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Title: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, Volume 3 (of 3)

Author: Lady Hester Stanhope

Editor: Charles Lewis Meryon

Release date: December 5, 2023 [eBook #72329]

Language: English

Original publication: London: Henry Colburn, 1846

Credits: Emmanuel Ackerman, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS OF LADY HESTER STANHOPE, VOLUME 3 (OF 3) ***


  [Illustration:

    Day & Haghe, Lith^{rs} to the Queen

  PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR IN HIS BEDOUIN DRESS.

  London, Henry Colburn, G^t Marlborough S^t, 1846]




                                TRAVELS

                                  OF

                         LADY HESTER STANHOPE;

                        FORMING THE COMPLETION

                                  OF

                             HER MEMOIRS.

                              NARRATED BY

                            HER PHYSICIAN.

                           IN THREE VOLUMES.

                               VOL. III.


                                LONDON:
                       HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER,
                       GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.

                                 1846.


Frederick Shoberl, Junior, Printer to His Royal Highness Prince Albert,
                 51, Rupert Street, Haymarket, London.




                               CONTENTS

                                  OF

                           THE THIRD VOLUME.


                              CHAPTER I.

    Preparations for a journey to Bâlbec--Precautions
    against the plague--Departure from Meshmûshy--Heavy
    attire--The author loses his road--Cheerless night--Drûze
    hospitality--Barûk--Bur Elias--Village of Malaka--Cottages
    in the Bkâ--Hard dumplings--Grumbling servants--Misery
    of villages in the territory of Bâlbec--Mode of
    encampment--Arrival at Bâlbec                                     1


                              CHAPTER II.

    Residence at Bâlbec--Visit to the governor, the Emir
    Jahjáh--Wretchedness of Bâlbec--Bath Scene--Encampment
    of Lady Hester at Ras el Ayn--Sepulchral caverns--Greek
    bishop of Bâlbec--Catholic priest--Climate--Departure
    from Bâlbec--Any Ayty--Hurricane--Bsharry--Mineral
    springs--Dress of women--Village of Ehden, conjectured
    by some to be the site of Paradise--Resort of native
    Christians --Arrival of Selim, son of Mâlem Musa Koblan,
    of Hamah--The Cedars of Lebanon--Maronite monastery of
    Mar Antaniûs--Lady Hester enters it in spite of the
    monks--Arrival at Tripoli                                        15


                             CHAPTER III.

    Residence at Tripoli--The governor Mustafa Aga--Lady
    Hester’s visit to him--Extraordinary civilities paid
    by her to Selim--Town and port of Tripoli--Greek
    bishop--Library--Paintings in the church--Unwholesome
    climate--The author’s journey to the convent of Dayr
    Hamýra--Illness of Mûly Ismael’s Khasnadár--Miraculous
    cures performed at the convent--The Khasnadár’s wife--The
    monks--Castle of El Hussn--Extensive view--Arrival of Selim
    at the monastery--His character--Return of the author to
    Tripoli--Lady Hester’s plan of an association of literary
    men and artists--Departure for Mar Elias                         41


                              CHAPTER IV.

    Journey from Tripoli to Abra--Monastery of
    Dayr Natûr--Grave of Mr. Cotter--Ruins of
    Enfeh--Batrûn--Renegado priest--Remarks on
    apostates--Gebayl, the ancient Byblus--Mulberry
    plantations--Castle--Public-houses--Nahr Ibrahim,
    the river Adonis--Taberjeh--Ejectment of cottagers
    in rain and cold--Nahr el Kelb, the ancient river
    Lycus--Inscriptions--Shuifád--Visit of Lady Hester to
    the Syt Habùs--Capugi Bashi sent to Lady Hester--Mbârak,
    the groom--His dexterity--Nebby Yunez, the tomb of
    Jonah--Arrival at Mar Elias--Precautions adopted against
    the Capugi Bashi                                                 64


                              CHAPTER V.

    Probability of the existence of Hidden Treasures in the
    East--Manuscript pretending to reveal such Treasures,
    brought to Lady Hester--She obtains firmáns from the Porte
    authorizing her to make researches--She sends to Hamah for
    Mâlem Musa--Her letter to the Pasha of Acre--Her plans
    for raising money--Journey of the Author to Damascus--His
    Visit to Ahmed Bey--Ambergris--Damascus sabres--Horse
    Bazar--Horse Dealing and Horse Stealing--M. Beaudin’s night
    journey to Tyre--His horse stolen--Detection and punishment
    of the thieves--Return of the Author to Mar Elias--His
    dangerous situation in a snow-storm--Interior of a Drûze
    Cottage                                                          86


                              CHAPTER VI.

    Journey of Lady Hester from Mar Elias to
    Ascalon--Bussa--Acre--She prevails on Mr. Catafago
    to accompany her to Ascalon--Illness of Ali
    Pasha--Professional visits of the Author--Abdallah Bey, the
    Pasha’s son--Extraordinary honours paid to Lady Hester--Her
    departure from Acre--Tremendous storm--M. Loustaunau; his
    prophecies--His history--Don Tomaso Coschich arrives with
    despatches from Sir Sydney Smith to Lady Hester--Substance
    of them--Presents sent to the care of Lady Hester by
    Sir Sydney--His character in the East--Cæsarea--Um
    Khaled--Village of Menzel--Jaffa--Mohammed Aga,
    the governor ordered to accompany Lady Hester--His
    character--Arrival at Ascalon                                   116


                             CHAPTER VII.

    History of Ascalon--Ruins--Encampments--Forced labour of
    peasants--Excavations--Fragments of Columns--Discovery of
    a mutilated statue--Apprehensions of Signor Damiani--Lady
    Hester orders the statue to be destroyed--Excavations
    abandoned--Lady Hester’s narrative of the motives and
    results of the researches--Auditing accounts-- Mohammed
    Aga a fatalist--Return to Jaffa--Derwish Mustafa Aga and
    Lady Hester’s black female slave--Patients--Mohammed
    Bey; his story--Return of Lady Hester’s servant
    Ibrahim from England--Khurby, or the Ruins--Remains
    near that spot--Return to Acre--Altercation with
    muleteers--Excavations at Sayda--Reflexions on researches
    for hidden treasures                                            152


                             CHAPTER VIII.

    Visit of the Author to the Maronite convent in the village
    of Joon--Abyssinian man and woman--Black horses--Lady
    Hester fixes herself at Meshmûshy--Solitary wigwam--The
    Author wishes to return to England--He sets out for
    Egypt--Destruction of Tyre, not so complete as travellers
    represent--A self-taught lithotomist and oculist--Seaweeds
    used for dyeing--Embarkation for Egypt in a vessel laden
    with wood--Impalement--Passengers on board--Cyprus--Revolt
    in Gebel Nablûs--Frequency of insurrections there--Arrival
    at Rosetta--Smoking during Ramazán--The Author is joined
    by Burckhardt, or shaykh Ibrahim--Mutiny of troops at
    Cairo--Departure by land for Alexandria--Lake Edko--Stay
    in Alexandria--Coasting voyage to Damietta--Burckhardt not
    considered as a Turk--Foreigners betrayed by their speech       188


                              CHAPTER IX.

    M. Surûr, English agent at Damietta--Patients--Excursion to
    Lake Menzaleh--Mataryah--Melikýn--Pounds for cattle--Ruins
    of San--Broken pottery--Conjectures on its original
    use--Tennys--Dybeh--Botarga fishery--Fowling--Running
    deemed indecorous in a Turk--Menzaleh--Haunted
    house--Disdain of pedestrian travellers--False
    door--Departure for Syria--Vessel, cargo, and crew--Charms
    to raise the wind--Arrival at Acre, Tyre, and Abra              223


                              CHAPTER X.

    Disappearance of Colonel Boutin, a French
    traveller--Efforts of Lady Hester Stanhope, for
    investigating his fate--Mission of Abd el Rasák from
    Mahannah to Lady Hester--Manners and character of the
    Bedouins--Story of Mustafa Aga, Khasnadár of Mûly Ismael,
    and his wife--Departure of Abd el Rasák and his companions      254


                              CHAPTER XI.

    Quarrel between a Drûze and a Metouály--Buying of
    medals--Imposition practised on Lady Hester--Punishment
    of the offender--Illness and death of the Greek
    patriarch--Funeral ceremonies--Election of a new
    patriarch--Cottage in the gardens of Sayda--Long
    drought--Flocks of birds--Hydrophobia--Excursion of the
    Author to Garýfy--Shems ed Dyn and his father--Purchase
    of wine--Decline of commerce in the Levant--Mâlem Dubány
    and his daughters--Extortion of Eastern rulers--Arrival of
    Miss Williams--Arrival of Mr. Bankes--He copies and removes
    fresco paintings--Failure of his first attempt to reach
    Palmyra--Visit of Mr. Buckingham--Locusts--Lady Hester
    takes a voyage to Antioch                                       267


                             CHAPTER XII.

    Journey of the Princess of Wales to Jerusalem--Burial
    at Abra--Dismissal of Ibrahim--Padre Nicolo--M. Ruffin
    appointed French consul at Sayda--Great drought--Festival
    of St. Elias--Alarm of robbers--Visit of the Author to the
    Shaykh Beshýr’s wife, and to Syt Frosýny Kerasâty--Further
    alarms--Festival of Byrám--Cottages taken for Lady Hester
    at the village of Rûm--Depilation--Flight of Mâlem
    Dubány--Return of Lady Hester from Antioch--Result of
    researches after the murderers of Col. Boutin--The Ansáry
    refuse to give them up--Mustafa Aga Berber collects
    troops to punish the Ansáry--Motives of Lady Hester’s
    voyage to Antioch--Visit of M. Regnault, French consul at
    Tripoli--M. Loustaunau and his predictions--History of
    Michael Ayda--Return of Giorgio from England, with Mr.
    N., as successor to the Author--Last visit of the latter
    to Acre--The governor of Smyrna put to death--Hawáry
    soldiers--Visit to the Emir Beshýr                              310


                             CHAPTER XIII.

    Departure of the Author for Europe--Arrival at Larnaka,
    in Cyprus--Hospitality of M. Vondiziano, British
    vice-consul--Tours in the island--Leucosia--The Greek
    archbishop--City walls--Lepers--Cytherea--Monastery of
    St. Chrysostom--Famagusta--Return to Larnaka--Carnival
    amusements--Houses--Amour of Signor Baldo--Murder of Prince
    George Morusi--History of Signor Brunoni--Cypriote women
    not remarkable for beauty--Superstitious notions--The
    Greek archbishop and his dragoman Giorgaki--Insurrection
    of Turks--How quelled by Cara Pasha--Pusillanimity of
    the consuls--Thunder-storm--Lenten diet--Malignant
    fevers--Excursion in the interior--Idalia--Leucosia--M.
    Brens--Robbery in the governor’s palace--Proceedings
    against the suspected--Intolerance towards freemasons           359


                             CHAPTER XIV.

    Departure from Cyprus, and voyage to Marseilles--Dirtiness
    of the French ship and her crew--Fare on board--Cruel
    treatment of a political prisoner--Angora
    greyhound--Arrival at Pomegue, the quarantine anchorage of
    Marseilles                                                      416


    ADDITIONAL NOTE                                                 423




                                TRAVELS

                                  OF

                         LADY HESTER STANHOPE.




                              CHAPTER I.

   Preparations for a journey to Bâlbec--Precautions against the
   plague--Departure from Meshmûshy--Heavy attire--The author
   loses his road--Cheerless night--Drûze hospitality--Barûk--Bur
   Elias--Village of Malaka--Cottages in the Bkâ--Hard
   dumplings--Grumbling servants--Misery of villages in the
   territory of Bâlbec--Mode of encampment--Arrival at Bâlbec.


A journey to Bâlbec had been projected for this autumn; but obstacles
of one kind or another had caused it to be delayed until the season was
very far advanced. At length, however, every preparation being made,
we set out on the 18th of October. During the whole of the year, the
plague had not entirely ceased at Damascus, and in several villages of
the Bkâ, a plain which we should have to traverse from one extremity
to the other. Lady Hester was strongly impressed with the dread of
exposure to its contagion[1] from the carelessness of some of the
people; to prevent which the strictest precautions were taken, and
the observance of these considerably diminished the pleasure which
such a tour would otherwise have afforded. We travelled with tents to
prevent the necessity of sleeping in villages; and no fire was ever
to be lighted unless where the country supplied fuel without having
recourse to the inhabitants for it, which was equivalent to a total
interdict; as, with the exception of a few orchards, there was not a
tree through the whole plain. To supersede the necessity of cooking or
buying provisions, a kind of minced meat dumplings was made, enough
for the consumption of a week. These, and bread-cakes baked for the
same purpose, were to be eaten indifferently by all. We carried with us
kitchen utensils, tents, beds, coffee, rice, _bûrgol_ or malted
wheat, soap, candles, oil, wine, vinegar, vermicelli, macaroni, cheese,
tea and sugar, syrups for sherbet, and fuel for Lady Hester, whose sex
and delicate health necessarily prevented her from submitting to the
privations to which men could willingly subject themselves. It was
necessary likewise to be provided with cords, nails, hammers, axes,
hoes, and some other things of this sort; so that we had wherewithal to
colonize as well as to travel. For if, as it was reported, the plague
still raged at Bâlbec, the impossibility of obtaining anything from the
town would expose us, if not thus furnished, to great inconveniences.
All this baggage loaded fifteen mules. The party consisted of Lady
Hester, the dragoman, myself, eight men-servants, four women and a
black female slave, making altogether fifteen; and we all rode on asses.

The extraordinary resolution of performing a long and difficult
journey on asses was not a mere fancy in Lady Hester: it arose from a
deep feeling of indignation at the neglected state in which she found
herself left by her friends and her relations, more especially by the
then Marquis of B*********; and she thought, by assuming the mode of
travelling common only to the poorest pilgrims who traverse Syria
on their way to Jerusalem, to direct the attention of the consuls
and merchants of the towns through which she passed to her deserted
condition, imagining, no doubt, that a report of it would reach
England, and call down animadversions on those from whom she had a
right to claim support and attention to her comforts.

Lady Hester descended the mountain, and I was preparing to accompany
her, when I was detained by a dispute among the muleteers, who declared
that the fifteen mules could not carry the baggage. Intending to compel
them to it, I desired my servant to lead my ass down the mountain,
saying I would follow; but, after some time, I found that another mule
was indeed required, and that there was not one to be had. Impatient
of the delay, I mounted a horse belonging to the owner of the house,
and rode to the monastery to get one. The monks refused to lend or
hire out their mules; and, seeing no alternative, I desired the luggage
thus left should be taken care of, and hastened on foot to overtake the
party; but more than an hour had elapsed, and they were far before me.
Descending into the plain on the north-east side, I continued along
the banks of the Ewely, passing the granite columns, of which mention
has already been made, over the bridge called Geser Behannýn. The road
continued for a small distance farther in the ravine, through which the
river runs north and south, when it turned to the right up an almost
precipitous mountain, which overhangs the river, and the indentations
and strata of which correspond exactly with those on the opposite side.
I here became much fatigued with walking and with the exertions I had
made during the morning, and I sat down to rest myself; for I had on
me a riding dress, with which, in Turkey, it is scarcely possible to
walk; as the breeches are very large. I had likewise a brace of pistols
in my girdle, the weight of which was annoying. Whilst sitting by the
road-side, some Drûzes, coming in an opposite direction, passed me, and
I questioned them whether the English lady had been seen by them, and
they pointed out the road by which she had gone. I then offered them an
unusual price if they would let me have one of their mules to convey me
to where she was; but they averred it to be impossible, on account of
their business, which took them another way.

Renewing my journey, and ascending in a zigzag direction, I reached
the head of a deep ravine, into which fell a cascade from the mountain
above: I then resumed a northerly course, and made as much haste as
my heavy attire would allow me. On the left, but low down and out of
hearing, was the river Ewely, and on my right very high mountains,
whilst my path was, although stony and rugged, along level ground. In
this way I walked till the sun was declining behind the mountains, when
I saw the lights of a village, but at some distance before me, which I
guessed to be Makhtàrah, the residence of the Shaykh Beshýr, as I knew
I had been tending towards it. The path soon became somewhat intricate,
in consequence of olive, fig, and mulberry-tree plantations, which were
numerous hereabout. It now grew dark, and I overtook a man driving an
ass, who, as far as I could discern, seemed somewhat afraid of me and
my pistols, whilst I felt equally so of him; I therefore turned out
of the path, apprehensive, if I asked the way, that he might guess my
situation, and find means to rob me; for, in the hurry of the moment, I
had not loaded my pistols, and my cartridges were with my servant.

The lights were still before me. I knew that the place of our
encampment would be marked by blazing _meshals_ (formed by fixing
an iron-hooped cylinder on a pole, and supplying it continually with
tarred canvas), and I thought that, at some distance on the left
and beyond the village, I observed this very blaze: I therefore left
Makhtàrah on my right, and inclined towards them. After I had walked
about half an hour, the blaze suddenly disappeared; by degrees,
the path, which, from the darkness of the night was now no longer
perceptible, became so uncertain, that I was almost fearful to advance,
when, on a sudden, I found myself on a descent and within hearing of
the sound of a torrent. Stepping with caution and difficulty, I came to
a bridge over a rushing water, which I judged to be the river Ewely. I
crossed it, but was no sooner over than I lost all traces of the path,
and found my farther advance opposed by a precipice.

Here my courage and my strength failed me. I judged it to be three
hours after sunset, and the darkness was not relieved in the abyss into
which I had descended by even the glimmering of a star. The jackalls
howled around me; and whoever has heard their night-cry, so like what
we may suppose would be the screams of a child whom robbers are in
the act of murdering, will not wonder if I disliked the necessity
of sleeping in this wild place. I was not sure that there were not
leopards near the spot where I was; and the jackalls alone, although
they seldom or never attack a man who is awake and moving, might yet
fall on me when asleep, and do me great injury before I could rise and
defend myself. However, all these reflections were of no avail against
extreme weariness. I lay down on the ground, fell asleep, and in the
morning, soon after daylight and not before, awoke refreshed and unhurt.

I looked round me, and perceived that I was in a deep ravine; and, as
I observed the path by which I had descended to the river, I blessed
Providence that had guided my steps; for it was dangerous even in open
day. About two hundred yards up the stream was a water-mill. I went to
it, and, knocking at the door, found an old Drûze who invited me in;
but my apprehensions of the plague caused me to refuse; and I asked
him where I was, told him how I had passed the night, and inquired if
he had seen a large caravan go by on the preceding day. The bridge, I
learned, was called Geser Gedayda.

Having satisfied myself on these points, he directed me up the mountain
to a village, where, on my arrival, I met another Drûze, who was just
driving his oxen to plough. I asked him for something to eat, and he
immediately turned back, and led me to his own door. His wife was
yet in bed. He roused her, and said he had brought a foreigner for
a visitor, desiring her to set out the table. But, on expressing my
apprehensions of the plague, and on refusing to cross the threshold,
she put out her homely fare on a straw tray.[2] It consisted of cheese
soaked in oil, a bunch of hung grapes, and some bad bread-cakes. I had
now fasted for twenty-two hours, and was not disposed to quarrel about
trifles; so she placed it on a stone, and on her retiring I advanced,
and ate with my fingers. My looks, dress, &c., were all examined by
the woman and a neighbour; but they both scrupulously kept their faces
covered.

Having satisfied my hunger, the man desired his son and daughter,
children of six or seven years old, to show me on my way; but when I
produced all the money I happened to have about me, which was seven
paras (about twopence), and offered it in payment for my breakfast, his
civility relaxed, and he suffered me to set off alone. In the village
of Gedaydy, for so this was called, the inhabitants are Drûzes.

As soon as I was out of the village, I came on a country barren and
stony; hardly was there a tree to be seen. An hour’s walk brought me to
a Drûze village, called Ayn-wy-Zayn. Here, as there was no plague, I
hired an ass and guide to carry me onward. Soon after we entered among
very extensive vineyards, which continued as far as Barûk, where it
will be recollected we halted for a night two years before.

Lady Hester had pitched the tents on the very same spot where she had
encamped at that time. She had been, during the night, apprehensive
that some accident had happened to detain me, and my absence had
been productive likewise of still worse consequences. For as, in
the necessity there was that our provisions should last us until we
reached Bâlbec, the keys could not be entrusted to the servants, I
had them in my pocket. Upon the arrival, therefore, of the party to
the resting-place, which they did not reach until eleven at night,
no provisions could be had; and after so long a day’s journey (the
dragoman, who had turned off the road to go to Makhtárah to bear
Lady Hester’s compliments to the Shaykh Beshýr, not being present),
the mule-drivers and servants broke open the provision hampers, and
unnecessary waste ensued, and caused us to be afterwards reduced to
great straits.

My pedestrian exertion brought on an intolerable erysipelatous heat and
itching in both my feet, which nothing could appease but sitting with
my naked feet in the stream, just where it issued quite cold from the
rock,--a dangerous mode of cure, only to be justified by the necessity
I was under of pursuing our journey on the morrow. We passed the whole
of the 19th at this spot, while Pierre went back to recover the luggage
which had been left at Meshmûshy.

On the 20th, we ascended the last ridge of Lebanon, and, when at the
summit, enjoyed that fine prospect which has been described in a former
place. We descended into the Bkâ, and passed the hamlet of Aâney, a few
miserable cottages, whither the husband-men of Barûk go in the summer
to plough and sow, and, having finished these operations, quit them for
their homes until harvest time.

One mile farther we planted our tents. Here we remained two nights,
waiting for the return of M. Beaudin; but, not being come back on
the 22d of October, in the morning, the tents were struck. We took
a northerly direction, along the plain close to the foot of Mount
Lebanon, and passed some small villages part on our left in the
mountain, and part on our right in the plain.

After a march of about three leagues we came to Bur Elias, a small
village with a castle of modern construction overhanging it. It was
watered by a rivulet, which ran with a smart stream through it. This
stream was made to irrigate several well cultivated gardens and
orchards, which so much embellished the spot, that, until our arrival
at Bâlbec, we saw no place to compare with it. There were also the
remains of an old mosque, with other evidences that the village was
once more populous than at present. In a rock on the south-west side
are several ancient caverns, which served as tombs, with sarcophagi
hewn in the stone; and, at one part, on the face of a small precipice,
chiselled smooth for the purpose, was a square portion of ten or
fifteen feet, cut deep enough to admit of a layer of stucco or marble
with which it seemed to have been coated, having in its centre, towards
the bottom, three recesses, which had probably been filled up with
votive tablets, or basso-relievos, there not being depth enough for
statues.

Leaving Bur Elias, we came next to Malaka, a large village of two
hundred houses, where terminates what is called the district of Bkâ,[3]
and begins the Bâlbec territory, which is, however, but a continuation
of the same plain. This village, although so large, is but of two
years’ date, and was transferred from about three hundred yards off to
its present situation, by the emir of the Drûzes, who, having taken,
by force of arms, from the Emir Jahjáh, the governor of Bâlbec, the
village of Khurby, which was just beyond the line of demarcation of his
domain, destroyed it, and made the inhabitants build Malaka.

The houses in the Bkâ were not of stone, as on the mountain, but of
mud bricks dried in the sun. They were low, and had the appearance of
much misery on the outside, although, as we were told, very comfortable
within. This we had no opportunity of ascertaining, as the plague
reigned about us, and it was by no means prudent to approach, much less
to enter, any habitations. The dress of the people was different from
that of the mountaineers. No horns were now to be seen on the heads
of the women, who likewise wore red aprons, which were universally
seen towards the Desert, but never near the sea-coast. The Palma
Christi was cultivated very generally for the sake of the oil, which
is used for lamps. As harvest was now over, we could not see what were
the particular productions of the plain; it seemed, however, highly
fertile, being of that fine snuff-coloured mould which, at Hamah and
elsewhere, had been pointed out to us as most useful to the husbandman
for agricultural purposes.

We encamped near Khurby, which yet had some cottages among its ruined
walls. Our water was drawn from a spring which, from its vicinity to
an ancient sepulchre assigned by tradition to the patriarch Noah, is
called Ayn Nûah. His body is said to occupy a length of forty cubits,
and his feet, for want of room, to hang down in the well.

Our appearance here and elsewhere in the Bkâ excited much curiosity.
Without guards from the emir or pasha, demanding provisions nowhere,
and boldly encamping in the open plain away from every habitation, we
perhaps awed the very people who would have attacked others marching
with more caution. For the Bkâ is entirely open to the incursions of
the Arabs, who overrun the tract of country between Bâlbec and Hems,
where no mountain interposes to obstruct them, although many maps
falsely lay one down.

The cûby (or dumplings), which have been mentioned in setting out on
this journey, were now become so dry and hard that the servants and
muleteers refused to eat them. I felt that they were justified in their
refusal; for I, who, for the sake of example, was obliged to enforce
the order for their consumption by eating them myself, never suffered
more from bad food than on this occasion: but no representations could
make Lady Hester abate one tittle of her resolution. The maids cried,
the men grumbled and rebelled, and the fatigue of keeping order among
Christians, Drûzes, and Mahometans, was more than I had hitherto
experienced: yet no one fell ill. This day Pierre joined us here, and
brought with him the luggage which had been left behind.

On the 23d we continued our route. The villages in the territory of
Bâlbec were much less numerous, and much more miserable, than those in
the Bkâ. Such as were on the side of the mountain were built higher
up than they had been, as if the inhabitants feared to be exposed to
depredations from the plain. No gardens or orchards were to be seen.
After five hours’ march we arrived at a Tel, where was a fine rivulet,
which, running from the mountain, turned a mill wheel, and then flowed
towards the river in the centre of the plain, the ancient Leontes or
Litanus, called the Bâlbec river by our muleteers, and which becomes
the Casmia before it empties itself into the sea. Here we encamped, in
a still more dangerous situation than hitherto.

I had established a fixed plan of encampment, with regular distances
assigned for each tent, which was adhered to every night; but here the
tents were brought closer than usual. I was not at ease in my bed, and,
awaking M. Beaudin, the interpreter, he and myself patrolled the ground
alternately through the night. The moon shone bright, and the scene
wore a lonely appearance. Fortunately we had to deal with a woman whose
composure of mind was never ruffled by real danger, and whose sleep
was never broken by the apprehension of false.

The Letanus passed very near the Tel, from which circumstance it is
evident that the slope of Anti-Lebanon extends across two-thirds of the
plain. At this season of the year, and in this spot, a man might leap
over the river. Higher up, one day’s journey west of Bâlbec, there is,
according to Abulfeda, (p. 155) a pool or lake, reedy and stagnant,
where this river takes its source, and the bed of the stream had many
reeds in it where we saw it.

On the 24th we crossed it, and at noon reached Bâlbec. The luxuriant
scenery which the imagination readily lent to the city and ruins as
seen at a distance, intermixed with the deep green foliage of trees,
vanished on a nearer approach. The gardens near the ruins were no more
than orchards, sown, in the intervals between the trees, with maize,
turnips, and other vegetables: nor did the Temple of the Sun impress
us with all its grandeur until close to it. The inequalities of the
soil in a manner buried the ruins, and their magnificence, at the first
glance, seemed, like that of Palmyra, to be less than, on a farther
examination, it proved to be.




                              CHAPTER II.

   Residence at Bâlbec--Visit to the governor, the Emir
   Jahjáh--Wretchedness of Bâlbec--Bath Scene--Encampment
   of Lady Hester at Ras el Ayn--Sepulchral caverns--Greek
   bishop of Bâlbec--Catholic priest--Climate--Departure from
   Bâlbec--Ayn Ayty--Hurricane--Bsharry--Mineral springs--Dress of
   women--Village of Ehden, conjectured by some to be the site of
   Paradise--Resort of native Christians--Arrival of Selim, son of
   Mâlem Musa Koblan, of Hamah--The Cedars of Lebanon--Maronite
   monastery of Mar Antaniûs--Lady Hester enters it in spite of the
   monks--Arrival at Tripoli.


We encamped under the south-west angle of the temple, in an open field,
through which ran the rivulet that traverses the town; but, considering
that the water we thus drank was no better than the washings of the
houses, and fearing also, from the concourse of women and children
who were constantly surrounding our encampment, that the plague might
be introduced among us, it was resolved to remove to a spot of ground
near the spring where the rivulet takes its rise, called Ras el Ayn,
the fountain head, about a mile from the town to the south-east. Here,
in the ruins of an old mosque, her ladyship’s tent was screened from
the wind; for tempests were now expected; whilst the rest of the party
encamped in the open fields.

The day after our arrival I paid a visit to the governor, Emir Jahjáh,
of the family of Harfûsh, whose exactions from travellers passing
through this place have been recorded by more than one sufferer. He was
a needy prince, who ruled, indeed, the district, but was surrounded by
too many chieftains as powerful as himself ever to feel secure. For, on
the one hand, the Pasha of Damascus, to whom he was tributary, was said
to take annually from him sixty purses: on the other, the Emir of the
Drûzes, towards the west, was watching, upon every occasion, to make
encroachments upon him; and the Emir of Derny, a neighbouring district
of Mount Lebanon, was his enemy whenever it served his turn to be so.
Jahjáh had been on one occasion displaced by his brother, the Emir
Sultan, backed by the Pasha of Damascus: but he afterwards restored
the usurped province to Jahjáh, and they were now living in amicable
relations with each other.

I found the emir in a house with little appearance of splendour about
it. The room in which he received me had no more than four whitewashed
walls, with a mud floor covered with a common rush mat. What his
harým was I had no opportunity of judging: but the harým of one of
his relations, to which I went to see a maid servant who was ill of a
tertian ague, was very much of a piece with this. His brother, Emir
Sultan, to whom I next paid a visit, seemed somewhat better lodged:
for his sofa was covered with yellow satin, with a cushion of the same
stuff to lean on, but his guests were obliged to sit on the floor on
a common mat. An earthenware jug to drink out of, a towel to wipe his
face and hands, a pipe and tobacco-bag, a sword, a pair of pistols, and
a gun--these formed the furniture of his, as they do that of the rooms
of many other chieftains in the East.

I dined with Emir Sultan, a compliment from him which I did not expect,
as the rules of the Metoualy religion prohibit eating and drinking from
vessels defiled by Christians. Wanting to drink during the repast, I
called for some water, which to the other guests was handed in a silver
cup. To me it was given in an earthenware jug: and, when we had risen
from table, this jug was broken by the servant close by the door of the
room, that no one of the house might make use of it afterwards. I felt
my choler rise at this unjust distinction made between man and man,
but I pretended not to observe it. Why it was done in sight of us all
I do not know, unless it were to remove the imputation which might lie
at his door if it could be surmised that an impure drinking-cup still
remained in his house.

Twice, when I was on a morning visit to Emir Sultan, the butcher
came, weighed his meat at the door of the room, and minced it in the
window-seat before him, in order, as I guessed, to avoid all suspicion
of poison, the constant dread of eastern potentates, or else to fulfil
to the letter some precept of his religion touching meats.

The plague was occasionally making its appearance in different
families, so that I could visit no one without some degree of
apprehension. Respecting the modern town, this is the information I
collected. It contained now no more than from 120 to 150 families,
about thirty of which were Catholics.[4] The Mahometan inhabitants
were Metoualys or Shyas.[5] Nothing could present a more miserable
appearance than the streets. Five sixths of the old town were now
covered with rubbish. Wretchedness was depicted in the rags and looks
of the inhabitants, and poverty in the palace of the emir. It is said
that the emir himself, rendered desperate by the little quiet which the
pasha of Damascus allowed him, had, of his own accord, destroyed whole
streets, that his town might be no longer an object of covetousness
to him. Bâlbec is situated in 33° 50 N. I observed two mosques, Jamâ
el Malak and Baekret el Cadi. There were four gates to the town, which
was divided into seven parishes. The district of Bâlbec contained
twenty-five villages.

South and by east of the temple, at the distance of a quarter of a
mile, is an elevation which commands the town, and affords a beautiful
view of the ruins and of the surrounding country. On the top of this
eminence was a well, hewn out of the rock, of a square form, but now
filled up with rubbish. The quarries, which supplied the stone for
building the temple, are to the south-west of it. Viewed from this
spot, the plain of the Bkâ seems to run north-east and south-west. The
last visible point of Anti-Lebanon, seen from hence, lies north-east
and by north half east, and the snowy summit of Mount Lebanon bore
north-north-west.

I forbear to give any description of the Temple of the Sun. It was
in the same state in which Volney saw it in 1784. The immense stones
which form the escarpment of the south-west corner, and which are
always mentioned by travellers with so much wonder, somewhat disfigure
the edifice;[6] for their monstrous magnitude is so little in
correspondence with the stones which form the upper part of the wall
that they destroy all symmetry, and impress an idea of a building less
in size than its component parts were intended for.

Lady Hester’s first inquiry was generally for a bath; and, when she had
ascertained that there was one, having reposed herself for two or three
days, she was desirous of going to it: so it was to be cleaned out for
her reception. It was the afternoon, and, as is customary, the women,
who always bathe from noon to sunset, were in it. The bathmaster, eager
for the bakshysh, which he already anticipated he should get from a
person reputed so rich as Lady Hester, requested me to wait a little,
and said he would order the women out in a moment, and show it to me.
Accordingly, he went into the centre room, vociferating as he entered,
and then, driving them, undressed as they were, into a side chamber, he
called me in. A few naked children continued to run about; whilst the
women, curious to see a Frank, peeped out of their hiding-place, and
cared very little what part of their person was exposed to view. Had I
been anything but a medical man, neither the bathman nor I could have
risked such an adventure on such an occasion. Thus the women of the
east, veiled from head to foot, and shut up with bars and bolts, still
find means, under the excuse of doctors, dervises, and relations, to
admit men into places from which their jealous husbands in vain would
exclude them.

  [Illustration: RAS EL AYN, BÂLBEC.]

The spot at which we were encamped was one of the most beautiful that
it is possible to behold. It was at the extremity of a valley, on the
first rise of the Anti-Lebanon, where several copious springs, bubbling
up in a circular basin of antique masonry, formed a considerable
rivulet, which watered the whole valley down to Bâlbec, one mile
off. The valley was covered with the dense foliage of fruit-trees,
cypresses, weeping-willows, plane, and fruit-trees of all kinds,
through which a shady path led to the town. Close to the spring were
the ruins of an old mosque, and the remains of a gateway, the lintel
and posts of which were single blocks of stone. It probably had
belonged to the temple; and the circular basins, which confined the
springs, were once, to appearance, surmounted by domes. Many large
loose stones lay round about. In looking from the bank, just above the
spring, a variety of objects filled up the landscape. In the farthest
distance were the two most elevated peaks of Mount Lebanon, covered
with snow, contrasted with a lower chain of the mountain, wooded
and dark-looking. Over the tops of the gardens rose, in magnificent
grandeur, the six columns, which were still standing, of the inner
temple. Dispersed in the field to the left of the mosque were the green
tents, with asses and mules tied up among them. It was but to turn
one’s back on these cheerful objects, when the barren declivities of
Anti-Lebanon presented themselves, heightening the beauty of the mixed
scenery at their foot by the contrast which they presented.

By an arrangement made previous to Lady Hester’s departure from
Meshmûshy, Selim, the son of Mâlem Musa Koblán of Hamah, of whom
mention has been made during our stay at that place, was to meet her
here; but, as he had not come, my servant was despatched on a mule
with a letter to him. This necessarily detained us at Bâlbec; and,
when the ruins had been seen, the governor visited, and the prospects
round about admired, a stay here became somewhat irksome: as the plague
was so much increased that it was necessary to abstain from entering
people’s houses.

The death of a Sayd or Sherýf of the plague alarmed the governor so
much, that he removed soon afterwards with his household to a castle
at a small distance. But the motive he assigned was not considered
by us as the real one: for we thought that he was either afraid of
Selim’s coming, of which he had heard, considering that he might be an
emissary of the Pasha of Damascus, who had long endeavoured to lay hold
of his person: or else, apprehensive that in our exposed encampment we
might be plundered, he supposed, by removing himself from the town, he
should not be considered as responsible, or charged by the Porte with
reparation.

In the mean time, as it happened everywhere, Lady Hester never rode
through the streets, or approached the town, but she was immediately
followed by several persons. Ali, Emir of Derny,[7] was so far
attracted by curiosity as to depart from his dignity and ride round our
encampment, in the wish of getting a sight of her. Affairs with Emir
Jahjáh had brought him from his principality, which is on the north
extremity of Mount Lebanon, down to Bâlbec, and his martial air, as he
rode along with a dozen attendants, struck me very forcibly; but Lady
Hester did not see him.

At the beginning of November it came on to rain most violently, and
successive storms of thunder and wet confined us much under our tents.
In the intervals of fine weather, I rode out in every direction round
the town; but my researches were unsuccessful in discovering any
remains of antiquity that had not been before seen by other travellers.
About one hundred yards from the north-east wall of the city there
are several caverns, the appearance of which demonstrated that stone
was quarried there for building, and that, at the same time, or
subsequently, these caverns had been converted into sepulchres for the
dead. They are very numerous, and some were very spacious: but, in all,
the shape was nearly alike, being that of an arch of six feet from the
apex to the floor, and five and a half or six feet long. They contained
from three to ten pits or sarcophagi, and generally they were just deep
enough for the breadth of a human corpse. Some had two abreast. Some
sepulchres were flat-roofed, and one had a centre embossment which
might originally have been sculptured in relief. Many had in them small
niches as if for a lamp; and in one was an upright sarcophagus.

We found here some peasants filling sacks with saltpetre, which they
collected from these and other caverns, in and about the place: they
had amassed four ass loads. On the talus of one of the shafts of the
quarry there were, although with difficulty to be discovered, some old
Grecian characters.

I was sitting one day under a clump of trees, by the side of a rivulet,
smoking, when a Greek caloyer or priest approached, and saluted me.
It proved to be the bishop of Bâlbec, whom I had known, in the autumn
of 1812, at Yabrûd, the ordinary place of his residence; for the
fanaticism of the Metoualys, and the oppression of Jahjáh’s government,
obliged him to reside in a more tranquil spot. His diocese extended
from Hems to Malûla. He was a dark, ugly, squinting man, but very
loquacious, and seemingly a very good theologian. His name, which, as
a layman, had been Wakyn, was now Cyrillus: and this assumption of an
episcopal name is a common practice among Eastern divines.[8]

Giovanni was not yet returned from Hamah, and apprehensions were
entertained that he had been plundered by the Bedouin Arabs: yet, as he
was furnished with a paper saying by whom he was sent, and as he was
moreover known as having accompanied us to Palmyra, it was thought that
he would not be molested. During the whole of this time, the muleteers
and their mules were at a fixed pay per diem, which made the delay very
expensive.

I occasionally visited the Catholic priest, a European. His house
contained the only oven for baking loaves in the place, and our bread
was baked there every two or three days. I was sitting with him one
day on a stone by the way side, in conversation, when a sayd or green
turbaned Mahometan passed us on an ass, carrying before him a dish
of lentils, which he apparently had bought for his dinner. “El mejd
lillah--(Glory be to God)”--was his salutation to us; to which the
priest immediately replied, “däyman--(for ever)”--and the sayd went on,
and the priest continued the conversation, both quite unconscious how
strange their puritanical language appeared.[9]

Bâlbec is an extremely cold and exposed place in the winter, but must,
from the dry air of the neighbouring downs, enjoy a very salubrious
climate.

The weather still continuing tempestuous, there was some hazard,
should our departure be delayed much longer, that the route over Mount
Lebanon to Tripoli would become impassable from the snow. Accordingly,
we left Bâlbec on the 7th or 8th of November at 11 o’clock, after
having remained there a fortnight. We crossed the plain in a north-west
direction. When we were half over it, we saw on our left, half a mile
out of the road, a single pillar: but, whether one of many others now
thrown down, or a votive column, I had not time to examine.[10] About
four we reached the foot of Lebanon, and passed the village of Dayr
Ahmar. We ascended, and, about half past five, arrived at the narrow
valley where stood the village of Ayn Aty; so named from a source of
water which springs from the rock just above: and there is, as we were
told, a small lake near the spot.[11]

The wind was north, and blew very cold, with rain and sleet. Pierre,
who had undertaken to be our guide, had promised that we should arrive
before sunset at our station: but it was already dark, and Lady Hester,
who suffered much from the inclemency of the weather, grew impatient
and angry with him. We continued to ascend through a scattered forest
of stunted oaks, with which the whole of the lowest chain is wooded.
Some were of a good circumference in the stem, but none were high.
Whilst it was yet light, I picked up two specimens of the rock, which
seemed to be a sort of marble in a bed of argil.

We arrived, at length, at the spring-head, Ayn Aty;[12] but such
a hurricane of wind and rain came on, just as the muleteers were
unloading, that they, one and all, threw down tents, trunks, and beds,
in confusion, and betook themselves for shelter to caverns in the
rocks, so that we saw no more of them all night. In vain did I call and
threaten; they heeded me not. The tent-men were desired to plant Lady
Hester’s tent, and leave the others for the moment to shift as they
could: but, so strong did the wind blow, that, as fast as they reared
it, it was blown down again. The maids could keep no candle alight:
even in a lantern it was extinguished, and the darkness was intense.
With some difficulty, Lady Hester’s tent was at last secured, then that
for the women. Her ladyship, who had meanwhile taken shelter under a
precipice, was at length comfortably placed under cover.

This was one of the most distressing nights we ever passed. When the
other tents were fixed, and, by means of fires, we had somewhat dried
ourselves, a laughable accident occurred from the terrors of Pierre,
who, having gone a short distance from the camp, could not from the
darkness find his way back again, and was heard amidst the fury of the
tempest bellowing lustily for help. Neither the dragoman nor myself
slept the whole of the night; as, on several occasions, the tent-ropes
flew, and it required all our authority to induce the _akàms_ or
tent-men to brave the weather and repair them.

November the 9th, as soon as it was light, the muleteers re-appeared,
confessing that they had hidden themselves for fear of being employed
through the night. We departed from Ayn Aty, clambering up the steep
paths to surmount the second chain; and, in about two hours, we came to
the summit, from which the valley of the Bkâ, as we looked down behind
us, seemed like a slip of fallow land, so much were its dimensions
narrowed by distance. In ascending Mount Lebanon, from the plain
between Dayr Ahmar and the spring Ayn Aty, the rock is of a compact
limestone, with a portion of iron intermixed: at least, so I judged
from its colour, which was, where exposed to the air, red, and within
flesh-coloured. On the very summit of the mountain, above the Cedars
and behind the village of Bsharry, I broke off a fragment of rock,
which was limestone also. Descending on the other side, we saw the
far-famed clump of Cedars on our right; and, leaving them, arrived at
sunset at Bsharry. The shaykh, named Ragel, received Lady Hester into
his house, although he had made some difficulty at first, owing to his
dread of the plague, which we might have brought with us from Bâlbec. I
was lodged in a house on the opposite side of the street, and the rest
were dispersed about as the shaykh chose to billet them.

Bsharry is in itself a picturesque spot, and commands views of other
spots equally so. It was a burgh of two hundred houses, furnishing
when necessary five hundred muskets. From the martial character of
the inhabitants, who were hardy mountaineers, and accustomed from
their infancy to carry fire-arms; as also from its elevated situation,
difficult on all sides of access; it had, at different periods,
asserted its independence by force, although surrounded by Drûzes and
Metoualys, Turks, and Ansárys. They spoke of the present government
of the Emir Beshýr with disgust, and pretended that, if the love of
liberty, which was so strong in their forefathers, had still existed,
they should yet have been free.

In the environs of Bsharry, potatoes were cultivated and eaten by the
peasants as an article of daily food. Their introduction was of a few
years’ date only. Some Franks at Tripoli, I afterwards learned, were
accustomed to eat them occasionally; but elsewhere than at Bsharry I
did not observe them to be cultivated. Lady Hester caused some to be
planted at Abra, but the peasants prognosticated that they would die;
and indeed they came up very well, but the soil was too much burnt up,
and they could not find moisture enough to come to maturity.

The inhabitants of Bsharry were of the Maronite persuasion. They were
said to be all good sportsmen. I found few sick in the place, and was
told that persons lived to an advanced age. Among those who applied to
me there were cases of colic, sore eyes, and old sores, and one of a
venereal nature; but there were no _goitres_, and yet snow-water
is the only water drunk. I collected here a few ancient coins, which
was generally the payment I exacted from the sick. The river Kadýshy
takes its source above this village, out of a rocky amphitheatre, and
is precipitated by small cascades into a deep ravine, where it runs
until lost among the windings of the mountains.

To the north-east another spring, from the mountains that overhang
the environs of the village, fell in a pretty cascade, and, running
close to the east point of the village, contributed to increase the
stream of the Kadýsha. The water, where it formed the cascade, and
before it mixed with other rivulets, was said to affect goats, drinking
of it, with looseness; whilst men were exempt from this effect. The
roads around were stony and difficult, rendered wet and muddy by the
constant intersection of rivulets, which, at this season, were very
numerous. To the east of Bsharry there is a convent dedicated to Mar
Serkýz.

The women here, instead of veils of silk crape, wore over their heads
coloured handkerchiefs, principally red. The _tassy_ on the head
was of the shape of a truncated bell of silver, to which were appended
by the better sort of females jingling gold and silver coins, to divert
(as a lively young woman told me) their tiresome husbands. Their
pantaloons were red; and, from the frequent resort of Tripoline ladies
to these heights for change of air, they had adopted from them the
high-heeled slipper with red soles, affected by the Christian women of
that city, and by them borrowed from the Cypriotes.

In the same house with the shaykh lodged another shaykh of the same
family, named Girius, a man of better appearance than his colleague.
Seeing that I inquired for antiques, he produced an intaglio,
representing an owl, for which I offered him a considerable price; but
he was quite exorbitant in his demands. I had every reason to believe,
from what I afterwards heard at Tripoli, that this ring had once been
the property of an Englishman, Mr. Davison, who, on visiting the Cedars
of Mount Lebanon, lost it in the snow. It was picked up by a man sent
by the shaykh to look for it, after Mr. Davison had employed a peasant
in (as he said) a fruitless search for it and had departed.

We staid here the whole of the 10th, but Lady Hester did not show
herself out of doors, nor admit the females of the house into her room;
and from this circumstance originated a report, which was circulated at
Tripoli before our arrival, that she had guards to prevent people from
gazing on her as she passed along the road.

From Bsharry[13] we proceeded to Ehden. The rainy season was now set
in, and the weather was exceedingly cold in these high regions. Eden,
or, as it is more properly written, Ehden, has been fancifully supposed
by some travellers to be the ancient Paradise; but it has no claim
whatever to such a pre-eminence, excepting in name, as there are many
villages in the mountain equally, or even more, romantic. Its elevated
situation renders it a pleasant summer residence, and the Franks of
Tripoli resort to it annually in the hot months. In their eyes and
those of the native Christians, it is no small recommendation to these
almost inaccessible spots, that they live here quite away from the
Turks, whose gravity and sobriety in the cities greatly repress their
conviviality. Ehden abounds in lofty and spreading walnut-trees and
mulberry plantations. Meandering rivulets purl through it in every
direction. The cottages are substantially and neatly built, and we
were nowhere more pleasantly lodged during the journey than here. The
curate’s widow gave up her best room for me. It was a stone-walled
house, with a flat roof and a floor of compact cement. The windows were
without casements. The whole village was much more neatly built than
any of those that we had hitherto seen.

There was a man in this village named Yusef Kawàm, who afforded much
amusement. He might be said to officiate in the capacity of parasite
to anybody who visited Ehden, and who would pay him for playing the
character.

It was resolved to wait here for Selim, whose departure from home had
been announced to Lady Hester by letter. She was lodged in a small
convent, which had once belonged to the Jesuits; and every arrangement
for the comfort of so numerous a party had been made by the shaykh
of the village, named Latûf el Ashy, who, having passed his youth at
Tripoli, as a clerk in a mercantile house, spoke a little French. Two
days afterwards Selim arrived, accompanied by a boy fourteen years old,
Sulymán, the son of Mâlem Skender, of Hems, of whom mention was made
in a preceding part. Selim had two servants with him, and Sulymán one.
Selim alighted at the shaykh’s door, where an apartment was provided
for him, and where I waited to receive him. On hearing the noise of
his horse’s feet, I ran to welcome him as an old acquaintance, and
conducted him up the steps into his room. A few minutes afterwards
I was surprised to find Sulymán did not follow, and desired one of
the servants to see if he had gone into a wrong room. He returned and
whispered to me that Sulymán was at the foot of the steps, and would
not come in, unless I went and fetched him in the same form as I had
done Selim. Surprised at this boy’s ridiculous ceremoniousness, I would
have laughed at him, but I found that he was in good earnest. This
circumstance is mentioned as illustrative of the pride of Christians in
the Levant, which swells where their demands on people’s civility are
likely to be complied with, and shrinks into nothing before Turks, or
where they expect a repulse.

The mornings were spent by Selim and myself in sitting and smoking
by the side of the stream on a carpet spread for the purpose, or in
riding. He had with him a very beautiful horse, which he backed with
much elegance. Conducted by the shaykh, we went to view the Cedars;
but they have been too often described to render it necessary to say
anything about them. The neighbouring convent keeps so far a guard over
these sacred trees, that no native peasant dares injure and cut them.
Travellers, however, did not scruple to take away as large a branch or
piece as suited their wants; but latterly some restraint has been put
upon them, and it is now necessary to obtain an order for that purpose.
These Cedars have a very dubious reputation, and no great beauty to
recommend them. Those which grow in the grounds of Warwick Castle are
(the traditions attached to the others excepted) almost equally worth
seeing.

We remained at Eden a week, and went thence to the monastery of Mar
Antaniûs, (St. Anthony) situate about half a league to the south of the
village, on one of the most romantic sites that can be found in any
country, half way down a deep and precipitous ravine: and, although we
could look down upon it from Ehden, yet, to get there, it was necessary
for persons on horseback to make a circuit of two leagues. At the
bottom of the ravine, which is well wooded, is a river, the Kadýshy;
and the summits of the mountains quite overhang the monastery, which
stands on a ledge of the rock scarcely broad enough for its base, and
which is only accessible by a path, so narrow that habit alone could
make persons pass it with indifference. From the rock, in the very
centre of the monastery, issues a stream of water, that, in summer,
must give a delicious coolness to the cloister, but now produced a cold
and comfortless chill.

The friars are Maronites, fifty or sixty in number, including residents
and mendicants. Many miracles are attributed, by the inhabitants of
the surrounding country, to the tutelary saint of the place: such
as the cure of lunacy, epilepsy, and fits; the incorruptibility of
corpses buried in the monastery; and, more especially, the certain
manifestation of his anger towards anything of the female sex that
presumes to cross the threshold of this holy place. I believe this to
have been the chief reason that induced Lady Hester to turn out of her
road to visit it. So tenacious of violation is Saint Anthony in this
respect, that the hen-fowls are cooped up, lest they should stray into
the sacred precincts, whilst the cocks run at large.

On our arrival, Lady Hester was accordingly lodged in a house about
fifty yards distant, built for visitors; whilst we were received into
the monastery. As soon as she had rested a little, she sent a message
to the superior, announcing her intention of trying the Saint’s
gallantry, and, saying that she would, on the following day, give a
dinner to him and to the shaykhs, who had escorted her from Eden, in a
room of the monastery itself. She hinted at the authority with which
she was furnished from the Sultan to visit what places she chose; and
that, consequently, any opposition on their part would be opposition
to him. But there were not wanting some priests who openly avowed
their abhorrence of such impiety, whilst the greater number secretly
murmured at this sacrilege on the part of a heretic, and that heretic
a woman. Selim, who was a man of great discernment and knowledge of
the world, which he concealed under a mock frivolity and gaiety, which
made many persons imagine him to be half mad, pretended that, on such a
grand occasion, nothing less than a Cashmere shawl must cover the sofa
whereon Lady Hester was to sit, and that no common carpet would serve
to rest her feet on.[14] For he was much afraid that some trick would
be practised by the monks, either on the sofa or carpet, in order to
preserve the miraculous consistency of their saint. My own foresight
went no farther than to desire that the ass should be carefully watched
previous to her riding from the adjoining house to the monastery: for
the path was on the edge of a low precipice, and a bramble under its
tail, or a pin in the crupper, would have been sufficient to endanger
the rider’s life. When the dinner hour arrived, Lady Hester mounted;
and, being determined that the monks should have no subterfuge, she
would not dismount until she had ridden on her _she_-ass into the
very hall of the building; and I verily believe, if the wiser sort did
not, that at least the servants of the monastery, and her ladyship’s
own, expected to see the pavement gape beneath her feet and swallow
her up. She visited the refectory and every place where she could put
her head; but at one door there was a momentary altercation between
the two parties of monks, who were for and against her entering. We
then sat down to dinner, and, at the expiration of four hours, Lady
Hester retired. The news of her courage, as it was construed by some,
and her sacrilege, as it was called by others, soon spread through the
mountain, and was long the topic of general conversation.

This monastery had a printing-press, which lay useless, owing to the
recent death of an old monk called Seraphim, who was the founder
and worker of it, having himself made the font of the types. I was
presented with a specimen of his labours, being a single sheet
containing a notice of the miracles that had been wrought by the
tutelary saint.

The glebe of Mar Antaniûs produces, as I was informed, to the amount of
fifteen purses in silk.

Canubin and other convents in this district, although well worthy
of the traveller’s attention, were not visited by us on account of
the weather. We left the friars, who were greatly satisfied with her
ladyship’s generosity, and proceeded, with the rain upon us, to a
village called Keffer-zayny, on our road to Tripoli. Lady Hester fell
from her ass in the way, but received no hurt, for two lads always
walked by her, one on either side, who supported her knees and back
in craggy and difficult places. The ass was without a bridle, and was
left, with the sagacity for which that animal is known, to pick his own
way. We were escorted by a guard of armed men. The difficulties of
the road were more than commonly great. A man, dressed in a splendid
scarlet robe, presented himself to Lady Hester in the evening, and
created a great deal of merriment by his assumed airs of importance.

On the following day we arrived at Tripoli, amidst a tremendous storm
of thunder and rain. The report of Lady Hester’s approach had spread
through the city, and the streets through which she had to pass were
lined with spectators, whose curiosity must have been great to induce
them to stand the pelting of such a storm.




                             CHAPTER III.

   Residence at Tripoli--The governor Mustafa Aga--Lady
   Hester’s visit to him--Extraordinary civilities paid
   by her to Selim--Town and port of Tripoli--Greek
   bishop--Library--Paintings in the church--Unwholesome
   climate--The author’s journey to the convent of Dayr
   Hamýra--Illness of Mûly Ismael’s Khasnadár--Miraculous
   cures performed at the convent--The Khasnadár’s wife--The
   monks--Castle of El Hussn--Extensive view--Arrival of Selim
   at the monastery--His character--Return of the author to
   Tripoli--Lady Hester’s plan of an association of literary men
   and artists--Departure for Mar Elias.


The Capuchin convent, an uninhabited building, was hired for Lady
Hester; and for Selim, the dragoman, and myself, a spacious house,
belonging to the widow of the katib of the governor. The muleteers were
dismissed, and arrangements were made for a residence of some weeks. As
a clue to many circumstances which occurred during the time of our stay
in this city, it will be necessary to say something respecting Mustafa
Aga (nicknamed Berber), the then governor, a man raised by his conduct
and valour from the very dregs of the people.

Mustafa was the son of a muleteer, whose employment consisted in
transporting goods for hire from place to place; and he himself, in his
youth, followed the same occupation. He afterwards entered the service
of Hassan, emir of the Drûzes, as an under-servant of the household.
Here he caught the eye of the emir, and was advanced by him; but,
probably, not liking to derogate from the character of a true Mussulman
by associating with schismatics, he quitted his place and returned to
Tripoli. Tripoli, at this time, was divided into two opposite factions,
that of the janissaries and of the townspeople. Mustafa sided with the
latter; and, having shown himself a man of talent and courage by his
language and demeanour, ten or a dozen others formed themselves into a
sort of gang under his direction. His followers by degrees increased;
and at length a plan was formed among them to strike at the very root
of the power of the janissaries by seizing the castle. This, according
to the nature of the Turkish government, is the stronghold of the
military power, and is bestowed generally on some confidential servant
of the Porte as a check on the civil governor, who is chosen by the
pasha of the department.

The aga of the janissaries, or governor of the castle, was so little
suspicious of the possibility even of so bold an attack, that he
resided in the city, and left only a few soldiers on guard in the
citadel. Some of these were gained over by the artful Mustafa; and, at
an appointed signal, ropes were let down at night, by which he and
about twenty others were drawn up, and admitted unperceived through a
window.

The few soldiers who attempted to oppose them were despatched or
bound, and in the morning the news was spread that Berber had obtained
possession of the castle. The townspeople declared for him immediately;
and his first care was to send to Mohammed, pasha of Egypt, to request
him to write to the Porte to express his allegiance to his sovereign,
and to obtain for him the post of Janissary Aga, or, in other words, a
confirmation of the power he had usurped. After a lapse of some weeks,
during which he maintained himself in the citadel, a firman arrived,
proclaiming him military governor; but so powerful was the opposite
faction, that he dared never venture through the streets of Tripoli
without a guard of fifty or sixty persons.

It was said that, as he rode through the streets, his piercing eyes,
which were turned in every direction, watched the looks of those he
met; and wo to him whose guilt was supposed to be betrayed in his
countenance--that moment was his last.

Next to the governor, a very important person in every Turkish town is
the katib, or government secretary. Mustafa Aga had several;[15] the
two chief were Wahby Sadeka and Mamy Garyb, his son-inlaw, a young man
who had already acquired in his situation much deserved reputation. M.
Guys, grandson of the author of a Comparison between Ancient and Modern
Greece, was French consul; Mr. Catsiflitz, English agent. These are the
public authorities with whom travellers, generally speaking, have to do.

A day or two after our arrival, Lady Hester received Malem Wahby, the
public secretary, sent by Mustafa Aga to compliment her and to offer
her his services.

The visit was returned to the governor a few days afterwards. He
received her ladyship in the most polite manner to which his rough
character could adapt itself; for his frank and hearty welcome was
strongly contrasted with the generally formal courtesy of the Turks.
Selim sat on the floor at the governor’s feet; for native Christians
seldom obtain the privilege of a seat on the sofa in a great Turk’s
presence, and are well content not to be kept standing. Lady Hester
found means, in a short conversation, to impress Mustafa Aga with a
favourable opinion of her talents and character; and ever afterwards he
showed a strong disposition to serve her on all occasions. Everything
about the Aga wore a martial appearance; and his black slave, who
stood at a little distance from him, armed with pistols in his girdle,
seemed, by his attitude and air, to be the faithful guardian of his
master’s safety.

Mustafa Aga had several Christians among his soldiers, destined for
the service of the police. This is uncommon in Asiatic Turkey, for
examples of it occurred nowhere else, that I saw.

In coming away, I had an opportunity of judging of the extreme
simplicity of the Aga’s mode of living. His dinner was laid out on a
mat, on the floor of a room which we passed, and consisted of six or
eight messes of pilau and yakhny, which are boiled rice and a stew
of small bits of meat and vegetables, and these in dishes of common
queen’s-ware. There were no knives or forks, and the spoons were
wooden. A man in England, living like a temperate Mahometan, would
pass for a prodigy with some, and with others, for one who took not
enough to support life; by all, he would be considered as a most sober
liver: for the food of Mustafa Aga, like that of most of the followers
of Mahomet, was generally confined to rice, boiled mutton, vegetables,
honey, and fruit. Water was his only drink; and, on the very afternoon
of this visit, being requested to call on him that he might consult me
respecting some indisposition, when I advised him to use a tincture,
which he understood from me was compounded of spirit, he totally
rejected it, upon the plea that, in whatever state he might be, his
abhorrence of vinous liquors was settled.

In the mean time, Mâlem Selim was treated with the most marked civility
by Lady Hester. The public bath was hired for him an evening or two
after our arrival. Two sumptuous repasts were prepared for him every
day, and people saw with wonder the deference that was paid him by
her ladyship. But she had her ends to answer; and on such occasions
it might be observed, by those in the habit of living near her, that
she often would raise very humble individuals to an elevation to which
they had not been accustomed, by which they were the more easily led
to forget their natural prudence, and communicate more readily the
information she wanted. She knew that, when these artificial props were
taken away, folks could very easily be made to drop to their own level
again.

In the middle ages, Tripoli was the scene of much warfare. It was taken
by the crusaders after a siege of seven years, and retaken by the
Saracens in 1229 by sap.

Modern Tripoli is the head of a pashalik, extending north and south
from Nahr Ibrahim to Bylán, and bounded on the east by the highest
chain of the mountains which run parallel to the coast. Ali, a pasha
of two tails, held it, but resided at St. Jean d’Acre as kekhyah of
Sulimán Pasha, whilst Mustafa Aga governed in his stead. It is the
best built and cleanest town along the coast of Syria; perhaps, too,
the largest, certainly, at the time we are speaking of, the most
commercial; although now superseded by Beyrout. The castle is at the
south-east part of the city, and is of Saracen or Frank construction.
There are five or six mosques. The Greeks and Maronites have their
churches, and the Franciscans and Capuchins their monasteries. A river
runs by the city, which serves to irrigate the gardens. As it is built
at some distance from the sea, (about one mile) there is a small town,
called the Myna, close to the harbour, if the insecure anchorage formed
by two or three rocks deserves that name. Between the city and the
Myna are the orchards and gardens, which are the boast of the place,
both for their productions and beauty. Oranges were now in season,
which have been before mentioned as very juicy at this place. One of
the chief sources of wealth to the city was the manufacture of silk
turbans, sashes, bath waist-cloths, and saddle-covers, which are in
request throughout Syria. The Christians here were of the Greek church;
and so violent were they against schismatics, that it was dangerous for
a Greek Catholic to tarry in the place for a few hours. The bishop of
Tripoli was an agreeable man, who spoke often in praise of the English:
for he had known many of that nation, when our army invaded Egypt the
second time under General Fraser, at which period he was residing as a
priest at the Greek convent of Alexandria.

I had an opportunity of seeing, in the bishop’s house, the library
belonging to the see. The books had been thrown into a lumber room, and
left there to be devoured by the rats, or more slowly consumed by moths
and damp. There were some Greek manuscripts. The church was undergoing
a thorough repair, and, to embellish the altar screen, a Candiote
painter had been sent for, whose skill in his art seemed to me far from
despicable. He showed me some copies from Italian engravings, which
were very well executed: and, when I asked him if he did not prefer
them to the gilded daubs of Virgins and Saints of his own church,
he showed himself perfectly aware of the faults of his countrymen’s
manner, but said he must paint to please, or he could not live.

The climate of Tripoli is reputed to be the worst in Syria, and the
cadaverous looks of the inhabitants bore evidence to the truth of the
assertion; for, although the season was far advanced, it was grievous
to behold and hear of the number of the sick. The prevailing disease
was a bilious remittent fever: this, if not fatal, generally left an
ague, which, ending in obstructions, brought on dropsy and death. I
was witness here to a fatal mortification from the application of
leeches by a French doctor to the foot; to the only case of gout that
came under my observation in Syria; to the worst case of epilepsy I
ever saw; and to hysterical fits, with lunar recurrences, from seven
to fifteen times in the twenty-four hours, which had now lasted two
years. These latter I cured, and may cite that cure as having led to
one of those ingenious subterfuges, which were not rare in the Levant,
to avoid the weight of an obligation. When the young lady, who had
been thus afflicted, was found to be relieved by my treatment of her,
she was hurried off to the convent of Mar Antaniûs Kuziyah (famed,
as I have already mentioned, for miraculous cures) from which, in a
few days, she returned, and her parents and friends were loud in their
admiration of the Saint, who took no fees, and dumb on the merits of
the doctor, who they were afraid would.

We had not been long at Tripoli,[16] when a letter reached Lady Hester
from her old friend Mûly Ismael of Hamah, requesting she would allow
me to go to a monastery, eight or ten leagues from Tripoli, where his
khasnadár or treasurer, a man whom he greatly esteemed, was lying
grievously afflicted with a stroke of the palsy. Accordingly, I set off
a day or two afterwards, on the 20th of December, and was fortunate
enough to hire one of the muleteers, who had accompanied us on the
Bâlbec journey, to carry my luggage. I was mounted on a mule, and
placed my man, Giovanni, with a few necessaries on another, whilst the
muleteer, named Michael, walked.

