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Title: Progressive Chile

Author: Robert E. Mansfield

Release date: May 25, 2022 [eBook #68173]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: The Neale Publishing Company, 1913

Credits: Sonya Schermann and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PROGRESSIVE CHILE ***





PROGRESSIVE CHILE

[Illustration]

[Illustration: A PAIR OF SPURS

 _Frontispiece_]




  PROGRESSIVE CHILE


  BY

  ROBERT E. MANSFIELD

  [Illustration]


  NEW YORK
  THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY
  1913




  Copyright, 1913, by
  THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY




  TO
  MY WIFE




PREFACE


In the following presentation of Progressive Chile, no effort has
been made to elaborate, to give undue coloring to the picture, or to
magnify its defects. It is a record of impressions gained from personal
observations, of the life and customs of the people in one of the most
enlightened, progressive and interesting countries in South America.

To attempt to conceal from view, to obscure the unsightly spots and
blemishes that mar the social structure and disfigure the body politic,
or to unnecessarily expose the moral and social defects and infirmities
of a people who possess so many admirable qualities, commendable
characteristics and desirable accomplishments, would be unjust, unfair.

The truth is not always pleasant reading, and it may seem unkind to
withhold the cup that patriotic pride demands. But let those who know
the real life of Chile pass judgment, and if from long association
they have not become so accustomed and inured to national, social and
political deficiencies as to regard them as established and correct
principles, they will agree with one who regards the situation from an
unprejudiced viewpoint.

  R. E. M.




CONTENTS


                                PAGE

  GEOGRAPHICAL                    11

  BRIEF HISTORY                   25

  INDIANS                         73

  CLASSIFIED HUSBANDMEN           93

  HABITS AND CUSTOMS             147

  RELIGION                       154

  SUPERSTITIONS                  167

  MARRIAGES                      172

  BIRTHS AND DEATHS              179

  SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES           184

  LANGUAGE                       189

  COURTS AND LEGAL PROCEDURE     191

  CRIME                          201

  RAILWAYS                       211

  INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS           221

  POPULATION AND COLONIZATION    231

  VILLAGES AND CITIES            235

  THE NATIONAL HYMN              250




PROGRESSIVE CHILE




GEOGRAPHICAL


The Republic of Chile, beginning at latitude seventeen degrees, and
extending to the farthest southern limits of South America, forms a
narrow longitudinal strip of territory twenty-four hundred miles long,
and not exceeding two hundred miles in width in the extreme. It has an
area of 462,000 square miles, and a population of 3,500,000.

Nature has been prodigal in the bestowal of her varied gifts upon
Chile. Its geographical formation represents a huge serpent with its
sinewy form stretched along the west coast of the continent, its head
resting in the arid desert of Atacama, and its tail coiled about the
wood-crowned hills and ice-bound islands of Tierra del Fuego. Upon
one side loom the Andes Mountains, their snow-capped heads in the
clouds and their feet in the ocean; upon the other stretches the
vast expanse of the Pacific. Bordered as it is by the ocean on one
side, and including within its limits a range of mountains reaching
in some places an altitude of 24,000 feet, Chile presents a variety
of geological, geographical and climatic conditions possessed by few
countries in the world. Being isolated by great natural barriers it
faces away from all the centers of population and ancient homes of
civilization, and of all the countries of South America it occupies the
most unfavorable position geographically, and is the most inaccessible
from Europe, North America and the Ear East. But with all its
isolation, its long struggle to gain a place among civilized nations,
its history of cruel and uncivilized warfare, Chile possesses natural
resources and attractions which intervening years have made known, and
which in the short period of her national life have won for this long
neglected daughter of the Spanish colonial family, a reputation for
wealth and beauty that has given to it a fame as wide as the world.


NAME.

The name of Chile is of doubtful origin. During the Inca epoch it was
called Tilli, that being the name of a powerful and popular Araucanian
chief. It was pronounced “tele,” which translated means enemy. From
changes in the pronunciation, the word was finally converted into
Chile. Some authorities say that the name is derived from the Indian
word “Tchile,” or “Techile,” which signifies cold, having direct
reference to the snows of the Cordilleras, or the glaciers of the far
south.


DIVISION OF TERRITORY.

Chile is divided into four zones,--“Mineral,” “Mineral and
Agricultural,” “Agricultural” and “Wooded and Fishing.”

In the region of the “Mineral” or north zone, extending from the
province of Coquimbo on the south to the extreme north of the Republic,
rain is unknown; there is very little moisture and scarcely any
water in the streams. As a result of the arid condition of this
territory there is little spontaneous or cultivated vegetation, and
no agricultural interests worthy of mention. But the five provinces
comprising the zone abound in minerals, and form conjointly with the
agricultural resources of other sections the productive wealth of
Chile. Among the products of this section are nitrate of soda and
guano in quantities sufficient to enrich the lands of the world; there
are also deposits of gold, silver, copper, lead, quicksilver, zinc,
bismuth, iron, manganese and borax.

The provinces of Tarapaca and Antofagasta comprise the great nitrate or
saltpeter fields of South America, the richest and most extensive in
the world. The province of Tarapaca was acquired from Peru, in the war
with that country in 1879-81, and Antofagasta was Bolivian territory
previous to the same war. Until recent years this arid region,
designated as the pampa or “desierto de Atacama,” was considered
nonproductive and practically worthless. Now the products of nitrate
of soda alone amount to over 100,000,000 Chilean pesos annually,
and comprise two-thirds of the export business of the Republic.
This mineral zone covers an area of 235,000 square miles and has a
population of 355,000. The great mineral wealth of the country is not
limited to this particular section, however, as gold and other minerals
are found in a majority of the provinces in Chile, and mines are worked
from Tarapaca to Tierra del Fuego.

It is within the limit of this zone that the once famous mines of
Chanarcillo and Copiapo are located, from which has been taken
millions of dollars worth of ore. But these and other silver mines,
once productive, have practically ceased to yield, from the lack of
application of modern mining methods, and the silver mining industry
has greatly depreciated in Chile in the last decade. Gold mining is
also less extensive than in former years, except in Tierra del Fuego,
and the product has greatly decreased in the northern zone.

With the decrease in gold and silver mining in the Mineral zone has
come increased interest in the production of copper, which now forms
eighty per cent. of the metal exports from Chile.

The Mineral and Agricultural zone may be defined as a section of
semi-mountainous, sparsely watered country, extending north from
Santiago, to the mineral zone. There are within the territory a
number of small streams extending from the mountains to the sea, in
the valleys of which are small farms, called “fundos.” There are few
towns of any consequence in that part of the country, no railways,
few improved roads, and communication between the coast and interior
is slow and difficult. Mule and burro trains are the common method of
transportation, while more rapid communication is made on horseback.

The Agricultural, or central zone is the garden of Chile. It includes
twelve provinces, extending from Aconcagua on the north to the river
Bio Bio on the south, with an area of 75,000 square miles, and a
population of 1,800,000. About eighty per cent. of the people living
in this zone are engaged either directly or indirectly in agricultural
pursuits. In the northern part of this geographical division is
Valparaiso, the most important commercial center in the Republic; in
the center is Santiago, the beautiful capital city, and in the south,
situated on the Bio Bio is Concepcion, the third city in population and
importance in the country. In this section there is a copious rainfall
between the months of May and September, and consequently a prolific
growth of vegetation. Between the mountain ranges and hills that crowd
close down to the sea, are beautiful valleys, where wheat, maize,
barley, flax, oats, rye, all kinds of fruits, vegetables, and a variety
of grasses grow and mature well. From Santiago, extending several
hundred miles south are wide fertile valleys, high and low table-lands,
wonderfully productive and in a splendid state of cultivation. This
central valley of Chile, lying between the Andes and the coast range,
is a continuous garden of luxuriant beauty. The cultivated loveliness
of the private estates, which surround the capital, offer a pleasing
contrast to the sterner grandeur of mountain forms and color with
which it is enclosed. There are to be found the ideal South American
haciendas, where thousands of acres are included in one domain, where
the primitive system of cultivating the land, introduced by the
Spaniards when they came to the western world, with few exceptions,
still prevails. There is the one storied castle-like residence of the
proprietor, with its wide verandas, roomy corridors, rambling rooms and
beautiful patio. The house is often surrounded by a magnificent garden
and park, where graceful palms, beautiful trees and brilliant flowers
in great variety grow and bloom the year round. There too, are vast
herds of horses, cattle and other domestic animals, all fat and sleek
from feeding upon the rich pasturage of irrigated “potreros” (fields).
Farther south in this zone, the semi-tropical appearance of the
northern regions give place to wood-crowned hills and streams fringed
with forest trees. Rains are more frequent and the growth of vegetation
more general and prolific. Vast farms extend in every direction. Stolid
oxen, drawing primitive plows or carts, plod through fallow fields, and
the mountains, which are always in sight, give up their solitude in
scenes of domesticity and peaceful industry.

The wooded or southern zone, includes all the territory from the river
Bio Bio, south to Cape Horn, and forms the least developed portion
of Chile. In the southern provinces are vast virgin forests, rich in
varied resources, awaiting commercial development. In some sections
of the country the forests, overrun with creepers, are so dense that
they form an almost impenetrable jungle, where the sunlight never
penetrates, and where twilight lingers throughout the entire day. In
these forests are various woods of excellent quality, including oak,
cypress, lingue (the bark of which makes excellent tanning material),
rauli, redwood, laurel, resin pine, poplar, and quillai, the bark of
which is exported in large quantities, and is used as a mordant for
dyeing.

Sawmills have been established in recent years, and are now in
operation in the timber districts of southern Chile, but the lumber
industry, which promises to become one of the important commercial
interests of the country, is only in its infancy. In fact the
mills have so far made practically no impression upon the forests,
their cuttings being limited to choice timber along the streams and
water-ways where transportation facilities are good.

In addition to the valuable timber interests and great agricultural
resources of southern Chile, it possesses large deposits of coal, gold,
iron ores, Portland cement, roofing slate and other minerals, awaiting
development. On the plains and in the valleys luxuriant vegetation
develops annually and remains to enrich the soil for the use of future
generations. Unexplored hills and mountains, hoarding a wealth of
minerals, await the ambitious prospector and industrious miner. In the
sands of Tierra del Fuego is gold to gladden the hearts of men, and the
forests contain material for lumber sufficient to supply the demands of
the continent. In this subdivision there are also extensive fisheries
and oyster beds. Along the coast, rugged hills that reach down to the
sea are covered with forest trees, and on the Cordilleras near the
southern limits of the continent, vegetation extends up to an altitude
where virgin snows and verdant green meet and mingle in strange
contrast. In the mountain and forest solitudes of this undeveloped
region, are many lakes, resting like emerald settings in the landscape.
Viewed from the sea the scenery along the coast of southern Chile
presents a picturesque appearance. The Andes Mountains, grand and
imposing, form a splendid background for the verdant forests forming
the shore line. This range of mountains constitutes a conspicuous
physical feature of the continent. To the south it crowds close upon
the Pacific, and throughout the length of Chile the Cordilleras cover
a double series of highly elevated summits enclosing longitudinal
valleys within the region of perpetual snow. On the western range there
are three smaller mid-land mountain chains called the “Cordillera
Maritima,” running parallel with the Andean, between which are numerous
well-watered valleys possessing a delightfully equable climate. From
any of these valleys the giant peaks of the Andes, royally crowned and
ermine robed are plainly visible. And as the day-god rides over them,
touching their white crests with fingers of gold, the scenes presented
are wonderful in variety and spectacular effect.


RIVERS AND WATERWAYS.

The rivers in Chile all have their source in the Andes and empty
into the Pacific. Unvexed by fretting wheels of commerce, they flow
peacefully on from mountains to the sea. The distance being short and
the declivity great, the current of the streams is swift, affording
excellent power for manufacturing purposes. Sometimes in the rainy
season, when the rivers are flushed from excessive rains, or in summer
when their waters are augmented by melting snows, they become raging
torrents, sweeping everything before them, frequently causing much loss
of life and great damage to property. Among the more important rivers
in Chile are the Aconcagua, Mapocho, Maipo, Cachapoal, Tinguiririca,
Teno, Lontue, Mataquito, Rapel, Claro, Maule, Nuble, and Bio Bio.
Some of these rivers are navigable for light-draft vessels for a
short distance from the sea, but the winding course of the streams,
irregular depth of water and the swift current make traffic unsafe,
impracticable and unprofitable. The most peculiar and complicated river
system on the continent is formed by the converging of the numerous
streams that empty into the bay of Corral, near Valdivia. In some
places as many as four rivers converge at one point. The scenery along
these rivers presents a panorama of constantly changing views. Wooded
hills rise abruptly along the banks, and in many places trees lean out
over the streams, in the crystal waters of which are reflected their
inverted images. Islands, overrun with creepers and brilliant with
the scarlet bloom of coiphues and fuchsias, and the yellow hues of
goldenrod, are some of the features of the picturesque scenery along
this peculiar river system.

The fact that the rivers of Chile afford practically no transportation
facilities is a matter of little commercial importance, because of the
narrow territorial limits of the country from east to west, the general
course of all the streams. As a compensation for this lack of natural
transportation routes to the interior, the coast of southern Chile is a
succession of bays, sounds, gulfs and channels, including the historic
Straits of Magellan, which separate Tierra del Fuego from the mainland,
and Smyth’s Channel, dangerous to navigate because of the swift
currents flowing through the narrow, tortuous ways. In many places
along the coast the descent of the shore is so abrupt that heavy-draft
vessels are enabled to pass within a few yards of the embankments, and
directly under overhanging trees. This southern archipelago, with
its hundreds of islands, presents a panorama of scenes peculiarly
picturesque and interesting. Among the more important islands of the
coast are Chiloe, the original habitat of the potato, Wellington,
Hanover, Queen Adelaide, St. Ines, and Desolation, so-called because of
the lack of vegetation and desolate aspect of this long narrow strip of
land lying at the western entrance to the Straits of Magellan. In some
of the narrow channels separating the islands from the mainland and
from each other, the currents are so swift, the waters so disturbed and
the storms so fierce in certain seasons, that the sea seems a boiling,
seething caldron, terrifying to passengers and mariners on passing
ships. But those dangerous passages add a fascinating feature to the
scenic effects of the most picturesque portion of the coast country.

The Straits of Magellan are a wise and beneficent provision of nature,
forming a great canal or natural transportation route across the
southern portion of the continent, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans. Ships pass through the Straits instead of around Cape Horn,
one of the most dangerous seas in the world to navigate. The Andean
range of mountains, extending from the Arctic Ocean, and stretching its
vast, rugged length across the two Americas, ends at the Straits, Mount
Victoria, a massive pile of gleaming ice and snow, being the last link
in the jagged chain. South of the Straits is Tierra del Fuego, “Land of
Fire,” the hills and mountains of which, including the great pyramidal
cone of Mount Sarmiento, perpetually covered with a mantle of snow,
stretch away hundreds of miles to Cape Horn, the most southern point
of the Continent.

The scenery as well as the topographical and geographical conditions
of Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia, in fact all the southern
archipelago, are different from those in the arctic regions. There is
more vegetation and a greater variety of scenery than in the coast
countries of a corresponding latitude north. There are the beauties
of the Thousand Islands, and Darwin, in describing a voyage through
the Straits, compared the glaciers of Tierra del Fuego to a thousand
frozen Niagaras. All the beautiful tints and combinations of coloring
to be found in lakes Como and Lucerne, of the Mediterranean and the
bay of Naples, are equaled, if not surpassed by, the hues reflected in
the deep waters of those channels. Huge glaciers crowding down into
the sea; giant rocks, rising like sheer walls of masonry for thousands
of feet above the water, sometimes ending in shapes resembling church
pinnacles and cathedral domes; mountains, whose forest-fringed bases
are washed by the sea, their snow-mantled heads in the clouds; islands,
frosted with snow and bejeweled with ice, in which is mingled the hues
of gray-green moss and verdant vegetation; numerous winding, tortuous
water-ways, dividing the islands from each other and separating them
from the mainland, are some of the features of the panoramic view of
coast-line, mountains and islands, presented in a landscape that is
wonderfully picturesque and prepossessing. When storms sweep through
these narrow channels, driving seas mountain-high against rocky
shores, increasing the force of natural currents, obscuring the view
with a shroud of snow and sleet and mist, a wild aspect is added to the
scene. Mountains and islands rise ghostlike out of the water, their
forms dimly outlined against the angry sky; and the din of booming seas
and swiftly rushing waters adds terrifying confusion to the dangers of
navigation.

In Patagonia the Andes differ in many of the essential features
of their geographical conformation from that magnificent mountain
system which further north is the pride and despair of the western
countries of South America. The grand simplicity of structure in the
northern system, the magnificent continuity and lofty grandeur of
its main ranges, the altitude of its dominating peaks, its terrible
and forbidding wastes of desolate and highly elevated table-land are
wanting in the mountain masses of the far south. The topographical
condition of the Patagonian country represents an immense system of
ancient lake beds, and sea inlets separated and divided by groups of
mountain peaks, sometimes piled upon a massive pedestal of crystalline
rock, sometimes strung out in jagged lines of sierra or ridge, fringed
with moraines or terraces, shaped and reshaped by the ice-agency of
more than one glacial period; mountains which have been split again and
again by stupendous volcanic action, and enormous masses of volcanic
deposits.


TIERRA DEL FUEGO.

Tierra del Fuego, instead of being a “Land of Desolation,” as it is
generally designated, is a land of picturesque scenes, and possesses
natural resources to make it a country of prospective wealth, with a
promising future. The archipelago includes hundreds of islands, some
of which are rocky, mountainous, and barren, but most of them are
covered with woods, and on some of the larger islands, especially that
of Tierra del Fuego, are wide stretches of valley and plain, covered
with rich grasses, affording splendid pasturage for sheep, cattle and
horses. There is some valuable timber on the islands, and placer gold
mining is carried on to some extent at various places. The commercial
importance of the archipelago depends, however, upon sheep raising,
an industry that is rapidly developing, and one that is proving
profitable. There have been established in recent years a number of
large sheep ranches, called “estancias,” on the island of Tierra del
Fuego, and in Patagonia. Millions of sheep are pastured on the rich
grasses that grow luxuriantly there, and the annual output of wool,
mutton, and fat is an important commercial product of the country.

There are few more interesting and picturesque sights than those far
southern farm lands in the Magellanes territory, the Scotland of
South America. Long, sweeping, undulating downs climb upward to the
forest-clad hills, or down to the edges of the blue glacial lakes;
and through the mazes of black thorn, the bloom of which fills the
air with fragrance in the flowering time, wander vast herds of sheep,
often accompanied by large flocks of ostriches, which find safety in
associating with the wool coated animals. Northward across the horizon,
the castellated and unbroken outlines of innumerable mountains
stretch their length across the landscape; while all around are
sandstone hills, cliff-bored, and forest covered, and along the banks
of turbulent streams, wild flowers bloom, giving a touch of brilliant
coloring to the pastoral scene. It is beautiful in outline, detail and
coloring, and in its infinite variety.




BRIEF HISTORY


For more than five hundred years previous to the discovery of America,
the territory which now constitutes the Republic of Chile was inhabited
by bands of nomadic, barbarous Indians. The indigenous races of Chile
possessed none of the arts of civilization. They had no knowledge of
cultivating the soil, and the rich mineral resources of the country
remained undisturbed and undeveloped during all the centuries in
which they were left in undisputed possession. They had no system
of government, no recognized social or moral laws, no commerce, no
medium of exchange, no occupations. The nearest approach they had to
houses were rude huts “rucas,” made from the branches of trees, which
afforded little protection against rain or cold; neither had they
clothing with which to cover their bodies or protect them from the
elements. They were nomadic, cannibalistic savages, living like the
beasts of the forests, subsisting upon wild fruits, berries, nuts, and
such animals as they could capture or kill with crude weapons, made
from wood and bamboo. There being few animals and birds indigenous to
the country, the Indians were often driven to the extremity of eating
insects, mollusks, lizards and reptiles, as a means of sustaining life.
The absolute lack of civilization, the low level of the intellectual
standard, depraved moral condition, vicious habits and disgusting
customs that prevailed among the indigenous races of Chile previous
to the peaceful conquest of portions of the territory by the Incas,
finds few parallels in the history of the world. Might was right; there
was no law, no restraint, no incentive or encouragement to progress or
improvement; no punishment provided for those who committed murder and
outrage. When one person killed another, he feasted upon the flesh of
his vanquished adversary, eating it raw, the formality of cooking being
dispensed with.

When the character of the aborigines of Chile is taken into
consideration; the conditions out of which the Republic was evolved,
a century ago--1810; the elements amalgamated into the present
homogeneous population, inherited peculiarities, traditional customs
and superstitions taken into account, the wonder is that progress has
been so rapid along the road of national advancement, commercial and
intellectual development.

More than one hundred years before Columbus discovered America; before
the flood-tide, which carried in its current a curious collection of
ambitious adventurers and the poor and oppressed of all the European
nations, set in towards the western world, making the Atlantic Ocean
the “Path of Empire;” before the advance guard of Spanish adventurers
and despoilers drifted from the Antilles to tropical America, and
crossing the Isthmus of Panama started in quest of gold--a mission of
robbery and butchery of the defenseless inhabitants of the west coast
countries; before Francisco Pizarro despoiled Peru and destroyed the
Inca Empire, where existed the only material evidences of an advanced
civilization in South America, created and maintained by a native
race; long before Diego Almagro, friend and ally of Pizarro, who was
refused a share of the spoils secured in the conquest of Peru, went to
Chile, the Incas had invaded the territory and made peaceful conquest
of portions of the country which now constitutes the northern part of
the Republic.

In the early part of the fifteenth century the Inca of Peru sent
a small army to explore the country to the south, with a view to
increasing the territorial limits of his Empire. The expedition went
as far south as the valley of the Aconcagua, a rich, fertile country,
where later was established the city of Quillota, the first capital of
Chile. An attempt was made to explore the country further south, but
the advance was resented by the Araucanians, and the Incas returned
to Peru to report the success of the undertaking. A few years later
another army was sent by the Inca into Chile, which explored the
country as far south as the River Bio Bio, which is now the northern
boundary of the Araucanian territory.

The Incas being much more advanced in civilization than the Indian
tribes of Chile, introduced ideas and customs that furnished the
foundation upon which was later erected the superstructure of the
Republic. They taught the Indians how to irrigate and to cultivate the
soil, the value of precious metals, how to weave fabrics from the fur
of the vicuña and guanaco, and the art of manufacturing pottery. They
also introduced maize, beans and vegetables of various kinds, in the
cultivation and uses of which they instructed the natives. In fact, the
first advance made by the Chilean Indians from a state of absolute
barbarism towards a condition of semi-civilization was due to the
teachings and example of the Incas, the most intelligent, progressive
and highly civilized of the numerous indigenous races in America,
North or South. With a view to making Chile a part of the Peruvian
Empire, the Incas built a magnificent military road across the desert
of Atacama, which was later partially destroyed by the Spaniards, but
portions of which still remain as evidence of the genius and creative
skill of that wonderful people.

In 1535, one hundred years after the peaceful conquest of Northern
Chile by the Incas, Diego de Almagro, one of the Spanish freebooters
and Pacific pirates, started from Peru with five hundred adventurous
soldiers on an expedition of conquest of Chile, hoping to repeat
there Pizarro’s experience in the spoliation of the Inca Empire. The
expedition of Almagro, to whom history generally accords the honor
of the discovery of Chile, was attended with many hardships and much
suffering. After leaving the road constructed by the Incas across the
desert, they had to cross the Cordillera of the Andes, the higher
ranges of which were covered with snow and over which there was no road
and where the cold was intense. After a voyage lasting six months, in
which innumerable difficulties were encountered, Almagro arrived at a
point where Copiapo is now situated, with less than one half of his
followers, the others having died from cold and starvation in crossing
the mountains. It was on this expedition that Almagro manifested
characteristics which later gave him the reputation of being one of
the most cruel and inhuman of the many adventurers who invaded Chile.
When animals used in transporting provisions and equipment for the
expedition died, Indians encountered on the way were impressed into
service as beasts of burden. They were compelled to live with the pack
animals, with which they served in common, and when unable to longer
support the burdens under which they struggled across deserts and over
mountains, they were brutally murdered, or maimed and left to suffer
the tortures of a slow death by the wayside.

When Almagro reached the valley of the Aconcagua, where he had been
preceded more than a century by the Incas, who established friendly
relations with the Araucanians, he was kindly received by the Indians.
But the natives who had been enslaved and cruelly treated by the
Spaniards enroute, related their experiences to the friendly Indians,
who became suspicious and fled into the forests for protection. This
angered Almagro who ordered his soldiers to go in search of them and
to kill all who refused to return to their places of habitation.
The Spaniards who were provided with horses and arms pursued the
defenseless natives and slaughtered hundreds of them.

Having gone to Chile in search of gold, with no other motive than to
sack and rob, and finding only poor, ignorant, miserable Indians in
possession of the country, Almagro soon returned to Peru, disappointed
and disgusted with what he described as the poverty of the territory
he had explored. Because of this disappointment, previous to his
departure, he committed outrages and atrocities upon the helpless
natives, by whom he had been received as a friend, which have few
parallels in the record of cruel deeds, with which the early history
of South America is so replete. The acts of treachery and outrage
committed by Almagro and his followers created a feeling in the minds
of the Araucanians that ultimately led to hostilities which lasted
for over three hundred years; hostile feelings that have never been
removed, and prejudices that will remain so long as a representative of
that brave, obstinate race survives.

