily required; maxime
conducit, saith Montaltus, cap. 27. it very much avails. [2956]
Altomarus, cap. 7, commends walking in a morning, into some fair green
pleasant fields, but by all means first, by art or nature, he will have
these ordinary excrements evacuated.
Piso calls it, Beneficium ventris,
the benefit, help or pleasure of the belly, for it doth much ease it.
Laurentius, cap. 8, Crato, consil. 21. l. 2. prescribes it once a day
at least: where nature is defective, art must supply, by those lenitive
electuaries, suppositories, condite prunes, turpentine, clysters, as shall
be shown. Prosper Calenus, lib. de atra bile, commends clysters in
hypochondriacal melancholy, still to be used as occasion serves; [2957]
Peter Cnemander in a consultation of his pro hypocondriaco, will have his
patient continually loose, and to that end sets down there many forms of
potions and clysters. Mercurialis, consil. 88. if this benefit come not
of its own accord, prescribes [2958]clysters in the first place: so doth
Montanus, consil. 24. consil. 31 et 229. he commends turpentine to
that purpose: the same he ingeminates, consil. 230. for an Italian abbot.
'Tis very good to wash his hands and face often, to shift his clothes, to
have fair linen about him, to be decently and comely attired, for sordes
vitiant, nastiness defiles and dejects any man that is so voluntarily, or
compelled by want, it dulleth the spirits.
Baths are either artificial or natural, both have their special uses in
this malady, and as [2959]Alexander supposeth, lib. 1. cap. 16. yield
as speedy a remedy as any other physic whatsoever. Aetius would have them
daily used, assidua balnea, Tetra. 2. sect. 2. c. 9. Galen cracks how
many several cures he hath performed in this kind by use of baths alone,
and Rufus pills, moistening them which are otherwise dry. Rhasis makes it a
principal cure, Tota cura sit in humectando, to bathe and afterwards
anoint with oil. Jason Pratensis, Laurentius, cap. 8. and Montanus set
down their peculiar forms of artificial baths. Crato, consil. 17. lib.
2. commends mallows, camomile, violets, borage to be boiled in it, and
sometimes fair water alone, and in his following counsel, Balneum aquae
dulcis solum saepissime profuisse compertum habemus. So doth Fuchsius,
lib. 1. cap. 33. Frisimelica, 2. consil. 42. in Trincavelius. Some
beside herbs prescribe a ram's head and other things to be boiled. [2960]
Fernelius, consil. 44. will have them used ten or twelve days together;
to which he must enter fasting, and so continue in a temperate heat, and
after that frictions all over the body. Lelius Aegubinus, consil. 142. and
Christoph. Aererus, in a consultation of his, hold once or twice a week
sufficient to bathe, the [2961]water to be warm, not hot, for fear of
sweating.
Felix Plater, observ. lib. 1. for a melancholy lawyer, [2962]
will have lotions of the head still joined to these baths, with a ley
wherein capital herbs have been boiled.
[2963]Laurentius speaks of baths
of milk, which I find approved by many others. And still after bath, the
body to be anointed with oil of bitter almonds, of violets, new or fresh
butter, [2964]capon's grease, especially the backbone, and then lotions of
the head, embrocations, &c. These kinds of baths have been in former times
much frequented, and diversely varied, and are still in general use in
those eastern countries. The Romans had their public baths very sumptuous
and stupend, as those of Antoninus and Diocletian. Plin. 36. saith there
were an infinite number of them in Rome, and mightily frequented; some
bathed seven times a day, as Commodus the emperor is reported to have done;
usually twice a day, and they were after anointed with most costly
ointments: rich women bathed themselves in milk, some in the milk of five
hundred she-asses at once: we have many ruins of such, baths found in this
island, amongst those parietines and rubbish of old Roman towns. Lipsius,
de mag. Urb. Rom. l. 3, c. 8, Rosinus, Scot of Antwerp, and other
antiquaries, tell strange stories of their baths. Gillius, l. 4. cap.
ult. Topogr. Constant. reckons up 155 public [2965]baths in
Constantinople, of fair building; they are still [2966]frequented in that
city by the Turks of all sorts, men and women, and all over Greece, and
those hot countries; to absterge belike that fulsomeness of sweat, to which
they are there subject. [2967]Busbequius, in his epistles, is very copious
in describing the manner of them, how their women go covered, a maid
following with a box of ointment to rub them. The richer sort have private
baths in their houses; the poorer go to the common, and are generally so
curious in this behalf, that they will not eat nor drink until they have
bathed, before and after meals some, [2968]and will not make water (but
they will wash their hands) or go to stool.