As we went out of Tripoli, about noon, the rain fell in torrents, and
we were soon wet through. Our route lay about east-north-east; and,
after passing a stony and rugged road, we came upon an extensive
plain, named el Accàr. The day closed in very early, and, from the
continued rain and darkness, the beaten track was by no means clearly
visible. We reached a river, which appeared so swollen that we dared
not ford it, and were puzzled what to do. A light on our right
attracted us, and, after following the course of the stream for about
two miles, it disappeared, and we resolved to return down again. We
accordingly arrived at the point whence we had turned off, but still
hesitated to ride into the stream, as we could discern no appearances
of a path or of footsteps down the bank, as of a ford. A light on our
left was now seen: we rode towards it, and after a little time came
to some tents. Huge mastiff dogs rushed out upon us, and the muleteer
had much ado to keep them at bay with a club stick, until two or three
ill-looking men issued from the tents to discover the reason of their
barking. They were Turkmans, who were pasturing their flocks and herds
on these plains, and, when they saw we were benighted travellers, they
very strongly pressed me to go no farther, and to spend the night with
them: but I hesitated to do so on account of my ignorance of their
habits of life, and resolved, on hearing that the river was fordable,
to pursue my journey. One of the Turkmans accordingly led us back
to the same place where we had been twice before, and bade us ride
through boldly. When we were safe over he wished us good night. As he
had previously told us that we could reach a caravansery a few miles
farther on, we took fresh courage, and for a time I forgot the rain in
musing on the Turkman dogs and the shepherd’s civility; but, at last,
cold and weariness made me anxious to get housed. There was no light
before us, and the plain was every where covered with large pools of
water which embarrassed us exceedingly. The mules were fatigued, and
could with difficulty be driven on. The muleteer finally declared that
the servant’s mule could go no further, and that we must sleep in the
plain.

Although the rain fell in torrents, as there was no alternative, I got
off; and the best arrangement that circumstances would admit of was
made for the night. I found a knoll of ground, somewhat drier than
the rest of the soil; and a small rug, which I carried with me in
travelling, was opened on it, upon which I seated myself with my legs
doubled under me: and, with my hood[17] drawn over my head, I leaned
against my-medicine-chest, and went supperless to sleep. The muleteer
and Giovanni made the best of their situation.

In the morning, when daylight came, we found, to our surprise, that
a quarter of a mile more would have brought us to the caravansery
which we had been told of. The mules were re-loaded, and, just at
this moment, a caravan, on its road to Tripoli, passed us. A dozen
tongues addressed us at once to inquire why we had stopped short of the
caravansery, and many jokes were cracked upon our miserable appearance.
In twenty minutes we reached Nahr el Kebýr, a river, on the banks of
which was a large, but dilapidated caravansery, where we found a man,
who, for a small recompense, stripped and walked before us through the
ford. The stream was rapid and deep, so that for a moment I feared we
should have been carried away by it: which, encumbered with dress as we
were, would have been to our inevitable destruction.

We now advanced with as much expedition as possible, and at last came
to the end of the plain. A gentle ascent brought us among some low
hills, covered with stunted shrubs, and shortly afterwards we came to
the monastery. The building was of stone, and seemed of great solidity.
I dismounted, and was made to enter by a door, the lowest, bearing
that name, I had ever seen in my life. For, as this monastery stands
quite away from any town, and is in the high road from Tripoli to Hems
and Hamah, by which road troops are frequently passing, a difficult
entrance is a necessary precaution to prevent the refectory from being
converted into a stable: which troopers, not liking to lose sight of
their horses, would often unceremoniously do.

I was put into a neat room, and immediately presented with a pipe and
coffee, followed by a breakfast; whilst two garrulous priests told
me why I was come, which they seemed to know better than myself, and
questioned me on the news of Tripoli. With respect to the khasnadár, my
patient, I gathered some particulars of his life. It appeared that he
had been, as a youth, a _favourite_ of Mûly Ismael, who, when he
arrived at manhood, created him his khasnadár, and gave him in marriage
to one of his concubines, of whom he himself was tired. Soon after
their union, the khasnadár had a stroke of the palsy, which deprived
him of the use of his limbs and utterance. Every known means had been
tried for his recovery; and, as a last resource, it was resolved to
send him to Dayr Hamýra, this monastery, which was dedicated to Saint
George, and renowned far and wide for miraculous cures, effected in the
following manner. The afflicted person was made to sleep in the chapel,
his bed being placed there for that purpose, and round his neck was
put an iron collar, jointed behind, and shutting over a staple before,
in which sometimes a pin was inserted. He slept; and, if the cure was
within the reach or the will of the Saint, the collar was found open
in the morning; if otherwise, shut. Offerings, or vows in case of
success, were made to propitiate the Dragon-killer, and it was said
that from a rich man a trifle would not content him. The khasnadár had
made the trial two or three times without success: when his wife, who
accompanied him, having heard of our arrival at Tripoli, thought that
the request of Mûly Ismaël would be sufficient to bring me over to
the monastery to see him: and a horse soldier, as has been said, was
accordingly despatched with a letter to that effect.

After my breakfast I went to see my patient, whom I found with his wife
in an adjoining room. A best carpet was spread for me; coffee and pipes
were served. The khasnadár was a plethoric young man about twenty-five;
and, but for sickness, must have been very handsome. His wife was
veiled at first by a shawl over her head, and pinched together by her
hand so as to show one eye only; but by degrees she let it fall open,
and I beheld a masculine woman of thirty or thereabouts. She was a
Georgian, and had been a slave. I immediately took my patient in hand,
and, as it is always necessary in the East, enacted, in the course of
an hour, the parts of physician, surgeon, and apothecary. I then left
him, and went to look over the monastery.

It was inhabited by three caloyers only, who, according to the rules
of this Greek monastic order, are permitted, except on fast-days, to
indulge in coffee, smoking, drinking, and eating, to what extent they
please, with the exception of meat, which is allowed only twice a year.
Hence I was requested to administer medicines for the corpulence of
the one, the indigestion of the other, the pimples of a third. There
were three or four good rooms on the story which they inhabited, and
beneath were storehouses well stocked with wine, oil, wheat, and
eatables. There were two or three servants, and a mule or two; and thus
this small community lived. As the extreme lowness of the entrance was
still strongly present to my thoughts, I asked them concerning it. They
assigned the reason I have above given, and added that the mule of the
convent had been taught to crawl through on his knees, of which I was
afterwards an eyewitness, in consequence of my previous incredulity.

There was an annual festival celebrated at this place, upon which
occasion persons come from Hamah, Hems, Tripoli, and other towns in
great numbers. At midnight, the image of St. George on horseback is
seen against the wall of the convent, at which vision the people set up
a shout, and rejoicings continue until morning.

As this road is much frequented, not a night passed in which travellers
or caravans did not stop. A sort of shed sheltered the horses and
mules, and the people, if respectable, were received into the interior.
The monks supplied them with food, which was good or bad in proportion
to the recompence expected, and this employment was so lucrative that
the monastery was supported by it. Their funds had been enough at one
period to enable them to build a caravansery, which they had begun, but
were prevented from proceeding in by an order from the government. This
happened during the rule of Yusef Pasha: and the half-built caravansery
adjoined the monastery.

I expressed my wonder how a strict Mahometan could have resorted to the
shrine of a Christian saint; but the caloyers told me that this was by
no means a rare occurrence, and that, if I stopped a few days among
them, I should see many Ansárys, who had recourse to them in all their
difficulties, and especially when their wives wished for children; and,
in fact, there did afterwards come a party of ten or twelve on account
of sickness.

The evening was passed with the khasnadár’s wife in talking over the
news of Hamah. On the following day I had a visit from the katib of the
district (if so he may be called), the person who was the accredited
agent[18] in all transactions between government and the people. He
too was in want of a doctor; for it is to be observed, that, although
in the East no traveller has such advantages as a medical man, because
he is well received everywhere, yet no one is so much harassed: and
I sometimes thought the people pretended to have maladies either to
get English medicines given to them, which they prized greatly; or to
learn what mode of cure was to be pursued in case such a disease really
affected them; for at no place was I secure from interruption from
morning to night.

On the 15th I rode up to a castle, which stands on the highest part
of the hills through which the road passes from the sea-coast to
Cæle-Syria. From its position it commands the passage, in a certain
degree; it is distant from the monastery about one mile and a half, as
the crow flies. The road was of no difficult steepness, and lay through
small brushwood. A long, dark, covered way, filthy with cow-dung and
mire, led to the gate, which appeared to have had a portcullis and
all the apparatus of early fortifications. I entered through it into
a spacious court, in which were living several Turkish families. The
castle was composed of a keep and outer works, flanked with round
towers; but the whole was in a dilapidated state.

I was taken to a smoky stone room under the gateway, where a man, in
a tawdry yellow silk pelisse, the shaykh of the village, received me
with an air which brought to my recollection Juvenal’s description of
the magistrate of Cumæ. It may be observed of the Turks and Christians,
that the former are often more gaily dressed than their means warrant;
whilst the latter, in spite of the humility of garb to which they are
condemned, swell sometimes with the pride which a full purse gives, and
excite the envy of their better-dressed masters. The name of the castle
was El Hussn, which signifies a walled fortification.[19]

From the top of the keep I enjoyed a most extensive view, which is
to be recommended to travellers as favourable for obtaining a correct
notion of the natural geographical divisions of this part of Syria.
This keep bears from Tripoli north-east and by east-half-north. I saw
from it the wide plains towards Hamah and Hems narrowing into the vale
of the Bkâ, the Cæle-Syria Proper of the ancients; whilst the whole
tract of level country to the north and east of the Bkâ was called
Cæle-Syria in general. As I was now on the highest spot within the
pass, I saw the error into which the generality of maps lead, when
they mark a continuous chain of mountains from one end of Syria to
the other; for, from the castle, I could behold the north extremity
of Mount Lebanon reach its greatest height, and descend suddenly into
low hills down to the foot of the castle, upon which I stood; whilst,
from the monastery, a new chain may be said to begin, extending, if my
information be just, as far as the river Syr, and forming the ancient
Mount Bargylus, mentioned by Pliny.--(Hist, v., 17.) I cannot express
my sensations as I looked from the place on which I stood over the
Desert. A haze, raised by the heat of the sun over the surface of
the country, dimmed the sight of objects so as to give the distant
plains a look more boundless and desolate than usual. I obtained here
a few copper coins of no value. The shaykh spoke with pleasure of an
Englishman, who had passed a night there some years before, and who
was dressed in scarlet, and slept under a tent. These Mahometans were
in an exposed position, in case of warfare, as they were surrounded by
Ansárys and Christians.

I returned to the monastery much pleased with my excursion. Selim
and Sulimán had now judged their visit to Lady Hester to have been
long enough, and left her during my absence. Their road lay past the
monastery, and they made it their station on their way home, arriving
here on the 17th at night. Sulimán showed a pretty watch-chain, with
other presents which Lady Hester made him. The khasnadár and his wife
were well known to Selim; and Selim’s wife was a native of a village in
this neighbourhood; so that the monastery was a scene of festivity on
his arrival, and several cavaliers, whom I had not before suspected to
be in the neighbourhood, came from different directions to visit him.

But my patient, amidst all this, grew no better, and I could do no
more than draw out a line of cure, and beg the wife to adhere strictly
to it, which she promised to do; for Lady Hester had written to me to
request me to return; and on the 19th, in the morning, I departed,
leaving Selim still there; and in him I bade adieu to a man, the
strangest compound of talent, frivolity, liberality, and libertinism,
that I ever met with. He was the most wayward of mortals. He was ever
writing sonnets to his mistress’s eyebrow, and carried about with him
small bags of silk, stuffed with ribbon-ends, locks of hair, and scraps
of love-letters. Often would he cut up portions of a lock of hair, and
deliberately eat them, which, I found from him, is a favourite way in
the East of marking a lover’s devotion. It was told me, upon creditable
authority, that he lay a whole night on the grave of one of his
mistresses who had died. He would recite amatory poetry stanza after
stanza, and his own compositions were admired by such as pretended to
be judges. Upon one occasion, at the commencement of our acquaintance,
dining with Mr. B. and myself, he tried a little while to make use of
a knife and fork, but, not managing them well, he threw them away with
vehemence, and declared, if he must not eat but with them, he would
even go without his dinner. He was an excellent horseman;[20] and one
of his feats on horseback was to throw a stick, of the thickness of
a broom-handle and half its length, on the ground in a full gallop,
and to make it rebound so as to catch it in his hand again. This is
certainly difficult, as any horseman may prove by experiment, and
requires much force and expertness, but has no use that I know of,
excepting to teach how to exercise the arm with violence without losing
one’s seat. Of his cleverness there was ample testimony from all
quarters; and of his intriguing disposition there could be no doubt;
for he was ever toiling to exalt himself, and pull down somebody.[21]

My journey back to Tripoli was more fortunate than the one out had
been. Near the city I observed a pretty spot by the road side, the name
of which I forget, where I saw certain fish in a pond which were as
tame as gold fish kept in a vase, and would eat out of one’s hand.

One day (January 12) Lady Hester spoke to me of a plan, which she had
been turning over in her mind, of forming an association of literary
men and artists, whom she proposed inviting from Europe, for the
purpose of prosecuting discoveries in every branch of knowledge, and
of journeying over different parts of the Ottoman empire. In fact, she
aimed at creating another Institute, like that which Buonaparte led
with him to Egypt, and of which she was to be the head. Chimerical as
such an undertaking would be for an individual, unless of great wealth,
it must be allowed that a society so made up can alone combine all the
requisites for thoroughly investigating the arts, sciences, statistics,
geography, and antiquities of a country imperfectly known, like Syria.

For a time her mind was entirely engrossed in this new scheme; and
she even drew up memorials to be presented to different persons whom
she wished to enlist and engage in the undertaking. Wonderful was
the facility with which she would square every word to the different
tempers and situations of different persons, anticipate their
different objections, and (which was no immaterial part,) show how
contributions were to be levied on the rich; for she proposed to do
it by subscription. The experiments, likewise, which she intended to
prosecute on the plague, and on the bites of venemous animals, by means
of the bezoar and serpent stones, were now a favourite hobby with
her; and she particularly charged me to write about them to certain
persons only, lest some one should get hints enough to anticipate her
discoveries, and thus rob her of a part of her renown!

As there was nothing to detain us longer at Tripoli, our departure for
Mar Elias was resolved on; and, on the 16th of January, fresh muleteers
having been hired at three piasters and a half per day, we proceeded
on our journey. We were accompanied, during the first stage, by Mâlem
Yanny, the brother-in-law of Mr. Catsiflitz, a gentleman who, on
several occasions, had been very attentive to us during our residence
at Tripoli, officiating for Mr. Catsiflitz, the consul, who was too old
to be any longer active.




                              CHAPTER IV.

   Journey from Tripoli to Abra--Monastery of Dayr Natûr--Grave of
   Mr. Cotter--Ruins of Enfeh--Batrûn--Renegado priest--Remarks
   on apostates--Gebayl, the ancient Byblus--Mulberry
   plantations--Castle--Public-houses--Nahr Ibrahim, the river
   Adonis--Taberjeh--Ejectment of cottagers in rain and cold--Nahr
   el Kelb, the ancient river Lycus--Inscriptions--Shuifád--Visit
   of Lady Hester to the Syt Habùs--Capugi Bashi sent to Lady
   Hester--Mbârak, the groom--His dexterity--Nebby Yunez, the tomb
   of Jonah--Arrival at Mar Elias--Precautions adopted against the
   Capugi Bashi.


Instead of taking the direct road, we proceeded along the sea-shore.
About two hours’ march from Tripoli we passed the village of Calamûn,
the ancient Calamos: inhabited entirely by sherýfs, or descendants
of the Prophet, Mahomet. This was the birthplace of Berber: and he
was said to have paid but one visit to it since his elevation to his
present greatness, although he often spoke of his humble birth and
former occupations: how far he would have liked to hear the same
remarks from other people’s mouths is not clear. At Calamûn we turned
towards the west, and arrived at Dayr Natûr, where it was proposed to
halt.

Dayr Natûr was a monastery of plain and rude construction, with a few
small vaulted cells: the one wherein my bed was placed would but just
contain it. There was a well of rain water in the middle of the yard,
and stabling for horses and mules. The church had a few pictures of
very ordinary merit: two monks and a räys (or superior)[22] served it.
The monastery stood on a point of land projecting into the sea, and
forming one of the horns of the bay of Tripoli. It was at this place
that Mr. Cotter, an Englishman, in the month of July, 1813, fell a
victim to the climate, having, with his companion, Mr. Davison, and
their servant, been seized with a bilious fever, which carried him off,
but spared the other two. I visited his grave; and, although I knew him
not, dropped over it a tear of sympathy for his fate; which, in the
name of fellow-countryman and from our common perils in a foreign land,
my melancholy feelings made me readily deplore.

As Lady Hester was somewhat indisposed, we remained here during the
17th, and I took this opportunity of accompanying Mâlem Girius Yanny,
who was still with us, to a place called Enfeh, one hour’s ride from
the monastery, due south-west. The path was by the sea-side, through
a rugged rocky soil admitting of no cultivation, except on one or two
patches which were manured for tobacco.

Enfeh[23] was now but a hamlet: formerly the same site had been covered
by a large city, probably the ancient Trieris. There was a church
still standing, which had been lately repaired, seemingly of Venetian
construction: and, on a tongue of land about a quarter of a mile long,
at the very extreme point, were to be distinctly made out the ruins
of a castle. This tongue of land was cut across, at its root, by a
ditch made through the solid rock: the place of the drawbridge was yet
visible, and two small chambers likewise hewn out of the rock were yet
perfect. One we found with the door blocked up by stones. On pushing
them down, it proved to be a storeroom for salt, collected from tanks
and hollows close by. The neighbouring rocks were full of excavations,
presenting the same appearances as those at Latakia and at other parts
of the coast of Syria, having been no doubt sarcophagi.

Mâlem Girius Yanny told me that at the back of Enfeh there was a
village called Amyûn, with other similar chambers. All these, most
probably, were anterior in date to the castle. We returned to Dayr
Natûr, where he finally took his leave of us, and returned to Tripoli.

The next day we left Dayr Natûr, and, keeping by the sea-side, passed,
at the distance of three quarters of an hour, Enfeh, seen yesterday,
and a spring called Muggr. The soil, thus far, had been rude and rocky,
and, where there was mould, had been red: but hereabouts it changed to
black, and the mountain on our left receded, so as to leave a small
level, as far as the hamlet of Herry, an hour and a half further.
Here finished the district of Cûrah, which is a low mountain south of
Tripoli, and celebrated for its tobacco, which has the properties of
scintillating, like the Gebely tobacco (or tobacco of Mount Lebanon).
At Herry began mulberry-tree plantations, for the nourishment of
silkworms.

Having rested an hour at Herry, we ascended the Mesàlah, which
terminates toward the sea in a promontory, mentioned above under the
name of Ras el Shakâ. This promontory, the Theoprosopon, is considered
by Strabo as the termination of Mount Lebanon: and so it is, inasmuch
as it is but a western branch at the end of that chain, which, however,
appears more properly to finish at that part, where, having attained
its greatest height, and being covered with perpetual snow, it abruptly
sinks into low hills a few leagues to the north of the Cedars, near
Calât Hussn. The soil on the Mesàlah is argillaceous, and, as there had
been rain lately, was very slippery; so that the mules and asses were
continually falling. In wet weather, this hill, as we were told, was
considered by the carriers the most difficult road along the country.
The ascent and descent took up about an hour and a half: after which
we traversed a narrow valley in which stood a castle, perched on a
pointed rock in the centre, and at the foot of which ran a river,
called Nahr el Joze, a stream of some depth, but narrow. We arrived in
one hour more at Botrûn, the ancient Botrus.

Botrûn is a seaport town, used only by small fishing-boats, as it does
not afford a safe anchorage for large vessels. It was in the hands of
the emir of the Drûzes, and was governed by a bailiff deputed by him.
There were few Turkish families in it: the Christians were Maronites
and Greeks. There are several excavated tombs; and close to the town
the rock shows the marks of the chisel in every direction. Botrûn is
a town of the highest antiquity, said to have been built by a king of
Tyre.[24]

I was visited in the evening by two persons, both of whom had
apostatized to the Mahometan religion, and afterwards recanted. One
was a Greek priest, who became a follower of Mahomet for the sake of
a sum of money, subscribed by the Turks of Antioch upon his pretended
conversion. Having undergone the requisite ceremony necessary on
induction to the Mahometan faith, he pocketed the money, fled with
it, and recanted. He was now living despised and in wretchedness:
nor could he quit the emir’s territory lest he should be seized and
impaled. The other, a native of Leghorn, had a more pardonable weakness
to excuse his conduct. His name was Ducci, and he gave me the outline
of his history as follows. He became acquainted, early in life, with
Colonel Capper, an Englishman, who had been sent on some mission to
Suez, and whom he accompanied to England: where he remained more than
a twelvemonth, and learned the language. By the colonel’s interest he
was employed to go overland to India with despatches for the East India
Company. There he entered into the Company’s service, in a regiment
called “the Europeans,” when Sir T. Rumbold was governor of Bombay,
succeeded afterwards by Sir Eyre Coote. He fought in seven engagements
against Hyder Ali, when he obtained leave to return to England. In
his way overland he stopped at Aleppo, where he married Miss Hayes,
the English consul’s daughter: in consequence of which connexion he
was made English agent at Latakia, to forward government and other
despatches to and from India.

After a lapse of some years, he formed a connexion with one of his maid
servants, who became pregnant by him: when, to avoid the reproaches of
his wife, he turned Mahometan, obliged his maid servant to do the same,
and then married her[25] according to the Turkish law. Afterwards,
feeling remorse for what he had done, he recanted: but, dreading lest
the Turks should lay hands on him, he fled to the mountain of the
Drûzes, the asylum of many others who seek to hide their shame, or
dread the retributive hand of justice. His first wife’s relations made
many attempts to induce him to quit his illicit commerce with his maid
servant, but in vain.

When I saw him, he was in great distress, and was keeping a small
shop to maintain his family, now increased by the addition of three
children: yet Signor Ducci had once been the owner of the fine house
which we occupied at Latakia. Lady Hester gave him such consolation
as she could, and twenty rubías.[26] We passed the evening together.
His manners were gentlemanlike; he spoke English remarkably well,
and I had reason to think that, for two or three hours at least, in
conversation about India and England, he forgot his misfortunes, and
was comparatively happy.

The history of Signor Ducci and that of the other apostate prove that
the lot of such persons is not enviable. Indeed, the Turks, as far
as I could learn, never overlook a recantation: but, as a set-off to
this, they are never very severe with their new converts, if they will
only preserve the external forms of their religion; but such as are
really sincere in their conversion they will assist on every occasion.
Thus, at Jaffa, as will be mentioned hereafter, I saw a venerable
shaykh, who, from a Christian wallet-maker, had become a reverend ulemá
among the Mahometans. The Scotch private soldier, who, under the name
of Yahyah, became physician to the son of Mohammed Ali, certainly
gained by the change; and, for the general indulgence which converts
to Mahometanism are allowed, the whole troop of French Mamelukes in
Egypt were standing examples; for they had nothing of Turks about them
but the name. To say how far a man may be excused for changing his
religion, and whether, upon any grounds, he can be excused at all, is
a matter upon which we do not pretend to speak. Pearce, who resided in
Abyssinia, seems to have acted on motives of expediency. The groom of
Captain H., who purchased horses for the English army, was probably a
man of no religion: he became a Mahometan for the sake of gain, and
would have made himself pagan for the same reason. Burckhardt had a
nobler object in view in his simulation--the advancement of knowledge:
yet even his motives have not escaped censure.

We quitted Botrûn on the 19th; and, still keeping the sea-coast,
arrived, after five hours’ travelling, at Gebayl. Through the whole of
this distance Mount Lebanon came down to the water’s edge, scarcely
leaving a mule-path between its foot and the surf of the sea. About
two hours before reaching Gebayl, the soil is rocky beyond any part of
the coast we had yet passed; but still it was covered with mulberry
grounds. The cultivation of these grounds is lucrative, no doubt, but
they are disagreeable objects to the eye, as the trees look like so
many tall posts; being every year stripped entirely of their branches.

Gebayl was anciently called Byblus.[27] It is now a walled town,
containing within its circuit perhaps 300 houses, half of which were
at this time in ruins. It has a castle, apparently the work of the
Saracens or Crusaders, for Gebayl was taken by them. Over one of the
gates was an heraldic shield, with a motto or inscription beneath, but
too disfigured and too high up to be legible. The castle is square,
with ramparts, and a citadel with double walls. It was repaired by the
Emir Abd-el-dyn. Hassan, the last emir but one, resided here, and the
two sons of Emir Yusef, successor to Hassan, had their eyes put out
here by order of their uncle, the Emir Beshýr, who dispossessed them
of the sovereignty. It had one piece of ordnance broken in half. There
were also two standards preserved here--white, with a green band in the
middle. The walls of the town consist of curtains and bastions. The
port is very small, capable of sheltering coasting boats only. By means
of a mole it might, as could almost all the ports of Syria, be made fit
for large vessels. There is also a church, which I went to see, but
found nothing remarkable in it. At a subsequent period, the emir of
the Drûzes presented Lady Hester with a figure of Isis on her knees,
holding before her, and between her hands, an altar, on which was a
scarabæus. This perfect piece of sculpture was presented to the late
Lord Lonsdale, and is now in England. It was found at Gebayl, by some
workmen whilst turning up the soil. Adonis had temples in the city, but
I know not of any Egyptian worship having existed here.

  [Illustration: STATUE FOUND AT GEBAYL.]

Gebayl had a motsellem, but his power hardly exceeded that of an
English constable. He was a Turk, which, considering that the place
belonged to the emir of the Drûzes, and that almost all the inhabitants
were Christians, was somewhat extraordinary; but the presence of a
Turkish governor was in some degree necessary, as many Capugi Bashis
and emissaries of the Porte were continually passing this road. The
rocks round the town were every where full of excavated sepulchres;
and, in Abulfeda’s time, Gebayl had a port, a bazar, and a mosque.

We remained here the 20th and 21st of January, on account of the
weather, which was exceedingly tempestuous: on the 22nd we again
moved, although the rain fell in torrents. The road was still uneven
and stony. From Tripoli, Lady Hester had adopted the plan of breaking
the day’s journey by an hour’s rest at some spot halfway; and, for
this purpose, it was generally necessary to cause a peasant’s cabin
to be emptied and swept: but the fleas sometimes swarmed to such a
degree, that it was impossible to get rid of them. On these occasions
the practice of the servant employed on this duty was to go into the
middle of the room, bare his leg, and watch how many fleas jumped on
him from the floor. Sometimes they might be seen like iron filings
drawn to a magnet, blackening the skin. This day the resting-place was
on the banks of Nahr Ibrahim, the ancient river Adonis, in a small
public-house, close by the bridge. These public-houses, for no more
precise name can be given them, generally consisted of small sheds, the
walls of which were bare rough stones or mud, no better materials being
used in their construction. Adjoining was another large shed, to afford
shelter for beasts of burden. Corn, straw, coffee, and tobacco, were
sold in them as well as wine and brandy, this being in the territory of
the emir of the Drûzes, where Christians might do with impunity what
they dared not do in other provinces of the Ottoman Empire; nor is
there any road, that I recollect, where these places of entertainment
are so numerous as on the coast road from Tripoli to Beyrout.

Nahr Ibrahim is two hours’ distance from Gebayl. Its stream was, at
this time, about as large and as deep as the river Cherwell, where it
empties itself into the Isis at Oxford; but we were now in the very
height of the rainy season; the stream, therefore, would probably be
very much less in summer. It had over it a light elegant bridge of
three arches.

One mile and a half more brought us to Taberjeh,[28] where it was
intended to pass the night. Whilst Lady Hester was resting at the
bridge, I rode forward, and was told by the servant that the cottagers,
with tears in their eyes, begged that they might not be turned out of
doors in the wet and cold. This hamlet consisted of a few cottages,
and, as usual, we were furnished with an order to select the most
convenient for our lodging. Upon these occasions the tenants were
sent for the night to the houses of their friends and relations. But
we were so many in number, and the cottages so few, that, the rain
falling in torrents, a removal seemed an act of cruelty; this, however,
I was reluctantly obliged to enforce. In one cottage a young woman had
lain-in five days only, but was up, and, though she did not seem to
consider her case peculiarly hard, an exemption was made in her favour:
thus, by degrees, and from the hope of a handsome recompense, the
cottages were vacated, and contentment was restored. So incessant was
the rain, that, for this night, it was fortunate we were not sleeping
under tents instead of mud roofs.

Taberjeh is a fishing hamlet by the sea-side, close to a small creek,
in which were anchored two or three fishing-boats.

On the 23d we loaded our mules, and continued our journey over a rocky
soil, and along a most difficult road. In three quarters of an hour
we came to Nahr Mahameltayn, over which was a bridge, the work of the
ancients. The river was scarcely knee-deep, and, like many others
which obtain that name in sultry countries, was, properly speaking,
no more than a watercourse. After Mahameltayn, the soil became sandy.
Here began the district of Keserwàn (falsely spelt by many authors
Castervan), the most populous, it is said, of all Lebanon. The villages
certainly stood very thick, with hamlets and cottages at small
intervals between them. The monasteries, also, with their belfries,
denoted the liberty which the Christians here enjoyed, a bell being in
Turkey a distinctive emblem of their religion, which (as prohibited by
the Mahometans) they take more pride in erecting than they would an
hospital.

Gûnyh (pronounced Jewny), an hour and a half from Taberjeh, is a hamlet
by the sea-side, with a small pavilion or pleasure-house to which the
emir sometimes resorted. Half an hour farther is a small rocky cape.
Passing this, the strand is again sandy, during one hour, as far as
Nahr el Kelb, the ancient Lycus, a river somewhat larger than Nahr
Ibrahim, and with a bridge over it the precise counterpart of the
other, but of a later date. Here commenced the district of Metten.
Ascending a rocky cape, which is close to the river on the south side,
several inscriptions were seen on the faces of the rock, which had been
smoothed for the purpose; but, as it was nearly dark when we passed,
I had no time to read or try to read them, and they are very fully
described in other books of travel. They are said to relate to the
road,[29] which bears marks of having been anciently cut, with great
labour, in the solid rock; for in the middle are still seen steps,
eight or ten feet broad, each step jagged, to prevent beasts of burden
from slipping. There seemed also to have been a causeway on each side,
and a parapet on the side next the sea.

After crossing the promontory we again found ourselves on the sandy
strand; and, at the distance of one hour and a half from the river
Kelb, diverging from the sea-side somewhat into the mountain, we
stopped at a village called Kunet Elias, in a small Maronite monastery.
The shafts of two granite pillars lay at the entrance; but I am not
aware what ancient edifice occupied this spot.

On the 24th, we quitted Kunet Elias, and, in one hour and three
quarters, crossed the bridge of Beyrout,[30] distant from the city
more than a league. The river, which runs beneath it, is the ancient
Magoras.[31] Numerous mulberry plantations in every direction denoted
the principal product of the district. To cross the bridge we had
been led considerably to the W. of our direct road; and, when over
it, we inclined to the S.E., and, leaving Beyrout on our right, in
three hours, reached Shuifád, a large burgh on the first rise of Mount
Lebanon.

Lady Hester’s purpose in going thither was to visit the Syt Habûs,[32]
a celebrated Drûze lady, sprung from a noble family, who had in her own
hands the administration of several villages, which she farmed from
the Shaykh Beshýr;--a singular thing in this country, where the women
seldom take upon themselves or have any other duties but such as are
domestic. Shuifád, where she resided, was a populous burgh, consisting
of three large parishes, separated from each other by deep water
ravines, worn by the mountain torrents descending through the burgh. It
is distant from Beyrout one league, and commands a fine view both of
the forest of olive trees which covered the plains of Beyrout, and of
the sea beyond.

If the Syt Habûs was an object of curiosity to Lady Hester, the latter
was not less so to the Syt. But their meeting did not take place until
the 26th, as her ladyship was much fatigued, and wished to enjoy a
little repose. The habitation assigned to her in the first instance
was so indifferent that her health would have suffered unless a better
could be provided: accordingly we were desired to choose one wherever
we liked.

It was at this place that Sir S. Smith gave the meeting to the Emir
Beshýr (in the year in which the French retreated from Acre), upon
occasion of some festivities which the emir made in his honour. With
Sir S. landed a corps of marines, who performed the military exercise
of the musket, to the great amusement of the spectators, some of whom
spoke to me of that event as a very remarkable one; for at that period
disciplined troops had not been seen on Mount Lebanon.

In the evening I paid a visit to the Emir Yunez, brother-in-law to
Syt Habûs, a talkative old man, but apparently well read in Arabic
literature. He showed me some common English pocket-handkerchiefs,
whereon battles and figures were printed, which he seemed highly to
value. There were present the Emirs Hyder, Emin, and Ali, who were all
dressed in gaudy silks.

On the 26th of January, M. Beaudin rode down to Beyrout; and, in the
afternoon, returned with the news that a Capugi Bashi was at that town
on his road to Sayda, who, it was reported, was going to arrest Lady
Hester, and carry her prisoner to Constantinople.

My servant, Giovanni, who had been sent with M. B., coming back late, I
questioned him on the reason of his delay, when, to excuse himself, he
said, as he was riding through the streets, his mule was _pressed_
by a Tartar, to carry the luggage of a Capugi Bashi, going to Sayda
from Constantinople. It is usual for all persons travelling on the
service of government to have a Tartar with them, who presses horses
and mules for the service of his masters as they go along. The
muleteer, with Giovanni, deplored the lot of his poor animal, and
entreated him to liberate it: for the Tartars have no compassion, and
greatly maltreat the animals furnished them. With tears in his eyes,
he begged him to go to the governor’s, where, he assured him, the bare
mention of my lady’s name would be sufficient. Giovanni accordingly
went, and, on mentioning Lady Hester’s name, was immediately questioned
by the great Turk himself (who was sitting with the governor), as to
where the English lady could be found, for he had urgent business with
her.

As this story agreed with the report which M. B. had brought, I lost
no time in telling Lady Hester; but she knew perfectly well what his
coming meant; and, having long expected him, was not disturbed by the
report. Immediately, although the evening was far advanced, a dragoman
was sent for, to write a letter to the Capugi Bashi, appointing a
meeting at Abrah; for letter-writing is made a craft in the East, and
few are competent to it. Hence comes the name of _katib_, or
scribe, as an office in the suite of all governors and great Turks,
which is generally filled by Christians. Such a one, indeed, is
expected to make himself acquainted with all the forms, official and
ceremonial, used in writing letters, petitions, &c.

This event abridged Lady Hester’s stay at Shuifád. She had seen Syt
Habûs in the morning, and found her to be a money-getting woman, with
her keys by her side; clever, perhaps, but with nothing very lady-like
about her. The interview took place in the presence of the Shaykh
Beshýr, and I acted as interpreter: for, by this time, I understood
Arabic, and could express myself tolerably on ordinary subjects.

On the 27th we left Shuifád, and proceeded towards Abrah. I rode
forward with a servant, to find a resting-place for her ladyship,
half way on the day’s journey. This man, one of the walking grooms,
was named Mbàrak, a native of Bisra, the son of the curate, of which
circumstance he was exceedingly proud. As he knew this part of the
country perfectly, he pointed out to me a retired cottage, in the
midst of a mulberry plantation, very proper for our purpose. It was
found to be empty, and the door locked with one of the wooden locks
used very generally[33] throughout Syria. But he gave me a proof of
his cleverness, by cutting a twig of a particular shape, by means of
which he picked the lock, and we entered. Suspecting that this invasion
of private property would not escape notice, I waited in the orchard,
smoking my pipe, to see the issue of it; when a man came running from a
village on the slope of the mountain, whence he had seen us enter his
grounds. A promise, however, of half a crown for the use of his cottage
pacified him; the more particularly as I told him we had an order
from the emir for free quarters. I then rode on to Nebby Yunez,[34]
a mosque built over the tomb of Jonas, him of Nineveh, said by the
Moslems to have been vomited up, and also, after his death, to have
been buried here. At this place the arrangements for the night were
somewhat difficult; for the rooms, though good, were not sufficient
to hold the whole party; and there were, besides, a few pilgrims
seeking lodging, many of whom, for the sake of devotion, occasionally
resorted thither. The water from the well of the mosque was brackish
and unpalatable: but we caused a supply to be brought from Berdja, a
village close by, from which likewise fuel was sent to us.

Lady Hester did not arrive; and, somewhat alarmed, I rode back to meet
her. She had been delayed by the river Damûr, the ancient Tamyras,
which was to be forded; and, not then having a bridge, this was no easy
matter on asses. There is, also, great danger from giddiness to those
who, in crossing a rapid stream, look down on it. Nevertheless, Werdy,
one of the maid servants, a native of Acre, was so intrepid in dangers
of this sort, that she often put the very men to shame. I forded the
river seven times on this occasion, in assisting Lady Hester and the
maids.

On the 28th, we resumed our journey. As the mountain rises close to
the sea-shore, the road is on the sands. We arrived in four hours at
Mar Elias. I hastened to my cottage, which I now looked on as my home.
The peasantry came, and crowded round my door. Their felicitations,
though unpolished, seemed to have too much sincerity not to please
me: and if, as I have grown older, I have since thought that interest
might have had some part in them, I still recollect with pleasure their
expressions of welcome at my return.

We were scarcely settled, when a messenger came to inform Lady Hester
that the Zâym[35] or Capugi Bashi was arrived at Sayda, and wished to
see her at the governor’s; meaning that a Moslem of such consideration
as a Capugi Bashi never could demean himself so far as to go to a
Christian’s house. But Lady Hester sent such an answer, that the Capugi
Bashi, who best knew his own affairs, suddenly ordered horses; and our
dinner was just over, when a great bustle was heard in the courtyard,
with the trampling of horses’ feet and the voices of the servants. The
Capugi Bashi was soon afterwards announced. Not yet apprized of the
precise nature of his mission, I must confess I felt some inclination
to believe, with the people, that his arrival portended no good. M.
Beaudin, the secretary, was of the same opinion; and when, to my
inquiry of Lady Hester whether she apprehended any mischief from his
presence, her answer was intentionally equivocal, I communicated my
suspicions to M. Beaudin, and we agreed to put our pistols in our
girdles, fresh primed, determined that, if we saw the bow-string
dangling from under the Capugi’s robe, at least no use should be made
of it whilst we were there.

To account for these seemingly unnecessary precautions, I ought to
premise that, in Turkey, a Capugi Bashi never comes into the provinces,
unless for some affair of strangling, beheading, confiscation, or
imprisonment. These are the missions upon which the emissaries of a
secret court are sent; and their presence is always dreaded, as it is
seldom known where the blow will fall, and as their presence rarely
portends any good. Various were the whispers which went about: some
thought that he was sent to arrest Lady Hester, others to order her out
of the country; some to give her money for secret service to the Porte.
But his real object will be known in the succeeding chapter.




                              CHAPTER V.

   Probability of the existence of Hidden Treasures in the
   East--Manuscript pretending to reveal such Treasures, brought
   to Lady Hester--She obtains firmáns from the Porte authorizing
   her to make researches--She sends to Hamah for Mâlem
   Musa--Her letter to the Pasha of Acre--Her plans for raising
   money--Journey of the Author to Damascus--His Visit to Ahmed
   Bey--Ambergris--Damascus sabres--Horse Bazar--Horse Dealing
   and Horse Stealing--M. Beaudin’s night journey to Tyre--His
   horse stolen--Detection and punishment of the thieves--Return
   of the Author to Mar Elias--His dangerous situation in a
   snow-storm--Interior of a Drûze Cottage.


I will now endeavour to explain the business upon which the Capugi
Bashi (or Zâym, as he was more frequently called) had been sent by the
Sublime Porte to Lady Hester. In the preceding year, her ladyship,
during her illness, had upon several occasions hinted at the existence
of hidden treasures, a clue to which she had by some means become
possessed of; but, finding me incredulous on the subject, she dropped
it, and never more spoke of it until the day after the Zâym’s arrival;
when, as I was to assist in the management of the business, she gave me
a history of it, as follows:--

A manuscript was put into her hands, said to have been surreptitiously
copied by a monk, from the records of a Frank monastery in Syria, and
found among his papers after his decease. It was written in Italian,
and disclosed the repositories of immense hoards of money, buried
in the cities of Ascalon, Awgy, and Sidon, in certain spots therein
mentioned.

Persons, whom a residence in the East has made acquainted with the
usages of Eastern nations, consider such events as very probable and
worthy of examination: for there are causes among them which induce
the concealment of riches, not operating in other countries. To make
this clearer, it may not be amiss to enumerate the reasons: firstly,
the want of paper currency, or the bulkiness and weight of specie;
secondly, the non-existence of banks, wherein money may be deposited
in safety; thirdly, the insecurity of private property; fourthly, the
frequency of wars and tumults; lastly, the particular circumstances of
the times in which the treasures in question are supposed to have been
buried, combining all these beforementioned difficulties.

Firstly, it is only in Europe and America, that the public confidence
in the government and in rich individuals has been sufficient to give
general currency to pieces of paper bearing the value of specie: in
the East, no such paper money exists, unless it be in China. Governors
of towns send their tribute to their pasha in bags, on mules and other
beasts of burden, guarded by soldiers: whilst private persons generally
pay their debts where they can in goods and by barter, rather than
send specie, which would be too declaratory of their wealth. A rich
man, who has not the means of investing his money in the purchase of
jewels, houses, lands, &c., feels the hazard of laying up specie in a
trunk or closet, especially as the locks and keys in the East afford
little security, and as iron chests are no where seen excepting in the
counting-houses of European merchants, established among them. Banks
and public funds are, generally speaking, unknown. He is, therefore,
reduced to concealment, either in a hole, or in some subterranean place
constructed for the purpose: more especially if, leaving his house on a
journey, he holds his wife so little worthy of trust that he dares not
make even her acquainted with the secret of his treasures; a case by no
means rare in Turkey, and not uncommon elsewhere.

Not a year passes that a pasha or governor does not lay violent
hands on some rich man, whether Turk or Nazarene. Excuses are never
wanting, either from the frequent peculations which persons employed
under government habitually practise, or from alleged treasonable
correspondence with Franks, or from any other motive which
arbitrary injustice holds good enough for its purposes. To such as
have imprudently made a display of their riches the ransom will be
proportionally high. They have, therefore, no other means of avoiding
similar difficulties than by carefully hiding what they possess, even
from their nearest connections, among whom instances of treachery have
put them on their guard. It is obvious to every traveller in Turkey,
how much the extreme of indigence is affected in the dress and houses
of rich individuals. The receiving apartment of a Christian, more
especially when visited by a Turk, is generally the hall of his house,
sometimes a bench at his door, where everything intentionally indicates
poverty: whilst a Turk pursues the same course towards everybody.
Relatives and intimate friends alone see the interior of each other’s
houses, and it is before these only that a person displays his smart
pipes, his pelisses, his shawls, and his rich silks; so that, in the
most tranquil state of such a government, every possible caution is
necessary to escape the invidious eyes of oppressive masters.

But, when we add to all this the extreme frequency of popular tumults;
of plunder by troops, who own no control; of rebellion, and, its
consequences, sieges, pillages, and precipitate flights; we shall not
wonder if a prudent man never thinks his wealth safe until it is under
ground. Let us take Tripoli for an example. Within the last twenty
years it had undergone five sieges, and every siege had terminated by
sacking the city. The peaceable inhabitant, if he flies, cannot take
his money with him because it is too heavy, if to any amount, even for
a mule to carry (considering that Turkish coins are very bulky, as are
Spanish dollars, the coin chiefly hoarded); and, if he shuts it up in
the strongest chest, he knows that it will inevitably be rifled. He
therefore, if obliged to flee, either throws it into the well, the
cistern, or the water-closet; or, if he has had prudence and foresight
enough to be prepared for such a calamity, he deposits it in some hole
made with a view to this particular purpose.

From such like reasoning as this Lady Hester had no doubt of the
possibility of the existence of hidden treasures. She next examined the
manuscript; and, on observing that it had no signs of antiquity about
it, she was told this was a copy of the original paper, which, through
fear of losing it, had never been taken out of the house. Keeping the
copy, therefore, Lady Hester insisted on seeing the original, and
pretended to treat the matter lightly unless she should be convinced by
the sight of a more authentic document than that before her.

The inhabitants are strongly possessed with the idea that the Franks
who come among them have no other object than to seek treasures
concealed in ancient ruins. They look with indifference themselves on
the works of the ancients as specimens of architecture, and do not
understand how others can be so eager in researches after what they
despise. The admeasurement of an edifice, the copying of an ancient
inscription, is, in their eyes, nothing better than taking the marks of
a golden hoard. Nor can this opinion have originated in anything else
but the certainty, from their own experience, that treasures are often
discovered.[36] Can it be wondered at, therefore, that they should
often have asked me these questions?--“If my lady is not come to seek
for treasures, what is she come for? Is she banished? No: Is she on
mercantile affairs? No: Well, but if she is come, as you say, for her
health, surely in Syria there are more pleasurable spots to be found
than the barren sides of Mount Lebanon.”

With this opinion, therefore, so strongly impressed upon their minds,
she considered that the document might be no more than a forgery
fabricated on purpose by some of the emissaries of the Porte, to make a
trial of her eagerness about it, and thereby assure themselves whether
she were travelling for such an object, or (which is another very
flattering opinion they sometimes have of travellers) as a spy. To
accept the paper, then, was a less dangerous course than to refuse it:
for it is better to be considered as a treasure-hunter than as a secret
agent of a government.

The original copy was produced, and considered by Lady Hester as
genuine. The donor had, most probably, looked to the certainty of an
immediate present for his disclosure, as he had often experienced Lady
Hester’s liberality: but there were many reasons for not immediately
rewarding him; and, knowing the impracticability of a similar attempt
without exposing herself to some risk and to more expense than she
could afford, she determined on making an application to the Porte,
offering them all the pecuniary benefit that might accrue, and
reserving for herself the honour only. She accordingly submitted a
succinct statement to His Excellency Mr. (afterwards Sir Robert)
Liston, to be presented by him to the Reis Effendi. Whether any
correspondence took place on the subject, or whether the business was
_primâ facie_ considered so well worth a trial as to demand no
farther inquiries into it, I do not know: because, as was said before,
the whole affair was matured for execution before I became acquainted
with it.

It may not be improper to add that much reliance must have been
placed on Lady Hester’s judgment, since the manuscript wanted the
very essential confirmation of a date. Therefore, as no clue could be
obtained, after the priest’s death, to the records from which it was
copied, it was not clear at what period the treasures were hidden. That
they were so, when the mosque, mentioned in the manuscript, was still
standing, we gathered from the allusions made to pillars, walls, &c.
We might go farther back, and conclude the deposit to have been made
before the edifice was appropriated to the Mahometan worship--because
Christians are not allowed to enter a mosque, much less to remain long
enough to dig a hole, or take the precautions necessary for such a
concealment. This therefore carries us back to a period of seven or
eight centuries.

How is it possible that a treasure could so long lie untouched, when
the secret of its existence was known? The answer is, that digging and
rummaging in ruins always excites dangerous suspicions in the Turks.
Every traveller in the Levant has heard how certainly the discovery of
a jar of money leads to the ruin of the finder, if known. In vain he
immediately carries it to the governor: his greedy masters suppose that
he has concealed a part for his own use; and the bastinado, nay, often
torture, compels him to yield up the supposed remainder by sacrificing
all he has in the world. His property is confiscated, and poverty and
blows are his reward. So much do examples of this kind terrify, that
some, who have fallen accidentally on jars of coins, have been known
to cover the spot carefully up, and never to speak of it but on their
death-bed; a disclosure more likely to do mischief than good to their
heirs.

On the 28th of January, 1815, Derwish Mustafa Aga, the Zâym, arrived,
as we have already seen, after a journey of many weeks, from
Constantinople, deputed to invest Lady Hester with greater authority
over the Turks than was, probably, ever granted even to any European
ambassador; certainly, than to any unofficial Christian.

Derwish Aga was a short man, about 50 years old. As soon as he had
supped, Lady Hester requested his presence in the saloon, to which he
moved most slowly, moaning and whining on entering the door as though
he had been ill. Giorgio acted as the interpreter: and the aga and
her ladyship remained in private conversation until past midnight. He
was the bearer of three firmans or imperial orders, empowering her
to demand what assistance she might want for the prosecution of her
purpose: one was addressed to the Pasha of Acre; another to the Pasha
of Damascus; and a third to all governors in Syria generally. Derwish
Aga was to put himself entirely under the direction of Lady Hester, and
was to do nothing without consulting her.

On the 29th and 30th he had long conversations with her ladyship, and
tried every device to wind about her, in order to judge what were her
motives for offering to the Porte treasures which others would have
appropriated to their own use: but he invariably found them to be such
as she had professed. He next wanted to make the first excavation at
the spot said to be near Sayda, but her ladyship insisted on Ascalon,
and it was finally so arranged. Considering that an affair of this
magnitude ought not to be trusted entirely to the Capugi Bashi, (and
those enlisted into this service by him) she bethought herself of
Mâlem Musa of Hamah, father of Selim, in whom she had perceived a vast
capacity for business, and on whom she felt she could rely better
than on any other native of her acquaintance. Accordingly a letter
was sent off by express to Hamah nearly in these words: “You know I
am a straitforward person. An affair has happened which demands your
presence at Acre. Be not alarmed; there is nothing serious in it: but
let nothing prevent your coming, short of illness. In such a case, send
Selim, and with him some one who reads and speaks Turkish fluently. But
it would be better that you came together; you to give counsels, and he
to execute them.”

Lady Hester, just returned from a long and fatiguing journey, felt
almost unequal to undertake another: but the Zâym of course urged the
necessity of her presence, and she probably did not wish him to act
without her; so it was arranged that he should precede her to Acre, to
make the necessary preparations. He accordingly departed, accompanied
by Giorgio, who was promoted to be dragoman, and was furnished with
the following letter to the pasha:--“I send your Highness my dragoman,
who will acquaint you with his business, according to the tenor of a
paper which I have put in his hands. In a few days I shall be with you
myself to explain the whole.” The paper was to this effect:--“A person
had put into my hands certain indications of a treasure. His object was
to get money from me: but, as the benefit was not to be mine, (since
I never seek to appropriate to myself the property of others,) it was
not for me to reward him. It would have been natural for me to have
immediately acquainted your Highness with it: but I considered that
there might arise a double mischief from this: first, that, if the
treasure did not exist, the ridicule would fall on you; and secondly,
that, if it did exist, and you had presented it to the Porte, you might
have been suspected of having appropriated a portion to yourself, and
would have been avanized.[37] I therefore addressed myself directly to
the Sultan, assigning to him the same reasons for having kept you in
ignorance that I now give you, and having spoken of you in such terms
as, had you been present, you would have approved of.”

On Wednesday, February 1st, Derwish Aga and Giorgio departed, and it
was fixed for us to follow in ten days.

Lady Hester had considered how she should be able to support the
expense which this affair would bring upon her. Her limited income
scarcely sufficed for her ordinary expenditure, and she had exceeded
it greatly in her late tour to Bâlbec. She therefore came to the
resolution of asking (or, as she expressed it, of obliging) the English
government to pay her; considering that the reputation which she was
giving to the English name was a sufficient warrant for expecting
this remuneration. “I shall beg of you, doctor” (she said) “to keep
a regular account of every article, and will then send in my bill to
government by Mr. Liston; when, if they refuse to pay me, I shall put
it in the newspapers and expose them. And this I shall let them know
very plainly, as I consider it my right, and not a favour: for, if Sir
A. Paget put down the cost of his servants’ liveries after his embassy
to Vienna, and made Mr. Pitt pay him £70,000 for four years, I cannot
see why I should not do the same.”

As both Lady Hester and myself were in want of many articles necessary
on a long journey, she requested me to go to Damascus for them, as well
as to pick up some horses for our riding. Two days before Derwish Aga
departed for Acre, I left Abra, taking with me Mbárak, the lock-picking
servant, and a muleteer. Our road lay to Bisra, already described, and
from Bisra, ascending the mountain upon which I lost myself in October,
1814, we came to the cascade. Here we struck off to the north-east,
and ascended another mountain, at the back of a village called Ayn
Matûr, from the top of which there is a view of the plain of Bisra,
of the glen through which the river Ewely winds, and of the mountains
in which these romantic scenes are embosomed. We then turned to the
east, continuing over a rocky but somewhat level ridge, and reached,
about sunset, a village where Mbárak, the servant, had some respectable
relations. I was taken to their house; a warm room was immediately
provided, and in due time a hot supper made me forget the fatigues of
the day.

This village was the highest to be seen hereabouts, before reaching the
summit of the mountain. It had some good substantial stone dwellings,
and the inhabitants, I was told, were all above want, or, in other
words, in comfortable circumstances. The plague was raging at another
village half a mile off, even at this unusual season of the year. I
retired to rest, whilst, in the adjoining room, Mbárak’s relations
sat the greater part of the night listening to the recital of his
adventures in the journey to Bâlbec, to which he did not fail to add as
many marvels as he could conveniently invent.

The next morning, having thanked my hospitable hosts, I proceeded on my
journey. Half an hour brought us to the foot of the last and highest
chain of mountains, where the snow now lay very thick. When almost at
the top, we met two women on foot, one of whom had neither shoes nor
stockings. I stopped her, and, having a pair of yellow shoes loose in
a bag, I gave them to her, and received her thanks. We soon afterwards
arrived at the summit, and, descending rapidly into the Bkâ, inclined
to the left, until we fell into the same track which we had followed in
1812. The passage over the mountain by which I had now come lies two
or three leagues to the south of that of Barûk. Passing Jub Genýn, we
did not halt until we reached Aita; and on the third day, we arrived at
Damascus.

We had scarcely reached the precincts of the orchard grounds, when we
were stopped by an officer of the excise, who, with a follower or two,
was lurking about the road for the purpose of preventing smuggling. He
was attracted by the sight of my camp-bed, which, in the manner it was
rolled up in its case, looked like a bale of raw silk. Nothing short
of opening the case would satisfy him that it was not silk, and, after
giving me much trouble, he grumbled at his disappointment, and allowed
us to proceed. I rode straight to the house of M. Chaboceau, the French
doctor, of whom I have spoken in a former part of my journal, where
I had reason to suppose I should be hospitably welcomed--nor was I
mistaken.

One of my first visits was to Ahmed Bey. His son, Sulymán, of whom
mention is made so largely at my first visit to Damascus, was no
more. Some months before, in looking too eagerly over the edge of the
housetop, he fell forward, and, unable to save himself, was dashed to
pieces. Yet he had survived the plague in 1813; although Ahmed Bey at
that time lost twenty-one persons of his family, among whom was his
amiable wife. But how was I gratified, yet afflicted, by the visit of
the lovely Fatima! whose exceeding beauty and amiable character, known
to me during the protracted illness of her mother, whom I attended when
at Damascus before, had almost made me forswear the faith I was born
in, and become, for her sake, a convert to Islamism. Informed of my
arrival, she hastened, with the aged Hadjy Murt Mohammed Aga, to see
me. I was shocked to find her blooming youth poisoned with a sickly
yellow hue, and her large and once brilliant eyes now deprived of their
lustre. She had had the plague, and was yet, though so many months had
elapsed, labouring under its terrible effects.

I took Shukhr Aga, one of the bey’s people, with me, and went from
bazar to bazar making purchases. I was shown the largest piece of
ambergris I ever saw. It was of the size and nearly in the shape of a
human skull, which it resembled also in being hollow, this form being
given by the calabashes in which it is collected. It is much used by
the wealthy and luxurious to perfume coffee, which is done by fixing
a piece the size of a pea at the bottom of the coffee-cup. Each time
the boiling coffee is poured upon it, it imparts an agreeable flavour
to the beverage. Ambergris enters frequently into the composition of
aphrodisiacal stimulants, much used by Mahometans.

I purchased a Damascus sabre for 172 piasters. It was of that kind
called in Arabic _tabane_, which means tempered. It will not be
amiss here to advert to the sabres known in Europe by the general name
of Damascus blades, but which are more accurately distinguished in
Turkey, either from their temper, their metal, their form, or their
age. Their temper is known by the clearness of the waves which cover
the surface and indeed penetrate the metal; and the more dense these
are, the better is the metal: to such is applied the term of tabane.
If the blades are very black, then the Turks name them kara Khorasàn
(black steel of Khorasàn): if they are of a lighter hue, tabane Hindy
or Indian-tempered, in which case the waves are farther apart, and
their outline is sometimes broken.

In looking along the blade, the back more especially, a flaw or crack
may sometimes be discovered. This is caused by hammering out the blade
from two eggs, or balls, of metal instead of one, or from thickening,
or from piecing, the blade where defective. Gilt letters engraved on
them are often placed to conceal some such defect, and, in Turkey
generally, detract somewhat from their value, unless the legend happens
to mark great antiquity or the name of a celebrated possessor.

The form most admired, and which peculiarly belongs to those blades
called Damascene, is the narrow blade, curved with an equal bend.
The broad one is called the Stambûl or Constantinople blade, and is
double-edged from the point up to one-third of its length. There is
a blade of a more silvery gray and of a broader wave than the Indian
tabane, which is called nerýz, as I conjecture from the name of some
place where a celebrated manufactory was. All the above mentioned
blades are, in a certain degree, ancient; for the modern Damascus
blades, of which I possess one, are inferior in every respect, and are
known by looking somewhat like blades made wavy with aquafortis.

I was desirous of buying a shawl for a turban; and, from the inquiries
I was led to make on that occasion, compared with what I have observed
since my return to England, I have no doubt cashmere shawls are cheaper
here than in Turkey, as are, at this moment, Damascus sabres, since the
peace has thrown a great many of both into our market.

The horse bazar was held every morning about half an hour after
sunrise, in an open space in the middle of the town. I resorted
thither, and looked about for such horses as I was in search of. I
found that horse-dealing was a system of cheating as extensive in
Damascus as in London; but the public regulations to prevent the
ignorant from becoming the dupes of knaves were good, and, as I was
told, generally speaking, rigidly enforced. I saw, among many ordinary
horses which were sold, a Bedouin filly of two years fetch 500
piasters, or £25. She was iron-gray, which is rather the prevailing
colour of Arab horses; and, although not of the finest breed, still it
was evident that she was eagerly caught up. On coming into the bazar,
you are surrounded by several delàls (brokers). These men endeavour to
find out what your wants are, and busily set about satisfying them.
Horses are ridden at a walk, trot, and gallop, backward and forward
between the double rows of spectators, whilst the delàls, mounted on
their backs, cry aloud what has been bidden, and thus sell them by
auction.

Shukhr Aga, always with me, sought out the delàl generally employed by
Ahmed Bey, and told him what I was in search of. Forthwith he brought
before me several steady mares, among which I selected one, stout,
bony, and in good condition; and, having seen her tried, after much
altercation with the owner, the bargain was struck, and the mare paid
for. The delàl was paid at the regular market agency about one and a
half per cent; and there was besides a fee to the bazar. Horses thus
bought are subject to three days’ trial, within which time they may
be returned, and the money reclaimed. But the best illustration of
horse-dealing in Damascus will be in relating the adventures of M.
Beaudin’s horse, stolen from him, and sold in that very market.

M. Beaudin had left Mar Elias for St. Jean d’Acre on business for
Lady Hester. He rode a brown bay mare, and carried under him his
saddle-bags. His heavy luggage was on an ass conducted by a driver.
Night overtook him near old Tyre, at Ras-el-ayn, a village in which
are the celebrated waters, called by Pococke and other travellers
Solomon’s springs. They turn several water-mills; and one of these he
entered, with a determination to sleep out the night, and pursue his
journey when day broke. He tied up his mare, hung the corn-bag to her
nose; and, putting the saddle-bags under his head as a pillow, covered
himself with his abah, and attempted to sleep. The miller was attending
to his business at the hopper. M. Beaudin had scarcely made himself
comfortable when he heard the footsteps of persons entering the mill;
and, lifting the abah off his face, he saw two ill-looking men, who had
come in, as they said, to escape the rain which was falling very fast.
M. Beaudin thought their appearance suspicious; but he argued with
himself thus: “My saddle-bags are under my head, my mare’s bridle is
almost in my hand; they cannot do _me_ much mischief, and let the
miller look to himself;” so he covered up his face, and went to sleep;
the ass-driver probably had better secured his own animal, and went to
sleep also.

An hour or two afterwards M. Beaudin awoke, and, looking from under
his cloak, saw, to his utter astonishment, that his mare was gone. He
sprang up, and accused the miller, who was still at work, of connivance
in the theft. The poor man seemed as much astonished as M. Beaudin at
the audacity of the thieves, and ran out immediately in pursuit of
them; but they were already far away: and, although Beaudin strongly
suspected the miller of being a party in the crime, it was afterwards
proved that he was altogether innocent.

The night was dark and stormy: M. Beaudin resolved, nevertheless,
to gain the town of Tyre, and hire a horse to pursue his journey.
Accordingly, desiring the muleteer, as soon as it should be daylight,
to go forward on the Acre road, he set off on foot by himself for
Tyre, distant about three miles from Ras-el-ayn. He knew that the way
by the sea-shore was the surest in the dark; but he had not proceeded
far, when he found himself embarrassed among several rivulets; and,
inclining inland to avoid walking through them, he lost his way. He had
a brace of pistols at his girdle, heavy Turkish trousers, and an abah
or cloak. The weight of his clothing was increased by the rain, which
continued to fall, while its pattering drowned the roaring of the surf,
and prevented him from regaining the sea-shore. He wandered about for
some time, until at last he came to a sugar-loaf hill, well known to
such persons as have passed near Tyre, which stands in the middle of
the plain, and has on it a mosque crowned with a double dome, called,
from the similarity of the two, El Ashûk w’el Mashûk (the lover and the
beloved). This mound formerly was the site of some ancient edifice, as
there are portions of an aqueduct still remaining which led from old
Tyre to it, whilst vast stones which lie scattered about its foot bear
evidence of masonry of no modern date.

From El Ashûk a road leads to Tyre. M. Beaudin followed it, and
arrived at the gates of the town before they were opened. He seated
himself on the outside, and waited patiently until daylight, when he
obtained admittance. He then proceeded to the motsellem or governor,
and informed him of what had happened. The motsellem despatched people
in search of the horse and robbers, while M. Beaudin hired a mule
and continued his journey to Acre. On arriving there, Mâlem Häym,
the pasha’s minister, was informed of his loss. M. Beaudin (after he
had executed his commission at Acre), was about to depart for Mar
Elias when he was furnished with a buyurdy or government order to the
motsellem of Tyre, enjoining that officer to give him his own horse
until the stolen one should be found. The particular horse so assigned
was twice as valuable as M. Beaudin’s, who, therefore, politely told
the motsellem that he did not require the pasha’s order to be executed
to the letter, and accordingly received a common horse for present
use, until his own could be recovered. Whilst delayed at Tyre in these
arrangements, he received a small scrap of paper from Lady Hester, whom
he had informed by a letter from Acre of his loss. Upon this scrap of
paper was written, “_Si vous avez perdu votre jument trouvez-la._”
The motsellem promised, and was bound, to make every exertion to bring
the robbery to light. M. Beaudin then proceeded to Mar Elias, and had a
severe reprimand from her ladyship for his negligence!

Some months elapsed, and M. Beaudin still rode the motsellem’s horse,
when it happened that he was despatched by Lady Hester on business to
Damascus; and, on his way back, was stopped by the snow, which had
blocked up the roads. He formed part of a caravan; and, as he was
sitting in the caravansery, during the evening, conversing with a
horseman who was one of the number, to pass the time he related the
story of the loss of his mare. A muleteer, who was listening, asked him
to describe her, and then said he thought he knew where she was.