Almagro’s unfavorable report and the miserable appearance of his
soldiers on their return to Peru, together with the stories of
suffering, created in the minds of the Spaniards the impression that
Chile was the poorest of all the South American countries. But in
1540, Pedro de Valdivia, a young Spanish captain, apparently more
ambitious for fame than riches, organized an expedition for the purpose
of exploring Chile and taking possession of the territory in the name
of the King. Writing to his sovereign concerning the undertaking he
said: “I have no desire but to discover and add territory to your
Majesty’s Kingdom, and fame to my memory.” With one hundred and fifty
men the intrepid young officer, who had gained distinction for valor
in European wars, started on a journey from Peru over deserts and
mountains to Chile, where he was to lay the foundations for a future
Republic. On reaching the beautiful valley of the Mapocho, surrounded
by a wall of mountains, and from the center of which rises the Santa
Lucia, one of the most remarkable natural formations in the world,
Valdivia laid out and established the first city in Chile, which is
now the splendid capital of the Republic, Santiago, on February 12,
1541.

On the arrival of Valdivia and his soldiers, the Indians remembering
the deception and cruelty practiced by Almagro, abandoned the country
near where the Spaniards located. But on being informed by Valdivia
that he desired to live on terms of peace with them, they returned to
their “rucas” and resumed the cultivation of their “sitios.”

The beautiful city of Santiago of to-day, with its palatial residences,
magnificent Alameda, grand cathedral, splendid public buildings and
miles of fine business blocks, bears little resemblance to the pioneer
village of 1541. The first houses were built of the trunks of trees,
plastered with mud and thatched with maize stocks. One of the first
buildings erected was a little temple at the corner of the Plaza de
Armas, on the site of which now stands the cathedral of Santiago,
the corner-stone of the Catholic church in Chile, which is to-day a
potent political factor, and exercises a far-reaching influence in the
Republic, through its representation in Congress and in the press of
the country.

The friendly relation first established with the Indians by Valdivia,
and by which means he hoped to take peaceful possession of the country,
did not long continue. The necessity of means and greater resources for
carrying out his schemes of conquest encouraged Valdivia to prospect
for gold, and some mines were opened near the port of Valparaiso. In
these mines Indians were placed by force and worked as slaves. In
return for the gold secured the Spaniards incurred the enmity of the
Indians, who determined to kill all their persecutors as a means of
ending the tyranny to which they were subjected. With that cunning and
strategy which has always characterized the Araucanians in war, they
waited to make the attack until Valdivia was absent on an exploring
expedition in the south with some of his followers, leaving only
thirty mounted and twenty foot soldiers to guard the little garrison
at Santiago. For fifteen hours the fifty men held the fort which was
besieged and assaulted by a force of Indians numbering six thousand.
Finally Captain Alonso de Monroy, who was in charge of the Spanish
forces changed his tactics from defensive to the offensive, and leading
his little band of soldiers attacked the Indians with such courage and
ferocity that, notwithstanding their great numbers they were driven
off. A great number of Indians and several of the soldiers were killed,
but the greatest loss suffered by the Spaniards was the destruction by
fire of the entire village, except the fort. When Valdivia returned he
found himself and his men without houses in which to live, and without
provisions or supplies, everything except the clothing they wore having
been burned or destroyed during the battle.

After several years of indecisive warfare, in which the Spaniards made
no progress in the way of conquering the Indians, or the undisputed
occupation of the territory, Valdivia decided to return to Peru for
the purpose of enlisting a more formidable force of men and arms with
which to prosecute the war against the Araucanians. He started on
this mission in 1547, leaving the depleted forces in Chile in charge
of Francisco Villagran, returning two years later with two hundred
infantry and a troop of one hundred cavalry, all well armed and
equipped. Feeling secure with this army, Valdivia began an aggressive
warfare against the Araucanians immediately after his arrival. Soon
after the beginning of this war several important battles took place,
chief among which was that of Concepcion, in which over two thousand
Indians were killed and two hundred taken prisoners. The Spaniards also
lost a number of men in the engagement. Following his cruel instincts,
and with a view to terrorizing the Indians, Valdivia cut off the right
hand and the nose of each of the prisoners captured in the battle, and
then released them to return to their people, maimed and disfigured.
This act of cruelty, instead of having the desired effect, incensed
the Araucanians to greater hostilities. So persistent became their
pursuit and attack that the Spaniards were given no time to sleep or
rest from the strife. Day and night they were harassed by the Indians
who finally collected their forces for a decisive battle at Tucapel.
In this encounter Valdivia employed the same tactics used in other
engagements, charging the enemy with his cavalry. But on this occasion
the Indians seemed to be innumerable and invincible, and after being
almost annihilated, the heroic little band of soldiers were forced to
submit to superior numbers, and those who were not killed in battle
were taken prisoner, Pedro de Valdivia being among the latter. When
brought into the presence of the Araucanian chief, Valdivia said: “If
you will give me my liberty I will promise to retire with my soldiers
from the country.” Painful experience had taught the Indians to place
no value upon the promises of the Spaniards, and desiring to avenge
the cruelties inflicted upon their people, they refused to release the
prisoners. Valdivia was tortured with all the horrible cruelties he
had practiced upon the Indians, and all the soldiers taken at Tucapel
were put to a tortuous death.

Soon after the death of Valdivia, the colonial government in Chile
was organized by the worst class of Spanish Bohemians,--men who had
not even a cheap or spectacular glory to their credit, and who lacked
the capacity or disposition to engage in work of any character, or
to develop the resources of the country. It was a sad and calamitous
existence the people led under the despotic and ruinous misrule of
Spain. Nothing flourished or savored of goodness. The only landmarks
of civilization left from that period are various towns, some of which
from geographical positions have grown into important cities.

All traces of progress lay buried beneath bigotry and tyranny. The
sovereign and his representatives retarded development and advancement,
evincing only selfish and unpatriotic ambition for personal gain,
treacherous deception and cruel oppression. Chilean officials under
Castilian rule had to be Spanish born, and with impunity they plundered
the colony of all that was worth possessing. For nearly three centuries
Chile lived with modest labor in honest poverty. Those conditions
served as antecedents to the special characteristics of economy,
industry, independence and love of liberty so manifest in the Chileans
of to-day.

Then there was little communication with the outside world. Colonists
suffered and endured without encouragement, hope of relief, or promise
of better things. But during those turbulent times, those years of
oppression and Spanish misrule, when the Republican idea was growing,
there was one powerful force in operation, resenting and resisting the
authority of those who were plundering and robbing the country in the
name of law and civilization. That force was the courageous, valiant,
unconquered Araucanians who maintained their independence for over
three hundred years, preferring annihilation to subjugation.

A great majority of the colonists in Chile lived in poverty and
ignorance, apparently resigned to their unfortunate condition. For two
hundred and fifty years there had been transmitted from parents to
children the idea of obedience to the king, believing that person to be
of divine origin, and that his power was omnipotent. They also believed
that the Spanish-American colonies would always remain subject to the
authority of Spain. Fortunately, however, there was a small minority
that entertained a hope of relief from the rule of oppression. This
hope was encouraged, and the idea of independence implanted in the
minds of the people, by the revolution of the English colonists, the
declaration of independence of the United States, and the establishment
of the first American Republic. The success of the North American
patriots encouraged the revolutionary idea in Chile to such an extent
that in 1810, when Spain was involved in the turmoil of a general
European war, the opportunity was seized by the colonists to secure
their independence, which was declared September 18, 1810.

The new Republic, born of patriotism and christened in war, was
destined to struggle through its first years of existence in poverty,
and afflicted with that most fatal of national maladies, internal
strife. The people, long subject to despotic rule, filled with
doubt and distrust of those who promised better things, had little
experience, training or knowledge to fit them for the political liberty
they had been so anxious to secure, and in possession of which they
found themselves. Inexperienced in self-government, depressed with
poverty, disturbed with internal dissensions and burdened with exploded
theories, Chile began to set her national house in order without
example or precedent to guide her in the experiment.

The government of Chile, organized in Santiago, September 18, 1810,
was provisional and experimental, consisting of a “junta” (committee)
of sixty persons, with Mateo de Toro y Zambrano as president of the
junta, and in fact the first president of independent Chile. On July
4 of the following year an election was held at which congressional
deputies were selected. A month later the national congress appointed
a government junta, composed of three persons. The first laws of the
new government were promulgated in August, 1811, among which was one
prohibiting the importation of slaves, and declaring freedom to the
children of all slaves then in the country. Thus did the young Republic
place her seal of disapproval upon slavery, thereby setting an example
for other nations, including the United States, after which the Chilean
Republic was modeled.

For more than twenty years after the organization of the government
the country was rent by jealousy, dissension, revolution and general
disorder. The patriots who were struggling for national life and
independence, and who were confident that out of chaos would come
order, peace and prosperity, had to contend not only with an
aggressive foreign foe, but to encounter intrigue and disloyalty at
home. During the first decade of national life, numerous able and
courageous men endeavored to direct the Ship of State through the
turbulent sea of strife and discord to a safe and secure harbor. None
succeeded, but many contributed materially to the final solution of the
problem of government by the people. Among those who were conspicuous
in the service of the country during its formative period may be
mentioned Juan Martinez de Rozas, Camilo Henriquez, Manuel Salas,
Admiral Blanco Encalada and Lord Cochrane. But the two characters that
stand out most conspicuously, the names that are inscribed first upon
the roll of honor of Chilean patriots, the men who contributed most
to the establishment of order and law in the government, are Bernardo
O’Higgins, the first capable, courageous Governor of Chile, and the
brave, patriotic San Martin, who united the forces of the Argentine
with those of Chile, Bolivia and Peru, for the purpose of putting an
end to Spanish rule, and establishing independent government in the
several colonies.

O’Higgins was Governor from 1817 to 1823, during which time he used
his splendid executive ability in an honest effort to establish law
and order, and to introduce some kind of system into the government.
After six years of vain endeavor, and believing that the people were
unprepared for self-government, he resigned, asked permission to leave
the country, and went to Peru. General O’Higgins was succeeded as
Governor by Ramon Freire, who held the position for three years, 1826.
Then followed a period of several years during which the country was
in a state of political anarchy. Changes of government were so frequent
that it was impossible to maintain anything like law and order.
Revolutions, conspiracies and intrigue were organized and practiced by
political combinations and individuals. Independent government was a
theory only, and many sincere patriots doubted the wisdom of further
effort to establish and maintain a Republic, believing that existing
conditions were even worse than Spanish rule.

The theory that if the seed of independence is once planted in the soil
of public opinion, it will ultimately bring forth a harvest of good
national results, holds true in the case of Chile. For notwithstanding
the political disorder, frequent changes of government and the
sanguinary revolutions that prevailed from the first, the declaration
of independence produced beneficent results. The greatest of these
benefits was the liberty of trade and freedom of commerce. People were
permitted to buy and sell merchandise when, where and to whom they
pleased, while under the colonial system all commercial privileges were
controlled by the crown; and while Chile was under the authority of
Spain, foreigners were not permitted to engage in trade in the colony.

Under the influence of approaching peace, the gradual amalgamation of
political factions into united parties, the expansion of trade and the
development of the country’s natural resources, the young Republic
developed national life to such an extent that a political constitution
was promulgated on May 25, 1833. The independence of the Republic was
not recognized by Spain, however, until 1846. The constitution gave to
the president authority as ample as that possessed by the king, over
the colonies, authorizing him to use in certain cases and emergencies
extraordinary powers even to the suspension of the constitutional
authority. These provisions were embodied in the constitution for the
purpose of suppressing political anarchy and revolution, which had so
often interrupted the progress and threatened the life of the Republic
from the time of its organization, without waiting for congressional
approval. The constitution as adopted in 1833 remained unchanged until
1868. Since that date various amendments have been adopted, limiting
the powers of the executive, and adjusting constitutional authority and
law to meet the changed conditions of the times and the country.


FORM OF GOVERNMENT.

The form of government under the constitution adopted in 1833 is
republican with legislative, executive and judicial branches. The
legislative power is vested in the National Congress, consisting of
a Senate and House of Deputies, the former, under the latest census,
being composed of 37, and the latter of 108 members. Senators are
elected for a term of six years, one-half the number being elected
every three years. Members of the lower branch of Congress are elected
for three years by direct vote, the apportionment being one for every
30,000 inhabitants or fraction of not less than 15,000. Congress is in
session from June 1 to September 1 of each year. During the recess of
that body a permanent committee consisting of seven senators and seven
deputies acts for Congress, and is consulted by the executive upon all
questions of importance.

The president is elected for a term of five years by electors who are
chosen by direct vote. He is ineligible to election for two consecutive
terms. The salary of the chief executive is 60,000 pesos, equal to
about $20,000 in U. S. currency. He is assisted by a Council of State
consisting of 11 members, six of whom are appointed by Congress and
five by the president; and also by six cabinet ministers who are named
by the executive, but are responsible to the Congress.

The constitution having become an established law, Chile made rapid
progress along the road of national life, leading to order, authority
and prosperity. But it was not until Manuel Montt, who was president
from 1851 to 1861, had put down two revolutions that order and
executive authority were firmly established, and the force of organized
national defense demonstrated. In 1861 Montt was succeeded as president
by Jose Joaquin Perez, who continued as chief executive for ten years.
The condition of law and order that was established and maintained
by the government previous to his election continued throughout his
two administrations, and national authority was extended and enlarged
until liberty of action and speech was insured to every citizen of
the Republic. By his political moderation and conciliation, President
Perez established a feeling of internal peace and security that had not
been previously felt in the country. Unfortunately Chile was soon to
be disturbed again by a war-cloud upon the peaceful horizon. Having
secured their own freedom, and established an independent government,
the patriotic people were not content to remain indifferent to the
arbitrary actions of Spain in taking forceful possession of the Chincha
Islands in 1865. By force of public opinion and popular sentiment,
President Perez was compelled to make an alliance with Peru, Bolivia
and Ecuador, to defend the interests of South American Republics
against the domination of Spain.

Spain sent a fleet to blockade the ports of Chile, which was not a
difficult undertaking, as the Chilean navy then consisted of one
gunboat, the _Esmeralda_. On November 26, the _Esmeralda_, under
command of Captain William Rebolledo, made a brilliant coup by
attacking and capturing the Spanish corvette, _Covadonga_, which daring
deed was accomplished within view of the Spanish squadron blockading
the harbor of Valparaiso. The admiral commanding the fleet was so
humiliated by the fact that one of his ships had been taken by the
Chileans that he committed suicide on board his flagship, a few hours
afterwards.

To avenge the loss, and apparently as an act of spite inspired by the
humiliating incident of the _Covadonga_, Spain sent a more powerful
fleet to Valparaiso, and on March 31, 1866, bombarded the city, causing
considerable loss of life, and destruction of property to the value of
fifteen million dollars.

At that time Valparaiso had no land fortifications nor means of
resisting an attack from a hostile fleet, and Spain’s action in
bombarding the port has been generally condemned. This apparent
unjustifiable destruction of a defenseless city was the last armed
demonstration of Spain in South America. For three centuries she
attempted to govern Chile as a colony, and for the first fifty years
of national life of the Republic the threatening attitude of the
parent government continued as a menace and an obstacle to progress
and industrial development. Peace was not established between the two
countries until 1884, but after the bombardment of Valparaiso, there
was no further hostile demonstration, and Chile was permitted to direct
the force of her energies towards building up neglected national
institutions and developing the natural resources of the country.

The bombardment of Valparaiso forced upon Chile a realization of her
defenseless position against attack from a naval force. Without a navy
to defend her extensive coast country, or fortifications with which to
protect her ports, she was at the mercy of any maritime power. To meet
this requirement and to strengthen her national position, she acquired
a formidable navy, the most powerful in South America, and constructed
modern fortifications in all the principal ports. Since that time Chile
has been regarded as one of the most formidable and aggressive naval
and military powers among the Latin-American Republics.

During the administration of President Perez the liberal element
in the Republic began to assert itself, and to demand political
reforms. This was the first demonstration and show of resistance
against the conservative church party, which had been in control of
the government since its formation. The program of the liberals was:
“The absolute guarantee of personal liberty; that local governments
shall be invested with that complete independence necessary for the
thorough exercise of their prerogatives; that the different branches
of government shall be independent of each other, that all persons
shall be equal before the law and that all special privileges shall
be abolished.” This was a move from the oligarchy towards democracy.
The liberals scored their first victory in 1868, when Congress passed
an amendment to the constitution, making the president ineligible to
reëlection. The laws providing for civil responsibility, for political
treason, and imprisonment for debt were also abolished by the same
Congress.

Don Federico Errazuriz, who was elected to the presidency in 1871,
was a man of scholarly attainments, and had had a long and varied
experience in public life. He had been minister of foreign affairs, of
the interior, of justice, and of war, and had served in both branches
of the legislative body.

During the administration of President Errazuriz, the liberal party
succeeded in passing a number of reformatory measures, among which
was one providing that the clergy should be amenable to the civil
authorities, and further that all sects might worship in churches
erected by private enterprise. The president also decreed that space
should be reserved in catholic or public cemeteries for the interment
of dissenters, who could be given the right of burial according to the
form of their respective denominations. Against these acts the clerical
party filed a remonstrance which was signed by the Archbishop of
Santiago; and members of Congress who voted for the measures, as well
as magistrates who should attempt to enforce the laws, were threatened
with excommunication from the church. But those progressive measures
still remain upon the statute books of Chile.

Don Anibal Pinto succeeded Don Federico Errazuriz as president in 1876.
His administration was early confronted with a financial crisis, and in
1878 the government authorized the banks to suspend specie payment, and
guaranteed their emission of paper money to the amount of $15,500,000,
which was made redeemable in coin on August 31, 1879. A year later the
government found it necessary to resort to a second issue of paper
currency to the amount of $6,000,000.

The church question, which had been made the paramount political
issue in previous campaigns continued with unabated zeal and acrimony
throughout President Pinto’s administration. In 1878 the Archbishop of
Santiago died, and the government recommended the appointment of Don
Francisco de Paula Taforo as his successor. The clergy of the country
opposed the appointment, but the government maintained that inasmuch as
the State supported the ecclesiastical officials, the civil authorities
should name the church dignitaries. After a bitter contest lasting for
several years an apostolic delegate was sent from Rome to make report
on the affair. He was expelled by President Santa Maria, who succeeded
President Pinto, and the victory was won by the government.

Throughout the administrations of Presidents Perez, Errazuriz, and
Pinto the country made rapid advancement along the road of national
progress and civilization. Previous to that time all reforms and
advanced measures were initiated and directed by the executive, whose
political power made him practically the government.

Neither the House of Deputies nor the Senate made any pretense to
parliamentary rule or order. In both national and private life the poor
but honest element predominated. People earned a legitimate livelihood
by honest industry, and wanton extravagance was little known.


THE WAR OF 1879.

There are various versions of the causes leading up to the war between
Chile, Peru and Bolivia, but the immediate cause of hostilities, which
placed Chile in possession of the greatest nitrate fields in the world,
was the cession by the Bolivian government to the Anglo-Peruvian firm
of Gibbs & Company, of the right to work the nitrate deposits north
of twenty-four degrees south, to construct a mole at Antofagasta and
build a railway to some mines in the interior. Later this firm disposed
of a portion of its concessions to a Chilean company, the “Compañia
Salitres y Ferrocarril de Antofagasta.” When the Bolivian government
discovered that Chilean capital and industry were developing the desert
into a source of wealth, it laid an export bounty of ten cents per
hundred weight upon manufactured nitrate of soda. The Compañia Salitres
y Ferrocarril objected to paying export duties upon the products of
its properties, and appealed to Chile for protection. Bolivia then
threatened to seize all nitrate in the hands of exporters. The Chilean
government protested against this arbitrary action and sent a fleet to
blockade the ports of Antofagasta, Cobija and Tocopilla. On February
14, 1879, Chile took possession of Antofagasta and sent troops to the
interior to protect the property interests of its citizens. General
Hilarion Daza, President of Bolivia, then declared war, expelled some
Chilenos from the country and confiscated their properties. Thus the
fraternity and harmony of interests of the neighboring Republics were
destroyed, the trumpets of war sounded, and the result was a change in
the map of South America.

Peru tendered her services as mediator and sent special envoys to
Santiago and La Paz. But Chile,--having knowledge of a secret treaty
celebrated between Bolivia and Peru in 1873, the purpose of which was
declared to be the mutual guarantee of the independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity of the two republics, and mutual defense
against aggression,--the proposition was looked upon by Chile
with distrust. Peru proposed that Chilean troops should evacuate
Antofagasta; that the three republics should guarantee a neutral
administration of affairs. Chile demanded the annulment of the secret
treaty of 1873, and that preparations for war on the part of Peru
should cease. These propositions were rejected, and Chile declared war
against the allies on April 5, 1879.

Hostilities began at once and in earnest, both upon land and sea,
continuing until Chile gained her final victories in the battles of
Miraflores and Chorrillos, January 13, 1881, and four days later the
victorious troops marched into Lima and occupied the Peruvian capital.
The campaign was a succession of brilliant victories and achievements
for the Chilean arms.

Peru believed her navy superior to that of Chile, but she had not
reckoned the valor, skill and zeal of the patriotic Chilean officers,
whose feats won for them not only victory, but the admiration of the
world, and established for Chile an international reputation as a
fighting nation. Equally brilliant and successful was the campaign of
the land forces. In the battles of Pisagua, Tacna, Arica, and finally
at Miraflores the Chilean troops were invincible.

Among those who distinguished themselves in the navy during the war
with Peru and Bolivia was Captain Arturo Prat, who gave up his life
in the battle of Iquique, where, after his ship, the _Esmeralda_, had
been disabled and was being rammed by the Peruvian cruiser _Huascar_,
leaped from the deck of his own vessel to that of the enemy, and with
his sword attacked single-handed the forces that confronted him in
overwhelming numbers. There is in the Plaza Intendencia, Valparaiso, a
handsome bronze monument erected to the memory of Arturo Prat, whose
heroic deeds and valiant service form some of the most brilliant
chapters in the history of his country. Admiral Patricio Lynch was
another naval officer with a foreign name who distinguished himself
in the war with Peru, and later received the title of general for
meritorious service in the Chilean army. During the occupation of
Lima, by the Chilean forces, Admiral Lynch was placed in command of
the troops in the Peruvian capital, where he remained in charge until
April, 1884, when the treaty of peace was ratified and Chile withdrew
her army from the conquered country.

By the treaty of peace celebrated with Bolivia on December 11, 1882,
Chile obtained all the latter’s seacoast, including the port of Cobija,
privileges for constructing railways into the interior and twenty per
cent. of Bolivian port customs.

The treaty between Chile and Peru, which was signed at Ancon, on
October 20, 1883, contained provisions that led to complications which
still leave the question of final settlement in dispute; complications
that resulted in a discontinuance of diplomatic relations, which
at times became so strained that another conflict at arms seemed
imminent. Peru ceded to Chile the province of Tarapaca, forever and
unconditionally. In lieu of $10,000,000 cash indemnity, and as security
for payment of same, the territory constituting the provinces of Tacna
and Arica passed into the possession of Chile for a period of ten
years, at the end of which time the ownership of the territory was to
be determined by a vote of the legal residents of those provinces.
Whatever the result of the election, the country to which the
provinces should be annexed, engaged to pay the other $10,000,000 in
cash. The time limit for this provision of the treaty expired in 1894,
and Peru not being prepared to comply with its requirements, Chile
continued in possession of the territory, and the question of Tacna and
Arica remained a disputed one.


THE TACNA AND ARICA QUESTION.

A few years later Peru became more prosperous through the development
of her rich mineral resources and began pressing for a settlement of
the question. To the arbitration proposition presented by Peru Chile
maintained that there was nothing to arbitrate. In 1905 Peru presented
her side of the question in the form of a written protest against
certain proposed industrial improvements in the disputed territory. The
reply of the Chilean government to the arguments offered in the protest
was an able statement of the case, which left little doubt in the minds
of those familiar with the subject that it was Chile’s intention to
retain possession of the territory in question.

In June 1905 diplomatic relations between the two republics were
resumed, and Peru sent Don Manuel Alvarez Calderon as Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Santiago, where he was
warmly received by President Riesco and his Cabinet Ministers. In
his address in presenting his credentials to the President of Chile,
on November 4, 1905, Señor Calderon stated that he was charged with
the task of settling outstanding questions in conformity with treaty
stipulations, meaning, it was understood, the Tacna and Arica question.
In February 1906 the Chilean government named Don Rafael Balmaceda as
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Peru.

The more amicable relations resulting from the appointment of
diplomatic representatives continued until 1909 when Chile proposed the
taking of the plebiscite on certain bases which were then considered
unacceptable by Peru, and diplomatic relations were again broken off by
the latter country. The main points at issue in this instance involved
the questions of who were to constitute the voters, who should preside
at the proceedings of the plebiscite, and at what date the election to
secure an expression of the residents of the disputed territory should
take place.

During the year 1912 an effort was made on the part of the respective
governments to agree upon terms acceptable to both countries for the
celebration of the plebiscite provided for in the treaty of Ancon, to
determine the nationality of the provinces of Tacna and Arica, and the
following general agreement was reached:

Peru agrees that all inhabitants, whether Chilean or Peruvian, shall
have the right to vote, provided that they enjoy electoral rights
under the constitutions of their respective governments. This is the
proposition made by Chile in 1909, except that she was willing to
include foreigners amongst the voters, while Peru insisted on their
exclusion. Chile assuming that the plebiscite would then take place
at once, proposed six months’ residence as a necessary condition for
voters, and Peru demanded that the time be extended to three years.
The plebiscite under the latest arrangement is to be postponed for
twenty-one years, during which interval it is hoped and believed that
the prejudices engendered by the war, and the ill-feeling existing
on the part of the citizens of both republics living in the disputed
territory will greatly change for the better, and lessen the chances
of a conflict in the final settlement of a difficult question of long
standing.

Peru is willing to accede the claim to preside at the taking of the
plebiscite, and the president of the Supreme Court of Chile will
preside. The rest of the board will be composed of two Chileans and two
Peruvians, and final decision will be reached by the majority.