Leo Afer. l. 3. makes
mention of one hundred several baths at Fez in Africa, most sumptuous, and
such as have great revenues belonging to them. Buxtorf. cap. 14,
Synagog. Jud. speaks of many ceremonies amongst the Jews in this kind;
they are very superstitious in their baths, especially women.
Natural baths are praised by some, discommended by others; but it is in a
divers respect. [2969]Marcus, de Oddis in Hip. affect. consulted about
baths, condemns them for the heat of the liver, because they dry too fast;
and yet by and by, [2970]in another counsel for the same disease, he
approves them because they cleanse by reason of the sulphur, and would have
their water to be drunk. Areteus, c. 7. commends alum baths above the
rest; and [2971]Mercurialis, consil. 88. those of Lucca in that
hypochondriacal passion. He would have his patient tarry there fifteen
days together, and drink the water of them, and to be bucketed, or have the
water poured on his head.
John Baptista, Sylvaticus cont. 64. commends
all the baths in Italy, and drinking of their water, whether they be iron,
alum, sulphur; so doth [2972]Hercules de Saxonia. But in that they cause
sweat and dry so much, he confines himself to hypochondriacal melancholy
alone, excepting that of the head and the other. Trincavelius, consil.
14. lib. 1. refers those [2973]Porrectan baths before the rest, because
of the mixture of brass, iron, alum, and consil. 35. l. 3. for a
melancholy lawyer, and consil. 36. in that hypochondriacal passion, the
[2974]baths of Aquaria, and 36. consil. the drinking of them.
Frisimelica, consulted amongst the rest in Trincavelius, consil. 42.
lib. 2. prefers the waters of [2975]Apona before all artificial baths
whatsoever in this disease, and would have one nine years affected with
hypochondriacal passions fly to them as to a [2976]holy anchor. Of the
same mind is Trincavelius himself there, and yet both put a hot liver in
the same party for a cause, and send him to the waters of St. Helen, which
are much hotter. Montanus, consil. 230. magnifies the [2977]Chalderinian
baths, and consil 237. et 239. he exhorteth to the same, but with this
caution, [2978]that the liver be outwardly anointed with some coolers
that it be not overheated.
But these baths must be warily frequented by
melancholy persons, or if used, to such as are very cold of themselves, for
as Gabelius concludes of all Dutch baths, and especially of those of Baden,
they are good for all cold diseases, [2979]naught for choleric, hot and
dry, and all infirmities proceeding of choler, inflammations of the spleen
and liver.
Our English baths, as they are hot, must needs incur the same
censure: but D. Turner of old, and D. Jones have written at large of them.
Of cold baths I find little or no mention in any physician, some speak
against them: [2980]Cardan alone out of Agathinus commends bathing in
fresh rivers, and cold waters, and adviseth all such as mean to live long
to use it, for it agrees with all ages and complexions, and is most
profitable for hot temperatures.
As for sweating, urine, bloodletting by
haemrods, or otherwise, I shall elsewhere more opportunely speak of them.
Immoderate Venus in excess, as it is a cause, or in defect; so moderately
used to some parties an only help, a present remedy. Peter Forestus calls
it aptissimum remedium, a most apposite remedy, [2981]remitting anger,
and reason, that was otherwise bound.
Avicenna Fen. 3. 20. Oribasius
med. collect. lib. 6. cap. 37. contend out of Ruffus and others, [2982]
that many madmen, melancholy, and labouring of the falling sickness, have
been cured by this alone.
Montaltus cap. 27. de melan. will have it
drive away sorrow, and all illusions of the brain, to purge the heart and
brain from ill smokes and vapours that offend them: [2983]and if it be
omitted,
as Valescus supposeth, it makes the mind sad, the body dull and
heavy.