It appeared that the robbers had immediately taken her from Tyre to
Damascus, where, in the public bazàr, they sold her to a Persian
for 600 piasters (about £30). The laws of the bazàr are, that every
horse sold there must be warranted as known not to have been stolen;
and responsibility, to its full value, falls on the company of
_delàls_. So the stealers, unable to produce a security, had her
returned on their hands. In selecting a Persian, who might be setting
off immediately for his own country, they thought to have evaded this
requisition: but the dealers, who have their eyes on everybody and
everything that passes, felt that they might be called upon for the
money, and so prevented the sale. The stealers tried a second and a
third time, but without success. At last an aga or gentleman, who had
seen the mare more than once in the bazàr, and who suspected something
wrong in the business, pretended to bid for her, and inquired where
she was brought from. The stealers mentioned a village in the Metoualy
country: but, as some persons were known to the aga in that very
village, he put some questions respecting them; and, when he found
that the stealers could not give correct answers, he seized the mare’s
bridle, and said--“My friends, I take this mare home to my stable. When
you can prove to me that you came by her fairly, I will then restore
her.” Guilt, we may suppose, made the men fearful: for, after some
words, the aga led the mare away without any resistance.

M. Beaudin was informed by the muleteer of the residence of the aga;
but, on account of the inclemency of the weather, deferred going
thither at that moment. He returned to Mar Elias; and, in a few days,
went after the mare. The aga, on hearing his story, delivered her to
him; and information was laid against the pretended owners. They were
apprehended, convicted of being the stealers, and one of them was
hanged, without any law expenses whatever. The peculiar variations,
from beginning to end, in the suspicions, discovery, and punishment of
the theft, compared with a similar event in England, are too obvious to
make it necessary to point them out to the reader.

To return to my narrative, I was much surprised to find Mâlem Musa
at Damascus; and, knowing that an express messenger had, as I have
before mentioned, been sent off to him to Hamah, I told him of it,
and repeated from memory the letter, the contents of which I knew,
as having been privy to the writing of it. The conduct of Musa on
this occasion will show how wary Levantines are in incurring the
suspicion of being in secret correspondence with Europeans. Although
the business concerned nobody but himself, and was known to nobody
else, he immediately communicated it to the Jew seràfs, Mâlem Yusef and
Rafáel, pretending that he was all astonishment at what Lady Hester
could mean by wanting him. I, however, judged it proper to send off a
letter to her ladyship, informing her that he was here, and begging a
corroboration, under her hand, of the communication I had made him. The
muleteer was, on the 10th of February, despatched with this letter,
and with another from Mâlem Musa. During his absence, which was six or
seven days, I completed the purchases I had to make. When Sulymán (that
was the muleteer’s name) returned, Mâlem Musa received permission from
the pasha to go to Acre, where he was to meet Lady Hester; and, having
finished my business, I set off for Mar Elias.

Much snow had fallen in the interim. There were two mule loads of
baggage, and I was mounted on my newly-purchased mare. The highest part
of the Antilebanon is very elevated ground; and we suffered greatly
from the wet and cold, when, on the first night, we arrived at Halwell,
where I slept almost under my horse’s legs, in a place no better than
a shed. The second night we reached Jûb Genýn, where we were informed
that the pass of Mount Lebanon was impracticable, owing to the snow.
However, as my return, I knew, was waited for impatiently by Lady
Hester, I resolved to attempt it on the following day.

From Jûb Genýn we arrived at the foot of the mountain early in the day,
when we began to ascend; and at noon we had reached the part where the
snow lay. There was no fresh track, by which we plainly understood that
none but ourselves had made the trial that day. We had nearly reached
the summit, when, as we were advancing, a storm of snow, or what is
called on the Alps a _tourmente_, came on, and in a moment the
view around us was bounded to fifteen or twenty paces. Sulymán was a
daring and resolute Drûze, and promised yet to carry me through it.
We had advanced about a hundred yards, when one of the mules slipped
into a hole, which the snow had covered, fell, and could not, from the
weight of his load, rise again. We unloaded him; and, when extricated,
replaced his burden on his back. We had not advanced much farther when
my mare sunk in up to her belly; and, in plunging about, caught the end
of my cloak in her fore-foot, and pulled me off. The mule, that had
fallen before, at the same time swerved from the path, and rolled over.
Being unable to rise, the girths were cut to relieve her.

It has been mentioned more than once, that stockings and gloves are
not worn in Syria. Mbárak, from the exertion he had used in assisting
the muleteer, became afterwards very cold, and now complained that his
feet and hands felt almost frozen. We made many ineffectual attempts
to reload the mule, but the snow and wind were so rigorously sharp,
that we began to think, if we delayed any longer, we should be lost
altogether. I therefore resolved on abandoning the luggage, which
was accordingly put together in a heap on the snow; and on the heap
was a species of otter, alive in a box, which I had brought from
Damascus as a curiosity. As we had evidently lost the track, we took
the direction which we thought would bring us to it; when, after
wandering about for half an hour, every moment tumbling into holes
and over stumps of trees, we found ourselves, to our dismay, close
to the luggage again. Sulymán’s courage now became desperation, and,
drawing his yatagán, he was going to stab his mules, saying it was
better to kill them outright than leave them to be frozen to death.
This design I prevented, insisting that we must now try to retrace our
steps to the plain of the Bkâ as the only chance we had of saving our
lives. Mbárak, by this time, had begun to complain most bitterly, and
could scarcely be persuaded to advance. We were unable any longer
to discern the footsteps we had ourselves made in coming; for the
snow had already effaced them. Fortunately, the bend of the trees,
caused by the prevalence of a constant wind, suggested to Sulymán the
direction we ought to take, and, guided by this, we slowly returned.
Providence assisted us. We had gone on for about half an hour, when the
_tourmente_ ceased, and a comparative serenity in the atmosphere
enabled us to regain the path by which we had ascended: but Mbárak was
now helpless, and we had much ado in keeping him from sitting down,
for I opposed his riding, as the only chance of preventing the fatal
effects of the cold on his extremities.

It was dark before we reached the foot of the mountain, and some
lights directed us to a few wretched cottages, which Sulymán knew to
be the hamlet of Khurby,[38] and where, when at Jûb Genýn, we had
been informed the plague was raging; but, I believe, if worse than
the plague had then faced us, we should have thought it preferable to
what we had just left: so we knocked at the first door we came to,
and requested that some empty stable or outhouse might be given us,
where, having made a fire, we sheltered ourselves. We had scarcely
entered when Mbàrak fainted away. Sulymán was much astonished when
I insisted on his being laid in the corner farthest from the fire,
where we rubbed his limbs and his feet, until he came to himself,
when, from pain and fear, he kept up a grievous moaning. Sulymán next
procured some barley for the animals, and I endeavoured to find a dry
spot to lie down on, but it was impossible. The villagers at first
refused to give us anything to eat: but there is a law which subjects
any place wherein a person dies from want to a considerable fine; and
the apprehension of Mbarak’s perishing during the night, which, as he
lay, seemed likely, frightened them, and they brought us some bread and
porridge.

What a miserable night did I pass! Morning at length came; and then
the person calling himself the bailiff of the hamlet offered, for a
reasonable reward, four men to assist us in recovering the baggage.
These people are well acquainted with the mountain. They guided us up,
and we were fortunate enough to find every thing as we had left it.
The otter was alive, nor did he die until some time afterwards. The
luggage was carried on the backs of the peasants and of Sulymán, until
we reached the descent to the west; when, having re-loaded, I rewarded
the peasants, and in a short time we reached Barûk, where the snow
disappeared. In order to make up for the loss of time on the preceding
day, Sulymán was told to hurry on. We left Dayr el Kamar on the right
of us, and arrived at sunset at Ayn-bayl, a Drûze village, inhabited
chiefly by muleteers, among whom was one who had served Lady Hester in
the journey to Bâlbec. To his house Sulymán led me to pass the night.
The wife gave me the best entertainment in her power; and to convey
some idea of the interior of a Drûze cottage, I will relate how I
passed the evening.

A narrow carpet, kept doubled up, excepting on days of ceremony, was
spread on one side of the clay floor, which, from being well rubbed
with a smooth round boulder, shone like a mirror. The cottage was of
stone, one story high, and flat-roofed, with a shed close by which
served for a stable, and no other out-houses whatever. The cottage
was divided in two, by a partition not reaching to the ceiling, which
was of beams and rafters, trimmed with an adze only. Round the room
were several sun-baked clay barrels, about three feet high, but of
small circumference: these were filled with wheat-flour, figs, borgûl,
lentils, rice, &c. The muleteer’s wife busied herself in preparing
my supper at a fireplace, made of a few rude stones outside of the
door. As she came in and out to fetch the different articles which
she wanted, she carefully concealed her face by pinching together her
veil, which was of long white crape, falling gracefully from the point
of her horn, so that only one eye was seen. In the same room with me
sat Sulymán and Mbárak, with six or eight Drûzes, who dropped in one
by one on the news of our arrival, and to whom Sulymán was earnestly
relating the adventures of the preceding night. They invariably, as
they entered, civilly saluted everybody, and there was much decorum
in their manners, which is, however, not peculiar to the Drûzes, but
is universal among the different classes of society throughout Turkey.
Whenever the husband spoke to his wife she answered in low feminine
accents, for it would have been discreditable to her, had she, whilst
strangers were by, laughed or vociferated.

When supper was ready, which consisted of a dish of boiled rice, some
dibs and leben, and a few figs and raisins for the dessert, it was
served up on a wooden table about two feet in diameter, and six inches
from the ground, with box-wood spoons alone to eat with. After supper,
my own travelling stock afforded coffee, with which the whole party
was regaled, smoking their pipes, and appearing as soberly merry as
pious Christians round a winter fire; for nowhere will you see so much
cheerfulness without loud laughter, and sedateness without gloom, as
among this people.




                              CHAPTER VI.

   Journey of Lady Hester from Mar Elias to
   Ascalon--Bussa--Acre--She prevails on Mr. Catafago to accompany
   her to Ascalon--Illness of Ali Pasha--Professional visits
   of the Author--Abdallah Bey, the Pasha’s son--Extraordinary
   honours paid to Lady Hester--Her departure from Acre--Tremendous
   storm--M. Loustaunau; his prophecies--His history--Don Tomaso
   Coschich arrives with despatches from Sir Sydney Smith to Lady
   Hester--Substance of them--Presents sent to the care of Lady
   Hester by Sir Sydney--His character in the East--Cæsarea--Um
   Khaled--Village of Menzel--Jaffa--Mohammed Aga, the governor
   ordered to accompany Lady Hester--His character--Arrival at
   Ascalon.


The next morning we resumed our journey, and arrived at noon at Mar
Elias. I found Lady Hester busily occupied in preparing for our
departure for Acre, which, now that I was arrived, was fixed for
the next day. In my absence she had purchased a gray mare from Mr.
Taitbout, the French consul of Sayda. The next morning she departed
with nearly the same attendants, as she had taken with her to Bâlbec:
not being quite ready, I followed her the next day, which was the 16th
of February, 1815.

I shall pass over the names of places on the road to Tyre, as having
already described them when coming this way before. The weather was
still tempestuous and wet; and, a very few hours after her ladyship’s
departure, there was a hail-storm, which, had glass been in use for
windows, would have broken every pane. She slept at El Khudder. About
noon, I overtook her there, and found the tents just struck for
marching: so, without dismounting, I joined company.

There are two roads from Sayda to Tyre, as also from Tyre to Acre,
from which circumstance, as being not generally known to travellers
themselves, there is often an apparent discrepancy in the names of
places and their relative distance. In the winter season, it is
customary to follow the windings of the strand of the sea-shore, where
the sand always affords a firm footing for the animals: in the summer,
a strait road, sometimes close to the sea, and sometimes, from the
bends of the coast, two, or three hundred yards, or a quarter of a mile
distant from it, is preferred: but it is too full of holes and too deep
in mire to be passed in the wet season.

We slept that night at Tyre. The rains still continued. I departed
next morning earlier than Lady Hester, to provide the evening station.
Passing Ras-el-ayn, I came to the promontory called Ras el Nakûra.
Ascending this, and riding through a level beyond it covered with
underwood, I came to the Guffer or toll-house, on the left hand of
which, as mentioned in a former place, is the village of Nakúra. This
I thought a convenient distance for a halfway station between Tyre
and Acre. Accordingly, inquiring for the shaykh’s house, I produced
the _buyurdy_, by which we were to be furnished with lodging
and entertainment on the road. The shaykh very civilly professed his
willingness to do so, but said that the station was specified in the
order for the village of Bussa, which was farther on. I thanked him,
perceived my error, and, remounting my horse, descended the hill by
the Burge Msherify into the plain of Acre. At the foot of the hill,
the road to Bussa turned short to the left. The incessant rains, for
some weeks past, had so soaked the ground that my horse could with
difficulty get along.

Bussa was about one mile from the Burge Msherify, and was a small
village surrounded with olive grounds, in which it seemed to be
particularly rich. The soil appeared lower than the sea-coast; so
that, on my arrival at the village, the street was fairly flooded. I
was directed to the _menzel_ or khan, as strangers generally are:
but I inquired for the shaykh’s house, and was, as it always happened,
followed by three or four people to learn my business there.

The shaykh, in compliance with the buyurdy, desired me to choose what
cottages I liked best: but, here the choice was truly puzzling. Each
cottage had a courtyard, where dung and wet lay in the same manner
as in the old-fashioned farmyards in England: each cottage likewise
consisted of a single room, half of which contained a yoke of oxen,
and the other half, somewhat raised, the tenant of it and his family.
Finding that they were all alike, I caused three to be cleared out,
and set the peasant women to work, to sweep and carry off the dung and
other filth. Mrs. Fry, Werdy, and the black slave, soon afterwards
arrived; and, by the aid of mats, carpets, and other contrivances,
metamorphosed the sheds into something like a habitation.

But there had been a mistake, on the part of M. Beaudin, as to the
meaning of the buyurdy; and he conducted Lady Hester, who departed late
from Tyre, to Nakûra, where she was informed that I had gone on to
Bussa. The night had already set in, when she arrived at Nakûra: but,
she was obliged to continue, on account of the luggage: and, for her
protection, the shaykh of Nakûra and two armed horsemen accompanied
her. I waited anxiously for her, until, owing to the extreme darkness
of the night, I became alarmed, and resolved to ride back in search
of her. The road, which was no better than a slough, presented a most
formidable obstacle in the dark, and my horse had already floundered
half a mile through it, when the welcome sound of voices reached my
ears. Nor was Lady Hester herself less glad to hear mine: for fatigue,
wet, and apprehension, had agitated her more than I well remember to
have seen on any other similar occasion.

Bussa is inhabited by Mahometans. The women had somewhat the appearance
of Bedouins, in dress, more especially in the pointed shift sleeves
reaching almost to the ground. We left this place next morning for
Acre. As the road had now diverged a mile from the sea, we had an
opportunity of observing the fertility of the plain. It must, however,
be unwholesome, since the sea-shore is plainly higher than the soil
inland, which prevents the rains from running off; so that there are
many stagnant pools. The plain is semicircular, and the horns of the
mountains which enclose it are, Mount Carmel to the south, and the
Nakûra, over which we had just passed, to the north. We soon arrived at
Acre. A small house had been provided for Lady Hester, where she lived
with her female attendants only. M. Beaudin and myself had apartments
in the corn khan.

In order to avoid all foul play on the part of those with whom she
might have to do, her ladyship engaged Signor Catafago, at whose
house she lived on her first visit to Acre, to go with her, as being
a cunning man, and used to the intrigues of the country. We remained
at Acre until the 17th of March. In the mean time, Mâlem Musa arrived
from Damascus, having with him two men servants. Lady Hester saw from
day to day Mâlem Haym, the Jew; and she paid a visit to the pasha,
who received her with peculiar affability. Whenever she went out,
she was followed by a crowd of spectators; and the curiosity and
admiration which she had very generally excited throughout Syria were
now increased by her supposed influence in the affairs of government,
in having a Capugi Bashi at her command.

She was returning one day from the bath, in which she often indulged,
muffled up to keep out the cold air, and mounted on her favourite
black ass, with a groom on either side to support her, when the ass
took fright, and, turning suddenly round, threw her. The man on whom
the fault chiefly fell was named Harb, a Mussulman, who had been hired
expressly for this journey, at Sayda, as a janissary, he having been
janissary to the French Consul. Although Lady Hester was not hurt,
the Jew Seráf caused him to be bastinadoed on the feet, that he might
take more care of his mistress in future. No Turk now paid her a visit
without wearing his _benýsh_, or mantle of ceremony: and every
circumstance showed the ascendency she had gained in public opinion.

I have already described the caravansery in which I was living (called
Khan el Kummah) on a former occasion. I was lodged in a room the window
of which overlooked the harbour, which is no more than a small nook
sheltered by a dilapidated mole. During this time there was a most
violent storm, and I was witness to the stranding of a polacca, which,
although moored by two cables through portholes in the mole, rode so
uneasy that she broke the cables and drove on shore.

About this time, an order arrived from the Porte to the pashas of
Syria, desiring them to enforce the wearing of kaûks, the cloth
bonnet of Constantinopolitan Mahometans; and which, more especially,
was affected in the Levant by government officers, or by Turks,
in contradistinction to the natives, with whom the turban was the
favourite covering of the head.

On our arrival, a request was made me to attend on Ali, pasha of
Tripoli, whom we have before spoken of as residing with Sulymán Pasha
in preference to residing on his own pashalik, and who was, at present,
dangerously ill of a pulmonary complaint. He had been treated by eight
doctors, all at variance with each other in their opinions: and, during
three weeks previous to my arrival, the merits of bleeding had been
discussed in consultations held before the pasha’s friends, whilst the
patient’s malady was gaining ground. The casting vote was given to
me, and I decided for it. One of the anti-phlebotomists, however, who
performed the operation, made the orifice too small to give issue to
the required quantity of blood: this was a _medium anceps_, which
appeased both parties; the arm was bound up, and the trial was not
repeated. I generally visited him twice a day; and never surely had I
seen the path of death so smoothed to a dying man.

He was attended by a certain Shaykh Messaûd, spoken of heretofore as
head of an ancient family and governor of Beled Hartha. Seeing this
gentleman and one Hassan Effendi always with Ali Pasha, I inquired the
reason of their close attendance; and I was answered--“They are two
clever persons who are kept near the pasha to amuse him, to pacify him
when his temper is ruffled, to give the tone in conversation, and to
raise his spirits when depressed by melancholy forebodings.” The office
of _toady_ in Turkey at least requires some talent, where an
unlucky observation may lead to a bastinading: but, when this talent is
exerted in alleviating the sufferings of a sick bed, a toady ceases to
be a despicable person.

His complaint was pulmonary, and his intervals of ease were few. When
I paid my evening visits, an attendant, in waiting in the antechamber,
would lead me to the door of the room where he was sitting, and,
drawing aside the red cloth curtain embroidered in gold, would in
a low whisper tell me to enter. The salute to a great personage in
the East, on entering his presence, is by walking up to him, and
kissing the hem of his garment or his hand, when he makes a sign to
him who enters to sit down. All this was dispensed with from me, as
a foreigner; but I saw it done by every one else. When seated, I was
asked how I did, and how her Presence, or her Felicity, the dame, the
emiry[39] did, which civility I acknowledged by a προσκύνησις.[40]
I might then look round the room, and, in dumb show, by carrying my
hand to my mouth and forehead, recognize those whom I knew. There were
generally present the chief men of the place; such as the mufti, the
divan effendi, some ulemas, and always Mâlem Haym, the Jew seràf, the
minister, that wonderful man who was present everywhere, and directed
everything. The pasha was seated in an arm-chair (a very uncommon thing
unless in illness) and on each side of him stood a page, one holding a
pocket-handkerchief, and the other a small vase to spit in. The rest
of the party were seated on the floor: for who would dare sit on the
sofas when the pasha himself did not? who, so to say, would presume to
sit higher than the pasha!

Awful indeed was the moment of feeling the pulse, when it was necessary
to render an account of every pulsation: and how is it possible not
to dissimulate on such occasions? At every favourable turn which
manifested itself, happiness and complacency seemed to illumine every
countenance, and a bystander would have said, “The pasha will be well
to-morrow.” When the visit was over, I was generally taken into another
room by Haym, to confer with Abdallah Bey, the pasha’s son.[41] Here I
found the young lord, sitting between two venerable shaykhs, who were
expounding to him the Koran, or commenting on some abstruse points
of faith. When with the bey, pipes and coffee were served to me, the
latter of which alone was given me in the pasha’s presence. The state
of his father’s health was then inquired into, plans for the next day
were devised, and so the cure was conducted.

On one occasion, when ushered into Abdallah Bey’s room, I observed an
unusual degree of gaiety in the conversation. Inquiring the reason of
this from one sitting by me, I was told that the bey had, in the course
of that day, made a very clever throw with his girýd or javelin, on
horseback, and that nothing had since been talked of but his great
skill as a perfect cavalier.

Soon after our arrival at Acre, the weather became fine for a few days,
and it was resolved to remove Ali Pasha to a pavilion which he had
built a few miles from the city. I rode over to see him, accompanied
by the kumrûkgi or collector of the customs, Ayûb Aga, who was very
attentive to me during my stay at Acre. There was an extensive garden
round the pavilion; a thing of easy creation in Syria, where, as was
the case here, copious springs and running streams were found. It was
from this spot that the aqueduct, destroyed by the French in their
invasion of Syria, conveyed water to Acre. But Ali Pasha received no
benefit from his removal, and was soon conveyed back again.

In relating the case of the pasha, I am forgetting Lady Hester, who
was now ready to depart for Ascalon. In compliance with the orders
contained in the firmans of the Sublime Porte, she was honoured with
distinctions usually paid to princes only. In addition to her own six
tents, about twenty more were furnished, one of which was of vast
magnitude, and under which Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales
slept, on her journey to and from Jerusalem. As a part of the alleged
misconduct of that princess was said to have taken place beneath it,
and as its particular shape excited some discussion in the House of
Lords, a sketch of it is annexed.

  [Illustration: PRINCESS OF WALES’S TENT.]

This tent was double, like the calix and corolla of a flower inverted,
the same post supporting both; and, when planted, the distance between
the two at the bottom was about twelve feet. It was of a green colour
on the outside, studded with yellow flowers and stars. In the centre
of the inner tent was placed a sofa, behind which, and bisecting the
tent, was suspended a curtain made of broad bands of satin of the most
vivid colours. Nothing could be more showy or more elegant. There
were twenty-two akáms or tent-pitchers to accompany us, headed by one
Mohammed, a person whose activity, as I afterwards heard, made him
conspicuous in the suite of Her Royal Highness not less than in that
of Lady Hester. There was a _meshalgy_ to bear the night-torch,
being the iron skeleton of a tub fixed on a long pole, in which pieces
of tarpaulin are thrown from time to time to burn. A _sakka_, with
two mules at his disposal carrying vast leather skins, was to supply
water. Twelve mules carried the luggage; twelve camels the tents. The
attendants were on mules: Mr. Catafago, Mâlem Musa, the two dragomans,
and myself, on horseback. Last of all, to Lady Hester was appropriated
what, in Arabic, is called a takhterwàn, or tukht, a tilted palanquin,
covered with crimson cloth, and having in front six large gilded balls,
glittering in the sun. The palanquin was carried by two mules, which
were changed every two hours. In front of the palanquin were led her
ladyship’s mare and her favourite ass, in case she preferred riding.
One hundred of the Hawàry cavalry[42] escorted us, and three treasury
messengers preceded, as couriers to arrange stations and to make
provision for so many persons. I had almost forgotten the Zäym and the
persons composing his suite, who added considerably to our numbers.

On the 18th of March, the cavalcade left Acre, and, to the astonishment
but admiration of every one, Lady Hester rode her ass; nor did she, on
any future day, make use of the palanquin. I remained behind one day
to attend to the effect of certain remedies which I had prescribed for
the pasha, who, on my taking leave of him, ordered his khasnadàr or
treasurer to send me a purse of money.[43]

On the 19th it blew a strong equinoctial gale: but, as Lady Hester
had said she should wait my coming at the first station, I resolved
to depart in spite of the weather. It was afternoon before I had
finished my affairs, when I set off, taking with me an Hawáry horseman
for my escort. As I rode along the sea-shore, the wind swept the dust
in clouds, and the waves, contending with the swollen streams of the
two rivers which I had to pass, formed quicksands in their beds,
with a counter-current, which made the fords very dangerous: whilst
the hail cut our horses’ faces, so that with difficulty they could
be forced on. The horseman who accompanied me vented his spleen in
muttering complaints against the English, who always would travel
at such extraordinary seasons, when every sensible person remained
in-doors.[44]

I did not arrive until after sunset, when I found the encampment, in
consequence of the tempest, in the greatest confusion, which continued
to augment as the night advanced.

The station was at the western gate of Häyfa, on the outside, being
that which we had occupied on our previous passage. On entering the
dinner-tent, I observed a stranger, in a long threadbare Spanish cloak,
whom, by his salutation, I guessed to be a Frenchman. He seemed to be
nearly sixty years of age, his hair grizzly and uncombed, and his whole
person apparently very dirty. He held under his left arm a book, which
he never seemed to let go or lay down. We took our dinners in great
haste, as the storm increased so much that the lights could not be kept
in, and it was necessary, in the sailor’s phrase, to make all snug,
and prepare for a busy night. The stranger soon went away; and I then
learned that he was a Frenchman, who had now, for two years, lived
in a shed in the orchards of Häyfa, where the alms of the inhabitants
maintained him. The book he carried constantly under his arm was a
Bible, which he read incessantly, and, whenever questioned by any one
who knew his failings, he would interpret texts from it as applicable
to the existing state of the world. But Buonaparte was the chief
subject of his prophecies.

No sooner had Lady Hester made her appearance at Acre, and the
town-talk of Häyfa had informed him of the preparations that were
making for her escort, than, ignorant of her real destination to
Ascalon, he fancied, like many others, that she could be going nowhere
else than to perform the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He accordingly
searched out a number of texts wherein he pretended that her coming
was announced, and was prepared to greet her with them on her passage
through Häyfa. Her ladyship had admitted him just before my arrival,
and had treated him with that kindness which the unfortunate ever
obtained from her. His history has already been related in a recent
publication.[45]

The storm continued, and the wind was so powerful that it blew up
the tents like so many umbrellas. Mâlem Musa’s, which was twelve or
fourteen feet in diameter, was thrown down on him, and he lay buried
under it for some minutes, roaring for assistance, until extricated by
the tent-men. Lady Hester, for better security, had betaken herself to
her own tent, and had quitted the large one. In spite of the additional
precautions which were used, by fixing stays on the windward side of
it, and by placing large stones on the pickets, she was twice half
smothered. Anxious for her safety, I remained on foot the whole of that
night, and was exposed to the fury of the contending elements. Early
in the evening, Signor Catafago had taken refuge in the town at the
Carmelite monastery: Derwish Aga, the Zäym, had done the same; and not
a soldier was left. The mesalgy’s beacon could not be kept alight, and
the akàms or tent-men were worn out by so often setting up the blown
down tents.

About midnight, Werdy, one of the women, came in haste to inform me
that there was a Frank in the dinner tent, just arrived from Acre: I
repaired to him immediately, and I found a young man in the act of
putting on a British naval uniform coat. I saluted him in Italian,
without reflecting that I was addressing him in a language foreign to
his dress: but I was right. He told me in the same breath that he was
a Dalmatian, in the English service, who had accompanied the Princess
of Wales in the capacity of dragoman from Palermo to Constantinople,
in her voyage of 1813, and that he was now come to conduct Lady Hester
and all of us to England. I was rather surprised at his embassy; more
especially when I learned from whom he came: but, having given orders
for providing him a supper, which was no easy matter in such a storm,
I took his despatches, and carried them to Lady Hester. In the midst
of the hurricane, she immediately read them. They were from Sir Sydney
Smith, and were most voluminous, relating to matters very different
from Lady Hester’s return: but, as they are foreign to this narrative,
I shall not enter into particulars.

Sir Sydney, however, had taken this opportunity of sending various
presents to persons whom he had known in Syria. These were a pair of
pistols to Abu Ghosh, the chieftain who lived on the mountains of
Judea, in the road to Jerusalem from Jaffa; a dressing-box for the Emir
Beshýr’s wife; an English bible to the public library of Jerusalem
(there being no such institution); and a picture of the pope for the
Holy Sepulchre. He likewise displayed his indignation at cruelty, but
not his prudence, in telling the Emir Beshýr, in a letter which he
wrote to him, how much he regretted that the sons of his brother had
been deprived of their eyesight by his order. The picture of the pope
which he gave was to be in the keeping of the Copt, Greek, Syrian, and
Catholic bishops; but, in so doing, he showed little knowledge of the
state of things at Jerusalem. These different sects have nothing in
common among them but their quarrels.

The following memorandums of the correspondence contained in the
despatches which passed between Sir Sydney Smith and Lady Hester
Stanhope, by the hands of M. Thomaso Coschich, were written down at
the time. They contain the substance of all the letters.

         _Sir Sydney Smith to Lady Hester Stanhope, Latakia._

                                            Vienna, Dec. 8, 1814.

        My dear Cousin,
    I received yours from Latakia. In my way to England
    I spoke to Fremantle, whom I saw at Gibraltar, to send you
    a frigate; for I am at present no longer in command. My
    nephew, Thurlow Smith, has got the Undaunted (the ship
    which carried B. to Elba), and he will contrive, if possible, to
    come to you, as I say all I can of the necessity of guarding
    our trade in that quarter.

    I send you Don Thomaso Coschich, with despatches, &c.
    I have paid his passage, and agreed with him for one dollar a
    day, having left forty dollars unpaid (as he is a man of whose
    character I am ignorant in a moral point of view), to leave him
    something to look to. I shall leave Vienna after the Congress,
    for Florence and Leghorn, where I hope to meet you
    in the month of April.
                                   I remain, &c.

A second communication begged to charge Lady Hester with delivering
certain despatches to the Emir Beshýr. They were, to ask him to send
the 1,500 soldiers which had been promised him through Mr. Fiott, who
vouched for the prince’s having said so in word and in writing, and
to inform him that these troops were to be employed in attacking the
Algerine pirates. For the purpose of rallying them, he sent flags of
different descriptions, with plans for encamping. His plan (he added)
had been submitted to the emperors of Austria and Russia, to the
kings of Prussia and (through Talleyrand) of France; who all approved
highly of it. He had also held conferences with the crowned heads
in ball-rooms and assemblies as well as he could have done in their
closets; but nobody would advance money.

He went on to say that, finding his debts pretty large, he had given
up his goods and chattels to his creditors in England, and had brought
his all to Vienna on eight wheels: that he was so far reduced as to
be obliged to beg a loan from his Syrian friends; and he charged Lady
Hester with the commission.

He advised Lady Hester not to go to Naples, which was not orthodox,
owing to the presence of a certain person (the Princess of Wales),
whose follies she recollected at Plymouth. He observed that his nephew
had seen the King of Rome, who was at Schoenbrun, wearing a wooden
sword, and that he was a pert lad.

To confirm the feasibility of his scheme, he said he was in
correspondence with the Emperor of Morocco, who would second these
views, being, _par force_, just then no pirate. The dey of Tunis
had also been consulted on the business; but, as he was since dead, Sir
Sydney recommended it to Lady Hester to visit the coast of Barbary,
and see what sort of a man his successor was. The deceased dey was too
liberal-minded for his subjects, and had been poisoned.

There was a letter to the Emir Beshýr, which was in French, nearly as
follows:--

   Au tres puissant et grand prince Beshýr. I have heard with much
   pleasure from certain Englishmen (Mr. Forbes, Mr. Gell, who
   were never there, and Mr. Fiott, now Dr. Lee, were the names
   mentioned), of the continuance of your health and prosperity. It
   grieves me to learn that the sons of the Emir Yusef labour under
   your displeasure, and that they have lost their eyesight. (N.B.
   It was the Emir himself who had blinded them). I hope you will
   not suffer them to want your protection. You are answerable to
   them, and more particularly to me, for their safety.

The letter then went on in a style which will show that Sir Sydney’s
vanity sometimes made him fall into hyperbole.

   I have dismantled my ships, having no farther occasion for them,
   owing to the pacification of Europe. I have written to the
   Prince Regent of Portugal, whom I had induced to take refuge
   in America, that he may now return to his capital: and, after
   having paid a visit to the son of the king of England, I am
   come to Vienna to assist at the Congress. Mr. Fiott, an English
   gentleman, has informed me that you are ready to furnish me
   with fifteen hundred men: I have just now occasion for them, to
   subjugate the Barbaresque pirates, who impede the transmission
   of corn from Egypt to Christendom; so Captain Ismael, Mahomet
   Ali’s envoy to Malta, has told me.

   I send your highness a dressing-box, containing a few trifles
   for your ladies (N.B. This dressing-box was in ebony, studded
   in steel, furnished with pins and needles, thread, &c.); also a
   black cloak for yourself, or for the officer you may choose to
   appoint commander of your troops. To these things I have joined
   a pair of pistols, with an Arabic inscription partly defaced.

Lady Hester disapproved of the whole plan, from beginning to end, and
answered Sir Sydney’s letters as follows:--She told him, that to send
for troops from the Emir Beshýr was endangering that prince’s life;
as he was employing the force of one province against another, both
being parts of the same empire. Such a thing could only be done by
a direct application to the sultan, enforcing the request by saying
that, if he would not lend his aid to stop the piracy of his subjects,
then other measures would be resorted to. Alluding to the flags which
he had sent, and which were no more than so many German stuff shawls,
she asked him, who was the king of pocket-handkerchiefs? She said, the
mountaineers would fight very well on their own dunghill, when they had
their mountain to retreat upon; but that they would never quit their
firesides.

Lady Hester might have added likewise, that the Emir had too many
enemies of his own to dare to send his troops away; nor could he, as
he wanted a seaport in his own territory, have embarked them without
permission from the pasha of Acre.

Of her own and Sir Sydney’s letters she sent copies to Mr. Liston,
English ambassador at Constantinople; and to Mr. Barker, English consul
at Aleppo; desiring the latter to stop all letters passing through his
hands, which he supposed to come from Sir Sydney to the Emir Beshýr.

She then wrote to the Emir himself, to say, when her journey to Ascalon
was over, she would see him on business of importance.

There was great indelicacy in Sir Sydney’s conduct in sending such a
man, giving out wherever he went that he was to take charge of Lady
Hester, and conduct her back to Europe.

The perusal of these papers and the necessary deliberation upon them
lasted until morning. In the mean time, Signor Thomaso Coschich (for
so the Dalmatian was called) had made but a poor supper, and could not
conceal his discontent, when the servants told him no wine was ever
served up at Lady Hester’s table when she was travelling with Turks.

When daylight came, I gathered, by reports already in circulation
among the people, that Signor Coschich had arrived at Acre after
my departure; that he had addressed himself to Mâlem Haym with an
exaggerated story of the importance of his mission, alleging that he
bore despatches declaratory of war between Turkey and Russia, in which
England would take a part, and that he was, therefore, come to convey
Lady Hester to a place of safety; with many other strange inventions
of a hardy cast: upon which Mâlem Haym had caused the town gates to be
opened after the usual hour, and a treasury messenger had been ordered
to conduct him to Häyfa. The imprudence of such conversation induced
Lady Hester to get rid of him forthwith. She accordingly ordered a
halt at Häyfa; and, stopping there three days, she wrote answers to Sir
Sydney Smith’s despatches, laying open the whole transaction to Derwish
Mustafa Aga, in order to set his mind at ease on a subject which must
otherwise have excited a multitude of suspicions. When the answers
were prepared, Signor Coschich was ordered to depart; and instructions
were given him to ship himself for Cyprus as speedily as possible. The
courage of this man on the sea, nevertheless, was wonderful. He had
crossed the Mediterranean, in the most perilous part of the year, in a
boat no bigger than a nutshell; so that, on entering Larnarka roads,
in Cyprus, seafaring men would scarcely credit their eyes. He had
quarrelled with his guides on the road from Tripoli, exposing himself
more than once to be assassinated.

Upon examining the different articles which Sir Sydney Smith had sent
as presents, farther incongruities were discovered. The pistols were
of Persian make: this was sending coals to Newcastle; for, when Turks
ask for pistols from England, it is English pistols they want. There
was an abah made of black satin, with Sir Sydney’s arms emblazoned on
the shoulders on a white ground. He seems to have known as little of
the dress of the country as he did of its politics or religion. A satin
abah could no more be worn by a man in Syria, than a pair of chintz
breeches by a man in England.

To have done with this subject altogether, it may be as well to say
here how it terminated. Lady Hester, on her return to Mar Elias, sent
her secretary to the emir Beshýr, who translated to him as well Sir
Sydney’s letters intended for him as her ladyship’s answers, and then
gave him the presents. The emir, as might be supposed, did not like
to be lectured about his nephews, whom he had barbarously mutilated.
But this was of little note in comparison with the mischief which a
supposed league with European nations would do him in the eyes of the
Porte; and, had it not been for Lady Hester’s prudence, he felt that
his head would soon have been no longer on his shoulders. The presents
he received; but, contrary to his usual custom of showing everything
that he had, which was curious or foreign, to people who went to see
him, these he never exhibited to a soul.

Lady Hester thought that the ebony dressing-box would best befit the
Shaykh Beshýr’s wife, who was young and coquettish: but the shaykh,
fearful of being mixed up in such a business, returned it immediately,
and never mentioned the giver’s name.

Sir S. Smith never passed in Syria for a man of talent. He spent a good
deal of money, and always carried his point by bakshyshes, or presents.
Yet, with a squadron to back him, he failed in raising himself a
reputation; and, as for a politician, he was considered a miserable
one; for, when he interfered in Gezzàr’s war with the Emir Beshýr,
and took that prince on board his ship, to save him from the hands
of Gezzàr, he knew not that he was lending protection to a man who
afterwards showed himself to be one of the most sanguinary tyrants of
modern times. Gezzàr Pasha said, “Here is a man who comes and attempts
to destroy in a day what I have been labouring to effect for fifteen
years,” and he was right; for, now that the plan was consolidated,
the expediency was manifest, and the emir and shaykh Beshýr were as
completely under the thumb of the pasha as two servants; which, however
abject a situation in the abstract, is what, by the nature of their
tenure from the Porte, they were required to be.

Some persons will blame Lady Hester for disclosing a private
correspondence to the Zäym; but, when Sir Sydney had said that he had
written to Constantinople and to the emir, she knew it must soon be
blown. Besides, from the strange rhodomontades of Signor Coschich, it
was necessary to tell the truth, or to incur the suspicion of being an
emissary and a spy.

On the 23rd of March, in the morning, we left Häyfa. The weather was
cloudy, and a misty rain now and then fell. In four hours we arrived
at Aatlyt, but here an accident happened which damped our joy for the
evening. Turkish cavalry are accustomed, on all occasions of festivity,
to show their feats of horsemanship, one of which is to fire off
their carbines at each other in a full gallop. Just before reaching
the encampment at Aatlyt, a soldier, among others who were merrily
disposed, galloped up close to his comrade, when, firing his carbine,
the wadding lodged in the shoulders of a handsome youth of fifteen,
the son of the _bin bashi_, or colonel. I was immediately called
to him, and found an ill-looking wound in the deltoid muscle, but it
was superficial, and there was nothing serious to be apprehended. I
bound up the wound, and the young man went the following morning to
his mother at Nazareth, where, as I afterwards heard, he speedily
recovered.[46]

Lady Hester was lodged in a cottage, to avoid the repetition of the
inconveniences suffered at Häyfa. Whilst supper was cooking by Um Risk,
a serpent, unperceived by her, entwined itself round her naked leg.
I had seen other proofs of courage in this withered old woman, but
was astonished most at this. She felt the serpent, and, looking down,
calmly seized it by the neck, held it so until she had unwound the
tail, and then killed it.

On the 24th we departed for Tontura, where we arrived in two hours.
We observed several Arabs under tents pasturing their flocks. Here we
experienced much civility from the shaykh. As our encampment, next
day, was to be among the ruins of Cæsarea, camels laden with rice,
bread, fuel, and other necessaries, were sent forward; for Cæsarea,
a ruined place, could furnish nothing but water. From Tontura to
Cæsarea proved a distance of two hours’ march.[47] We reached it on the
afternoon of the 25th. As the night threatened to be very tempestuous,
Lady Hester’s tent was planted under the vault of a ruin, our horses
were stabled in caves, and every preparation was made to guarantee us
from the inclemency of the weather. We experienced, in fact, a storm
not less dreadful than that at Häyfa; and those who had not ventured to
brave it on the former occasion, now, having no town to flee to, were
much worse off. Our squadron of horse soldiers lay exposed to the wind
and rain, without any covering but broken walls, and Signor Catafago
was so terrified, that he wished himself safe back at his house in
Acre. Ruins are very uncomfortable places to encamp in, under the most
favourable circumstances, owing to the reptiles which are continually
crawling about.[48]

The 25th continued too rainy to allow of resuming the journey, or even
of examining the ruins among which we were encamped. One of the Hawàry
soldiers took this favourable moment for being bled, having, as he told
me, neglected to undergo his annual spring venesection before quitting
Acre. Accordingly, he seated himself on a stone in the air; and, as is
generally pretended to be done by the barbers of the country when they
bleed a person, begged me to let the blood spout until I saw it change
to a good colour.

On the 26th, we had fine weather, and struck our tents. We arrived at
Um Khaled. The shaykh called to mind our passage three years before,
and complimented me on my beard. The peasants were turned out of their
cottages, compelled to remove every article of furniture, and moreover
to sweep the cottages for our reception. I got my breakfast early,
and, accompanied by a courier, proceeded on before to Mharrem. We
passed the sandy tract called Abu Zabûrrah, which, to a traveller in
an unprotected state, is not a place devoid of danger. A pasha named
Ismael was stripped and robbed by the Arabs at this spot; and, in
Gezzàr pasha’s time, a patrole was kept here. It was no slight proof of
the good government of the reigning pasha, that the greatest security
prevailed in every part of his pashalik.

At Mharrem, the shaykh immediately pointed out the sanctuary of the
saint as the best place for lodging us; and indeed the building was
more respectable than those which usually cover the sepulchres of the
santons of Islamism. Lady Hester arrived soon afterwards. I renewed my
acquaintance with such of the peasants as recollected us in our former
journey. We now had an opportunity of judging of the moroseness of men,
and of their disposition to inflict pain where they can. On the former
occasion we paid largely for every thing, but were served reluctantly,
and were by no means well treated: whereas now, when every article was
furnished by requisition, the utmost alacrity and apparent good-will
was demonstrated, although they received nothing but blows in payment.

It seemed an act of oppression, on first thoughts, thus to oblige a
small village to furnish nearly 200 persons and their animals with food
and lodging, for one or more nights; yet, in reality, it was less so
than it appeared to be. The reason is this. Every village shaykh has
remitted to him so much of the imposts falling on it, in consideration
of the number of persons who may be likely to be guests, from
government orders, or otherwise, during the year; and, in consideration
of this, he is bound to receive and entertain them for the space of
three days. In this way, that noble institution of the _menzel_
or alighting-house is maintained throughout Syria, (where I have often
profited by it,) and elsewhere in Turkey, as I have been informed: in
consequence of which a traveller, who is a stranger, rides boldly up to
the house of the shaykh, and, in nine cases out of ten, is entertained
for the night, and sent off next morning with a prayer for his safety,
without the cost of a farthing.

The next day we reached Jaffa in three hours. One hour from El Mharrem
is the river Awgy. The news of our approach had reached Jaffa already,
and curiosity was awake, as I could perceive, among the inhabitants.
The town-gate was thronged with spectators. This gate, if I recollect
rightly, the only one, was handsome, and highly ornamented with a
diversity of colours fantastically painted in arabesque. The governor
had a small kiosk, or pavilion, near it: and, seeing me pass from his
window, requested my presence the moment of my arrival. He received me
with a very distant air, recalling to mind, in all probability, the
refusal of his present, which refusal he recollected to have occurred
through me in Mr. B.’s name, three years before.

When I told him I wished immediately to have quarters assigned for us,
he gave me one of his archers, with a command to turn out any family
at my pleasure. Knowing, however, the delay and distress that always
attended these measures of force, I preferred going to the Latin
monastery, but found it too small for all of us. The Greek monastery
(where I had lodged before) was more spacious, and I here took six
rooms opening on the terrace that overlooks the port. The English
consul’s house had been previously prepared for Lady Hester, and was at
once airy and agreeable. She arrived in due time (on her gray mare),
and rode strait to Signor Damiani’s, who received her in the same
gold-laced cocked hat which afterwards so much excited the ridicule of
her royal highness the Princess of Wales and of Signor Bergami.

Jaffa was at this season very dull, as the pilgrims had already passed
to Jerusalem. Their influx and return from that place, I have already
said, are the chief support of the inhabitants; for the trade is little
without them.

Much bustle occurred a day or two afterwards, in consequence of the
arrival of a courier from Egypt on his way to Constantinople, to
announce the defeat of the Wahabys and the imprisonment of Abu Nukta,
their chief. It was reported that there was among these Wahabys a
valiant maiden, named Gâly, who performed prodigies of valour.

Mohammed Aga, the governor, was ordered by the firman of the pasha
to accompany Lady Hester to Ascalon; a mission he would willingly
have avoided, as it cannot be supposed he liked her ladyship, who had
before treated him with such contempt: nor did she now pursue more
conciliatory measures; for never was she known to bend to any man,
neither had Mohammed aught in him to secure her esteem.

He was astute, false, and insinuating. Bought, as a Mameluke, by the
tyrant Gezzàr, he had, like those who had survived of that number,
been elevated to considerable situations, in which the present pasha
had continued him; but, like them, without relations or domestic
connections to chain him to the soil, he lived but to enrich himself.
Hence he was often guilty of rapine and oppression; and the energy
of his administration, for which he was sometimes praised, was
nevertheless founded in cruelty. The thief was punished with the loss
of the offending hand, the libertine with the severest castigations;
yet he was not disposed to set bounds to the indulgence of his own
depraved tastes and propensities. He was married, nevertheless, to
the daughter of that Kengi Ahmed, whom formerly we saw as governor of
Jerusalem, which post he still filled. With all this, Mohammed Aga
was reputed a warlike chieftain, and was thought by some as likely to
succeed the present pasha.

Signor Damiani, the English vice-consul, had a budget full of anecdotes
tending to prove how perfidious and how base the governor was. I
noted down two; one as serving to show how much the simplicity of the
Mahometan worship had been perverted; such perversions being common in
the course of time to all institutions. He happened to be greatly taken
with a handsome horse belonging to a chorister in one of the mosques.
The chorister liked his horse, and would not sell it, which refusal
Mohammed Aga pretended not to resent, and seemed to have forgotten
the matter. On the first day of Ramazán, the new moon was not visible,
upon which the chorister deferred the commencement of his fast until
the morrow. Mohammed Aga wanted nothing more than a pretext to ruin
him, and this seemed a good one. He sent for the singer, reproached
him loudly for his relaxed principles and his breach of public and
divine ordinances, inasmuch as the new moon had been seen by several
persons on the prescribed day; fined him in a large sum of money; and
confiscated his goods and possessions, among which, of course, was the
horse.

On another occasion, a man offended him grievously. He pretended to
have forgiven him; and a few days afterwards, as the offending Turk was
sitting under a tree, a servant of the governor’s drew his pistol and
shot him. The servant made a pretence of hiding himself for three or
four days, and then resumed his situation in his master’s family as if
nothing had happened.

We remained at Jaffa until the 30th of the month; and, on the last day
of March, set off for Ascalon, our party being now increased by the
addition of Mohammed Aga, Abu Nabût, and suite, and by Signor Damiani,
together with a host of cooks, and loads of shovels, pickaxes, baskets,
and whatever was necessary for excavating the soil. The country from
Jaffa assumed a rural appearance, resembling the cultivated parts of
England; the undulating soil, covered with wheat in leaf, barley in
ear, and high grass, gave proofs of its fertility. No part of Syria is
so beautiful; which manifests how erroneous is the argument of Gibbon,
who founds on the supposed barrenness of Palestine, compared with its
former population, a doubt of the authenticity of the bible.

In four hours’ time we arrived at Ebna, a village not less miserable
than those to the north of Jaffa. Three hours’ farther was a hamlet,
El Lubben or Lubden. Leaving this, with the village of Haremy on our
right, we arrived, in one hour and a half, at Mejdel, a populous
burgh,[49] whose shaykh bore the name of Shubashy, which is a Turkish
word, indicating a degree higher than simple shaykh. Ascalon was
no more than a league off, and we proceeded thither on the morrow.
Arrived at our destination, our tents were fixed in the midst of the
ruins, whilst a cottage was fitted up for Lady Hester at the village
of El Jura, just without the walls of Ascalon. Orders were immediately
sent to the surrounding villages to furnish workmen, in gangs, at the
rate of 150 per day, for the excavations. But, before I narrate the
proceedings which took place, it will be necessary to say a few words
on the history of this once celebrated city, and on the revolutions
to which it has been subject; now, last of all, to be the scene of
operations of a singular and surprising nature, if it be considered
that Mahometan governors were to act under the commands of a helpless
Christian woman, in a barbarous and fanatic country.




                             CHAPTER VII.

   History of Ascalon--Ruins--Encampments--Forced labour of
   peasants--Excavations--Fragments of Columns--Discovery of a
   mutilated statue--Apprehensions of Signor Damiani--Lady Hester
   orders the statue to be destroyed--Excavations abandoned--Lady
   Hester’s narrative of the motives and results of the
   researches--Auditing accounts--Mohammed Aga a fatalist--Return
   to Jaffa--Derwish Mustafa Aga and Lady Hester’s black
   female slave--Patients--Mohammed Bey; his story--Return of
   Lady Hester’s servant Ibrahim from England--Khurby, or the
   Ruins--Remains near that spot--Return to Acre--Altercation with
   muleteers--Excavations at Sayda--Reflexions on researches for
   hidden treasures.


The antiquity of the city of Ascalon is clear from the sacred writings;
for we read of it in the book of Joshua,[50] the book of Kings,[51] and
elsewhere; so that as early as nineteen hundred years before Christ it
was known as one of the chief places of Palestine. It became afterwards
a part of the Assyrian, then of the Persian, monarchy; and was subdued,
together with all Syria, by Alexander the Great. After his death, it
fell to the lot of Ptolemy Lagus, king of Egypt; and by Antiochus the
Great it was incorporated with the empire of Syria. In Strabo[52] it
is said that “Ascalon is a city not spacious, and built in such a sunk
situation as to seem to be in a hole.” William of Tyre informs us that
“it resisted our arms for fifty years and more, after Jerusalem had
fallen; until, in the year of our Lord 1194, on the 12th of August,
after a bloody siege, it was surrendered to king Baldwin by its Saracen
inhabitants.”

Herod, king of the Jews, respected Ascalon as the native place of his
family; and, from this circumstance, and from the splendid baths and
peristyles which he built there, he obtained the appellation of Herod
the Ascalonite. William of Tyre informs us that “this city, from the
inaptitude of the sea-coast, neither has nor ever had a harbour or
safe anchorage for shipping.”[53] Abulfeda, quoting from El Azýz,
and speaking from his own knowledge, says: “Ascalon is a city on the
sea-shore, in which there are vestiges of antiquity:” and again,--“It
adjoins the sea on a bank; it is one of the most illustrious places
of the plain on the sea-shore, and has no port.” What was the fate of
the city from this time I have no documents to show, excepting that
it is probable it fell gradually to decay, until the time when it was
visited by d’Arvieux, a Frenchman, who gives us the following account
of these ruins in 1659. “We departed from Gaza, about eight in the
morning. We kept the shore as far as the ancient city of Ascalon.
It is situated on the sea, in a country level and very fertile. The
prodigious thickness of the walls and towers, which are all fallen, and
which have filled the ditches, show it to have been formerly one of the
strongest places in Palestine. It is at present as ruinous as Cæsarea
or St. Jean d’Acre. There are only a few spaces of wall still existing
towards the sea, in which are embedded (_endossés_) several
columns of granite, or, as the vulgar fancy, cast stone. This city has
no port, nor any houses sufficiently entire to be habitable, so that
it is wholly abandoned.... We found nothing remarkable in it but an
old well half filled up, and constructed in the style of Joseph’s well
in the castle at Cairo: and, towards the middle of the city, seven or
eight pillars of marble still standing upon their pedestals, which
appeared to be the remains of a temple. We quitted the sea-shore, in
leaving this desolated city, and took the road to Rama, over a most
beautiful and highly cultivated country.” I may add that, so late as
thirty years ago, there was enough of the great mosque standing to
afford a dwelling to a shaykh of Barbary.

The city of Ascalon, as we found it, differed little from the account
of d’Arvieux, excepting that no marble columns, or portions of an
edifice, were now standing; and those which formerly strewed the ground
had, for the most part, been carried away.

Palmyra is an instance how long structures will remain when left to the
slow effects of time and natural decay. It is to the hand of man that
they generally owe their greatest dismemberment: and, thus Ascalon was
stripped of all that was useful in it to rebuild Jaffa and Acre. Its
neighbourhood to the sea-shore afforded great facilities of conveyance:
and blocks ready cut, columns ready shaped, and slabs of marble that
required but to be laid, would not be spared when so near at hand.
Hence rose the seraglio of Gezzàr, the mosque, and the public baths;
where granite, prophyry, and marble, are huddled together in rich but
bungling confusion. When that which lay on the surface had been carried
off, they proceeded to dig, and their labour was rewarded by the
discovery of materials equally useful, although less easy to come at.

According to a rough calculation, from the time required to make the
circuit of the walls of Ascalon on horseback, its circumference is two
miles. The shape is somewhat triangular, and the side towards the sea
is a little longer than the others. The assertion of Strabo, that the
city is built as if in a hole, and Abulfeda’s account that it stands
on a bank, may be reconciled on an actual view of the spot. For, when
approaching it from the east, hillocks of drifted sand, accumulated
round the walls, have obtained an elevation almost equal to them,
so that the ground within the walls is lower than that without. But,
towards the sea, the plain closes abruptly in a precipice of some
height; so that, viewed from that quarter, Ascalon may even be said to
stand high. The coast runs nearly north-east and south-west. The wall
on the sea-side rises almost from the water’s edge, and is intended to
prop the crumbling precipice. It was probably raised on an emergency;
for it is composed of rude masonry, where shafts of granite columns are
stuck in, so as to represent at a distance the cannon of a ship or the
artillery of a fortress. At certain distances on the walls were towers,
which, by the parts that still remain, appear to have been of good
masonry. The walls themselves are five or six feet thick.[54]

Ascalon is mentioned by Strabo as famous for its onions, and it enjoys
at this day a reputation for the same root, which is considered by the
neighbouring peasants as a delicious article of food.

Within the ruins, all was desolation. Fragments of pillars lay
scattered about, and elevations here and there showed how many more
might lie concealed beneath the surface of the soil.

Early on the first of April,[55] Lady Hester, Derwish Mustafa Aga, and
Mohammed Aga, accompanied by the interpreters and myself, rode over
the ruins, seeking for the indications given in the Italian document.
The mosque was immediately recognized by the _mahreb_, or niche,
looking towards which the imám stands to direct, as fugleman, the
kneeling and prostrations of Mahometans in prayer. This was still
standing, but, in other respects, no more than a stone or two of the
foundations remained above ground. Although there was little doubt
that this was the spot meant, still it was difficult to know at which
side or end, in a building fifty-five paces long and forty-three in
breadth, to begin. At the north-west corner of the ruins was a santon’s
tomb, covered with a small building. Here dwelt a shaykh,[56] the only
inhabitant of the place; and, seeing his solitary reign thus molested
by horsemen, tents, soldiers, and _corvées_ of peasants, he very
soon became acquainted with the motive, and readily mixed with the
spectators. He was consulted as to what he knew of the building. He
said that formerly a Barbaresque had visited the shrine, and had lived
with him eleven months, always lurking about, doing he knew not what:
but that, in conversation, he had assigned to two different spots
hidden treasures, both within the circuit of the mosque. It was finally
resolved to begin on the south side.

The tents were then fixed in the following manner. On the east side,
close to the mosque, were planted Signor Catafago’s, Mâlem Musa’s, M.
Beaudin’s and my own, each as large as an English marquee: and, close
to them, a _sewán_, or open tent, for meals. The meals were to
be served three times a day, consisting of two services at noon and
sunset, and of a light breakfast at sunrise. No where in Syria did I
fare better than here. At the south side of the mosque, on an eminence
or mound, was fixed a large tent of observation, in which Mohammed
Aga, when present, sat. But the tents of Mohammed Aga and the Zäym
were without the city walls, close by the Eastern gate, in a sandy
bottom. And here, too, were the tents of the cavalry, the kitchens, the
water-carriers, the horses, &c.; presenting a scene of showy gaiety
almost as lively as a race-course. All the tents were either green or
blue: and the principal ones were conspicuous for flamings swords,
flowers, stars, and other ornaments, worked upon them. Couriers were
coming and going every day from and to Jaffa.

It has been said that to the north of the ruins there was a small
village, called El Jura, two hundred yards from the walls. Here two
cottages were swept out, matted, and carpeted for Lady Hester and her
female attendants: for to have encamped in the midst of the men would,
by Mahometans, so far as related to women, have been thought improper,
and her ladyship now required the strictest decorum of behaviour in her
women, and on all occasions consonant to Mahometan usages: so that,
not even Mrs. Fry, her English maid, was suffered to open the door of
the courtyard of the cottage without veiling her face. Between the
village and the ruins was fixed a tent, and here Lady Hester sat in the
day-time, and received visits from the agas, the mâlems, &c. At two
she generally mounted her ass, and rode to see the workmen. On these
occasions they would shout, and renew their digging with fresh activity.

I have mentioned that, for this purpose, the neighbouring peasantry had
been put in requisition. These poor men were pressed by government, and
received no pay, but they were treated well; for two meals were served
up to them in the day-time, and no severity was used towards them.
They generally came about one hundred a day, many, where they could,
alleging causes of exemption, and worked until about an hour before
sunset. Signor Catafago, Signor Damiani, M. Beaudin, Giorgio, the
governor, and myself, superintended them, with overseers immediately
among them: and it was no small exertion to sit or walk six or eight
hours, sometimes in the rain, and sometimes under a burning sun. The
peasants, who laboured and perspired, suffered less. It would seem
impossible to an Englishman that they could have worked hard, when told
that these men drank nothing but water.

The very day of our arrival, a gang was immediately set to work: and I
shall now proceed to detail, day by day, what the excavations brought
to light. As a beginning, nothing more was done than just to remove the
surface of the ground.

April 2nd. After digging down three or four feet, some foundations were
laid open, running east and west. On removing the earth between them
nothing was found but mould and loose stones, with two or three human
bones. Three fragments of marble shafts of pillars were bared and a
Corinthian capital. There were appearances showing that the ground had
been disturbed at some former period, particularly in the south-east
corner, where there was a ditch of a very recent date, which (it was
whispered by the peasants) had been made by Mohammed Aga himself. Two
small earthen phials, about three inches long, some fragments of vases,
and a bottle of lapis specularis, or talc, were dug up: shards of
pottery were found here and there, but none of them of fine workmanship.

On the 3rd day, the excavations were continued along the south wall.
The men worked with great animation. The idea of discovering immense
heaps of gold seemed to have an effect upon them, although they could
not hope for a share in it. On this day there was a great fall of rain
and hail, and the weather was so tempestuous as much to impede the
labourers. A pipe and tabor were therefore brought, to the tune of
which they worked, sung, and danced. Cross foundations were met with,
running east and west, seeming to have served for the support of rows
of pedestals. About fifteen feet from the centre of the south wall were
discovered several large fragments of granite columns, which lay one on
another in such a manner as to render it probable that they were placed
there.

On the 4th day the work was continued nearly in the same direction. At
three in the afternoon, the workmen struck upon a mutilated statue. I
was immediately called, and felt exultation at the sight of a relic of
antiquity, which I thought might give celebrity to our labours. The
soil around it being removed, it was drawn up by ropes, without damage.
There were at the same spot some imperfect remains of the pedestal on
which it had stood. The depth of the mould and rubbish which lay over
the statue was six or eight feet.

On examination, it proved to be a marble statue of colossal dimensions
and of good execution. It was headless, and had lost an arm and a leg;
but was not otherwise disfigured. It seemed to have represented a
deified king:[57] for the shoulders were ornamented with the insignia
of the thunderbolt, and the breast with the Medusa’s head. There was
every reason to believe that, in the changes of masters which Ascalon
had undergone, the place in which we were now digging had originally
been a heathen temple, afterwards a church, and then a mosque. The
statue probably belonged to the age of the successors of Alexander, or
it might be that of Herod himself. At the depth where the statue lay
was a marble pavement and also a tympanum of a porch of the Corinthian
order. To the East, close to the South wall, was found the trunk of
another statue. As the mould was cleared away, a modius was discovered,
which probably had surmounted the head of one of the two statues. It
was chipped off at the top, and evidently, at the bottom, had been
forcibly separated from the head to which it had belonged: it was nine
and a half inches long. The statue, from the acromion to the heel, was
six feet nine inches.

  [Illustration: STATUE FOUND AT ASCALON.]

On the fifth day the outline of the foundations of the entire building
was made out. It was amusing at this time to find how many wise men,
some calling themselves astrologers, and some fortune-tellers, started
up on all sides to foretel Lady Hester’s success. This was fortunate:
for the workmen had begun to relax in their labours, and their
overseers sneered at the business. Mohammed Aga found his own purposes
answered in the number of marble slabs that were discovered. These he
shipped, in a coasting boat, for Jaffa. On the outside of the West
foundation, three subterraneous places were opened, which at first, it
was thought, would lead to the object we were in search of. But they
proved to be cisterns or reservoirs for rain water, with no appearance
of antiquity about them; and, both in the round mouth upwards, and
in the conduit which led the water into them, resembled those in use
throughout Syria at the present day.

In the mean time, Signor Catafago and myself were much amused by the
exceeding apprehension of Signor Damiani, lest he should be poisoned.
The governor generally dined with us: but Damiani would neither eat nor
drink in our tent. He affected an air of mystery in every thing, and
soberly advised her ladyship, if she wished to succeed, to sacrifice a
cock of a particular colour, and at a particular hour of the day, to
ensure success. Derwish Mustafa was too phlegmatic to be acted upon by
any hopes or fears. He expected the issue (in appearance at least)
with as much indifference, or, I might say with more, than he did the
uncovering of a dish at dinner: for here his philosophy sometimes
forsook him, and he occasionally showed undue joy. News of Ali Pasha’s
death reached us this day; but the Turks did not mourn outwardly; yet,
where they were not called upon to do so, there were sometimes touches
of feeling to be observed, rare in more formal exhibitions of sorrow.

This and the following day produced nothing new. In riding over to
Megdel, to visit Signor Damiani, who lived in a dirty cottage there, I
observed that the place had a market which was well attended.

On the following day, which was the eighth from the commencement of
our labours, the cisterns were emptied. Digging in the line of the
West wall, two stone troughs of considerable length were discovered
about four feet under the surface, and upon them lay, cross-wise,
four gray granite columns, closely packed to each other, as if done
methodically. This discovery revived the people’s hopes; for it was
supposed that huge masses of granite could not have fallen in such a
position accidentally, and would not be laboriously placed so, unless
to conceal something. The removing was deferred until the morrow, the
men requiring ropes to do it, because horses are never put into harness
in Syria. Near the North East angle was also found a marble pavement,
and by it seemed to have been another door. Under the pavement ran a
continuation of the same canal which conducted water to the cisterns.

I had by this time made a pen sketch of the statue, and had represented
to Lady Hester that her labours, if productive of no golden treasures,
had brought to light one more valuable in the eyes of the lovers of the
fine arts, and that future travellers would come to visit the ruins of
Ascalon, rendered memorable by the enterprise of a woman, who, though
digging for gold, yet rescued the remains of antiquity from oblivion.
What was my astonishment, when she answered--“This may be all true; but
it is my intention to break the statue, and have it thrown into the
sea, precisely in order that such a report may not get abroad, and I
lose with the Porte all the merit of my disinterestedness.”