The most important feature of the arrangements, however, is the
contemplated treaty of commerce and navigation, by which both countries
hope to create such a powerful influence for peace that the question
which for so many years has proven an insuperable difficulty to the
best efforts of the statesmen of both countries will play a secondary
and unimportant part in the relations between the two republics.

Chile is no longer disposed to treat with Peru in a conciliatory
manner, or submit to arbitration a question in which she has the
right of possession. Having settled peacefully the long standing
boundary dispute with the Argentine Republic, which for a quarter
of a century hung like a war cloud over the Cordilleras, and got
possession of Bolivia “tregua” (tentatively), by means of a treaty of
peace and amity, Chile is no longer afraid of a triple alliance with
the Argentine, Bolivia and Peru, which once menaced her security and
national life.

When the Spanish-American colonies united to secure their independence
from Spain it was mutually agreed that there should be no “no man’s
land.” To attain this end it was covenanted that the boundaries of the
new Republics should be those assigned to each as a colony. In many
instances those boundaries were ill defined, and in others conjectural
or imaginary. As explorations proceeded these errors were discovered
and naturally gave rise to territorial questions between neighboring
nations.

Chile had but two neighbors and she had boundary disputes with both.
The dispute with the Argentine led to the erection of a fort and the
founding of a settlement in the Strait of Magellan by Chile in 1843.
From that time until the boundary award by King Edward in 1903, the
two republics were in a continual controversy over territorial limits,
which on more than one occasion led them to the brink of war. With her
other neighbor, Bolivia, Chile had a boundary dispute which has had
far-reaching consequences. A _modus vivendi_ which seemed to promise
lasting peace was agreed upon. Contrary to expectation, however, the
agreement produced war, procuring for Chile another neighbor and still
another territorial dispute. Previous to the war of the Pacific, the
province of Antofagasta, which was Bolivian territory, separated Chile
and Peru, but as a result of that war Chile came into possession of
the province of Antofagasta and consequently became a neighbor to
Peru. Surrounded as she was then with three Republics individually
and collectively maintaining a hostile attitude to her independent
and aggressive policy, Chile was placed in a peculiarly delicate and
dangerous political position. If one of her three neighbors made a move
in its boundary question the other two pressed for a settlement of
similar claims.

During the civil conflict in Chile her three neighbors took advantage
of the internal disturbance to urge settlement of their boundary
questions. And when the relations between Argentina and Chile became
so strained as to make war imminent, Bolivia and Peru assumed a most
aggressive attitude in demanding a settlement of the questions growing
out of the war of ’79. Chile has not forgotten these acts of her
neighbors, but her attitude is not one of resentment. Her desire is for
peace, as has been demonstrated by her generous and amicable adjustment
of differences with Bolivia and Argentina; peace at home and abroad,
but peace with honor. She governs her sword in accordance with the
motto of the Castilian Hidalgo: “No me desenvainas sin causa; no me
envainas sin honor.” (I do not unsheath my sword without cause; I do
not sheath it without honor.)

The territorial questions of Chile with Argentina and Bolivia have been
definitely settled, and the three countries have been greatly benefited
thereby. Chile and the Argentine have been relieved of the enormous
drain upon their resources in the purchase of ships and preparations
for war, and under treaty arrangements capital is seeking investment
in Bolivia in the development of its natural resources. The only
outstanding territorial question that Chile now has to deal with is
that relating to Tacna and Arica.

Bolivia’s loss in the war with Chile was irreparable, depriving it
of all coast territory and an outlet to the sea. It now occupies the
unique position of being one of two inland countries in the sisterhood
of South American Republics. After the war Chile took possession of
the long strip of desert bordering on the Pacific, which furnished
Bolivia access to the ocean and direct communication with the outside
world. The territory is a rainless region, devoid of vegetation, but
beneath its surface are nitrate deposits sufficient to supply the
world, and its acquisition made Chile the richest country on the globe,
in proportion to its population. It derives from that source about
90,000,000 pesos, equal to $30,000,000 United States currency, or $8.50
per capita, annually. The source of this enormous revenue has become
the permanent possession of Chile. Bolivia has apparently abandoned
the idea of pressing further claims for readjustment of questions
growing out of the war, and is endeavoring to make the best of a bad
situation by developing the resources of her remaining territory and
promoting her industrial interests. In 1905 she celebrated a treaty of
commerce and amity with Chile, which provides among other things for
the building of a system of railroads through the provinces of Tacna
and Arica, thereby giving to Bolivia access to Pacific ports, providing
means of communication and facilities for transporting her products to
the coast, as well as to ports of entry.

Bolivia also has a large scheme of railway-building of her own, some
of the more important branches of which will connect with the lines
built by Chile, extending from the coast across the pampa. It was the
announcement of this treaty agreement that caused the last vigorous
protest by Peru against Chile’s course in the Tacna and Arica question.

During the administration of the phlegmatic but conscientious Domingo
Santa Maria, who was president from 1881 to 1886, Chile passed through
an important epoch, the pivotal point in her national history.
It includes the war with Peru and Bolivia, and an international
complication with the Argentine Republic in which war was averted only
by a diplomatic handling of the question.

Argentina had an unsigned alliance with Peru and Bolivia, and advantage
was taken of Chile’s war engagement to press the question of boundary
limits, and also that of the possession of Patagonia and the Straits
of Magellan. To meet this emergency and to avoid if possible another
war, the government commissioned Jose Manuel Balmaceda, who was then
serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to go to the Argentine capital
and save Chile from impending difficulties. Although coldly received
in Buenos Aires, Señor Balmaceda entered upon the task with zeal and
determination, unraveled the tangle of international questions, and
tied the hands of Argentina by withdrawing Chile’s claim to that
portion of Patagonia lying east of the Cordilleras. Previous to that
time all of Patagonia was Chilean territory. It was included in the
Spanish Vice-royalty inherited by the Republic. This concession
precipitated other boundary disputes which were the cause of many years
of international contention, almost resulting in war between the two
nations on several occasions. It was finally settled by arbitration in
May, 1903, when a boundary line, established by a commission appointed
by King Edward VII, was accepted and approved by a treaty agreement
between the two countries.

On his return from the Argentine, Balmaceda was made Prime Minister
and became a most potent political factor and powerful incentive
to material progress and development. From armed conflicts and
international complications Chile emerged triumphant and successful.
Her territorial limits had been extended to include some of the richest
mineral deposits on the continent, her national prestige greatly
increased, her credit unimpaired and her wealth producing resources
multiplied.

From that time Chile made rapid advancement along lines of industrial
development and intellectual progress. For the first time in her
national existence the exports exceeded her imports; the balance of
trade was favorable to her commerce, and the surplus in the national
treasury reached 100,000,000 pesos. A remarkable thing about this
surplus is that it was accumulated while the government was engaged in
building railroads, bridges, public schools and colleges, penal and
correctional institutions, constructing highways and providing better
means of communication throughout the country. The Congress of that
period, 1882-5, was notable in the history of the Republic for its
progressive policies, unity of purpose and patriotic support of the
government.

The administration party, led by Balmaceda, with the encouragement
of President Santa Maria, was marshaling its forces for some radical
departures from former governmental policies. The president issued a
message in which it was declared the intention of the administration
to enact a law providing for the civil registry of births, deaths and
marriages. In the National Congress, September 26, 1885, Balmaceda,
representing the administration, declared the following to be the
government program:

 “Reciprocate and counterpoise every arm of public power; sacredly
 maintain the independence of constitutional and judicial powers;
 protect from abuse the electoral power and liberty of suffrage;
 formally reorganize municipalities for honest, harmonious legislation;
 separate the church from the state and protect the liberty of thought;
 foment progressive public instruction, examine proofs of character
 and competency in the exercise of public functions; realize national
 administration in the most correct, upright and economical manner.”

Little attention was given to these patriotic sentiments at the
time, but later when Balmaceda became minister of the interior, he
declared in congress that “the Catholic religion marches contrary to
the current of the century, restrains the liberty of State, refuses
modern progress, denies freedom of thought and destroys liberal ideas;
the church condemns culture and fosters ignorance. With the creed of
Catholicism it is difficult to unite the politics of modern State, as
the Catholic religion is an exclusive compulsory factor and beneficiary
in Chilean administrations.”

       *       *       *       *       *

After a bitter congressional campaign, in which the measure was opposed
by the church element, the civil registry act became a law. History
credits President Santa Maria with giving his country this beneficent
law, but it was the aggressive Balmaceda who led the fight against
all the fortified conservative forces, religious and traditional
prejudices of Chile, inculcating into the minds of the people new and
advanced ideas, and making the passage of the law possible. Inspired by
patriotic motives, and with excessive confidence in others, including
his enemies, Balmaceda committed the common mistake of politicians in
believing the cause he advocated would prevail because it was right.
The war with Peru and Bolivia had left multiform internal and external
questions for settlement. While these international problems were
pressing for solution, requiring the attention of the administration,
the opposition party made a fierce fight in the elections of 1886,
securing a majority in the Congress. Then followed the greatest
political struggle in the history of Chile. The elements opposing the
civil registry law, and other political measures advanced by the
administration, employed every means within their power to arrest the
liberal advance, which had made such rapid progress in the few years
immediately preceding, to embarrass the administration of Santa Maria
and destroy the influence of Balmaceda, who had become a political
power in the Republic.


ELECTION OF BALMACEDA.

The contending forces and warring political elements of that critical
period in Chile’s history reached a climax in the struggle for
supremacy in the campaign of 1886, which resulted in the election of
Balmaceda as president. During the years intervening between the war
with Peru and Bolivia, and the inauguration of Balmaceda, Chile had
prospered wonderfully. The rich nitrate properties, acquired as the
fruits of war, were being developed and worked with foreign capital,
and were producing an enormous annual revenue. The Republic was then
in the period of its greatest prosperity, having accumulated a large
surplus in the national treasury, notwithstanding the fact that public
works, including highways, school houses, bridges, harbor improvements,
etc., were being constructed. Order and system prevailed in the
management of government affairs, and the country was in the bloom of
industrial progress and national prosperity.

Under these favorable conditions, Don Jose Manuel Balmaceda became
president. To the creation of these conditions he had contributed
much in the way of honest industry, but the full fruition of his
hopes to make of Chile an independent Republic, where every citizen,
irrespective of condition, creed or religion, might exercise his
rights without prejudice to his individual interests was never to be
realized. Not only was he destined to disappointment and ultimate
defeat, but this strong, brilliant man, the greatest in many respects
that Chile has produced, proved the rock upon which the Ship of State
foundered. His administration ended in a revolution, the tragic end
of which was the death of the president by suicide in the Argentine
Legation, in Santiago, where he sought asylum after the final success
of the revolutionists and the overthrow of the government.

It was on a constitutional question that Balmaceda clashed with
Congress, which resulted in his downfall. Under the constitution the
president must convoke Congress in regular session from June 1 to
September 1, each year; he has power to prorogue it at any time for a
term of fifty days, and he can summon it in special session whenever
he chooses. He appoints his cabinet ministers, governors of provinces,
diplomatic representatives, and five out of eleven members of the
Council of State, “Consejo de Estado.” He also appoints the judges of
the several courts, upon recommendation of the Council of State. He
approves, promulgates and takes part in the making of laws, issues
decrees, regulations, etc., which he may consider desirable for the
execution of laws. The authority thus vested in the president gives him
a power which, if abused, might become a menace to the Republic. It was
perhaps for this reason that the framers of the constitution of Chile,
apparently desiring to avoid the possibility of the concentration of
political power in the Republic, made the ministry responsible to
the legislative branch of the government instead of the executive.
Following the plan of the French Republic, legislation affecting the
general policy of the government originates with the ministry. When
Congress convenes the president outlines the administration policy in a
message calling attention to such measures as he thinks should receive
attention and consideration from the legislative bodies. Bills are
prepared by the cabinet ministers and presented to Congress. A failure
to approve by their votes any measure coming from the executive branch
is taken as a vote of lack of confidence in the administration, and
the only course left for the president is to dissolve his ministry.
The power bestowed upon Congress to overthrow ministries, and defy
the president by refusing to coöperate with the executive branch
of government, was never indulged in to any considerable extent
until Balmaceda’s time. Then the political elements opposed to the
administration policy allied their interests and exercised their power
to defeat the progressive measures presented, thereby repeatedly
rejecting the ministry. Since that time the custom of obstruction has
grown into such a gigantic abuse that it is now almost impossible for
the president of Chile to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length
of time to carry out any general plan or policy of government. In fact
it has become one of the crying evils of the country which the press
denounces vigorously and persistently. During the administration of
President German Riesco, 1901-6, ministerial changes became so frequent
that a cabinet crisis was not regarded as a matter of any interest or
consequence by the public.

During the first years of Balmaceda’s administration, Chile enjoyed an
era of golden prosperity and national progress. Numerous reforms were
proposed, which had for their purpose the improvement of the government
service. One project was to prohibit senators and deputies from having
an interest in any public contract; another that neither the president
nor any cabinet minister should appoint a near relative to office
unless the person possessed the necessary qualifications for the
position. Believing himself secure in the performance of his duties and
the administration of government affairs, President Balmaceda prepared
to utilize a portion of the large income from the nitrate fields in the
construction of public works. He contracted for the building of new
lines of railway in the central and southern provinces at a cost of
$30,000,000; built schools and colleges in every city in the Republic,
amounting to $10,000,000 in value; ordered the construction of three
modern warships and two torpedo boats in Europe. He also continued and
completed the work of constructing a government dry dock at Talcahuano;
armed and equipped the army with modern rifles and munitions of war,
and improved the coast defenses, to which were added new modern
batteries at Talcahuano and Iquique.

The questions affecting the prerogatives of the members of Congress
and cabinet ministers, together with the extravagant policy of the
administration caused much political agitation and exciting debate
in the Senate and House of Deputies. The constant attack of the
clerical party, the bitter denunciations of the press, added to the
conservative opposition finally created dissension among the liberals,
who had elected and until then supported the president. Charges of
usurpation of power and dictatorship were made against Balmaceda,
and the political situation became such that a revolt was imminent.
Various ministries had been rejected by Congress because of the policy
pursued in erecting costly public works instead of employing the
government revenues in reducing the foreign debt and redeeming the
paper currency, and the president found himself in the embarrassing
situation of having entered upon a policy of extensive government
improvement and industrial development without the support of Congress.
An extraordinary session was called for the purpose of providing
government revenues. Other measures were taken up by Congress and the
appropriation bill deferred until the president should recede from his
arbitrary position. Balmaceda refused to compromise, and the ministry
again resigned. He then appointed a new cabinet in harmony with his
views and declared the session closed, maintaining that Congress when
called in extraordinary session for the express purpose of passing
an appropriation bill had no constitutional authority to go into the
consideration of other measures. In explaining his action he said:
“Congress by the express terms of the constitution has no more right to
dictate to me what ministers I shall appoint than it has to advise what
food I shall eat or clothes I shall wear.”

The Constitutional Advisory Committee was convened and as a result
of its deliberations the president was advised to again convene
Congress in extraordinary session. Balmaceda hesitated, fearing that
Congress if again convened might declare the office of president
vacant. While he and his ministers deliberated, the Constitutional
Committee arrogated to itself the authority to call an extra session.
The opposition was rapidly securing support from various political
elements throughout the country and by popular sympathy among the
people. The dictatorial attitude of the administration aroused intense
feeling and there was a clamor for the deposition of the alleged
dictator. Realizing that summary action was necessary to maintain
his power and aggressive policy, the president issued a manifesto on
January 1, 1891, declaring his intention to exercise his constitutional
powers and functions,--to stand by the strict letter of the law. He
declared that he had nothing to do with the effete provisions of the
constitution, nor with new theories of parliamentary government until
they were enacted into law. He maintained that under the constitution
the appropriation bill passed by the previous Congress held good
until another was passed. The supreme court declared the acts of the
president unconstitutional. He ignored the court. This assumption of
authority on the part of the executive was contrary to precedent and to
republican ideas, even if constitutional, and the cry of “dictator” was
raised. Thus the machinery of government was disabled, and while the
Ship of State lay stranded upon the rock of party politics, Congress
declared the country in revolution, and the tempest of war struck the
Republic on January 7, 1891, when the navy, under command of Señor
Don Jorge Montt went over to the revolutionists. The squadron sailed
for the north with the presiding officers of the Senate and House of
Deputies on board, and a floating Congress was established.

The Congress which declared Balmaceda deposed, empowered Don Jorge
Montt to assume provisional command, and a junta was organized on
board the warship _Blanco Encalada_, composed of Señor Montt, Don
Waldo Silva, vice-president of the Senate and Don Ramon Barros Luco,
president of the Chamber of Deputies.

The revolution started by Balmaceda’s manifesto of January 1, 1891, was
apparently poorly prepared to cope with the government. The insurgents
had no military organization, no arms or munitions of war. The junta
proceeded north and took possession of the provinces of Tarapaca,
Atacama and Antofagasta, which include the rich nitrate fields and
wealth producing mineral territory of Chile, the revenues from which
were employed in purchasing arms, provisions and equipment for an army.
They also had possession of the majority of the naval squadron. By the
middle of the year 1891 the government had 45,000 troops in the field,
four thousand of which were cavalry. The revolutionists had only about
twelve thousand soldiers, which encouraged the sanguine Balmaceda to
believe that he could easily suppress the uprising.

Congressional elections were held in May, and a majority of the members
elected were in sympathy with the administration. In June presidential
electors were chosen, and they selected as the candidate for president
Don Claudio Vicuña, who was Balmaceda’s choice for his successor. Señor
Vicuña, who was of an old and distinguished family, was declared
duly elected president on July 25, 1891, but the final success of the
insurgents prevented him from ever taking his seat.

As the struggle continued the revolutionary cause gained strength and
reinforcements from various sources. The superior skill of the military
officer directing the opposition forces made itself manifest, and the
position of Balmaceda and his government became daily more and more
menaced with dissolution and overthrow. On August 20, ten thousand
revolutionary troops were disembarked at Quintero, a few miles from
Valparaiso, and on the following day a decisive battle was fought, at
Concon, situated at the mouth of the Aconcagua River, resulting in the
defeat of the government forces. This crushing defeat, in which about
2,500 of the government troops were killed, practically caused the fall
of Balmaceda. He made a strenuous and brave effort to recover from the
disaster, but the railway communication having been destroyed, it was
impossible to send reserve troops from the south, where they had been
stationed, in time to save the situation.

After the battle of Concon the opposition forces advanced upon
Valparaiso, and two days later endeavored to capture Fort Callao, at
Viña del Mar, a beautiful suburban place six miles from Valparaiso.
The fortress, which commands the bay of Valparaiso, the valley and
surrounding heights, being equipped with modern guns, and well-nigh
impregnable, resisted the attack of both warships and artillery, and a
repulse prevented a direct advance upon Valparaiso, the objective point
of the Congressional army. Retiring from Viña del Mar, Generals Canto
and Korner, commanding the revolutionary forces, fell back to Salto, a
few miles distant, where they destroyed a railway bridge spanning the
river, thus cutting off communication with Santiago, and preventing
the possibility of Balmaceda forwarding troops from the capital.
Making a detour of some thirty miles, the revolutionists endeavored
to approach Valparaiso from the south, but encountered the government
forces, under command of Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca, occupying a
formidable position upon the hills near Placilla, a few miles from the
city of Valparaiso. This was on August 27th. On the 30th the election
of Señor Claudio Vicuña would be formally ratified by the Senate, and
he would become president. It was important to the revolutionists to
force a decisive engagement and overthrow Balmaceda before the newly
elected president should take his seat. Before daylight on the morning
of the 28th, under cover of the darkness and protection of the hills,
the revolutionists got into position to give battle without being seen
by the government forces. Early in the morning as the advancing army
was crossing an open plain Balmaceda’s troops opened an artillery fire
upon it, and the battle of Placilla, the final and decisive engagement
in the revolution, was begun. The opposition forces numbered about
twelve thousand and the government, nine thousand. The former, flushed
with success and inspired with the hope of final victory, fought
like demons, while the latter, discouraged and disheartened with
failure, menaced with disaster and annihilation, showed lack of order,
discipline, and courage manifested and displayed on previous occasions.
Some companies even deserted and joined the enemy during the battle.
After a few hours’ terrific fighting, in which more than a thousand men
were killed and a greater number wounded, on the government side, the
Balmaceda army was put to rout. The victorious forces which had lost
five hundred killed and over a thousand wounded, pursued the fleeing
remnants of the routed army, driving many of them into the quebrades
(ravines), where they were unmercifully slaughtered. Generals Barbosa
and Alzerreca were both killed in the engagement. On the evening of
the 28th, Valparaiso was in possession of the revolutionists and the
Balmaceda government was overthrown.

Leading government supporters, including Don Claudio Vicuña, president
elect, and who only lacked a few days of being formally declared
the chief executive of the Republic, sought refuge on board foreign
warships in the harbor.

That night Valparaiso was the scene of a Bacchanalian rabble that would
have shamed Rome in the reign of Nero. The city was in possession of a
mob, intoxicated with success, drunk upon wine and athirst for blood,
that murdered with impunity and sacked the town without restraint.
Drunken men and women reeled through the streets, shooting at each
other as a matter of sport, and on the following morning four hundred
victims of the mob’s violence were found dead in the streets.

The scenes enacted in Santiago were equally as wild and tragic as
those witnessed in Valparaiso. The houses of Balmaceda, Claudio Vicuña
and other Balmacedistas were attacked, looted and everything they
contained destroyed or carried away. A statue of the deposed president
was dismembered and kicked through the streets. From balconies ladies
cheered the performance, while opprobrium was heaped upon the inanimate
form by the drunken mob. Beggars and thieves appropriated with
impunity works of art and beautiful articles of furniture found in the
residences of those who had remained loyal to the administration.

That night President Balmaceda left the Moneda (Government Palace), and
sought asylum in the Argentine Legation, where he remained until his
legal term as president expired, September 18. On September 19 he took
his own life by firing a revolver-shot into his brain, thus avoiding
the chronicle in history that he committed suicide while president of
the Republic.

Thus the tragic and untimely death of this strong, brave man, who was
called a tyrant and dictator by his enemies, but was loved and revered
by his friends. Through the vista of years that intervene between the
present and the close of the revolution, the official acts of Balmaceda
and the monuments he left to his memory in the form of government works
and public enterprises, loom large and conspicuous when compared with
the works of those who have succeeded him. Public opinion and sentiment
in Chile have undergone wonderful changes since the day a shot from a
revolver in his own hand crashed into and stilled forever the fertile,
creative brain of Jose Manuel Balmaceda, and an ungrateful Republic is
now beginning to set its seal of approbation upon his official life
and private character. History will yet write the name of Balmaceda
large upon the roll of honor reserved for Chile’s patriots, statesmen,
diplomats and scholars.

At the close of the revolution the “Junta de Gobierno,” with Captain
Jorge Montt at its head, took charge of the government. On October
18, a general election was held, and on November 18 the electors
met and named Don Jorge Montt president. President Montt, while a
man of mediocre ability, possessed a high sense of honor, and was
conscientious in the strict performance of his official duties. While
he did nothing to distinguish himself as a man of great intellectual
attainments, his administration marked a period of national
tranquillity and general prosperity, securing for him the good will and
political support of a majority of the citizens of the Republic. After
serving one term as president he was placed at the head of the navy,
where he served as a most efficient and popular officer. He held the
position as ranking admiral of the navy until 1905, when he was sent on
a special government mission to the United States, Japan, Europe and
England.

President Montt was succeeded by Don Federico Errazuriz in 1896. There
was little in President Errazuriz’ administration worthy of special
mention. He was a man of brilliant intellect, cultivated tastes,
charming manner and attractive personality, but lacked in the moral
qualities that characterized the private and official life of his
predecessor.

President Errazuriz died in July, 1901, and was succeeded by Don German
Riesco, who had been formally elected a month previous. President
Riesco had not been conspicuous in national politics previous to
his nomination, and had few political enemies when inaugurated in
September, 1901. He was known as a good lawyer, had occupied the
position of judge of one of the courts of appeal, and was universally
respected for his honesty, industry and high moral character. Being
a man of mediocre ability, lacking in precision and firmness, his
administration was early embarrassed by politicians who employed
obstructive measures to prevent the passage of laws recommended by the
executive branch of the government.

The president found it difficult to maintain a ministry for a
sufficient length of time to accomplish anything in the way of needed
legislation, or to carry out important government policies. He was
constantly forced into compromising with various political factions
and coalitions. In an effort to secure political influence he lost
the support of a majority of the members of the legislative bodies,
and also the confidence of the people. The result was a condition
of political chaos in the Republic. Ministries were overthrown with
frequency, Congress was hopelessly divided into contending factions and
there was a general lack of united and concerted effort in the various
branches of government.

Chile made substantial commercial progress during the Riesco
administration, however, and there prevailed throughout the country
a condition of general prosperity. New and important industries were
established, many new companies with large capital were organized, and
money was plentiful during most of the period. The only disturbing
feature of the commercial and financial situation was the constantly
fluctuating value of the paper currency.

Another feature of President Riesco’s administration is the fact that
it closed with a national calamity, caused by the great earthquake
that occurred in August, 1906, causing serious loss of life and great
destruction of property in the cities and towns throughout the country.

In the general election of 1906, Don Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt,
President of Chile from 1851 to 1861, was elected president by a larger
majority than that received by any candidate in the history of the
Republic.

Señor Montt was for many years previous to his election regarded as the
most able and conservative statesman in the country. He was born in
Santiago in 1846, and was graduated from the University in his native
city in 1870. In 1874 he was elected a member of the House of Deputies,
where he remained for several years. He also served as Speaker of
the House, Minister in different cabinets and Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States. With a long and
successful political career to his credit he was inaugurated under more
favorable and auspicious circumstances than any president since his
father, to whom history gives the credit of being one of the ablest
executives ever elected to the office.