Many other inconveniences are reckoned up by Mercatus, and by
Rodericus a Castro, in their tracts de melancholia virginum et monialium;
ob seminis retentionem saviunt saepe moniales et virgines, but as Platerus
adds, si nubant sanantur, they rave single, and pine away, much
discontent, but marriage mends all. Marcellus Donatus lib. 2. med. hist.
cap. 1. tells a story to confirm this out of Alexander Benedictus, of a
maid that was mad, ob menses inhibitos, cum in officinam meritoriam
incidisset, a quindecem viris eadem nocte compressa, mensium largo
profluvio, quod pluribus annis ante constiterat, non sine magno pudore mane
menti restituta discessit. But this must be warily understood, for as
Arnoldus objects, lib. 1. breviar. 18. cap. Quid coitus ad
melancholicum succum? What affinity have these two? [2984]except it be
manifest that superabundance of seed, or fullness of blood be a cause, or
that love, or an extraordinary desire of Venus, have gone before,
or that
as Lod. Mercatus excepts, they be very flatuous, and have been otherwise
accustomed unto it. Montaltus cap. 27. will not allow of moderate Venus
to such as have the gout, palsy, epilepsy, melancholy, except they be very
lusty, and full of blood. [2985]Lodovicus Antonius lib. med. miscet. in
his chapter of Venus, forbids it utterly to all wrestlers, ditchers,
labouring men, &c. [2986]Ficinus and [2987]Marsilius Cognatus puts Venus
one of the five mortal enemies of a student: it consumes the spirits, and
weakeneth the brain.
Halyabbas the Arabian, 5. Theor. cap. 36. and Jason
Pratensis make it the fountain of most diseases, [2988]but most
pernicious to them who are cold and dry:
a melancholy man must not meddle
with it, but in some cases. Plutarch in his book de san. tuend. accounts
of it as one of the three principal signs and preservers of health,
temperance in this kind: [2989]to rise with an appetite, to be ready to
work, and abstain from venery,
tria saluberrima, are three most
healthful things. We see their opposites how pernicious they are to
mankind, as to all other creatures they bring death, and many feral
diseases: Immodicis brevis est aetas et rara senectus. Aristotle gives
instance in sparrows, which are parum vivaces ob salacitatem, [2990]short
lived because of their salacity, which is very frequent, as Scoppius in
Priapus will better inform you. The extremes being both bad, [2991]the
medium is to be kept, which cannot easily be determined. Some are better
able to sustain, such as are hot and moist, phlegmatic, as Hippocrates
insinuateth, some strong and lusty, well fed like [2992]Hercules, [2993]
Proculus the emperor, lusty Laurence, [2994]prostibulum faeminae Messalina
the empress, that by philters, and such kind of lascivious meats, use all
means to [2995]enable themselves: and brag of it in the end, confodi
multas enim, occidi vero paucas per ventrem vidisti, as that Spanish
[2996]Celestina merrily said: others impotent, of a cold and dry
constitution, cannot sustain those gymnics without great hurt done to their
own bodies, of which number (though they be very prone to it) are
melancholy men for the most part.