When I heard what her intentions were, I made use of every argument
in my power to dissuade her from it; telling her that the apparent
vandalism of such an act could never be wiped away in the eyes of
virtuosi, and would be the less excusable, as I was not aware that the
Turks had either claimed the statue or had forbidden its preservation.
It was true, that, whilst sketching it, the people had expressed their
surmises at what I could find to admire in a broken image; and I heard
some of them conjecture that it might be a deity of the Franks, as it
had been of the Romans and Greeks. But no idle notions, I insisted,
ought to have weight on her mind; and I begged hard that, if she could
not with decency carry it away, she would at least leave it for others
to look at. She replied, “Malicious people may say I came to search
for antiquities for my country, and not for treasures for the Porte:
so, go this instant; take with you half a dozen stout fellows, and
break it in a thousand pieces!” Her resolution was not a thing of the
moment: she had reflected on it two days; and knowing her unalterable
determination on such occasions, I went and did as she desired. When
Mohammed Aga saw what had been done, he could not conceal his vexation:
for it is probable that Lady Hester had read what was passing in his
mind, and had thus prevented many an insinuation against her. Indeed,
reports were afterwards circulated that the chest of the statue was
found full of gold--half of which was given to the pasha, and the other
half kept by Lady Hester. In England, where her motives were unknown,
people naturally have decried her conduct, although it is plain that
her strict integrity ought to prove her justification.

On the 9th, when the granite pillars were removed, a work of no
trifling magnitude, considering the means by which it was effected,[58]
the troughs were found empty. The disappointment was very great: and,
the more so, as the excavation of the four following days produced
nothing but two granite columns at the North West angle, six or eight
feet below the surface, a white marble pedestal, some bones of animals,
and two earthenware lamps. A small excavation was likewise made in one
of the towers of the East wall of the city. With respect to the area of
the mosque, almost all of it had been turned up. The North foundation
wall had been traced throughout its whole length; and, in that
direction, the shafts of two small marble pillars, about six feet in
length, and with rude capitals, had been the only reward. Other masses
had been broken up, to see if they had concealed anything. But, when
every research was fruitless, the closing hand was, by Lady Hester’s
consent, put to our labours on the 14th of April, being a fortnight
from the commencement. The conclusion that her ladyship came to was,
that when Gezzàr Pasha embellished the city of Acre, by digging for
marble and other materials in the ruins of Ascalon, he was fortunate
enough to discover the treasure. That Gezzàr enriched his coffers by
wealth so got was generally affirmed: and it is probable that his
pretended mania for building was no more than a cloak to conceal
this real motive for excavating. Thus ended this most interesting
experiment; which failed in its primary object, but had the desirable
effect of establishing Lady Hester’s popularity throughout Syria, and
of confirming the belief, already grown up, that she was a person of
some consideration, even in the eyes of the Sublime Porte.

I am enabled to subjoin Lady Hester’s own account of these excavations,
which she sent to Lord Bathurst, then Secretary of State.

              _Lady Hester Stanhope to the Right Hon. the
                          Earl Bathurst, &c._

    My Lord,
   A curious document, once in the hands of the church, fell
   by accident into mine. It was an indication to considerable
   treasures in Syria. Having made this known to the Porte, a
   confidential person belonging to the sultan’s household was sent
   from Constantinople to investigate the business. I proceeded
   with him to Ascalon: but the mosque, in which the treasure
   was said to be hidden, was no longer standing. One wall only
   remained of a magnificent structure, which had been mosque,
   church, and temple at different periods. After having traced out
   the South West and North foundation walls, and after digging for
   several days within them, we came to the under-ground fabric
   we were looking for: but, alas! it had been rifled. It was,
   as nearly as one could calculate, capable of containing three
   millions of pieces of gold--the sum mentioned in the document.
   Whilst excavating this once magnificent building--for such it
   must have been by the number of fine columns and fine pavements
   we discovered under ground--we found a superb colossal statue
   without a head, which belonged to the heathens. It was eighteen
   feet below the surface. Knowing how much it would be prized by
   English travellers, I ordered it to be broken into a thousand
   pieces, that malicious people might not say I came to look for
   statues for my countrymen and not for treasures for the Porte.

   This business has taken up a good deal of my time for these
   three months past. I have had a thousand honours paid me, which
   it is not worth while to enter upon. The authenticity of the
   paper I do not doubt; but, as many centuries have elapsed since
   the Christians hid treasure there, it is not very surprising
   that it should have been removed. Had it escaped observation,
   in the same way the statue did the eyes of the Turks, when this
   spot was converted into a mosque, it would have been a fine
   thing for the Turkish government.
                                I have the honour, &c.
                                                H. L. STANHOPE.

       *       *       *       *       *

During these fourteen days many circumstances took place which were
not mentioned, in order that no interruption should take place in the
narrative. It happened that the time of auditing the accounts of the
district over which Mohammed Aga was governor occurred during this
period; and the katibs, or under-secretaries, of the pasha were sent
for that purpose. They and the katib of Mohammed Aga were for two days
closely at work. When they had concluded, and all was found right,
the two secretaries were dismissed, with a present from Mohammed
Aga, between them, of 700 piasters, and their servants with 100. It
is certainly matter of surprise with how few books they manage very
extensive concerns; such as must be those of the civil and military
command of a district vested in the same person; and it is equally
a cause of astonishment to an Englishman to hear gentlemen put the
question one to another, at the close of a pecuniary arrangement, of
“Well, how much did the governor give you, and what did your servants
get?”

On the 12th, Signor Catafago left us, upon pretext of business at
Damascus.

It was said, in a former page, that Mohammed Aga was a fatalist: a
conversation, which took place in the presence of Mâlem Mûsa, the
dragoman, and myself, will prove it. I had attended professionally on
him and one or two of his people; and I observed to him, “One of your
Excellency’s servants has the itch; it would be well if you kept him
at a distance from your person.” “Oh, my good sir,” he replied, “I
take no precautions against this sort of thing; it were a matter of
indifference to me if I even wore the shirt just pulled off his back.
Who created that disorder, if you please?--was it not God? and, if so,
it is of very little consequence what precautions I take; for, if God
intends me to have it, &c., &c.” At this time, there were so many of
his people infected with it, that I avoided feeling any one’s pulse
until I had first closely inspected his fingers.

The race of peasants in the villages near Ascalon is ugly, with skins
of a dirty brown. I saw not one pretty nor even one engaging woman;
a rare occurrence in those parts, where the human form has generally
some one feature to boast of, and where all the females strove to be
pleasing in their manner of speaking.

Lady Hester lodged in a cottage in a village two or three hundred
yards from the ruins. To get to it there was a path, of course little
trodden until our coming: to return home from it after dark was always
at the hazard of broken shins.

There being nothing farther to detain us at Ascalon, on the 15th we
returned to Jaffa. An unlucky accident happened through the negligence
of Mbárak, who, being caffegi, or coffee-server, laid a complaint
against a peasant for stealing a silver coffee-cup stand, or zerf,
which was missing. The peasant was bastinadoed at Mejdel; when, on
our arrival at Ebna, the cup was found. I made Lady Hester acquainted
with the circumstance, and reprimanded Mbárak severely. A sum of money
was sent to the poor peasant to recompense him for the injustice that
had been done him; but the soles of his feet were not to be healed by
money. Oh! ye men in authority, be not too hasty in awarding stripes!

I bought a few coins at Mejdel, but of no value: none were found during
the excavations. Silver or gold coins of Ascalon are so rare that it
is said one of either of these two metals would be worth from ten to
fifteen guineas.

When we returned to Jaffa, Lady Hester wished to enjoy a little quiet;
and a cottage belonging to Signor Damiani, and situate in a garden half
a league from the town, was made comfortable for her as far as time and
its ruinous condition would allow. I lodged as before in the monastery.

One thing had troubled Lady Hester very much during the whole journey,
which may be mentioned as showing the system, pursued universally
throughout the Turkish empire, of making it impossible for Christians,
however favoured, to enjoy tranquilly the concession of any right or
immunity ordinarily belonging to Mahometans only. One of these was
to have black slaves, whom Christians are not allowed to buy, but
which Lady Hester had been privileged to do. Derwish Mustafa Aga had
not been many days acquainted with Lady Hester, when he heard of her
possessing a black slave, and her ladyship told him how much pains
she had bestowed in having her instructed in the principles of her
religion; adding, that he might question her, if he would, to see if
she had profited by the lessons she had received. The Zaym did so, and
expressed himself so satisfied with her progress, that he thought it a
pity (he said) she should be left among Christian servants, who would
contaminate her mind and expose her to the temptation of wine, &c. The
fact was, that the old man found her young and beautiful, though black,
and, according to the usages of his country, would have very willingly
made her his concubine. He, therefore, often renewed the subject: and,
half joking half seriously, would say to Lady Hester that she was aware
that the first duty of a Mussulman was to get a true believer out of
the hands of infidels; and that, when the business was over, he should
require her at her hands. Then he would say, “Tell me her price, that
you may not be a loser by her;” and would continually be making many
similar speeches. Lady Hester used to remark upon this subject: “This
man puts me in an awkward predicament:--what can I do? He will make me
give her to him at last, for, when he says that he will buy her of me,
that means nothing; I can’t take money of him. To give her to a man
like Mûly Ismael, who has wives and a harým, might be harmless; but to
this man, who I know will make use of her for his own purposes on the
road, it is a disgrace, and I cannot do it.” Nor did she; but it will
be seen how, to the last, he tenaciously persisted in demanding her;
and, in her stead, obtained one of less beauty and value indeed, but
still recommendable for both.

Among the merchants of Jaffa, I had a few patients, and in visiting
their houses I saw somewhat of the domestic society of the place. One
of these was a blind Turk, whose conversation I found very interesting.
He had been converted to Islamism from Christianity, and passed for a
learned man. Not thinking that his apostacy from the religion of Christ
ought to make me decline his visits, we often saw each other; although
some people in England, for whom I have a great respect, and to whom I
mentioned the subject, were of opinion that I ought to have done so.

One day, whilst I was sitting in my room at the convent, Mâlem Mûsa
and M. Beaudin being with me, a young man, about twenty-two years old,
entered, and, giving me the salutation, used between friends when
they meet, of a kiss on each cheek, set himself down in the highest
place, with the air of a man who knew that he had a right to it. He
was handsome and of a pleasing countenance. It is customary in the
East not to ask the business of a person who presents himself as a
stranger, until he has been welcomed by some refreshment. Conformable
to this usage, I bade the servant bring coffee and pipes, and stared
with some degree of inquisitiveness, trying to guess, in my own mind,
who he could be. Mâlem Mûsa, I have said, was a man acquainted with the
world, and he saw at once that the stranger was unfortunate: thinking,
therefore, to relieve the young man’s chagrin, he began a long story
on the fickleness of fortune. The youth, encouraged by his apparent
sympathy, by degrees took courage and told his tale. He said his name
was Mohammed Bey, son of Daher Tabû, and nephew of a pasha; that he had
been motsellem of Killes, near Aleppo, but had been driven from his
home by the persecution of Gelal-ed-Dyn, pasha of Aleppo. The account
he gave us of his misfortunes was as follows.

This Gelal-ed-dyn had been sent on a mission from the Porte,
commissioned to punish the rebels at Aleppo. He passed the night,
on his way thither, at Killes, and was magnificently entertained by
Mohammed Bey, whom in return he honoured with great apparent civility;
and professed so much satisfaction with his treatment that he invited
the bey to accompany him on his expedition. The bey went. During
the whole of the siege of Geser Shogr, which preceded the attack on
Aleppo, he manifested an unusual liking to him. Topal Ali and Sayd Aga
having fled from Geser Shogr, Gelal-ed-dyn marched for Aleppo, where
by artifice he succeeded in prevailing on the chiefs of the rebels to
trust their persons within his camp, and then massacred them. The bey
told us he was witness to the massacre, and that he stood by, his knees
trembling and his teeth chattering, in an indescribable way, whilst the
pasha’s only remark was: “Well, now it’s over, what do you think of all
this?”

In the evening of the same day, the kekhyah sent for him, and he
immediately repaired to his tent. “I want,” said the kekhyah,
“thirty-three purses of you.” The youth was astounded, and cried “where
am I to find such a sum?”--“You best know,” replied the kekhyah; and he
was led from the tent to prison, where he was chained. Here he found
himself in company with several others in a similar situation. The
prison doors were opened in the night, and, soon after, two or three
reports of guns gave the signal of the death of more victims of the
pasha’s sanguinary cruelty. This uncomfortable scene was renewed for
several nights. At last the bey’s turn came. He was conducted by some
Albanian soldiers into a room, where he was again told he must find
the sum of money demanded of him. Upon declaring it to be impossible,
he was put to the torture by means of a rope, twisted tight round his
head, and pressing on two phalangeal bones placed on his temples.
Overcome by extreme pain, he promised to do all they asked, though
he knew not how. He returned again to prison, and time was given him
to raise among his friends what he could. Half the sum required was
finally paid, and he was set at liberty.

He fled from Aleppo to Antioch, from Antioch to Hamah; thence to
Damascus, Acre, and Jaffa. “Here, gentlemen,” he continued, “I am come
to throw myself at the feet of the English lady, and ask succour at her
hand.” He then exhibited his sherwals, (brogues) and the other parts of
his dress torn and dirty, as proofs of his situation. He said that Mûly
Ismael had given him 200 piasters; Bekyr Aga of Antioch 500; and that
Kengy Ahmed Aga had, since his arrival at Jaffa, taken care that he
should not want for a meal.

By this little history, it will be seen that the pride, which forbids
an Englishman well-born to demand charity, however great his distress,
is unknown to the Turks; but what we wondered at was that he could
submit to beg from a Christian. Lady Hester gave him ten guineas, which
sum enabled him to embark for Egypt, where he hoped, at the court of
Mohammed Ali Pasha, to find some honourable employment. Throughout his
story there was occasionally an appearance of falsehood. But, whether
true or false, it serves as a picture of the measures of arbitrary
governments; since no man who wishes to be believed invents occurrences
that have not a similitude to truth, and to the usages of the people of
whom he is speaking.

Lady Hester was much surprised one day to find that a man, who had
sent in to say he wished to be admitted to her presence, should prove
to be that same Ibrahim who went from Egypt to England with two horses
as a present from her to H.R.H. the Duke of York. He had saved a
considerable sum of money whilst there, arising from the generosity
of the Duke and of several other distinguished persons. This money
he had converted into cutlery previous to his return to Egypt; but,
arriving at Malta when the plague was raging, he got into difficulties,
was detained a long time in Sicily, where he lost his merchandize,
and was reduced, by the time he reached Jaffa, to a penniless state.
He related many amusing stories of what he had seen in England, by
which it appeared that he had been much caressed by the great; but
his astonishment at the novel and wonderful sight which a metropolis
like London would be supposed to excite in the eyes of an untutored
Mahometan did not appear to have been remarkable. Two things, however,
had struck him as scarcely credible; he never saw a flea, and very few
people told lies.

Whilst Lady Hester sojourned in the gardens of Jaffa, Mâlem Musa could
not resist the temptation of performing the pilgrimage to Jerusalem,
now that his vicinity to that place afforded him the opportunity. We
do not in Europe feel the same ardour with those in the Levant to pay
this meritorious debt. I believe that Mâlem Musa would have wept like a
child, could he not have gone. As my servant, Giovanni, had never been
there, he was allowed to accompany him.

There was another place mentioned in the MS. given to Lady Hester,
where a second great treasure was said to be concealed, viz. in the
ruins of Awgy, and it was resolved that I should go alone, and examine
it. Upon the edge of a river, still known by the name of Awgy, and at
the distance of an hour and a half from Jaffa, bearing north-east and
by east, once stood this city. Its site is called El Khurby or _The
Ruins_; and, when I visited it, a peasant was ploughing over it.
Loose stones, thickly scattered on the surface, marked the spot: an
indication the more certain, as the surrounding country was of a fine
mould, and stoneless. To the right of the ruin was a hillock called
Tel Abu Zytûn. The river Awgy empties itself into the sea three miles
north of Jaffa. Its source is about a mile and a half from the foot of
the mountains in ten or a dozen springs: these, uniting, form at once
a river from twenty-five to thirty feet broad. It is augmented on the
left side by the river Messalelah, (which is much swollen in the rainy
season), and perhaps on the right bank by other streams. There was a
village just above the Messalelah on the right bank, called Shaykh
Gemás. Over the Awgy, distant one hour from Jaffa, were the remains
of a long bridge with the centre arch broken down, which arch seemed
to have been built subsequent to the two ends. At the extremity of
the bridge were several ruined buildings that appeared either to have
been water-mills, or portions of a castle, they being surrounded by a
moat. Close by was a hamlet of wretched cottages. Ascending the stream,
three quarters of an hour higher up, was the village of Mlebbes; and
three quarters of an hour farther, Kalât Ras el ayn, (or the Fountain
Head Castle) close to the sources of the river. The castle was in
tolerable preservation, and worthy of being visited: it appeared to
be of Saracen construction, from having a mosque in the centre: it
was of a square form, with a tower at each angle, and had two rows of
long narrow apertures for bow-shots and musketry: it was now used for
folding cattle. The mosque was so full of fleas, that above a hundred
leaped upon me the first step I set in it. I was consequently unable
to look for inscriptions, commemorative of its date. The country,
hereabouts, is of a red soil, and very rich. Near the Awgy, I saw
abundance of colocynth plants, and of what I thought to be stramonium.
The Messalelah had also the ruins of a bridge, making a line from the
bridge of the Awgy to Jaffa. There were many proofs that this district
was once highly populous; but, with respect to Lady Hester’s particular
object, no one indication was left, and I ventured to assure her that
her attempts at a search on these ruins would necessarily be fruitless.

Under these circumstances, she had nothing to do but to return to
Acre. Before quitting Jaffa, the governor attempted to effect a
reconciliation with her; but she always treated his advances with
neglect. How justly Lady Hester appreciated this man’s character will
be seen from what took place shortly after.

Sulymán Pasha and Mohammed Aga Abu Nabûd had been bred up together,
and, no sooner was Sulymán raised to the pashalik of Acre, than he
advanced his friend by degrees to power, until he made him governor
of Jaffa, a post of considerable importance, and which at some former
period had been designated as a separate pashalik, although latterly
merged in that of Acre and Sayda. Sulymán Pasha was desirous that
Abu Nabûd should attain yet greater honours, and it was thought by
many, now that Ali Pasha was no more, that he looked to him as his
successor. Accordingly, as a preparatory step, he wrote to the Porte
to ask for him the dignity of _Two Tails_. At this very time Abu
Nabûd had secretly written to the Grand Vizir, and, after pointing
out the incapacity of Sulymán Pasha on account of his advanced age
and bad health, had offered to raise a much more considerable revenue
than Sulymán Pasha now remitted, if he were made pasha in his place.
The Porte had known from many years’ experience the fidelity of the
old pasha, and, feeling satisfied that a person so treacherous towards
his benefactor was little to be relied on, enclosed Abu Nabûd’s
communication under cover to him, with the simple observation of--“This
is the man for whom you ask the title of pasha of two tails.”

Sulymán Pasha, enraged at such duplicity, despatched Abdallah Bey with
a body of troops to Jaffa. Abu Nabûd happened just then to be absent
on a circuit, and the news soon reached him that he was shut out from
the city. Suspecting, probably, that his machinations were discovered,
he had the sagacity not to trust himself to require an explanation or
attempt to recover the place, and fled to Egypt. It was surmised that
this traitor was the first who suggested to Mahomet Ali the feasibility
of conquering Syria, afterwards effected through the intrigues of the
Emir Beshýr, a greater Machiavelian than either.

It may be supposed that Lady Hester felt some disappointment in the
unsuccessful results of her researches, which tended to vex her. The
tone of one of her letters, written whilst here, sufficiently indicates
a feeling of fallen greatness, and a sense of her loneliness, which
fresh schemes from time to time made her forget.

                    _Lady Hester Stanhope to_ ----.

                                           Jaffa, April 25th, 1815.

    My dear ----

   You must not think that I am ungrateful, or that the interest
   I felt in your concerns is in the least diminished, although I
   am less anxious about you, knowing you to be in the midst of
   friends who love you. I received your kind letter written at
   different periods, just as I was about to leave Mount Lebanon
   for Balbeck. I returned to my convent the end of January, having
   made a long tour. Upon the very night of my arrival there, the
   great person mentioned in the enclosed paper paid me a visit,
   indeed took up his abode in my comfortable mansion for some
   time. Then I proceeded to Acre, to pay my respects to the pasha,
   and my guest from the Porte accompanied me to Ascalon. Therefore
   you see that from last October I have never had a quiet moment
   I could call my own; and besides, occasions either by sea or
   land are scarce and unsafe in the winter season, and, intending
   to send a person to England when all my business was over, I
   have deferred answering most of my letters to profit by this
   conveyance.

   I have at last decided upon sending for James to take me away
   from this country; for I know so little of the state of the
   Continent, and feel in my own mind so doubtful of its remaining
   quiet, or, if it does, that I shall like it as formerly, that,
   before I break up a comfortable establishment to form another at
   random, I wish to have the opinion of one who knows my taste,
   and whom I can depend upon.

   If Lord Mulgrave ever mentions me, pray remember me kindly to
   him: for I really believe he had a friendship for Mr. Pitt,
   though artful Canning formerly used to take great pains to make
   me believe it was all affected; but, since he has turned out
   himself a perfect political chameleon, one may be permitted to
   mistrust a few of his opinions. How unhappy it makes me to hear
   that the dear duke of ---- is over head and ears in debt. With
   such a fine family just coming into the world, it must hurt
   him very much, not to be in a situation to give them all those
   advantages which they are born to.

   The Pasha of Acre and all the leading people in this country
   continue to be vastly kind to me, even more so than before,
   if possible; and I am upon the whole as comfortable as a
   _hermit_ can be.

          Believe me,
                    Yours sincerely and affectionately,
                                                         H. L. S.

On or about the 1st of May, we reached Acre, having, on our route back,
enjoyed very fine weather. The same honours were paid Lady Hester on
her return as when going.

The night we arrived at Um Khaled I had well nigh embroiled myself
with Derwish Mustafa Aga in the following manner. A servant happening
to be very impertinent, I had recourse to the usual remedy for this
in Turkey, which was laying my stick about his shoulders. The man was
one Ayd, a muleteer, who, it will be recollected, was dismissed from
Lady Hester’s service on a former occasion, and who had been afterwards
taken back for the purpose of this journey. Upon being beaten, he flew
to the tent of the Zaym, claiming protection. I desired the Zaym’s
servants to send him out, which they refused to do, saying that no gäûr
(or infidel) should touch those whom Moslems protected. The Zaym took
the part of his servants, and kept Ayd in his tent the whole evening;
which assumption of so extraordinary a right led to a warm discussion
between him and Lady Hester, who took my side in the dispute.

From Acre, Mâlem Musa was allowed to depart for Hamah, with a present
from Lady Hester of 1000 piasters. His way home was through the
district of Suffad to Damascus. Hadj Mohammed, the Akám Bashi, was
handsomely rewarded for his extreme care and attention with 300
piasters. The captain of the Hawárys and the officers divided about
1000 more among them.

When the time came to quit Acre, I was curious to observe whether the
subtraction of the numerous suite and the loss of tents, palanquins,
and other emblems of greatness, would affect Lady Hester’s looks
or spirits. But neither was there to be observed mortification nor
melancholy, and she rode out of the city gates with as much serenity
as any human countenance could put on. Being now reduced to eight or
ten persons, we encamped in a field close by the Nakûra; and, on the
following morning, resumed our march for Tyre. From Tyre we departed
the next day for Abra. Wishing to arrive somewhat early at Abra, I rode
on alone, and overtook the baggage mules, stopping at a place short of
that where our people had been desired to unload, and I commanded them
to go onwards. Some expressions, which escaped one of the muleteers,
of the great hardship of loading and unloading so frequently, led me
to think that they would stop here if I left them. I therefore desired
them to proceed before me, when one of them refused, and, letting his
cords slip, threw down his load. Upon this, wishing to punish him in a
way not uncommon there, I drew a sort of small yatagan from my girdle,
and in stooping from my horse, to cut the breast-band of the mule’s
harness, so that his saddle might for the time become useless, and he
be left alone on the road until a saddler should repair it, I drew the
knife with such force, that it came home, and ran into my own horse’s
neck to a great depth just under the vertebræ, by the mane. The horse
shook his ears--the other muleteers were frightened--and at last went
on. Farther on I halted them, and, leaving them there, rode on to
Abra. The wound of my horse bled freely, but he showed no symptoms of
weakness; it was, however, some weeks before it healed entirely.

Lady Hester arrived on the following day. When she was refreshed
from the fatigue of so long a journey, the Zaym proceeded, under
her direction, to excavate near the river Ewely, close to Sayda.
Two hundred yards above the present modern bridge are the remains
of an ancient one, which, as hid from the view of travellers, who
pass the usual road, is never mentioned by them. Hereabouts, the
manuscript signified that there were treasures, and here, by corvées
of peasants, the digging was renewed, but with much less alacrity
than at Ascalon, and with no better success. After a few days it was
therefore abandoned; and, Lady Hester having written the despatches
which occupied her a short time, and having presented the Zaym with
a black slave and a Cashmere shawl, which, added to the presents, he
had received at Jaffa and at Acre, made up something considerable, he
departed with his suite for Constantinople.

Thus ended this very extraordinary affair, which, however, I should
not have ventured to introduce into my narrative at such length, or
accompanied with so many comments, had I not thought that it related
closely to a subject always treated much too lightly by travellers.
There is every reason to suppose that hidden treasures in plate, coins,
or jewels, are frequently found under old buildings, in gardens, and in
the open country. But, whether they are or are not, this is certain,
that no European traveller in Turkey is seen wandering among ancient
ruins, without being suspected by the natives to be in search of such
deposits; for it is imagined that he bears with him private marks or
indications written at the time of concealment, and which have been
since handed down from generation to generation as family papers,
until a fit moment presented itself for going in search of them. It is
therefore necessary he should be apprised that, although he may one
day be angry and another laugh at this unjust suspicion of the motives
of his researches, still he will never alter their belief; and a true
relation of the manner in which the Turks of all ranks lent a willing
hand to such researches in our case puts this past doubt. In a word, it
is the part of a prudent traveller to take this notion into account in
all his dealings with the natives, that he may understand much of their
conduct, which will otherwise be seemingly mysterious.

Lady Hester, in providing for the expenses which the Ascalon affair
brought on her, had, as we have seen, recourse to Mr. Barker for a
loan of money. As she had throughout proposed to herself no advantage
but the celebrity which it would bring on her own and, as she thought,
the English name, and had acted with the cognizance of our minister
at Constantinople, she fancied that she had a claim on the English
government for her expenses: she accordingly sent to our Ambassador at
Constantinople a succinct account of her proceedings, and, in showing
that all which had been done was for the credit of her country, she
asserted her right to be reimbursed.

She, however, was unsuccessful in her application, and the expenses
weighed heavily on her means. Yet hitherto she never had been in debt,
and by great care and economy contrived still to keep out of it.




                             CHAPTER VIII.

   Visit of the Author to the Maronite convent in the village
   of Joon--Abyssinian man and woman--Black horses--Lady Hester
   fixes herself at Meshmûshy--Solitary wigwam--The Author wishes
   to return to England--He sets out for Egypt--Destruction of
   Tyre, not so complete as travellers represent--A self-taught
   lithotomist and oculist--Seaweeds used for dyeing--Embarkation
   for Egypt in a vessel laden with wood--Impalement--Passengers
   on board--Cyprus--Revolt in Gebel Nablûs--Frequency of
   insurrections there--Arrival at Rosetta--Smoking during
   Ramazán--The Author is joined by Burckhardt, or shaykh
   Ibrahim--Mutiny of troops at Cairo--Departure by land for
   Alexandria--Lake Edko--Stay in Alexandria--Coasting voyage
   to Damietta--Burckhardt not considered as a Turk--Foreigners
   betrayed by their speech.


The supernumerary servants were again dismissed, and Lady Hester
resumed the retired mode of life which she had adopted in the spring of
last year. There was no plague, consequently nothing to interrupt those
pursuits which are most interesting to a traveller. Professionally, I
was about this time chiefly called upon to vaccinate the children of
the neighbouring villages.

It was about this period that I rode over, one day, to pay a visit to
the patriarch of Antioch at the monastery of Dayr Mkallas, near the
village of Joon. I had retired to rest in one of the cells, when I was
wakened, in the middle of the night, by the noise of horses fighting. I
called my servant. Receiving no answer, I descended into the stableyard
myself, when I was somewhat startled by seeing a black man separating
the horses. He told me in bad Arabic that he was an inmate of the
monastery, and, when I had seen him tie them up, I returned to my
chamber.

In the morning my first inquiry was to know who this man of colour
could be. The superior of the monastery told me he was an Abyssinian,
who, together with his sister, had, when on their pilgrimage to
Jerusalem, been shipwrecked at Suez, and with difficulty escaped with
their lives. Having found their way to the tomb of Jesus, they were,
by the charity of a few countrymen, enabled to reach Dayr Mkallas, in
which they sought an asylum, until, as they said, they could receive
aid from Abyssinia.

With this story I returned to Mar Elias; and Lady Hester, on hearing
it, asked me to bring them over that she might see them. On the
following day I again rode over to Dayr Mkallas, and went to the cell
in which the woman lived. She was of a dark colour, approaching to
black, with regular features, lively intelligent eyes, and white teeth.
I told her. through her brother, what the object of my visit was;
and she consented to accompany me the next day. I visited her again
in the afternoon, and the interest I seemed to take in their welfare
induced them to be open in their conversation with me. They gave me to
understand that in their own country they were people of rank,[59] and
that their shipwreck had deprived them of much property in money and
slaves, of which latter they pretended to have had several.

When the morning came, Mariam (that was the name she chose to go by,
although it afterwards proved not to be her real one)[60] was put upon
an ass; and, with her brother Elias by her side, accompanied me to
Mar Elias. Lady Hester received them with much kindness, and with her
accustomed humanity told them they should no longer be dependent on the
priests, for she would feed and clothe them, until they could find
means to return to their native country. They were accordingly put into
one of the rooms of the house.

Having with me at this time an abridgment of Bruce’s travels in
Abyssinia, I questioned the Abyssinian on all those passages in it
which, as descriptive of the manners and usages of the country,
admitted of affirmation or negation: and it is just to say that every
allusion, or name, or description, was perfectly intelligible to him.
He spoke of Mr. Salt as a person whom he had seen very frequently in
Abyssinia.

Ibrahim was now raised to the post of cook, which he filled with
considerable credit, and his residence in England had made him less
delicate in the use of lard and other parts of hog’s flesh, which
circumstance is generally a great obstacle to the employment of Turks
in European houses.

It was during this summer that Lady Hester was for the first time
enabled to obtain a true, thoroughbred Arabian horse. On my journey to
Damascus, I had, at her desire, looked through Ahmed Bey’s stables, to
ascertain whether a tall black stallion, which had caught her attention
when at Damascus, was still alive. When on my return she learned that
he was, and that Ahmed Bey had, from ill health, grown less fond of his
steed than formerly, she resolved to endeavour to get this horse for
herself. Accordingly, M. Beaudin was sent to offer a reasonable price
for it: and, not many days afterwards, he returned, bringing it with
him, mounted by the Abyssinian, who had gone with M. Beaudin for the
purpose. What price Lady Hester gave she would never tell me: but it
was something considerable.

Madame Lascaris, of whom nothing had been heard for more than a year,
came one day to Abra. It appeared that her husband had left her, and
was gone to Constantinople; and she was now living on the liberality
of her friends, more especially of the pasha of Acre; that viceroy
being a fellow-countryman of hers, carried away, as she had been, in
his childhood, to be sold as a slave. But fortune put him in the road
to greatness; and, like many others in the East, he had no reason
to regret the chance that removed him from his native soil into a
strange country. Madame Lascaris obtained a small sum of money, and I
afterwards heard that, on leaving Mar Elias, she embarked for Cyprus,
where she put the society of Freemasons under contribution, as being of
that order herself.

At the beginning of June, Lady Hester had found the weather extremely
hot; for she could not live comfortably but in a temperature of from
sixty to eighty degrees; and, now that it was higher, she resolved to
repair to a more elevated situation, as she had done the preceding
year. Meshmûshy was accordingly chosen, and three cottages were taken
for the accommodation of servants, the Abyssinians, &c. On the road,
a romantic spot was selected for the first day’s halt, at a hamlet
overhanging the river Ewely, in the deep ravine through which it runs
after quitting the vale of Bisra. The hamlet is named Musrat et Tahûn,
or the mill-field. Here dwelt a miller named Abu-Tanûs, who became
from this time a sort of purveyor to her ladyship; until, by making an
improper use of her name at Acre, to gain preferment to the place of
shaykh of the hamlet, he fell into disgrace.

On arriving at Meshmûshy, Lady Hester fixed herself quietly for the
autumn, resolved to find amusement in wandering among the rocks and
precipices and in beholding the beautiful and magnificent views which
surrounded us. The Abyssinians also occupied much of her time; and, in
the numerous anecdotes she heard of the chief men of that nation, and
of the productions of the country, she found herself almost induced to
undertake a journey to it, and revolved in her mind the practicability
of the scheme. Her success would not have been doubtful, had she
undertaken it; since her plans were generally laid, as a prudent
builder raises an edifice, upon a sound foundation; but other events
intervened.

Towards the end of July, to amuse myself, and relieve the sameness of
our rides, I caused a sort of rural wigwam to be constructed of stakes
and branches of trees, in the midst of the forest of firs which lay
at the back of Meshmûshy. For, although on the side of Bisra plain
the mountain seems like a sugar-loaf, it is in fact no other than
a promontory belonging to a lofty ridge, which runs south, with a
gradual ascent, until it reaches the province of Suffad, where it
begins to decline. This ridge afforded pleasing excursions for a great
distance. To this wigwam an occasional ride in the course of the
morning diversified the monotony of the life we led, where, sitting
for an hour or two, one might peruse a favourite author, or indulge in
one’s own reflections, for which there was ample food. Meshmûshy is by
nature so inaccessible, that no person, from mere idle curiosity, would
think of ascending to it. There, her society was literally confined
to myself; for the priests were too unmannered to gain access to her
presence, and the shaykh of the village was a farmer, without any other
knowledge than that required for his agricultural occupations.

That Lady Hester had no thoughts at this time of going to Europe, much
less of returning to England, is pretty evident. It might be supposed
that she had almost now resolved to spend the remainder of her days in
the East. I therefore, with much reluctance, had communicated to her
my wish, as soon as some one could be procured to supply my place, of
returning to my native country, from which I had now been absent nearly
six years; and it was resolved that Giorgio, the Greek, should be sent
to England both for the purpose of bringing out my successor, and also
to execute a variety of commissions for his mistress, which could not
be accurately made known by letter. On the 30th of June, he sailed
from Beyrout to Cyprus, where he found a vessel to Malta, and thence
took his passage to England. He was charged with several presents, in
sabres, wines of Mount Lebanon, brocades, and other productions of the
manufactures and soil of the Levant.

It was about this period that a malicious paragraph found its way into
the English newspapers, copied from the French, stating that Lady
Hester was surrounded by children whom she educated. The fact was,
that she had three servant boys of from ten to twelve years old, sons
of peasants of Abra, who were useful to run on messages, where the
different parts of the family were scattered in different cottages, and
who took it by turns to walk by the side of her ass when she rode out,
to hold it when she alighted, and to perform the duties of groom-boys
in the stable.

When not animated in the pursuit of some interesting affair, Lady
Hester now sunk into an extraordinary lassitude and inactivity of body,
but never of mind. She had been accustomed ever since her illness at
Latakia to be carried up stairs by two men-servants, and could, on no
occasion, support the slightest exertion of an unusual nature.

Time passed on in this way. Her ladyship was in constant correspondence
with Mâlem Haym Shâdy at Acre, to which end M. Beaudin was continually
going backward and forward. The project of my journey to Egypt, so
often put off, was now definitively arranged; and on the 1st of August
I left Meshmûshy for Abra, in order to embark.

Signor Volpi, an Italian, professing medicine at Tripoli, was sent for,
and engaged by Lady Hester to attend on her until my return.

As there was a constant resort of vessels from Egypt to Tyre, for the
purpose of loading with wood, I resolved not to wait at Sayda for
an occasion, which was at best very uncertain, but to go to Tyre.
Accordingly, on the 6th, accompanied by my man Giovanni, I departed,
and arrived at Tyre in the evening. I took up my abode at the house of
the Greek bishop, and, sending Giovanni to the captain of the port,
desired him to inform me as to the Egyptian craft I saw lying at
anchor. He soon afterwards brought to me the räis of a _shekýf_,
burden 250 ardeps of rice, not decked, and with a crew of twelve
men--the master named Mohammed el Ketàb. As he was not to sail until
the 8th, I employed the whole of the 7th in examining the town, about
the miraculous decadence of which so much has been said, and continues
to be repeated by travellers. Yet, to an unbiassed observer, it
appeared to share only in the general fate of all the cities of the
coast, and could indeed claim a more prosperous fortune than Gaza,
Ascalon, or Cæsarea, all famous cities in their time.

Tyre therefore, described as so ruinous by some travellers, was now
a flourishing town, to which additions were daily making in houses
and inhabitants. Its population might be estimated at 2,000 souls,
consisting of Metoualys, Greek Catholics, and Greeks. The quarter of
the Metoualys was on the isthmus near the gate; that of the Christians
to the north-west side of the town. The Greek families amounted to no
more than a dozen: they had, however, a monastery, in which there was
but one secular priest, who had now resided twenty years in Tyre; and
there I was lodged. I had before heard of this man, who was remarkable,
as I was told, for the retired life he led, and for his spare diet. On
observing him, I remarked that he ate everything but fruit, sweets,
and pastry, which he refrained from, not because he did not like them,
but because he was a martyr to flatulence, for which he consulted
me. I found him to be a complete valetudinarian, to which state he
had brought himself by gross feeding, wine-drinking, and absolute
inactivity. So much for worldly reputation!

The walls of Tyre, in the state in which I saw them, were a very recent
and insignificant work; but in parts might be discerned the remains
of a wall of older date. There was also a dilapidated palace, in a
corner of which the governor still contrived to reside: this might be
considered as the castle. The houses were of stone, and some of them
had very handsome upper apartments, commanding an extensive prospect.
At this time houses and warehouses were building on the strand to the
north, facing the basin. The isthmus was, in appearance, a heap of
sand; beneath the surface, however, according to the report of the
inhabitants, were hidden masses of ruins. So lately as fifty years
before, this part was covered with gardens; now it was built upon. To
the south and to the west, on the sea-shore, the rock, which forms
the peninsula, was bared by the continued action of the sea, impelled
by the western gales; but to the north, wherever workmen dug for the
purpose of laying foundations, the rock was never met with.[61]

Tyre has two ports. The inner seemed to have been formed by two
moles, enclosing a basin perhaps 250 yards across. The moles were now
partly washed away by the sea, and the towers which flanked them were
tumbling down. The basin contained at most half a fathom of water. On
the outside of the mole, running West and East, were to be seen, under
the surface of the sea, on a fine day, about a dozen fallen pillars,
which probably formed a colonnade to some ancient edifice. To the West,
likewise, were various fragments. There were men whose occupation it
was to dive to the bottom of the basin, or to rake the strand for
whatever they could find. They came to me, at the instigation of the
harbour-master, and produced, out of their findings, about a hundred
and fifty copper coins, some agates and cornelians, pieces of lead,
like the heads of arrows, or the balls of slings or of the balistæ, &c.
The coins were so corroded by the salt water as to be totally defaced.
Among the stones was the fragment of an intaglio of a horse, the head
only and the end of the warrior’s spear remaining: but this portion
was so beautifully cut, that, had it been entire, it would have been
invaluable.

The outer port or road is considered as one of the best along the coast
of Syria. It is formed by a broken ledge of rocks running North from
the peninsula. Were the intervals between the rocks filled up, so as to
make a continued breakwater, a capacious and nearly a safe port might
be formed. The depth of water between the rocks varies from a fathom
and a half to three fathoms. In this road the bottom is sand as far
out as the ledge runs. To the South of Tyre, there is a bay which is
very deep and dangerous, having at places sixty fathoms of water. The
trade of Tyre was, in 1815, in corn, tobacco, wood, and charcoal, all
exported to Egypt.

For two piasters I hired a boat with four men, for the purpose of
obtaining, if possible, some specimens of the Tyrian dye. The man who
steered her was the harbour-master, Räis el myna, who, brought up to
the trade of a fisherman, had, nevertheless, acquired considerable
celebrity along the coast of Syria for his skill in lithotomy. His
name was Bûlus Abu Hanah. From the moment of my arrival at Tyre, he
had hung about me, hoping to obtain from me an English penknife, that
being the instrument with which he operated. He showed me a stone of
seventeen drachms Turkish, or an ounce and a half English, and another
a little smaller, which he had extracted. His operations amounted to
twenty-five, and his average of deaths was not different from those on
record by some celebrated European surgeons. He acknowledged that no
previous study had led him to undertake this bold operation; but that,
having observed with what facility it had been done by some itinerant
lithotomists who came to Tyre, he ventured to undertake it first upon
his own nephew. His success in that instance emboldened him, and he now
refused no case that presented itself, where he saw a prospect of cure.
It will scarcely be believed that the very delicate operation for the
cataract is likewise performed in Syria by itinerant oculists.

Our search after the Tyrian dye was unsuccessful: this not being, it
was said, the proper season for fishing for it. But a promise was made
me that I should be supplied with some in the spring of the ensuing
year; in return for which I was to send the harbour-master an English
penknife. He did not execute his promise the following year, but I did
mine.

As I desired him to bring to me everything that his nets caught, one
of the men bethought himself that a collection of sea-weeds would
interest me. He showed me thirteen sorts. Two of them are used for
dyeing; of these one, called _hashýsh ed dúdy_, or _sindean el
bahr_, dyes a crimson, and is of a purple hue. Although the history
of the Tyrian dye is a certain one, I would nevertheless ask whether
there might not have been a crimson extracted from a sea-weed as well
as a fish.[62]

On Monday, the 8th of August, I embarked, about one in the morning. At
sunrise we weighed anchor, and, coasting the shore, came to the Nakûra
(of which mention has been made in former passages) about four leagues
South of Tyre. Here the vessel was anchored in a nook close in to the
shore, for the purpose of receiving her cargo of wood, consisting of
cordbats as thick as a man’s leg, and about a yard long, which were cut
on the mountain close to the villages of Nakûra and Alma, and sold on
the spot for from five to eight piasters the hundred.

Whilst the vessel was loading, which was done by the crew, who carried
the wood on their shoulders through the surf, the passengers went on
shore, and I among the number. We were about one mile to the North of
the Nakûra toll-house, when, at a little distance from the sea-shore,
I observed two pillars standing, the remains of some ancient building.
The name the ruin goes by is Um el Hamûd; but I was surprised to find
that two such objects should have hitherto escaped my notice, when I
had now passed this road three times. I have not, therefore, inserted
them in our itinerary, in their proper place. On a line with the
pillars, close to the sea-shore, so as to be washed by the surf, were
two or three small springs of water, which from their situation are
constantly brackish.

Some Metoualys, who were inhabitants of the mountain hereabouts, came
down to look at us. They had muskets, the use of which Gezzàr Pasha had
prohibited at the time when he laid waste their country, and put their
chiefs to death. But their rough and almost insolent manner towards
Moslems here argued very clearly that they had in a certain degree
recovered their independence.

Gezzàr persecuted this race of people almost to extermination. The
troops which he sent against them were commanded by Selim Pasha, a
Mameluke, who afterwards headed the insurrection of the Mamelukes
against that pasha. Upon this occasion, Faris and Nasýf, two chieftains
of a Metoualy family, in which had been vested the government from time
immemorial, were put to death, and others were imprisoned at Acre.
Selim Pasha sent 745 heads to his master, which were piled up outside
the gate of Acre.

But the greatest cruelty was exercised on those who were led to Acre
as prisoners; for Gezzàr Pasha ordered them to be impaled immediately.
This horrible massacre was recounted to me in the following manner. It
was two or three hours past sunset when the prisoners were brought in.
Pierre, one of our servants, whom I have often mentioned, was living
at Acre at that time; and, happening to be walking towards the city
gate on his own affairs, with his lantern in his hand, he was laid
hold of, as were many others, by the soldiers, to stand by and guard
the prisoners, whilst the others were executed. Of these there were
twenty-seven. Three, bound hand and foot, were his charge: and, when he
saw the horrid work that was preparing, he trembled not much less than
did the prisoners themselves. Several were already impaled on rough
stakes hastily sharpened, when at length a man, whom Pierre described
as of great strength, feeling the first blow of the mallet which drove
the stake into his body, (his legs having been untied previously to
stretch them wide open,) gave a sudden spring, extricated himself from
the grasp of his executioners, and ran off. He plunged into the sea,
and in the darkness of the night saved himself or was drowned; for he
was heard of no more. The executions continued until the night was far
advanced: some of these miserable creatures lived until the next, and
some until the third day.

At night our cargo was completed, and the shekýf (so the little craft
was called) was hauled off into deep water. After midnight, as soon
as the land breeze was felt, we set sail for Rosetta, our course
being West South West. A shekýf resembles somewhat, in size and
construction, a smuggler’s lugger, being without a deck. The wood
filled her up to the very gunwale; and, upon this hard and uneven
material, twelve passengers, with a crew of the same number, were to
find berths. The small boat, which was lifted in, was awarded to me
by the captain, against the pretensions of a Turk, who, however, did
not yield so advantageous a situation without much grumbling. There
was a soldier with one hand, with a military voice and very haughty
demeanour, but whom the räis smoothed into a most obliging person by
frequently applying to him the title of aga: although his pride never
could submit to be civil to two Jews, who were driven from side to
side until the rest of the passengers had accommodated themselves: yet
one of these was a rabbin, a man of learning, and whose conversation
afterwards was my greatest comfort on the passage. There was, likewise,
an Egyptian shaykh, whose neck was ornamented by three rows of large
Mecca beads: and with him were his wife and daughter, both dreadfully
sea-sick, with an old man servant, seventy years of age, infirm and
helpless. Two Alexandrian pedlars, and two poor creatures of no trade
or craft whatever, with Giovanni, who was like a corpse from the moment
he got on board, completed our heterogeneous party.

During the whole of Monday, our course was nearly the same, with a
capful of wind. In the night it fell calm. The land breeze was then
felt, and with that we advanced a little. But, on Tuesday, the 9th,
a West wind, the prevailing one of the season, sprung up, and obliged
us to alter our course to North and by West, upon which rhumb we kept
the whole of the day and the following night. The wind freshened
considerably, and we furled our mizen. Giovanni was very ill, and
incapable of doing anything for me; and, in the usual strain of the
sea-sick, recommended himself to the Virgin, and considered his case as
desperate.

On the 10th, about ten in the morning, we got sight of Cyprus, bearing
North. Through the day we had a fresh breeze, and went, as I suppose,
at the rate of five knots. Our vessel was leaky, and the crew baled her
twice (for there was no pump) before noon. Every passenger was sick but
the soldier, the Egyptian shaykh, and myself. A little before sunset,
we anchored in a nook to the East of the island. After sunset the wind
freshened; but we were in perfectly smooth water.

On the 12th we weighed, and coasted the island towards the south. We
doubled a small cape, and came in sight of the bay of Limasol, into
which a gentle breeze brought us after sunset. Smooth water and the
sight of the lamps in Limasol (for it was Ramazán) had revived the
passengers, and Giovanni begged to be permitted to go on shore with the
boat which was hoisted out to fetch water. When he returned, he brought
me a supply of grapes, honey, fresh bread, eggs, and other articles,
which made the rest of the passage very tolerable: but the water we
took in here was extremely bad.

The island of Cyprus looks from the sea very picturesque and of varied
scenery. Its grand features are a chain of mountains which runs through
its whole length, and which is rendered remarkable by a sugar-loaf
elevation in one part, and a lofty long summit in another. These large
mountains detach themselves into smaller ones, and these into hills, of
conical and other shapes, which come down to the sea-coast. The point,
that forms the bay of Limasol, is a cape of flat land, running into the
sea to a considerable length. As we coasted the island, the face of it
appeared variegated with trees and pastures, and rising in fair slopes.
Half a league from the shore, near our first anchoring place, we saw a
village, which resembled those I had left in Syria.

About midnight, a light breeze sprung up: and, taking advantage of it,
we set sail for Egypt. It may be remarked that, at this season of the
year, when the west winds prevail[63] very constantly, the country
vessels seldom attempt to beat down by short tacks: but they make a
long tack to Cyprus, and a second brings them to Egypt.

Saturday, the 13th, was a cloudy day. Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday we
kept close-hauled, our course being S.W. and S.W. and by W. At sunrise
there was generally a calm, and a sea as smooth as a mirror: about
ten a breeze would come on, which would freshen until about sunset,
when it usually became as strong as the vessel could well bear. The
captain, one morning, frightened me somewhat by leaping into the sea:
but I found that his intention was only to bathe, and, after swimming
about the vessel, he returned on board. I was not tempted to follow his
example, although very fond of swimming.

As my provisions failed me somewhat, I was surprised to find that
the Jew produced from his store many excellent things, such as sweet
biscuits, cakes, dried fruit, &c. He was a native of Tiberias, and
was now on his way to Gibraltar, and perhaps to England, to beg for
the Holy City. I found some relief to the tiresomeness of the passage
in his conversation. His name was Yudy (Judas?). Among other things,
he gave me the details of a revolt which took place in Gebel Nablûs
during the preceding year, at which he was present in the capacity
of secretary to Málem Sulymàn, who was seràf to the forces on the
occasion: which I thought it worth while to write down, as descriptive
of the petty wars which often take place in the Turkish provinces.

In the autumn of each year, Mûly Ismael and his mercenaries were
generally hired by the pasha of Damascus for the purpose of marching
through the southern districts of the pashalik, where there had been
for many years past a refractory spirit, and a disposition to throw off
allegiance to the reigning pasha. This had more particularly manifested
itself on Gebel Nablûs, the ancient Samaria. The Mûly proceeded on
his march, as was customary; but, on approaching Suffýn, a village
that could raise 400 muskets, he was told to retire, or he should be
received as an enemy, as they would no longer submit to the oppressions
of the government. The Mûly accordingly halted and encamped. He did not
attack the village, but sent a courier to acquaint the pasha with the
resistance which was opposed to him, and to demand fresh troops. In
the mean time, it was whispered that Mûly Ismael had received a bribe
to induce him to remain passive. Fresh troops, however, were sent from
Damascus; and, lest these should not be enough, aid was required from
the pasha of Acre and afforded. With these latter troops, Sulymàn, the
banker, went, and with him his secretary, Yudy. Thus the forces of two
pashas were united against one village.

No sooner did these reinforcements reach the encampment, than, on
a sudden, their leaders also became pusillanimous, and declared
it impossible to attack the village. An interrupted cannonade was
carried on from a great distance, but no demonstration of resistance
was made by the village, unless when the troops approached too near,
on which occasions they were warmly received. The peasants had no
other protection than a trench carried round their village: but the
place itself was on an elevated situation, and presented natural
difficulties. This warfare continued several days. Despatches from the
pashas cried shame on their conduct, saying that they would be loaded
with infamy if they suffered themselves to be baffled by so few men,
and those not soldiers.

During this suspense, the regular forces were more than once on the
point of running away. On one occasion a report was industriously
circulated that the peasants intended to attack the camp by night.
Accordingly, the horses were kept bridled, the troops lay on their
arms, and the seràf Sulymàn was seized with a diarrhœa from fright, and
had taken his measures to escape with the gold, intending to drop some
silver about on the road, as a trap to stop the pursuit.[64]

It will be recollected that, in relating the occurrences at Damascus,
a certain Hamed Bey, son of Yusef Pasha, was mentioned, as commanding
a corps of mercenaries. This man had now been sent by the pasha of
Damascus, and, not having shared in the bribes given to the other
leaders, resolved on distinguishing himself by a spirited attack on the
village. He was joined by an aga, who was also aware of the treachery
of Mûly Ismael and his colleagues. These two, then, forming a body of
horse and foot, advanced to the trench. The peasants received them by
a general discharge along their whole line, which threw Hamed Bey’s
cavalry into disorder: but, whilst they were reloading, the infantry
rushed forward sword in hand, passed the trench, and mixed pell-mell
among the peasantry. It being harvest time, there was a great quantity
of straw lying near the spot where the attack was made; and, the wind
being high, the Turks got to windward, set fire to it, and, following
the smoke which blinded their adversaries, they discomfited them
completely. Thirty-one heads were cut off; for which a reward of 100
piasters each was given, and, as is customary, a stamped piece of tin,
which the gainers wear afterwards in their caps or somewhere about
them, as a sign of their prowess. Two shaykhs and several peasants
were made prisoners, and for them 150 piasters each was awarded.[65]
The Albanians directed their attention chiefly to the women, whom they
violated wherever they caught them: the _deláty_ plundered for
effects.[66] The prisoners were conducted to the camp, and, on as many
as chains could be found for, chains were put. The rest were tied with
their hands behind them, and made to lie on their backs: from which
position, if they dared to stir, a soldier with a whip lashed them
cruelly. Others were bound together with a long cord in nooses round
their necks: so that if one attempted to stir he tightened the noose
round the neck of the man next to him, and might eventually strangle
him. The women, who were not comely, or who were somewhat old, were
sold back to the old men for five, ten, or fifteen piasters: and thus
the affair terminated.

There was not a year, during our stay in Syria, that some part of Gebel
Nablûs was not in insurrection. This spirit of resistance to the lawful
authorities we may suppose to be often fomented by persons attached to
the government. The rabbin Yudy told me an anecdote in confirmation
of this, which was as follows. When Abdallah Pasha was governor of
Damascus, an attack was made by one of his officers on a village of
about twenty houses in the district of Nablûs, which was unsuccessful.
Enraged at this repulse, the pasha in person assaulted the place at
the head of seventeen men and took it. He found in it one of his own
ammunition chests which had been sold by his gunners to the enemy,
whilst encamped before the village. Such treachery the rabbin said was
common in Turkish warfare.

On the 15th of August, at sunset, our räis suspected we were
approaching the land, and hove the lead to see what bottom it was: by
it, and by the freshness of the water, he knew that we were near the
Egyptian shore. He accordingly shortened sail, stood cautiously in, and
anchored late in the evening in sight of land, which he distinguished,
no doubt, easily enough: but my eyes, less used to reconnoitring a flat
coast, more especially in the dark, beheld nothing but a heavy sky and
a gloomy sea.

In the morning of the 16th, I was turned out of the small boat, which
was my berth, just as we were coming upon the bar of Rosetta, and, to
lighten the vessel, it was lifted out, and loaded with wood: but, in
going over the bar, it swamped, and the painter was cut in an instant
to prevent the hindrance it caused to the progress of the shekýf. We
touched several times in crossing the bar; and signs were made to us by
vessels within that our course was too far south: but the räis appeared
to rely on his own skill, and we finally got into smooth water.

The Delta was now flooded, as the Nile was at its height, so that the
houses and villages seemed to be inaccessible but to boats. There were,
however, children, who kept up with us by the river side, sometimes
on a dry knoll, sometimes up to their knees in water, and sometimes
wading and swimming over canals, eagerly following us, to catch the
bread and other refuse provisions which were thrown to them from the
vessel. A cap was handed round to collect coffee-money for the crew, in
consideration of our safe passage over the bar.

On arriving at the quay of Rosetta, the busy scene, though not novel
to me, had lost none of its attractions. I had seen the Nile before
when empty: I now beheld it brim-full, and enlivened with an increased
degree of activity from the number of vessels and from the animation
that commerce excites.

It was Ramazán time, and I sat on the quarter, smoking, and viewing
the scenes around me. But, had the vessel not been from the sea, and
of course the passengers considered as persons travelling, I could not
thus, in the face of everybody, have presumed to smoke. For travellers
and for the sick there is an exemption in the Koràn.[67]

I had sent a letter on shore to the English agent, Signor Lenzi,
requesting him to provide me a lodging. His dragoman came instantly
down to inform me that the plague was in the town, otherwise Signor
Lenzi would have accommodated me at his own house, but that he had
secured apartments for me at the Terra Santa monastery, where Padre
Luigi would entertain me. To prevent the danger of contagion, the
dragoman had provided some rush mats, in which the whole of my baggage
was wrapped, and then carried by porters to the monastery, where they
put down their burdens at the door and took away the mats. Thus, they
having touched nothing that remained, all danger of infection was
prevented.

I retired to a gloomy cell, where I was devoured by fleas; and
resolved to escape as speedily as possible to Alexandria. So I went to
rest, deliberating how this was to be managed; as both land and sea
conveyances would expose me to the contact of the infected. In this
mood I fell asleep, and was wakened next morning by a violent knocking
at my door; when who should enter but shaykh Ibrahim, better known as
Mr. Burckhardt, who was on his way from Cairo to Alexandria. We renewed
our acquaintance, (which had been but momentary at Nazareth) and agreed
to go thither in company. He was glad, I believe, to have me for a
companion, as his health was far from re-established since a dangerous
fever that had attacked him at Mecca: and, in return, I was pleased to
study the character of a man who was reputed to be an adventurous and
enterprising traveller, and, moreover, highly gifted with the talents
necessary for rendering his researches useful to the world.

As we could not depart immediately, we were compelled to be very
careful in our walks and visits about Rosetta.

On the 18th of August, in the evening, we departed for Alexandria by
land, mounted on asses. Shaykh Ibrahim had with him a black slave[68]
named Fadl Allah, and Giovanni and he, both accustomed to travelling,
left us nothing to do but to smoke, eat, converse, and sleep. Arrived
at Lake Edko, we hired a boat to cross it, and here I was determined to
leave the whole conduct of the passage to the shaykh, who knew so much
more of Egypt than I did. But he could not be a match for the cunning
of an Egyptian. The director of the ferry deceived him both as to price
and as to the nature of our passage. He had bargained for a boat to
be occupied by ourselves only; yet, we found, on getting on board,
that it was already full of passengers; and, whilst he was charging
the director with duplicity and cheating, the boatmen were setting the
sail and seemed not to heed us. For, it must be observed, these lakes
are very shallow, and a boat that draws only three feet water cannot
approach within fifty yards of the shore. Hence it is customary for men
to ply at the landing places, to carry passengers and luggage to and
fro on their shoulders. They wear nothing but a blue smock frock, and
this they tuck up, even if there are females on board, as high as the
waist.

We crossed Lake Edko and the isthmus, and then re-embarked in another
boat of a similar build. We were finally landed at the block-house, on
the dyke between Lake Madia and Lake Mœris, where, three years before,
I passed, in company with Mr. Henry Pearce, so disagreeable a night. We
here hired asses, which were waiting on the shore for the arrival of
boats, and proceeded strait to Alexandria, which we reached at sunset.
Colonel Missett, the British Resident, received us both into his house,
and expressed his obligations to me for coming so far on his account.

The plague had committed some ravages in Alexandria this year, but
they were now over, and, in the language of the Levant, people had
opened their houses; that is, those who had shut themselves up in
rigid quarantine had now resumed their accustomed occupations and
intercourse.[69]

Shaykh Ibrahim showed a strong disposition to revisit Syria at this
time, and expressed himself as half inclined to accompany me when I
should go back. My time passed away most delightfully in Alexandria.
Banished so long as I had been from European society of all sorts,
I entered again, with infinite relish, into the parties and evening
_conversazioni_, which were both gay and instructive. Colonel
Missett’s urbanity drew to his house whatever was respectable in talent
or rank. So great was the esteem in which the British Resident was
held, that the greatest title to consideration and gratitude, from all
ranks at Alexandria, for me would have been in restoring to the Colonel
that health of which he had been long deprived. But some dietetic
rules, with a few remedies as palliatives in the most distressing
symptoms, were all the relief that a confirmed paralysis of the lower
extremities, now of seven years’ standing, would admit of.

As it was Ramazán, Shaykh Ibrahim, in the character of a Moslem, was
bound to fast from sunrise to sunset: but, when he got to Colonel
Missett’s, he thought he might resume his Frank habits without the risk
of being detected. We were seated one morning at one of those sumptuous
breakfasts for which the Colonel’s table was celebrated, when a young
Turk, named Sadiz Effendi, and well known to Shaykh Ibrahim, suddenly
entered, and caught the shaykh with his mouth full. Evasion or denial
was useless: and this discovery, no doubt, did the shaykh great harm
among those Moslems who had almost made up their minds to identify him
with themselves.

Much amusement was afforded us about this time by the facility with
which some French gentlemen, presuming on the restoration of the old
nobility by the return of Louis XVIII., assumed pretended dormant
titles in their families; so that Cairo and Alexandria had on a sudden
many noble names to boast of.

M. Drovetti, ex-consul of France, was residing at Alexandria, and
gratified us with a sight of his collection of antiquities, which he
hoped one day to sell in Europe. He estimated it at three thousand
guineas, probably somewhat more than its value.[70]

The commerce of Alexandria had revived since Buonaparte’s downfall.
There were more than a hundred European ships in the west harbour
during my stay. Of these, a few came fully laden with European
commodities; but as yet there was not a market for them.

Signor Belzoni, who afterwards rendered himself so celebrated for his
discoveries in Egypt, was, at this epoch, just arrived there in search
of employment. But the person who excited most conversation among
the Franks was Mr. J. Silk Buckingham, who to considerable natural
abilities united much activity and research, which, not being well
seconded in Egypt, obliged him subsequently to repair to India, where
he found his talents better appreciated. There was also a Scotchman
here, who was left after the affair of Rosetta, and from a soldier had
made a doctor of himself. He secretly told me that he wanted to abandon
Egypt and his religion; but Shaykh Ibrahim dissuaded him from doing so.

Towards the end of September, after a stay of five weeks, I quitted
Alexandria. As Shaykh Ibrahim had never seen Damietta, he resolved to
accompany me thither; and we jointly hired a coasting boat to convey
us to that city, for which we were to pay 100 piasters.

We embarked in the evening of the 25th, but the wind was fresh, and we
could not quit the port until the next day. Our boat was roomy, and
we had it entirely to ourselves, such being the agreement. Both our
servants became so ill the moment they were embarked, that we were
obliged to dress our dinner for ourselves. The passage was favourable.
Shaykh Ibrahim performed his prayers on board, but the räis never
could make up his mind to address him as a Turk, and through the
whole passage persisted in calling him Khawágy[71] Shaykh Ibrahim,
ludicrously mixing the Christian appellation with his Mahometan
designation.

Shaykh Ibrahim, it is generally believed, passed everywhere,
unsuspected, as a Mahometan. That is possible. All Turkey is full of
Italian and French renegadoes, who, of course, speak but indifferently
a language which they generally attempt to acquire when the organs
of speech have no longer the pliability of childhood; and, exclusive
of these, Syria, Egypt, and Arabia, abound with Albanians and
other natives of European Turkey, who have, of course, nearly the
same difficulties to encounter in learning Arabic as a Swiss or an
Englishman. It was, therefore, no cause of suspicion that he had an
accent, or that he could not pronounce certain letters, and overcome
those (we may call them) insurmountable difficulties for grown persons
in speaking in Arabic. But, that he ever passed as a native is not
true; and, although he spoke Arabic better than any European traveller
upon record, still he was incapable of opening his mouth for ten
sentences without being detected as a foreigner.

Mr. Burckhardt himself often related an anecdote, which went to prove
the belief of the pasha of Cairo that his character of a Moslem was
an assumed one; but this anecdote rather regards the purpose of his
disguise. It was, that, on having obtained permission of the pasha to
go to Mecca, the pasha sent a message to him by his hakým bashi or
chief physician, (Hanah Bozaro) desiring him to keep his own counsel,
and not to go and say he had made a fool of the pasha.

After quitting Alexandria, and before reaching Aboukir bay, we passed
an eminence called Tel Agûl; and farther on is Nelson’s Island, as it
has been named by the English, but which the native sailors called
Gezýra Ghoro.

We arrived at that mouth of the Nile, marked, on d’Anville’s map,
_Ostium Taniticum_, crossed the bar, and reached the custom-house,
where a party of Albanian soldiers was put on board to be conveyed
gratis to Damietta. The shaykh, as well as myself, had enough
experience of this sort of gentry to know that, if they discovered us
to be Franks, they would probably usurp our places, and send us to the
forecastle. We therefore seated ourselves in a sort of authoritative
manner, smoked our pipes, spoke little, and carried on the farce of
Turkish gentlemen (to which, so long as our tongues betrayed us not,
our costumes lent every assurance) so well, that when we arrived
opposite to the quay of the town, and were inquired after by the
dragoman of the English agent, who was apprized of our coming by
letter, the Albanians were furious to think how they had been imposed
upon.