It was President Montt’s ambition to improve the industrial and
financial conditions of the country by establishing the gold
standard, and thereby do away with the ruinous fluctuations in the
currency values. But in this commendable undertaking he was doomed to
disappointment, being defeated in his plans for accomplishing that most
desirable reform by the factions that dominated the politics of the
Republic, and in 1908-9, the exchange rate reached its lowest level,
the Chilean peso being worth at one time only 20 cents U. S. currency,
whereas upon a gold standard basis it represents a value of 34 cents.

In May 1910 President Montt attended the inauguration of the centennial
exposition of the Argentine Republic in Buenos Aires, making the trip
by rail over the Transandine Railway, which was opened to traffic about
that time. In July he started on a trip to Europe, going by way of the
United States, arriving in New York, August 3. On August 9 he sailed
for Europe, arriving in Hamburg on the 16th, where he died soon after
his arrival.

After the death of President Montt, Vice-President Elias Fernandez
Albano became president. On September 6, of the same year President
Albano died and Senator MacIver Como, vice-president of the Council of
State became the acting president.

At the regular election in 1910, Don Raymon Barros Luco was elected to
the presidency.




INDIANS


The indigenous races of Chile consist of the following tribes:
Araucanians, Chilotes, Chonos, Onas, Fueginos, Yahgans, Alacalupes and
Patagonians.

The Araucanians, the most powerful, brave, and warlike tribe of South
American Indians, formerly occupied all the territory now constituting
the northern half of Chile. In the Araucanians the Spaniards met a
strong resistance to their invasion of the territory. The tribe then
numbered one million, and for three hundred and fifty years they
maintained a warfare against the occupation of their country by white
men. The Spaniards were unable to subdue them, and even after the war
of independence and the establishment of the Republic, they maintained
a hostile attitude. Although being gradually and peacefully subjugated
they still maintain a sort of independence, living under a form of
government agreeable to their common tribal laws and customs. They are
now generally engaged in the peaceful pursuits of agriculture.

The Araucanian government consists of a confederation constituted by
the union of three independent tribes, each of which is governed by
a hereditary chief, called Toqui, or Cacique. A few years ago the
territory was divided into sub-districts, for each of which there is
a subordinate chief. The Caciques are elected by their respective
tribes. They hold armed diets, like the ancient Poles and Germans. In
the formation of laws governing their actions, and determining upon
military operations, every member of the confederation has a vote.

In more recent years these erstwhile savages have manifested a friendly
disposition towards foreigners, some of whom have been admitted to
membership in their tribes. These “white Indians,” who usually possess
superior intelligence, education and knowledge of the world, sometimes
rise to eminence among the tribes. A French lawyer named De Tonneins,
once humbugged the Indians into believing in his alleged magical and
spiritual attainments to such an extent that the Araucanian tribes
proclaimed him king, which distinction he assumed under the title of
King Orelie Antonio I, and reigned for several years. The small court
by which he was surrounded paid him great deference. His Fraudulent
Highness made war against the Chilean government, was captured and
deported to his native country, where after several uneventful years,
he died in an asylum in Bordeaux.

The Araucanians are a sturdy race, with fine physiques. They are tall,
muscular, agile and possess wonderful power of endurance. They are
brave to foolhardiness, but lack intelligence, ambition and creative
genius. Their stupidity combined with their passions, cruel natures and
natural characteristics have prevented them from rising little above
the low level of animals in their domestic life. A study of their past
history and present conditions has a tendency to disillusionize one
who has formed ideas of the Araucanians from descriptions written
by historians and tales related by travelers who have never visited
the habitations of that peculiar people. In general appearance the
Araucanians resemble the other indigenous tribes of North and South
America. They are copper colored, have black, straight, coarse hair
and deep set, piercing black eyes. There is a trace of foreign blood
apparent in many of them, due to their association with the Spaniards
who first invaded the country, and shipwrecked sailors, many of whom
cast their lots with the Indians, and lived peacefully among them,
frequently marrying Indian women.

When America was discovered, the indigenous tribes wore little
clothing, but contact with white men has wrought some changes in their
customs and habits, and taught them the propriety of wearing at least a
semi-civilized garb. The costume of the Araucanian consists of a shirt,
a loin cloth, a manta or poncho of dark blue or black fabric, and a
scarlet turban, all woven by hand and from natural wool, and colored
from dyes extracted from the roots of plants and bark of trees. The
women wear long, scarlet petticoats, and over the head a blue manta,
which drapes over the body down to and below the waist. Their costumes
are also made of hand-woven wool cloth, which is soft and warm, and
very durable. A unique feature of the cloth made by the Indians is the
variety and peculiarity of colors woven into the fabric. The designs
are odd and quaint, and not infrequently weird figures representing
animals, serpents and imaginary gods and devils are worked into the
patterns. A peculiar feature of the fabric is that the designs are
never duplicated, no two pieces of cloth being made of the same
pattern. Hence, if one buys an Indian poncho, he has the satisfaction
of knowing that no one else will have one like it in design. The mantas
worn by the men and women are in plain colors, as a rule, but they are
unique garments, the feature of which is a long nap on the outer side
of the fabric, which makes it almost impervious to water. These mantas
are usually fastened with a huge silver pin, ornamented with a round,
flat disk. Both men and women wear silver earrings of huge proportions,
very heavy and of varied and odd design. The women wear various other
silver ornaments in the form of necklaces, bangles, crosses and
pendants. These articles are all made of hammered silver and have an
intrinsic as well as a decorative value. The usual aversion of Indians
in general to familiarity, or to become communicative, the traditional
stolidity of the race, holds good with the Araucanians. They are averse
to selling any of their personal apparel or adornments, and all efforts
to purchase such articles are resented.

These people, constituting the remnant of a once powerful and proud
race, live in miserable huts, the roofs of which provide little
protection against rain, and the walls of which are sometimes
conspicuous by their absence. In a climate where it rains one half the
year, and where the temperature frequently drops to zero, these places
of habitation afford little comfort. In these miserable “rucas” live
the family, not infrequently consisting of a large number of children,
together with donkeys, pigs, dogs and fowls, in sanitary conditions
that are shockingly disgusting.

In the Araucanian country, which extends from the River Bio Bio on
the north to Valdivia on the south, and from the Cordillera to the
sea, some strange sights may be witnessed. Almost the entire country
is covered with forests, and there are hundreds of miles of solitude
and unbroken wilderness, save the little cultivated patches, where
the Indians engage in farming. Their farms and ranchos are usually
back from, rather than along the trails where travelers pass. There is
little bird or animal life in the forests, and one may ride for days
through those solitudes, with little or nothing to attract attention
or relieve the oppressive silence and monotony, save the sight of an
occasional Indian. The strange, mysterious manner of the Indians only
adds to the uncanny aspect of the wilderness. They are mysterious,
and undesirable as companions, ignorant, superstitious, and by nature
vicious, but like animals, they are dangerous only when disturbed in
the pursuit of life.

The deeds of heroism, acts of valor and bravery, which caused the
Araucanians to be immortalized in verse and recorded in the more sober
lines of prose and history, were enacted during the days of the Spanish
conquest.

In 1535, Don Diego de Almagro, the ally and rival of Pizarro, the
despoiler of Peru, set out on a mission of conquest of the territory
which now constitutes the Republic of Chile. He came not as a peaceful
conqueror, as did the Incas long before, but as a tyrant and butcher,
endeavoring to strike terror to the hearts of the Indians by acts of
cruelty and inhuman treatment. They were treated as so many beasts
to be enslaved or slaughtered at the pleasure of those who invaded
the country in quest of gold, only. The attitude of Almagro and his
followers aroused all the latent fierce combative spirit and resentful
feelings that had been smoldering in the hearts of the aborigines
during centuries of peaceful occupation of the country, and they
resisted the invasion with a heroism and determination that finds few
parallels in primitive warfare in the history of the world.

There were then no horses in the country, save those brought by the
Spaniards, and the Indians had to fight on foot. The only weapons they
possessed were bows and arrows, and lances made of long, flexible
bamboo poles, the latter being the weapons of war. They had no military
training or leaders and were ignorant of the arts of war, not even
appreciating or understanding the advantages of combined or orderly
attack. They depended entirely upon impetuous charges, ambush and
secret night attacks. They had no fear of death, and not infrequently
in battle they continued the conflict until every man engaged was
killed. After years of warfare against the Spaniards, they learned the
advantages to be gained by the use of horses in battle, which they
adopted to some extent, but they did not follow the example of their
enemies in the use of saddles, always riding bareback. After many
generations of resistance to the invaders, they became more clever
and systematic in attack and defense, having learned the importance
of better preparation, councils of war and leadership. The Araucanian
war extended intermittently over three centuries, and as the case
in all wars, whether among barbarians or civilized nations, brought
conspicuously to the front individuals who by superior intelligence
and bravery were recognized as natural leaders. Chief among those who
achieved fame as warriors, and whose deeds of daring form thrilling
chapters in Chilean history, were Lautaro, a young brave who at the age
of twenty was recognized as the leader of the Indian forces. It was
Lautaro who first attempted to organize the various tribes and bands
into something like a military force. After many successful battles he
was surprised in a night attack by the Spaniards, near Talca, where
almost the entire army under his command was annihilated, he being
among the killed. He was decapitated, and his head taken to Santiago,
where it was placed upon a pole and paraded through the streets as a
victorious trophy.

Later Caupolican, one of the bravest of his race, assumed the
leadership of the Araucanians. He was finally captured, and his enemies
wishing to make an example of the chief cut off both his arms at the
elbows, after which he was released. Caupolican pointing the stumps of
his amputated arms at his persecutors said: “Be careful, be careful,
murderers and persecutors, I will return to avenge these wrongs.” And
notwithstanding his maimed condition he later returned to the attack
with renewed courage and fierceness, and in many battles, Caupolican
was first in the fray, and when beaten, was the last to retire from the
field.

Since the days of the conquest of Chile, the Araucanian Indians
have been hedged about and encroached upon with modern civilizing
influences. Under these conditions they have degenerated until their
greatness is only a memory. They now have fixed places of residence,
and live upon the proceeds of their labor or lands.

Some of these Indians own large tracts of land, portions of which
they cultivate, and upon which they raise large numbers of cattle and
horses. The methods employed in farming are crude and primitive. The
rich landowners are personages of note in the section of country where
they live. And when one of them starts on a trip from his ranch, always
on horseback, he is adorned with much silver in the way of ornaments.
He is usually accompanied by five or six “mocetones” (servants), and
travels in grand style.

Having few wants these Indians work only when it is necessary to supply
their needs. Missionaries have tried in recent years to improve their
moral condition, but have made little progress. The Araucanian ideas
of a serious life are not deep-rooted; there is more stubbornness
than intellect in their composition. The Incas who were the first
foreign nation to invade Chile, taught them to worship the sun, but
in their present degenerate condition they seem to worship only the
God Bacchus. Strong drink and its attendant abuses, the curse of all
barbarous races, when once introduced by civilized nations, is causing
degeneration and a decrease in numbers. It will no doubt continue to
aid materially in the consummation of their final extinction.

In 1890, during the administration of President Balmaceda, rail and
wagon roads were built through the Araucanian country, and many towns,
populated by Chilenos and foreigners sprung up along these routes
of communication. Special European immigration was solicited and
encouraged by government aid, for the settlement of portions of the
territory. Foreign association and influence, changed conditions and
environments affected radical changes in the character, customs, habits
and beliefs of the Indians. They were brought face to face with the
on-marching hosts of civilization, and confronted with the problem
of accepting and adapting themselves to the new order of things, or
extinction. The ultimate result will be the latter.

With the indigenous races of Chile, and the same is true of other
countries, vices tread fast upon the heels of civilization. With the
influx of peaceful neighbors, the martial valor of these warlike
Indians seems to have disappeared. They have acquired a passion for the
cheap brands of liquor introduced by foreigners, and in the indulgence
of their appetites for strong drink they have become indolent, and are
neglecting their farms and ranches. Many of them have turned their
lands over to the colonists, to work on shares, and are thus enabled
to lead lives of indolence and excessive indulgence. The raw liquor
which they drink is called “Blanco Toro” (white bull); the vile tobacco
they smoke is “peclen,” and their pipes are called “guitas.” They still
consume large quantities of the ancient Indian drink, “chicha mascada,”
which is made from corn that is first chewed by old women, and then put
through a process of fermentation. A drink is made from flaxseed by
the same process. They are determined and inveterate gamblers, their
favorite game being cards, “cayo.” The game they play is peculiar to
the tribe, and is called “achaco.” Among the traditional customs to
which they cling tenaciously are their Indian dances, “loncomeos,”
which are indulged in to the music of an instrument called “cuntum.”
This instrument is odd in design and peculiar in tone, being a sort of
combination banjo and tambourine.

The Araucanians are as improvident as they are dishonest, and as proud
as they are lazy. Yet there is little extreme poverty and there are no
beggars among them. Until recent years they were strict vegetarians,
and still abstain from eating the flesh of cattle, but they have become
so far civilized as to develop a fondness for horse meat. An Indian
will willingly exchange a cow or bullock, regardless of value, for
a horse, if the equine is sufficiently fat to make it desirable for
food. Although many of them are skilled in the use of firearms, which
have been generally introduced in recent years, they still manifest a
fondness and preference for their bamboo lances, the weapon of war used
by their ancestors. They frequently indulge in personal encounters,
but always without weapons. These fights are questions of force and
endurance, science being left out of the contest, and the belligerent
methods employed are not sufficiently violent to result in death. The
combatants clutch each other by the hair of the head and indulge in a
game of pull-and-haul, the performance being accompanied usually with
a volley of wrathful words uttered in a high shrill voice. Unlike the
North American Indians they seldom resort to the use of a knife as a
weapon of offense or defense.

The system of counting is strictly decimal--from one to ten. Twenty is
two tens, fifty, five tens, and one hundred is ten tens; two hundred
is two tens of ten, etc.

In case of sickness the “machi” (doctor) is called. That functionary
passes his mouth over the entire body of the patient, pinching the
flesh with his lips to ascertain the location of the affliction. When
that portion is reached where the disease is supposed to be located,
an incision is made, from which the “machi” sucks the blood with his
mouth. Very few medicines are employed, the chief medicinal remedy used
being the leaf of the canelo (wild cinnamon) tree, which is considered
a cure for almost every ill.

The treatment of the body after death, previous to burial, is one of
the queer and barbarous customs prevalent among the Araucanians. The
body is hung up in a building, usually the house in which the person
dies, and a slow wood fire built under the corpse. This process of
smoking is kept up for several weeks. When the antiseptic principle of
the creosote has completely cured the flesh, the body is taken down,
and is considered ready for burial. A rope is then attached to the
corpse, and a yoke of oxen employed to drag the body to the place of
burial. This grewsome procession is preceded by a number of men armed
with lances, who march in advance in order to drive away any enemies
or evil spirits, that they may not be buried with the dead to disturb
their future.


CHILOTES AND CHONOS.

The Chilote Indians inhabit the Island of Chiloe, and a portion of the
coast country in the province of Llanquihue, in which territory they
constitute the working population. They are a light copper color, and
differ materially in physical appearance from the Araucanians. They
are short in stature, heavy-set, broad, square shoulders, thick necks,
large heads, hands and feet. They have no chiefs or tribal government,
being peculiarly unrestrained in their personal lives by traditional
laws or government. They are peaceful and industrious. Each person
pursues such occupation as he may find or desire, that will afford a
living, without regard to the wishes or requirements of others. The
chief occupation of this small tribe in recent years is the manufacture
of a rough grade of lumber and timbers from a species of red pine,
called alerce. This wood has a beautiful straight grain, and the boards
are made by riving, instead of sawing. This rough lumber is transported
long distances upon the heads of the Indians, to the coast and interior
towns, where the product is exchanged for articles of food and clothing.

The Chono Indians, inhabiting the archipelagoes of Guitecas and
Chonos, are few in numbers and live in a barbarous state. They live
in caves and small brush huts, and subsist entirely upon fish, which
they procure along the island coast. The Chonos are small in stature,
repulsive in appearance, and in intelligence, and their manner of
living ranks little above animals.


FUEGUINOS OR CANOE INDIANS.

The archipelago of Tierra del Fuego, which consists of the large island
of the same name, and numerous smaller islands, many of which are
rocky, ice-bound and forbidding in aspect, constitutes the extreme
southern territorial limits of the continent, and is separated from the
mainland by the Strait of Magellan. The aborigines of this far southern
territory are divided into three tribes,--the Onas, Yahgans and the
Alacalupes. It is among these tribes, inhabiting a wild and forbidding
country, undisturbed by the march of progress and civilization, that
one may find the indigenous races living under the same conditions and
maintaining the traditions and customs that prevailed before the coming
of the white man to the western world.


ONAS.

The Onas are physically a fine race of people, the average height of
the men being a little over six feet; the women are also tall and
muscular. They have no system of tribal government, and are nomadic.
Their only occupation is hunting the guanaco, a fur-coated herbivorous
animal found in great numbers in the lower ranges of the Andes
Mountains in the south. The meat of the guanaco constitutes the chief
food supply of the Onas, and many of them subsist upon it entirely. The
skins of the animals are made into a sort of manta, which constitutes
the only costume worn by the men. They discard this costume when at
war, or in pursuit of the guanaco. The women wear only a small piece
of guanaco skin about their loins. The Onas live in families, one man
usually possessing several women. There is little regard for marriage
rites or usage, the more powerful and valiant of the men selecting
such women from the tribe as they may desire, and are able to maintain
against their rivals.

Their only weapons are bows and arrows, slings and harpoons, the
latter being pointed with barbed bone spikes. The number of Onas is now
estimated at three thousand five hundred, but like the other tribes in
Chile they are decreasing.


YAHGANS.

The coast of the Beagle Channel and all the archipelago south of
Tierra del Fuego to Cape Horn is inhabited by the Yahgan Indians. They
have no chiefs nor tribal laws and are perhaps the lowest grade of
human beings, in point of intelligence, and in the manner and customs
of living, existing on the American continent. They are dwarfed in
stature, have very dark skins and are repulsive in appearance. A
peculiar feature of the Yahgans is the extraordinary projection of
their front teeth, which are used for opening the shells of oysters and
mollusks. These bivalves and crustacea, their sole article of food, are
eaten raw.

The Yahgans, like their neighbors, the Alacalupes of the western
channels of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, live almost constantly in
their canoes, their only means of transportation. For their fishing
expeditions they rarely pass the night on shore, traveling long
distances in their frail barques. Considering the turbulent waters in
the channels of the archipelago, and the fact that their canoes are
made of trunks of trees, propelled with paddles, and that a single
frail craft is sometimes laden with a family consisting of several
persons, their feats are little less than marvels of navigation.

About fifty years ago English missions were established at Usuhaia,
on the Wallston Islands, and later at Takanika, where some favorable
results were obtained in distracting the natives somewhat from the
pursuits of their nomadic life. A few of them utilize the knowledge
acquired from the missionaries in the cultivation of the soil. But
the missionaries having practically ceased their efforts in that
inhospitable country, most of the Indians have lapsed into their
traditional nomadic life, and their condition is perhaps worse to-day
than ever before. To add to the misfortunes of these miserable nomads,
who have sterility of soil and a rigorous climate to contend with,
many of them have been placed in actual slavery in recent years by
foreigners, who have acquired interests in the far south, and taking
advantage of the helplessness of the Indians have impressed them into
service without justification in moral or statutory law.

The Chilean government, apparently indifferent to their fate, has
failed to interest itself in the cause of those unfortunate pariahs of
human society, whose ranks are being rapidly decimated and whose utter
extinction, under present conditions, is only a question of a few years.

In 1882, Mr. Bridge, the missionary, calculated the Yahgan population
of the archipelago of Tierra del Fuego at three thousand, but in 1883,
the scientific expedition of the “Romanche” estimated the diminishing
population at one thousand three hundred. This estimate was based
upon the number of canoes counted in the channels, approximately two
hundred, each of which was manned by a family of six persons on the
average. From later data, which has been furnished by people living
in the archipelago, who have endeavored to make a census of the
population, the number of this tribe is calculated at seven hundred.

On several occasions the Yahgans have requested foreigners who have
visited the islands to present their case to the Chilean government and
ask for relief from existing conditions. But so far nothing has been
done in the way of providing for or improving the condition of these
unfortunate people.


ALACALUPES.

The Alacalupes occupy the coast of the Patagonian Cordilleras to the
northwest of the Straits of Magellan. They are also nomads, practically
living in their canoes. Like the Yahgans they are small and are very
dark, their color being that of mahogany. Notwithstanding the severity
of the climate they wear no clothing, and their appearance is one of
misery and total depravity. Their only food is fish, which they are
most dexterous in catching, and which is eaten raw. This tribe has no
chiefs, nor has it any laws governing or restricting individual action.
They have no religion and observe no religious rites. All property,
such as they have, is individual. Agriculture is unknown among them.
When not in their canoes they remain along the shore, never going far
inland. They sometimes cut branches from trees and arrange them as a
protection against the fierce winds that sweep the coast in winter, but
they never use fire, either as a protection against cold or for cooking.

Notwithstanding the fact that these poor, depraved human beings wear
no clothing, they are not dead to a sense of modesty, as is sometimes
evidenced when in the presence of foreigners. Marriage is a question
of reciprocal sentiment, without ceremony or demonstration. Each
of these tribes speaks a different language, which like all Indian
languages is euphonious, and attractive in its simplicity.


PATAGONIANS.

The most intelligent and progressive race of aborigines in southern
South America, a tribe that raises to considerable extent the general
low level of life that exists in that section, is the Patagonians.
They live in well-constructed, portable tents, called “toldos,” made
from guanaco skins, fastened to wooden supports by rawhide thongs, and
staked to the ground with pieces of bone. These toldos are so arranged
that they can be easily taken apart and removed as necessity may
require. Their food consists of the meat of the ostrich, guanaco and
deer, all of which abound in the territory inhabited by them.

Physically the Patagonians are a superior race, the average height of
the men being considerably over six feet, and many of them are fully
seven feet tall. They are well proportioned, deep chested and muscular.
They have intelligent faces, regular features, aquiline nose, high
forehead and square chin. Their facial expression is one of amiability
and good nature. The complexion of the men, when their faces are clean
of paint, is a reddish brown; that of the women a healthy, ruddy hue.
The young women are often good-looking, but the severe climate and
their manner of living make them prematurely old and ugly. The men’s
costume consists of a woolen cloth worn next to the body, and a heavy
cloak made of guanaco skins, fastened at the neck and extending to
the ankles. Their high boots, “buskins,” are made from the skin of
the lower part of the hind legs of horses, and worn in the natural
form. These buskins are procured from the wild horses, thousands of
which roam over the pampas of Patagonia. The costume of the women is
practically the same as that worn by the men, except that the clothing
beneath the guanaco cloak is a little more elaborate.

They possess the Indian characteristic fondness for jewelry and
personal adornment. They wear huge silver earrings, the pendants of
which are sometimes eight inches square; they also adorn themselves
with silver necklaces and quantities of beads. A Patagonian Indian six
and a half feet tall, robed in a beautiful guanaco cloak with flowing
folds, and adorned with huge silver ornaments, presents a picturesque
and striking appearance.

The Patagonians differ from most Indian races in their observance of
certain hygienic laws. They sleep upon beds made of guanaco skins, in
tents that are kept fairly clean. Men, women and children indulge in
a cold bath every morning in the year. This practice, in addition to
aiding materially in building up and maintaining the splendid physical
constitutions for which they are noted, enables them to withstand
more easily the rigors of the severe climate. Their occupation is
that of hunting the ostrich, guanaco and other animals indigenous to
the territory. The flesh of the game is used for food, and the skins
converted into robes and rugs, which they market at Punta Arenas, and
for which they receive good prices. They are skillful hunters and the
method they employ in hunting ostriches and guanacos is unique. They
possess firearms, both rifles and revolvers, and are not unskilled in
their use; they also carry swords, daggers and lances, which are used
only when dismounted, and none of which are employed in the chase.
Ostriches and animals are pursued on horseback, the hunter carrying a
“bola,” which on near approach to the object of his pursuit he hurls
with unerring aim, seldom failing to stun and entangle the bird or
beast until it becomes an easy victim to his knife or lance. The bola,
which is peculiar to Patagonia, consists of three round stones, or
metal balls, the size of an orange, covered with rawhide. To each of
these is fastened a plaited rawhide rope six feet in length. The ends
of these ropes are united and fastened to a lasso. The hunter before
casting the bola takes it in one hand and by swinging it rapidly over
his head sends the balls rotating in the air with great velocity. He
then casts it as the vaquero does his lasso. When it strikes, the
revolving balls wrap the thongs tightly about the object of the chase,
entangling it and putting a stop to its flight. The hunter then rides
along by the side of the entrammeled prey and dispatches it. It is an
exciting scene to see a Patagonian mounted upon a fleet pony racing
across the pampa in pursuit of an ostrich. It possesses elements of
sport that are peculiarly attractive to one who is fond of hunting.

These people have no religious creed and do not believe in a personal
God. There is a tradition among them that there is a great good spirit
who created them, but they have no well-defined creed, and religious
feasts are unknown among them. They believe in the sanctity of animals,
but do not worship any of them. They have a superstitious dread of
demons, whom they try to propitiate through the mediation of medicine
men, to whom only the demons are supposed to be visible. Charms and
talismans are worn as a means of warding off evil spirits. They are
ignorant of culture and conventionalities, yet they are not ungrateful
or inhospitable. They never give presents, nor will they receive favors
from others.

One of the queer customs of this peculiar people is that of celebrating
marriages. The bridegroom secures the consent of both his own parents
and those of the bride. The fathers of the young couple then move their
tents near each other. An unsaddled horse is placed in front of each
of the tents, and at a prearranged signal the bride and groom rush
from their respective tents, mount the horses and gallop away on their
wedding trip.




CLASSIFIED HUSBANDMEN


To describe the life of the country people of Chile it is necessary to
classify the disintegrate parts which enter into combination with all
those who till the soil, and in which each has a personal and common
interest. The first grade in the classification is the peon, the lowest
class, who owns no land, and is illiterate, hard working, destitute,
and docile.