As a long-winged hawk, when he is first whistled off the fist, mounts
aloft, and for his pleasure fetcheth many a circuit in the air, still
soaring higher and higher, till he be come to his full pitch, and in the
end when the game is sprung, comes down amain, and stoops upon a sudden: so
will I, having now come at last into these ample fields of air, wherein I
may freely expatiate and exercise myself for my recreation, awhile rove,
wander round about the world, mount aloft to those ethereal orbs and
celestial spheres, and so descend to my former elements again. In which
progress I will first see whether that relation of the friar of [2997]
Oxford be true, concerning those northern parts under the pole (if I meet
obiter with the wandering Jew, Elias Artifex, or Lucian's
Icaromenippus, they shall be my guides) whether there be such 4. Euripes,
and a great rock of loadstones, which may cause the needle in the compass
still to bend that way, and what should be the true cause of the variation
of the compass, [2998]is it a magnetical rock, or the pole-star, as Cardan
will; or some other star in the bear, as Marsilius Ficinus; or a magnetical
meridian, as Maurolieus; Vel situs in vena terrae, as Agricola; or the
nearness of the next continent, as Cabeus will; or some other cause, as
Scaliger, Cortesius, Conimbricenses, Peregrinus contend; why at the Azores
it looks directly north, otherwise not? In the Mediterranean or Levant (as
some observe) it varies 7. grad. by and by 12. and then 22. In the Baltic
Seas, near Rasceburg in Finland, the needle runs round, if any ships come
that way, though [2999]Martin Ridley write otherwise, that the needle near
the Pole will hardly be forced from his direction. 'Tis fit to be inquired
whether certain rules may be made of it, as 11. grad. Lond. variat. alibi
36. &c. and that which is more prodigious, the variation varies in the same
place, now taken accurately, 'tis so much after a few years quite altered
from that it was: till we have better intelligence, let our Dr. Gilbert,
and Nicholas [3000]Cabeus the Jesuit, that have both written great volumes
of this subject, satisfy these inquisitors. Whether the sea be open and
navigable by the Pole arctic, and which is the likeliest way, that of
Bartison the Hollander, under the Pole itself, which for some reasons I
hold best: or by Fretum Davis, or Nova Zembla. Whether [3001]Hudson's
discovery be true of a new found ocean, any likelihood of Button's Bay in
50. degrees, Hubberd's Hope in 60. that of ut ultra near Sir Thomas Roe's
welcome in Northwest Fox, being that the sea ebbs and flows constantly
there 15. foot in 12. hours, as our [3002]new cards inform us that
California is not a cape, but an island, and the west winds make the neap
tides equal to the spring, or that there be any probability to pass by the
straits of Anian to China, by the promontory of Tabin. If there be, I shall
soon perceive whether [3003]Marcus Polus the Venetian's narration be true
or false, of that great city of Quinsay and Cambalu; whether there be any
such places, or that as [3004]Matth. Riccius the Jesuit hath written,
China and Cataia be all one, the great Cham of Tartary and the king of
China be the same; Xuntain and Quinsay, and the city of Cambalu be that new
Peking, or such a wall 400 leagues long to part China from Tartary: whether
[3005]Presbyter John be in Asia or Africa; M. Polus Venetus puts him in
Asia, [3006]the most received opinion is, that he is emperor of the
Abyssines, which of old was Ethiopia, now Nubia, under the equator in
Africa. Whether [3007]Guinea be an island or part of the continent, or
that hungry [3008]Spaniard's discovery of Terra Australis Incognita, or
Magellanica, be as true as that of Mercurius Britannius, or his of
Utopia, or his of Lucinia. And yet in likelihood it may be so, for
without all question it being extended from the tropic of Capricorn to the
circle Antarctic, and lying as it doth in the temperate zone, cannot choose
but yield in time some flourishing kingdoms to succeeding ages, as America
did unto the Spaniards. Shouten and Le Meir have done well in the discovery
of the Straits of Magellan, in finding a more convenient passage to Mare
pacificum: methinks some of our modern argonauts should prosecute the
rest. As I go by Madagascar, I would see that great bird [3009]ruck, that
can carry a man and horse or an elephant, with that Arabian phoenix
described by [3010]Adricomius; see the pelicans of Egypt, those Scythian
gryphes in Asia: and afterwards in Africa examine the fountains of Nilus,
whether Herodotus, [3011]Seneca, Plin. lib. 5. cap. 9. Strabo. lib.