                              CHAPTER IX.

   M. Surûr, English agent at Damietta--Patients--Excursion to
   Lake Menzaleh--Mataryah--Melikýn--Pounds for cattle--Ruins
   of San--Broken pottery--Conjectures on its original
   use--Tennys--Dybeh--Botarga fishery--Fowling--Running deemed
   indecorous in a Turk--Menzaleh--Haunted house--Disdain of
   pedestrian travellers--False door--Departure for Syria--Vessel,
   cargo, and crew--Charms to raise the wind--Arrival at Acre,
   Tyre, and Abra.


We were taken to the house of Mâlem Michael Surûr, the English
agent, a young gentleman of considerable abilities and property, who
did everything that Oriental hospitality, so fertile in resources,
dictated, for the entertainment of his guests. He had several fine
horses, upon which we rode out daily. Mounted himself on a superbly
caparisoned stallion, his grooms preceded him on foot, bearing
perpendicularly each his _zan_, or white staff, in the right hand,
with which, as he went along, they beat the walls, and, at every curvet
which his horse gave, cried, Mashallah, how wonderful! This, being
the style of the principal Mahometans, and absolutely prohibited to
Christians, becomes one of the distinguished privileges of a Consul;
and it is only to be regretted that the restraint under which the
Christians live should have given a value to such empty distinctions.

I became acquainted here with the most fascinating lady that I had
known during my long residence in the Levant. Her name was Syt Fersûn
(or Euphrosyne) Karysáty. She and her infant daughter Benba came daily
to Málem Surûr’s to consult me; and Shaykh Ibrahim used to express
very pathetically his chagrin that, whilst I was admitted into the
harým to converse with these ladies, he was excluded. I had several
patients at Damietta, and a consideration of some of the cases which
fell under my care leads me to say, that I am not disposed to accede to
an assertion made by Mr. Brown in his travels--“that in no country are
pulmonary diseases so rare as in Egypt.” Mr. Brown was not a medical
man, and, therefore, of course makes similar remarks as the result of
what he heard from the natives. It would seem that there is as large a
proportion of them here[72] as in some or any European countries.

Mâlem Surûr had three black slaves and fifteen servants in all.

Shaykh Ibrahim had meditated, among the objects of his visit to
Damietta, an excursion on the lake Menzaleh, and I agreed to join him
in it; the more especially as there was no vessel ready to sail for
Syria, to which country I was now anxious to return.

Lake Menzaleh is not of great antiquity: Macrisi speaks of it as having
been made to prevent the recurrence of invasions on the side of the
Syrian desert. The ruins which are still to be found in and about it
have rendered it an object of curiosity. In my first visit to Damietta,
in company with Lady Hester, I was prevented from indulging the wish I
entertained to see it, owing to the shortness of our stay, and to the
hurry which our preparations for the voyage to Syria occasioned.

Mâlem Surûr made such arrangements as he thought would render us
comfortable, in furnishing us with a basket of provisions, and sending
his janissary as our guard. Just before sunset, on Sunday evening,
the 30th of September, we traversed the beautiful environs of the
city, for about two miles, down to the edge of the lake at the place
of embarkation, called Mehúb, where we found a small barge, of the
kind common to these waters, waiting for us. It had a temporary awning
made of rush mats. The solid construction of the boat itself rendered
it so far from crank that we could walk or sit in it anywhere without
rendering it lapsided. Our boatmen were three brothers: two men, Ahmed
and Segáwy, and Metwelly, a lad. Shaykh Ibrahim had with him his black
slave, Fadl allah and Shâaty, a servant he had hired at Damietta, and I
had Giovanni. The crew were furnished with poles, to push the boat over
the shallows, and to force her onwards when there was no wind. In this
operation, the poles are rested against the shoulder; and, considering
the great force occasionally used, it is wonderful that no injury
ensues. The servant, with the provisions, not having yet arrived, we
amused ourselves in observing Mâlem Surûr, who, mounted on a Mameluke
saddle, exhibited more skill in horsemanship than Christians in these
countries are generally possessed of. His youth, he not being more
than nineteen years of age, gave him every disposition to enjoy the
privileges attached to his situation.

At nightfall, Mâlem Surûr took his leave. We embarked, and had not got
far from the shore when the shaykh recollected that he had brought
away certain letters, prepared for Alexandria, which he had forgotten
to leave. We therefore put about, and returned to Mehúb, the place of
embarkation. At each place of embarkation, of which there are many on
the borders of the lake, a soldier is generally stationed to levy the
customs, which he farms from the chief officer at Damietta. It is not
necessary to ascertain what his claim was on our boat; but no sooner
had Ahmed, accompanied by his brother, stepped on shore to find a boy
to carry the letters to Damietta, than he was seized by the soldier,
and desired to pay the dues. It was now quite dark. Ahmed assured
the soldier he had no money, as he had yet received nothing from his
passengers; but, not being believed, he was forcibly thrust into the
guard-house, where the soldier began to beat him most unmercifully. His
cries induced his brother to beseech Shaykh Ibrahim (who was on shore
delivering his instructions to the messenger about the letters) to go
to Ahmed’s assistance. The shaykh went; and with great promptitude
broke open the door, and rescued him from the grasp of his enraged
assailant, who had, in addition to a beating, drawn his yatagan, and
was threatening his life. The soldier was promised a bastinadoing on
our return to Damietta.

It was some time before Ahmed could now be made to hold his tongue,
when he found he could vociferate without fear of reprisals; at last
quiet was restored, and finally we re-embarked. We supped, and lay
down to rest in our clothes, under our rush tent, and at three in the
morning were disturbed by the boatmen, who told us we had arrived at
Mataryah. We had passed during the night two islands, el Usbeh and el
Luskeh; but at what distances, and in what direction of the compass, we
had not observed.

When day dawned, we found Mataryah to be a large fishing village. Of
the houses which faced the lake, some were of brick, and others mud;
but, as it is customary in Egypt, the buildings seemed rather decaying
than improving. The shaykh’s name was Hassan el Fâal. The water-side
exhibited, as usual, a scene of women filling their water-jars, men
washing themselves for prayers or other causes, and naked children
paddling about. We endeavoured to purchase a little milk; and, having
waited until Ahmed, whose family lived here, had gone to his house and
returned, at seven o’clock on the first of October, we loosened our
sail, and stood south and by east.

Continuing in this direction for one hour, about nine we entered the
canal, called Toret el Möez, and the mouth itself was named, by the
räis, Ahmed, Halc el Naby. Mataryah bore from this point north-east and
by north. As the current ran out very strong, and there was no wind,
we made the boat fast to a pole thrust into the mud, and breakfasted.
Close to us was a fisherman’s seat, in which he sat to watch his nets;
many more of which we saw up the canal. These were made of layers of
rushes, pressed down between four stakes, and formed the apex of two
converging sets of stakes. The net was placed between them; and the
current, as it brought down the fish, drove them into the enclosed
part, where they were entrapped. The mouth of the canal was single;
but, immediately within it, the course of the canal itself was no
longer distinguishable to a person unacquainted with its navigation, as
various streams were seen coming in different directions to the same
point; which was occasioned by the retiring of the Nile waters, now
just on the decrease.

About half an hour before noon the breeze freshened; and we, fancying
that our räis was only gaining time in order to make money, since his
agreement was at a certain rate per day, obliged him to cast off. In
about two hours, we arrived at Melikeen, a square mud hamlet on the
east bank of the canal. This hamlet now stood insulated; for in front
of it was the canal, and round it were meadows overflowed; so that the
children were seen dabbling in the water like amphibious creatures, and
men were going from hamlet to hamlet wading up to their waists, either
with their clothes pulled up or entirely naked.

The inhabitants of Melikeen, our räis told us, ranked themselves in the
class of dervises, and assumed the name of fakírs. They were known,
when they wandered from their native town, by a bit of white rag, going
under the chin and over the head, and tied down by the turban. They
carried a cruise of water by their sides, to give to drink to whosoever
asked them; this was their principal vow. They were bound, if beaten,
to make no resistance, not to steal, and to some other observances
which I now forget.

About three we arrived at another hamlet, similar to the first, but on
the opposite bank of the canal, called Melikeen el fokany, or Upper
Melekeen, in contradistinction to that below it. The banks hitherto had
been lined with reeds and rushes; nor could we distinguish what was
behind them, excepting here and there through openings which discovered
an almost entire inundation. Here we found the monotony of the scene a
little relieved by tamarisk bushes (_turfy_) growing in hedges.
The banks hereabouts emerged from the waters, and might be about
fifty yards apart, as far as we could judge by the eye. Our räis had
pretended that the depth of the canal was greater than the length of
the pole which he held in his hands--perhaps twenty feet long; and upon
his assertion we had already noted it; but, wishing to assure myself
farther, I sounded, and found only nine feet water.

In the afternoon we arrived at a third hamlet, called Weled Ali, much
the same in appearance as the others. Indeed the square walls of mud
in which they were enclosed concealed the interior from us; but it
is sufficient to be familiar with one of them to know them all. Our
course soon changed to South West. The canal here divided, and we
kept the left branch: but we observed the two branches again to join,
having thus formed a small island. From Melikeen upwards, we had
remarked, besides the hamlets, certain little pounds, or pens, made of
mud walls about four or five feet high, upon knolls of ground, which
remained dry here and there on the banks: these, we were told, were
the retreats of the buffaloes and herdsmen at night; for, the moment
the retiring waters leave the grass and rushes visible above the
surface, these meadows are resorted to by the peasantry, who pasture
their buffaloes on them while yet swampy; such swamps, it would seem,
being best suited to the nature of those beasts. To protect them by
night, they are penned in these enclosures of a few yards’ breadth; and
man and beast here live more together certainly than we had ever yet
witnessed in brute and reasonable animals.

Towards evening we came to another hamlet, called El Wäy, and from El
Wäy might be seen another, called El Bekashy. A little distance beyond
brought us to the foot of the height on which San[73] formerly stood,
and where we were now to seek for its ruins. On landing, we accosted an
old man with a dark brown rusty skin, and asked him to point them out
to us. He was a very fit person for the purpose, as he proved to be one
of many others who gained a livelihood by digging for the foundations
of these ancient edifices, which they sold for limestone, and was then
watching several heaps, collected on the banks of the canal, ready
to be embarked. He led us on for about a quarter of a mile, until we
found ourselves on a flat, partly surrounded by a hill in the form
of an amphitheatre, where several huge granite masses were lying in
confusion.

The site of San is what would be called in military language a height:
which, at a rough guess, may be two or three miles in circumference,
and rises out of a country otherwise totally flat. It is composed of
several monticules, which, combined, have the shape of a horseshoe,
but are separated from each other by deep gullies, apparently worn by
the waters in the long course of ages. In the centre of the horseshoe
is a level, and at the entrance of it were some masses of granite. The
soil about us was of the same nature as that which the Nile leaves,
and must, therefore, have been brought hither by the wind or by men’s
hands; being above the level of the annual inundations.

Proceeding a little further, we found a granite obelisk, entirely
perfect, but fallen. It measured about seventy feet in length and
six in breadth. Beyond it were three more fallen obelisks, with
hieroglyphics, but less distinct than those on the first. Close to the
last was a hole in the ground, dug by the workmen, at the bottom of
which we discovered a part of a granite colossal statue. What was bare
seemed to represent the folds of drapery; but, not being able, for want
of time, to dig round it, (although the means were at hand) we could
not decide exactly to what it belonged.

By this time the whole squad of peasantry had left their work, out of
curiosity to see what we were doing. Two among them offered to lead us
to other ruins, if we would promise to reward them. They accordingly
took us to the top of the height, where was a small crumbling shed, the
sanctuary of a Mahometan saint, called Shaykh el Garýby. Near it was a
broken granite sarcophagus without a lid. Descending the hill, on the
side towards the canal, we came to the stumps of an immense colonnade
of granite, which seemed to have belonged to some vast edifice. The
fragments of the shafts of these pillars measured nine spans in
diameter: but the upper parts had either been entirely removed or were
buried in sand, as nothing remained but these lowest portions, which
seemed to occupy their original situations.

Having on a boot which chafed my foot, I was compelled to halt, whilst
Shaykh Ibrahim ran forward to some heaps where he thought he might
discover other fragments. Whilst he was gone, I found a part of a
granite statue, of the proportions of a youth, in alto relievo, with
the right foot, up to the ankle, still entire. I loaded some workmen
with it down to the boat, whither we were obliged to hasten, as the
evening had now closed on us: for, although we could have wished
to make some farther examination of this interesting spot, yet the
character we had heard of the people about San made us desirous not to
sleep where we should be exposed to be plundered. While perambulating
the ruins, their rude jocularity, and the half insolent, half
inquisitive way in which they looked at us, led us to believe their
intentions might not be good. We accordingly loosened our sail, and
returned nearly down to Weled Ali, where we slept.

The disjuncted elevations which form the heights of San are covered
with broken bricks and pottery.[74] Unless the conformation of these
monticules be entirely changed, and the rains have worked out gullies
between them, these never could have been the site of a connected
town. It is rather to be inferred that the city was built on the flat;
and particularly as at the foot of the elevation there was still
remaining a portion of a wall of sun-baked bricks. Perishable as
such materials might be supposed to be, we yet observe them, in this
instance, surviving the fall of columns of marble and of obelisks of
granite! Their duration, however, must not be ascribed alone to their
durability; for, whatever could attract the cupidity of the Moslems and
was portable has been removed by them. Sunbaked bricks can be made
cheaper than transported: and to this, perhaps, it was owing that the
wall still remained.

The wind blew fresh during the night. On the morning of October the
2d, in descending the canal, we bought some cheese and milk at one of
the pens on the banks, and stopped at Melikeen, to give an account of
ourselves to a subaltern officer stationed there in a _canja_,
or barge, for the purpose of levying the duty on salt passing down
the canal. This duty our raïs told us was 3000 medini (equal to £2
10_s._) on a large load: but we had reason to believe that his
information was not to be relied on.

About noon, we left Halc el Naby, and in three hours arrived at Mâbed,
one of many other small islands lying East North East of the mouth of
the canal. We went on shore, and found fragments of bricks enough to
testify that a village had once existed there. The island is not more
than half a mile in circumference. Shaykh Cheleby, the present chief of
Menzaleh, had carried off the greater part of the ruins to build with.
We departed from Mâbed; and, about five o’clock, passed the extreme
point of the island, where the Marabût of Shaykh Abdallah stands. This
island is called El Carâh. Having weathered the point of El Carâh, we
wore, and stood East half South; and, keeping this course, arrived
after dark at Tennys. It was too late to go on shore, so we made fast
to a pole, stuck in the bottom of the lake, at some distance from the
shore, to avoid the musquitoes; and, having smoked our pipes, to which
we were both very partial, went to sleep.

At daylight (October 3rd) we visited the ruins. We found a brick
wall still standing, about 1000 paces long, and, within it, several
cisterns of curious construction. The largest of these was twenty paces
in breadth and thirty-one in length. The roof was supported by brick
arcades, the pilasters of the arches being about ten feet distant from
each other. Excepting in these cisterns (none of which, moreover, were
entire), and on the walls, we found not one entire brick left on the
ground; the neighbouring shaykhs having carried them away for building.
The whole area was one continued quarry, from excavations made to
find the stones of foundations. In the North West corner might be
distinguished the remains of a fortress or castle: and, close to it, a
canal divided the corner from the rest of the city, which, it is most
probable, was a continuation of some one of the great canals leading
from the Tanitic branch of the Nile. The island is elevated a few feet
only above the level of the lake. The soil is of the same fine mould
as we observed at San, but certainly could not get there by the same
means. Innumerable swarms of musquitoes pestered us on the island, and
for some time afterwards.

Having spent about three hours at Tennys, we left it; and, keeping a
North North West course, with a string of small islands constantly
on our right hand, we arrived, at three o’clock in the afternoon, at
the bogàz of Dyby Castle, one of the openings by which Lake Menzaleh
communicated with the sea and the ancient Tanitic branch of the Nile.
The canal, as we entered it from the side of the lake, was called by
the raïs Dunet El Sharây, and was about thirty yards broad. After
running 200 or 300 yards, it opened into a broad water, and then
continued for perhaps half a mile, until it emptied itself into the
sea, South West and North East.

Between the broad water and the sea was a fishing hamlet, called El
Tat, on the right hand side; and, facing it, branched off a gut,
leading into the lake in a South East direction, named Ishtûm ed Dybah,
down which we sailed. Upon the point of junction between Ishtûm ed
Dybah and Dunet el Sharây stood the castle of Dybah, a fortress of
brick, built by the French for the defence of this entrance.

Our object in visiting the Dybah bogàz was to learn something of
the Botarga fishery. _Botárekh_ in Arabic, Botarga in Italian,
is considered throughout the Levant, by Turks and Christians, as a
very great delicacy: and in Lent the consumption by the latter is
enormous. It is the roe of a fish, salted and dried. There are three
places where this fishery is carried on; namely, Mferdjy, Gemäyd, and
Dybah. It would appear that the fish leave the open sea in search of a
tranquil place where to deposit their spawn, in the months of August,
September, and October, and are then caught. The fish is called, in
Arabic, _lebt_, and is from a foot to two feet long.

On the side next the lake, the fishermen ply day and night with
circular hand-nets, which, from habit, they throw with great
expertness; and, from the number caught each time, the fish must be
very abundant. They are carried on shore, ripped open with a knife, and
the roes taken out, salted, and exposed to the sun for three successive
days, when they are fit for the market. There is also a kind of botarga
prepared by simple drying only: and a third sort, where the fish, when
caught and salted, are sent to a distance; after which the roes are
there taken out and dried.

The botarga fishermen form almost a distinct race. They are all natives
and inhabitants of Mataryah, and reside at the Ishtûms only during the
fishing months, when they build themselves cabins of mats, spread over
ribs of palm branches. Each hamlet may contain forty or fifty families;
and, at the close of the season, they strike their cabins, and return
to Mataryah. The men appeared to be a very fine race: and, to convince
us of the purity of their clan, pretended that they intermarried only
with each other. The children were naked, and wanted not beauty in
their shape: and there was a young man, the fineness of whose person,
much above the common size, particularly attracted our attention.
Indeed we were of opinion that the Egyptians employed on the lakes and
on the Nile were of as symmetrical and robust a make as any men that we
had ever seen or read of.

The fishery, like every other profitable business under the existing
government of Egypt, was in the hands of the pasha, who farmed it out
to the shaykh of Menzaleh. The shaykh sent an overseer to every hamlet,
to whom was delivered whatever fish were caught, and an account was
kept of them. At the end of the season, the whole amount was summed
up: two thirds of the profits were given, in fixed portions, to the
fishermen, and the remainder was the farmer’s. No fish could be sold,
no botarga cured, except by the order of the bailiff; and a severe
bastinado was the immediate consequence of detection: so that the poor
fishermen might be said to be miserably off. Their gains for a season
(as they told us) amounted to from 50 to 125 piasters a man.

On our arrival at the hamlet, our dress and our beards, in everything
corresponding with those of Mahometans, had imposed on the bailiff,
who, as soon as the boat grounded, advanced into the water up to
the waist to salute us: but, the moment we spoke, finding we were
khawágys[75] (or Christians) he very coolly returned to the shore;
and, when we were landed, whilst we sat smoking our pipes and making
our inquiries respecting the fishery, he was snoring at his length on
the ground, close by us. We bought four fish, each about one foot and
a half long, for a shilling, and paid very dear for them. They were
_lebts_, and were, when boiled, of a good flavour. The roes had
little taste done in this manner.

These fishermen employed themselves likewise in catching wild fowl,
which was done, at particular seasons of the year, in the following
manner. The fowler strips himself, and puts on his head a black woollen
cap. When night comes, he wades into the lake, taking care that his
head only is visible. The birds at this time are all sleeping. The
main object of the fowler is to seize the leader of the flock: without
securing him he can do nothing. The leader is called on the Lakes the
cadi, and is known, we were told, by a white head and large mouth. The
fowler gets hold of the cadi by the neck, and draws him under water,
where he holds him, and then he gently serves four or five more in the
same way, until his hands are full, when he wades back to the shore.
Another way of catching them is to throw the circular hand-net over
the flock, and envelop as many as possible. We did not see many flights
of ducks. At this time of the year, gulls, ox-birds, and pelicans,
seemed the most numerous.

A little before sunset we set sail with a fresh wind through Ishtum el
Dyby in a north-west direction. On our right, on entering the gut, was
El Weranyah, a fishing hamlet: farther, on the same side, El Arkûn;
and beyond it El Malaca. The canal here was a quarter of a mile broad;
and somewhat farther on, opened into the lake, between several small
islands on the right, and the hamlet of Sunâra on the left; close to
which is a triple marabût of Shaykhs el Mograby, El Bugdády, and Abu el
Wafy. We then kept a south and by west course, and anchored, after a
short run, at an island called Zubbàr.

Much amusement was here created by Shaykh Ibrahim’s objections to
anchoring and the räis’s determination to do so. The wind, it is true,
was very fresh, and our bark without ballast: the räis also said that
he could not answer for his course in the night: but we had every
reason to believe that he availed himself of these excuses only to
lengthen out the voyage; since the pay that he received from us (seven
piasters a day) was much more than he could gain by his ordinary work.
Nor is it unnecessary to observe, that nothing is ever gained from
these people, except by seeming desirous to have, in the common phrase,
as much for one’s money as can be got. For if, out of compassion to
their poverty, you seem disposed to afford them indulgences, they
immediately become either importunate beggars, or insolent cheats.
Although, therefore, we passed the night at Zubbàr, it was not done
until we had urged the point with much seeming vehemence, threatening
to throw Ahmed into the lake, to cut off a day’s pay, with many other
menaces, for the purpose of ascertaining if there really were a
necessity for staying.

Next morning it was calm, and our crew were rewarded for their delay
by being compelled to push the boat on with poles. We left Zubbár at
half past four, and scarcely advanced more than a mile in an hour. The
lake was very shallow hereabout, and around us were a number of small
islands, with several more to the north-east.

At ten we reached the border of the lake, and entered the canal,
called Turet el Rusweh, which leads up to Menzaleh. Although the lake
itself, during the rise of the Nile, almost touches the town, yet its
shallowness prevents boats of any size from approaching, and is the
cause that the natives have dug a narrow canal more easily navigable.
It is crooked; and, in its whole length from the lake to the town,
may be a mile. When we were half way up, the boat grounded, and we
disembarked to walk the rest of the way. We observed here three barges,
laden with gypsum, collected at an island near El Usby; which we
regretted not having seen. The gypsum was in coarse powder, and looked
like so much salt.

As we had been cramped up in the boat nearly twenty hours, and were
consequently desirous of stretching our legs, we had scarcely got on
shore when we started off in a sort of trot, but had reason to repent
of this gross deviation from Turkish gravity: for our räis and the
janissary, on their return to Damietta, roundly asserted that we were
either mad or possessed of an evil spirit: since no gentlemen with
beards, and in their senses, would think of running!

On arriving at the town we desired to be conducted to Shaykh Cheleby’s
house. The shaykh was absent, but we were introduced to his son,
Hassan, a man seemingly about thirty-five years old, to whom we
presented our letter from Mâlem Surûr. He received us with civility,
gave us coffee: and, soon afterwards we sat down with him to a very
comfortable noon repast of pilaw, roasted chicken, botarga of two
kinds, and cheese. He left us to go on a party of pleasure to some
orchards in the neighbourhood, to which we would not accompany him,
intending to depart as soon as possible for Damietta. Shaykh Hassan
was dressed in the costume peculiar to the Egyptians:--a camlet black
smock-frock, and, beneath it, a showy-coloured (generally yellow,
orange, or red) jubey and silk kombáz. The turban is worn by the
Egyptians arranged more fantastically than by the Turks and Syrians.

Menzaleh, in the state we found it, was a large burgh, with four
mosques, and with several small buildings having cupolas, which I
presumed to be oratories. With the exception of one large block of
granite, converted into an olive mill-stone, we saw no remains of
antiquity; it is evident nevertheless that this was once a very large
place. Its population was perhaps more than 3,000 souls. The houses
were chiefly of brick, and many of them tolerably good. The streets,
as is customary in Egypt, were unpaved; and, during the day, when the
usual wind blew, the dust filled the eyes which way soever they turned.
There was a rudely-constructed bridge over the canal, on the inner side
of which were lying ten or twelve barges, carrying on the trade inland
to Mansûra. There was a coffee-house, and a small bazar for the first
necessaries of life. Within the town and in the environs there were
sycamore and palm-trees. Rice was cultivated around: but the Nile had
not yet decreased enough to begin tilling the soil, excepting in some
fields close to the town. The magistracy of this place and district had
been, for many generations, in the family which then held it, and which
derived its origin (as Shaykh Hassan told us) from Tabaríah (Tiberias),
and hence had gained its surname of Tabàr. Menzaleh was the principal
town of an akalým, (district or sub-division) containing about twenty
villages.

Shaykh Hassan el Tabàr told us, in reply to some remarks which we
made on the goodness of his house, not inferior to many of the best in
Damietta, that it was new; as he was obliged to desert his old one,
because it was haunted by an afrýt, or ghost, in the shape of a Frank!
He added that he had himself seen the ghost, which spoke in broken
Arabic, generally beat a drum, knew most of the persons who addressed
him, and called them by their names. Such was the terror created by
this apparition, particularly among the women, that the house which
it haunted, although spacious and handsome, was without a tenant. We
remained in Menzaleh until four o’clock, and then, riding-down to our
boat on miserable asses, quitted the canal and set sail for Damietta.

Arriving at a landing-place, called Gut el Nussára, about midnight, and
asleep, towards morning I awoke; and, looking out from under the tent,
found our boat driving fast in the direction from which we had come,
her painter having slipped. I roused Ahmed, who, with much cursing and
grumbling at the day he had ever taken Franks on board, pushed her
back. At daylight we landed, leaving the servants to hire a camel and
bring the baggage to Damietta. We then set off on foot for the city.

The walk in the cool of the morning, through fields presenting, in the
month of October, the verdure of spring,[76] whilst above them the
yellow and crimson clusters of dates hung in rich luxuriance, was no
less agreeable than salutary. Yet, when we arrived at Mâlem Surûr’s
house, and presented ourselves to our host, who was lolling over his
morning pipe, with half a dozen servants humbly standing before him, he
could not conceal his astonishment and chagrin, that we should exhibit
ourselves with feet covered with dust and the perspiration running
down our faces, in the guise of foot-travellers. And his Eastern pride
was wounded to the quick at the surmises that must have been made, as
we came through the streets, upon such extraordinary conduct. We took
no pains to combat his false ideas of gentility. A servile people,
restricted in their actions by their fanatic masters, fancy those only
to be happy who are privileged to be inactive: although such inactivity
leads to the ruin of their health, and excites commiseration in those
who know better.

Shaykh Ibrahim and myself went to view the mosque of Abu el Alal, full
of beautiful columns, among which were some of verd-antique. There was
an inner part, into which I would not go, fearing, as I was no Turk,
they would compel me to become one.

On the 7th, we were invited to dine with Monsieur Basil Fakhr, the
agent of the French nation at this place, a man of great talents, both
literary and political. Mâlem Surûr was dressed in a lilac silk kombaz
and a salmon-coloured jubey.[77] There was a variety of dishes, and
among the rest a roasted pig, which was probably put there purposely to
see whether Shaykh Ibrahim would eat of it: but he did not.

Shaykh Ibrahim and myself slept in the same bedroom at Mâlem Surûr’s,
and, when going on the lake, we had deliberated, as our books and
clothes were lying loosely about, whether we should lock the door,
or whether such caution in the house of a gentleman would not be
indelicate. We at last determined for the safe side, and actually took
the key with us. This proceeding, so strange, if done in England, was
not equally so there: for bed-rooms are not washed as with us, neither
are they regularly swept: and, when once an inmate in a house, your
room is entered by none but your servant. On our return we found the
door locked as we left it; but, on entering, we saw at once that our
effects were not as we had left them. Mâlem Surûr, when we joined him
at dinner, asked us if all was in its place, with a sort of cunning
look that caused us to say no. He then informed us that the open
beaufet in the wall, with shelves, the borders of which were so neatly
worked, and which were decked with china and glass, was no more than a
false door, but so artfully made, that it was impossible to distinguish
it from a cupboard. Of this his mother had a key, and entered the room
several times during our absence.

Shaykh Ibrahim now wished to depart for Cairo, seeing that I had taken
my passage for Syria. On the same afternoon we entered together into
a boat, which took him to the _mash_ that was to convey him up
the Nile, and me to the long-boat of my vessel. Here we bade adieu to
Mâlem Surûr and to each other. I was immediately rowed over the bar,
and found in the offing a polacca brig, so crazy-looking as to frighten
me, and so deeply laden as to float but two feet above the surface of
the water. Her decks were covered with _cuffases_ or flagbaskets
of salt fish, which had a very offensive smell, with mats, and with
six new cables. The cables were green as grass, being made either of
the filaments of the bark of some tree or of rushes: and two thirds of
the cordage used on board the Egyptian and Syrian vessels are of this
kind. All these are articles of trade with Syria; but the bulk of the
cargo was rice: besides which, the sailors had filled every nook and
space with baskets of parched peas, called _hammas_, (which are as
much sought after by the common people throughout Turkey as Barcelona
nuts are in England), and with linen and cotton cloths. The salt fish
and mats, it appeared, belonged to the ship’s own cargo. From the
multiplicity of articles on the deck itself, it was impossible to move
from one part to another. I too had a heap of luggage; and, among other
things, I had brought with me a bedstead made of palm-branches. These
bedsteads are so firmly yet lightly constructed that they can be lifted
easily with one hand. Mine was lashed over the stern.

Our crew was Greek, and the captain’s name Tanûs el Bawàb. Every thing
was in such confusion that Giovanni could find no where to make my bed:
so I slept on a mat on the deck without bed or covering, and when I
awoke I was nearly soaked with the dew.

In the morning, at sunrise, the sailors, standing on the forecastle,
the ship’s head being towards the east, made the sign of the cross
repeatedly, bending the body forward at each sign, and mumbling their
prayers. We remained the whole of this day in the offing at anchor;
partly because the wind was foul, and partly to receive on board
other things, so that I expressed my fears that the ship would sink
from the weight she had in her. Nor was my alarm diminished, when,
in conversation, I discovered that this was the very polacca, which,
whilst we were at Acre in March, was driven on shore under the window
of the caravansery and bilged.

If the Greek sailors are generally more attentive to Europeans, when
passengers, than the Turks, (although I am not disposed to allow this
to the same extent that many are) still there is something disgusting
in the filth and nastiness of the former compared with the clean hands
and persons of the latter.

On the 14th of October, we weighed anchor at half-past eleven; and
I bade adieu, for the second time, to the shores of Egypt. There was
little wind, and we advanced but slowly. The whole of Saturday the
wind was east, and we made scarcely any way: on Sunday and Monday it
was the same. This constant calm became at last extremely irksome. On
Tuesday and Wednesday the ship lay like a log in the water: so that the
sailors bathed around her. The shore was visible, and it was judged
that we were yet below Gaza. Gebel Ky was likewise in sight. Sometimes
the sailors fancied there was a mummy on board, which, according to
their superstitions, brings ill luck. Many schemes were resorted to
for raising the wind. Night and morning, incense was burned from stem
to stern: and a contribution was levied for St. Elias of Mount Carmel.
When these means were ineffectual, application was made to me to write
a charm on a piece of paper, to be suspended to the boom-end. As I
expressed my doubts whether I had any control over the winds, they told
me a story to prove how a Mograbýn (a native of Barbary, which country
produces all the conjurors in Turkey) had, when they were becalmed, by
a few written mystical characters, produced not only a fair wind but
almost a storm. I answered to this that I really was afraid I could
not do so much: but, if a breeze would content them, fair or foul, I
ventured to say I could promise it. Accordingly, I invoked “Libs, Notus
Auster,” in verses as musical as those from which I borrowed their
names: and, to the great delight of every one, towards evening a breeze
sprung up from west-south-west, and we advanced rapidly towards our
destination.

We saw Tontûra at a distance as we sailed along, and, on Friday the
21st, we entered Acre. I went on shore, and betook myself to Signor
Catafago’s, who gave me a lodging at the house of a friend.

On the following day, I called on Mâlem Haym, who was confined to his
house by an inflammation in his only eye. He talked on the state of
Europe: and, if any one be curious to know what his summary of politics
was, he concluded by saying that England had gained nothing by a bloody
and expensive war but a rock--meaning Malta.

Signor Morando, the pasha’s doctor, showed me his collection of
intaglios. One, which was an agate, had more than a dozen figures,
representing the heathen gods assembled, with a long Greek inscription,
and on the back of it a number of alphas in a row. This I considered
very curious and valuable. He had likewise a votive leg of exquisite
workmanship in marble. I became acquainted with Abûna Yusef Marôn, a
Maronite priest, who for a certain sum procured for me a catalogue of
the library at the new mosque, which had been collected at a very great
expense by Gezzàr Pasha, consisting of eleven thousand volumes.[78]

At sunset, on the 24th, as the harbour gate shuts at that hour, I went
on board to sleep: and the next morning the vessel was warped out of
port, not without considerable difficulty.

When getting under way, our rudder caught on a cable, and we nearly
drove on a rock, which would surely have wrecked the vessel. The
harbour-master, Ali Shemass, and his companion, Abu Katûr, followed
me on board with the customary request of a bakhshýsh.[79] We had
light airs all day. Just before sunset we were near Tyre. We supped,
and every body went to sleep, not excepting the man at the helm; for,
although we were destined for Tyre, he suffered the ship to pass the
port during the night, and in the morning we were eight or ten miles
beyond it. We put back; and, after losing nearly twenty-four hours
through the steersman’s negligence, anchored in the harbour of Tyre.

I landed my luggage; and was somewhat surprised when the captain
demanded payment for my passage, Mâlem Surûr having insisted, before my
departure, that no mention should be made on that subject, the vessel
being his. However, when he afterwards heard what the räis had done,
he made him refund the money, and sent it back again to me. I hired
some mules; and, on the following evening, reached Abra, after an
absence of three months.

Having made some few arrangements at Abra, I rode up to Meshmûshy,
where Lady Hester still was, on the fifth of November, accompanied
by Abu Yusef Jahjah, the proprietor of the house at Meshmûshy, who
happened to have been at Sayda on business. At Kefferfelûs, a village
on our road, he said he had an old acquaintance where we might
breakfast: but the good lady (for her husband was away) produced
nothing but eggs fried in oil, which she boasted of as some of the best
_tefáh_ oil in the country. Tefáh oil means oil skimmed off by
the hands from the surface of the water in which the olives have been
boiled, in opposition to the other manner, in which it is pressed, and
supposed to be less pure.




                              CHAPTER X.

   Disappearance of Colonel Boutin, a French traveller--Efforts of
   Lady Hester Stanhope, for investigating his fate--Mission of Abd
   el Rasák from Mahannah to Lady Hester--Manners and character of
   the Bedouins--Story of Mustafa Aga, Khasnadár of Mûly Ismael,
   and his wife--Departure of Abd el Rasák and his companions.


I found Lady Hester in tolerable health: but her mind was at this time
wholly intent on avenging the death of Colonel Boutin, a Frenchman,
whose name and destination will be seen by referring to the occurrences
in March of the preceding year, and who had been made away with in
his journey from Hamah to Latakia. As one of the most useful purposes
to which Lady Hester turned the influence which she enjoyed in this
country is connected with his fate, it would be inexcusable were this
affair not to be related at length.

Colonel Boutin departed from Hamah for Latakia, accompanied by his
Egyptian groom and by another Mahometan servant. He had written to
M. Guys, French consul at Latakia, to intimate that, to avoid the
circuitous route of Geser Shogr, he should cut strait across the
mountains inhabited by the Ansárys.[80] He slept at Shyzer, departed on
the following morning, and was heard of no more.

For many weeks, M. Guys supposed that, like other travellers, he had
loitered on the road, or had turned aside to view objects which had
taken his attention; but, at last, when no information was received
of him from any quarter, rumours of his death began to spread, and
reached Lady Hester’s ears. She expected, for some time, that an
application would have been made to the pasha to order an inquiry
into the circumstances which attended his mysterious disappearance;
but, when it was evident that no steps had been taken, she resolved
to investigate the matter herself. For she considered that the common
cause of travellers, without regard to nation, required that robbery,
and much more murder, should not be suffered to pass unpunished; and
she respected Colonel Boutin individually as a man of distinguished
abilities.

For this purpose she resolved on employing Signor Volpi, the Italian
doctor, who had been left to supply my place on my departure for Egypt.
Signor Volpi, it was reported, had been originally bred within the pale
of the church, but, taking advantage of the tumults of the French
revolution, had danced round the Tree of Liberty, and had quitted the
cell for the more lucrative employment of the law: which, together
with his country, he had finally deserted for physic and Syria. There,
not meeting with the encouragement which he thought he merited, he had
recourse to his pen, and was for some time clerk to Signor Catsiflitz,
English agent at Tripoli. Lady Hester had, during my absence, observed
in him a great knowledge of the bad side of men, and she pitched on him
as a proper person to go to Hamah to find out what he could respecting
Colonel Boutin’s fate.

She had retained in her service, as muleteer to the house, ever since
her journey to Bâlbec, a Drûze named Sulymàn, a hardy and resolute
fellow, fit for dangerous enterprises. This man she resolved to send in
the very track, through the Ansáry mountains, that Colonel Boutin was
supposed to have pursued, accompanied by Pierre, who was well adapted,
under a feigned object of pedlary or of buying oil, to pass as a poor
Christian gaining a livelihood by such traffic.

These three persons, so instructed, had already fulfilled their
missions: and, on my arrival from Egypt, Lady Hester was disposed to
have made me acquainted with the progress of this affair, and to have
requested my help; when I, perhaps too officiously, took upon me to
dissuade her from prosecuting it; saying that the French consuls were
bound to sift it to the bottom: whilst she, in taking so active a part,
was exposing herself, in her excursions about the country, and even
in her rides, to the vengeance of these mountaineers, who, there was
every reason to think, were as likely to have emissaries sworn to their
deadly purposes now as of old.[81]

The only effect of my exhortation was that she never said anything more
of the matter to me, and steadily pursued her own humane purposes. I
shall dismiss the subject for the present, and will, in the order of
events, recur to it hereafter.

During my absence in Egypt, Lady Hester had been visited by M. Otto de
Richter, an enterprising Russian, who was travelling through Syria: he
afterwards died at or near Ephesus.

Mrs. Fry, Lady Hester’s maid, fell ill of an ague. On the 6th of
November, there arrived at Meshmûshy two Bedouins of the tribe of
Mahannah, sent by him with a letter to Lady Hester, which contained
much complimentary language and inquiries after her welfare. Their real
object was to get money, which the emir, always needy, was always using
shifts to obtain. One of the Bedouins was named Abd el Rasák, and was a
relation of Mahannah’s.

Abd-el-Rasák was an entertaining person, disposed to answer all my
questions; and I now satisfied myself on some subjects touching the
customs of the Bedouins, which, from my little knowledge of the
language when in the Desert, I could not understand. Those which
related to the victor and vanquished in battle seemed dictated by
motives of humanity, to disarm the strong and ferocious, and give the
prisoner a chance of freedom. They are comprehended under the word
_dukhýl_, a term for which (from not having a clear notion of its
meaning) I cannot find an equivalent in the English language.[82] It
comprehends the pleas and rights of hospitality.

Sometimes a Bedouin loses all his camels by a marauding party; and,
finding himself reduced to poverty, resolves to recover his possessions
by dukhýl. For this purpose he quits his home, and seeks, unperceived,
his enemy’s encampment. He secretes himself near the path by which the
despoiler must pass. He bears with him a ball of twine (_guzzle_),
which he spins as he stands. His enemy passes him, and he throws the
ball of thread at him. If, as it unwinds, it hits him, the thrower is
safe, and he then claims his property; but, if it misses, his enemy
turns on him, and, unless he can escape, he loses his liberty or his
life.

Again, if one Bedouin, under any circumstances of peril or
supplication, can approach so near and unexpectedly to another, as
to tie a knot in his keffyah (the silk handkerchief which generally
envelops his head), there is no favour that he may not claim: likewise,
if the captured can at any time enter into the tent of the captor,
or eat of the same mess with him, he is entitled to his liberty. It
may be said, with all these strange usages, that no Bedouin is secure
for a moment in the enjoyment of his plunder, or in his right over
his prisoner. But let it be recollected that he has many ways of
immediately getting rid of the one and the other, so as never to be
exposed by any possibility to the consequences of dukhýl; and likewise,
that, under all circumstances, if any of the women or children, or if
he himself, sees a prisoner seeking to obtain his ends in this manner,
he has but to cry _nefah_, which destroys the intended grace.

The character of the Bedouins is not destitute of traits of great
magnanimity. A certain Ali, in a dispute, killed Ershyd, an ancestor of
Mahannah’s. Ershyd’s son, Fadl, was bound to revenge his death, and he
steadily sought for an opportunity. The murderer, knowing how certainly
his hour would come by Fadl’s hand, unless he could for ever shun him,
absented himself in a distant tribe for many years. Tired, at length,
of banishment, he deemed life not worth preserving on such terms, and
resolved to present himself before his foe, and see if he could not
prevail on his generosity so far as to obtain his forgiveness.

One night, Fadl was in the division of his tent set apart for the
women, when he heard a footstep and a man cough. “Up, fellow!” he cried
out to one of his slaves; “there is a guest in the tent; make some
coffee.” He rose himself, went to him, and in the accustomed friendly
terms of the Arabs welcomed him. It was very dark. The slave raked the
ashes, and threw on some roots to make a blaze. Fadl looked at his
guest, and stared, like one thunderstruck; for he knew Ali. “Ali!”
said he. “It is even so,” replied the stranger, “and your sword is
hanging over me.” Fadl was, for a moment, like one convulsed: but by
degrees he calmed his emotions, and, when he found himself master of
his expressions, he said, “Make yourself easy; you are no longer my
father’s murderer, but my guest;” and he forgave him.

Fadl’s friends assembled round him; they said to him, “Can you admit
your father’s murderer into your tent? Kill him, and revenge your
wrongs.” But Fadl replied, “Shall I kill the man who judges so nobly of
me?” He called his secretary, and bade him write an engagement to pay
every year to Ali and his descendants 50 piasters, which continued to
be done until the time that Abd-el-Rasák related the story.

The following story will show from what trivial beginnings their
deadly feuds may sometimes arise. Sidad is a village between Hems and
Carietain, on the road to Palmyra. The inhabitants are Christians, and
therefore, generally speaking, considered as fair objects of oppression
by the Bedouins, who often vex them greatly. Their insulated situation
in the Desert thus obliges them to depend on themselves for protection,
and hence they have a martial and independent character unknown to the
Christians of towns.

An Anizy, who was in a house at Sidad, wishing to fill his pipe, asked
his host to lend him his tobacco-bag. “Stop,” said the host, “there is
no tobacco in it, but I will go to my neighbour and borrow some.” He
went out, and soon returned with his bag apparently replenished, and
handed it to the Bedáwy; who thrust the pipe-bowl into the bag, and
drew it out full of dry dung. “Do you mean to affront me?” said the
Arab, his bosom swelling with indignation; “_Kata ardak_--we are
twain from this moment.”

He mounted his mare, and rode off. When he arrived at his tents, he
assembled his friends, and explained to them the gross insult that had
been put upon him, inviting them to assist him in revenging his cause.
An opportunity was not long wanting. One of the Sidad caravans was
reported by the scouts of the Bedouins to be on its way to Palmyra. The
Bedouins rode forth and attacked it. The caravan was well armed, and
made a stout resistance, but at last was dispersed and plundered. How
many of the same caravan were killed or wounded, Abd-el-Rasák would
not tell me; but Madame Lascaris, who happened to be on her return
from Palmyra in the same caravan, and who gave me some particulars
about it, said that all the men were stripped naked, and in that way
entered Sidad. Hamed, son of Mahannah, was at the head of the party;
and, knowing Madame Lascaris, respected her and her baggage; but her
intercessions could do nothing for saving the effects of the caravan
in general. She said that the attack and resistance were of short
duration. One Bedáwy was killed by the fire; and, before they could
load again, the Bedouins rode in upon them; and she saw two or three
who resisted speared, but the others ran or surrendered. For the one
Bedáwy killed, Mahannah demanded from the village of Sidad the price
of his blood; and, to save themselves from a perpetual feud, they paid
2,000 piasters.

In one of my conversations with Abd-el-Rasák, I inquired after Mustafa
Aga Duz Oglu, khasnadár of Mûly Ismael, the man who was under my
care for a palsy at Mar Giorgius, or Dayr Hamýra. “He is dead,” said
Abd-el-Rasák. “Did you know his wife, Aysha?” I asked. “She is dead,
also,” cried he. “Heavens! and how?” I rejoined.

His story was as follows:--“You know she was once Mûly Ismael’s
concubine (_saryah_), and that he gave her, when tired of her,
in marriage to Mustafa Aga. He, poor fellow, was seized with apoplexy;
and, after lingering some time, died. As he had amassed vast sums in
his employment of treasurer, she feared that these, now become her
own, would be taken from her by the Mûly, under some pretext, and she
resolved to secure them by poisoning him.

“It is necessary to inform you that she had a paramour, one of the
_deláty_ dragoons, who instigated her, it was thought, in her
foul purposes.” “I recollect such a man” (I observed) “coming to
Dayr Hamýra whilst I was there, and seeming to be on a very familiar
footing with Aysha.” “It is the same,” replied Abd-el-Rasák. “It was
concerted between this man and herself that the poison should be
bought at Aleppo, in order not to excite suspicion in Hamah. When it
was procured, she endeavoured to bribe Merján, one of the Mûly’s black
slaves,[83] promising to give him 500 piasters, if he would hand the
Mûly a cup of coffee in which she should have previously put something;
which he had agreed to do.

“The Mûly came one day to see her. Aysha made the coffee with her own
hand, and contrived, unperceived, to drop in the poisonous powder.
Merján took the cup, and, whilst in the act of presenting it to his
master, felt the terrors of a guilty conscience, and suddenly dashed it
on the ground. ‘What do you do that for, you son of a w...?’ said the
offended Mûly. ‘Effendim, there was brandy in the cup.’ ‘What!’ said
the Mûly, whom a life of reverses had made readily suspicious, ‘there
was something else: tell me, instantly, or I’ll have you bastinadoed to
death.’ Merján, terrified, confessed the plot. Aysha was immediately
seized and strangled, and then hanged upon a tree. The slave was
rewarded by a large sum in money, and (which to an Osmanly is even more
agreeable) was clad in a splendid suit of new clothes.”

Signor Volpi, coming at this time to Meshmûshy, dined with the
Arabs and me. He still retained his European habits, and could not
eat without a knife and fork. Long custom had now reconciled me,
whenever there were Mahometans present, either to a spoon or even to
my fingers, like them. Signor Volpi expressed a wish to see how the
Bedouins ate in the Desert. I laid aside my spoon, and begged the
Arabs to put themselves at their ease and do the same. They readily
complied; and, forming the rice into pellets, they delivered it into
their mouths quickly, and with more ease than with a spoon, which
to them is a troublesome article. Not suspecting that there was
anything extraordinary in their manner, they attached to my request
another meaning: they thought that I was willing to seal the bonds of
friendship between us still closer, than merely eating with a spoon out
of the same dish together. He is determined (they whispered to each
other) that it should be complete: _byn-el-yedayn_--“between both
hands” will alone satisfy him.

On the 10th of October, the Arabs took their leave, furnished with
letters to Mahannah; and, as to themselves, their pockets and even
their wallets were filled. For the Bedouins, indeed I may say all the
Turks in general expect, on quitting you, to have their tobacco-bags
replenished, provisions given them, and to have nothing to dread from
the contingencies of the day. I accompanied them to Abra, where they
were to sleep: and, whilst we were smoking in my cottage, I made
Abd-el-Rasák sit still, that I might endeavour to sketch his costume.
Such was his wish to oblige me, that I saw huge drops of sweat running
down his face from the fatigue of keeping the same posture: and he did
not change it, until, out of pity, I begged him to do so. The next
morning they took the coast road to Tripoli.

I was, for many reasons, compelled to question the accuracy of Volney’s
account of the sensations experienced by the Bedouins on entering large
towns, and approaching the sea. First of all, they are a race in whom
you never can witness marks of sudden emotion, whether of astonishment
or otherwise: and, in the next place, these very Bedouins, who came
from a more inland Desert than those whom Daher brought to Acre,
still led me to think, in answer to my questions, that there were as
few sights for them as for any one else. For had they not heard people
often enough describe a ship, the sea, and whatever wonders they are
thought to be ignorant of in the Desert?




                              CHAPTER XI.

   Quarrel between a Drûze and a Metouály--Buying of
   medals--Imposition practised on Lady Hester--Punishment of the
   offender--Illness and death of the Greek patriarch--Funeral
   ceremonies--Election of a new patriarch--Cottage in the gardens
   of Sayda--Long drought--Flocks of birds--Hydrophobia--Excursion
   of the Author to Garýfy--Shems ed Dyn and his father--Purchase
   of wine--Decline of commerce in the Levant--Mâlem Dubány and
   his daughters--Extortion of Eastern rulers--Arrival of Miss
   Williams--Arrival of Mr. Bankes--He copies and removes fresco
   paintings--Failure of his first attempt to reach Palmyra--Visit
   of Mr. Buckingham--Locusts--Lady Hester takes a voyage to
   Antioch.


Nothing particular occurred to interrupt our customary mode of living
until a serious dispute happened at Hara, a village on the road from
Abra to Sayda, between a Drûze and a Metouály. The Drûze, named Wahab,
was watching his olive-grounds, when he observed the Metouály wantonly
strike a branch, and knock down several olives. This created some
words, which produced a quarrel; and the Drûze, who wore a short
battle-axe in his girdle, cut a gash in the Metouály’s leg and in his
back. The Metouály fled to Sayda, and complained of the assault to
Musa Aga, motsellem of Gebâ, and at this time governor of the Metouály
district, who was exasperated to the highest degree that such an
aggression should have been committed in his immediate neighbourhood.
Armed with a spear, and taking with him some of his people, he rode out
blind with rage; and, encountering, near Hara, a mountaineer, who wore
the Drûze dress, without inquiring whether this was the offender, he
was about to run him through the body: when his secretary interposed,
but could not save the man from a most severe beating given him on
the spot. The real Drûze, in the mean time, had concealed himself at
Heleleyah, a village near Mar Elias.

The fury of Musa Aga created some alarm among the peasantry at Abra:
for, although Christians, they would not go to Sayda the whole of the
next day. They feared lest, in the absence of the real offender, they
might be maltreated: a strange way of doing justice! But on the third
day some soldiers came down from the Shaykh Beshýr, and, arresting
Wahab, carried him to Mukhtára.

The conversation of the villagers showed what a rancour those of the
Drûze districts harboured against the Turks in the plain. They said
that the shaykh was unjust, who thus, at the representation of Musa
Aga, would punish a Drûze; and it appeared to me that both Christians
and Drûzes would ill brook affronts from the Turks, if their leaders
were disposed to encourage this disposition in them.

As winter was now approaching, the convent was, as usual, put in repair
against the rains. This was a very necessary precaution; but was never
a complete remedy: for there was not a year in which the wet did not
penetrate more or less through the roofs into the rooms.

On the 21st of November, a young Russian passed through Sayda. The
nature of medal-buying in these countries may be understood by what
happened between him and a silversmith of the place, who gave me a
laughable account of the traveller’s eagerness, and of the advantage
which, in a matter of buying and selling, he thought himself authorized
to take of it. The Livonian, as most travellers do, had no sooner
arrived at Sayda than he inquired if there were any medals to sell in
the place. A silversmith, who made a traffic of them, was summoned
immediately; and for a silver coin (which, from his description, I
judged to be a Jupiter holding an eagle), asked the very reasonable
sum of six piasters, the silver weighing nearly to the value of five.
The Livonian was not accustomed to have them presented to him so
cheap, and, at a word, said I’ll take it: upon which the silversmith
asked time to consider. He went to his shop, and was followed by the
Livonian, who kept rising in his offers, which were as regularly
refused by the silversmith, who now pretended he had been told it was
a most rare coin, and demanded fifty piasters. On the third day the
Livonian departed; and, in passing the shop where the silversmith,
apprized of his going, took care to be, once more made a still greater
offer than he had done, of thirty-six piasters, which was taken by the
exulting silversmith; who, had the Livonian showed some reluctance to
pay the original price of six, would have been glad to have disposed of
it, as he had done of some others of the same kind, for even a less sum.

A curious trick was at this time played off on Lady Hester by a needy
adventurer. The Pasha of Acre, with a harým full of concubines, had
never been blessed but with one son, who died of the plague. It was
very well known throughout the pashalik that the birth of another
would give rise to considerable rejoicings: and it is customary in the
East that whoever brings the first news of any joyful event should
be handsomely recompensed. There was not indeed much likelihood of
offspring: for the pasha was old, and had abused his constitution in
indulgences. One day that I had ridden down to Abra from Meshmûshy, I
received a note from her ladyship, in which, among other things, she
mentioned that an officer of the pasha’s had been sent to announce
to her the birth of a son, and that she had made a present to him in
consequence. It happened that Hadj Ali, our old janissary, had called
at the convent to see the syt, his mistress (as he always named Lady
Hester); and, as he was recently from Acre, I questioned him why he had
not brought the news himself. He declared that such an event was not
expected and could not have happened: and he immediately guessed that
there must have been some imposture practised. I accordingly wrote to
caution her ladyship, and kept Hadj Ali until the messenger returned,
which was in about nine hours, when he informed me that the officer who
had brought the news styled himself Hassan Aga; that he had not only
brought tidings of the birth of a son, but had said that the pasha had
charged him to add that there was not a village in his pashalik, or a
horse in his stable, which Lady Hester might not claim of him on such a
happy day. On hearing the name, Hadj Ali knew him to be an adventurer,
one Hassan, alias Hassan Nykhu.[84] In El Gezzàr’s time he was captain
of a guard of twenty-five men, stationed at the bridge of the Casmia
river for the security of the public road: since the death of El Gezzàr
he had been out of employ, and lived by his wits.

I immediately sent off this account to Lady Hester, who was highly
irritated at the man’s impudence: for it had nearly led her to send a
letter of congratulation, and to order rejoicings to be made in her
house. Accordingly, Sulymán, the Drûze, was despatched, to try and
secure his person, and to deliver him over to Hadj Ali at Mar Elias.
Sulymán went in pursuit of him, and traced his route: but, fearing that
he might escape from him if he attempted to use force, he inveigled him
back to Mar Elias, by saying that Lady Hester had sent after him in
order to present him with a new suit of clothes as a farther recompense
for his joyful tidings.

No sooner was he arrived at Mar Elias than Hadj Ali and Sulymán seized
him, and bound him hand and foot. Hadj Ali reproached him with his
lies, and he was locked up in the woodhouse until the morrow. The next
day Lady Hester came down from Meshmûshy: and, on alighting at the
door, she saw Hassan tied to a tree, with Sulymán keeping watch over
him. She desired Hadj Ali to bastinado him, and then went in; but she
little thought to what lengths these men would go: for, throwing the
poor wretch on the ground on his back, with his hands tied as they
were, one held up his feet whilst the other beat him most unmercifully
on the soles; and when, at length, Sulymán’s strength failed him from
passion, Hadj Ali seized a broom bat which lay near at hand, and struck
the helpless man across the legs and thighs in a manner that I thought
would have broken them. I had cried “enough!” several times; but at
last seeing that they heeded me not, I forcibly held their hands, and
with difficulty drew them off, pale, breathless, and trembling. Oh! how
vile a being seemed to me then an infuriate and passionate man! They
would have renewed the beating, had not I compelled them to desist.

Hassan was left bound to the tree, and afterwards thrown into the
woodhouse for the night. On the following morning Hadj Ali departed for
Acre; driving Hassan, lame and bruised, before him. He was furnished
with the following letter from Lady Hester to Mâlem Haym. “A certain
impostor, called Hassan, came to me at Meshmûshy in the name of the
pasha and yourself, pretending that the pasha had been blessed with a
son. Hadj Ali knew him, went in search of him, and put him in prison.
He will tell you the rest.”

Hassan, however, could not walk so great a distance, and Hadj Ali was
compelled to leave him by the way, lying down in the middle of the
road. The affair was not made a serious one at Acre; for the Turks hold
living by one’s wits to be a fair mode of gaining a livelihood: and
they thought that the loss of the money, which Hadj Ali had taken from
him, and the beating he had received, were punishment enough. Hassan
however limped on, and reached Acre three or four days afterwards. He
went immediately to Hassan Aga, a favourite Mameluke of Sulymán Pasha,
who knew him, and there complained bitterly of the treatment he had
received at Mar Elias. Hassan Aga espoused his cause; and, had the
matter been pursued by her ladyship, would have stood forth as his
protector. For, in this respect, I observed on several occasions such
a relation between client and patron as I suppose to have existed in
ancient Rome. Thus, whenever a person of inferior station in life was
in jeopardy, from the oppression of the great, it did not follow that
he became their victim; for either his cause was espoused by some great
man, whose creature he was, or, if he had not the means of interesting
such a one directly, he found some channel through which to come at
him, and thus would often transfer his own quarrel to the shoulders of
the patron. By these means men of consequence in Turkey form parties,
which they often use for the furtherance of their own ambitious views,
or to repress those of their rivals.

This business was hardly over when a letter came to me from Macarius,
patriarch of Antioch, praying my attendance on him, inasmuch as he was
very ill. Exclusive of my readiness on all occasions to visit sick
people of the country, the patriarch was entitled to my attendance on
the score of obligations owed to him for having lent his house to Lady
Hester, and for having put the village of Abra under her control. I
rode over immediately to the monastery of St. Saviour (Dayr Mkhallas)
where he resided; but I had been called in too late to be able to save
him.

He had now been ill ninety-five days. His malady had begun in an
intermittent fever, which left him, and was renewed in making his
annual rounds through his diocese in the month of October. A violent
purgative remedy, administered to him by one Hanah Zahár, a silversmith
of Sayda, who was much in repute as a doctor in the neighbourhood,
had reduced him to a state of great debility, from which he never
recovered. His subsequent treatment had tended to bring on a dropsical
affection, the insidious approaches of which had not been strictly
guarded against; and, now that his dangerous state became too apparent,
Mâlem Hanah Zahár had been dismissed, and my aid was solicited.[85]

I found him under the influence of a medicine which had been
administered as tincture of bark, but which was in fact an opiate. His
sister-in-law, Helayny, an Egyptian woman, was supporting his pillow,
and two priests were fanning him. There was much simplicity in the
appearance of his bed and room.

He died on the Friday following, at midnight, in the arms of Tanûs, an
old servant. As soon as the breath was out of his body, he was dressed
in his most splendid robes, the mitre was placed on his head, and he
was carried in an arm-chair into the church of the monastery. From the
time he became my patient I was accustomed to ride over almost every
day. On Thursday I had left him in bed with no hope of recovery. On
Saturday, what was my surprise, on approaching the monastery, to find a
crowd of people assembled at the church doors; and, on entering it, to
see the dead patriarch sitting in a chair, with a crosier in his left
hand and the New Testament in his right, whilst an incense-pan smoked
by his side. Prostrate, before and around him, were men and women, some
of whom religiously approached the corpse, plucked a hair from the
beard, or kissed the hand.

Messengers had been sent to the bishops of Sayda, Acre, Beyrout, and
the other sees in the district. Theodosius, bishop of Acre, happening
to be at Beyrout, arrived about eleven in the morning just before
me, and was giving the necessary orders for the funeral. I went into
the room where he was. It is customary for the Greek catholic church
to embalm its patriarchs: and this is generally done by the priests:
but, as the offensive smell, which continued to arise from the last
patriarch, whose body was deposited under the staircase in the chapel
of Mar Elias, had convinced me that little or no care was used by the
priests in doing it, I volunteered my services, which were accepted.
I expected that some objection would have been made on the score of
my being a heretic; but perhaps the priests were glad to get rid of a
process so disagreeable to eyes unused to the dissection of dead bodies.

There was a receipt for preparing the drugs used in embalming kept
at the see, which was forthwith sent to Sayda to be made up.[86]
The corpse was immediately carried into a vault or cellar near the
door of the church. I was assisted by two peasants, who, together
with the monks, showed as much indecency in the treatment of the body
now lifeless as they had manifested obsequiousness and servility to
it when breathing. I proposed that a flat table should be put upon
trestles (such being the bedsteads of the monks themselves) to lay the
corpse on: but their reply was, “Why not on the ground?” I asked for
silk thread to sew up the body: but they produced cotton, and said
that would do well enough. I required a sponge and hot water: the
latter they would not give themselves the trouble to bring, and the
sponge they produced was as black as a coal. Who would be the future
patriarch, not what would become of the dead one, was now all their
consideration.

I opened the body. I removed each viscus, one by one, observing the
external phenomena only, fearing to cut into them, lest the bystanders
should speak of it among the populace, and I get stoned. Not one
monk would attend, each declaring that he could not bear the sight:
a lay brother came in once, to ask when the process would be over,
and, having stolen a handkerchief, disappeared. The contents of the
abdomen and chest being removed, I rubbed in the powdered ingredients
over the interior surface of these cavities just as one salts down
meat. Then, stuffing the whole with bran, I sewed up the body with
the usual stitch; and, the thread being blue, the suture looked neat,
which was the principal thing that excited admiration in the peasants.
I took out the brains and filled the skull with powdered drugs. The
integuments were then carefully drawn over and sewed up.[87] The body
was afterwards washed as clean as I could do it; for the bystanders
were extremely indifferent to my reproaches for their irreverent
conduct,[88] and would afford me no assistance.

They now dressed the corpse in a pair of drawers, a kombáz (or gown)
of white silk, with gold tinsel running through it; a silk band or
cope, in the shape of a horseshoe, which came over the shoulders from
behind and reached to the ground, and a smaller one of the same kind
over it, which two latter are episcopal emblems. To the right side in
front was suspended a square board, covered with silk, resembling a
dragoon’s despatch bag. The mitre was then placed on his head; and the
body, being tied in an arm-chair to keep it erect, was carried into the
church, which was lighted up for the mass of the dead. It was eight
o’clock in the evening, and I had been employed just five hours. A
great concourse of people was assembled from the neighbouring villages.
Not sure how some of them might be disposed to consider my interference
in the religious rites of their church, I declined to attend the
service. On the following morning, I mounted my horse, and rode back to
Mar Elias.

I heard afterwards that, having been exposed to the devout and curious
all night, he was buried the next day, seated in an arm-chair, in a
place excavated beneath the pavement of the church, which was well
done; for, in such an imperfect mode of embalming as that just related
(in which I had necessarily followed the custom of the monks), there
was no reason why a corpse should not corrupt almost as soon as if it
had been left to natural decay.

Four patriarchs had now died within the last six years. Agapius, after
ruling his flock for twenty years, was succeeded by Athanasius, who
died, as has been mentioned, at Mar Elias, a week or two before Lady
Hester took possession of that residence. He was succeeded by Ignatius,
who was murdered by a band of Greeks, set on by the heads of the
Greek church in and about the mountain, on account of his exertions
in converting the Greeks to the Catholic persuasion. The death of the
last has been just related. This rapid succession had, it was thought,
repressed the ambition of some of the bishops: and it was the belief
of many that both Athanasius and Macarius had died of slow poison. In
consequence of this surmise, I was mysteriously questioned by many
persons as to the appearances I had discovered in opening the body.

Amongst those spoken of as likely to succeed to the vacant dignity was
Abûna (Father) Saba, now superior of the monastery of Dayr Mkhallas.
He had been educated at Rome, where he remained ten years, and was
well versed in theology and intrigue; speaking Italian like a native,
and reputed of much learning in his own tongue. He was of a remarkable
vivacity, most simple in his habits, and of very entertaining
discourse: so that Mâlem Häym, the banker of Acre, would often invite
him to that city in order to enjoy his society. It is true that a
patriarch must be chosen from the synod of bishops, and Saba was only
a priest: but it was thought that he would be preferred to a see, and
forthwith created head of the church.