The second, Land Owner No. 1, lives upon a small plot of non-productive
ground. The possession is small, but nevertheless his own, acquired by
industry, economy, or inheritance. If he works for others as a peon, it
is a matter of choice. If he has sons they work where they choose. His
land being insufficient to maintain himself and family, is used as a
residence only.

The third husbandman in the classification is different only in
distinction as to the amount of his worldly effects; his habits,
customs and life are the same as Land Owner No. 1, except upon a little
more extensive scale. He is perhaps more selfish and self-contained.
His ambition is not to improve himself or his family, but to add to his
money and possessions. He is facilitated somewhat in his avaricious
aims by his small means.

The fourth grade in the agricultural classification is the outgrowth,
the evolution of the classes below him. He calls himself a gentleman,
but lacks the breeding, manners and education to justify the title.
He is of the “roto” type, only richer, and better dressed, on parade
occasions. He owns lands sufficient to support himself and family
without manual labor. This independence is usually acquired by years of
selfish economy and penuriousness, or by inheritance or marriage. His
one aim in life seems to be the acquisition of money, no matter by what
means.

Fifth and last in the grading of the agriculturists comes the
hacendado, or landlord, the owner of large, valuable and productive
haciendas. He usually regards himself as the prince of earth,
all-powerful and influential. His hacienda is his dukedom, his
fortress. No one can enter or leave without his permission and all
within its limits do his bidding unquestioned. He is lord and monarch
of all he surveys, and takes little heed of those below his social
station. The hacendados run politics and make presidents, name
congressmen, senators, judges and governors.


PEONS.

It is difficult to describe the peon, or Roto Chileno. He is
contradictory by nature, compound and complex in character. He is
industrious and lazy, simple and cunning, honest and dishonest, brave
and cowardly, true and false. He is homeless, roving, restless,
dirty, slovenly, cares nothing for his past life and is without hope
or ambition for the future. With limitless improvidence he lives in
the present and is a happy-go-lucky, generous, careless, good-natured
individual who never wastes time gazing upon the sorry side of life.
He roams from place to place in search of a job, earning barely enough
to keep soul and body together, and not always sufficient to clothe
himself. Russian serfdom is not worse than the life some live in Chile,
especially the “inquilinos” (farm laborers), living upon their master’s
property. Do not pity the peon; he does not ask for, need nor want it.
He possesses the faithful humility of a dog and the cunning qualities
of the fox. Do not try to reform, civilize, reconstruct, or otherwise
change or reclaim him; he will successfully defy all efforts. The
blood of the Incas is in his veins, the old-fashioned way is best for
him, and he is content. He wants no changes or innovations, and will
admit of none. All he wants is to be left alone. Although he has never
known the pleasure of prosperity, he is apparently contented and never
unhappy. Born in poverty and humility, so he lives and dies.

The Roto Chilenos not only constitute the laboring class in Chile, but
the army, navy and police force are largely recruited from their ranks.
As soldiers they possess a reckless bravery that will stop at nothing.
With a cry of “viva Chile” they will charge an enemy, never to return,
unless victory makes it possible. They are fearless to foolhardiness.
They will rush fortifications under fire, scale walls or steep bluffs,
swim rivers, and if all are killed the loss is not considered. One
single handed will not fight against odds, but in numbers and in hand
to hand conflicts the bravery of the Chileno is not excelled by any
nationality. They do not fight intelligently, but desperately. Their
favorite weapon is a knife, and every Roto Chileno goes armed with a
“corvo,” a knife with a long, curved blade, tapering to a sharp point,
and usually ornamented with a heavy metal handle. It is encased in a
leather sheath, and is carried in the belt or boot of the possessor.
It is an article of common utility, as well as a weapon of offense and
defense. When angered, or threatened with danger, the Chilean produces
a corvo as naturally as the American negro does a razor, and he is
exceedingly skillful in its use. It is not an uncommon thing for one
peon to disembowel another with one sweep of the corvo, usually leaving
a triangular shaped wound, a mark of this weapon that is peculiar to
the people. As an evidence of their partiality for the knife as a
fighting weapon, it is related that in many instances during the war
between Peru and Chile, in time of battle, the Chilean soldiers threw
away their rifles and rushed upon the enemy with corvos, fighting in
hand-to-hand conflict.

These same men are afraid of a small dog, and will exhibit fear in many
ways under most ordinary circumstances. Contradictory elements enter
into their composite characters. They are patient, long suffering, and
have wonderful endurance. They think nothing of a serious flesh wound,
but if one of them has a toothache or headache he will wrap up his head
like an old woman with the mumps. Often they wear such a woe-begone,
lost look that one would almost believe in their manifest troubles if
their cunning ways of shirking a duty were not so well known.

With five centavos in his pocket the roto is a capitalist, and will
not work until prompted by necessity. He speaks Spanish badly, and in
a mumbling, drawling manner, often using the most vile and profane
language in the presence of both men and women of his own class. In
stature the Roto Chileno is, as a rule, short, massive and muscular;
his skin is an amber brown. He has small, black, beady eyes, slight
beard, stiff black hair that grows low upon his forehead. The shape of
his head is generally that of a pumpkin, the back of the head being
quite flat. He has a short, thick neck, large flat feet, and small
tapering hands. The ears, mouth and nose are not out of proportion to
his size. He walks with a rapid, ambling gait, body bent forward, legs
wide apart and his long arms swinging at his sides. His few, scanty,
ragged garments are usually covered with a homemade wool “poncho.” The
bottoms of his feet are covered with rawhide sandals, “ojotas,” and he
invariably wears a straw hat, “chupalla.” The general appearance of
the roto, as one sees him on the road, with dirty face, dingy straw
hat drawn well down over his eyes, trousers rolled up at the ankle,
shirt open at the chest, a corvo in his belt and a poncho thrown over
his shoulders, is that of approaching ruin. His face is more repulsive
than ugly, and he is more nearly naked than ragged. Some of the more
provident among them, however, wear clean clothes on Sundays and other
feast days. They occasionally wash their hands and faces, but never
their bodies. They are by nature a pacific people. The fighting spirit
is generally aroused in them by the consumption of bad liquor. They
help each other in their personal work or difficulties, and are great
jokers, one with another.

The “patron” (employer) always furnishes food to his laborers. The
universal food of the country for the poor people is “porotos” (beans),
and the ration for each man or boy, per day, is all the beans he can
hold in his two hands placed together. The rations are cooked together,
as many being placed in the pot as there are persons to be provisioned.
At meal-time the pot is delivered to the peons who sit on the ground in
a circle around the vessel. Each is supposed to have his own spoon, but
if not, a flat stick or piece of bark serves the purpose. After all are
seated each dips into the pot and eats until the allowance is finished.
One meal is all they eat in a day after eight o’clock in the morning,
at which hour they eat a loaf of black bread, in exchange for which
they may receive a double handful of toasted wheat, “harina tostado.”
This diet is never changed, never varied, after they leave the mother’s
breast. When the supply of beans is short, “mote” (wheat boiled in lye
until the hull is loosened, after which it is removed by rubbing the
grains between two stones), is sometimes mixed with the beans.

In the extreme southern part of Chile, the ration is somewhat
different. There, “chuchoca” (green corn boiled and dried on the cob)
is mixed with the beans. The peons never depart from the established
ration. When not working they eat a little parched wheat flour in the
morning, or such other food as they may be lucky enough to obtain. If
one has no food he goes to some rancho where there is a supply, and
where he is invariably served, as they are always generous with each
other.

Peons will sleep anywhere, in places wet or dry, clean or unclean.
With a stick of wood or a stone for a pillow, and with a poncho spread
over him he will sleep the sleep of innocence, without care for the
present or thought of the future. An old “mozo” (man servant), known
to be honest, through many years of faithful service, went one day to
the home of his former employer, where he was given food, and a bed
was provided for him in the house. During the night the gentleman was
disturbed by sounds of apparent distress in the corridor. Thinking the
mozo was ill, he went to inquire the cause of the trouble. The peon
informed him that he could not sleep upon that “soft thing,” meaning
the mattress, and asked permission to make his bed out-of-doors. He was
informed that he could sleep where he pleased. Taking his saddle for a
pillow, and a sheepskin for his bed, and spreading a poncho over him he
lay down upon the pavement of the patio. In the morning he was found
sleeping soundly, his face turned toward heaven, his unkempt beard
covered with frost.

Peons in the cities do not receive a daily ration of beans, as is the
custom in the country, but are given money, “diario,” with which to buy
food. The Chilean peon cannot stand prosperity. As a general rule the
worse he is treated and fed, the better service he will render. This
applies more directly to the “inquilinos,” than to independent peons.

The rotos are polite to each other and salute when they meet by
touching their hats, saying “Buenos dias, Caballeros” (good day,
gentlemen). When asking for and receiving a light for a cigarette, they
say, “Mil gracias, Dios guarde Ud.,” (a thousand thanks, God guard
you). When a peon meets a superior who says, “como le va” (how do you
do), the peon answers, “muy bien, para servirle a Ud.,” (very good, I
offer you my services). They are rarely insolent to their superiors and
when sober, never. They are illiterate to the extreme, having no desire
to learn, but they are naturally clever and are capable of rendering
good service, where mechanical skill is not required. You cannot
out-figure one of them, and he will quickly remind you of any mistake
in a transaction, if it counts against him.

Among the roto class, grandfather, father and son all work together,
and have always been, as they are now, upon an equality in destitution.
Their only apparent ambition seems to be to work enough during the
week to secure a few pesos on Saturday night, with which to buy
“aguardiente” (raw brandy), “vino” or “chicha” (wine or cider) at the
“Cancha de Bola.” When a crowd of peons congregate at any one of the
many places where drinks are sold, in the country, first one buys a
litro (quart), and after taking a drink, he passes the cup, called
“potrillo,” to the friend next to him, and so it is passed until
empty. Then another buys a litro and passes it, and they continue
to treat each other until all are fighting drunk. This is continued
from Saturday night until Monday morning, and not infrequently until
Monday night or Tuesday. Employers of labor have learned by experience
not to expect anything from or depend upon their workmen for regular
service on Monday, as the majority of them are incapacitated from the
effects of drink--on Sunday. In the drinking places where the roto
spends his Sundays and feast days, in drinking and gambling, there are
always a number of women, “cantoras,” who join in the drinking, and
between drinks entertain the crowd with dancing and singing, playing
accompaniments on guitars.

The Saturday night and Sunday debauch of the peons generally commences
after a hard week’s work, and frequently lasts thirty-six hours without
sleep, and sixty hours without food. After having slept off the effects
of drink, they are ready for business Tuesday or Wednesday morning.
When they return to work they give a legal day’s labor, without
persuasion to stimulate their activity. All differences are forgotten
and no questions asked, knowing that it is only a few days until they
will have another spree, and the weekly experience be repeated. They
are inveterate gamblers. Men may be seen naked in the road, having
lost all their clothing on a game of chance. The game may be cards,
dice, topeadura, a cock fight or any contest in which the result is in
doubt. The peon is a born gambler, and a cheerful loser. If beaten in
a game he accepts the results with the indifference of a stoic or the
sang-froid of a professional. He never complains, but bides his time
for another chance to recover his losses.

The “Cancha de Bola,” the peon’s clubhouse, is a cemented or smooth
floor space, covered with a thatched roof, but not enclosed. The game
at the cancha is a sort of Indian billiards, played by rolling large
wooden balls over the floor. There men and women meet on Sundays and
feast days, to play games, drink and discuss the events of the week.
And every cent is coaxed from every pocket to fill the coffers of the
owner of the cancha.

Drunkenness is one of the chief curses of Chile, especially among the
common people. The moral standard is not of a character that sets a ban
upon drunkenness, and the custom of excessive drinking is indulged in
by men, women, and not infrequently children. All classes are engaged
more or less in the manufacture, sale and consumption of wine, chicha,
aguardiente and pisco, the latter being alcohol made from the white
grape. Every village store or shop dispenses liquors, and many of the
huts along the country roads retail drinks. On Sundays and feast days
these road houses are common resorts for peons, huasos and inquilinos.
And there viciousness and crime are encouraged by excessive indulgence
in cheap, and often adulterated and poisonous wines and liquors.

A new liquor law went into effect in 1902, which had for its purpose
a sweeping reform in the manufacture and sale of intoxicants. It
takes control of the production, limits the number and location of
saloons; prohibits the sale within a reasonable distance of a church
or schoolhouse, imposes a fine upon drunkenness and provides a severe
penalty for the adulteration, falsifying or placing upon the market a
product of the country not up to the standard fixed by law. But reforms
and radical changes in customs in Chile are much easier in theory than
in practice, and the promoters of the liquor law find it difficult to
enforce its provisions. It is, however, a move in the right direction,
and much good has resulted from the effort to carry it into effect.

The scene at a country despacho on Sunday or feast days is as
picturesque as it is characteristic. There one will see a great number
of men and women on horseback, frequently indulging in their cups,
while seated on their horses in front of the despacho. The men are
dressed in the peculiar costume of the country, wide-brimmed straw
hats, ornamented with silk cord or braid, ponchos of brilliant colors,
leggings reaching to the thighs, huge spurs and high heeled, pointed
toed boots. Their saddles and bridles are richly ornamented, curiously
fashioned, and form an interesting feature of the peculiar outfit. To
the side of the saddle is usually attached a lasso, made of braided
rawhide, strong, supple and ready for instant use. With this article
the huaso is an artist. He practices the trick of casting the lasso in
his infancy, keeps it up in youth, and becomes a master in the use of
it as a man. One end is attached to his saddle, and the pony on which
he is mounted is schooled in all the tricks of pursuing the animal or
object to be captured, and to stop suddenly and brace itself for the
shock when the lasso has been thrown. So accurate is the aim that it
is difficult for man or beast to escape the noose of the huaso’s lasso
when he sends it circling through the air. He is even more clever than
the cowboy of the western plains, for the reason that his education
begins earlier in life. His use of the lasso is not always limited to
the business of capturing animals. He frequently resorts to it as a
means of sport.

Two or more will take sides, and, riding at each other full speed,
attempt to drag their opponents from their horses. There is little
regard for consequences, and when the noose encircles the arm, neck,
or body of one, and he receives the shock that comes from being
suddenly dragged from his horse at the end of a rawhide rope, the
sensation is not pleasant to say the least.

Unless fired by bad liquor there prevails among the Chilean huasos a
general good fellowship and friendly familiarity. They are clannish,
with a strong prejudice against all “gringos” (foreigners). When a
crowd of huasos congregate in the country or village, they invariably
indulge in some exciting games or contests requiring rare skill on the
part of the participants, and strength and endurance of the stocky,
intelligent ponies on which they are mounted. One of the most common
of their sports is “topeadura,” on which large sums of money are
frequently wagered--a game which the people for miles around will
assemble to see. On feast days it is the common attraction at all
the despachos and road houses, and every hacienda of any consequence
has its own contest at such times. The game is played at a long pole
called “vara,” generally cut from the blue gum, and fixed in Y-shaped
supports, the object of the opposing teams being to push each other
back to the end of the pole. The captains, or leaders, toss for
position, which is important, as the winner places his horse’s head
under that of his opponent’s, giving him the advantage of driving
his mount like a wedge between the other and the pole. Other members
of the two teams range themselves behind the captains, and a perfect
pandemonium of clamor arises from the players and spectators as soon
as the struggle begins. The horses enter into the spirit of the game,
and strive with every nerve and sinew to force themselves forward, and
it is a rare thing to see the players use their spurs. The game is
far more interesting when it is reduced to a match or wager between
two players of note, because they are then splendidly mounted, large
sums often being paid for well-trained horses. The terrific straining
of two animals to force each other back provides a marvelous study
of anatomy with muscle at its highest tension. The horse which has
the disadvantage in position will, before the signal to begin has
been given, press down upon its adversary’s neck so as to nullify the
advantage. A feature of the game is the excitement of spectators,
one or more of whom are frequently impelled by zeal or drink, to
drive their horses into the struggle and spoil it. Such interruptions
usually result in the indiscreet meddler getting roughly handled by the
indignant players, whence the Chilean saying that “topeadura is a good
game to watch from a distance.”

All the horses of Chile cannot, however, be judged by the standard of
these high priced sporting animals. The typical horse of the country
is one peculiar to the Republic and when mounted by a huaso in his
picturesque costume, the pony presents the appearance of supporting a
pair of spurs with rider attached. He is a product of the old Spanish
stock, docile, intelligent, and hardy, and though he has not the fine
quarters of the improved breeds, he is strong, has wonderful endurance
and can climb like a goat. They furnish all the mounts for the Chilean
cavalry, and in recent years Great Britain and some of the European
nations are adopting Chilean horses for cavalry purposes. They are
gentle, obedient, seldom ever vicious, and are easily trained for
any kind of service. From this description it would seem that the
remarkable spurs invariably worn by the huaso and “vaqueros” might be
dispensed with, but they are as much a part of their riding kit as
their ponchos and lassos.

The Chilean saddle, “silla,” is peculiar to the country, and is the
most expensive part of the huaso’s outfit. Many of them are works of
art, covered with patent leather, beautifully and elaborately stitched
with silk thread and ornamented with silver. In shape they are not
unlike the Mexican saddle, except that they are shorter in the seat,
and the front, instead of forming a high pommel with a neck-like
projection, to which the lasso is fastened, is oval-shaped like the
high back, forming a deep cushioned seat into which the rider fits
closely. On either side in front is a leather roll, which prevents the
rider from slipping forward. The stirrups, “estribos,” huge affairs
made from solid blocks of wood, artistically designed, hand-carved and
beautifully ornamented, are supported by single straps, attached to
the saddle so far back that they cause the rider to lean well forward.
These stirrups, which are perhaps the most unique article of their
kind in the world, are usually adorned with silver or inlaid steel
mountings. The wooden stirrups prevent the feet of the rider from
getting wet and protect them from the “espino,” a bush with harsh,
stiff branches and fierce thorns; they also serve as a means of warming
the feet on cold days, as the person in the saddle can by striking his
feet against the stirrups dispel the numbness resulting from cold. The
saddle is always fastened with a rawhide cinch and never with a buckle
girth. Many of the saddles have two cinches and are bound so securely
that there is little possibility of accident from slipping or turning.

The “montura,” a peculiar kind of saddle much used in Chile in pioneer
days, is now seldom seen. It is composed of six sheepskins, a rather
excessive foundation, upon which is placed an “enjalma,” a skeleton
saddle made of wood and bound together with rawhide. Over this are
spread six more skins with the wool on, the whole being covered with
a beautifully dressed kid skin. The montura is fastened with a cinch,
into the fabric of which is woven the national colors of the Republic.
It constitutes a rather elevated seat, which gives to the rider a
peculiarly awkward position. But the montura was designed for and
serves more purposes than one. In the early days when roads were few
and long trips were made across country on horseback the numerous skins
composing the odd saddle were used by the rider for a bed and covering
at night.

The “espuelas” (spurs), worn by the Chilenos are the largest in
the world, the rowels on some of them being six or eight inches in
diameter. In order to prevent the rowels from dragging on the ground,
they are worn with high heeled boots on which there is a leather
projection back of and above the heel, upon which the spurs rest, and
which keeps them at an elevation that prevents their coming in contact
with the ground. The rowels are not sharp, however, and are less severe
than the smaller spurs with sharp cutting points. They are also used
by the wearer as a means of maintaining his equilibrium when a horse
attempts to unseat him. This is accomplished by catching the spurs in
the saddle cinch.

The bridle, “freno,” made of plaited rawhide, is strong, durable, and
artistic. It is frequently ornamented with silver or inlaid steel
attachments. Buckles are seldom used in the Chilean bridle. The reins
are joined at the ends with a heavy ring to which is attached a single
strand of braided rawhide, ending with a flat piece of the same
material, called “chicote,” or as is often the case, loaded with lead,
when it is called “penca.” The Chilean bit is unlike anything else of
its kind. It is an instrument of torture, unique in design and terrible
in its effect. It is very heavy, and is so formed that the rider can
almost break the jaw of a horse with a hard, quick pull on the reins.
They are used unsparingly upon the poor ponies, who serve their masters
so faithfully. It is a custom of the huaso to practice bringing his
horse from a run to an instant stop. He teaches the animal to rush full
speed at any object. In order to accomplish these maneuvers they apply
the full force of the terrible bit. It is one of the many cruelties
practiced upon the horses. Originally the best of the beautiful and
artistic bits used in Chile were designed by a Chilean mechanic whose
shop or factory was at Pana Flor, a small village near Santiago. The
Pana Flor bits are known throughout the Republic, and the huaso who
possesses one is a proud man, especially if it is silver mounted, as
many of them are. The owner of one of these much prized articles might
be induced to part with his wife, but not with his bridle. This is
particularly true now because in recent years the market has been
flooded with cheap imitations of the genuine article, and the Pana Flor
genius who created the unique bit, so characteristic of the country,
has passed from the stage of action, and the product is now regarded as
a “recuerdo” of rare value.

With all the ill-treatment imposed upon them, the Chilean horses seem
fond of their masters. If left alone unfastened they will wait for
hours for the return of their owners. They will gallop long distances
over sand roads, up-hill and down, over stones, without shoes, and
after a night’s foraging upon scant grass they are fit for another
day’s work that may mean many leagues over bad roads.

It is interesting to witness the performance of a drunken huaso trying
to reach home on his pony. The animal, perhaps from much experience
with drunken riders, seems to understand the condition of his master,
and his intelligence and patience in trying to help the man who is
helplessly drunk, is both amusing and pathetic. He will stand firmly
and patiently until the man is in the saddle, then start gently along,
swaying from side to side as the rider loses his equilibrium, and
when the man can sit erect no longer, will stop and wait for him to
straighten up. Sometimes hours are spent in going a short distance.
Cruel spurs rake him, and the terrible bit lacerates his mouth, but he
seldom becomes excited, and if the man falls off, the patient beast
invariably stops and waits for him to remount.

For general thieving the Roto Chileno has an international reputation,
and it is conceded that he is capable of more clever lying and stealing
than any known individual. They are not bold thieves, but rather of
the sneak-thief order. If useful articles are left unguarded they seem
to take wings and fly away. Yet no one has been seen or heard, and the
rotos are the meekest of the innocent.

With all his faults the roto has, however, in many things a sense
of responsibility. You may place one of them to guard any property
(liquors excepted), and he will not steal nor permit others to do so.
You may dispatch him with ladened carts, troops of cargo mules, money
or other valuables, and under most circumstances your orders will be
executed with the utmost fidelity. The responsibility attached to the
service, when upon special missions, seems to convey the idea that he
is under your eye. His faults may be attributed to ignorance and the
custom of bad example rather than an evil heart. If treated kindly
and fairly he will show some gratitude and appreciation by rendering
faithful service. All work done by the peons is under the supervision
of mayordomos. They are not supposed to think, but simply to do as
they are ordered. They work with their hands and not with their heads,
yet no one can give a better day’s work than the roto when he exerts
himself. Their hours are from sunrise to sunset, stopping an hour for
the midday meal. The peons formerly received from twenty to thirty
cents per day, Chilean currency, the latter sum being paid to those in
the country adjacent to the cities, but in more recent years they are
a little better paid. They must be paid on Saturday night or they will
not work willingly. If not working, they are left without food, but
this makes little difference as those who are employed divide with
their friends.

The peons are nearly all born out of wedlock; illegitimacy is nothing
to them. Many are married, but even then they admit no obligations to
support their families. In every district they are nearly all related.
Fathers, mothers, if they can be identified, aunts, uncles, nephews,
cousins, address each other as “comdares” or “compadres” (comrades).
If increased pay tempts the peon away from his district, he will save
his money until a few dollars have accumulated, then he will return
and spend it with his old friends. In the winter months, when the rain
prevents outdoor work, they have many ways to get money. They sell
their labor in advance at greatly reduced rates. This is called “en
verde,” signifying in green, or while growing. They sell a number of
“tareas” of wheat, a certain term used in measuring the cutting of
wheat. Animals are often sold before they are born, fowls before they
are hatched, and wheat before it is sown.


LAND OWNER NO. 1.

The possessions of Land Owner No. 1 being too small to maintain himself
and family, he rents land to till on the shares. The custom is for
the landlord to provide the land, the seed and the animals with which
to do the cultivating and threshing. The tenant performs the labor
and prepares for market the grain, which is divided equally. When not
engaged in the necessary work of cultivating and harvesting the crops
upon his own or rented land, he works in a “chacra” (vegetable garden),
or finds employment in making adobes, bricks, tiles, or wooden
stirrups, cutting lumber, curing skins, etc. Sometimes he is sent by
neighboring hacendados on errands to the city for cargoes of goods, to
mill with wheat, or to the railway with mule trains carrying charcoal.
His possessions consist of a horse, a yoke of oxen, and possibly a
mule. All the tools that he has or requires are an ax, a shovel, a hoe
and a crowbar. His animals are usually pastured in the hacienda, and
the “talaje” (pasturage), paid for in work during plowing, sowing,
or harvest time. His “rancho” (house), which he refers to as “mi
vivienda,” is a creation not defined in the annals of architecture.
It is constructed by placing a number of poles in the ground; to the
tops of these upright posts other timbers of a similar character are
fastened by tying them with rope or pieces of bark. Between the posts,
sticks and branches of trees are woven, forming a sort of basket
work. Over this a coating of mud mixed with straw forms the walls.
The frame for the roof is also made of the trunks of small trees
fastened together with bark; over the crude skeleton is woven a straw
thatch, which is seldom rain proof. The door is made by tying together
sticks or planks, for which pieces of bark or rawhide serve as hinges.
The floors are dirt, and there are no windows or chimneys, and when
necessary to build a fire in the house the smoke filters out through
crevices in the walls and the thatch roof. These miserable huts, which
form the places of habitation of the poor, are never perpendicular
nor stand at proper angles, for the reason that they are shaped by
the crooked timbers forming their framework. The interior presents an
appearance quite as barren and devoid of comfort as the exterior. The
furniture consists of a crude bedstead, a rickety table, and a few
benches or stools. There are no articles of comfort or luxury in the
homes of the poor. The men sleep upon the ground, inside or out of the
house, as they choose, or as the weather permits. The crude furniture
and the burnt clay dishes upon which their food is served are made by
the women. The food is usually cooked in an iron kettle over an open
fire, or in an oven of brick and mud built outside of the house. A
peculiar feature of these squalid ranchos, especially in the interior
of the country, is the barrenness of their surroundings. Usually there
is not a tree, shrub, plant or flower, or any living, growing, green
thing to relieve the dreariness of the desolate surroundings. This is
all the more surprising when it is remembered that Chile possesses a
prodigious soil, and that all kinds of vegetation grows quickly and
prolifically when water is applied to the ground. Along the railways
and near the cities a majority of the ranchos are distinguished by the
cultivation of a variety of fruit trees, vegetables and flowers. The
site selected for a country house is usually with reference to a supply
of water.