5. give a true cause of his annual flowing, [3012]Pagaphetta discourse
rightly of it, or of Niger and Senegal; examine Cardan, [3013]Scaliger's
reasons, and the rest. Is it from those Etesian winds, or melting of snow
in the mountains under the equator (for Jordan yearly overflows when the
snow melts in Mount Libanus), or from those great dropping perpetual
showers which are so frequent to the inhabitants within the tropics, when
the sun is vertical, and cause such vast inundations in Senegal, Maragnan,
Oronoco and the rest of those great rivers in Zona Torrida, which have all
commonly the same passions at set times: and by good husbandry and policy
hereafter no doubt may come to be as populous, as well tilled, as fruitful,
as Egypt itself or Cauchinthina? I would observe all those motions of the
sea, and from what cause they proceed, from the moon (as the vulgar hold)
or earth's motion, which Galileus, in the fourth dialogue of his system of
the world, so eagerly proves, and firmly demonstrates; or winds, as [3014]
some will. Why in that quiet ocean of Zur, in mari pacifico, it is scarce
perceived, in our British seas most violent, in the Mediterranean and Red
Sea so vehement, irregular, and diverse? Why the current in that Atlantic
Ocean should still be in some places from, in some again towards the north,
and why they come sooner than go? and so from Moabar to Madagascar in that
Indian Ocean, the merchants come in three weeks, as [3015]Scaliger
discusseth, they return scarce in three months, with the same or like
winds: the continual current is from east to west. Whether Mount Athos,
Pelion, Olympus, Ossa, Caucasus, Atlas, be so high as Pliny, Solinus, Mela
relate, above clouds, meteors, ubi nec aurae nec venti spirant (insomuch
that they that ascend die suddenly very often, the air is so subtile,) 1250
paces high, according to that measure of Dicearchus, or 78 miles
perpendicularly high, as Jacobus Mazonius, sec. 3. et 4. expounding
that place of Aristotle about Caucasus; and as [3016]Blancanus the Jesuit
contends out of Clavius and Nonius demonstrations de Crepusculis: or
rather 32 stadiums, as the most received opinion is; or 4 miles, which the
height of no mountain doth perpendicularly exceed, and is equal to the
greatest depths of the sea, which is, as Scaliger holds, 1580 paces, Exer.
38, others 100 paces. I would see those inner parts of America, whether
there be any such great city of Manoa, or Eldorado, in that golden empire,
where the highways are as much beaten (one reports) as between Madrid and
Valadolid in Spain; or any such Amazons as he relates, or gigantic
Patagones in Chica; with that miraculous mountain [3017]Ybouyapab in the
Northern Brazil, cujus jugum sternitur in amoenissimam planitiem, &c. or
that of Pariacacca so high elevated in Peru. [3018]The peak of Tenerife
how high it is? 70 miles, or 50 as Patricius holds, or 9 as Snellius
demonstrates in his Eratosthenes: see that strange [3019]Cirknickzerksey
lake in Carniola, whose waters gush so fast out of the ground, that they
will overtake a swift horseman, and by and by with as incredible celerity
are supped up: which Lazius and Wernerus make an argument of the Argonauts
sailing under ground. And that vast den or hole called [3020]Esmellen in
Muscovia, quae visitur horriendo hiatu, &c. which if anything casually
fall in, makes such a roaring noise, that no thunder, or ordnance, or
warlike engine can make the like; such another is Gilber's Cave in Lapland,
with many the like. I would examine the Caspian Sea, and see where and how
it exonerates itself, after it hath taken in Volga, Jaxares, Oxus, and
those great rivers; at the mouth of Oby, or where? What vent the Mexican
lake hath, the Titicacan in Peru, or that circular pool in the vale of
Terapeia, of which Acosta l. 3. c. 16. hot in a cold country, the
spring of which boils up in the middle twenty foot square, and hath no vent
but exhalation: and that of Mare mortuum in Palestine, of Thrasymene, at
Peruzium in Italy: the Mediterranean itself. For from the ocean, at the
Straits of Gibraltar, there is a perpetual current into the Levant, and so
likewise by the Thracian Bosphorus out of the Euxine or Black Sea, besides
all those great rivers of Nile, Po, Rhone, &c. how is this water consumed,
by the sun or otherwise? I would find out with Trajan the fountains of
Danube, of Ganges, Oxus, see those Egyptian pyramids, Trajan's bridge,
Grotto de Sybilla, Lucullus's fishponds, the temple of Nidrose, &c.
(And, if I could, observe what becomes of swallows, storks, cranes,
cuckoos, nightingales, redstarts, and many other kind of singing birds,
water-fowls, hawks, &c. some of them are only seen in summer, some in
winter; some are observed in the [3021]snow, and at no other times, each
have their seasons. In winter not a bird is in Muscovy to be found, but at
the spring in an instant the woods and hedges are full of them, saith
[3022]Herbastein: how comes it to pass? Do they sleep in winter, like
Gesner's Alpine mice; or do they lie hid (as [3023]Olaus affirms) in the
bottom of lakes and rivers, spiritum continentes? often so found by
fishermen in Poland and Scandia, two together, mouth to mouth, wing to
wing; and when the spring comes they revive again, or if they be brought
into a stove, or to the fireside.