To the astonishment of all persons, an obscure and aged curate, an
octogenarian, was selected. For party disputes had run extremely high,
and the synod not agreeing on any of those who were nominated, it
was thought best to elect one who could not remain long; whilst, in
the interim, each party would have time to strengthen its separate
interests against a succeeding contest.

On the 27th of November, Signor Volpi left us. About this time Mr.
William Bankes, an English gentleman, was reported to be on his way
from Egypt to Syria: and, as Lady Hester was well acquainted with
him, she wrote to St. Jean d’Acre to secure a proper reception for
him. Winter now had set in; we had returned to Abra for many weeks.
The evenings generally were spent by Lady Hester in listening to me,
who read to her, or in regulating the management of her household and
stables, the whole of which she took entirely on herself.

On the 5th of December, a lady, the daughter of Mâlem Dubány, my
nearest neighbour, died in childbirth. Although her danger was evident
to her husband and family for many hours previous to her decease, no
inducement could persuade them to call in a physician or surgeon; for
the Mahometans are so averse to the interference of men in cases of
midwifery, that a Christian, even if he were so inclined, dares not
oppose the reigning prejudice. I ought, however, to remark, that this
is the only case of death in labour that came to my knowledge during
two years that I resided near Sayda.

A cottage, in one of the gardens of Sayda, was fitted up against
the approach of spring for Lady Hester, in order that she might
occasionally ride down to spend the day. It belonged to a Turk,
named Derwish el Seghýr,[89] who was endowed with sagacity enough to
see that the way to get well paid was to give satisfaction to his
employer. Hence he neglected no means of pleasing her ladyship: and the
unremitting attention of this man to her confirmed her in the dislike
she had long since conceived to the Christians of the country, whom
she treated with open contempt. This cottage was an extremely pleasing
retreat: before the door was a row of bananas, and some tall trees
threw a delicious shade around it.

A lad, about twelve years old, had been sent to Lady Hester as an
object of charity; and as he spoke Italian very well, he was given to
me for my servant. His story was--that his brother had been forced to
embrace the Mahometan religion; and that he, to avoid the same fate,
had been secretly sent away from Cairo, his native place. His name
was Mûsa. On arriving in Syria, he had been kept for some months in
the monastery of the Franciscans at Jerusalem, where he had become
apparently a very pious youth.

There had been no rain up to the 22nd of December, since the month of
May, with the exception of one shower; consequently the drought, in
some parts, was very distressing. The first symptom was in the unusual
appearance of immense flights of birds, in Arabic _kuttâ_. The
flocks in which they came were truly terrific, covering the sun like
a black cloud. This unusual state of the weather called forth many
ejaculations from the mouths of the Mahometans as they walked the
streets, and a fast of three days was instituted for averting the evils
which a continuance of it must bring on.

I had procured for Shaykh Ibrahim a copy of the gospels; also the
Psalms of David, and the miracles of St. Athanasius, all printed in
Arabic on Mount Lebanon. These I forwarded to him about this time, and
in return he sent me a ring, with my name engraved on it in Arabic
characters: but here our correspondence dropped until his death.

A person in the country, having got into his possession a certain
cure for the rheumatism, was at a loss how to use it. Being unable to
get the directions, which were in English, translated into Arabic, he
applied at last to me; and I found that he had obtained from the master
of a merchantman “Whitehead’s essence of mustard.” He was astonished,
when, at the bottom of my translation, (relying on Dr. Paris’s
assertion) I added an N.B.--that there was not an atom of mustard in
the preparation: the delusion would have proved more agreeable to him
than the truth.

M. Beaudin was now frequently going to Acre respecting M. Boutin’s
murder, and for other schemes which were constantly floating in Lady
Hester’s brain. He was also desired to put himself in readiness for a
journey by land to Egypt; and, on Sunday, the 14th of January, departed
for Acre on his road thither. He was accompanied by a little peasant
boy, named Cabûr, who had been taken from tending sheep into Lady
Hester’s service, and had become a great favourite with her from his
bold and independent character; so that he was now permitted to go to
Egypt to see a little of the world--seeing Egypt being, in the eyes of
the Syrians, about what going to Paris is to an Englishman.

On the 29th of January, I was requested to give assistance to a man
attacked with hydrophobia, who had been bitten some weeks before (I
think five) by a dog running by the sea-shore; it was suspected that
the dog was rabid, and he was pursued and killed; and the leg of
Mohammed (that was the man’s name) was enclosed in his reeking skin,
this being a supposed cure for the bite. The man died six days after
the symptoms manifested themselves. He appeared to be about thirty-five
years old. It was expected that I should have suggested some remedy
for a cure; but I had none to offer. I sat in the room with him for
about twenty minutes: a native doctor proposed administering onions.
The man tried in vain to swallow a piece, and then some water, which
he equally rejected; not being so much terrified at the sight of it,
for he carried it to his mouth, as having a dread, apparently, of the
painful effort which he was compelled to make in attempting to swallow
anything. The season of the year is the most remarkable part of this
case.

On the 14th of February, I made a very agreeable excursion to the
village of Garýfy, situate between Abra and Dayr el Kamar, in a very
romantic glen, through which runs a river that empties itself into the
Ewely. The vineyards and olive plantations around Garýfy are not to
be exceeded in beauty or extent by those of any other village of the
mountain.[90]

On my arrival about sunset, I rode straight to the menzel, or room
assigned for the reception of travellers, who are entertained at the
expense of the shaykh of the village with a supper and night’s lodging.
My horse was taken to the adjoining stable. On entering the menzel, I
found it to be a large, square, paved room, with a fire in the centre,
around which were seated some poor travellers. I lighted my pipe, and
joined in conversation; when, after about ten minutes, I was told that
the son of the shaykh was coming to welcome me; and I was shown into
an adjoining room. A handsome young man soon afterwards entered, whose
name was Shems-ed-Dyn. He very civilly gave me to understand that he
had often heard my name mentioned, and, for my own sake, and for the
sake of her ladyship, he was bound to make my stay agreeable. Supper
was served up, which, after all his fine speeches, proved to be a dish
of pilau only. We then smoked our pipes, and he left me to go to rest.
I was here greatly tormented by fleas.

On the following day, almost at daylight, his father, an aged and
venerable-looking Drûze, came down to see me, and we drank our coffee
and smoked our pipes under some fir-trees in front of the house, where
we overlooked the valley beneath. It appeared that the Honourable
Frederick North[91] had once paid a visit here, with two other
Englishmen, Mr. Gally Knight and Mr. Fazackerley. The object of my
visit was to make a purchase of wine, for which Garýfy was in repute.
I went into several peasants’ houses, where I found jars, some four or
five in a row, each holding from eighteen to thirty-six gallons, full
of wine, and merely covered with a piece of board, roughly cut to the
shape of the mouth, and luted with clay. These they would break open,
and lade out the wine in a calabash, cut longitudinally, so as to
represent a ladle, for me to taste. There was both red and white; and,
having purchased two ass-loads, each ass carrying two goat-skins full,
I departed from Garýfy on the following morning.

I was much entertained with the conversation of Shaykh Shems[92] and
his father Beshýr. But the greatest amusement was derived from a native
of the village, who had when young quitted the country with a European
priest, and spent twelve years at Rome; having brought away, as the sum
total of the benefit derived from his travels, about as many words of
Italian, and the love of drink, which his present employment of taster
allowed him fully to gratify.

The wines of Mount Lebanon are rarely exported to Europe, with the
exception, occasionally, of a cask of the golden wine, which is the
growth of certain villages, and is now and then sent by merchants to
their correspondents. Lady Hester shipped a few casks for England, as
presents to two or three friends; but some of it soured on the voyage;
and that which retained its taste had not flavour and body enough for
the climate of England. Yet, with proper preparation, there are many
wines which would suit the English market as well as the wines of
Sicily.

It was impossible to mix in European society in Tripoli, Acre, or
Sayda, without hearing continual lamentations on the low ebb to which
the commerce of the Levant with Europe had sunk. We have only to look
into the journals of travellers, who visited these countries a century
ago, to find them at every town recording the hospitality of some
English merchant. Aleppo had a flourishing factory, and even maintained
a chaplain and physician; and several English houses of commerce
existed at Laodicea, Tripoli, Beyrout, Sayda, and Acre. But, for some
years before the French revolution, this state of prosperity had been
manifestly declining, and the commodities formerly sought for in Turkey
were brought at a less expence from our colonies and by other routes.
The French, however, still maintained large establishments at all the
above mentioned places, and Marseilles was enriched by the Levant. Even
the coasting trade of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, was performed by
French vessels, and called the caravan trade. A master of a merchant
vessel would sail from Marseilles, Toulon, Cette, or some one of the
ports of Provence or Languedoc, and would remain two or three or more
years at a time in the Turkish seas, until he had made a considerable
sum for his owners and himself, when he would return home for awhile,
and again make another voyage with the same views.

When the French revolution broke out, and war was declared between
England and France, the English cruizers in the Mediterranean rendered
it impossible for the French merchant-ships to traverse that sea; and
the factors of that nation at Acre, Sayda, and Aleppo, found themselves
so utterly ruined, that many were obliged to descend to occupations for
which they were never intended, to save themselves from want. To this
might be added the vexations of Ahmed Pasha, el Gezzàr, of Acre, who
indulged himself in a singular hatred and persecution of the French who
dwelt in his pashalik.

Upon the restoration of Louis XVIII. to the throne of his ancestors and
the pacification of Europe, many of the old captains resumed the Levant
trade, but without any great success. Formerly, the exports consisted
in raw silk, cotton, gall-nuts, scammony, drugs, wax, old copper, wool,
&c.; but, in 1815, the few French houses which had attempted to revive
the trade had hitherto shipped nothing but cotton, a little wheat, and
some drugs. With regard to England, I think I may affirm that scarcely
a single vessel had gone to that country direct, freighted from Cyprus
or Syria. Several reasons were assigned for this. One was, as I have
said above, that the articles derived heretofore from the Levant were
now obtained from a different quarter of the globe; a second, that the
restrictions of the Levant Company were oppressive; a third, that there
was unusual risk incurred, in long quarantines, by exposure of goods
to damp and rot in the quarantine houses; and that much inconvenience
arose from the necessity of employing hireling interpreters,[93] by
which ways were opened for cheating, and for collusion between the
native merchants and the interpreter; whilst constant danger attended
the vessels and crews from the insecurity of the ports and the
frequency of the plague.

At the time that this was written, the imports most saleable were
said to be hardwares, American coffee (which the natives mixed with
Mocha coffee in adulteration, or sold separately as a cheap article),
sugar, cloth, English printed cottons, muslins, fire-arms, watches,
Geneva jewelry, peppers, cochineal, indigo, lead, iron, tin, French
earthenware, German glass, &c.

It is to be observed that, so totally does the sale depend, especially
in articles of jewelry, fire-arms, and Manchester goods, on an
adaptation to the taste and usages of the people, that no person who
has not resided among them can judge what is saleable merchandize; for
example, the best duelling pistols, brown barrelled, and unornamented,
without knobs at the ends of the stocks, would not fetch five pounds;
whilst a brace of trumpery pistols, made by the direction of a person
who knew what the Turks fancied would sell for treble that sum: yet,
with this exception, one general rule with them is to prefer solid to
fancy goods.

I did not hesitate to ask shaykh Shems many questions respecting his
religion. From him I was confirmed in the received opinion that Hakem
by Omrhu was the founder of their sect, and beyond this I could get
no new light. But it was evident that he had read with attention the
Bible and New Testament, and was as well versed in the Koran as the
Mahometans themselves.

My neighbour, Mâlem Dubány, had two daughters, Tuckly and Haneh; the
eldest, Tuckly, was about seventeen years old. As I was a doctor, and
an old friend, I was admitted into the family upon all occasions, and
the young ladies were suffered by their mamma to remain when I entered
the room, and would sit down by me unveiled. Tuckly was grave and
majestic, and of dazzling beauty, her skin being of a higher polish
than I had ever seen: Haneh, on the contrary, was a laughing girl, with
large black eyes, lips somewhat thick, but as red as coral: and all the
decorum which custom required of females before men could scarcely keep
down her natural vivacity.

I had at this time a patient from Aleppo, named Gibrael el Anhury,
a merchant, who had brought a letter of introduction to me from Mr.
Barker, our Consul at that place. With him came his nephew, a young
man about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, who had resolved
on demanding one of Mâlem Dubány’s daughters in marriage. As he never
was permitted to see either, of course he could only judge by report
as to the respective merits of the two. His go-betweens were a female
cousin, who lived at Sayda, and his uncle, a respectable priest, living
at Sayda also, both of whom (for priests have the privilege of entering
the harýms) were in habits of intimacy with Dubány’s family. They
united in extolling Haneh, the youngest, and Haneh was finally demanded
in marriage.

But there is a custom among the Levantines of never allowing a younger
sister to marry before an elder.[94] In the marriage of Mâlem Surûr,
the British consul at Damietta, to the second daughter of Batrus Anhûry
of Mount Lebanon, this custom was violated, it is true, inasmuch as
he took the younger, the elder being yet unmarried. But this was
considered as conduct worthy of blame in the father, and he was said
to have been induced to do so from the fear of losing so good a match
in his family. Mâlem Dubány, therefore, refused his consent. It must
be observed that the Benat Dubány (or the Misses Dubány) were never
consulted; and the father, whilst relating to me the negociations which
had taken place, suffered his daughters to listen to the conversation,
without imagining for a moment that his omnipotent decrees could ever
excite a murmur in their bosoms.

Young Anhûry was, therefore, driven to take Tuckly or neither. But it
had been whispered to him by his matronly cousin, that she suspected
Tuckly was of a complexion too much like alabaster to be in sound
health, and that she was well assured that something was wrong in her
constitution, as my lady’s doctor had been prescribing for her. This
was true; although the cousin’s alarm was groundless as to anything
seriously faulty in the state of her health, for she was possessed of
an excellent frame of body. One day, therefore, Anhûry, the nephew,
called on me, and, after many roundabout questions, asked me what I
thought of Miss Tuckly, and I, as in truth I might, eulogized her in
the discreetest manner I could.

The following day, when visiting Mâlem Dubány, he, in his turn,
interrogated me whether I was not of opinion that bad eyes argued bad
humours in the constitution, and whether Mr. Anhûry did not seem to me
to have bad eyes. Here, too, I endeavoured to say nothing that might
hurt the young man’s suit; but Mâlem Dubány was so often recurring
to the sore eyes of Anhûry, that he persuaded himself a person so
afflicted could not have healthy children; and the suitor was finally
dismissed.

Will it, after this, be thought wonderful that there should be a purity
of blood in the different races of people in Syria and other parts of
the East, unknown to Northern climates, when so slight a motive as
this could cause a young man, respectable, rich, and comely, to be
rejected?

I cannot dismiss the subject of Dubány and his family without saying a
few words on an incident in his life, which explains the meaning of the
term _avany_, a word that has been adopted into the English and
French languages, by travellers in the Levant, to express the extortion
of money on frivolous pretexts. Mâlem Dubány acquired his little
fortune in Egypt, and, whilst a resident merchant there, was, with
eight others, made the subject of an _avany_, under the following
circumstances, during the reign of Mûrad Bey. He was reputed rich; and
the bey, desirous of appropriating a portion of his wealth to himself,
was not long in inventing a crime whereof to accuse him.

There was a place in Damietta, which had been used as a French chapel;
and, after the evacuation of the French, some few persons, Greek
Catholics, were accustomed to resort to it, to worship. It had beneath
it a dwelling or magazine, used by some Mahometans. One day an officer
of justice seized on Mâlem Dubány, and hurried him to prison, where
he found himself in company with seven others, his acquaintances, and
respectable merchants like himself. They were accused of having said
prayers over the Turks’ heads, which was construed into an arrogation
of superiority; and of having heard mass in the French chapel, without
a firman from the Porte, authorising them so to do; for which offences
they were ordered to pay eighty thousand piasters among them, or about
£500 each.

They naturally protested their innocence of the charge, and that
they had not such a sum at their command; and, persisting in their
assertions, they were taken out and bastinadoed, _ten pair_
each[95]. They were then remanded to prison, and given to understand
that this was only a prelude to what would follow, if they did not
produce the money. During this time, although in confinement, they were
treated with much attention. Their meals were as good as if at home.
Coffee and pipes were regularly served to them, and the domestics stood
before them, with crossed hands in the attitude of respect. At last,
being threatened with a second bastinadoing more severe than the first,
they raised the fine, and, having paid it, were liberated with a polite
message from Mûrad Bey, that they might now go and hear mass if they
pleased, and not fear any molestation from him. But they did not think
it advisable to expose themselves to be beaten and avanized a second
time.

In the middle of March of this year, Lady Hester received information
that Miss Williams, a young person strongly attached to her, had
ventured from Malta to Cyprus, in a vessel alone, on purpose to join
her. Miss W. owed her education and the care of her younger years to
the protection of Mr. Pitt. Lady Hester afterwards took her near her
person, and she left England with her ladyship in 1810.

At Malta she found her sister married to an officer of the
commissariat, with whom, at Lady Hester’s departure from that island,
she remained; but her attachment was so great to her protectress, that,
after residing at Malta four years, she determined to follow her into
the East. She accordingly embarked on board an Italian merchant-vessel,
and alone braved the hazards of a voyage which proved particularly
distressing; for the autumnal gales were so violent that the ship
sprung a dangerous leak, and the captain was obliged to put into Rhodes
to refit. Here Miss Williams remained two or three months, whilst the
ship, which was found to be much damaged, underwent a thorough repair.

They sailed from Rhodes at the commencement of the new year. The
captain, named Fanuggia, was a man of violent language and conduct; so
that his crew, which was composed of very bad subjects, mutinied. The
two parties came to blows more than once; and Miss Williams, oppressed
with sea-sickness, and lying in her cot, from which she was unable to
move, often heard upon deck the clashing of swords, and thought every
moment that murder was perpetrating. At length they reached Cyprus,
where some of the crew were put into prison; and, other men being
shipped, they crossed to Beyrout, in the middle of March. Here Miss
Williams landed, after a voyage of three months and a half, and was
entertained by Mr. Laurella, the British agent, until recovered from
her fatigue. Mrs. Fry was sent immediately to her, to instruct her how
she was to dress herself--how wear her veil in travelling--and how
conduct herself in this new world. About the 10th of March, she left
Beyrout, escorted by Mr. Laurella, and I went to meet them on the road.

The day was exceedingly fine and warm. I was riding along in the wash
of the sea; and, the sands being broad hereabout, there was a mirage
playing along them, which seemed somewhat to lift objects above the
ground and to confuse them. I had passed several small parties of
travellers; and, tired of looking at what was coming, I let the bridle
fall on my mare’s neck, and began to muse on the effects of my long
residence in Syria. When first I entered the country, had I undertaken
a day’s journey in any direction, it would have been thought necessary
to have with me an interpreter, a janissary, and a mule or two for
my baggage. My bed would have been indispensable, and my portmanteau
loaded with the numerous articles which a European carries along with
him. Now I was alone, a fowling-piece, lying across my saddle-bows, was
my only protection; I, my own interpreter; I had no bed but my cloak;
and all the articles of my dressing-box were reduced to a comb for my
beard, and my tooth-brushes, which generally I concealed from the view
of Mahometan natives, lest the materials, being of hog’s bristles,
should render me unclean in their eyes. And this is the unencumbered
way in which everybody travels in Turkey.

A mile or two beyond the river Damûr I met them. Mutual salutations
having been exchanged, I turned back with the party. We stopped to
sleep at Nebby Yunez. Whilst at supper, a circumstance occurred, which
must have seemed somewhat extraordinary to a new comer. Mr. Laurella’s
servant had furnished the provision basket, but had neglected to put
up a candlestick; and such things are not to be met with in Turkish
caravanseries, where oil is generally burnt. He therefore invented a
substitute: cutting off the crown of a loaf of bread, part of our meal,
and, making a hole in the crumb with his finger, he stuck the candle in
it. Miss Williams stared in astonishment.

The next day we resumed our journey, and about noon reached Mar Elias.
Lady Hester was very sensible to this mark of attachment on the part
of Miss Williams. It was shortly afterwards, although I neglected to
note down the day, that Mr. W. J. Bankes[96] came to Mar Elias. Lady
Hester had been long in expectation of him. Of all the travellers who
had passed that way previously for many months, he was the only one
who could give her any news of her friends and acquaintance. When he
arrived, he was lodged at Mar Elias. A day or two afterwards, I took
him on a two days’ tour round by Meshmûshy, Gezýr, and Gebâ, three
villages on the heights of Mount Lebanon, situated so romantically that
Mr. Bankes professed not to have seen any thing like them elsewhere.

On another occasion, I accompanied him to Dayr Mkhallas, to see the
monastery, and to make the acquaintance of Abûna Sâba, the superior or
räis. In going, Mr. Bankes’s horse, probably unused to our mountain
tracks, slipped up on his side on a rock, and it was a fortunate escape
for that gentleman that he received no hurt.

When Mr. Bankes had favoured me with a sight of the drawings which he
had made in his progress through Egypt and Syria, I conceived him to be
a fit person to lead to the sepulchre discovered at Abu Ghyás, as has
been related, since he could copy the paintings, and thus preserve a
memorial of a valuable monument of antiquity. I accordingly provided a
couple of peasants and some tapers, and took him to the spot.

The paintings appeared to him of considerable excellence, and he
made two large drawings of them. Mr. Bankes, when in Italy, had seen
paintings in fresco removed from the walls entire, and he conceived
that he could pursue the same method with these. I witnessed with
regret his preparations and success in removing two, because I feared
that succeeding travellers would blame the act: and yet, on the other
hand, two such pieces of antiquity would be highly esteemed in England,
and I knew that an idle boy or a fanatic Turk might destroy them for
ever, if left where they were.

Mr. Bankes left Mar Elias immediately afterwards for Dayr el Kamar, to
pay a visit to the emir Beshýr. He had brought with him from Egypt a
renegado Italian in the Albanian costume, who acted as his interpreter.
As a private soldier is not a proper person to come into the presence
of people of rank, Mr. Bankes was advised to obtain the services of M.
Bertrand in his interview with the prince, which he did. They proceeded
to Btedýn, the emir’s residence. After visiting the emir, Mr. Bankes
pursued his journey, and M. Bertrand returned to Sayda.

Soon after Mr. Bankes’s departure, we heard that he had made an
attempt, in the month of April, to go to Palmyra, but had failed. Lady
Hester had told him how many difficulties he would have to encounter
in the passage of the Desert, unless he went under the escort of the
Bedouin Arabs; and, to secure him a favourable reception from them,
she offered him letters of introduction to Muly Ismael of Hamah and to
Nasar, son of Mahannah; soliciting him likewise, for his own sake, and
for the sake of his parents, who would lay much to her charge, should
any misfortune happen to him, which a prudent foresight on her part
might have prevented, to take as a guide her servant, Pierre, who had
already been twice into the Desert, and was personally known to all the
Arabs. But Mr. Bankes seemed inclined to trust to his own resources
and management, which had hitherto brought him thus far in safety: and
unwillingly accepted both the letters and the man.[97]

Soon after Mr. Bankes’s departure, I had one night retired to bed in
my cottage, when I heard the trampling of horses near my door, with
a talking, as of persons who were strangers. To this succeeded a
knocking, and then a parley with my servant: the result of which was
that a voice, in English, made known that it was Mr. Buckingham, who
was bending his way to the monastery, where he had been expected some
days, yet was afraid to present himself, as it was so late. Finding,
however, on looking at my watch, that it was only two in the morning,
and knowing that Lady Hester was seldom in bed at that hour, I urged
him to go on, which he did.

On the morrow I found him safely housed. Mr. Buckingham’s Turkish dress
became him, and he looked very much like a Mahometan. Lady Hester found
much pleasure in his conversation, and detained him until the 18th of
April.

As soon as Mr. Buckingham was gone, Lady Hester, who had deeply
reflected on the then recent events which had anew convulsed Europe,
gave vent to her indignation in a letter which is couched in such
energetic language as to be worthy of standing as a record of her
opinions on men, whom, perhaps, she had a better opportunity of knowing
than most persons of her times.


       _Lady Hester Stanhope to the Marquis (afterwards Duke) of
                             Buckingham._

                                   Mount Lebanon, April 22, 1816.

    My dear Cousin,

   For years, in writing to you, I have been silent on politics:
   but as it is probable that this letter will reach you, I avail
   myself of this opportunity to give you my real opinions.

   You cannot doubt that a woman of my character, and (I presume
   to say) of my understanding, must have held in contempt and
   aversion all the statesmen of the present day, whose unbounded
   ignorance and duplicity have brought ruin on France, have spread
   their own shame through all Europe, and have exposed themselves
   not only to the ridicule but to the curses of present and future
   generations. One great mind, one single enlightened statesman,
   whose virtues had equalled his talents, was all that was wanting
   to effect, at this unexampled period, the welfare of all Europe,
   by taking advantage of events the most extraordinary that have
   ever occurred in any era. That moment is gone by: an age of
   terror and perfidy has succeeded. Horrible events will take
   place, and those who find themselves farthest from the scenes
   which will be acted may consider themselves the most fortunate.

   Cease therefore to torment me: I will not live in Europe, even
   were I, in flying from it, compelled to beg my bread. Once
   only will I go to France, to see you and James, but only that
   once. I will not be a martyr for nothing. The granddaughter
   of Lord Chatham, the niece of the illustrious Pitt, feels
   herself blush, as she writes, that she was born in England--that
   England, who has made her accursed gold the counterpoise to
   justice; that England who puts weeping humanity in irons, who
   has employed the valour of her troops, destined for the defence
   of her national honour, as the instrument to enslave a free-born
   people; and who has exposed to ridicule and humiliation a
   monarch who might have gained the good will of his subjects, if
   those intriguing English had left him to stand or fall upon his
   own merits.

   What must be, if he reflects, the feelings of that monarch’s
   mind? but it is possible that his soul is too pure to enable him
   to dive into the views of others, and to see that he has merely
   been their tool. May Heaven inspire him with the sentiments of
   Henry the Fourth, (a name too often profaned) who would have
   trod the crown under his feet rather than have received it upon
   the conditions with which your friend has accepted it!

   You will tell me that the French army--the bravest troops in
   the world, they who have made more sacrifices to their national
   honour than any others--would not listen to the voice of reason:
   and you think I shall believe you. Never! If an individual, poor
   and humble like myself, knows how to make an impression (as I
   have done) upon thousands of wild Arabs, without even bearing
   the name of chieftain, by yielding somewhat to their prejudices
   and by inspiring confidence in my integrity and sincerity,
   could not a king--a legitimate king--guide that army, to which
   he owed the preservation of his power, to a just appreciation
   of their duty? Without doubt he could, and would have done
   too, if he had been left free to act. What was to be expected
   from men, naturally incensed at the interference of those who,
   for twenty-five years, were held up to their minds as their
   bitterest enemies, but that which has happened? In a word,
   never did tyrant, ancient or modern, act so entirely against
   the interests of humanity as those insensate dolts of our day,
   who have violated the holy rights of peace, and have broken the
   ties, which, under any circumstances, should connect man and man.

   And pray consider all I say as the real expression of my
   thoughts. Oh! if I said all I feel, I could fill a volume! but,
   just now, I am not very well in health, and to take a pen in
   hand confuses my head, as it has done ever since my attack of
   plague at Latakia. I have therefore begged the doctor to write
   this for me.

   You and James must let me know if you can come and meet me in
   Provence: for to Paris I will not go. The sight of those odious
   ministers of ours, running about to do mischief, would be too
   disgusting. Recollect that it is not what is called “Love” which
   takes me now to a prison, but that sentiment which I shall
   always feel for those whom I have loved:--a sentiment, which,
   in my bosom, is not inferior in intensity to the passion itself
   in the bosom of another. You may make faces or not--I care not
   a farthing; for there is no soul on earth who ever had, or ever
   will have, any influence on my thoughts or my actions.

   If you wish to write to me, send your letters to Paris,
   addressed to James, or to the care of _Messrs. Lafitte et
   C^{ie}_, Coutts’s correspondents. I shall take care that the
   bearer of this letter applies there before he leaves Paris to
   rejoin me. His stay will be from fifteen to twenty days.

   Adieu, my dear cousin. Be as proud and as angry as you please at
   my politics, but you will never change them: do not however, on
   that account, cease to love me, or forget,

                                       Your ever affectionate
                                                           L. H. S.


Visitors of another kind made their appearance this year, but were
not so cordially received. These were swarms of locusts, which came
to add to the distress in which the country was then plunged from the
unusual drought of the season. The locusts first showed themselves in
the middle of March, and flew chiefly along the border land between the
mountains and the sea, forming a swarm of some miles in length. They
would have gone onward, but the north wind happened to set in, and blew
so strongly that, when they came to a point of land a few miles north
of Sayda, past which there was no screen from the wind, they could not
advance any farther; for once on the wing, so slight of body are they,
that, whichever way the wind blows, they are carried irresistibly with
it.

The poor husbandman slept for a few hours, and, on waking, found a
track of stalks where lately he left a corn-field in full blade. Winter
seemed suddenly to have succeeded spring, so completely were the trees
and fields stripped of their verdure.

Locusts on the wing can be compared to nothing so well as a fall of
snow. Their swarms obscure the air in just the same manner and as far
as the eye can reach.

About this time news was brought that Her Royal Highness Caroline
Princess of Wales had landed at Acre. Lady Hester had heard many
weeks before of her approach, and, not intending to come in contact
with her, had given out that she had meditated for some time past a
journey to Antioch, and was resolved to put it in execution this
summer. Preparations and arrangements had therefore begun as early as
the month of May; and she had written to Mr. Barker, British consul
at Aleppo, to meet her at Antioch, for the purpose of settling their
banking accounts and other matters. Many persons thought it an instance
of great rashness on the part of Lady Hester to go into a district
inhabited entirely by Ansárys, a race which had lately seen such
mischief accruing to it at her instigation, on account of M. Boutin’s
assassination.

Lady Hester’s preparations for her departure were now so far advanced
that the vessel in which she intended to sail had been hired. I
know not whether her ladyship had any reason, other than the mere
probability of such a thing, for believing that Her Royal Highness
would extend her journey towards Sayda; but, as she had resolved not
to remain herself at Mar Elias to await the result of the princess’s
movements, it was thought proper that I should do so, to offer her
such accommodations and entertainment as the monastery could afford.
Miss Williams was left for the purpose of household arrangements, and
Hanýfy, the black slave, likewise stopped behind; probably to prevent
her from forming an acquaintance with so fanatic a people as the
Antiochian Mahometans, who hold it to be a sin for any believer to be
bought and kept in servitude by a Christian. Lady Hester furnished me
with a letter of introduction to Her Royal Highness; and desired me to
go and meet her as far as Tyre, supposing she came that way by land.

Lady Hester spent a few days, previous to her departure, in her cottage
in the gardens of Sayda; and on the 18th July embarked on board of a
_shaktúr_, which had been fitted up for the voyage. The vessel
put into Tripoli, where she saw Mustafa Aga Berber, and other persons
with whom she was in correspondence of business and friendship.
Re-embarking, she arrived safely at Swadíah, and thence went to
Antioch, where she was received with great honours by the authorities
of the place.




                             CHAPTER XII.

   Journey of the Princess of Wales to Jerusalem--Burial
   at Abra--Dismissal of Ibrahim--Padre Nicolo--M. Ruffin
   appointed French consul at Sayda--Great drought--Festival
   of St. Elias--Alarm of robbers--Visit of the Author to the
   Shaykh Beshýr’s wife, and to Syt Frosýny Kerasâty--Further
   alarms--Festival of Byrám--Cottages taken for Lady Hester at
   the village of Rûm--Depilation--Flight of Mâlem Dubány--Return
   of Lady Hester from Antioch--Result of researches after
   the murderers of Col. Boutin--The Ansáry refuse to give
   them up--Mustafa Aga Berber collects troops to punish the
   Ansáry--Motives of Lady Hester’s voyage to Antioch--Visit of
   M. Regnault, French consul at Tripoli--M. Loustaunau and his
   predictions--History of Michael Ayda--Return of Giorgio from
   England, with Mr. N., as successor to the Author--Last visit of
   the latter to Acre--The governor of Smyrna put to death--Hawáry
   soldiers--Visit to the Emir Beshýr.


In the mean time, it was told me by Abûna Saba, the superior of the
monastery of Dayr Mkhallas, who was just returned from Acre, that
Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales had reached Acre under the
following circumstances. The vessel, on board of which she was, had
put into Jaffa, as being the nearest port to Jerusalem. Mohammed Aga,
the governor, was not there, and the vice-governor, Kengi Ahmed, (his
father-in-law) refused to let Her Royal Highness land, saying that he
respected her firmans, but dared not act upon them until they had been
presented to his master, Sulymán Pasha.[98] Upon this the vessel sailed
for Acre. Here the Princess inquired for Signor Catafago, of whom she
had probably heard at Jaffa; but, on learning that he was absent, Her
Royal Highness sent for Signor Malagamba, the English agent.

A complaint was laid against Kengi Ahmed Aga for having refused her
entrance at Jaffa; but his conduct was justified by the pasha, who
said that it was Her Royal Highness who had gone wrong by trying
to get in at the window instead of the door; meaning that she had
presented herself at a port which was not the seat of government. The
pasha judged Signor Catafago to be the fittest person to act as Her
Royal Highness’s conductor to Jerusalem: he therefore sent for him to
Nazareth, ordering him to come immediately.

Soon after his arrival, which was on the same day, the princess landed,
and paid a visit to the pasha, who received her with distinction, but
in his common saloon; after which the necessary orders were issued by
him that she should be furnished with tents, horses, and mules, for
her suite and luggage, and with a takhtarwàn, or covered palanquin,
and his own double tent for herself; and, likewise, that she should be
entertained at the pasha’s cost at the different stations on the road.
Abûna Saba told me that, on the princess’s visit to the pasha, she
walked through the streets to the palace, taking the arm of two of her
officers who wore red coats. There was one great piece of neglect in
her people: they never officially advised the pasha that she proposed
to visit him, otherwise he would not have received her in the room that
he did.

Signor Malagamba, the English agent, had, it appears, so little polish
in his manners, that he was entirely neglected by her Royal Highness,
who found in Signor Catafago all the attention to her wishes that she
could desire. Accordingly, in arranging the plan of the journey to
Jerusalem, he obtained from her Royal Highness her consent that she
should go by the way of Nazareth, and across Samaria, to Jerusalem. On
quitting Acre, her Royal Highness presented the pasha with a snuff-box
(my narrator told me) worth one hundred purses--more than £1500; but
here the customary exaggeration of the Levantines probably added seven
eights to the real value.

On the road to Nazareth there is a large village, called Shûf Omar. I
conceive this to have been the place meant, in the evidence adduced
against her Royal Highness in the House of Lords, in 1820, under the
name of Aûm: for there is no place called Aûm on the road from Acre to
Nazareth, and none the sound of which comes so near it as Omar. Here
her Royal Highness made her first station. As, in so large a cavalcade,
composed of so many persons ignorant of Arabic, there was necessarily
much confusion, it happened that one of her Royal Highness’s trunks,
containing effects she would have been unwilling to lose, was stolen
hereabouts. No sooner was it missed, than Signor Catafago set his
people to work to discover the thief. This is not very difficult in a
country, where, between town and town, or between village and village,
there are no single houses, no extensive forests, and few places of
concealment, except caverns, to issue from or return to; and where a
single individual, not present at the customary evening conversation
of his neighbours, would necessarily be compelled, from the usual
interrogatories of his friends, to assign a sufficient reason for his
absence. Signor Catafago immediately sent for the bailiffs of the
village, and told them that, if the trunk were not produced forthwith,
the village should be avanized. This is a common way of finding out
a delinquent: for the peasants, rather than suffer in their own
pockets, will soon discover the offenders and bring them to justice.
Accordingly, on the following morning, Signor Catafago was told that
the trunk would be found lying in a cavern by the side of the road. It
was found and restored to the princess: and although it had been broken
open, the contents were left in it.

At Nazareth her Royal Highness was lodged in Signor Catafago’s house.
When she departed, he requested her to excuse him from accompanying
her farther, and deputed his son, Lewis Catafago, in his place. Her
Royal Highness offered him a handsome present for his trouble and
hospitality, which he refused, probably out of fear, under the plea
that he was but a servant of the pasha’s, and could not accept anything.

Her Royal Highness pursued her journey, and arrived safe at Jerusalem.
The same house was assigned to her which Lady Hester had occupied
when there. Thence she went to the river Jordan, and, returning to
Jerusalem, took the road to Jaffa, where the vessel awaited her. Among
the persons appointed to attend her Royal Highness on this interesting
tour in the Holy Land was Hadj Ali, whose name has already occurred
so often in these pages. He filled the same situation with her Royal
Highness which he had done with Lady Hester; and it is chiefly from him
and Abûna Saba that I have collected these trifling details.

About this time, an old man in Abra (nicknamed the doctor), but whose
real name was Abu Daûd, died. As soon as the breath was out of his
body, the women stripped the corpse, and put on it what had been his
Sunday clothes. His son, with much wailing (for custom allows not
silent grief), set up the usual cry of “Oh, my father! oh, my father!”
Friends of the family were then despatched to all the villages within
distance, to assemble the villagers, who make it a point of good
neighbourhood to attend on these melancholy occasions. They flocked in
by small parties; and, as soon as they came within hearing of the house
where the corpse lay, they began to cry aloud, continuing in one breath
and one tone from beginning to end--“Thou art gone, cousin: our tears
are hot: parting is bitter, but such is the will of God!” This cry was
continued up to the door. To a person unacquainted with Arabic, the cry
for a marriage and for a death (by the men) appears the same: the tones
are one, the words only are different.

Ibrahim, the Egyptian, who had been sent to England with a couple of
Arabians, as a present to his Royal Highness the late Duke of York,
had, under my hands, recovered his health from a severe pulmonary
attack: but, not liking the monotonous life of Abra, he threw up his
service, and went to Damascus. Here poverty overtook him, and he
returned to me begging. I gave him a small allowance on Lady Hester’s
account, merely to keep him above want until her return: for I did
not wish to use harsh measures with a man just rescued from the
jaws of death, and for whom I supposed Lady Hester would have some
consideration, as having been in England, and for some time groom
in the Duke of York’s stables. However, to finish what I have to
say of this man, when Lady Hester returned from Antioch, she found
it impossible to keep him. I took him, therefore, before the cadi
of Sayda, to whom I made known the kindnesses which had been wasted
on this ungrateful fellow. I dwelt particularly on his habits of
drunkenness, which were hardly pardonable in any one, more especially
in a Mahometan; and I then begged, in Lady Hester’s name, that he might
be shipped off to Egypt, his own country, by the first opportunity.
This was done. His loose habits there brought on a repetition of his
cough; and he finally died of phthisis. I discovered afterwards that
this man had acted as sheriff’s officer at Alexandria on the occasion
of an execution of a thief, who was hanged by the English from the top
of the gateway that overlooks the parade. What would the Duke have
thought, if he had known that one of his grooms was a hangman!

On the 26th of July I had an attack of fever, which, however, left
me in four days; but I felt feeble for some time afterwards. At the
commencement of this fever I happened to have taken an emetic, and was
under its influence, when a holy father was announced to me. He proved
to be Father Nicholas, a friar of the order of St. Francis, who had
resided for many years at Zeluma, a village on the very summit of Mount
Lebanon; where, in the midst of the Drûzes and some Christian families,
he enjoyed such consideration as his convivial qualities entitled
him to. He announced himself as the envoy of the Emiry (feminine for
emir) Meleky by name, sister to the Emir Hyder, who, having run the
gauntlet through all the medical practitioners of Syria for some female
complaint with which she was afflicted, now wished me to undertake her
cure.

I entertained the jovial friar until the next morning, as well as my
sick state of body would permit me, and then dismissed him with a
letter to the princess, excusing myself on the score of ill health.

Monsieur Taitbout, the French consul at Sayda, had been superseded by
Monsieur Ruffin, son of a gentleman at Constantinople, who had, on one
occasion, held for a short time the situation of chargé d’affaires of
the French government to the Porte. Monsieur Ruffin arrived about this
period. He was accompanied by Madame Ruffin, a Parisian, who expressed
much disgust at the want of gallantry to the ladies which so strongly
marked the Levantine manners.

On the 28th of July Miss Williams fell ill, as it seemed, from
excessive heat. The customary heat of the climate had received an
adventitious augmentation from the great drought which had parched up
the soil. The spring, which usually supplied the convent with water,
was dried up. Peasants were seen transporting their sacks of corn from
places ten or twenty miles distant, to be ground at the water-mills on
the river Ewely, where the stream had yet power to turn the wheels:
for, in most places, even the rivers had ceased to flow. Wheat had
become exceedingly dear; and in Abra the peasants ate barley bread.

It had been an annual custom, with the bishops and patriarchs who had
made Mar Elias their residence, to celebrate the festival of that
saint by a solemn mass at the chapel of the convent. Lady Hester had
found that she could not dispense with this practice; and, accordingly,
on the 2nd of August, the peasantry of the neighbouring villages and
many persons from Sayda were seen flocking into Abra and spreading
their carpets on the village green, for bivouacking preparatory to
the morrow. In the morning, mass was said; upon which occasion the
priest collected from a farthing to twopence or threepence from each
individual; and if he made ten piasters by the festival he considered
himself well paid.

These festivals, as I have said before, are looked upon by the village
girls and young men as fairs are in England, and are attended often
with consequences as pernicious to their morals.

On the 1st of August it was reported that some Nablûsians (Samaritans),
compelled by the dearth which prevailed throughout the southern
district, had resorted to robbery and plunder for subsistence, and
were then marauding in Ahlým-el-Kharûb, within a few leagues of us.
Upon more strict inquiry, I found, however, that they were rather to
be denominated a gang of horse and ass stealers, as they hitherto had
confined their depredations to the brute species. I, nevertheless,
thought it necessary to use more than common vigilance, knowing that
Lady Hester’s bountiful conduct on several occasions had caused her
to pass for a person extremely rich. And as the common people of the
country conceived all riches to be either such as are in possessions
or in solid cash, they concluded that chests of gold were locked up in
the convent.

I, therefore, resolved to transfer my bed to the convent; and I
appointed one of the servants to watch on the roof of the chapel, where
he could, in the stillness of the night, hear the footsteps or voices
of persons prowling about.

  [Illustration: PALACE OF THE SHAYKH BESHYR.]

On the 4th of August, I rode over to Muktárah, the palace of the Shaykh
Beshýr, to see his wife, who was ill. I arrived early in the afternoon;
but, as it was now Ramazán, and the shaykh, although a Drûze, chose to
keep that fast, he was still in bed. Before sunset he quitted his room,
and at sunset I dined with him. As his manner of living accords more
with the primeval simplicity of the Arabians than what is practised in
towns, it will not be amiss to describe the meal.

About four o’clock, it being now the hottest part of the year, the
servants began to throw pails of water over the paved court, which
occupied the centre of the lower rooms of the palace, and from which
there was, on one side, which was open, a beautiful and extensive
view of the adjoining mountains. In the midst of this watering the
shaykh appeared, dressed in a silk _kombáz_, or tunic, and a
lemon-coloured _jubey_, or cloth mantle: for he loved finery and
bright colours, which, it appeared to me, these mountaineers generally
do. Whilst the watering was going on, he walked about in the wet,
barefoot, to enjoy the cooling and refreshing sensation. Persons who
had business, suitors, complainants, &c., formed a large ring round
him. Calling these to him, one by one, he discussed and despatched
their affairs whilst walking. I stood by, as a looker-on.

This scene continued until sunset. He then washed his feet and hands,
and we sat down to dinner. I was on the shaykh’s left hand. The dinner
was very plentiful, the dishes of excellent flavour; and unlike the
manner of the Turks, they were all put on at once. The shaykh selected
a few good morsels with his fingers, and placed them on my plate. We
ate with our fingers, or with box-wood spoons, the handles tipped with
coral. We were six in party, and each, when he had done, rose, and
removed to the carpet spread out for sitting, where a servant brought
him water and a basin, and he washed his mouth and hands, with much
soaping of the beard, gargling of the throat, and rinsing of the mouth;
all which are received usages. The shaykh, in the mean time, kept his
seat; and, as one guest moved off, desired another to take his place.
These consisted of his secretaries: but, when they had done, the very
servants, who had waited on us, were told by the shaykh to sit down,
and they too dined--Giovanni, my servant, among the rest. All this was
done with much decorum, and little or nothing was said during eating.
When every one had finished, the tinned copper tray was lifted off; the
heptangular stool, or low table, on which it had stood, was carried
away; the spot was swept, and in a few minutes there were no traces of
dinner to be discovered, excepting in the occasional eructations of the
shaykh and of some others, who made no scruple of giving a free escape
to the gas bubbles from their overcharged stomachs. We then smoked
our pipes, that of the shaykh being of jessamine wood, and about ten
feet long. The shaykh then resumed the transaction of business, which,
during Ramazán, is chiefly done in the first part of the night. An hour
before sunrise another meal is served up, and rest is taken in the
day-time to relieve the ennui of fasting.

Being now relieved from the effects of my ride, I was taken to the
harým to see the shaykh’s wife, my patient. The entrance to the harým,
or the women’s side, was by so circuitous a way, that it took up ten
minutes to arrive at her chamber, which was at the very top of the
palace. We entered on a terrace paved with coloured stones, in the
centre of which was a circular basin, with a fountain in the middle. On
the side fronting the entrance was a dome, supported by four pillars,
painted in lively colours, and not without taste. Under it the women
would sit in the day-time, and overlook the courtyard below, where all
the busy scene, of cavaliers and men on foot, was open to their view.
One side of the terrace had a large saloon, the other an alcove, with
an open divan between two rooms, in one of which was the fair Drûze,
sitting up in bed, dressed, and with her horn on her head, which the
Drûze women never lay aside, up or in bed.

I was much struck with her beauty, and with a pair of rosy cheeks on a
very fair and clear skin, which looked very little like a person in ill
health. I was somewhat surprised at finding that the person in waiting
was the wife of Jahjah Atmy, our former host at Meshmûshy. Coffee and a
narkily were brought to me, and, whilst smoking, her case was examined.
I left her, and retired to rest, saw her the next morning, and then
departed for Abra, where I arrived about eight at night.

My servant-boy, Musa, tired of work, had contrived, during my absence,
to excite the pity of a woman travelling to Tyre, to whom he told a
story of his wish to return to his distressed mother. In this way he
reached Tyre, and betook himself to the house of the bishop. The bishop
suffered him to remain with his family, but secretly wrote to me a
letter, desiring to know whether he should send him back. As, however,
he had stolen nothing, and was evidently tired of his service, I only
requested the bishop to endeavour to forward him by safe hands to
Jerusalem, whither he had often expressed a wish to return.

During my absence, also, the alarm of robbers had increased; so I
distributed among the servants what arms were in the convent. In the
mean time, I began to be anxious about her ladyship, from whom no
letter had yet been received, nor could I hear anything certain of the
movements of her royal highness the Princess of Wales. Miss Williams
had recovered from her indisposition, but sickness and alarm had
already begun to make her discontented with her position.

Although the following letters relate to a date posterior to the close
of this narrative, they are nevertheless not altogether irrelevant, as
affording a strong illustration of Lady Hester Stanhope’s character. It
is Dr. Wolff himself who has related all these circumstances to me, and
who has favoured me with the copies of the letters.

“In the year 1823 I travelled with Captain the Honourable John Caradoc,
now Lord Howden, from Jerusalem to Sayda, from which latter place, as
being near to Lady Hester’s residence, I forwarded to Miss Williams
a letter from her sister, Mrs. David, which had been entrusted to me
by that lady, and to which I added a note from myself, saying that I
should be happy to forward her answer to her sister, at Malta. One hour
after, a letter arrived from Lady Hester herself, the contents of which
were as follows:--

                           _“‘To Dr. Wolff._

   “‘I am astonished that an apostate should dare to thrust himself
   into notice in my family. Had you been a learned Jew, you
   never would have abandoned a religion, rich in itself although
   defective, to embrace the shadow of one. Light travels faster
   than sound: therefore the Supreme Being could never have allowed
   his creatures to be left in utter darkness, until paid and
   speculating wanderers deem it proper to raise their venal voice
   to enlighten them.
                                        “‘HESTER LUCY STANHOPE.’”


Dr. Wolff immediately returned the following answer:--

                    _To the Lady Hester Stanhope._
                                             Saida, June, 1823.

    Madam,

   I have just received a letter which bears your Ladyship’s
   signature; but I doubt its being genuine, as I never wrote to
   your Ladyship, nor did I mention your name in my letter to Miss
   Williams.

   With regard to my views and pursuits, they give me perfect
   tranquillity and happiness, and they must be quite immaterial to
   your Ladyship.

                                           Your humble servant,
                                                      JOSEPH WOLFF.

At the time this correspondence took place, Miss Williams may be
supposed to have grown disgusted with an Eastern life, and to have
wished to return to her sister. This feeling Lady Hester was probably
fully aware of; and to have admitted Dr. Wolff, who had seen that
sister, as a visitor at her house, was to open a means of communication
which might have led to Miss Williams’s return. With her customary
energetic tactics, Lady Hester therefore put an end to all such
contingencies.

That the reverend gentleman, whose philanthropic exertions in the cause
of humanity have already raised him to a height in men’s esteem, where
no praises of mine can reach him, does not feel the term “apostate,”
so harshly applied to him by Lady Hester Stanhope, as a reproach, is
evident from the readiness with which he made the communication, and is
a proof, if any were required, of his firm belief in the truths which
he preaches.

Dr. Wolff informed me, in furnishing me with these particulars, which I
had begged for insertion in my Travels, that the bearer of his letter
was bastinadoed by Lady Hester and kicked down stairs; and that the
poor fellow returned to Sayda lame, and told him that “the daughter of
the King of England had beaten him.”

I received, on the 9th of August, a letter from the village of Joon,
requesting my attendance on Syt Frosiny Kerasáty, the lady of Damietta,
of whom mention has already been made, when speaking of that city. I
went on the following day, and found that this lady, having lain in of
a boy, in Egypt, had thought it prudent to embark for Syria, there to
bring up the child. Syt Frosiny’s husband was by birth a Damascene; and
there is a common belief that the offspring of Syrians, born in Egypt,
if left there, never arrive at puberty. This was certainly verified
in the case of Mâlem Kerasáty’s family; for she had already borne him
three children, which had died in infancy. When pregnant with this
last, her husband had become paralytic, and she had no hope, if this
one did not survive, of bearing him another. Accompanied, therefore,
by her mother, who was blind, she embarked for Sayda, and had arrived
a few days before at the village of Joon, in the house of Mâlem Jusef
Sewayeh, whose father Mâlem Kerasáty had once served as clerk.

I was fearful of sleeping away from the convent, and returned to
dinner. Whilst dining at my cottage, the peasants came to inform me
that the gang of robbers had been seen passing the village. As it was
now dark, I recommended to them great vigilance, and, retiring to Mar
Elias, went to bed. Not very long afterwards, the man on the roof
of the chapel saw a person coming up a footpath at the back of the
convent. He hailed him; and, as he received no answer, fired. It was
not known until the day after that this was a poor pedlar, travelling
towards the mountain, totally ignorant why he was fired at, and not
aware that any one could possibly want an answer from him.

Thus did this alarm continue night after night for a fortnight; but
no banditti ever attacked us: still I could not absent myself for
twenty-four hours together, since Miss Williams, unacquainted with the
language, necessarily felt much inquietude when I was away. One night,
I was awakened suddenly by the old Drûze woman, Um Riskh, who entered
my chamber, and begged me, for God’s sake, to get up. The robbers
immediately came into my mind; I seized the brace of pistols, which
I kept constantly at my bedside, and followed her into the court. I
opened the great door. “There he is!” she said. I looked, expecting to
see a man; but, to my astonishment, found that her agitation had been
caused by her having seen, from her window, her favourite pack-horse
cast, by having entangled his legs and neck in his halter, so as
nearly to have strangled himself. The rope was immediately cut, and
the _kedýsh_ saved; but, as we had made some bustle, I hastened
in doors, and found Miss Williams and the black slave trembling and
expecting every moment to see some huge, ferocious ruffian enter to cut
their throats. By degrees, the report of robbers lost ground, and at
last died away entirely. On the 10th of August, I went again to Joon,
to see the Syt Frosiny, who had caught an ague. Another lady was added
to the inmates of Joon Place, by the arrival of Yusef Sewáyeh’s wife,
married from a family well known to English travellers as occupying a
house in Damascus, which is shown as one of the best in the city. But
the contrast between the manners and dress of these two ladies was much
in favour of the Damiettan. Frosiny was in person somewhat small, but
well made, with an engaging smile ever on her countenance, a playful
wit, and with features that everybody pronounced charming. Syt Sewáyeh
was stout even to fatness, heavy in conversation, formal, bedecked from
her head to her fingers’ ends with jewels and precious stones. But what
seemed most unbecoming to her was the form of the turban, which is worn
by the women of Damascus of a prodigious size.

I was now revelling in all the abundance of the fruits growing in the
gardens of Sayda. The autumn was always to me the most delightful
season of the year; and, but for the musquitoes, would have left
little to desire as far as the enjoyment of the senses goes. Having
now so much leisure time on my hands, I delineated several fish which
were brought to me fresh from the nets; but, such was the heat of the
weather, that they often smelt before I could finish the drawing.[99]

About this time, Sulymán Pasha sent off Hassan Aga as bearer of some
very rich presents to Mohammed Ali, pasha of Egypt. This is the mode
of keeping up a friendly intercourse between potentates in the East.
In the same way, he was accustomed to send annually to Muly Ismael a
caravan of camels, loaded with rice, preserved dates, raisins, figs,
and such other articles of consumption as were with difficulty, or at
an increased price, to be had in Hamah and its neighbourhood.

M. Beaudin, Lady Hester’s dragoman, arrived also on the same day,
with news that her ladyship was on her return by sea. Fearful of the
continued heats of the season, she determined to pass a few weeks
higher up in the mountain, and had requested the Shaykh Beshýr to
assign her a village as her residence. Rûm was fixed on, and on the
20th I rode up to see if there was a house fit for her reception.
Rûm is a village of about forty families, Metoualis and Christians,
occupying the peaked summit of a conical mountain, about three miles
south-west of Meshmûshy. The road to it is most difficult, by a
path where it is necessary to clamber up rather than walk. Having
inadvertently quitted the path, I lost my way, and wandered about
among the rocks for some time, being obliged to dismount and lead my
horse. The place was in sight and over my head, but I still had much
difficulty in getting to it.

On my arrival, I addressed myself to the shaykh for whom I had a letter
and a buyurdy, and whom I found to be a most venerable old Drûze,
cousin of the shaykh Beshýr, and consequently a man of importance.
He received me with much civility. He had a son, named Habýb, a most
beautiful boy seven years old, who attached himself to me the moment
that we met. The shaykh’s name was Kelayb. As it was just breakfast
time, (noon) I sat down with him to four dishes, viz., melinjáns[100]
boiled and beat up with oil, eggs fried in oil, melinjáns sliced, fried
in oil, with some sour cream cheese. Custom had now reconciled me to
such a repast as this.

The houses of Rûm were of stone, but with mud floors, as elsewhere on
the mountain. The chief produce of the village was tobacco, which was
considered as the best in the district of Aklym el Tufáh, that being
the name of the district. Charcoal was likewise made from the stunted
oaks, arbutuses, turpentine trees, and underwood, in which the mountain
hereabouts abounded, and was an article of trade between the village
and Sayda.

I took three cottages for Lady Hester, desiring that the one belonging
to Joseph the Ironmonger (Yusef el Hadád) should be fitted up for her.
For these three the rent was fixed at thirty-eight piasters for the
season, and I paid eight more to a cottager, who was to admit Yusef el
Hadád as a lodger in the interim. The houses were all built on the east
side of the summit, to avoid the cold.

I returned in the evening, and on the following day sent up Miss
Williams and Hanyfy, the black slave, under the care of a servant,
to put the cottages in order. It was my custom to go almost weekly
to the public hot bath at Sayda. On entering the sudatory from the
tiring-room, the bathman would always ask me “Do you use _dewa_
to-day?” I knew very well that he meant “Do you depilate to-day?” As I
constantly said no, he suggested to me that a want of cleanliness in
this respect would not be excusable in a pauper if a Mahometan, and,
although I was a Christian, he was sure I should be more comfortable
for adopting the custom. As I knew how much importance was attached
to such matters, I did not like to persist in my refusal, and, on the
22d of September, for the first time I depilated. The preparation
with which this is done is a mixture of orpiment and quick lime,
smeared on for three or four minutes, or sometimes for a less time,
whilst the body is in a state of perspiration. As I was unused to the
application, I kept it on too long, and inflamed my skin most severely,
so as to be incommoded with the heat and redness for nearly a week.
This application does not prevent the return of hair where removed: it
merely corrodes or burns it off for a couple of months.

September 25th. In returning from Sayda I called at Mâlem Dubány’s
house on my way, and found that the master of the house had just fled
from his home, in consequence of a dispute with an aga of Sayda arising
from the following circumstances. Mâlem Yusef Dubány’s warehouse and
counting-house were in the caravansery, called Khan el Hummus, at the
gate of which a man had planted himself selling rice by retail, which
was an obstruction to the entrance. Dubány turned him away, and Mustafa
Aga replaced him. As some anger had been shown by both parties in the
dispute, Dubány thought proper to take refuge in the interior of Mount
Lebanon until the decision on the rights of the caravansery could be
obtained. Next day I learned that he was gone no farther than Khuska,
a village one league off. On the 28th an order came from the pasha,
confirming Dubány in what he had done, and he returned to his home. But
this anecdote will serve to prove how precarious personal liberty is
under the Turks, when an aga--a simple gentleman--not properly vested
with the authority of a magistrate, could venture to menace a Christian
who had offended him, and might do him some personal harm, as the
sudden flight of Dubány out of his reach plainly argued.

On Sunday, the 29th, a polacca brig came to an anchor in the outer
harbour, and about five o’clock Lady Hester arrived at the convent.
She had almost freighted the vessel with oats, for Antioch is the only
place that I heard of in Syria where they grew: nevertheless, oats were
not approved of for horses by those natives who could get barley, which
was preferred as more nourishing.

It will be necessary here to give a little account of Lady Hester’s
voyage to Antioch, and of her residence there. But we will first bring
the history of M. Boutin’s assassination to a conclusion, since it was
much connected with this voyage.

It will be recollected that Lady Hester had sent into the Ansáry
district, which is wholly mountainous, three persons who, after
having made such researches as they could, returned to communicate
their information to her ladyship. I never heard precisely what this
information was; but she thought it sufficient to ground upon it an
application to the pasha, that measures should be taken to bring the
murderers to punishment. She had not, perhaps, reflected how very
reluctant the pasha might be to require persons to be given up who
would be refused to him: in which case, if he did not compel their
obedience, his authority would be compromised.

The Ansárys inhabit that chain of mountains which runs as a
continuation of Mount Lebanon, from Dayr Hamýry to Antioch,
comprehended between the two parallels 34° 40´ and 36° 20´ north
latitude. They are tributary to the pashas of Tripoli and Damascus, but
their obedience is uncertain and their contempt of authority general,
because necessarily suffered to go unpunished. In the centre of their
mountains, they have certain strongholds, where the troops of the
plains, which had been occasionally sent against them, had always been
foiled. It was known in what village the murder had been committed;
but to every order to give up the murderers some evasive answer had
been returned. To Lady Hester’s urgent request, therefore, that more
strenuous measures should be resorted to, the pasha replied civilly,
but evasively, that the troops could not endure the cold mountains in
the winter, but, when spring came, her wishes should be complied with.

When spring did come, Lady Hester failed not to remind the pasha of
his promise; and I heard afterwards that an order to the same effect,
originating in the French authorities at Constantinople, was sent him.
But to the French none of the honour of revenging their countryman’s
death belonged, for Lady Hester alone, by the information she had
collected, could direct them where to march.[101] Whether, however,
moved by her ladyship or by others, at last the pasha was roused to
action; and, towards the middle of the year, troops were seen marching
on the road to Tripoli. These troops were very generally impressed with
the idea that it was Lady Hester who had caused them to march: for they
said in the towns, as they went along, that they were ordered on the
Syt’s business.

It was evident that the pasha meditated a formidable irruption into the
Ansáry mountains; and the command was given to Mustafa Aga Berber, as
governor of their district, and as, moreover, a brave officer, fit to
cope with these mountaineers. The Ansárys are that people who, during
the crusades, furnished those assassins who devoted themselves to
certain death for the sake of destroying the enemies of their faith.
The reader will recollect the old man of the mountain and all the
traditions connected with that mysterious person, and he will then know
those whom Berber was to attack.

Mustafa Aga Berber at last marched, and, entering the Ansáry mountains,
carried fire and sword into their villages. It is supposed that, to
the motives furnished him by the cause on which he went, he added
personal hatred, on account of their religion; for Berber was a rigid
Mahometan, and the Ansárys, being out of the pale of the Mahometan
faith, are hated by the Turks so cordially that they are said to
consider it meritorious to put an Ansáry to death. Berber, therefore,
was going to a work of faith. I am ignorant of the details of his
proceedings, but it came to my ears by general report that he burnt the
villages of the assassins, sent several heads to the pasha as trophies
of his victories, and several women to Tripoli as slaves. There was the
tomb of a shaykh, who, for his sanctity, was held as a saint by the
Ansárys: this he caused to be broken into, and the body or bones to
be taken out and consumed by fire. He burnt also the house of shaykh
Khalýl, who was a considerable personage among them. One of the places
which he besieged was called Hamam. By some it was said that he was
never able to get hold of the assassins themselves, and had substituted
other heads for them, whilst others affirmed that the assassins
were taken and put to death. Berber, however, returned triumphant
to Tripoli: and it was soon afterwards that Lady Hester set out for
Antioch.

When Berber was about to depart on this expedition, he wrote a letter
to Lady Hester, saying that, as he was going to fight for her, it was
but fair that she should arm her knight: accordingly, Lady Hester sent
him a brace of handsome English pistols. Now that he was returned,
we may suppose that Lady Hester was desirous of seeing him, and of
learning the details of his expedition. On the 18th of July she
embarked. The voyage was considered by most persons as connected
with the Ansáry affair; but such as knew some circumstances of Lady
Hester’s life imagined that she absented herself from Sayda to avoid
the Princess of Wales. She herself always said that the real object of
her journey to Antioch was to see Mr. Barker, in order to settle her
money affairs: but, as on many other occasions, so on this, I was quite
able to satisfy my mind as to her real motive, although she judged it
prudent not to avow it. The hope of a little diversion to her mind
might have formed a part; the wish of seeing Mr. Barker also had its
weight; but the reason assigned respecting the Princess of Wales seems
to me most correct: for Lady Hester probably knew, long before, that
the Princess was coming to Jerusalem, and she might fear that, once in
the country, she would extend her journey to Mar Elias; where such a
visit would also have brought upon her so much expense as to induce her
to go out of the way. But certainly no one but herself would ever have
thought of taking refuge in the midst of the very people upon whose
countrymen, perhaps whose relations, she had been the means of bringing
such calamities.

When Lady Hester embarked at Sayda, the strand was covered with
spectators. The vessel she had hired was a large _shaktûr_. Upon
the ballast, which was sand, were laid some mats, and upon these her
ladyship’s bed without any bedstead. At the head and foot, mats were
put up as screens. Towards the stern was the heavy luggage, where lay
the three women, and towards the stem was the favourite black horse,
with the ass she was accustomed to ride. The vessel sailed the same
evening, and on the following day at sunset Lady Hester was on shore
at Tripoli, in the house that had been prepared for her at the strand,
which is about a mile from the city.