Viewed from the roadside these rickety ranchos present a picturesque
appearance. It is the frayed edge of home life that is always to be
found behind the sub-tropical finery of semi-tropical countries. It is
not well, however, to examine too closely or inquire carefully into the
details of this home life. It is better to be gracious, for squalid
as is the peon’s cottage, and unkempt as the family may appear, the
extraordinary variety of dirt and the fantastic untidiness of the huts
baffle description and escape reproduction. Similar spots may be seen
in any land, for every population has its wastrels, but in the far
east there is not to be found a lower level of life and greater lack
of comfort generally, than that which suffices for the lowest classes
in Chile. In a country blessed with a paucity of noxious reptiles
and insects, where no beast more formidable than the cowardly puma
dwells, and where birds and flowers of rare beauty abound, it seems
inappropriate that man should dwell in such domestic squalor.

The male occupants of these houses do not, as a rule, contribute
anything to the maintenance of the family. That feature of domestic
life is left exclusively to the women, who are a hard working,
self-sacrificing, humble and long suffering class. While they are
neither honest nor virtuous, their vices are due more to ignorance and
circumstances than natural tendencies, and their rewards do not match
their merits. They do not feel the necessity of acting with scrupulous
honesty at all times, as they are possessed of the belief that the
priests will remit all their sins upon the payment of a given sum of
money. Their education is narrow and limited, and they have never been
well instructed in the virtues of the ten commandments. They spin,
weave and dye ponchos for their men folk, and for sale; make blankets,
fabrics for clothing, and clay dishes for their own use and for the
market. They raise poultry, not for home consumption, but that they may
sell the fowls and eggs, which are usually sold in advance.

These people are always in debt to the well-to-do landowners in the
community where they live, and from whom they buy cloth, wool, dyes,
food, etc. When eggs are laid or fowls are grown they are given in
payment for these articles. One not familiar with the customs and
conditions would be surprised in traveling through the country to find
that it is difficult to buy an egg or a chicken at any of the ranchos,
notwithstanding the fact that there seems to be a plentiful supply at
every house.

When in need, peons buy on credit, and will obligate anything they
possess, present or prospective, in payment. They live from hand to
mouth, and seldom have more than one day’s supply of food on hand.
Their wants are few, they are easily satisfied and generally contented.
In the production of articles requiring intelligence and skill, the
women excel the men. In different localities they produce different
kinds of articles. For example, in Linares they make a great variety
of beautiful baskets and curios from colored horse hair and fine
straw; in Talcahuano, Concepcion, Chillan and Quillota the country
women devote their time to the production of pretty and durable lace
called “minaque,” which is made by hand and in a variety of patterns;
along the coast country they make excellent hats from the dwarf palm,
called “olma”; in other localities they make baskets, large and small,
useful and ornamental; they also make beautiful as well as useful
articles from the horns of animals, and of wood, stone and paper.
They are clever and adaptive in all of their occupations, but lack in
those qualities which lead to independence. Their favorite position is
sitting on the ground, and while engaged in their various occupations
they carry on a chatty gossip about their personal affairs, or those of
their neighbors, which is usually more racy than edifying.

There is a rustic beauty about the Chilean women in their youth, but
their manner of living causes their beauty to fade at an early age,
and at twenty-five the majority of them begin to look old and grow
stout and homely. They acquire an erect carriage and grace of movement
from the custom of carrying articles of various kinds upon the head.
They have broad hips, well-developed busts, medium-sized feet and
small, tapering hands. A bright, smiling, and attractive face, with
sparkling eyes, small mouth, cherry lips and beautiful teeth, are some
of the features of these peasant women. On Sundays and other feast
days, when dressed in their quaint and fantastic costumes, in which
brilliant colors form a conspicuous feature, they present an attractive
appearance. They are polite, seldom bold and never intrusive. They are
devotees of the Catholic church, but their religion is of a flexible
character. They often go from the church to the “cancha de bola” to
dance, drink and gossip, but are rarely drunk or disorderly. They
are superstitious and believe in witchcraft. In their homes they
are undemonstrative, but show their affection for their families
and friends by their services and sacrifices, and their considerate
attendance upon the aged rather than in expressions of sentiment and
caresses.

Their love for their offspring is a question that is difficult to
solve. If a male child is born they are pleased, because it means that
the work of another peon will be added to the family resources. If a
girl baby arrives, “it is too bad, but will serve.” In this and other
ways they indicate that maternal love corresponds to the prospective
benefits to be derived. If a child leaves its home, or dies, the
parents show little grief or sorrow. Perhaps their sorrow is concealed
from view,--at least it is to be hoped that such is the case.

The common drink among the people is “mate,” made from the leaves of
the “yerba mate,” a plant that grows in Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil.
Over five million pounds of mate, valued at more than 1,000,000 pesos,
is imported into Chile annually. The beverage is made by steeping
the leaves in hot water. It is drunk from a mate cup, an article
peculiar to the country. They are usually the most expensive part of
the household equipment. Many of those used by the better class of
people are made of hammered silver, oddly shaped, curiously fashioned
and artistically finished. They are frequently ornamented with quaint
figures, representing birds, animals or reptiles. Others are made of
gourds, artistically carved and ornamented with silver mountings,
while common gourd cups serve the poor people. The method of drinking
the mate is through a silver tube called “bombilla,” one end of which
is enlarged, forming a kind of perforated ball, which serves as a
strainer, preventing the dregs of the plant being drawn into the mouth.
One of the curious and interesting sights in the country is the women
sitting about the little ranchos indulging in their cups of mate.

The men comprising farmers No. 1 are more serious and more honest than
the peons. Their food consists of wheat and beans. The wheat, which is
roasted and ground into flour with a stone, is called “harina tostado.”
It is eaten instead of bread, which they seldom have. When mixed
with water or wine it makes a very nourishing drink, called “ulpo.”
Sometimes when these poor farmer folk have a desire for bread, they buy
a bag of flour, make a quantity of bread and sell it. When they have
disposed of enough to pay for the flour, they convert the remainder of
the supply into bread for home consumption.

From the families of this class of agriculturists the servants for the
cities are obtained. The women act as house servants, in which capacity
they have no responsibilities, simply performing such duties as they
are given by their masters. They have no initiative, but make good
servants, when properly trained. It is the custom to keep everything of
value under lock and key, but the house servants, especially the women,
are no more dishonest than those of other countries. The boys from
the families in this class also go to the cities, where they become
carpenters, blacksmiths, tailors, harness-makers, or laborers. They
seldom rise to ownership, or positions of greater responsibility than
performing a certain kind of labor for specific wages. As they become
more proficient in their work or trade, enabling them to command better
remuneration for their services, they invariably imitate the better
classes, spending more money than they earn, and are always “atrasado”
(behind in their accounts).

Few of the poor or middle classes know their ages. No certificate is
given of baptism. If a priest is asked why this is not done, he will
say that it is useless, as they cannot read. If it becomes necessary to
establish the right to an inheritance, the church record is examined,
provided that the person whose age is to be ascertained knows where he
was baptized, and that the church register is in existence.


LAND OWNER NO. 2.

Land Owner No. 2 possesses more land than No. 1, but his holdings are
very small. He owns a cart, a few yoke of oxen, some cows, sheep, hogs
and poultry. He freights grain, flour, and charcoal for others from
haciendas to the mills or railway stations, thereby adding to his
income. The surplus from his earnings he prudently invests in property.
These farmers are, as a rule, provident, having always food supplies
in their houses, yet they seldom lift their families out of the rut of
poverty. Most members of the family, including the head of the house,
either go barefooted or wear only rawhide sandals upon their feet the
year round, except Sundays, feast days and special occasions. It is
only the women who are permitted to indulge frequently in the luxury of
shoes and clean gowns. The sons work with the father and not as peons
for others. These people associate with Farmers No. 1, and even with
the peons as equals. Not, however, without prideful reflection, for
they consider themselves above their poorer neighbors, although they
do not say so. They are not admitted to the society of Land Owner No.
3, or the hacendados, although they have many interests in common and
commercial relations with those classes. If you are his guest he will
serve you wine or water in a glass tumbler, but he never uses such an
article himself, and perhaps you will be given a knife and fork with
which to eat your food. These middle class farmers constitute the best
element in Chile. They work honestly to gain a livelihood, and ask no
favors from others. They are too poor to engage in politics.

A peculiar feature of the life of this class of people is the methods
they resort to to save money and increase their possessions. They
live solely upon the products of their little farms, and seldom eat
what they can sell. They make bread, but eat very little of it, the
family consumption being limited to the equivalent of the profits on
that which is sold. They keep liquors in the house, but to sell. If an
animal is slaughtered, some kind of a function is arranged, to which
the neighbors are invited and the meat disposed of in a feast, their
guests being served as long as they have money with which to buy. If
a woman desires some article of dress or adornment, and has not the
money with which to purchase it, she gives a feast. She will go to a
neighbor who has a hog and negotiate for the animal on credit: she
also purchases an “arroba” (ten gallons) of “chicha,” for which she
gives her promise to pay, the credit extending until the respective
articles are disposed of. The hog, “chancha,” is slaughtered, and the
feast is announced. There is music and a number of women who dance and
sing are there as a special attraction. These feasts always attract a
crowd and by the time the chancha and the chicha are disposed of, the
woman conducting the affair has made sufficient profit to pay her
indebtedness and to purchase the desired article.


LAND OWNER NO. 3.

The transition of Land Owners No. 3, from what is recognized as the
inferior classes, to respectable citizens is generally due to the
accumulation of property. Wealth constitutes recognized citizenship,
and when obtained, they think that the right of sovereignty is theirs
in the fullest degree. This transition often carries with it the idea
that all law and government should be administered by them. Fortunately
their inexperience and lack of education seldom permits them to
rule higher than municipal legislation, or perhaps sub-delegate of
a district. The phlegmatic temperament of this class of Chilenos is
universal. If emotions ever stir the depths of their souls they manage
to conceal the fact by an apparent calm composure.

Most of them are illiterate, but to their credit they have in recent
years been endeavoring to secure for their children better education
than that afforded them. The educational facilities of the country
are not good, but the majority of the children of this class of
farmers secure sufficient technical training in the schools to suffice
for their simple lives. They are orderly, hard working people, and
generally honest, as they interpret the meaning of the term. The
Chilean characteristic of sticking tenaciously to custom and tradition
is exemplified in the home life of these people. Their condition is
little better or above that of Land Owners No. 1 and 2. From choice,
rather than necessity, they follow the custom of their Indian ancestors
by sitting upon the ground, a stone or a billet of wood; the food
for the family is served from one dish, there being as many spoons as
persons to be served. The materials which enter into the composition of
the food of these farmer folk consisting of wheat, corn, beans, fruit,
pepper, etc., are ground between stones. In fact the grinding stones
are the most useful utensils in the equipment of the kitchen. They
consist of one large flat stone with a smooth surface, and a smaller
one, oval shaped. The material is placed upon the large stone, and the
other in the hand of the operator is used to crush and grind the grain
or dried vegetables to the proper consistency. This work is always done
by the women. In the kitchen may be found a few pots, clay dishes, tin
cups, wooden spoons and quantities of dirt. Occupying the kitchen, and
apparently upon the most intimate terms with members of the family are
pigs, goats, dogs, and chickens. If there are guests in the house, food
is served in the dining room with some show of formality, but when the
family is alone, the food is served in one dish from which the members
help themselves with spoons until the supply is exhausted. It is then
refilled with some other kind of food and the meal continues until
all are satisfied. With a change of food the same dish and spoons are
used without being washed. Tea and coffee are sometimes served when
strangers are present, but when the family is alone, mate only is
served as a drink, with their meals. The mate cup is filled and passed
to the head of the house who drinks the contents through a “bombilla.”
The cup is filled again and again, each member of the family drinking
out of the same vessel and through the same bombilla. When there are
no guests in the house the servants sometimes form part of the family
group, eating out of the same pot, and having their turn at the mate
through the family bombilla.

The tile-roofed adobe houses inhabited by this class of farmers are
very plain. They are devoid of ornamentation within or without, and
there is seldom a tree or shrub to relieve the dreary monotony of the
surroundings. There are no windows in these places of abode, and the
floor is either dirt or common brick. The furniture consists of beds,
one or two home-made tables, and a few chairs of the commonest kind.

If a person of the better class visits the home of one of these Chilean
farmers, he must do most of the talking, and it will be necessary to
limit the conversation to subjects pertaining to the church, crops,
animals, gossip, or questions relating to their districts. They know
little of the great world lying beyond the narrow horizon of their
local environments. The methods employed by this class of farmers in
cultivating the soil are crude and primitive. The wooden plow used by
the Spaniards and Greeks a thousand years ago, furnishes the model for
the implement used by these people in this twentieth century. It is
made by mortising one piece of a small tree trunk into another, at an
angle of about forty-five degrees. A piece of iron is usually fastened
over the point of the portion that is intended to stir the ground.
Oxen, attached by a wooden yoke fastened to their horns with rawhide
thongs, are employed in drawing the plows. A stick serves as a handle,
and holding on to the crude implement with one hand, the other used in
directing the oxen, the plowman manages to scratch the ground, but is
never able to stir the soil to any depth. When the plowing is done and
the grain planted or sown, some branches of trees serve as a drag for
covering it. Forks for handling grain and hay are made from branches of
trees.

The grain is harvested with reap hooks, and the threshing is done
with animals. The wheat or barley is placed upon the ground within a
circular enclosure. A number of animals, usually young mares from the
farm, are turned into the enclosure, and one or more men mounted upon
strong horses, follow them around, shouting, whipping and pursuing
them over the grain until the tramping of hoofs has crushed the grain
from the straw. Then comes the process of separating the chaff from
the grain. This, as are all other methods employed in cultivating and
preparing products of the farm for market, is curious and primitive.
The wheat and chaff are placed in baskets, which men hold in their
hands above their heads allowing the contents to empty slowly. As it
falls the chaff and refuse are carried to one side by the wind, leaving
the grain, which is heavier and which falls directly to the ground,
clean and ready for the market.

Nearly all the land occupied and cultivated by this class of farmers
is what is known as “campo de rulo” (dry hill land), which constitutes
the greater part of agricultural Chile. The only moisture it has is
from the three or four months’ rainfall from June to October. For about
half the year these hill lands are brown, sear and desolate looking,
but in the autumn, winter and spring, they are covered with a mantle
of rich verdure, presenting a landscape scene that is attractive and
prepossessing. During the rainy season the mud is deep, roads are
often impassable, bridges are carried away by the swift current of the
streams and there is little communication between different communities
or between country and city.

The theory of these hill farmers is to get as much out of the soil as
possible, without expense. The land is never fertilized, and crops
are grown alternate years. The plowing is done after the rains set in
in the autumn, and the soil being clay, remains very hard and lumpy.
This plowed land, called “barbecho,” is left over the winter, the
rains having the effect of pulverizing and putting it in condition
for the sowing or planting for the next season. Oxen are used for
plowing, and it is a novel sight to see a large number of those slow,
plodding beasts winding about the hills dragging the crude plows.
Fifty yoke of oxen are often engaged in plowing on one hacienda. This
method of cultivating is employed until the soil becomes so worn that
it will not produce a satisfactory crop. It is then let stand for
several years until nature rejuvenates it, and it is again put into
service. The grain is harvested by hand, and brought from the hills
in primitive wooden carts, or upon the heads of peons. The general
appearance of the soil would indicate that this hill land is valueless
for agricultural purposes, but it produces annually a large per cent.
of the agricultural products of the country, besides maintaining many
horses, cattle and sheep.

The farmers of this class live in a narrow world. The majority of them
have never been out of the province in which they were born and many
of them never saw a railway train; they know the villages in their
vicinity, and perhaps the provincial capital, but one who has seen
Santiago, the national capital, is the rare exception. The customs
prevailing in other countries, or what is going on in the great world,
are of little consequence to them; they are interested only in what
they are doing. Even if one can read, he seldom subscribes for a
newspaper, as that is considered a useless expenditure.

The men engage only in the larger affairs of the business of the
family, such as marketing the animals and the grain raised on the farm.
The small trade in chicha, liquors, poultry, etc., is attended to by
the women. In nearly every house is kept a supply of such articles as
may be required by the peons. In the sale of these, the money that is
paid out by the farmer, in wages, comes back in small amounts, and
with interest. The profit made on this small mercantile business, in
the sale of sugar, mate, chicha, etc., pays for the articles of the
same class consumed by the farmer’s family. In these transactions they
never refuse credit to anyone, but politely say they have not the
article called for, notwithstanding the fact that it may be in plain
view of the would-be purchaser, or sold to another before his eyes.
They understand each other and their method of dealing with delinquent
customers furnishes an example that might be emulated with profit by
more progressive and up-to-date tradesmen.

These farmers are received at the haciendas, not exactly as equals, but
because of a money consideration. They have land, stock, and usually
money in the bank. Notwithstanding the fact that many of them have
a competency, they resort to a method of economy that is absolute
penuriousness,--stinginess personified. They never visit their friends,
or entertain their neighbors. They never keep a coach, for two reasons,
one being that where they reside, and places to where they journey,
there are no coach roads, and for the more general reason that they
never spend money for such an unnecessary luxury. The men always ride
horseback, and when the women go away from home, which is seldom, they
also travel on horseback. Few of them possess sidesaddles, and the
common custom is for them to go “en anca,” sitting upon a cloth spread
upon the back of the horse, behind the saddle occupied by the man.
There is still another class of dry land, hill farmers, who own large
tracts of land, and farm upon a large scale. In sandy or loam soil
they employ modern machinery and implements. This class often becomes
rich, in which case they invariably move to the provincial cities and
work their estates through an “administrador.” These hill farmers are
autocrats in their respective communities; not in the same despotic
manner as the owners of the large irrigated estates, for the inquilinos
and peons of the hills are more independent, are treated with greater
consideration, and are more nearly on an equality than is the case on
the great hacienda.


HACIENDAS AND HACENDADOS.

In the fertile valleys, through which flow the rivers of Chile, are
many magnificent estates, some of them including thousands of acres
of productive land. Upon an eminence in the midst of broad acres,
of golden grain, waving corn and verdant pastures, all framed with
avenues of stately alamos, stands the splendid residence of the owner,
overlooking the picturesque and pastoral scene. The majority of these
country mansions are built upon the same general plan, varying only in
size and ornamental elaboration. They represent a letter H in form,
with a front entrance in the middle of the bar connecting the main
lines of the letter, the drawing-room upon one side and the dining-room
on the other. A wide, roomy corridor leads from the main entrance in
front to the beautiful patio, upon either side of which is arranged
the sleeping apartments. These residences are almost invariably well
furnished and finished with artistic interior decorations. Some of them
include rare old paintings and splendid specimens of wood carving. The
drawing-room and dining-room usually contain the best of the furniture
and decorations, as those are the portions of the house most occupied
by guests. There is an absence of fireplaces and stoves, due to the
mild climate. The house is surrounded by well-kept parks and gardens
containing rare trees, shrubs and flowers. There is a peaceful harmony
in the beauty of the surroundings and everything in the environment is
suggestive of comfort and luxury.

The hacienda constitutes a small empire, with various executive and
administrative branches. The territorial limits are usually defined
by walls made of loose piled stones or adobes. The irrigated portions
are divided into potreros (fields), of from one hundred to two hundred
acres each, the dividing lines being indicated by rows of growing
trees, usually poplar, or alamos, that grow straight and tall, and
which not only add to the beauty of the landscape, but also furnish
shade for the animals in the pastures. The hill lands are divided into
larger sections, frequently as much as one thousand acres constituting
one pasture field or range. These potreros are enclosed with thorned
hedges, from the espino which grows abundantly in the low lands.
Irrigating canals carry water from the hill streams to the cultivated
fields and the pasture land, where clover, alfalfa, and other grasses
grow prodigiously in the rich loam soil.

Roads flanked with graceful trees lead out from the residence and from
the corrals to various parts of the property. A photographic view of
one of these country homes needs only a few touches of the artist’s
brush to make it an idyl. A home glimpse in Chile, even on an hacienda,
is no exception. Sunlight through a camera glorifies vistas and
ennobles foliage; it promotes stucco and plaster to marble and gives
grace and beauty to commonplace things. The lumbering teams of oxen
and the huge two-wheeled carts add to the picturesque placidity of the
scene which presents an appearance of perpetual summer and glorious
afternoon. But the photograph says nothing, and it is well for the
chronicler to omit any mention of the dust through which the carts
creak and groan at harvest time, in a country where rain falls only
between May and September.

The servants on a large hacienda consist of an administrador, a capataz
(sub-manager), various mayordomos, vaqueros (cowboys), shepherds and
a troop of peons. The administrador, or manager, is the responsible
executive head, and has entire charge of the farm. He receives orders
only from the proprietor. He suggests to the owner the work and
improvements necessary, and when his suggestions are approved he gives
orders to his subordinates to execute the plan; he receives from the
mayordomos accounts of the work done and wages earned, pays employés,
etc. It is also the business of the manager to dispose of the animals
raised on the farm, when ready for market. These sales are usually made
at auction at the most convenient railway station or shipping point.
Sometimes the sales amount to as much as fifty thousand pesos in one
day. The owner or his representatives are always present, and animals
are never sold for less than they are actually worth.

The service of an hacienda manager consists in whatever the owner
may order; he passes most of his days on horseback, as do the other
servants, except the peons. The pay of this important personage is
three hundred pesos, equal to one hundred dollars United States
currency, a year. In addition to this meager money compensation he has
the use of ten acres of dry land, suitable for growing wheat, six or
eight acres of chacra, or vegetable producing land, and pasture for
fifteen to twenty animals. Ten horses of the hacienda are usually set
apart for his exclusive use.

The capataz occupies a position next in importance to the manager;
his business is to ride over the farm daily, and make reports and
suggestions to the manager. It is also the duty of this functionary to
impound all animals not belonging to the estate found in the potreros.
A fine of so much per head is assessed against all such animals, and
the owner is required to pay the amount before they are released.

Vaqueros, who are under the direction of a manager, have certain fields
and animals under their charge. Each is held responsible for the
animals under his care. A daily count is made, and if any are missing
the vaquero is sent in search of them. The vaquero is the cowboy of
South America, and represents a type peculiar to the country.

His leggins usually consist of untanned goat skin, worn in the natural
form and without attempt to make them conform to the shape of the legs.
They not infrequently differ in color and marking, causing the wearer
to present a grotesque appearance. He also wears immense spurs and
other articles correspondingly fantastic, not the least conspicuous of
which is his hat, an enormous cone-shaped sombrero made of felt and
embroidered in fancy colors. His lasso of plaited rawhide, loosely
coiled in two-foot circles, rests upon the back of his horse. These
servants on the hacienda receive as compensation fifty pesos in cash
annually, the use of two acres of chacra, four acres of wheat-growing
land, and pasture for six or eight animals.

For each department of labor on these properties, including canals,
corrals, repairs, storehouse, direction of peons, etc., there is a
mayordomo, or foreman. Their pay is the same as that of the vaqueros.
The proprietor furnishes horses but not saddles for all of his
employés, except the peons.

“Ovejeros” (shepherds), connected with these estates live in the hills
and work on contract. They receive twenty-five centavos for each lamb
born, or one-third of the lambs. In case one receives a per cent. of
the lambs as compensation for his labor, he is compelled to sell them
to his master for one peso each. Each shepherd has in his care from
five hundred to one thousand sheep.

“Inquilinos,” or farm tenants, comprise the servants living on the
farm. They must work when ordered or furnish someone to labor in their
stead. The head of each of the families is given an allowance of four
acres of wheat-growing land, and pasture for six animals; they receive
no cash compensation. The peons on the hacienda are not given land and
pasturage for animals, but are furnished with a daily ration of food.
The owners of estates furnish houses for their servants, free of rent.

The owners of the large, irrigated and well-equipped haciendas
constitute the wealthiest, most cultured and aristocratic class in
Chile. Presidents, senators and congressmen are elected from this
class, and ministers, judges, admirals and generals are selected from
the landed gentry. Prominent and influential professional and business
men rely upon their estates for both pleasure and profit. The owners
live upon their haciendas a portion of the year, but their homes are
in the cities, most of them in Santiago, where they live in mansions
and spend with lavish hand the income from their estates. The majority
of them spend more than their income and as a result the heavily
capitalized mortgage bank of Santiago has its octopus-like hand upon
ninety per cent. of the beautiful and valuable country estates in
Chile. The extravagance of the wealthy class in the Republic is cause
for comment, and a surprise to most foreigners. Their prodigality
furnishes a ruinous example to the middle classes, who try to emulate
them, producing thereby a cheap, imitative kind of aristocracy. Most
of them belong to old and influential families who inherited their
fortunes and names from pioneer colonists. Some, however, are parvenu
aristocrats who have gained access to the exclusive social circles by
means of money, a position which from lack of education and breeding
they are not qualified to maintain.