Or do they follow the sun, as Peter
Martyr legat Babylonica l. 2. manifestly convicts, out of his own
knowledge; for when he was ambassador in Egypt, he saw swallows, Spanish
kites, [3024]and many such other European birds, in December and January
very familiarly flying, and in great abundance, about Alexandria, ubi
floridae tunc arbores ac viridaria. Or lie they hid in caves, rocks, and
hollow trees, as most think, in deep tin-mines or sea-cliffs, as [3025]Mr.
Carew gives out? I conclude of them all, for my part, as [3026]Munster
doth of cranes and storks; whence they come, whither they go, incompertum
adhuc, as yet we know not. We see them here, some in summer, some in
winter; their coming and going is sure in the night: in the plains of Asia
(saith he) the storks meet on such a set day, he that comes last is torn in
pieces, and so they get them gone.
Many strange places, Isthmi, Euripi,
Chersonesi, creeks, havens, promontories, straits, Lakes, baths, rocks,
mountains, places, and fields, where cities have been ruined or swallowed,
battles fought, creatures, sea-monsters, remora, &c. minerals, vegetals.
Zoophytes were fit to be considered in such an expedition, and amongst the
rest that of [3027]Harbastein his Tartar lamb, [3028]Hector Boethius
goosebearing tree in the orchards, to which Cardan lib. 7. cap. 36. de
rerum varietat. subscribes: [3029]Vertomannus wonderful palm, that [3030]
fly in Hispaniola, that shines like a torch in the night, that one may well
see to write; those spherical stones in Cuba which nature hath so made, and
those like birds, beasts, fishes, crowns, swords, saws, pots, &c. usually
found in the metal mines in Saxony about Mansfield, and in Poland near
Nokow and Pallukie, as [3031]Munster and others relate. Many rare
creatures and novelties each part of the world affords: amongst the rest, I
would know for a certain whether there be any such men, as Leo Suavius, in
his comment on Paracelsus de sanit. tuend. and [3032]Gaguinus records in
his description of Muscovy, that in Lucomoria, a province in Russia, lie
fast asleep as dead all winter, from the 27 of November, like frogs and
swallows, benumbed with cold, but about the 24 of April in the spring they
revive again, and go about their business.
I would examine that
demonstration of Alexander Picolomineus, whether the earth's superficies be
bigger than the seas: or that of Archimedes be true, the superficies of all
water is even? Search the depth, and see that variety of sea-monsters and
fishes, mermaids, seamen, horses, &c. which it affords. Or whether that be
true which Jordanus Brunus scoffs at, that if God did not detain it, the
sea would overflow the earth by reason of his higher site, and which
Josephus Blancanus the Jesuit in his interpretation on those mathematical
places of Aristotle, foolishly fears, and in a just tract proves by many
circumstances, that in time the sea will waste away the land, and all the
globe of the earth shall be covered with waters; risum teneatis amici?
what the sea takes away in one place it adds in another. Methinks he might
rather suspect the sea should in time be filled by land, trees grow up,
carcasses, &c. that all-devouring fire, omnia devorans et consumens, will
sooner cover and dry up the vast ocean with sand and ashes. I would examine
the true seat of that terrestrial [3033]paradise, and where Ophir was
whence Solomon did fetch his gold: from Peruana, which some suppose, or
that Aurea Chersonesus, as Dominicus Niger, Arias Montanus, Goropius, and
others will. I would censure all Pliny's, Solinus', Strabo's, Sir John
Mandeville's, Olaus Magnus', Marcus Polus' lies, correct those errors in
navigation, reform cosmographical charts, and rectify longitudes, if it
were possible; not by the compass, as some dream, with Mark Ridley in his
treatise of magnetical bodies, cap. 43. for as Cabeus magnet philos.
lib. 3. cap. 4. fully resolves, there is no hope thence, yet I would
observe some better means to find them out.