As the consideration in which the government held Lady Hester was very
well known, all those who generally take their tone from the great man
hastened down to pay their respects. Besides these, came the English
Consul, the Greek bishop, and the French Consul. Having seen the
governor, and heard the particulars of his expedition, after a stay of
five days, Lady Hester re-embarked, and sailed for Antioch. The räis
(or captain) objected to enter the port of Swadiah, which is nearest to
Antioch, and dropped anchor at Bussýl, the ancient Posidium, a small
port to the south of it. Mr. Barker, who had been waiting at Swadiah
twenty days, living under tents, hastened immediately to Bussýl, and
mules were provided for the luggage. Lady Hester landed, and, in a
short time, arrived on her ass at Antioch, which is distant six or
seven leagues from Bussýl. Mr. Barker had caused a house to be prepared
for her, and another for himself, but staid only five days at Antioch,
and then departed for Aleppo, being obliged to return on account of
the Prince Regent’s birthday, which he wished to celebrate in his
consular house. Here Lady Hester spent seventy days, and the language
she held after her return, when speaking of the Ansárys, was, that she
considered them as an industrious but oppressed people. Few Europeans
had at that epoch ever met with common civility at Antioch, much less
with honours and consideration. It seems, however, that Lady Hester was
not less regarded there than elsewhere.

She visited whatever was curious. Much of the time that she was there
was spent in a retired cottage out of the town, where she might be
truly said to show a fearless disposition and much courage: for a few
Ansárys, had they been so disposed, could have carried her off or
murdered her any hour of the night or even of the day; and some well
disposed persons secretly informed her, when there, that her life
was in danger. But the terror excited by the late severe vengeance
exercised on their nation probably saved her; and, more than all, the
magnanimous conduct which she pursued towards them; for, at her cottage
in the woods, she took an occasion, when several peasants were around
her, to harangue them; telling them that she had indeed revenged the
death of a Frenchman, and of a man who was her country’s enemy, because
she knew that all just persons abhorred the deeds committed against the
defenceless in the dark--deeds such as must be disowned by the brave
and the good everywhere.

Lady Hester returned to Sayda in a polacca brig, which she found lying
in Latakia harbour waiting for a freight. As the heat was still too
great to remain at Abra, she set off on the 6th of October for Rûm.
On the 13th she returned from Rûm to receive M. Regnault, the French
consul at Tripoli, who was, by invitation, come on a visit to her.
He was a short, humpbacked man, formerly one of the twelve of the
Institute of Egypt. His language and manners were pleasing. He was
somewhat facetious, and had amiability enough to make his ugliness
forgotten in the course of a few hours’ conversation.

M. Loustaunau, a sketch of whose life has been given in another work,
and whom Lady Hester had long since dubbed _the Prophet_, was
still living on her bounty. He was ever brooding over portentous
events about to happen to her ladyship: of whom he now always spoke as
a person destined by the Almighty to play a great part in the world.
On all subjects he discovered remarkable good sense, excepting on the
Bible, the texts of which he perverted in a most extraordinary manner,
to accommodate them to the events of her life, past, present, and
future.

Lady Hester and M. Regnault visited the French consul at Sayda. She
wore a splendid black abah, with gold brandenburghs and tassels, and,
whilst sitting on a carpet on the ground, after the Turkish fashion,
she reclined on a short crutch beautifully inlaid with mother of
pearl, after the manner of the great personages of the East. Such was
the crowd which assembled round her when she entered the town that
one would have said it was the first time they had ever seen her.
Adults and children, Turks and Christians, all were actuated by the
same spirit of curiosity to behold the woman who could stir up a whole
province to take revenge upon the Ansárys for the death of a Frank.

Lady Hester’s acts of beneficence to a number of individuals, coupled
with this last generous and disinterested labour for M. Boutin, had
caused her name to spread very widely through the country, and herself
to be regarded as the protectress of the unfortunate and the almoner of
the poor. On her return to the convent, she found a suppliant at her
gate, whose history will claim some sympathy.

Michael Ayda was the son of an Egyptian merchant, whose father was
receiver of the customs at Damietta, and afterwards katib to Gezzàr
Pasha, by whom, in a fit of bloodthirstiness, he was put to death.
Michael and his sister, with another brother, were left orphans to the
care of their uncle, Girius Ayda, who, having been an active adherent
of the French when in possession of Egypt, was obliged, on their
evacuation of his country, to abandon it, and retired with them to
France. He there obtained a pension from Buonaparte and the rank of
general in the army.

Michael was then about nine years old. He was young and apt for
literary acquirements, so that, as he grew up, he retained the Arabic
language and acquired the French. At the age of seventeen, he became
a teacher of Arabic, and copyist at the royal library in Paris, where
he read the best authors in his native tongue, and acquired a correct
knowledge of the Arabian poets. He had often heard speak of the great
wealth which his father possessed; and he cherished the resolution
within himself that, when arrived at man’s estate, he would go to
Egypt, and try if any of it could be recovered from the hands of those
who, he was told, unjustly kept possession of it. Accordingly, in
May, 1816, he carried his resolution into effect, and sailing from
Marseilles landed at Alexandria.

Another uncle, who was living at Alexandria, had opposed by letter,
and with all the means in his power, this voyage to Egypt. Michael
Ayda therefore imagined that his relations in Egypt were in a league
together, to prevent the recovery of his property. After his arrival
at Alexandria, he brooded over this idea so deeply that, added to the
strangeness of the people among whom he found himself, and the stories
which he had heard from his boyhood of the barbarity of the Turks, it
turned his brain. He fancied that the object of his journey was known
to everybody, and that persons set on by his uncle were conspiring
against his life.

Being, therefore, on the way from Alexandria to Damietta by land, he
one night thought that he observed one of the mule-drivers secretly
approaching him with a knife in his hand, and fancied that it could
be with no other intention than to murder him. Frantic almost to
madness, he sprang upon his feet, fled, and, after wandering about for
nearly twenty-four hours, arrived, worn out with fatigue and hunger,
at Damietta. The cousin in some way heard that a person of his own
name was arrived from France, and, finding him out, received him with
the kindness of a near relation, clothed him, and expressed himself
willing to give him every information respecting his father’s property.
But Michael Ayda was too deeply impressed with the supposed cruel
intentions of his cousin ever to feel at peace, and, in the course
of a couple of days, he entered a mosque, and proclaimed himself in
the middle of the assembled congregation as one resolved to become a
Mahometan.

As his air was bewildered, some of the shaykhs took him into a room,
conversed with him, found out who he was, and sent to the cousin to
know whether it was with his knowledge that Michael Ayda was about to
take so important a step. The cousin hastened to the spot, and did all
in his power to dissuade him, but in vain. The young man persisted in
his purpose, submitted to the necessary but painful operation which
his new faith required, and, at his own desire, was shipped for Syria
in order to be out of the reach of his ideal enemies. He landed at
Beyrout, and his story soon reached Dayr el Kamar, where his uncle,
named Nicola Turk, resided. This gentleman employed two stout and
trusty men, who intercepted the caravan, by which he was going from
Beyrout to Damascus, at Hamel-merge, in the Bkâ, and, by persuasions
and threats, induced the muleteers to whose care he was entrusted to
give him up. They carried him to Dayr el Kamar. He was there made by
his uncle to abjure the Mahometan religion before the patriarch, and
was restored to the privileges of a Christian.

This last act rendered his life forfeit to the Turkish law, and
he now dared not stir beyond the precincts of the emir’s district
without running the hazard of being seized and impaled. His object,
therefore, in throwing himself at Lady Hester’s feet was to solicit
her protection, and to beseech her to afford him an opportunity of
embarking for Europe: but Lady Hester held it as a rule of conduct
never to interfere in the religion of other persons, and, although
she was willing to assist him, it was not in abetting his double
apostacy. She endeavoured to show the young man, however, that his
real interests lay in adhering to the Turkish religion, if indeed he
was desirous of prosecuting the business which had brought him from
France. If he remained a Christian, he ran the risk of being impaled,
and must abandon the hope of the recovery of any of his father’s
property. Ayda was irresolute, half inclining to the faith of his
family and relations, and yet desirous of avoiding the life of misery
and apprehension to which he should be exposed. Lady Hester told him
finally that she could receive him only as a Turk, and that, once a
confirmed Mahometan, he could not return again to the church through
the medium of a priest of this country. He became, for some time, a
tenant of one of her cottages; but melancholy had taken such deep
possession of him that he was totally unfitted for active life. Here he
devoted himself to Arabic poetry, and, by the aid of some books which
I lent him, he speedily acquired a knowledge of Italian and English:
but he was grievously superstitious; much imbued with the prejudices of
the Levantines, although he had as yet never lived among them; and a
believer in magic, alchemy, and all mystic sciences.

On the 28th of October, M. Didot, son of the celebrated printer, Firmin
Didot of Paris, being on his travels through Sayda, was invited to the
convent. With him was M. Le Grange, who had been studying Arabic two
or three years at Zúk, a large village in the Keserwàn, in order to
qualify himself for the situation of _interprète de la cour pour les
langues Orientales_.

It may be illustrative of the characters of the mountaineers on Lebanon
to observe, that, about this time, the story of the Wapping baker, who
appeared to a ship’s crew in the flames of Mount Ætna, as they were
sailing past Sicily, and was afterwards found to have died on the day
on which he had been seen, had got into circulation, and seemed to
have made a deeper impression on the minds of all ranks of people than
any piece of European news I ever heard discussed among them.

Lady Hester grew every year more fond of the hot bath. She would go
into it two days following, staying in three or four hours at a time.

November the 15th, one of the little running footboys came panting
up to me, crying, _Ana abasherak, Ana abasherak--I bring you good
tidings_. This is a common way with persons of all ranks in the
East, to endeavour to be first to tell good news; in which case a
recompence is generally expected and given. The news was, that Giorgio
Dalleggio, the Greek servant, sent to England, in June, 1815, was
arrived in Sayda harbour, and that Mr. N., surgeon, who was come out as
my successor, had arrived with him.

Giorgio had brought with him twenty-seven cases, which were all landed
without examination by the custom-house officers of the place, a mark
of civility invariably shown to Lady Hester during the whole of her
residence in Syria; and which she returned twofold by an occasional
present to the kumrukgy, or collector of the customs. Their voyage had
been favourable, having left the River Thames on the 2nd of August.
West of Malta they were fired into three times by the Tagus frigate,
Captain Dundas, owing to some breach of the regulations existing
between merchant vessels, when under convoy, and king’s ships: because
masters of merchant vessels, for the sake of gaining a few leagues in
a long voyage, will often expose their freight and passengers to the
danger of capture.

When Giorgio Dalleggio gave the history of his reception in England,
it appeared that he had been much caressed. This had caused him to
forget the benefits he had received from his mistress and to despise
her service. He said that his Royal Highness the Duke of York was his
intimate friend, and that everything he saw in England was inferior to
what he had seen in Constantinople. The Princess Charlotte of Wales, on
his delivering a letter from Lady Hester, gave him a silver chain. He
remarked, when speaking of it, that, if these were the presents English
princesses made, what was he to think of such mean people: he accepted
it, he declared, only not to give her pain by his refusal. And soon
after, when setting out for Damascus, he asked Lady Hester whether he
should take the chain with him or not, and then answered himself by
saying, “Well, I shall take it, but I will not say it was from her,
lest I should give the Turks a mean opinion of English royalty.” He
asserted that the palaces in England were not so good as the prisons in
Turkey.[102]

Two Bedouins arrived on the 17th, with a letter from the emir of the
Anizys, Mahannah-el-Fadel, bringing with them a colt, as a present to
Lady Hester. The object of their mission was of some importance. Shaykh
Nasar, in some dissensions that had sprung up between Mahannah and the
governor of Hamah, had plundered the granaries of the governor of that
place, after a battle in which Farez (Mahannah’s son) was slain. The
governor complained of the aggression to the pasha of Damascus; upon
which the pasha vowed he would have Nasar’s life, if ever he should be
caught. Nasar, therefore, supplicated Lady Hester to intercede with the
pasha for him; and hinted that, in case of her succeeding, it would
be well to demand some pledge of his good faith in the performance of
his promises; adding that, although the pasha’s words were honeyed,
there was always a sword under them. It was a fine sight to behold the
Bedouins come and seek protection of a woman and a stranger.

This letter is not devoid of interest, as showing the style of Bedouin
writing: for, although it is probable that some itinerant writer penned
it, Mahannah dictated it.

   To our dear Sister the Syt Hester, whom may the Almighty save,
   and whose days may he prolong unto us, whom she has breathed
   upon--this letter, with our most profound respect, comes
   greeting--Amen, O God of the Universe! Next, shouldst thou, our
   sister, inquire after us, thy brother, we, praise be to God,
   are well, but ever anxious after thy perfect safety, which is
   the sum of our wishes and prayers.

   From the time that you were with us, we have been in bloody
   affrays with the pasha. He it is that slew our son Farez and our
   men. This was God’s doings, but we stopped the rout, and God,
   the most High, scattered them; so that we are, just now, quiet.
   But it behoves us that we should inform your Felicity, and give
   you tidings also of the state of Nasar. For two years past he
   has escorted the pilgrims (to Mecca): but we have no news that
   you are coming unto us. The bearer of this is our chieftain,
   Abd-el-Rasák, and if you wish for a mare, send word by him, and
   let us know: for we wait the commands of your Felicity.

                                             MAHANNAH-EL-FADEL.

Whilst the Bedouins were sitting with me, on Tuesday, the 19th
November, about half past eleven in the morning, the sky became by
degrees overcast, and, unapprized of such an event, I did not at first
perceive that the sun was eclipsed. I blackened a piece of glass with
smoke, and made the Bedouins look through it; but they seemed to me
to express no irrational astonishment whatever. The cottagers in the
village brought out pans and kettles, and beat them to avert the evil
influence of the heavens.

The twenty-seven cases which Giorgio had brought out from England for
Lady Hester contained numberless articles of every kind, which she had
ordered to be bought for her, to distribute as presents amongst her
various friends and acquaintances in Turkey. With her usual method and
expedition in business, these different objects were, in a week’s
time, unpacked, ticketed, and arranged, so as to require nothing but
the delivery of them to those for whom she intended them. My attention
was chiefly occupied by Mr. N., to whom the country and its inhabitants
were to be made familiar as speedily as possible, and who looked to me
for such information on the climate and the diseases incident to it as
my long residence in it might be supposed to have given me.

It was now finally resolved that I should embark by the earliest
occasion for Europe: but, as there was a thermometer and a barometer,
among some other things, which Lady Hester intended to give to Mâlem
Haym, of Acre, I made one more journey to that place, as well to take
leave of my friends there, as to explain to the Mâlem the nature of
these two tubes, and where best to suspend them. Accordingly, on the
24th of November, I set off for Acre at noon, and slept that night at
the Khudder, opposite Sarfend. I reached the Guffer Nakûra the next
day, and, early on the third, arrived at Acre.

Having finished my business with Mâlem Haym, I then paid my last visits
to my acquaintance. At one of their houses I met with a native of Acre,
who, having accompanied the French in their flight from Syria, under
Buonaparte, had become a soldier, and, by bravery and conduct, risen to
be captain in the Imperial guard, and member of the Legion of Honour.
Yet this man, had he remained in his native place, would have been at
best an humble shopkeeper, subject to the abuse, and occasionally to
the blows, of his masters, the Turks.[103]

There was a strong feeling of party excited throughout the sea-ports
of Syria about this time, by the death of the governor of Smyrna. It
was a useful lesson to consuls and to other Europeans, not to hold out
inducements to a Mahometan to violate the precepts of his religion. A
Turk, who drinks, goes to balls and parties at European houses, flirts
with Greek women, and forgets the gravity peculiar to his nation, may
go on thus for a time; but eventually the Porte never pardons such
flagrant violations of the precepts of the Prophet, and deprives him of
his place or of his life. His successor is then chosen from those who
are known to be very anti-Christian; or, if not naturally so disposed,
he is obliged, in self-defence, to keep the Franks at a great distance,
marking them as objects of contempt in every thing he does. This real
or apparent severity is adopted throughout the country, and thus is
generated mutual hatred, which, had that reserve been practised which
is proper between people who can never thoroughly amalgamate, would not
have happened.

Mr. Lewis Catafago, of Acre, who had conducted her Royal Highness the
Princess of Wales to Jerusalem, bore testimony to her condescension
and affability during the journey. The priests of the monastery there
had circulated reports in prejudice of her generosity, by declaring
that the corn supplied for her horses had been left unpaid for;
although it was very well known that, besides paying very liberally for
whatever was consumed by herself and suite, she settled an annual sum
on the monastery.

On the 29th, I left Acre, and slept a few hours at Ras-el-Ayn. Whilst
it was yet dark, I resumed my journey, and reached the river Khasmia
about two hours before sunrise. Giovanni spread my carpet in the open
field, in front of a ruined caravansery, where I lay down, in the hope
of getting another nap: but I had hardly composed myself to rest, when
the noise of horses’ feet and of loud and dissonant voices startled me,
and I sat up. Soon afterwards, about a hundred Hawáry horse soldiers
rode up to the spot where I was; and it was so very dark that I cried
out to prevent them from riding over me. As Giovanni was seated against
a ruined wall, where he had made a fire to boil me some coffee, I was
taken for a traveller, and not the slightest molestation was offered
me. Each soldier dismounted at the place he liked best, unstrapped the
foot-ropes from behind his saddle, to tether his horse; and immediately
a hundred voices were heard of Mohammed, Yusef, Mahmoud, Selim, Ali,
&c., crying, “Hand me a stone, to drive in my tethering-pin!”--“Will
you lend me yours, when you have done?”--with the like exclamations;
and the iron pins were heard yielding a clang through the field to
the strokes which drove them into the ground. Thus, in ten minutes,
the whole troop was encamped. Then followed the noise of fighting and
neighing among some of the horses, which had been tied too near to
each other; for these soldiers ride chiefly stallions: but silence
succeeded as soon as each soldier had unstrapped his corn-bag, and had
hung it on his horse’s head, whilst the riders drew from their wallets
such provisions as they had brought from their last station. As each
man carries his all on his horse, there were no baggage animals, and
no tents to pitch. All squatted on the ground, to eat and smoke their
pipes, and many lay down to sleep on the ground in their cloaks or
sheepskin pelisses.

They took little or no notice of me; some few made acquaintance with
Giovanni, whose pot of coffee they soon emptied, but not before he had
given me what I required for myself. By their conversation, which I
overheard, I found that they were a part of the troops who had assisted
in ravaging the Ansáry territories under Mustafa Aga Berber, and Lady
Hester’s name was often mentioned.

As soon as day dawned, I left them, and continued on my way to Abra.
This rencontre will serve to show that the alarms and descriptions
of travellers respecting the Turkish soldiery may sometimes be
exaggerated.

On the 3rd of December, I went down to Sayda. At about an hour before
sunset, there came on a most heavy fall of rain; so that, using all the
haste I could to quit the city, I found a little rivulet, which crossed
the road on going through the orchards, so swollen that my horse could
hardly ford it without falling. Such are the rains in these countries.
M. Beaudin departed the same day for Acre, with five camel-loads of
presents, for the pasha, for Mâlem Haym, and other individuals. The
rain continued, without intermission, until the 8th.

On the 9th, Lady Hester had a suppliant at the convent, in the person
of Mohammed Aga Tersýty, who came to demand money. He had been driven
out of one of the towns between Hamah and Damascus by the new pasha,
who had cut off his uncle’s head, and avanized his family. I omitted to
mention, in its proper place, that the pasha of Damascus, Sayd Solymán,
had been replaced by Hafyz Ali Pasha, formerly Lord High Admiral.
This pasha took the road for Damascus, through Asia Minor, with his
myrmidons, and had no sooner arrived on the skirts of his pashalik
beyond Hamah, than he began to reform many abuses that had crept into
the administration. A new pasha generally enters into office with
sanguinary measures. As he advanced, he confiscated the property of
some, put others to death, and made the guilty of all sorts (or perhaps
the rich) tremble. Mohammed Aga, Tersýty’s uncle, was one of these:
and the nephew probably had his reasons for flight.

On the 13th, I took Mr. N. into the mountain, to show him a little
of the country, and to introduce him to some of the persons who were
occasionally in correspondence with Lady Hester. On our way, hearing
that the Emir Beshýr was not at Dayr-el-Kamar, we turned from the road
through the village Aynût to another, called Hazrûs, whither he had
gone. He was out with his falcons, and we went on to Garýfy, where we
passed the night at Shaykh Shems’s. Mr. N. was so dreadfully tormented
with the fleas, that, in the morning, his body looked as if he had the
measles. This arose from his unwillingness to forego the English habit
of undressing to his shirt, and sleeping on a bed. For myself, I slept
on my small carpet, with my clothes on.

The next morning we returned to Hazrûs. Here we saw the emir, of whom
I took leave preparatory to my voyage to England; and, having told him
that we wished to see his palace at Bteddýn, which he requested we
would do with all liberty, we left him. We took a different road from
that which we had followed on the preceding day through Ayn Bayl, and
Zimaruka, where reside some of the family of Zayn ed Dyn, Drûzes who
have enjoyed the enviable privileges of supplying for many generations
the common executioner. But it will hardly be believed that this family
derives much importance from the office; so that they would no more
wish to lose it than a chieftain his fief. Nothing could exceed the
romantic scenery we this day saw. The path lay principally by the side
of the bed of a torrent, in a deep ravine between two lofty mountains,
from which, in the lapse of ages, large fragments of rock had detached
themselves, and lay below in majestic confusion. The late rains had
somewhat swelled the stream, and it occasionally foamed in cascades
over the broken masses. Arriving at night at Dayr el Kamar, we were
provided with lodging in the old palace, the residence of the emir
before building that of Bteddýn.

I sent for Pierre, who proceeded to see that our supper was provided
in the best style, and M. Ayda came to spend the evening with us. The
next day we visited Bteddýn palace, which is really a very pleasing
specimen of the irregularities and decorations of the present Syrian
architecture. The most beautiful room is the _kâa_, which is
not inferior in richness of ornament to some of the first rooms at
Damascus. We made the acquaintance of Abûna Stefàn (or Father Stephen),
a priest and a physician, in which latter capacity he was now in
attendance on the emir’s lady. We were however called upon to intrude
on his department by a request from the princess to enter the harým and
prescribe for one of her women. But, as we saw only one room in the
harým, our visit did not answer the purposes of curiosity which we had
hoped to derive from it. We returned the next day to Abra.

Christmas-day now came, and my departure was fixed for the next week;
but the necessary preparations for a long voyage, and the number of
letters which Lady Hester had to write, detained me until the 18th of
January. It was not without great melancholy that I beheld the day
arrive, which was to separate me from a country, where I had seen so
many strange things, and from a person whose exalted courage, talents,
and character, had gained an entire ascendency over my mind.




                             CHAPTER XIII.

   Departure of the Author for Europe--Arrival at Larnaka,
   in Cyprus--Hospitality of M. Vondiziano, British
   vice-consul--Tours in the island--Leucosia--The Greek
   archbishop--City walls--Lepers--Cytherea--Monastery of
   St. Chrysostom--Famagusta--Return to Larnaka--Carnival
   amusements--Houses--Amour of Signor Baldo--Murder of Prince
   George Morusi--History of Signor Brunoni--Cypriote women
   not remarkable for beauty--Superstitious notions--The
   Greek archbishop and his dragoman Giorgaki--Insurrection
   of Turks--How quelled by Cara Pasha--Pusillanimity of
   the consuls--Thunder-storm--Lenten diet--Malignant
   fevers--Excursion in the interior--Idalia--Leucosia--M.
   Brens--Robbery in the governor’s palace--Proceedings against the
   suspected--Intolerance towards freemasons.


On Saturday, January 18th, 1817, at two o’clock in the morning, I took
leave of Lady Hester, Miss Williams, and Mr. N.; and, after a short
night’s rest, mounted my horse soon after sunrise, and departed from
Abra (may I be excused for saying it?) amidst the tears and good wishes
of the peasants, who followed me with blessings to the end of the
village green. M. Beaudin accompanied me, he having returned from Acre
on the 29th of December.

We passed the tomb of Nebby Yunez (the Prophet Jonas), after it the
river Damûr, and, at sunset, stopped at the Guffer el Naamy, abreast
of the village of Naamy, which is on the hill, and from which the
Guffer, or toll-house, takes its name. Our provision mule was better
stocked than usual, and we made an excellent dinner on cold pasty of
gazelle-venison, tarts, and plum-cake, besides cold fowls, and some
other good things, with which Miss Williams was desirous of making my
last day’s travelling in Syria agreeable.

Next morning at daylight we mounted our horses, and, about a quarter
of a mile from the Guffer, we passed a cemetery, which is called Kebûr
el Yahûd (the Jews’ tombs). It is nearly facing a ruined tower, called
Burge el Rehán (the myrtle tower). The greater part of these tombs are
oblong parallelograms, simply hollowed out of the rock; but others were
elevated above its level, by having the rock cut away around them.

To go from Guffer el Naamy to Beyrout took us four hours. The ride
was very beautiful during the last two hours, on a sandy soil, amidst
olive plantations, and where the cultivation of the land was evidently
attended to.

We were received in the house of the British agent. I was fortunate
enough to find a schooner in the roads, bound for Cyprus, on board of
which I took my passage. The vessel was Greek, from Eno, commanded by
Captain Gregorio; but, as she was not to sail immediately, I returned
on shore. M. Beaudin left me the next day. The British agent had just
been very properly exercising his consular authority on a Venetian
adventurer, who had endeavoured to pass himself off as a British
officer of infantry, wearing regimentals. His right to the dress was
disputed, and he was obliged to doff it.

On Tuesday, January 21st, just before sunset, I embarked. There were
on board thirty-five passengers, Turkish pilgrims on their return from
Mecca. I had paid for a berth in the cabin, which was only nine feet
square; but, as my luggage was stowed away there, and there were four
Turks cabin passengers besides myself, I resolved to sleep on deck,
although the season was not that in which exposure to the night air is
agreeable. The long-boat was hoisted in and put amidships, into which
also four Turks immediately got, two of whom seemed to be very sick
from the motion of the vessel, as I then thought. We put to sea with
little wind. About three in the morning, a northerly breeze sprung up,
and carried us on under reefed topsails. I lay down on the lee-side of
the deck, wrapped up in my lambskin pelisse, which made an excellent
bed.

On Wednesday, the 22nd, when daylight broke, everybody was sea-sick.
About two o’clock in the afternoon, we saw Cyprus. The wind continued
fresh, and at sunset we were within five or six leagues of Larnaka.
We hauled off for the night. I lay down on the deck as before, but was
prevented from sleeping by groans which came from the long-boat, and,
on inquiring what was the matter, I found that the two Turks who were
ill had the dysentery. Soon afterwards one died; and the melancholy
situation of the other was augmented by the intolerable effluvia, which
it was impossible to prevent. A young Turk, ragged and poor, but of
very interesting mien, was remarkable for the attention which he had
paid to the two sick men, and now continued to the survivor, although
he was himself dreadfully sea-sick: nor shall ever my testimony be
wanting to the exemplary conduct and obedience which old age invariably
receives from the Mahometan youth, relation or not, known or unknown.

At daylight we anchored in Larnaka roads. The dead Turk was immediately
conveyed on shore, but not to the usual landing-place, lest the
knowledge of a death in so short a passage should excite suspicions of
plague, and cause the vessel to be put under quarantine; a precaution,
which the preponderance the Greeks and Franks had in the island enabled
them to enforce, but which was so easily evaded. I did not, however,
wish to leave any uneasiness, from subsequent discovery, in the mind
of the gentleman to whose house I was going, and I accordingly wrote
a note to say that a Turk had died of dysentery during our passage,
and that there was no suspicion of plague in the case. Mr. Anthony
Vondiziano, the British vice-consul, relied on my assertion, and
received me forthwith into his house at Larnaka.

A Cephalonian by birth, he settled early at Cyprus, where he married
the daughter of the English dragoman, by whom he had now six daughters.
This increase of family induced him to build a pavilion, over the
gateway of his courtyard and away from the house, entirely for the
reception of strangers; and as so many English have lived in it, and as
besides it may serve for a specimen of the modern edifices of Cyprus, a
drawing of it is given.

  [Illustration: ENGLISH CONSUL’S HOUSE AT LARNAKA.]

M. Vondiziano has often been mentioned by travellers for the hospitable
reception which he gave to the English. An ample fortune enabled him
to do this with less inconvenience than some others who represented
the British nation: but this circumstance ought not to diminish the
feeling of obligation for hospitality exercised sometimes (as in my own
person), for weeks and even months together.

The arrival of a traveller at the consular house is generally a signal
for visits from all those who are in habits of friendship with the
consul, impelled by curiosity and the desire of news. Four or five days
were thus consumed, in which time I had made the acquaintance of half
the people of the place.

A common subject of conversation for the entertainment of travellers
is the history of those who have preceded them in the same route. Some
gentlemen would be pleased to hear the things that were said of them;
but I shall be excused from mentioning personal anecdotes, excepting
where they have some reference to Eastern customs.[104]

As there was no vessel about to sail for Europe, I resolved to make an
excursion into the interior of the island.

On Monday, January 28th, accompanied by Giovanni, (whom I had brought
with me from Syria) I left Larnarka for Leucosia, the capital of the
island, and called by the Franks Nicosia. The weather was cold, and,
although I was clad in my lambskin pelisse, my fingers became quite
benumbed. The first part of the road lay through a few fields of
onions, artichokes, and other vegetables, cultivated for the supply of
Larnaka market and of the vessels in the roads: but there were no trees
whatever, and the soil had a bare appearance, being half covered with
shingles. Two leagues from Larnaka we crossed the river Parthenia, and
reached some low hills running apparently from the north-east side of
the bay of Larnaka to the conical mountain now called _the Mountain
of the Cross_. At the distance of four leagues, we arrived at
Athegainos (pronounced by the modern Greeks Atheyanós), where we were
to sleep.

Athegainos was a straggling village, containing probably seventy or
eighty houses: it was nevertheless one of the largest on the island,
the whole population of which it is said does not exceed 15,000 souls.
Each cottage was enclosed by a very large yard, hedged in by a fence of
prickly acacias, forming three sides of it, the fourth being buildings.
The entrance was by large folding gates. Within, was a small room for
travellers, the only furniture of which was a deal table placed on
trestles to sleep on, with a cushion and mat on it. The floor was mud,
uneven as the soil out of doors. Beyond this was a cow-lodge; then the
cottage for the family, a stable for the mules, a straw room, and a
lodge; in all five: the whole built of sunburnt bricks, with flat roofs
on rafters covered with canes laid close together. There was a well in
the yard. Such was the construction of all the houses in the village.
The peasants there had but one occupation, that of carriers, owing
to their central situation between Larnaka and Leucosia. They, their
wives, and children, seemed filthy in their persons and habits. They
however ate with knives and forks, sat on chairs, and slept on beds
raised from the ground: in all which circumstances they differed from
the Christians and Turks of Syria, and by some persons will, on that
account, be supposed to be further advanced in civilization.

We left Athegainos early in the morning, and, at a small distance on
the left, passed a mountain of about a mile long, in shape like an
inverted hog-trough. Two or three others, of the same form, might be
seen in different directions. On the left was a small conical mountain,
the top of which looked like a ruin, but it was the strata of the rock
which assumed that appearance. Beyond it was a stream, called Zalia;
but neither this nor the one passed on the preceding day flows in
summer.

A long range of mountains lay before us, stretching from the north part
of the island to the level of Leucosia. Our road was west, somewhat
northerly. Near the stream of Zalia was a Turkish village, and over the
stream a small but neat bridge. The valley through which the Zalia
runs had scattered olive trees planted in it; and we saw near the road,
on the right and on the left, two single houses of three stories high,
larger and better-looking than any we had yet observed out of Larnaka.
These, my guide told me, belonged to Turkish agas, or gentlemen.

The face of the country had hitherto varied but little from a level,
and the chain of low hills over which we had come was approached by so
gradual a rise, and quitted by so gentle a descent, as to be almost
imperceptible. In about two hours, we came in sight of the minarets
of Leucosia, of which I counted seven. Two of these, belonging to the
church of St. Sophia, towered above the others. Within a quarter of
a mile of the city, upon the brow of an elevation, we enjoyed a full
view of the place, which, from the number of palm and cypress trees
interspersed among the houses, wore a picturesque appearance. The
walls, I observed, were broader at the base than the summit. Close to
the gate of the city was an infirmary for lepers--a small house, from
which pitiable objects, consuming with disease, issued, to the number
of thirty or forty, importuning for alms. A long, vaulted gateway,
lighted half way through by a pierced dome, led us into the streets.
The custom-house officer, placed at the entrance, questioned me on
my luggage, but suffered me to proceed. We turned short to the left
into the Christian quarter, where lived the archbishop, to whom I
had a letter of introduction. On alighting, I was ushered into his
presence by several priests, and found a man about forty-five years
old, handsome in person, and richly attired in a sable pelisse. His
address was pleasing; and, when he had read the letter I presented,
he received me with much politeness, expressing great regard for the
British nation. But, as French travellers, and those of other nations,
relate that the like expressions have been used to them, it will be
excusable if we suppose that the natural urbanity of the priest caused
him to give an equal share of civility to all strangers. His name was
Cyprianus, and he had sprung from a peasant family.

Coffee and pipes were served, after which, it being now noon, the time
of the first repast of the Orientals, we went to table. If a number
of servants could constitute greatness, this prelate might vie with
the first duke in England; for we had no fewer than twenty to wait
at table, and I was told that he had fifty in the palace. The repast
was what is called excellent in Turkey, but would seem strange to a
European.

The archbishop received great reverence from his followers. No Greek
sat down in his presence, except when commanded to do so. Such as
entered the room prostrated themselves (which means that they bent
forward until they touched the floor with their hands), and bared the
head, a degree of servility which the Turks, their masters, have not
exacted from them, proving that men, when tyrannized over, become
themselves vile, and exercise the same or even more, tyranny towards
their inferiors. The Englishman thinks he degrades himself when he
kisses the pope’s toe; the Greek licks the very dust on which the
archbishop walks. I say nothing of the archbishop’s privilege of
signing his name with red ink, and of wearing the purple, so often
mentioned by other travellers; or of his having two janissaries at
his gate, which latter distinction is a concession made to him by the
Turkish government, as head of the only recognized Christian church.
Eastern enjoyment, or a priest’s idleness, was exemplified in the
mode in which the archbishop washed his hands after dinner. The chair
in which he sat was swung round by his attendants (grace having been
said), and another arm-chair was brought, with the back between his
knees, on the seat of which was placed a broad basin. The arms of the
chair afforded support to his arms; and, whilst the water was poured on
his hands, the back prevented the wet from falling on his clothes. His
palace was roomy, but old and patched. Facing the palace was a handsome
new building, that would do honour to any potentate in Europe. This was
a college, founded from the funds of the church, for the instruction
of youth, having professors of ancient and modern Greek, of Arabic, of
Italian, and of church music. The exercises of some of the scholars
were shown to me, and I listened with advantage to a lecture of one
of the professors. One scholar, a student principally in Italian, had
made a progress that was quite astonishing; and I read a very clever
Italian composition, written by him in his capacity of secretary to the
archbishop, the fruits of knowledge acquired in one year. The edifice
consisted of a vestibule, from which branched two saloons, with sofas
at the extremities and tables in the middle. Out of these saloons, to
the left and right, were four apartments, making eight altogether,
where the professors taught. The latter rooms had desks and benches for
the pupils.

I visited, in the afternoon, the church of St. Sophia, converted into
a mosque by the Turks when the Venetians lost Cyprus to them. The
interior was lofty, consisting of a nave, supported by five massive
Saxon-like pillars on either side. At the bottom was a semicircular
window, where, as well as up the side aisles, the pillars were of less
dimensions. There were several old carpets spread on the ground, one
of which was very large.[105] The governor’s palace, whither I next
went, was an irregular building, with a large courtyard, and a corridor
round the first and upper story. Such private houses as I entered were
commodious, spacious, and of great neatness.

The walls of the city were of considerable thickness, broad enough,
on the ramparts, to admit two carriages abreast. They had bastions
at small distances, faced with sunburnt bricks, whilst the curtains
were faced with stone. The bastions probably had been repaired since
the time of Pococke, for they no longer represented a semicircle, as
he describes them, but were an imperfect triangle, with truncated
corners. On the three bastions nearest to the Famagusta gate were eight
or ten pieces of cannon. There were three gates--that of Paphos, that
of Famagusta, and a third which I did not note down. Some embrasures
of turf, very recently made, were observable, and were constructed
probably during the time of a recent insurrection in Cyprus, to which
I shall presently advert. In Leucosia the guard was set every night on
the walls, and the watches were cried.

On Wednesday, the 30th, I went to see the lepers at the city gate.
There were among them persons of both sexes and of all ages; some
with the joints of the fingers gone, some with blotches, and all more
or less deformed. Most of them were people of low birth, generally
peasants; some were Moslems and some were Christians. The little
information I obtained from them amounted to this; that those who lost
the first joints of their hands had nails growing on the second; that
the heat of a fire was invariably pernicious, visibly increasing their
complaint; that sleep and appetite were not diminished generally by
it; that hot water had not the same effect on them as the heat of a
fire. One told me that, when first attacked in the fingers, he thought
he saved them by having the actual cautery applied to both his arms.
Another said he had been in the leper-house thirty-five years. Men and
women lived promiscuously, but I could not learn whether any children
had resulted from this intercourse. It may, however, here be observed,
that there was a woman in the village of Abra who had lost the first
phalanges of both hands by leprosy, yet this woman had a daughter,
who was well-looking, healthy, and the mother of five most beautiful
children, all free from every symptom of the grandmother’s complaint.

I spent the evening with the archbishop. The title of the prelate
is μακάριοτάτος (_most blessed_.) His _archimandrites_ was a man of
peculiarly venerable appearance. But the most learned person that
it was my fortune to see in Leucosia was Andreas, dragoman to the
archbishop, whose business lay in transacting the affairs of government
between the governor of the island and the archbishop. There were
numerous baths in Leucosia.

I took leave of my host over-night, and, on the morning of the 31st
January, prosecuted my journey for Cytherea, now called Cherki, the
true situation of the ancient Cytherea being assigned to a spot one
league south of Cherki. After riding half an hour, we passed the river
Pedias, close to which was a small Turkish village, called Miamillia.
The bed of the river was deep; for the soil through which it ran was
loose and sandy, and easy to be washed away by a rapid stream. At that
time, as the rains had ceased some days, the water that flowed was no
more than a rivulet. The road was parallel to the chain of mountains,
called (from a five-fingered inequality on the ridge which was on our
left) Pentedactylus. In two hours’ time we reached Cytherea.

I had a letter of introduction to a farmer, named Petráki, the chief
person in the village. Though a rustic, he had nevertheless a spacious
house and six house-servants, always a serious consideration to the
traveller, who, as he casts his eye over them, and marks the alacrity
with which they run to serve him and neglect their master, is obliged
to check his self-complacence, by the recollection that all this is but
a larger draft on his purse when he departs. I ate some excellent pork,
boiled down to a jelly and dressed with a sour sauce in the manner of
the French. The female part of the family, although seen occasionally
bustling about in the duties of the house, did not sit down to table
with us.

Cytherea was a long, straggling village, producing a great quantity
of cotton and oil, and making abundance of silk. The oil was esteemed
the best in the island. From the foot of Mount Pentedactylus issued a
copious spring, in a stream which, in its course, turned twenty-four
mills, besides irrigating the grounds and orchards. My host told me
that the delicious atmosphere of Cytherea brought on him frequent
visits from the Turks of Leucosia, who came as often as two or three
times a week to take the air, and were generally entertained at his
expense. He expressed himself an ardent well-wisher to the cause of
the Franks, and prayed for the moment when they would relieve Cyprus
from the yoke of the Turks: but his prayers for the emancipation of
the Greeks, I fear, were mercenary; for he said he should like to know
whether any great changes threatened the Turkish empire, as, in that
case, he might be spared the expence of a _barattery_, or license,
which he was about to purchase.

A barattery was formerly a patent, which might be purchased from the
Turkish government by Christian subjects. It cost 3000 piasters;
and by it the purchaser was entitled to leave his property to his
children, to wear certain coloured clothes and yellow shoes, and to
some other privileges, not permitted to rayahs or unredeemed Greeks.
It was the practice in the golden days of the European ambassadors at
Constantinople to make a traffic of these baraterries; but the evil
grew to such a height, that the Porte was obliged to interfere.

The peasants’ cottages were built of bricks dried in the sun, and,
apparently, were comfortable enough. I could discover no antiquities or
inscriptions.

Early in the afternoon, we remounted our mules, and, partly retracing
our steps, proceeded in a north-west direction to the monastery of
Chrysostomus, up the side of Pentedactylus, at the summit almost of
which is built the monastery. The foot of the mountain is of a barren
argillaceous soil, producing nothing but a few stunted firs, and some
oleanders in the watercourses. This whitish gray coloured soil ceased,
and after it came the upper chain, which was of a reddish coloured rock.

We arrived at St. Chrysostom’s about sunset. The spot was not devoid
of beauty, being a semicircular flat, indented in the side of the
mountain. In front of it was a miserable hamlet. Two or three
cypresses, with some vines and lemon trees, made up an orchard, which
could not fail of being an embellishment to the place in the summer
season: at present, it was robbed of its verdure. We found in the
monastery one monk, an old woman, and a boy. Some rice, which I had
with me, a little leben, procured from the hamlet, and some rammakins,
dressed in oil, afforded a comfortable supper: and, after the priest
had entertained me with a description of the milordi who had been
there, my guide, the muleteer, produced from his wallet a violin, which
he played on in a manner by no means disagreeable--yet he was but a
rough peasant. I was then left to repose, wrapped up, as was my custom,
in my lambskin pelisse, and without bed or covering. In this way no
fleas molested me.

The following morning, at sunrise, I visited the ruins that overhang
the monastery, and which go by the name of τὰ σπητια της ρεανος. The
ascent was difficult, and, for nearly the whole way, impracticable to
mules. On reaching the summit, which here was a peak, I enjoyed an
extensive prospect both to the south, over the land I had traversed,
and to the north along the coast. Between the mountains and the sea,
to the north, there was a sloping plain from one to three miles in
breadth, and running east and west as far as the eye could see. Towards
the west it appeared to be well wooded; and it had already been
described to me as affording the most beautiful scenery in the island.
From this point was seen Lapithus, whose true name is Lampua. It is
called, by the Turks, Lapta. The high mountains seen to the west are
called Τρυγῳδὸς, pronounced Truothos.

Having satisfied myself with the view, I turned to the ruins. They
consisted of four or five stone houses, of tolerably solid but modern
structure, built one above the other, and which once were connected by
steps in the rock, now crumbled away. The uppermost was a church, and
those beneath seemed to have been parts of a monastery; both because
such places were commonly built on the most elevated spots, and because
there was nothing castellated in the walls. The situation was certainly
as well fitted for a place of strength as for a monastery; but
ruins, in Syria at least, of the nature of a fortress always showed
crenelated battlements, loopholes, or something appropriate to defence,
of which this had none.

We descended to the monastery, where I breakfasted, and then departed
for Famagusta. Cytherea lay in my route; and, in passing through it
again, as I beheld its verdant foliage and its purling rivulets, there
seemed to be nothing but the hand of love and refinement wanting to
make it yet one of the most picturesque spots in nature. Its situation,
at the foot of a mountain, on a slope, with an extensive plain in
front, is not unlike Bâlbec, but in more diminutive proportions.

We kept along the lower chain of hills, in an easterly direction,
and passed through two Turkish villages. Round one of these the land
was cultivated with the utmost neatness. In Cyprus the husbandman’s
annoyance is the squill plant, which springs up amidst the corn almost
every where. Here it had been so carefully destroyed, that not one
was to be seen. My guide lost his road, and it was necessary to make
inquiries at one of the cottages; but, wherever we knocked, a voice
from within cried out either--“There are no men at home;” or, “The men
are at plough;” and, as Turkish women do not appear before strangers,
we were considerably embarrassed. At last, however, we met an obliging
peasant, who, taking me for a Mahometan Arab, walked nearly a mile to
put us right, and excused himself that he could go no farther, on the
plea of having his cattle to drive in.

About one league farther on, in a south-easterly direction, we reached
a Christian village, called Marathon. The sun had set, and there was a
gleam across the landscape, just enough to give to every thing around
an illusive appearance. The women were returning from the well with
water on their heads; and their white dresses, as they floated in the
wind, gave them a look not unlike what my imagination pictured the
maidens of earlier times to have been on this once happy island. Alas!
an unseemly reality soon dissipated these visions of fancy. I was led
to the house of a Greek papas, who, seeing the guest with whom he was
about to be burdened for the night, bawled, in a stentorian voice, to a
dirty wife and half a dozen children, and, by his rough hands, uncombed
beard, and the dexterity with which he housed his cows, showed himself
to be more of a labourer and husbandman than of an ecclesiastic. His
lodging, nevertheless, was commodious, and, when he found that he
should be paid, his welcome was hearty.

As it was now full moon, we took advantage of its light, and departed
next morning two hours before daylight. We passed several little
villages and hamlets on our way: and, keeping an easterly direction, we
reached the sea-shore about eleven o’clock, near to a large red brick
monastery, called St. Barnabas. We then turned short to the right,
towards Famagusta, compelled to take this circuitous route, owing to
the swamps made by the River Pedias in this season of the year. These
were so extensive, that the former possessors of the country had
constructed a long causeway and bridge over the extremity of it, where
the water of the river discharged itself by an outlet into the sea.

When we were safe over the bridge, we arrived, in about half an
hour, at the monastery of St. Luke, which is abreast of the city of
Famagusta. It belonged to the Greeks, and was a sort of spacious
cottage, kept by a single monk, who received us with a forced smile,
not having the most distant idea that I was a Frank. Nor could I, for
some time, persuade him that I was one, so much did my dress, my tanned
face, and the language I spoke in to my servant, disguise me: for the
priest did not understand Arabic, and therefore was not able to detect
my foreign accent.

It was customary for Christians to take up their lodgings either
there or in the village of Merash, close by, there being, as I was
told, a law that no Christian should lodge in the town of Famagusta.
Prohibitions of this sort, however, were probably not strictly enforced
towards Franks; as no inhabitant of Famagusta would, I am persuaded,
have been so uncivil as to eject a Frank traveller, who demanded
merely a night’s lodging.

After dinner, I walked with the priest to the town. We made the circuit
of the fortifications, which are very considerable. We then visited the
port, the ancient church of St. Sophia, now a ruined Gothic edifice,
and afterwards betook ourselves to the coffee-house, to smoke a pipe.
Some Turks, who were sitting on the benches at the door, made me
welcome, and severally desired the waiter to present me with a cup of
coffee, which is a mark of civility they show to a friend, or to one
whom they have not seen for some time. I came away with much good will
in my heart towards them.

On the following morning, the 2nd of February, we departed betimes,
in order to arrive early at Larnaka, as the appearance of the sky
indicated the approach of a storm. We marched two hours by moonlight,
as on the preceding day, over an uncultivated champaign country. When
the sun rose, we found ourselves abreast of a Christian village.
The land around it attracted my notice by the high state of its
cultivation. The soil itself seemed rich, being of a fine red mould.
Soon afterwards, we again came upon uncultivated plains, which lasted
for two leagues more, and then reached the village of Ormethia, on the
sea-shore, where the English consul had a country-house, at which I
alighted. Giovanni procured such provisions as the place afforded,
and I rested and ate something. One league before coming to Ormethia,
there grew a low shrub like the juniper, which covered the soil as far
as the village. From Ormethia to Larnaka, the road lay by the sea-side.
At three o’clock I reached Mr. Vondiziano’s, having been absent seven
days. Cyprus afforded more accommodation for travellers than Syria; for
at every little distance there generally was a convent, where was to be
found a sufficiency of most necessaries. In most parts, the roads were
good.

I had arrived in Cyprus in the middle of carnival; and, as the
Catholics formed the greater portion of the Franks, this festival was
celebrated with much gaiety. There were two faro-tables constantly
open, to which fathers, mothers, and children, resorted together. In
adjoining rooms were balls; and dissipation exerted its most baneful
effects on the morals and constitutions of young and old. At the
end of the faro-room, an elevated sofa afforded the spectators an
opportunity at once of smoking and of enjoying the game. The transition
from the sober and grave habits of those I had just left in Syria
to the tumultuous assemblies of those I was now among, formed a
striking contrast, which somewhat shocked me, and was, upon the whole,
favourable to the Mahometans.

The Frank society was composed of a few individuals of every nation
in Europe. In Europe, the Turks are cried down as barbarians; no
doubt because arts, and sciences, and polite letters, are so little
cultivated among them; but in Cyprus the epithet was applied to them
because they did not gamble, dance, and drink wine: and, affecting an
opposite extreme, the Franks ran into excesses unknown in the countries
they sprang from. But, in a society made up of parts so heterogeneous,
and which could never, from the constant clashing of its religious
and social institutions, amalgamate, no wonder that the whole had
a tendency to confusion, which could only serve to let loose men’s
vicious propensities without confirming their virtuous dispositions.

Each consul was the head of the subjects of the nation he represented:
he was a king to them, and nothing to others. Hence the friendship of
the consul was immunity from laws, and his enmity a bugbear to the poor
only; for the wealthy did not hesitate to change masters, when those
they acknowledged were no longer sufficiently complaisant; and there
were persons, who, by what is called “changing protection,” had been
English, French, Swedish, Ragusan, and Danish, subjects, in the course
of a few years.

Larnaka, as to its buildings, represented, in some manner, a large
country village in England. The houses were straggling, and built of
sun-dried bricks; they were, nevertheless, not devoid of neatness
in their exterior; and, in their interior, they were commodious,
spacious, and, in some instances, handsome. They were mostly of two
stories, having generally a large courtyard, with a coach entrance for
their calèches. All had window casements, with weatherboard blinds.
There were no fireplaces in their rooms, nor was it ever cold enough
for two days following to make a fire desirable. In some of the best
furnished houses, there was much richness and even elegance displayed
in the furniture, as far as French clocks, fine chandeliers, lamps
on pedestals, good prints, tables, beaufets, and sofas, can be so
considered.

I made a ground-plan of a house at Citi, near Larnaka, considered as
one of the best country-houses in the neighbourhood. It was built
of sun-dried bricks; and, being neither plastered nor whitewashed
externally, had a sombre appearance, like the cottages on the banks
of the Nile; indeed, throughout Cyprus, there were many marks of its
intercourse with Egypt. This house was two stories high. The whole of
the buildings were walled in. A garden, containing orange and lemon
trees, attached to it, was irrigated by a Persian wheel, turned by a
mule. Citi is about two leagues and a half from Larnaka; and its name
is a corruption of the ancient Citium.

The calèches in use in Cyprus were like clumsy cabriolets, being a rude
single-horse chaise, without an apron or splashing board, guided by a
driver who sat on the shaft. All the houses had large ovens. The water
of Larnaka is not what I should call bad, but Pococke has pronounced
it to be so. Lamb, mutton, game, and pork were plentiful, and beef was
generally to be had.

The Christian inhabitants of this island had little purity of
blood. The Franks were not Europeans, and the Greeks, intermarrying
perpetually with the Franks, had ceased to have the characteristics of
their own nation. I do not, however, wish to speak disrespectfully of
persons who were generally so very kind to me.

The habits of living of a Greek family in Cyprus may be gathered from
that with which I was staying. Many Greek families, although mixing in
free intercourse with Europeans, retained much of their nationality.
Their wives very seldom frequented places of diversion, had fewer
parties, and, when at home, confined themselves to the gynæceum and
nursery, where they were employed in household affairs, and the care of
their children. During more than a month, there were two persons only
who came and dined in a family way with Mr. Vondiziano, and these were
relations. His wife’s brother was preceptor to his eldest girl; and
for the three next there was a priest, who taught them to read the New
Testament and some homilies, which works were in Hellenic Greek. They
learned to write likewise, and I believe a little ciphering. We retired
to our separate rooms, generally about seven o’clock at night, and
the whole family was often in bed at eight, to rise with the sun next
morning.

There is a story of somewhat ancient date, which was told me by Mr.
Vondiziano, touching two merchants, Englishmen, who, when residents
in Larnaka, finding their affairs unprosperous, resolved to quit the
island with éclat. Their names I will conceal out of delicacy to their
children. They invited a very large party to a splendid fête, and, in
the midst of it, disappeared, and, embarking on board a vessel prepared
for the purpose in the roads, they sailed for Europe, leaving their
creditors all the spoils in biscuits, wax-candles, and French wines.

I was fortunate enough to procure some antiquities at Larnaka, one of
which, of whitest marble, in shape like a tailor’s goose, the handle
finished off by two lions’ heads, was dug out of the ruins of Citium,
and seemed to intimate that the ancients confined their doors against
blasts of wind in the same way that is done now-a-days. It is now in
the possession of Newman Smith, Esq. of Croydon Lodge.

Soon after my arrival, the whole island was thrown into commotion, by
an event which it will not be amiss to relate, as illustrative of the
state of society in Cyprus. The dragoman of the Austrian consul, a
Greek by birth, and of the Greek persuasion, but enjoying by his post a
Frank protection, had an only daughter twelve years of age, beautiful
as the day. Her father, adhering to the customs of his nation, kept her
confined to the house, secluding her from the sight of everybody but
her relations, and allowing her the privilege of going to mass three
times a year only, in company with them, on the grand holydays of
their religion. Her charms, however, were the talk of every circle. She
was sought for in marriage by several Greek gentlemen; but the father’s
ambition led him to hope for still more advantageous proposals, and
each suitor was declined in turn.

There was a Ragusan merchant resident in Larnaka, about thirty-five
years of age, very rich, and, from his wealth, held in much
consideration. He was the brother of one of the consuls. The
maiden excited his desires, and he resolved to attempt the illicit
gratification of them. The father possessed a little farm in the
country, to which he went occasionally to superintend his agricultural
business. Constantine, (for that was the Ragusan’s name) had secured
in his interests a Turkish woman, who, under the cloak of a suppliant,
obtained admission into the house. She made known his passion to
the girl, whose vanity was gratified by the admiration of a man so
distinguished in her eyes, whilst she felt besides a predilection
towards Franks, because they were known to allow their wives greater
liberty than the Greeks.

During the absence of the father at his farm, the maid-servant, who was
her duenna, betrayed her trust, and Constantine was introduced into the
house, where he effected his dishonourable purposes. He repeated his
visits, as occasions offered, for some time, until she found herself
pregnant. Alarmed at her condition, she informed her lover of it, and
begged him to bring her a potion to procure abortion. He soothed her
alarms, and desired her to be under no apprehension; assuring her that,
in bearing him a child, she would but secure a testimony of their love,
and a pledge of the promise he had given her of soon making her his
wife.

Her increasing size could not escape the observation of her father,
who, unsuspicious of the real cause, was amused with a story of female
complaints, for which some old woman’s nostrum was pretended to be
applied. Some months passed on in this way, until, on the 8th of
February, a few days after my landing on the island, the distressed
girl escaped from her father’s house to that of a friend, and there,
with tears in her eyes, and overwhelmed with shame and confusion,
disclosed her situation.

The news spread like wildfire, and the outcry against Constantine knew
no bounds: but, with the assurance of impunity, he appeared at a public
ball the same evening, and, as some persons maliciously remarked, was
the admiration of the fair sex more than he ever had been. The Greeks,
however, in a body, took up the cause, with a determination to make him
their victim, unless he rendered ample satisfaction to their injured
honour. They made a party affair of it: for, of seven vice-consuls who
resided at Cyprus, three were Greek, who held together against those
who were of Frank extraction. Constantine was called upon to repair
the dishonour done to the young lady, and, through her, to the Greek
nation, by marriage. The archbishop of the island was written to, and
application was made to the Turkish governor, who put Constantine under
arrest, so that he seemed to have no alternative but to comply.

He alleged, however, in excuse of what he had done, that he was not
the only one who had enjoyed the favours of the girl--that the father,
who lived in concubinage with his maid-servant before the eyes of
this young creature, could not expect her to escape the influence
of so bad an example. He cited the Germanic law, to which they were
both amenable, and by which a fine of money only was awarded to the
aggrieved party, in case of seduction, which he was ready to pay. He
asserted that he had made no promise of marriage, and, consequently,
could not be compelled to take her for his wife. He insinuated that the
girl was artful enough to have planned the whole affair, in the hope of
thus ensuring herself a good match, aware that, both in the order of
events and from her father’s situation and small fortune, she could not
expect to be so well married in any other way. Finally, he declared,
that, whatever might be the consequence, he repudiated her. He knew, he
said, the vindictive spirit of the Greeks; and, if they had resolved on
assassinating him, why, let the worst happen: he had made his will, and
would abide by the event. Added to all this, several of the inhabitants
spoke of the practice the young lady had of secretly going to the
house-door, and of saluting young men as they passed by; whilst,
whenever she saw ladies coming, she disappeared, as if conscious of
doing something improper.

The father and the Greek party, on the contrary side, said that the
girl was too young and too innocent to have acted otherwise than from
the impulses of nature and the suggestions of her seducer; whilst
the go-between, when interrogated, testified to the admission of
Constantine only to the house. They produced two rings given by him as
tokens of a promise of marriage.

The affair was thus advocated with the utmost bitterness of party
spirit on both sides. Constantine, finding that threats were thrown out
against his life, stirred very little from home: and it was thought
that resort would be had to the ambassador of Austria at Constantinople
to decide on the case: but here another difficulty intervened.
Whenever the consuls were at variance, the Turks took advantage of
their quarrels, and it was only by their union that they could make
a stand against them. The girl, therefore, was at last sacrificed to
political reasons, and Constantine consented to pay a certain sum as
her dowry to any one who would marry her. This, with the distribution
of a few douceurs, quieted the outcry. A person was not long wanting,
who offered himself as her husband; but his low rank in society and
mercenary character precluded the unfortunate victim from the hopes of
happiness for the rest of her life.

In 1812, when, as it was said at the instigation of the French
ambassador, much persecution was exercised against the family of the
Morûsis, at that time enjoying the highest dignities which the Porte
awards to her Greek subjects, one of them, Prince George Morûsi, was
banished to Cyprus, where he lived for a few weeks unmolested, and
in great privacy. I was making a visit with Signor Vondiziano to a
person named Bosovitch, inhabiting a large house at the strand of
Larnaka, when, the conversation turning on beheading, a person who was
present said, “It was on this sofa I saw the Prince George Morûsi so
barbarously murdered;” and he proceeded to relate the way in which it
was done. “We had just risen from dinner, and the prince had reseated
himself to smoke his pipe, when a slight bustle was heard on the
staircase, and an armed Turk, with two others behind, entered the
room. They looked steadily for half a minute at us, and the prince,
who beheld them, dropped his pipe, turned pale as ashes, and fell back
almost inanimate: for he apprehended immediately what business they
were come upon. The first Turk advanced to him, and shot him through
the body. We were three of us present: we leaped from the sofa, and,
as the murderers paid no attention to us, we got out of the room into
the passage. There everything was in confusion; and, in the midst of
it, the chaplain of the prince pulled me aside. ‘Secrete these things
immediately,’ he said, and gave me a watch with some jewels and rings;
all which I afterwards restored to the family at a proper time. Whilst
this was doing, the Turks, to make their work sure, had strangled the
prince with a girdle, and had dragged the body into the passage. They
then retreated by the street door, no one daring to follow or cry after
them.

“When they were out of sight, we went immediately to the governor, and
told him what we had seen. He pretended astonishment and horror at the
deed, and immediately gave orders to his police officers to search the
town and bring the assassins before him. This farce was carried on some
days, although every one knew that the soldiers were the governor’s
men, and that he had authority from the Porte for what he had done.”

Let me now narrate a story of a different nature, and of a more
innocent and enlivening cast. The conversation of Larnaka turned much
upon it, as soon as Signor Constantine’s affair had blown over. Signor
Brunoni’s history was singular. He was about to quit Cyprus for Italy,
and was reputed to carry with him a fortune estimated at half a million
of piasters, or £15,000 sterling.

An Italian by birth, he belonged originally to the fraternity of monks
of St. Francis, called in the Levant the monks of the Holy Land. He
was a lay brother; and, it is said, disgusted with his calling, he
obtained from Rome a dispensation to throw off his frock. As soon as
he returned to the world, he professed himself a doctor; and, being of
a handsome presence and of insinuating manners, he established himself
so effectually in the good-will of the people of Leucosia, the capital,
that, at the end of twenty-five years, when he left the place to reside
at Larnaka, on the sea-coast, he was escorted on his way to town by the
principal inhabitants, as a testimony of the respect they bore him.

On coming to Larnaka he continued to exercise his profession, and, at
the same time, turned merchant. But his neighbours were surprised to
see that, on a sudden, he threw a capital into his business, superior
to that of the oldest and wealthiest merchants. Shortly afterwards he
sent his eldest son, a lad, to Italy, under pretence of giving him a
good education; but reports soon reached the island that the son had
purchased, in his father’s name, a large estate for some thousands
of pounds. Many were the surmises and conjectures how he had amassed
so much wealth, when at last a trifling circumstance led to the
discovery. Signor Brunoni offered for sale to a friend a large silver
lamp, saying it had been the property of the pope, but was sold during
his holiness’s troubles, and had, from hand to hand, come into the
possession of his son, who, thinking it would suit some devout person
of Cyprus, had sent it to him. Some one, to whom it was shown, on
examining the lamp, discovered on the back of it the name of Seneca,
and recollected that a wealthy Venetian family of that name once
flourished in Cyprus. He talked of the coincidence, until it was asked
whether Signor Brunoni might not have found a hidden treasure: and
then it was that, by degrees, the following account came to light. It
appeared that, adjoining to his own residence at Leucosia, lived a poor
single woman, in a small house, but which was her own property. This
woman hired herself to Signor Brunoni as a servant; and, after living
with him some years, she, in a moment of confidence, showed him some
papers she had in a chest, which she had inherited from her father with
the house. One of these was an indication to a treasure buried under
the house. Brunoni pretended to take time to look over them, copied
them, and secretly resolved to make the search. He first purchased
the house for a trifle, then joined it to his own as a surgery, and
succeeded, to his great joy, in finding what he was in search of.

The woman lived with him always afterwards, and, when he quitted
the island, he settled a pension on her. But what renders the truth
of the story more probable, if confirmation were wanting, is, that
discoveries of this sort were by no means rare. Venetian families would
transmit from Venice notices of treasures concealed by their ancestors
in Cyprus, and left by them at their expulsion by the Turks in the
fifteenth century. But a griping government, and the impossibility
of searching houses and places which had passed into the hands of
strangers, had prevented those entrusted with these documents from
acting upon them. Instances occurred very frequently of several coins
of the same stamp being offered for sale in quick succession. Many a
man had been known to disappear on a sudden from the island, and it
had been ascertained afterwards that he had fled from his country,
to enjoy, without risk, the fruits of a fortunate discovery. For if
it were but whispered that an Ottoman subject had found concealed
treasures, the government claimed them; and the distrust which existed
in the official authorities, lest a part should be withheld, often
subjected the finder to blows and even torture.

It would appear affectation in my readers to say, that they do not feel
a desire to know whether the women at Cyprus retain any of those charms
and of that amiability which once drew down the protection of the
goddess of beauty on the isle. I reluctantly confess that the favours
of that deity were no longer so manifest as of old, although votaries
were not wanting at her shrine; but yet some exceptions ought to be
made.[106]

The voices of the Cypriot women had something in them peculiarly
dissonant, and they all seemed to speak in a false tone, nor did use
ever make these shrill accents agreeable. They were not, in general,
beautiful, nor was their dress graceful, being in no sense calculated
to display their shapes. Seen from behind, they resembled nothing so
much as a horse in a mantua-maker’s show-room, with a dress appended
to it. In their habits they were indolent; they were not good although
niggardly housewives. They were oftener to be seen at the windows and
doors of their houses than elsewhere, looking at passengers with the
most idle curiosity. They were addicted to the grossest superstitions.
For example: when oil is spilt from a lamp, a cruet, or otherwise,
some dire misfortune is supposed to overhang the family; and, upon
one occasion, having the misfortune to upset a lamp, I saw the eyes
of the servants turned upon me, as on one whose presence foreboded
evil. A neighbour would in vain attempt to obtain a light from the
adjoining house, if applied for after sunset. These superstitions are
harmless enough; but they become hurtful when they interfere with
the cultivation of a useful study. Thus, a labourer on the estate of
a gentleman of Larnaka struck upon the head of a statue, as he was
ploughing. Curiosity induced him to clear away the soil from it; but
when he saw the features (as it was of remarkably white marble), he
took them for those of a spirit, and ran away. He bethought himself
of going to the priest, who, hearing his story, accompanied him to the
spot, and there found the head; which, under pretence of exorcising,
he carried home, and presented to his patron, a Greek. His patron
was proud of a handsome piece of ancient sculpture, and gave it a
conspicuous situation in his house. It so happened, that, immediately
afterwards, there was an epidemical disorder in Cyprus. The effects
of it were felt in every house, and the possessor of the marble head
did not escape. At last his sisters, unmarried ladies, who lived with
him, conceived that the bust had brought the malady upon them. In vain
he attempted to convince them of the absurdity of such a notion: they
persisted, and he was obliged to give the bust away.