Large landowners give little time to the cultivation of their estates,
and as a result the haciendas never produce to their full capacity. The
chief occupation of the owners is a calculation of the probable income,
with the application of as little capital and labor as possible on the
property.

Notwithstanding the fact that Chile owns the richest and most extensive
nitrate fields and guano deposits in the world, and that thousands of
tons of fertilizing material are exported annually to other countries,
to enrich depleted soil, little or none of this valuable re-creative
agency is utilized to rejuvenate the sterile soil of the worn hill
farms of the Republic. They refuse to return to the soil by artificial
means that which is annually drawn from it in the production of crops,
and as a result much valuable land has lapsed into disuse, being
considered sterile and valueless because its producing quality has been
exhausted. Under existing circumstances the farmer’s expenses are heavy
and certain and his income decreasing and uncertain. The result is that
the handsome estates are fast falling under the bane of mortgages,
the payment of the interest on which is sapping the life of the soil.
Economy is not one of the ruling characteristics of the Chileno; social
and political prestige must be maintained, even if the inevitable
result is financial ruin.

Mortgages will not permit of a disunion of the estates they cover,
or selling of a portion of the land with which to pay interest, and
when the owner is unable to longer meet his obligations the hacienda
is sold at auction. The family then retires to a life of seclusion,
and thereafter live upon a very meager income. There is no moral;
remembering their former achievements and the splendor of past life,
they indulge in no regret over present conditions. These families
do not as a rule, however, belong to the best blood of Chile. They
generally consist of those who go from country to the city and whose
vanity leads them into unwonted extravagance.

The artificial and realistic phases of social life among the above
mentioned classes furnish some sharp and well-defined contrasts. The
phase most commonly known, and the one invariably presented to the
world, is the artificial, with stage effects and deceptive lights;
the other is the real,--the everyday home life, where the natural
characteristics of the actors are presented. In the home, all show,
pomp and exhibition can be safely discarded; no stage effects are
necessary. A “peep” into the home life of some of these families will
reveal the female members sitting in groups upon low stools, or on
the floor, around a “bracero,” charcoal fire, the servants squatting
in close proximity, discussing in a familiar way the latest social
triumphs or the day’s hidden economies.

Another striking contrast in the home life is the different
characteristics possessed by the men and women. The women are domestic
by nature, patient to a degree, long suffering, good mothers and
loyal wives. They are content with little, and either by inheritance
or through generations of experience and training they do not
expect much from their lords and masters. Their education, which is
generally secured in the parochial schools, is influenced by religious
prejudice. They manifest little interest in politics or world affairs,
and a professional career is not to be thought of by a Chilena. ’Tis
considered more respectable for a woman to live proudly in abject
poverty than to earn a livelihood in a profession or commercial
occupation. Many of the Chilean señoritas possess great beauty, are
graceful and vivacious. They know the force and effect of flattery,
and are artists in the use of that dangerous weapon of society. They
have natural talent for languages, usually speak French and have some
knowledge of English, and their own language they use with consummate
skill.

The sons in the families of the better class are often educated in
the belief that labor is degrading, and encouraged to lead lives of
indolence. Instead of being taught that labor is honorable, that the
gods sell everything to those who work; that the most useless and
uninteresting members of society in this busy world are the drones;
that intelligent industry is the chief factor in modern civilization;
that honest effort is the advance guard of commercial and industrial
progress, the youth of Chile is encouraged in the belief that it is
honorable and manly to rely upon paternal dependence. Their education
and youthful training too often lead them into the erroneous idea
that business is drudgery, and that discipline of mind and will are
hardships to be endured only by the servants and poor classes.

The men who constitute the wealthy class in Chile contrast sharply in
characteristics with the women in the same social cast. They have
an agreeable, dignified manner and polite address. Intellectually
keen, they are quick to grasp a theory and clever in presenting it.
Super-sensitive, they are quick to take offense, but will keep a
smiling countenance, a polite, unruffled exterior, and even manifest a
liking for people whom they inwardly detest. They are drawn together by
business and political interests and whenever their interests conflict,
enmity and even hatred are the result. This is carried to such extent
that in the cities the families of the managers or heads of competing
commercial houses or business firms will not associate with each other,
and friendship between two Chilean gentlemen engaged in opposition
business is the rare exception. Political opponents are enemies so long
as their interests clash.

It is generally among the hacendados that political schemes, resulting
in combinations of far-reaching consequence, have their origin. When
a candidate aspires to an elective office, he makes his wants known
to the managers of the party to which he belongs, and assures them of
his willingness to pay the required sum to carry the election. After
securing the nomination the candidate puts himself in communication
with the influential men of his party in the province in which he
stands for election. Among these men he distributes the amount he is
willing to pay for the office. These confidants distribute the fund
among their friends, who in turn re-distribute it, each retaining
as it passes through his hands what he believes is the value of his
services. There is never any accounting, and no questions are asked. On
election day, which is a general feast and field day for the peons,
each candidate has friends and money representing him at the various
voting places. The peons have no political faith or party, probably
do not know, much less care, for what the election is being held.
Their votes are for sale, either publicly or privately, to the highest
bidder. Those from the same farm, district or village, usually band
together, one of the number acting as spokesman. When the polls are
declared open the inspectors of registration take their places behind
the ballot box, and the bidding for the purchase of votes begins. The
agent of one candidate approaches a group of peons and asks for their
votes, the spokesman for the crowd asking in turn what is bid for
their suffrages. After some bargaining an offer is made. Taking that
as a basis, negotiations are then opened by a representative of the
peons with the agent for another candidate. When convinced that they
cannot secure more the peons close with the highest bidder, and march
in single file to the voting place. One by one their names are called,
and as their right to vote is admitted, the agent of the candidate
making the purchase deposits the vote. After the voting is completed
according to agreement, the peons receive the money in the presence
of the inspectors, politicians and other voters. There is no attempt
at secrecy. There is a law upon the statute books making the purchase
or the sale of a vote a crime, with severe penalties attached, but it
is disregarded and has become almost a dead letter. The laws of Chile
also provide for a secret ballot, but it is neither secret nor sacred.
The election of a president in Chile is by the electoral system, the
electors being selected by popular vote, and apportioned on a basis of
population.

The constitution gives to the poor of Chile the birthright of freedom,
and all men are supposed to be equal under the laws of the Republic.
Many of those living upon the large haciendas, however, have little
freedom of action or individuality and some of them are little more
than a part of the general farm equipment. They are dependent and
apparently defenseless. Inquilinos almost invariably sell their labor
in advance to the owners of the property on which they live. They never
leave the hacienda, for conditions are everywhere the same. The rich
landowners are powerful enough to force into subjugation all within
their domains, and they assert their authority with the arrogance of
autocrats. The inquilinos have nothing beyond a meager living; they
always remain poor. They are not permitted to sow, reap or do any
work for themselves until all the work of a similar character on the
hacienda is finished.

The majority of these poor people are honest with their patrons. When
crimes are committed it is against others and not their master. As a
rule the only offense of which they are guilty is that of harboring
friendly thieves in their houses on the haciendas, thereby indirectly
aiding in theft committed. If an hacienda changes hands, it makes not
the slightest difference with the servants, who remain, many of them
spending their entire lives upon the estate where they are born. The
average wage of these farm laborers is about forty centavos per day.
This low compensation is not due to a surplus of farm labor, for in
fact there is a scarcity.

The condition of the poor people in the farming communities has
resulted in recent years in an exodus of labor to the nitrate fields
and mineral districts of Atacama, Tarapaca, Copiapo and Coquimbo, where
they receive good wages and are paid regularly. This inviting field for
labor, within the territorial limits of the Republic, is encouraging
a more independent spirit among the working classes. That, together
with the resentment against oppression so long imposed upon them by the
hacendados, has already produced a marked effect and is rapidly growing
into a condition of open hostility between employer and employés. The
laborers are already organizing themselves into unions which opens a
fruitful field for the agitator and the political demagogue. This has
been evidenced by organized demands for shorter hours and higher wages
among the employés in many of the seaport towns within the past few
years. It had its most striking and tragic illustration in the riots in
Valparaiso in May, 1903, when the city was sacked and property burned
by a mob of striking stevedores.

This independent movement, this breaking away from former conditions
had its origin in the revolution of 1891, which inaugurated new and
worse relations between capital and labor. The uprising gave the
Roto Chileno an opportunity to unmask and to manifest his natural
characteristics. Not at first upon a strike plan, but in secret
combination against those who employ labor; to shield each other in
infractions of the law; to organize a class into a union of criminals
that includes in its depredations every act in the category of crime.
An undeclared war is waged, unexpressed antagonism, and unspoken
enmity have been inducted into being. The policy of weak submission,
in which they so long acquiesced, is gradually but surely changing to
one of open defiance. Generations of smoldering hatred burst forth in
the flame of strife and revolution, and the growth and menacing hostile
attitude of labor and capital to-day is the outgrowth of that movement.

These labor troubles, felt first in the populous centers, are gradually
finding their way to the farms and haciendas, and it is easy to predict
the changed condition that will result within a few years; conditions
that will reach the other extreme. There is no class of people so
tyrannical, so unreasonable and dictatorial, as the ignorant, the poor
and oppressed, when once they hold the balance of power. The Roto
Chilenos, as an organized force, would be a desperate, dangerous class,
a menace to society and good government. Let us hope that the distance
between these extremes will be narrowed, that capital will be given
the protection and encouragement to which it is entitled, and upon
which its existence depends, and at the same time labor will be given
the best remuneration, the broadest field and the amplest opportunity
possible. This is a problem that should concern the politicians and
statesmen of Chile. The time has passed when the working class will
submit to intolerance and oppression, and the fact that conditions are
changing, even in a country where the common people cling tenaciously
to tradition and usage, must be recognized. The sons and daughters of
farmers go to the cities and take service with foreigners. When they
return to their country homes they take with them manners and ideas
acquired from a different people--transplanted customs from another
world. And so, slowly, backward and forward among the people passes
the shuttle of changing methods, weaving into the fabric of life
new and strange conditions. These influences are making themselves
felt in many ways. In the typical Chilean village one sometimes sees
among the thatched roof adobe huts, a house with some pretensions to
ornamentation. Instead of an earthen floor, and the patio occupied by
fowls and animals, there is a brick or tile floor, and the walls are
ornamented with pictures. The poncho, which was formerly universally
worn by the men, has been almost entirely discarded in the cities, and
generally so in the villages. The mantilla, that most unsanitary of
articles, with which all the women of Chile formerly draped their heads
and faces, and which had also the objectionable feature of giving them
a common and unattractive appearance, is fast growing into disuse, and
is being supplanted by more modern feminine headdress. The country
people are beginning to discard sandals for shoes, and in many ways
manifest a more progressive spirit.

A Chileno may appear upon the streets of a city in personal attire
the same as that prescribed for gentlemen in any country, but custom
in the country prescribes a different standard. A gentleman huaso,
well mounted and properly equipped, will have several hundred dollars
represented in his personal adornment and caparison, for he must appear
“a la moda del campo” (in the costume of the country). The cost of
the outfit of the average well-mounted Chilean gentleman farmer may
be calculated as follows: Horse, three hundred pesos; silver mounted
bridle and reins, seventy-five; silver mounted saddle, two hundred;
inlaid silver belt and knife, fifty; silver spurs, seventy-five;
poncho, fifty; hat, twenty; special riding suit, one hundred;
embroidered leggins, seventy-five; boots, twenty-five; watch and other
extras, two hundred; total, one thousand one hundred and seventy pesos,
equal to four hundred dollars United States currency.


RODEO.

One of the most exciting of the many peculiar practices indulged in by
the country people, and one which requires great skill and courage, is
the “rodeo” (method of managing wild bullocks in a corral, by men on
horseback). It is the Chilean Corrida, taking the place of the Spanish
bull fight, and is an inoffensive sport. A rodeo is an event of much
general interest, and is usually attended by large crowds of people,
friends and invited guests of the owner of the hacienda where it takes
place. Special and elaborate preparations are made, and the rodeo is
looked forward to with much interest, not only by those who take part
in the dangerous proceedings, but also by everyone favored with an
invitation or an opportunity to attend. The company first assembles
at the residence of the gentleman giving the function, where all the
specially invited guests and personal friends are entertained.

The vaqueros have been instructed to collect in a large corral,
representing a half circle, all the cattle from the hill potreros. The
animals are usually unaccustomed to the sight of anyone except the
vaquero who attends them, and are wild and easily excited. When the
time arrives for opening the rodeo, the horses of the men who are
to participate, are brought out, each attended by a mozo (personal
servant), who carefully adjusts the huge spurs always used on such
occasions, to the boots of their respective masters. The men then
mount and ride to the corrals, each followed by his mozo with several
reserve horses to be used in case of necessity. About the corrals,
which are decorated with flags and bunting, is a large crowd, including
the mounted servants of the hacienda, as well as the inquilinos and
servants from other farms, on horseback and in carts. Later the ladies
of the household and their friends and guests arrive and occupy
seats especially prepared for them, which command a good view of the
corral. An order is given for the function to begin and employés of
the hacienda enter the corral and drive the animals close together,
encircling them to prevent their escape. The men who are to participate
in this sport take their positions and a bullock is permitted to pass
through the line encircling the herd. It is immediately charged by two
of the waiting party, one following and urging it on, the other riding
by its side, forcing the beast as closely as possible to the corral
fence. When they have traversed the distance of the corral enclosure
the person riding by the animal’s side rushes to its head, and by
a clever move turns it suddenly around. The positions of pursuing
parties are reversed, first one riding at the side of and turning the
infuriated beast, and then the other, until it is completely subdued.
Until it is conquered the riders must at no time leave the animal. If
it bolt through the herd, or amongst the bunch of mounted servants on
guard, they must follow, each keeping his respective position. Their
horses are well trained and enter into the sport with as keen a zest
as the riders. When one animal has been conquered it is driven from
the corral and another turned loose, different persons taking part
in each separate contest. If a horse is gored, as is often the case,
or the rider dismounted and trampled upon, others quickly take their
places and the sport continues. During the rodeo the spectators applaud
or groan at the acts of the participants, according to their merit
or demerit. Rodeos sometimes last for several days. An intermission
is given in the middle of the day during which lunch is served, and
at night there is always entertainment and much merrymaking at the
hacienda residence. This sport is full of surprises, both comic and
tragic, as there is always an element of uncertainty in the actions
of a wild and infuriated young bull, when pursued and harassed until
he becomes desperate. The day’s entertainment often closes with some
daring vaquero lassoing, saddling and mounting a big, untamed bull.

One of the purposes of a rodeo is that the owners of cattle in
neighboring haciendas may have all of the cattle brought in from the
hills, identified and separated. The cattle belonging to each estate
bear the registered mark of the owner by which they are identified.
Frequently animals stray from their ranges and potreros and join the
herds in neighboring haciendas. In these annual rodeos, or round-ups,
they are divided and each lot according to mark or brand is returned to
the owner. All the vaqueros of the different estates in the locality
attend and participate. In this way the hacendados get all the wild
young animals from the hills brought in, separated and branded at
practically no expense. What is considered sport, and a festival by
the vaqueros and employés on the big farms, is in reality the annual
collection of cattle, as a matter of business to the owner.

The crowd constituting the spectators at a rodeo is made up of peons,
inquilinos and vaqueros from neighboring haciendas. They dance the
cuaca, and there is music of primitive harps and guitars. There is much
drinking of chicha and exchange of badinage, all mixed with talk of,
and comment on the rodeo, and the personal skill and bravery, or the
lack of those qualities, displayed by those engaged in the sport. In
the evening, after the conclusion of the rodeo, along the dusty country
roads leading to the homes of these people one may witness strenuous
and exciting contests in topeadura, in which sturdy Chilean ponies and
tipsy riders form the component part.


CHACRA.

Chacra (vegetable farm), is usually land rented in small sections by
the poor people from the rich landowners. After the servants have been
allotted their portion of land in the poorest soil of the hacienda,
other portions are rented, usually for a stipulated rental of two
thousand kilos of beans for each quadra (four acres). At the harvest
time the landowner must be paid his rent, either in the proportion
of the products stipulated, or the cash market value of same. This
settlement must be made before the “chacrero” is permitted to remove
any of the crops. The lessee’s family live in the chacra in huts made
of the branches of trees. The hacendado knows the productive capacity
of his land, and gauges the rental value accordingly. If the renter
manages to save a few sacks of beans, after living and paying his rent,
he is fortunate. As a rule this class of tillers of the soil receive
nothing more than a meager living for their labor.




HABITS AND CUSTOMS


A careful study of the history of Chile from the time that Pedro de
Valdivia attempted to subjugate the Indians, through the colonial
period to the revolution of 1810, when Spanish rule was overthrown and
Chile took her place in the sisterhood of South American Republics;
through the varying vicissitudes of its first half century of national
existence, down to the present time, will reveal the fact that certain
customs and traditions characteristic of the race have been maintained.
In some instances they reflect the influences of changed conditions
and environments; foreign ideas have been engrafted upon the social
structure and the body politic, but in character, and in general
characteristics, the Chileno retains his inheritance from Spanish and
Indian ancestors. This is particularly true of their economic use of
water. It can be safely said that the majority of the working classes
or country people apply water sparingly to their hands and faces only,
and never to their bodies, and many of them are utter strangers to its
personal application.

This does not apply, of course, to the wealthy, educated and traveled
Chilenos, who go annually to the seashore, or other pleasure and health
resorts, such as Panca, Cauquenes, or Viña del Mar, the latter being
the summer playground of the rich. A visit to any of the pleasure
resorts by a Chilean family, be they residents of the country or
city, is an event attended with much pomp and ceremony. They take with
them their horses and carriages, a retinue of servants and an extra
supply of clothes for display for the purpose of impressing other
visitors with their financial standing and social importance. The
vacation season in Chile is usually from the first of January to the
fifteenth of March. For two months government service is transferred
from Santiago to Valparaiso, the president and his cabinet taking up
their temporary residence in Viña del Mar, a suburb of Valparaiso.
The courts are closed and practically all business suspended in the
capital. Members of the diplomatic corps follow the Santiaginas to
the seashore, and the suburbs of Valparaiso, with their hotels and
bathing beaches, are gay with fashionably dressed visitors and social
functions. Many people who indulge in this annual seaside frolic are
compelled to resort to strenuous domestic economy for the remainder of
the year, in order to recuperate from the financial sacrifice made in
the effort to compete in the social exhibit with those who can well
afford the expense. Others whose financial condition will not admit of
their joining the procession of those who appear for a few brief weeks
in the year upon the social stage at Viña del Mar, close the front of
their city residences, and do not appear in public during the vacation
season.

The poor classes who cannot afford a vacation, live in filth and
unsanitary conditions the year round, and during their natural lives.
The dwellings of the poor are built without regard to architecture,
comfort or hygiene, and the domestic condition of the occupants is a
menace to health. The floor of a majority of the huts is the ground,
which during the rainy season becomes damp, and not infrequently muddy.
The refuse water from the houses is thrown any place outside to get rid
of it, and there being no drains to carry it away, it becomes stagnant
and creates disease. Donkeys, dogs, pigs and poultry maintain intimate
social relations with the members of the household, not infrequently
being housed with the family at night.

Chile has several dishes peculiar to and characteristic of the country.
Cazuela is, strictly speaking, a national dish. It is a sort of soup,
served as a first course at any meal, but more particularly for
breakfast. It is made of mutton, “cordero,” or fowl, with various kinds
of vegetables, all cooked together and served hot. It possesses the
merit of including both meat and vegetable, solid and liquid food. In
addition to being inexpensive, it is easily made and is very palatable.
It is extremely popular with all classes of Chilenos and is a dish that
foreigners invariably become fond of after once having tested its good
qualities. A breakfast in Chile without cazuela would be considered a
poor meal. “Puchero,” is another dish of which the Chilenos are fond,
and which is usually served at dinner. It consists of meat boiled with
a variety of vegetables, all being cooked dry, and served without
liquid. “Empanadas,” a sort of meat pie, is also popular and peculiar
to the country.

The zama cuaca is the national dance of Chile. It is danced by all
classes, and is made clownish or genteel, coarse or refined, according
to the different social grades of the participants. In no case can it
be considered vulgar, and when properly danced it is graceful and
attractive. It is danced in couples. The lady and gentleman each carry
a handkerchief in the right hand, which they wave in front of their
partner as they move about the room, keeping time to the lively and
inspiring music of harps and guitars. The music of the instruments is
usually accompanied with the hum of voices and the clapping of the
hands of spectators. The dancers always face each other, except at
certain intervals, when they turn suddenly around and then proceed as
before. Whether in the parlor, in a despacho, a cancha de bola, or in
the open, the zama cuaca is a national favorite, and the music will
always arouse the interest and enthusiasm of everyone present. It is
indulged in on all occasions where people congregate, day or night, and
crowds frequently stop along the country roads to dance the cuaca.

At places where the country and village people congregate on feast
days, “fondas,” enclosures prepared especially for dancing, are
provided. The fonda is enclosed on three sides and is covered with
branches of the arrayan, a flowering bush, which emits a strong, but
pleasant odor. In front of the entrance is a “vara” for topear. Most
of the people attending feast day demonstrations go on horseback, and
there is always a mixed and miscellaneous mounted crowd in front of the
fonda. Inside, seated upon benches, are men and women who divide their
time between dancing and drinking. Those not engaged in the dance keep
up a constant hand-clapping, timing their movements with the music.
Sometimes during the dance, when a woman performs a special evolution
that is thought to be very clever or unusually graceful, some man
in the crowd, perceptibly affected with alcohol, calls out in a loud
voice, “aro, aro.” At the sound of this magic word, which means drinks
for all, the music and the hand-clapping cease and the dancers stop.
Then the woman in charge of the fonda appears and passes to the man who
called “aro,” a “potrillo” (a large glass tumbler) filled with chicha,
or a mixture of aguardiente and milk. The man takes the brimming
potrillo, approaches the dancers, and bowing profoundly, offers it to
the lady. She appears shy, makes several courtesies, accepts the cup,
takes a sip and returns it to the man. After the women dancers have
been served, the cup is passed to the men engaged in the dance, and
later to the spectators, all drinking from the same potrillo until it
is finished. The man calling aro does the honors in passing the drink,
and for anyone present to refuse would be considered an insult that
would probably be resented.

A peculiar feature of the cuaca is the solemnity with which it is
conducted. There is never a laugh or a joke, and seldom a smile. Levity
on such occasions would be considered an indiscretion. The Chilenos
take every phase of life lightly and indifferently, except their
amusements, which are sacredly serious.

A peculiar custom in Chile is that of offering to a friend any
article that he may desire. It is not proper, however, to accept the
proffered gift. The would-be donor is given an opportunity to show
his generosity, and at the same time made happy by having his offer
declined.

There prevails in Chile a pretty custom in salutations, conversation
and in summoning persons, in which the christian name is always used.
It is practiced between members of families, friends, acquaintances,
servants and masters. To strangers it conveys the idea of familiarity,
but on the contrary it is the most polite formality. The christian name
is always used in social, domestic and commercial intercourse where
the parties are known to each other. When strangers are addressing
each other it is always Señor, Señora or Señorita. Friends and even
acquaintances are profuse in the use of personal and endearing terms.
Another method of expressing pleasure when friends or relatives, either
male or female, meet, is to embrace, each passing the right hand around
and patting the other affectionately upon the back.

Politeness is one of the characteristics inherited by the Chilenos from
their Spanish ancestors. Members of the same family, especially among
the better classes, are kind and always considerate of each other’s
feelings and wishes. Family quarrels and disputes are seldom indulged
in, and never in the presence of strangers. Among the middle and poor
classes, there are occasional rows, and sometimes encounters between
members of the same family, but it is usually due to the influence of
drink rather than their natural inclinations. It is a national custom
for the right of correction and punishment to rest with parents, so
long as they and their children live. A son never becomes too old to be
chastised by his father or mother. He may have reached middle age, be
the father of a large family, and even venerably gray, but if either of
his parents sees fit to box his ears, or even to apply more vigorous
methods of punishment for any dereliction of duty or for any offense,
the chastisement is administered with impunity and is accepted without
resentment.

It is the custom among uneducated country people in calculating their
ages, to reckon time from some important event that has taken place
in the country, such as the revolution, severe earthquake, or other
notable occurrences. The great earthquake of 1851, is often used as a
basis for calculating the ages of old people.

An aire is a muscular affliction of the face or neck, which may result
from sitting or remaining in a draught when one is warm or perspiring.
It is a common affliction in Chile, and to avoid the danger, not only
the country people, but those living in cities and towns, are disposed
to keep their rooms closed to the exclusion of fresh air, and to the
great discomfort of the occupants.

Sometimes foreigners on arriving in Chile find the customs of the
country unsatisfactory, according to their theories, and at once
constitute themselves missionaries to “convert the natives,” as they
put it. They proceeded to introduce ideas and methods that conform to
their own standard of ideals. The result usually is the acquisition
of an unsatisfactory lot of experience, without having affected any
changes in the prevailing customs, or even made any impression upon
those for whom the education was intended. The Chilenos are slow to
accept innovations, and quick to resent the presumption of foreigners
who attempt to engraft new ideas and customs upon the ways and
traditions of their country.




RELIGION


The sanctity of the church is considered forbidden ground to all
those who attempt to portray the life and customs of the people of
any country. To criticise religious forms or customs is to incur the
displeasure, arouse the combative spirit and the resentful nature of
the communicants of the church under discussion. It means to bring down
upon the head of the offending scribe the wrath of those who have found
consolation in the church. Religious views and ideas, with prejudices
deep rooted and strong, are generally inherited.

Believing that there is good in all churches, that the Christian
religion is the foundation upon which the superstructure of good
society and modern civilization is based, the writer wishes to preface
his comments on the Church in Chile, with the statement that it is not
the purpose to criticise the Christian religion, but to point out some
of the peculiar, and what would seem to the disinterested observer,
objectionable practices in the dominating church.