I would have a convenient place to go down with Orpheus, Ulysses, Hercules,
[3034]Lucian's Menippus, at St. Patrick's purgatory, at Trophonius' den,
Hecla in Iceland, Aetna in Sicily, to descend and see what is done in the
bowels of the earth: do stones and metals grow there still? how come fir
trees to be [3035]digged out from tops of hills, as in our mosses, and
marshes all over Europe? How come they to dig up fish bones, shells, beams,
ironworks, many fathoms under ground, and anchors in mountains far remote
from all seas? [3036]Anno 1460 at Bern in Switzerland 50 fathom deep a
ship was digged out of a mountain, where they got metal ore, in which were
48 carcasses of men, with other merchandise. That such things are
ordinarily found in tops of hills, Aristotle insinuates in his meteors,
[3037]Pomponius Mela in his first book, c. de Numidia, and familiarly in
the Alps, saith [3038]Blancanus the Jesuit, the like is to be seen: came
this from earthquakes, or from Noah's flood, as Christians suppose, or is
there a vicissitude of sea and land, as Anaximenes held of old, the
mountains of Thessaly would become seas, and seas again mountains? The
whole world belike should be new moulded, when it seemed good to those
all-commanding powers, and turned inside out, as we do haycocks in harvest,
top to bottom, or bottom to top: or as we turn apples to the fire, move the
world upon his centre; that which is under the poles now, should be
translated to the equinoctial, and that which is under the torrid zone to
the circle arctic and antarctic another while, and so be reciprocally
warmed by the sun: or if the worlds be infinite, and every fixed star a
sun, with his compassing planets (as Brunus and Campanella conclude) cast
three or four worlds into one; or else of one world make three or four new,
as it shall seem to them best. To proceed, if the earth be 21,500 miles in
[3039]compass, its diameter is 7,000 from us to our antipodes, and what
shall be comprehended in all that space? What is the centre of the earth?
is it pure element only, as Aristotle decrees, inhabited (as [3040]
Paracelsus thinks) with creatures, whose chaos is the earth: or with
fairies, as the woods and waters (according to him) are with nymphs, or as
the air with spirits? Dionisiodorus, a mathematician in [3041]Pliny, that
sent a letter, ad superos after he was dead, from the centre of the
earth, to signify what distance the same centre was from the superficies
of the same, viz. 42,000 stadiums, might have done well to have satisfied
all these doubts. Or is it the place of hell, as Virgil in his Aenides,
Plato, Lucian, Dante, and others poetically describe it, and as many of our
divines think? In good earnest, Anthony Rusca, one of the society of that
Ambrosian College, in Milan, in his great volume de Inferno, lib. 1. cap.
47. is stiff in this tenet, 'tis a corporeal fire tow, cap. 5. I. 2. as
he there disputes. Whatsoever philosophers write
(saith [3042]Surius)
there be certain mouths of hell, and places appointed for the punishment of
men's souls, as at Hecla in Iceland, where the ghosts of dead men are
familiarly seen, and sometimes talk with the living: God would have such
visible places, that mortal men might be certainly informed, that there be
such punishments after death, and learn hence to fear God.
Kranzius Dan.
hist. lib. 2. cap. 24. subscribes to this opinion of Surius, so doth
Colerus cap. 12. lib. de immortal animae (out of the authority belike of
St. Gregory, Durand, and the rest of the schoolmen, who derive as much from
Aetna in Sicily, Lipari, Hiera, and those sulphureous vulcanian islands)
making Terra del Fuego, and those frequent volcanoes in America, of which
Acosta lib. 3. cap. 24. that fearful mount Hecklebirg in Norway, an
especial argument to prove it, [3043]where lamentable screeches and
howlings are continually heard, which strike a terror to the auditors;
fiery chariots are commonly seen to bring in the souls of men in the
likeness of crows, and devils ordinarily go in and out.
Such another proof
is that place near the Pyramids in Egypt, by Cairo, as well to confirm this
as the resurrection, mentioned by [3044]Kornmannus mirac. mort. lib. 1.
cap. 30. Camerarius oper. suc. cap. 37. Bredenbachius pereg. ter.
sanct. and some others, where once a year dead bodies arise about March,
and walk, after awhile hide themselves again: thousands of people come
yearly to see them.
But these and such like testimonies others reject, as
fables, illusions of spirits, and they will have no such local known place,
more than Styx or Phlegethon, Pluto's court, or that poetical Infernus,
where Homer's soul was seen hanging on a tree, &c.