They rule their servants by caprice, and educate their children by fits
of anger and indulgence.

The manufactures of Cyprus are chiefly coarse printed cottons for
furniture, which are of lively chintz patterns, and remarkably cheap.
The principal articles imported at this time into Cyprus were German
looking-glasses, queen’s and other earthenware, sugar, syrups and
liqueurs, cloth, Lyons’ stuffs, Manchester goods, glass, &c.

The Greek spoken at Cyprus is as corrupt as that in any part of the
Turkish empire. An attempt to enumerate the words that have been
introduced into it from other tongues would be to select almost all the
expressions of eating, drinking, visiting, and business, common to the
Turkish, Arabic, Italian, and French languages. An example of each will
suffice.

Arabic.--Τι χαβαρι εχει; what news is there? from _kaber_,
_news_.

Italian.--Καμνειν μιαν βισιταν], to pay a visit: from _visita_.

French.--Το εκαμεν εξακταμεντε, we have done it exactly: from
_exactement_.

Turkish.--Γοκσα; or not? from _yok_.

Ditto.--Ρεζιλες, disputes.

The ῤ is aspirated in pronunciation at Cyprus, which is not done, I
believe, elsewhere in the Greek islands.

Living at Cyprus was extremely cheap: but the term means nothing, when
applied as relative to England; for all countries almost are cheap
in comparison with it, and hence to Englishmen a great advantage is
afforded wherever they travel. Compared with the adjacent districts of
Syria and Caramania, living in Cyprus was cheap even then.

Cyprus still felt the effects of an insurrection which had convulsed
the island some time before. To understand the causes of it, it is
necessary to premise, that the Greeks enjoyed so much influence in
Cyprus, as to be able often to displace a governor who had become
obnoxious to them; not by an act of authority (for they had none in
the eye of the law), but by representations to the Porte, backed by
money. At the head of the Greek party was the archbishop. The one who
held the crosier before the reigning archbishop was so infirm, that
he employed, in all transactions with the government, his dragoman,
named Hadji Georgaki, a man of great talents, which he perverted to
the purposes of intrigue. To such a height had this man’s power grown,
that he was supposed, by his machinations, to have removed more than
one motsellem, or governor; and it was thought that no one could hold
that dignity long, who had not previously entered into a friendly
understanding with him.

In this way, Hadji Georgaki’s measures were generally uncontrolled,
and he proceeded to the length of oppressing Turks and Christians
indiscriminately, which was ill borne by the Turks, who submit
reluctantly to authority exercised over them by an infidel; but not
unwillingly by the Greeks themselves, who cared not to lose a portion
of their substance, if their oppressors were to be fellow-sufferers.
At length, however, the complaint of the Turks found its way to
Constantinople, and Hadji Georgaki thought fit to go in person to the
capital to counteract the machinations of his enemies; which, by force
of bribes, he succeeded in doing, and returned triumphantly to Cyprus.

The hatred of the Turks against the dragoman now knew no bounds; and,
finding they could not obtain justice from the Porte, they resolved
to take the cause into their own hands. They accordingly laid a plot
to seize the person of Hadji Georgaki, and to take away his life,
but he was apprized of it in time to escape to Larnaka, where (after
concealing himself some days in a consular house) he embarked for the
Archipelago, and betook himself again to Constantinople. The Turks,
having lost their victim, and committed themselves too far to recede,
hoisted the standard of rebellion, and were headed by the governor.
The Greeks were oppressed without appeal, and complaints poured into
Constantinople, demanding relief.

The Porte now saw that energetic measures must be resorted to, and
looked about for a proper man to execute its commands. Cara Pasha,
a subtile chieftain, versed in intrigue, and who would stick at no
means to effect his ends, was selected for the purpose. He embarked
from the opposite coast of Asia with a large body of troops, and,
landing, marched strait for Leucosia: but Leucosia, a fortified place,
was so well defended by the rebels, that he found himself unable to
carry it by assault. He accordingly sat down before the city, having
seized on the flour-mills at Cytherea as the best means of straitening
the besieged, who had no means, except by hand and mule-mills, of
grinding corn within the walls. The archbishop and the chief Greeks
found themselves shut in with the rebels. The former, fearing for his
personal safety, and pretending to be alarmed only for that of his
flock, wrote letters to the different consuls at Larnaka, begging them
to intercede with the pasha for a truce, and to endeavour to settle the
affair any how so that he might escape; signifying that, if hostilities
commenced, he and the Greeks should be massacred. For it was the
artifice of the rebels to hold out the threat, knowing how much could
be done by the archbishop, if made a party in the affair.

The consuls, pleased with the importance they were likely to acquire
in becoming mediators, set off, to the number of five, for Leucosia.
They made known their business to the pasha, who eagerly availed
himself of an opportunity which he thought was thus afforded him of
getting within the walls. He accordingly treated them with great
distinction, and expressed himself disposed to accede to any thing
which their negociations might effect. A correspondence was immediately
entered upon, and thirty days passed in messages to and fro; the
rebels endeavouring to obtain permission to leave Leucosia with their
property, and the pasha, on his side, offering them their lives and
property, but with the condition that they should remain where they
were. The rebels were at last brought to consent to these terms, on a
solemn promise being made to the consuls by the pasha that their lives
should be saved.

On an appointed day the gates were thrown open, and the pasha and
the consuls marched in together in procession. The day was spent in
merriment, and most persons thought the pasha honourable in his
intentions. Night came, and the consuls retired to their respective
houses, where they were to sleep. It was then that the pasha began
to play his treacherous game. Despatching soldiers in different
directions, he secretly caused to be seized, at the same moment,
thirteen rebels, who were brought to the palace and beheaded
immediately. Their relations flew to the consuls, whilst these
executions were yet going on, and told them that the pasha had not
respected the compact made between them. Monsieur Regnault, the French
consul, as first in rank among them, despatched his dragoman to the
pasha, and bade him hold his hand and respect the treaty. The dragoman,
a timid Levantine, arrived whilst the bow-string was yet at work.
Fainting and trembling, his tongue faltered, and his representations
were unheeded by a man, who, in having made the consuls the tools of
his perfidy, could well ask them why they meddled between the Porte and
its subjects.

The next morning, when the day dawned, the pasha sent for the consuls.
Monsieur Regnault at first refused to attend on him, but his timid
associates advised him not to offend so sanguinary a man, and he
accompanied them. The pasha received them not like one convicted of
treachery, but as a magistrate vested with an authority in which they
had no part. He read to them the firman of the Porte, commanding him to
exterminate the rebels; and excused the mode in which he had effected
it, by saying that no faith could be kept with them. He then invested
each consul with a pelisse of one thousand piasters value, and, when
they had suffered this, they went away, held their peace, and returned
humbled to Larnaka.

To add to the disgrace which this whole transaction brought on the
consuls, when the pasha afterwards came to Larnaka, previous to
his embarkation for Latakia, they invited him alternately to their
houses, where he made himself drunk with brandy, which he asked for
incessantly; and, retiring to vomit, returned to drink again. These
scenes were renewed from house to house, and often lasted through the
night. And here Monsieur Regnault was destined to betray a second time
the folly of meddling in affairs that did not concern him, however good
and honourable the motive; for when, on the evening of the massacre,
he had favoured the escape of certain rebels, and had caused them
to be secreted in his house at Larnaka, the pasha sent a detachment
of troops, and compelled him to give them up. Two, however, of the
leaders, named Hadj Mustafa and Delli Omàr, escaped. The latter was
for some time secreted at Signor Vondiziano’s, until an opportunity
offered for stealing on board a ship and sailing for Syria. The whole
affair cost a vast deal of money to the island, which was obliged to
maintain so many troops; and the pasha enriched himself individually by
presents extorted by terror, and by avanies levied on each rich person
who could in any manner be implicated in the rebellion. The troops
themselves departed with their arms covered with gold.

Will it then be said, after this, by writers and travellers, that the
Turks are a nation devoid of animation, activity, or enterprise? Rather
let us look on them as unmoved by the tranquil occupations of virtuous
minds, and by the ordinary pursuits which agitate a Christian’s bosom,
because they play a deeper game, and are to be excited to energy only
where the stakes are fortune and life: but we must not charge them with
dullness or inactivity.

The information acquired respecting Hadji Georgaki induced the pasha
to denounce him to the Porte. On his arrival at Constantinople, after
his flight, he had concealed himself at the village of Arnaûtkui on the
Bosphorus, until by fresh bribes he could judge himself sufficiently
protected at court; after which he appeared in public. But, his work
not having been well done, one day he was seized and beheaded. His
house was despoiled at Leucosia, and in the floor of one room was found
a trap-door leading by steps to a stone vault, where immense treasures
were discovered. When at Leucosia, I descended into this place, and
was satisfied more than ever that such means of concealment were often
resorted to by the natives of these countries.

The archbishop, in this conflict, saw himself deprived of half the
authority which before, by peculiar privileges, had belonged to the
see of Cyprus. For, up to this time, no judicial proceedings could be
enforced against a Greek subject without his presence, personally or by
deputy: now the motsellems of Leucosia, Larnaka, and Famagusta, were
vested with the same authority as the governors of other cities of the
empire.

The archbishop had once been an οικονομος, or commissary, and served as
purveyor in the camp of the vizir, who conducted an army against the
French in Egypt.

From the 3rd of February continued rain had fallen. The weather had
become exceedingly tempestuous, and a succession of storms rendered it
impossible for vessels to take in their cargoes; for Larnaka has no
harbour, and vessels coming for a freight lie at anchor in the bay,
and receive their merchandize by boats from the shore. There was a
polacca brig loading for Marseilles, by which I had resolved to take my
passage: but there was little prospect that she would be ready for some
time, for the reasons assigned above.

On the 24th of February, after a very tempestuous night, the house
of Mr. Caridi, (whose wife was sister to Mr. Vondiziano) was struck
by lightning, which, after taking an irregular course through four
chambers, breaking in its way a looking-glass, singeing a coverlet,
and bursting a door, entered the wall of the house, which wall was of
burnt brick. It so happened that there was a New Testament in Greek
lying by the mirror; the mirror was broken, but the Testament remained
uninjured. This book immediately acquired a degree of sanctity equal to
what a τέμενος, (_temenos_) would have done among the ancients.
But what amused me greatly was to see Mr. Caridi obliged to keep open
house for three days, that people might view the book and compliment
him on the miracle. His wife was much inclined to make a vow to go to
Mount Athos, and return thanks for the signal deliverance. The same
house was soon afterwards visited by another hurricane, when a gust
of wind carried away a staircase, which led from the ground floor to
the upper story, and which was on the outside, as is customary in the
island.

Lent had now begun, and I resolved to live with Mr. Vondiziano’s family
as if I had been of their own religion, in order to see how I could
bear a meager diet. Yet he would not suffer me to do so entirely,
apprehensive that it would not agree with my constitution. The eldest
of Signor Vondiziano’s daughters, about twelve years old, had been so
schooled by their confessor, that she fed on bread and olives only.
Our meals consisted generally of rice soup, made with oil, instead of
meat or butter; fish done in oil; wild and garden artichokes; salads,
peas, beans, or other vegetables, fried in oil; botarga, caviare,
olives, anchovies; and some other things, which I forget. The children
vied with each other in undergoing privations of this kind: and the
maid-servants were their abettors. Signor Vondiziano, under the plea of
a weak stomach, obtained an exemption for himself twice a week.

In this way time wore on, but the weather did not change for the
better: even the passage between Syria and Cyprus was interrupted. The
drought of the preceding year was now more than overbalanced by the
flooding rains; and, from the standing pools which they made, fevers
and endemic maladies were anticipated.

The inhabitants of Larnaka, and, after them, travellers, have
attributed the malignant fevers, which almost annually infest that
town to a small lake of stagnant water, which lay between Larnaka and
the Marina. As this lake is not more than a few hundred yards across
in its longest diameter, it seems inadequate to the production of such
extensive effects. There would appear to be sufficient reason in the
sudden change of temperature which takes place at sunset, wherever in
these latitudes there are low flats, in which heat is confined by day,
and vapours are condensed by night. Even in the winter, after a sunny
day, there was, at the close of it, such a chill suddenly pervading the
atmosphere, as to give an instantaneous check to perspiration in any
one incautiously exposed to it. In the spring and autumn, this must
necessarily be more sensibly felt; as the quantity of vapour carried
into the atmosphere is greater from the greater heat, and the system
is then more easily acted upon, at one time from the sudden cessation
of a renovated circulation, at another from the sudden contraction of
relaxed pores.

Tired of waiting for the vessel’s departure, I resolved on another
excursion into the interior; and, on the 21st of March, I set off with
two mules, which cost me eleven piasters and a half per diem, for
Leucosia. I was desirous, this time, of taking the road through Idalia;
but my guide, who wished to pass the night at his own village, turned
from the road which led to Idalia into that to Athegainon, imagining
that, when once there, I could do no more than fume and talk, without
any positive mischief to him. But I knew a Greek’s shifts well enough
to suspect that the direction he took was not the right one, as I
had previously instructed myself respecting the way. Accordingly, I
suffered him to take the lead for about two hundred yards, and then
suddenly, without apprizing him, turned off in a northerly direction.
He did not look round, until I and my servant were almost out of sight;
when, discovering what I had done, he came hurrying after me.

Idalia, now called Dali, is five leagues from Larnaka, west by north.
It proved to be a village of eighty houses, twenty of which were
Turkish, and sixty Christian. It had four _papases_, or priests. I
was lodged at the ξενοδοκε̃ ιον, or public lodging, than which nothing
could be more wretched. I went the following morning to see the site
of ancient Idalia, to the south-east, over a fine plain of whitish
soil. Half a dozen stones of rude workmanship, at a spot where the
hills form a bogáz, or ravine, were all that now remained. My guide
was very anxious that I should sit down and look around me; because,
he said, the last Englishman who had been there had done the same: and
I was inclined, therefore, to believe, that he had no other reason
for calling these scattered stones ruins of Idalia, than because this
Englishman had told him so. On my return to the village, I inquired for
coins and statues, as is customary with travellers, and found, at a
papas’s, a small woman’s head, in marble. I mounted my mule to depart,
and, in passing a heap of stones and rubbish by the church, I observed
what I thought to be the drapery of a statue peep out. I alighted, and
found a statue in high relief, about twenty inches long, without a
head, done in alabaster. This I brought away with me.

The road lay through hills, where I occasionally caught a glimpse of
Leucosia; but did not enjoy the complete view until within a quarter of
an hour’s distance from it. The day was beautifully fine. On my arrival
at the monastery, the archbishop received me civilly, but with a
settled gloom on his countenance, the cause of which will be presently
shown. His dinner, as being Lent fare, was no better than the repasts
which I had left behind me at Larnaka.

I visited, on the following day, Mâlem Anthony Brins, a native of
Tripoli in Syria, who may pass as a person of some mark in the eyes of
Europeans, as having been Monsieur Volney’s teacher in Arabic, when
living at Mar Hanneh, on Mount Lebanon.[107]

Brins was now a merchant, living in affluence at Leucosia. His house
was spacious and agreeable. Ali Bey had paid him a long visit during
his stay at Leucosia. He spoke of that traveller as ill able to support
the character of a Moslem, either by his exercise of the rites of the
Mahometan religion, or by his general language and demeanour.

Let us now revert to the cause of the archbishop’s gloominess. About
a week before this my second visit to Leucosia, a large sum of money,
amounting to about twenty purses, or nearly £500, had been stolen in
the night from the room where Andréa, the archbishop’s dragoman, sat
every day for the purpose of transacting the business of the island
between the governor and his master. In the bottom of the chest which
was rifled, human ordure was left, as if to add insult to theft. It is
to be observed that the palace of the governor, in which this room was
situated, was enclosed in a quadrangular court, and had but one outlet.

At break of day, Andrea’s servant went, as was his custom, to put the
room in order, when, finding the door forced and papers scattered in
confusion on the floor, he ran back in dismay to inform his master, who
hastened to see what had happened. The palace was soon in an uproar,
and the extraordinary event of burglary committed in the very residence
of the governor was considered as without a parallel.

When the first tumult was over, Andrea’s servant, the porter of the
gate, who was a Turk, and three Christians, employed near these rooms,
were apprehended. The _tufenkgi bashi_ (or head of the police,
whose apartment was immediately under the treasury, and where it was
supposed no noise could have been made without his hearing it), was
suspected; as was Signor Andrea himself. Over these two persons, though
not imprisoned, a guard was set to see that they did not escape.

It is usual with the Turks, when suspicion rests on particular persons,
to resort to torture for a confirmation of their doubts. Accordingly,
after four or five days, persons, to the number of thirty-two, having
been arrested, and all these but six having proved their innocence
(which six were, the porter, Andrea’s servant, and three Greeks,
with a woman, the wife of one of them), the suspected were confined
in separate rooms, and the investigation was begun in the following
manner. Meal barley, wetted, was made up into boluses of a large size,
and one of these was given to each of the accused. If he swallowed it,
he was innocent; if guilty, it was supposed to be impossible to do so.
Let it not, however, be imagined that the Turks place more reliance on
evidence of this sort than we do. But they know that guilt sometimes
betrays itself in superstitious trials, where the regular process of
justice would be balked. Andrea’s servant was most cruelly tormented.
He was placed on a cross, like that on which we represent St. Andrew
to have been crucified. His temples were screwed by the pressure of
a diadem of what are vulgarly called knuckle bones. Hot stones were
applied to his head, hot irons to his flesh. Inflammable matter was
smeared on him, and then ignited; and he was prevented from sleeping by
persons placed near him for that purpose. On the other Greeks and on
the gatekeeper the same torture was exercised.[108]

For the woman, a mode of torture was resorted to which may be called a
refinement on cruelty. The trousers worn by women in these countries
are exceedingly large, and tied at the ancles and waist. The plan
pursued with her was this. A cat was put into the trowsers, which,
being pricked and beaten, and unable to escape, grows furious, and
tears the thighs and legs of the sufferer with his teeth and claws.

It was in the midst of this dreadful investigation that I arrived at
Leucosia; and, walking the next day by the palace, I was startled by
the sight of a man dangling by the neck to the iron grating of one of
the palace windows, from fifteen to twenty feet from the ground. This
was the porter, who had been hanged in this way, just as he was about
to expire from the tortures he had undergone. As the investigation
advanced, it was rumoured that an Armenian seràf (banker to the
governor, and the rival of Andrea’s influence among the Turks) had
invented this nefarious plot for the purpose of ruining Andrea. The
servant of the latter died soon afterwards of his sufferings.

In the mean time, Andrea himself was exposed to the greatest danger,
for his enemies were powerful; and, although the proofs of his
innocence were satisfactory at home, he knew that such representations
might be made at Constantinople as would totally change the face of
things. And the event justified his apprehensions; for, although
the cause was still under investigation when I left Cyprus, and the
certainty of the Armenian’s plot became every day more apparent, the
affair was not finished without a great sacrifice of money on the
part of the archbishop; whilst Andrea, to avert a continuance of the
persecution, sold off his household furniture and pictures, which he
had recently imported from Italy, and reduced his establishment and his
dress to so humble a guise, that envious and malevolent people should
not have it in their power to allege anything against him.[109]

I got back to Larnaka just before Easter day. It fell this year on the
6th of April, and to a dull Lent succeeded visiting and festivities.
Mass was celebrated at midnight, and, this over, the ceremony of
kissing the cheek and saluting each other with “Christ is risen,”
began. By 10 o’clock, Mr. Vondiziano’s courtyard was filled with drums
and dancers, whilst in the saloon was the bishop with a party of
priests chanting.

A circumstance, however, somewhat interrupted the harmony of the
inhabitants. On the restoration of Louis XVIII., and the arrival of a
new ambassador at Constantinople, religion had again raised her head,
and the Catholic priests attempted to resume the influence which they
had once so extensively enjoyed, even in these distant colonies. The
freemasons were supposed to have been the fomenters of all the insults
which the priests had suffered for so many years during the revolution,
and the anathemas of the preachers were now levelled principally
against them.

This spirit of persecution was encouraged by the arrival of the Abbé
de Masure, almoner to the French ambassador, who denounced them as
the machinators of all evil, political and moral. It is customary for
Roman Catholics to confess themselves before receiving the sacrament
at Easter; and, according to the new order of things, the French
consul and the nation (for so the few individuals of each country
style themselves) went to confession. Three, who were freemasons, were
sent back, unless they would give up their masonic diplomas, which, of
course, they refused to do. Nor was the matter settled until the consul
threatened to imprison the priest, if he withheld absolution any longer
from the individuals in question.

I dismissed my servant Giovanni, who was to return to Syria, where he
proposed marrying a young person to whom he had been affianced three
or four years. Wishing to make the best recompence in my power to a
man, who, though he sometimes gave me reason, as has been related, to
be angry with him, still had served me faithfully, I had previously
presented him, on quitting Abra, with the best part of the furniture
my cottage contained; and I now made him a present of a few articles
for his bride, and of a sum of money for himself.




                             CHAPTER XIV.

   Departure from Cyprus, and Voyage to Marseilles--Dirtiness of
   the French ship and her crew--Fare on board--Cruel treatment of
   a political prisoner--Angora greyhound--Arrival at Pomegue, the
   quarantine anchorage of Marseilles.


The Jean Baptiste brigantine polacca of 150 tons being now ready to
sail, I embarked for Marseilles on the 9th of April, in the afternoon.
It was not without considerable regret that I took leave of a gentleman
whose unabated hospitality I had partaken of for seventy-six days. The
vessel was laden with cotton, of which she had nearly 600 bales, so
that they were stowed on the quarter-deck, in the waist, and on the
forecastle; besides which the cabin was so full, that between the bales
and the ceiling there was only room enough to creep to the sleeping
berths. I was to pay for the state-room and my board 350 francs.
Much had been said to me beforehand of the bad food and bad usage
which passengers generally meet with on board of Provençal vessels; I
therefore prepared myself contentedly for the worst.

On Friday the 10th of April, before sunrise, we got under weigh, with
the wind at west; but, after tacking off and on, we found ourselves,
at sunset, where we started from in the morning. We had on board a
prisoner in chains, named Candie, who had been arrested at St. Jean
d’Acre, by an order from Constantinople; and, as far as I could
collect, was accused of having taken part in some of the troubles at
Grenoble at the return of the Emperor Napoleon from Elba. The place
assigned him was on the cables, which lay on the cargo close to the
main hatchway; but, complaining that he feared being stifled when
the hatches were closed in bad weather, he was transferred to the
long boat; and, when the vessel was distant from the land, his chains
were taken off. The Captain, the owner, his two sons, the mate, and
a Maltese passenger, slept in the cabin; and, there being no room to
sit, we ate constantly on deck, fair weather and foul. As there was no
space for stools, or chairs, or benches, they all stood to eat, and to
this position I should have been myself condemned, had not my habits of
sitting in the Turkish fashion made a bale of cotton a very good sofa.

On the 12th, a strong wind from the East carried us on our course
seventy or eighty miles. On the 13th, the wind again shifted to the
west, and, up to the 23d, we were still beating to windward.

May set in with a change of wind to the north-east. For the first time,
studding sails were set. We now got on rapidly, and on the night of
the 3rd, we passed between Malta and Sicily.

On the 8th, the coast of Barbary was in sight the whole day. On the
11th and 12th we made little way; and on the 13th and 14th we were
becalmed on the Casse, a bank over which ships of large burden cannot
pass without danger. Here one of the sailors speared a fish, between
three and four feet long, of a deep purple colour on the back, and
with a snouted head, which some called a _paron_ and others a
_requin_ (shark).

On the 15th we had an easterly wind, and advanced very fast towards
our destination. On the 16th, at four o’clock in the afternoon, we
discovered the high land over Toulon, and about sunset we descried the
church of Nôtre Dame de la Garde, the village of Sinfours, and the rock
at the entrance of Toulon harbour. We stood off during the night; and,
on quitting the cabin in the morning, I found the vessel at the mouth
of Marseilles harbour, just where the rocky land, so rugged and bare,
presents itself to the sight. In an hour we were anchored at Pomegue,
an inlet in a small island not altogether safe in blowing weather, but
destined for vessels that have to perform quarantine. Thus we had been
thirty-seven days on our passage; ten of which were spent in reaching
Candia, thirteen more to Malta, six to Sardinia, and eight more to our
anchorage.

In taking a review of the circumstances of the voyage, I cannot say
that anything could have made it tolerable but the prospect of soon
landing in Christendom. I was shut up in a vessel, and obliged to live
in close society with men, whose habits, occupations, and education,
differed entirely from my own: and, although a philosophic mind will
not suffer its happiness to depend on such temporary inconveniences, I
confess I found mine sometimes greatly affected by them.

The Provençal sailors are superstitious to excess; and, whenever the
weather was bad, there was always a disposition to throw the blame of
it on me, whom, as a Protestant, they reckoned no Christian. They were
totally wanting in cleanliness. The cabin was full of fleas, and was
never swept during the whole voyage. This however was perhaps more
owing to the remissness of the captain, who did not enforce it, than
to the cabin-boy and men, who themselves, when ill-humoured with the
captain, complained of the dirtiness of the vessel. The Provençaux seem
to have a habit of spitting not exceeded by the Spaniards or Americans,
and, what is worse, they spit in every direction and on every spot, so
that I had not a single resting-place on the deck, nor could I go one
step without the apprehension of brushing with my long dress the saliva
that was scattered and conglobated in every direction. This habit
appeared more disagreeable to a person coming from Turkey, where the
meanest pauper is never seen to spit, even when smoking.

Their cookery was to me extremely disagreeable. The principal
ingredients in it were oil and garlic, the latter of which is
considered so great a delicacy, not only by the seafaring people of
Provence but by those who live on shore, that women even of respectable
condition often carry the odour of it in their breath into society.

It will not be misplaced here to give a list of the dishes on which we
chiefly lived during the passage, that other travellers may be induced
from it to take the precaution of laying in their own provisions on a
similar voyage. On Wednesdays and Fridays we lived on meagre fare, such
as lentils or rice done in oil, or salt fish soup, or salt fish plain
boiled; artichokes stuffed with onions, and parsley stewed in oil;
or on split peas and slices of bread boiled into a soup with oil and
water; or on cold boiled peas with oil. Hard Dutch cheese, or, which is
still harder, Cyprus cheese, with two dates and a few raisins for each
person, made up the dessert. On other days, there was rice boiled, or
rice soup; ham and bacon omelettes; stockfish always; broad beans raw,
which were to be eaten as children eat peas in England; boiled garden
snails, which were considered a delicacy, and of which we had a bushel
basket full. Two lambs were taken on board at Cyprus, and killed on
the voyage. They were eaten in the following manner. On the first day
the blood caught from the neck was fried, which looked like pieces of
liver; but this I could not eat. Next the liver itself was fried or
roasted, and the tripe done in _fricassée_, but so badly washed
that it was impossible to touch it. After this we fared well for two or
three days on lamb chops, vermicelli soup, _bouilli_ of lamb, &c.,
until the lamb was eaten. Towards the latter part of the voyage, when
all the provisions were nearly gone, we were reduced to ham and salt
fish soup, and boiled horse-beans in salad; whilst the water we drank
came from a wine barrel, with a smack of the vinous sourness in it.

There was no remedy for these evils when once embarked; for the desire
of avoiding anchorage dues prevents these vessels from entering any
port on their way home.

But when it is considered that some regard was paid to my English
habits, and that I had the liberty of disliking what did not please
me, my situation was good compared to that of the poor prisoner,
confined to the long-boat, and with no covering but an old sail. His
food was always of the worst; and the spray of the sea, in bad weather,
constantly flew over him, so as to wet him. In this man’s conversation
I found the only resource I had in the ship. He had been bred to,
and followed, the trade of a turner; but, in the revolution, he had
signalized his love of liberty, and bore with him a medal equivalent
in its import to what in ancient times a civic crown would have
been. His conduct on the return of Napoleon had made him obnoxious
to the royalists, and he had absented himself with a view to escape
persecution, which however pursued him into the heart of Syria: for,
at St. Jean d’Acre, whilst gaining a scanty livelihood by portrait
painting, he was seized and shipped off for France.

He was more attached than any person I ever saw to freemasonry, which
he seemed to have studied deeply, and his object in going to Palestine
was, he said, to visit Jerusalem, as the place which gave birth to this
singular fraternity. Whatever his motives were, he did not effect them.

The Provençal language (on board ship) is a most disagreeable jargon,
as unintelligible even to those who understand French as to those
who do not, and delighting in intonations of the voice, which always
reminded me of a crying child.

I had brought with me an Angora greyhound. The beauty of a dog from
that country consists in long silky hair at the ears and on the tail,
the peculiar feature of all animals, whether goats, cats, or dogs,
which come from Angora and its neighbourhood. Never did I feel so
forcibly the proverb of “love me, love my dog,” as then; for the whole
of the crew, when my back was turned, were constantly beating him, and
worried him cruelly.

As soon as the vessel was moored, the captain proceeded to Marseilles
(which is a league from Pomegue) with his papers; and next morning
I was conveyed, with my effects, to the Lazaretto, thankful to the
Almighty, for having permitted me, after so many perilous voyages and
journeys, once more to revisit Europe.




                           ADDITIONAL NOTE.

                        “Beaten him.”--p. 325.


I have preserved the exact words in which Dr. Wolff told the story;
but, in justice to Lady Hester Stanhope, I ought to observe that, in
her ladyship’s residence at Mar Elias, there were no steps either in
the house or at the entrance, and consequently the bearer of the letter
could not be “kicked down stairs.” Neither am I disposed to believe
that her ladyship bastinadoed him: she might have desired the porter
to say that, if he returned again, he would be bastinadoed. In this
way were many strange tales circulated, for which there were no other
grounds than the assertion of some poor devil, who made out a pitiful
case in order to get a _bakshysh_ for his supposed sufferings. A
Syrian thinks a few piasters are fairly gained by a plausible lie.


                               THE END.


Frederick Shoberl, Junior, Printer to His Royal Highness Prince Albert,
                 51, Rupert Street, Haymarket, London.




                        INTERESTING NEW WORKS,
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troops to carry fire and sword into the fearful passes of a mountainous
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                      HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF
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                      THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS;
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                       BY ELIOT WARBURTON, ESQ.


                    CRITICAL OPINIONS ON THIS WORK.


                          From the SPECTATOR.

Nothing but the already overdone topics prevented Mr. Warburton’s
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mixture of story with anecdote, information and impression, it perhaps
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be found in the volumes.


                        From the MORNING POST.

This delightful work is, from first to last, a splendid panorama of
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                            From the GLOBE.

Mr. Warburton has fulfilled the promise of his title-page. The
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                          From the ATHENÆUM.

The Author has been careful to combine with his own observation such
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contain a compilation of much that is useful, with original remarks
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which associates easily with scenery and manners.


                      From the QUARTERLY REVIEW.

This is an account of a tour in the Levant, including Egypt, Palestine,
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page teems with good feeling; and although that “catholic heartedness,”
for which the Author takes credit, permits him to view Mahometan
doctrines and usages with a little too much of indifferentism, yet,
arriving in Palestine, he at once gives in his adherence to the
“religion of the place” with all the zeal of a pious Christian. The
book, independently of its value as an original narrative, comprises
much useful and interesting information.


                          From the BRITANNIA.

Mr. Warburton sees with the strong clear vision with which Heaven has
endowed him, but with this there are always blended recollections of
the past, and something--though dashed in unconsciously--of poetic
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and well-trained and healthful faculties. We are proud to claim him
as a countryman, and are content that his book shall go all the world
over, that other countries may derive a just impression of our national
character.


                          From the EXAMINER.

Mr. Warburton’s book is very lively, and is most agreeably written.


                      From the LITERARY GAZETTE.

A lively description of impressions made upon a cultivated mind, during
a rapid journey over countries that never cease to interest. The writer
carried with him the intelligence and manners of a gentleman--the
first a key to the acquisition of knowledge, and the last a means of
obtaining access to the best sources of information.


                        From the COURT JOURNAL.

We know no volumes furnishing purer entertainment, or better calculated
to raise up vast ideas of past glories, and the present aspects of the
people and lands of the most attractive region of the world.


                      From the WEEKLY CHRONICLE.

Of recent books of Eastern Travel, Mr. Warburton’s is by far the best.
He writes like a poet and an artist, and there is a general feeling
of _bonhomie_ in every thing he says, that makes his work truly
delightful.


                       From the CHESTER COURANT.

This is one of the most interesting and admirable publications of
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life-like descriptions of the scenes and personages he has witnessed.
His narrative is written in the most elegant and graphic style, and
his reflections evince not only taste and genius, but well-informed
judgment.


                   From the UNITED SERVICE MAGAZINE.

We could not recommend a better book as a travelling companion than Mr.
Warburton’s. It is by far the most picturesque production of its class
that we have for a long time seen. Admirably written as is the work,
and eminently graphic as are its descriptions, it possesses a yet more
exalted merit in the biblical and philosophical illustrations of the
writer.


                 From the DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE.

Mr. Warburton possesses rapidity and brilliancy of thought, and
felicity of imagery. But he has qualities even rarer yet--a manliness
of thought and expression, a firm adherence to whatever is high-souled
and honourable, without one particle of clap-trap sentiment. Let
his theme be a great one, and for it alone has he ears and eyes;
and the higher and more poetic the subject, the more elegant and
spirit-stirring are his descriptions.


                      From AINSWORTH’S MAGAZINE.

There is a fine poetical imagination, tempered by a well trained
intelligence. Thought, feeling, and passion, manifest themselves in
every page.


                       HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER,
                     13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.


                          MR. BURKE’S WORKS.


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                               FOR 1846.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] A few years afterwards she became more of a fatalist. See “Memoirs
of Lady Hester Stanhope.”

[2] These trays are made in continuous circles, like the top of a
beehive, and are very common in Syria.

[3] There are said to be about forty-four villages in the Bkâ.

[4] These had a resident Frank priest, who acted also as doctor. He was
well known as having received all the European travellers, who have
passed through Bâlbec, at his little monastery.

[5] The word _Shiys_ or _Shyas_ marks either the particular
followers of Ali, who do not acknowledge the legitimacy of the first
three Caliphs, or comprehends, generally, all heterodox persons,
born in the bosom of Islamism, in opposition to the _Sunnys_,
an expression by which all Moslems of the four orthodox sects are
designated.--(_Tabl. Gen. de l’Emp. Ott._ vol. i. p. 95.)

[6] The largest of the stones in the outer (western) wall is said to
be 62 feet 9 inches, that in the quarry 68 feet in length, 17 feet 8
inches wide, 13 feet 10 inches thick. Wood and Dawkins, who aver that
they give all their drawings and plans from measurement, are the best
authors to rely on.

[7] Of this emir Ali, Burckhardt has these words (p. 168):--“the north
declivity of Mount Libanus, a district governed at present (March,
1812,) by Ali Beg, a man famous for his generosity, liberality, and
knowledge of Arabian literature.”

[8] Bâlbec has to boast of having given birth to a famous physician,
named Beder-ed-dyn Bâlbeky, who lived in the third century of the
hegira.

I marked in charcoal, on the walls of the inner temple, the name of
Lady Hester with this laudatory quatrain:--

    Quam multa antiquis sunt his incisa columnis
      Nomina! cum saxo mox peritura simul.
    Sed tu nulla times oblivia: fama superstes,
      Esther, si pereant marmora, semper erit.

    How many names, else never to be known,
    Live for a while, inscribed upon this stone!
    But, Hester, thine oblivion shall not fear:--
    Fame will transmit it, though not written here.

However, her ladyship requested me immediately to efface the whole; and
she declared she never had consented, when living with her uncle, to be
praised in verse, or portrayed in painting.

[9] In the Syrian monasteries, the customary salutation between the
friars who meet each other is that above mentioned, and the answer
likewise.

[10] I have since read in some author that this column was of the
Corinthian order, fifty-seven feet high and five feet in diameter,
having a tablet for an inscription, now erased. I cannot recollect
whether it was before or after we arrived at the column, that there
stood a village (called Yyd or Nyd) not far out of the road, which we
were desirous of entering: but the inhabitants hailed us from the roofs
of the houses, and with muskets in their hands threatened to shoot any
one who should approach them; for they were determined, they said, to
let nobody, coming from Bâlbec, where the plague was, have intercourse
with them.

[11] For the properties of this lake, see Eusebius de vitâ Constantini,
iii. 55.

[12] Ayn Aty is called by Burckhardt Ainnete, one word, but I venture
to think that he is incorrect.

[13] For _Aphaca_, a temple dedicated to Venus, on the top of
Mount Lebanon, see Zosimus, i., 58.

[14] It must be observed that, in the East, a usual way of doing
honour to distinguished guests is to spread something costly for them
to tread or sit on. Thus, when it was thought that her Royal Highness
the Princess of Wales would have visited Damietta, the English agent
there, a rich merchant, had arranged that the path from the side of the
Nile to his house door should be covered with Cashmere shawls. Carpets
are seldom left spread out in a room, but are rolled up and moved from
room to room as wanted, being generally small, and never made singly to
cover a whole room.

[15] I dined with these gentlemen at different periods, and was
generally expected to give about a crown as vails to the servants on
coming away.

[16] We heard here, with pleasure, a eulogium passed on two of our
countrymen, by the grateful widow and daughters of a M. Cuzi, who,
in the prosecution of a journey, as intrepreter, with two English
gentlemen, Major C. and Mr. F., fell a victim to a fever, and left a
family who would have seen want staring them in the face, but for the
liberal relief afforded them by these gentlemen.

[17] These hoods are made of cloth, and men use them in travelling
as women use hoods in England: they being, in the like manner, not
attached to a cloak, but worn separately.

[18] His name was Sulimán, the son of Ibrahim, katib of Hussn and
Safýna, which is an adjoining district, and where he lived.

[19] It would appear that this is the place described by Abulfeda (page
102), under the name of Hussn el Keràd. His words are: “Hussn el Keràd
is a fortified castle, facing Hems to the west, upon the mountain.
This castle is a day’s journey from Hems, and the like distance from
Tripoli.”

[20] One of Selim’s horses continually moved his head up and down. This
is esteemed, in the East, a mark of a high-bred horse, and is supposed
to have something holy in it, I believe because it resembles the motion
which learned and devout Mahometans put on when reading the Corân.

[21] It perhaps may amuse some persons to know that parasites, or
toadies, as they are now called, are as common in Syria as in other
countries. Selim, wherever he went, was generally accompanied by a
man, to whom, upon all occasions, he was accustomed to appeal for a
confirmation of his assertions. This man accordingly would attest, with
violent asseverations, anything, however hyperbolical or exaggerated,
that Selim advanced.

[22] Räys means a captain of a vessel, or the superior of a community,
or the head of any body of persons.

[23] Burkhardt spells it Amfy. His words are, “Below, on the sea-shore,
at the extremity of a point of land, is a lone village, called Amfy,
and near it the convent Dair Natour.”

[24] Jos. Antiq. Jud. l. viii. c. 13.

[25] This kind of marriage is called in Arabic El Menmah--conjugium
temporarium.

[26] About £3 sterling. Roubles, rupees, rubías, are all the same word
in different tongues.

[27] Strabo, xvi. 755. 1 Kings, v. Josh. xiii. 5. Ezekiel, xxvii. 9.
Ptolemy places Byblus ten miles south of Botrus; this agrees very
nearly with five hours’ march, ass’s pace.

[28] So it is written in my notes, but I am inclined to think the name
of this hamlet is Mynat Bergeh, or the port of Bergeh. It was in going
to this place, that, finding one of the Turkish muleteers exceedingly
careless, I dismounted, and laid a stick sharply across his shoulders.
This was the only time, thus far in my travels, I ever struck a
Mahometan; and, although he merely vented his dudgeon in words, I was
very apprehensive that, on our arrival at Beyrout, he would take an
opportunity of raising a mob against me. I would not advise a European
ever to strike a Mussulman, whatever the provocation may be.

[29] Via Antoniana. This road was made by Aurelius. (Pococke.)

[30] Beyrout was taken from the Saracens, by Baldwin, in 1111, and lost
in 1187. It was anciently a famous school of civil law.

[31] Some say the Adonis (Brown); some the Tamyras (Poc.); but Brown
seems to have been exceedingly inaccurate in assigning names to places
and things along the coast of Syria; and Pococke places the Tamyras,
which we shall presently pass, and which is the modern Damûr, some
miles too far North. The similarity of Tamyr and Damûr might have saved
Pococke from this blunder.

[32] Dame Habûs.

[33] Vid. Niebuhr or Pococke.

[34] Supposed by Pococke to be the Porphirion of the Jerusalem
Itinerary, eight miles from Sidon: but Nebby Yunez is from fifteen to
eighteen, being six hours’ ride.

[35] Zâym means, I believe, the superior of any order: I should
translate it by the word _president_. Capugi means a doorkeeper,
and Capugi-bashi, a head doorkeeper. But these appellations do not
convey to the mind the nature of the duties allotted to such persons
by the government. A Capugi-bashi and a Zâym are great men, who are
entrusted with the most important missions.

[36] Thus, whilst we were at Acre, there were Roman coins of the middle
empire on sale at the goldsmiths’ by threes and twos: and as one three
disappeared another supplied its place. It was plain that a jar of
coins had lately been discovered, and it was said that Shaykh Messaûd
of Hartha was the fortunate finder.

[37] “Avanized” is the Levant word for “mulcted.”

[38] “We reached the plain near a small village, inhabited only during
the seed time.” Burckhardt, v. ii. p. 207. This village was that where
we now sought shelter.

[39] Emiry is feminine, emir masculine.--These were the titles the
pasha always gave her in speaking of her. I therefore conceived they
were what she was legitimately entitled to in that country. Her
_Presence_ is no more an absurd title than her Highness, her
Grace, his Excellency, his Worship, and many other terms and qualities
which use has consecrated to rank.

[40] By προσκύνησις I understand the salutation, in use among the
Romans, of carrying the points of the fingers to the mouth, and kissing
them, which is the customary mode still practised throughout Turkey
from an inferior to a superior. Our word _adoration_ (os, oris) is
derived from this gesture, and by no means implies prostration or
genuflexion. Sir R. K. Porter, in his Travels in Persia, p. 665, I
think, makes a mistake, in attributing this mode of salutation to
another cause. His words are--“In front of the sovereign appears a
man in a short tunic and plain bonnet, carrying his right hand to his
mouth, to prevent his breath exhaling towards the august personage.”
Sir R. seems not to have been aware that the answer to every question
put by a great man to an inferior is accompanied by this very gesture.
Facciolati (_Tot. Lat. Lex._) defines _adoratio_ by “precatio, manu ad
os admotâ et flexo corpore facta.”

[41] Afterwards Pasha of Acre, until taken prisoner by Ibrahim Pasha.

[42] These Hawàrys were from Barbary, and the dingy colour of their
complexions distinguished them from soldiers of other parts of
the empire. I know not what pay the colonel, or the person whose
duties answered to those of our colonels, had: but he was reputed to
increase his income in this way. A regiment was composed of so many
_bayraks_ or standards, each consisting of four men: but, instead
of four, as rated, there were generally only two or three on actual
service; and, in cases of muster, temporary substitutes were found.

[43] The word _kys_, or purse, means a specific sum of 500
piasters. On the 5th of April, whilst we were at Ascalon, news was
brought of his death.

[44] The obstinacy of the English, and of Europeans in general who
visit the East, often leads them into disagreeable and dangerous
situations. When endeavours are used to divert them from any purpose
where the difficulties which are represented are not quite obvious, and
can only be foreseen by persons used to the country, they fancy their
advisers are playing with them, and thus persist in their purpose,
until they find themselves attacked by robbers, carried away by a
torrent, or embedded in snow.

[45] Memoirs of Lady Hester Stanhope, 1st edit., vol. ii. p. 184.

[46] I here lost a glass-stoppered bottle, which I had entrusted to the
hands of some one standing near me; and I observed, on every occasion
where crystal bottles with glass stoppers once got into the possession
of any one in Syria, they were never to be recovered. It was an article
not attainable there but by gift, and possessed in the eyes of the
inhabitants great value for holding elixirs, essences, &c.

[47] Yet it had required three hours fifteen minutes to do it in, on a
former occasion.

[48] In hot climates, for an encampment no soil appears to me so good
(and I had some experience) as a sandy soil, covered with tufted grass
or turf.

[49] “Two miles south of Majdil are the ruins of six Roman baths of
mineral water.”--_Mangles and Irby’s Travels_, p. 299.

[50] c. xiii., v. 3.

[51] I. Kings, c. vi.

[52] Lib. 10.

[53] The above notices of Ascalon are extracted from Noris, de Ep.
Syromac, to whose learned researches the reader is referred for more
copious information.

[54] How far this justifies the epithet of “prodigious thickness,” used
by d’Arvieux, is for the reader to decide. Indeed, they are so much
covered with sand, that I should not wonder if any cursory observer
conceived them to be of four times that thickness.

[55] Looking at the result of Lady Hester’s search, some wag may be
disposed to say--“Certainly, the fittest day in the year.”

[56] Named Ashur, if there be such a name in Arabic; for I do not
recollect the like to it.

[57] “Participa ella del colosso, avanzando molto l’ordinaria statura
d’uomo; sapendosi per osservanza degli eruditi, che cosi erano soliti
farsi per i ré e pergli imperadori.”--_Statue antiche e moderne, No.
15._

It appears that the sculpture on the Gate of the Lions, as it is
called, at Mycenæ, had a strong resemblance to the centre ornament of
the statue.--See _Hughes’s Travels_, v. i. p. 229.

[58] The labours of Mr. Belzoni, in removing and embarking the head
of Memnon in a barge, entirely set at naught all boasting of what was
done at Ascalon. Columns of granite, indeed, are much heavier than
Memnon’s head; but they are round, and may be made to roll easily in
any direction.

[59] Those who have read Bruce’s and Salt’s travels will recollect
that both of them speak of a particular rotundity in a certain part
of a woman as a criterion of noble birth, and as giving an air of
high breeding and gentility to the happy possessor. In this respect
it must be allowed that Mariam might lay claim to a descent from a
distinguished race.

[60] For Mariam, the Abyssinian woman’s parentage, see at page 164
vol. 3rd Lord Valentia’s travels, what is said of Ras Ayto, who raised
Tecla Georgis to the throne. Subsequently, Elias gave me his Abyssinian
name as Elias Jegurgos lidj, or Elias the son of George, and hers
as Trungore Rashyelo lidj--urarefs or curnakyb Dinkanesh Rashyelo
lidj--yeroda midjt--confusing all these terms in a way that left me in
the dark as to which of them was her own name, and which that of her
parents.

[61] Pococke, who saw the flourishing state of Tyre, even in 1737, not
knowing how to reconcile with it the words of Ezekiel, xxvi. 14; and
xxviii. 19, says, that the prophecy must be understood of the ancient
city on the continent. He adds, “It is a place where they export great
quantities of corn, and Malta itself is supplied from this place.”
Vol. ii. p. 82, fol. Surely a port which supplies Malta must be a
populous and thriving one! I know that evidence contrary to this may
be brought from the relations of other travellers, and I believe the
particular bias of a person’s mind has much to do with the colouring
which he gives to objects. It would be well if commentators on prophecy
would consider that Antioch, Ascalon, Berytus, Cæsarea, Decapolis,
Emesa, Famagusta, Gebayl, Heliopolis, or Bâlbec, Laodicea, Palmyra, or
Tadmûr, and other cities, the rivals in commerce and luxury of Tyre,
will be found fallen from their flourishing greatness, many of them
lower than it; and yet against the greater part of them there is no
denunciation at all in the prophetic writings. On the other hand, we
read (_Isaiah_ v. 1, c. xvii)--“Behold, Damascus is taken away
from being a city, and it shall be a ruinous heap:” yet, in spite of
its doom, so emphatically predicted, Damascus has flourished from that
time until now. The editor of “The Monthly Review” for November, 1822,
looking at the account of Tyre given by Mr. Buckingham, whose Travels
he is reviewing, and who states that he saw 800 substantial houses,
containing full 5,000 inhabitants, is staggered at the assertion, and
confronts with it the testimony of Maundrell, Bruce, Jolliffe, and
some others. He observes, very justly, that what were good comfortable
houses in the eyes of Mr. Buckingham, accustomed from the age of nine
years to roam about the world, might not be so in reality. But perhaps
a means for settling his doubts may be found when he is told that
the houses of Tyre were equally good with those at Jaffa and Acre,
two neighbouring towns, which have not fallen under the prophet’s
interdict, and that therefore no manifestation of the Divine wrath can
be said to have descended more on it than on the two others. Cæsarea,
where the good Centurion lived, has not now one house standing; yet the
walls which encompass it were built by Saint Louis:--but then he was a
Catholic.

[62] Murex.

[63] The Arabic saying is, “The month of August, the month of wind and
wave.”

[64] Yet it may be safely affirmed that this gentleman had never read
the story of Hippomenes and Atalanta.

[65] Mohammed Aga Abu Nabût, actuated by a more sanguinary feeling, was
accustomed, in his petty wars, to give 150 for a head and 100 for a
prisoner. The consequence was natural.

[66] The mode used by the soldiers, when plundering a village, to
discover where the peasants have hidden their corn and effects, is
ingenious enough. They know that such things are generally concealed
in holes in their cottages, but the difficulty is to discover where
to dig. The floors are of clay mixed up with chaff. The soldiers make
three or four piles of stones in different parts of the room, each pile
consisting of several large stones placed one upon another. They then
jar the floor by jumping or stamping on it, and wherever a pile falls
there is the hole, because the jar is felt only where there is a hollow.

[67] This fact, and what occurred to me at Latakia, will enable
travellers to judge when and where they can smoke openly in Ramazán
time.

[68] This slave was bought in Upper Egypt and cost fifty dollars--four
dollars were paid as dues at the towns coming down the Nile, and two at
Cairo: making the total cost fifty-six.

[69] The Gazette of the battle of Waterloo reached Egypt a day or two
after our arrival.

[70] This collection was afterwards bought for the Royal Museum at
Munich.

[71] Khawágy is the appellation given to Christian merchants or
gentlemen; its meaning is _merchant_, and it is the most civil
title that Christians, whether subjects of the Porte or Europeans, ever
get from Mahometans. Aga, Bey, Mûly, Shaykh, &c., they reserve for
themselves.

[72] My stay at Damietta was short, yet, among the sick whom I
was called upon to see, were six with pulmonary complaints. These
were Hyláneh Karysáty, with spitting of blood; Khawágy Isaac, with
asthma; the brother of Hyláneh Karysáty, with consumption; Michael
Surûr, bronchitis; his sister, with that disposition confirmed;
Khawágy Karysáty, the husband of the lady, with spitting of blood.
In Alexandria, Mrs. Schutz died of consumption; her sister was ill,
and lived in daily apprehension of sharing her fate: Miss Maltass,
an English lady, died of it; and there were other examples, both of
natives and foreigners, which I neglected to note.

[73] San, the ancient Tanis, capital of Tanites, a province of Egypt.

[74] Burckhardt, in one of his works, amongst the various theories that
have been advanced by different travellers to account for the enormous
heaps of broken pottery which are found among the ruins of Egyptian and
other cities, has alone given a plausible one. He supposes (I quote
from memory) the ancient Egyptians to have built their walls of those
cylindrical pots (like English chimneypots) which, placed horizontally
one upon another, are still very generally used throughout Syria for
the parapets of terraces of houses; whereby air is admitted, the view
excluded, and little weight added to the subjacent walls. Broken into
shards, they would be sufficient to account for the vast heaps in
question.

[75] An explanation of this term has already been given. This
appellation, with that of mâlem, or master, and khodja, or goodman, is
what is bestowed on Christians, when spoken of or to in a civil manner.
A proud, an angry, or a rude Mahometan addresses them generally by the
term Nusrány, Nazareen, or Christian; Kafir, or infidel; and gaûr,
signifying the same thing. To true believers only belong the titles
of aga or effendi (which are Turkish words), and shaykh or sayd; much
less would an infidel dare to usurp the loftier titles of bey, mûly,
emir, &c. _Ga_ in _gaûr_ is like _ga_ in gander. The word is pronounced
ga-oor, and not jaoor, as Lord Byron seems erroneously to have sounded
it.

[76] The rice was now in ear.

[77] Young and handsome, he looked extremely well. Mâlem Surûr one
day showed me his wardrobe, which was exceedingly well furnished. The
Levantines are as nice, and perhaps nicer, in their distinction of
colours than the French. Take, for example, Shems el Aser (the setting
sun); mantûra, rosy pink; zinjàby, between dove and ash-colour, &c.,
all tints exceedingly delicate.

[78] This catalogue, on my return to England, I lent to Dr. Nichol,
Hebrew professor at Oxford: at his death it probably was burnt, as a
paper of no value.

[79] The word bakhshýsh is so often in the mouths of the Syrians and
Egyptians, that the reader will be anxious to know its precise meaning.
The verb _bakhshesh_ means “to give gratuitously:” and the native
of these countries, after every thing he does for you, generally
says--Please to give me a bakhshýsh, or please to bakhshýsh me. It is
the first word that a stranger learns and the last that he hears: so
that it is not astonishing if very soon it becomes familiar to his ear.

[80] I conceive these Ansárys to be descendants of the Iturei spoken of
by Strabo in his 16th book, and who were in part subdued by Pompey.

[81] This is supposing the Ansárys to be those same mountaineers, one
of whom stabbed our crusading king, and hence introduced the word
_assassin_ into our language.

[82] Dukhýl means a suppliant, according to the dictionary.

[83] Black slaves often are named from substances in colour and
quality very unlike themselves. Thus _merján_ means coral, and
_anbar_ or amber was another name of one of Ahmed bey’s black
slaves.

[84] The very adjunct of _Nykhu_, a nickname the most offensive
to delicate ears in the Arabic language, would have been sufficient to
designate this man as an impostor.

[85] Among the remedies which had been used to remove the anasarcous
swelling of his feet and legs were the actual cautery on the instep
and the application of pounded small white snails (called in Arabic
_halazony_), in poultices to his feet.

[86] It was as follows:--Aloes and myrrh in powder, three parts:
pitch and frankincense, two parts. Some time subsequently M. Belzoni
observed, on my showing him this receipt, that frankincense formed no
part of the embalming powder used by the Egyptians, it being forbidden
by their religion.

[87] In examining the head of a mummy opened by M. Belzoni at the
Egyptian Museum in Piccadilly, I mentioned to him the way in which I
had extracted the brains of the patriarch; which led to an examination
of the skull of the mummy before us, to see if it were possible to
find out by what means the Egyptians extracted the brains previous to
embalming. No division of the scalp or inequality of the bone, as if it
had been forcibly opened, could be discovered on any part of the head.
There was no passage even for a probe up through the palate or the
substance of the sphenoidal bone; but the right nostril was larger than
the left, and, on introducing a crooked probe, I could carry it up into
the cavity of the skull, and I suspect that to have been the opening by
which the brain was extracted.

[88] In this respect the Mahometans are exceedingly praiseworthy. A
body, previous to interment, is carefully washed, and prepared for
going to the grave with scrupulous attention to cleanliness.

[89] Derwish el Seghýr was an ear-sucker! Ear-sucking is practised in
deafness, abscess of the ears, and in other complaints of that organ.

[90] Near the village of Garýfy there is abundance of quartz lying on
the surface of the soil. This village is nearly in the centre of Mount
Lebanon.

[91] Afterwards Lord Guildford.

[92] When a person is named Shems, it does not mean that he bears
simply that name. Shems-ed-dyn (or the sun of religion) is his true
appellation. So no man in Turkey is commonly called Aladdin, or
Ali-ed-dyn, as it should be written, but Ali only; and Aladdin, his
name in full length, would be inserted in writing only.

[93] In 1815, there was not in all Syria a factor (unless the English
consul may be styled one) who spoke English.

[94] “And Laban said, it must not be so done in our country, to give
the younger before the first born.” Genesis, xxvi. 29.

[95] Two blows, one on each foot, make a pair.

[96] In 1824, member of parliament for the University of Cambridge.

[97] When Lady Hester was in the Desert, she entered into an
arrangement with the emir and his son Nasar, that, whatever person
applied to them for a passage to Palmyra, and made use of her name
without being furnished with a letter from her, such a one was no
friend of hers. Of those who produced letters from her she wished them
to understand there might be two classes, who would be distinguished by
a double seal or single seal. “If there comes to me,” said Lady Hester,
“a great man, on whom I can rely, and whose word you may trust as my
own, who wants to live among you, to see your mock fights or a camel
killed and eaten, to ride on a dromedary in his housings, &c., I will
send him with two seals: but if it be another sort of person, I will
send him with one.”

Lady Hester had mentioned this conversation to Mr. Bankes. When
therefore Mr. Bankes was furnished with a letter by her ladyship,
curious to know under which denomination he was sent, he caused
his letter to be read to him by a man at Hamah, a stranger whom he
accidentally met; and, finding that there was but one seal, and that he
was mentioned neither as a prince nor nobleman, he would not present it.

Some persons, who heard of this, went so far as to say that Lady Hester
wanted to shut people out of the Desert; but it must be evident that
all she wanted was not to compromise herself.

So much was Mr. Bankes’s pride hurt by this adventure that, when
finally he had achieved his journey to Palmyra, he left Lady Hester’s
letters with Mr. Barker, as a deposit,--to show (he said) that her
influence had nothing to do with his getting thither.

Arrived at Hamah, he neither delivered the letters to Muly Ismael and
to Nasr, nor suffered Pierre to remain with him; but, having met there
the Pasha of Damascus, Hafiz Ali, who showed him great civility and
wrote to the Bedouins to recommend him to their protection, he set off
with his customary guard, the renegado Albanian. He was arrested in
his progress, at the Belàz mountain, by Shaykh Nasar, who demanded of
him who he was, and whither he was going. Mr. Bankes in vain said that
the pasha would punish those who molested him. Nasar required of him a
vast sum of money, as the price of his passage; and, on Mr. Bankes’s
refusal, conducted him back to Hamah, without doing him any harm. Mr.
Bankes afterwards made a second attempt, which also was not attended
with complete success. Hearing that Sir William Chatterton and Mr.
Leslie were on their way to Hamah, he waited some time for them; but,
eager to effect his purpose, he at last departed alone, having agreed
to pay 1,100 piasters (£45 sterling). On his arrival at Palmyra, Hamed,
another son of Mahannah, insisted on having an additional present;
and, on Mr. Bankes’s refusal, imprisoned him. It was also said that
Mr. Bankes was forced to pay thirty _ikliks_ to be permitted to
copy an inscription over the gate of the Temple of the Sun: but Nasar
restored the money to Mr. Bankes on his return to Hamah.

Some time before this, a rupture had taken place between Lady Hester
and Mr. Bankes; and, on Mr. Bankes’s writing to me a request that, in
case of going to England, I would take charge of a tin box containing
some of his drawings and his fresco paintings, both which were still at
Mar Elias, Lady Hester advised me to have nothing to do with them, but
to transmit them to him, which I did, with an excuse on the score that
the trust was too great.

[98] Lady Hester Stanhope, under precisely the same circumstances,
contrived to effect her entry. These difficulties were never raised
against common persons.

[99] These fish were afterwards shown to Monsieur Cuvier, but, as
being common to all the Mediterranean, proved not to be curious. The
traveller in those countries should be apprized that drawings of the
fish of the Syrian rivers, and of the inland seas and lakes, would
be esteemed a great curiosity. Dr. Clark says, “An Arab fisherman at
Jaffa, as we were standing upon the beach, came running to us with
a fish he had just taken out of the water; and, from his eagerness
to show what he had caught, we supposed it could not be very common.
It was like a small tench, but of a dark and exceedingly vivid green
colour, such as we had never seen before nor since; _neither is it
described by any author we are acquainted with_. We had no means
of preserving it, and therefore would not deprive the poor man of an
acquisition with which he seemed so delighted; but gave him a trifle
for the gratification its very extraordinary appearance afforded us,
and left it in his hands.”--_Dr. Clark’s Travels_: vol. ii., chap.
xviii., p. 643: quarto edition.

Dr. Clark, on seeing a drawing I had made of the _Aroos_, in
French _Demoiseau_, declared it to be the same fish that he speaks
of in the above extract. He is, however, mistaken in supposing it to be
rare on the coast of Syria. I have seen five at a time for sale, and
his assertion is totally incorrect.

[100] The melinján is a vegetable of a pear shape and of a deep
lilac colour, as large as a bon-chretien pear, called in French
_aubergine_.

[101] As a proof of this we here subjoin the translation of an extract
from the _Courrier Français_, under date of April 29, 1830, and
part of a sketch of Colonel Boutin’s life, which appeared in that
newspaper.--“Towards the year 1811, Colonel Boutin received orders
from the Emperor to visit the East. He was entrusted with a mission to
explore Syria, to learn Arabic, and, at a fit opportunity, to penetrate
into Arabia and describe that country. On that occasion he made the
acquaintance of Pitt’s niece, Lady Hester Stanhope, subsequently
crowned Queen of Palmyra by the Bedouins in 1821. He met from her with
a most honourable reception, and, proud of her powerful protection,
he was on the point of succeeding in his enterprise, when he was
assassinated in the neighbourhood of Damascus by the Arabs, who sought
to rob him of a bag of coins which he had in his possession. France
knows how the murder of this illustrious traveller was avenged by her
ladyship, who caused his assassins to be decapitated and obtained the
restitution of his baggage, which she effected purely by her personal
influence and efforts.” To this extract may be added another mark of
the gratitude of the French nation, by whom her noble conduct was
better appreciated than by her own countrymen. She received the thanks
of the French Chamber of Deputies, after a speech made relative to this
affair by the Comte Delaborde, and I regret that I have not been able
to meet with the notice of it in the French newspapers of the day.

[102] In the same manner, Ibrahim, a groom who took over two horses
which Lady Hester sent to the Duke of York and to Lord Ebrington, used
to affirm that his Royal Highness the Duke shook hands with him, and
that the Duchess danced with him.

[103] His name was Seraphim; and he spoke of Colonel Campbell as a
person he knew at Elba, whither he had accompanied the Emperor Napoleon.

[104] Messieurs Stratton, Fuller, Idliff, and Rennell, had been here in
their way from Greece to Egypt; as well as Lord Belmore and family.

[105] It never happened to me to see carpets in Turkey so large
as those which, under the name of Turkey carpets, cover English
dining-rooms.

[106] I was informed that, in the village of Trisolias, there was a
woman, thirty-five years of age, with a tail. She was the daughter of
a papas, named Yennion. My informant was the archimandrites, a man
respectable from his situation and age. When entreated by me to allow
me to make use of his name or to furnish me with a letter, as a means
of seeing her, he refused both requests.

[107] He was, likewise, a knight of the holy sepulchre; having made
good his pretensions to a noble descent (by money of documents) in the
following manner. He asserted that his name, Brins, is but the Arabic
manner of spelling Prince; there being no letter P in the alphabet
of that language: and that his ancestors were princes of Tripoli, a
principality erected in the time of the crusades. His plea was thought
so good, that he was created a knight; and, as a proof of it, he showed
me his diploma to that effect.

[108] One of the servants accused Andrea, the dragoman, as having
prompted him to the theft. He described how he had effected it, how
he carried the money to his house, and delivered it into Andrea’s
hand, who recompensed him immediately for his trouble. Fortunately for
Andrea, his wife that very night lay-in, and, as is usual in Greece,
his house was full of friends, who bore witness to the falsehood of
such testimony.

[109] About this time, by the Trieste newspapers, the news of Lord
Stanhope’s death (on the 26th December, 1816) came to Cyprus. I
forwarded the melancholy information to Lady Hester on the 2nd and 3rd
of April.


Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been
corrected silently.

2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the
original.

3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have
been retained as in the original.

4. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or
X^{xx}.

5. Italics are shown as _xxx_.







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