The Catholic religion has been so closely interwoven in the fabric
of Chilean history that it forms a feature of every chapter in the
Republic’s record. It is impossible to accurately describe the life
and customs of the country, and at the same time omit so important an
influence as that exercised by the church on the political and social
life of Chile.

Article 4 of the constitution (1833), says: “La Religion de la
República de Chile és la Católica Apostólica Romana, con exclusión del
ejercicio publico de cualquiera otra.” (The religion of the Republic of
Chile is the Roman Catholic Apostolic with the exclusion of the public
exercise of whatever other.)

Under constitutional authority the public exercise of all religious
worship, except the Catholic, was excluded from Chile until 1865, when
the right was conceded to establish non-Catholic schools within private
property, and to be supervised by a Catholic board. Later came another
innovation in the civil register law.

In Chile the State sanctions, helps to support and maintain the
Catholic church, and the church participates in politics and the
affairs of state. Reaching out through its various ramifications the
church extends its influence to the farthest limits of the country,
both socially and politically. The union of Church and State is
strong, and the day seems far distant when they will be divorced. Able
and courageous men, individually and in party groups, have tried to
loosen the hold Catholicism has on Chile, and have in some instances
weakened its influence upon the body politic, but it is still powerful.
President Balmaceda endeavored to separate Church and State, not by
destroying the church, but by directing each in its legitimate channel.
The result was defeat, revolution, disaster and death.

One of the Popes said concerning the Catholic church: “Its catholicity
is its credentials to Divine origin and authority.” It is not the
intention of the writer to challenge this statement, but the broad,
liberal Catholic idea would seem to suggest that the influence of the
church should be directed along lines laid down in the Divine Law, and
not exerted in an effort to control political policies.

It is not the purpose to discuss here the individual merits of the
clergy, but to consider it as a body politic, its influence for weal
or woe with the people and upon the nation. It is a significant fact
that every law on the statute books tending to secure greater liberty
of action, freedom of thought and speech, has been opposed by the
political element of the church. Such progressive measures as the civil
register law, providing for a public record of births, deaths and
marriages, and requiring civil marriage ceremonies; the establishment
and maintenance of public and private schools, and the designation of
non-Catholic cemeteries, where Protestants might receive burial, have
received the opposition of the clergy.

To try to lift the veil and look into the private lives of the clergy
would seem little less than sacrilege. It would reveal acts pure
and noble, lives worthy of example and emulation, and it would also
show startling and shocking scenes enacted in the name of religion.
There are those who are sacrificing their lives in the cause of the
Master, others living vicious and licentious lives under the cloak
of Christianity. The illiteracy and superstition of the people give
to the unworthy and insincere opportunities to practice deception
and imposition. Upon the other hand, these same conditions afford an
ample field and unlimited opportunities for good, with those who are
conscientious and possess the true Christian spirit.

There are more than ten thousand monks of different orders in Chile.
During the summer months they go about the country in pairs or in
trios, holding mission services, which they conduct without price or
reference to money. The expenses of these itinerant clergymen are paid
from the funds of the order they represent. They do much good in the
way of instructing the poor country and village people in the rudiments
of civilized life, cleanliness, and how to rear their children. These
mission services usually continue for a week or ten days in one place,
during which time many of the women and children of the community
remain about the church, sleeping upon the ground at night. These
mission fathers in no way clash with the regular priests, everything
being understood and prearranged. Medallions and colored prints of
their patron saints are freely distributed, and never fail to create a
pleasing effect upon the women and children. The children are gathered
into classes and turned over to the more intelligent of the women of
the church, who teach them the catechism, and to sing the chants. If
the children appear indifferent, or especially stupid in these first
instructions and church discipline, their minds are brightened and
their memories sharpened by whacks with a stick in the hands of the
monks. But alas, these poor children only memorize the printed prayers,
no explanations of their true meaning being made, and so through life
they go on repeating prayers without knowing the significance of the
words. Not infrequently this smattering of an education, gained through
the mission teachings of the traveling monks, is all that many of
them receive. It is through these methods of early instruction that
the prolific growth of superstition prevalent in Chile is cultivated
and kept alive. Children are taught that the several saints on the
calendar, the anniversary of each of which is celebrated with a
religious feast, are all powerful, and that the good offices of the
saints can be secured through the intermediary of the priests.


FEAST DAYS.

The chief national feast in Chile is September 18th, the anniversary
of the independence of the Republic, known as “El Diez y ocho.” There
are, however, numerous other anniversary celebrations, commemorating
victorious battles and historic events, which are observed with much
demonstration in the cities and thickly populated districts. All other
holidays, of which there are something like seventy in the year, are
called religious festivals. Every saint has his or her feast day, known
as church feasts, except the patron saint of the local church, in which
event the festival lasts for a week or more.

Ordinary feasts are held at private houses. The adobe walls of the room
selected for the service are covered with paper, and an improvised
altar arranged by placing lighted candles upon a table. Upon the wall
above the table is hung a colored print of the particular saint whose
anniversary is being celebrated. Those taking part in the services
are usually seated around the room upon stones or blocks of wood, and
if such seats are not available they squat upon the dirt floor, the
crowd frequently extending into the open in front of the house. There
are harpists, guitar players and singers. The feast, which is held
after the service, consists of boiled beans mixed with hulled corn,
and as extra, boiled dried peaches mixed with flour or toasted wheat.
After the food has been served someone in the crowd gives a “chaucha”
(twenty cents), to one of the players and music is rendered in praise
of the donor. Someone then buys wine or chicha and the health of the
saint is drunk. When the singers have rendered what they consider the
value of the donation, another person contributes, and by this means
the music is kept up. Liquor is passed and repassed until the supply is
exhausted, and the festival continues until the candles are burned out
and the crowd lapses into a state of innocuous desuetude, to sleep off
the effects of the debauch.

Religious ceremonies and feast day demonstrations are events of much
general interest to the country people. Easter on a farm brings about
the annual festival of “Correr á Cristo” (running to Christ). A mounted
procession with waving flags and banners, and weird shouting, makes a
tour of the farm, and the day is given over to a saturnalia of noise.
Sometimes the procession will stop by the roadside, or in the garden
in front of the farmhouse to hear mass, or long enough for those in
attendance to receive the blessings of the priests. The procession is
usually headed by a cart draped with palms and decorated with flowers.


PROCESSION OF THE PELICAN.

One of the peculiar religious festivals of the country is “La Procesión
del Pelicano” (procession of the pelican), a passion play held
annually at Quillota, one of the first communities established by the
Spaniards in Chile. To the old city in the valley of the Aconcagua,
there is an annual pilgrimage of thousands of devout Catholics, and
others attracted by curiosity, to witness the strange procession.

The Procession of the Pelican has no mythological origin or
significance, as is generally supposed, but derives its name from the
colossal bird, which has figured in the demonstration for more than a
century. The Cathedral of Quillota was built by the Bishop of Romero,
in the beginning of the eighteenth century. By the influence of the
Bishop the ladies of the community formed the society of the “Santo
Sepulcro” (Holy Sepulchre), and by collecting alms raised the funds for
this traditional procession. The annual arrangement was always placed
in charge of one of the ladies of the society, and as only those from
the first families were selected it was considered a great honor.

About the year 1776, Doña Amilia Alverez de Araya, whose family
founded the original town of Quillota, was selected to direct the
demonstration. Previous to that time the Santo Sepulcro, on which
the figure representing the body of Christ was placed, on being
lowered from the cross, was a common wooden box. With the help of a
San Franciscan monk, who was a good joiner, Doña Amilia planned the
receptacle since used, which represents a swan with wings extended.
The huge image, constructed of wood, represents the bird with arched
neck, picking at its breast upon which there is a bright red spot, in
imitation of a blood stain.

On Good Friday a cross is erected in the Plaza, on a miniature mount,
covered with green. During the day it is guarded by huasos, dressed
to represent the Jews. Previous to the procession a man is placed
upon the cross in imitation of the Crucifixion. In the evening the
Cura, standing upon the steps of the cathedral, preaches a sermon on
the “Passion of Our Lord,” after which the procession is formed. The
“andas” (floats), carried upon the shoulders of men, represent scenes
in the life of the Savior, such as “Christ Before Pilate,” “Christ
Carrying the Cross,” “The Virgin Surrounded by Angels,” etc. The
feature of the procession is the Pelican, which is borne by twelve men.
The procession marches from the cathedral to the mount, and the body
of the man representing Christ is lowered from the cross and placed in
the Holy Sepulchre, the Pelican. During the procession the wings of the
Pelican, which are covered with mirrors, open and shut mechanically,
adding a spectacular feature to the scene. After marching around the
Plaza, and through the principal streets the procession returns to the
cathedral, and the Pelican is placed back of the altar where it remains
until the recurrence of Good Friday, when it is again brought into
service in “La Procesión del Pelicano.”

The hotels in the provincial town are inadequate to accommodate the
people who journey annually to Quillota to witness the strange scenes
presented in the procession of the Pelican, and when the ceremony is
concluded there is an undignified rush for trains. The crowd, that
stands quietly with bared heads during the passion play, resolves
itself into a mob, each individual scrambling and fighting for the
most advantageous position at the railway station. Those who cannot
secure accommodation in the trains must spend the night in the streets,
and following “La Procesión del Pelicano” the usual quiet of Quillota
is turned into a drunken rabble. The police are unable to control the
crowd, and the scene of religious fervor and devout Christian spirit
shown by the multitude during the procession representing Christ
crucified, is changed to a bacchanalian carousal. The event brings
out the peculiarities of the Chilean character. One hour they are
intoxicated with religious excitement and the next on aguardiente,
entering as enthusiastically into the spirit of one condition as the
other, with never a thought, apparently, of the inconsistency of their
actions.


FEAST OF THE PATRON SAINT.

The celebration of the anniversary of the patron saint of the parish
church is an important event. The little vice-parroquia (district
church), where the annual feast is held, is generally whitewashed,
and has a tile roof, blue doors, and yellow painted windows, and is
topped by a square belfry tower. It is usually situated upon a slight
elevation from which the ground slopes down to a nearby country road.
The only relief to the monotony of the dreary surroundings is a few
flowering shade trees. About the time the “novena” is concluded, carts
begin to arrive and form in line along the roadside. As the crowd
augments the scene resolves itself into one of animation and activity.
People are constructing out of tree boughs, places of temporary
residence, in which they sleep and where they conduct a small business
during the festival. Women are engaged in bringing in firewood and
jugs of water, which they carry on their heads. Oxen are unhitched
from carts and driven home, as the feast lasts many days. Often as
many as fifty carts, covered with canvas, branches of trees or skins
are arranged side by side in close proximity. They serve as places of
shelter for the owners, who remain throughout the feast. Each cart is
supplied with a barrel of chicha, wine and aguardiente, and also with
fowls and vegetables, from which is made cazuela, to supply the hungry
crowd.

During all the day before, and up to the hour of the feast, which
begins at midnight, active preparations for the event continue. People
are arriving from every direction, those from a distance on horseback,
and those from the neighborhood on foot, each carrying a quantity of
supplies to eat or drink, and each expecting to do a little business
on the morrow, and succeeding days, in the way of catering to the
appetite or thirst of the mixed multitude. Some are ladened with skin
bags filled with wine or chicha, others carry earthen pots or baskets
containing such articles as they may have to dispose of. Fires are
blazing, pots are boiling, and the scene along the roadside resembles
a miniature military camp, with active preparations for the customary
meal of soup and beans going forward.

Later the crowd is divided into groups, squatting upon the ground
and eating from black earthen dishes. There is a tapping of barrels,
uncorking of skin bags and earthen jugs, in which the supplies of
liquor are stored. Small groups of gentlemen, or families, possessing
a little more money than the average persons present, are seated at
home-made tables, which are covered with coarse sacking. All are merry,
and apparently happy to renew acquaintances, many of which have been
neglected since the last feast of our lady of mercy, Santa Mercedes,
the patroness saint of the little church where the feast is being held.

The parish priest has not yet arrived from his parochial residence,
hence the feast has not formally begun. A murmur along the line of
feasters announces the approach of the cura, the church bells peal
joyously, and the crowd files into the little church, where lighted
tapers and gilt images add a spectacular effect to the scene. The
priest preaches a pleasing sermon, for the purpose of conciliating his
congregation, which has not yet made its offering to the virgin. At
the conclusion of the service the people give to the priest such money
as they think they can afford to contribute, or that which has been
entrusted to them by others who could not attend. They have come from
every section of the surrounding country, some from great distances,
who wish to show their gratitude to this particular saint, for favors
they may have received, or may desire to receive in the future. The
priest is not made aware of the object of the donations. The donors
place their faith implicitly in the saints, believing that they will
execute the bequests. These poor contributors for the most part have
nothing to do with the particular church where the offering is made.
As an example, in case of serious illness or threatened calamity in a
family, the friends or relatives, as the case may be, make a vow that
if spared the impending trouble, they will give a certain amount to a
certain saint for a given number of years. These promises are usually
redeemed, and the obligation is discharged at the particular church
patronized by the saint to whom the promise is made. Many individual
instances might be cited to illustrate the fidelity with which these
people make offerings to the saints.

The day following the midnight services is “La Mercedes,” and the
early morning shows hundreds of additional votaries en route to the
church. After the morning mass the image of the virgin Mercedes,
bedecked with flowers, is removed from the church altar, and carried
at the head of a procession that marches about the church. The priest,
leading the procession, and reciting prayers, is showered with flowers.
After this parade the image is again placed upon the altar, there to
remain until the following year, September 8th, which is the date of
the anniversary of Mercedes. The priest then goes his way and the
real fiesta, for which a majority of those present have come, that of
eating, drinking, dancing and carousing uninterruptedly for several
days, begins. The scene about the church presents some features
peculiarly novel and picturesque. The hundreds of people dressed in the
costumes of the country, in which bright colors predominate, dozens of
clumsy bullock carts, and hundreds of horses huddled together in the
church grounds, where they remain for days without being unsaddled,
and in many instances without food or water, are some of the features
of this feast day picture. There are improvised dance halls, bowling
alleys, and every cart and temporary hut is turned into a shop where
is dispensed such articles as those in possession may have to offer.
At each place where liquors are dispensed there is singing, dancing
and music of guitars. Everyone seems to have something to sell, and
money with which to buy. Having made their contributions to our lady
of mercy, they pursue the god Bacchus with enthusiasm and reckless
indulgence. Good fellowship prevails, drinks encourage generosity and
the feast goes merrily on.

This festival falls upon a date that marks the approach of spring in
Chile. The espino is in bloom, and the odor of the yellow blossoms of
that repellant, thorny bush, which grows abundantly throughout the
country, fills the air with sweet perfume; birds in the mating season
are revelling in the first green of the trees and the bloom of wild
flowers. Under clumps of blossoming trees women are cooking cakes and
vending sweets, while señoritas send winning glances at young men who,
too often under the influence of liquor, are easy preys to the arrows
of cupid. The feast continues to increase in interest and enthusiasm
for three or four days, continuing night and day, when it reaches the
climax, after which from loss of sleep and deficiency of drink, the
tide begins to recede, and the crowd to decrease. At the end of the
sixth or eighth day, at the farthest, the last of the crowd disperses,
leaving only the trodden grass and the blackened remains of camp fires
as evidences of the greatest and merriest local frolic of the year.




SUPERSTITIONS


In Chile there are large tracts of sparsely populated territory where
there are neither doctors nor drug stores, and in such communities
it is necessary in case of illness for the people to resort to home
remedies. In these rural communities there are many old women who
assume the rôle of doctresses, calling themselves “Medicas.” They are
absolutely ignorant of medicine or its effect upon the human system,
yet with their odd preparations of herbs they sometimes effect cures
within a very short time. However, it is said that they more frequently
kill than cure the persons they treat. Should the patient live for
several days under the treatment of the Medica, and then die, nothing
is said by the friends of the deceased, but should the victim succumb
with the first dose the doctress is asked to change her residence at
once.

“Brujeria,” or witchcraft, is common among the women in the lower
classes in Chile, many of whom claim to be “brujas,” or sorceresses.
The women profess to be able to inflict strange and wonderful
punishment upon their enemies, or persons who refuse to accede to
their demands. The most common delusion of these superstitious people,
especially the women, is the power of the “brujas” to place reptiles
or insects in their stomachs. Frequently when one becomes ill or
distressed with a pain, she is possessed with the idea that she has
been bewitched, declaring that she has a frog, a toad, a snake, spider,
or other object in her stomach, placed there by a sorceress. These poor
women believe that they cannot recover from an illness of this sort
until they have made peace with the person having bewitched them, which
means the giving of money or its equivalent in presents. It is a sort
of faith cure, and any other treatment seems useless, as it will not
dispel the delusion. The man or woman with dropsy or other affliction
will almost invariably attribute the malady to an evil sorceress. These
superstitions even extend to matters of business and chance with the
country people. The methods employed by these witches are curious and
ridiculous. Many claim, and the claims are accepted as true, to be able
by slipping into the presence of an enemy and burning a certain kind of
herb or vegetable, to place the person in their power. In some cases
persons so bewitched assume a form of madness, which unfits them for
service, and sometimes makes them dangerous. Many of these people claim
to cure disease by prayer.

There are few diseases among the ignorant country people attributed
to legitimate causes. They are believed to be due to the influence of
witches; to be ill from any cause is to be bewitched. It is one of the
many superstitions inherited from Indian ancestors, and is deep rooted
in the minds of the people.

To predict the elimination or uprooting of these primitive customs
would be hazardous, as they are countenanced, fostered in the minds of
the people and encouraged by the priests. They preach and teach the
supernatural, and in the rural districts the clergy sell “santitos”
(small images representing saints), and medallions that are alleged
to have been consecrated by them, as cures and preventatives for all
kinds of diseases and maladies. Sometimes when a liberal donation has
been made to the church, the donor is given one of these consecrated
objects, which is highly prized, and the curative powers of which are
never doubted by the possessor. Although the laws of the Catholic
church prohibit its members from eating meat on Fridays, the priests
sell privileges, called “bulas,” which permit purchasers to eat
whatever kind of food they like on that day. A very poor person can
secure a bula for fifty centavos, while a well-to-do member will pay
according to his ability, and very rich people in Valparaiso and
Santiago have paid as much as one thousand pesos for the privilege of
violating a fundamental law of the church. With the encouragement of
such beliefs and practices by those who are accepted as teachers and
who should stand as exemplars of moral and intellectual progress, it
is little wonder that the masses among the poor and ignorant cling
tenaciously to customs that seem obsolete in this age of enlightened
progress.

Superstitions are generally prevalent among the better classes also,
particularly those engaged in agricultural pursuits. It is believed
that sowing, reaping, planting, wood cutting, grafting or pruning
trees, storing of crops, etc., should be done during the last quarter
of the moon. Seed planted during the new moon will not grow, crops
harvested will be damaged, trees pruned will die, etc. The weather for
the following month is always judged by the Indian sign indicated in
the position of the new moon on its first appearance.

A curious superstitious custom in Chile is the manner of marking the
place where a person has been killed by accident or murdered. Along
the country roads one frequently comes upon a crude sort of altar by
the roadside, which marks the last resting place of some victim of
violence. It may consist of a little enclosure made of rough boards
and covered with the same material, in which lighted tapers are kept
burning practically all the time. In each of these places there is a
small box for the reception of coins, and many passers-by add small
contributions to the collection, and when the candles have burned out,
the money in the receptacle is used to purchase more. A strange feature
of this practice is that no sneak thief, of which there are many in
every community, will ever rob one of these houses of the dead. He has
a superstitious belief that the money is sacred, and that the one who
steals it will be cursed.

The cry of the “chuncho,” a sort of night owl, is regarded as an evil
omen by all classes. People who are otherwise apparently sane on
hearing the cry of this bird in the night indulge in actions indicative
of a peculiar form of madness. If in bed they leap out, get down upon
their knees, cross themselves, pray, beat their chests and appeal to
God to save them from impending calamity. The origin or significance of
this particular superstition has never been satisfactorily explained.

One of the superstitious customs that still prevails, and which is
practiced on religious feast days, especially that of San Juan, is
fortune telling. Matrimonial fortunes are told with three potatoes,
one of which is peeled, from one, half the peeling is removed, and one
is left in its natural state. These potatoes are placed in a dark room,
and the woman seeking her fortune is directed to go into the room,
and to take the first potato with which her hand comes in contact. If
it is the peeled potato, she is to marry a poor man; should it be the
half-peeled tuber, she will marry a man who can clothe and support
her, and should she be lucky enough to secure the unpeeled potato, she
is destined to marry a man who can keep her in comfort and plenty. So
firm is the faith of many of the people in the fulfillment of these
superstitious prophecies that they invariably preserve the potatoes
thus drawn, to be eaten on their wedding day. Another superstition
among the country women is that of washing their hair at daylight on
the morning of the feast of San Juan. They believe that the practice
will cause the hair to grow luxuriantly during the year.




MARRIAGES


In Chile marriage is simply a contract, entered into between two
persons of opposite sex, regarding exclusive possession, society and
service, and who by a civil, legal ceremony are pronounced husband and
wife. The contract does not by implication, or actually, necessarily
include protection or affection. This does not refer to marriages among
the better classes, where money, social position or advantage are taken
into consideration, but the poor, or middle classes, with whom marriage
is a matter of convenience. With these people fidelity is not expected
or demanded. The women have little to claim their attention, beyond
domestic duties and personal adornment. Inherited characteristics and
the influence of environments make them an easy prey to flattery,
in the dispensing of which the Chilenos are artful and crafty. Evil
motives, wrapped in delusive words, suggesting no interpretation of
their true meaning, are the common weapons used by the men to ensnare
trusting hearts guided by uneducated minds. Manly protection to woman
is so rare in the sub-stratum of Chilean society as to be almost
unknown.

Twenty-five years of age constitutes a legal majority for both
sexes, after which marriage may be contracted at the pleasure of the
interested parties. A boy of twelve or a girl of fourteen years may
legally marry with the consent of parents or guardian. Once married
the law declares them of legal age.

Previous to the year 1885, marriage ceremonies were celebrated only
in the Catholic churches, which was recognized by the government as
legal. After a prolonged and bitter discussion, a law was passed on
January 10, 1884, requiring a civil registry of all births, deaths
and marriages, and which deprived the church of the right to legalize
marriages. This act, which went into effect January 1, 1885, recognizes
as legal only marriages solemnized by the “Oficial del Registro
Civil,” residing in the same municipality or sub-delegation as the
contracting parties. The ceremony must be witnessed by two or more
persons. Although a marriage ceremony performed by the priests has no
legal import or effect, women of the Catholic faith always demand it,
and most legal weddings are celebrated by two ceremonies. Even yet in
some instances the civil, or legal service is disregarded, and only the
church ceremony performed. Such marriages are not recognized in the
courts, however, and in case of inheritance by the children born of
such a union, they are barred from sharing in property rights.

There was much conflict and contention between Church and State during
the first few years of the civil registry law. The priests preached
violently against it, directing their efforts principally to the female
members, who are the loyal supporters of all church organizations, and
with whom they made the law offensive and objectionable, by refusing
in many instances confession and absolution to all those who were
married according to the civil law only. They were given the ultimatum
of defying the law of the land and accepting a church marriage
ceremony as binding, or excommunication. The result of these church
teachings was, that for several years after the law went into effect
most Catholics, and especially those representing the aristocracy,
were married by the church only, not realizing, apparently, the
complications that would result from such defiance of law, until their
children were declared illegitimate by the courts. This created a
dilemma, and a serious effort was made to legalize their marriages and
legitimatize their children by a repeal or modification of the law, but
without success. In the meantime the more radical members of the clergy
declared that it were better to live together as husband and wife under
sanction of the divine order, than to resort to civil marriage. As a
compromise members of the Catholic church are now married before the
“Registro Civil,” and afterwards in the Catholic church. But even now,
in the rural districts of Chile, many people are married by the church
only.

The party constituting the Liberal-Alliance, which was in power, and
organized the ministry at the sitting of the Ordinary Session of the
National Congress in June, 1904, in outlining a programme for the
party, declared itself in favor of a law that would prohibit the church
from celebrating marriages, without the presentation of a certificate
attesting the fact that the marriage had been previously celebrated
before a Civil Registrar. The Conservative party in Congress announced
through its leaders its intention to vigorously oppose the measure,
showing that there is still a political element in Chile in favor of
empowering the church with authority to legalize marriages.

In discussing this phase of social life, reference is made to the
common people of the country, and not to the rich and educated few,
where wealth, family connections, or social position may enter into and
influence the question of matrimonial alliances, and among whom wedding
ceremonies are conducted much as they are in other civilized countries.

Courtship is short; there are no long years of waiting. Once the
question is decided the matter is consummated and all doubts as to
congeniality or advisability are left for future consideration.
The custom of courtship is the same as that prevailing in other
Spanish-American countries. It consists more in impassioned glances,
smiles and actions on the part of the participants to attract each
other than in conversation or a discussion of mutual interests.
Sometimes the proposition is made and accepted after the first
meeting, and not infrequently it is arranged by the families of the
interested parties. Whether the majority of marriages in Chile are
contracted from motives of affection, passion, or material interests
is difficult to determine. There would seem to be little love in the
motive that inspires, for among the poorer classes the object appears
to be mutual care, service and protection. During religious festivals,
where men and women are brought into close relationship and intimate
association, under the influence of liquor, marriages are generally
arranged, proposals accepted, and bans simultaneously published by the
contracting parties and the priests. Their past lives have been more or
less the same and there are no sacrifices on the part of either. There
is no demonstration to make the event conspicuous; what to expect and
how to meet it are conditions well known to both. There is no foolish
sentiment exhibited. The wedding is consummated and celebrated because
it is mutually convenient. Their standards of honor, honesty, fidelity
and veracity are about equal. Should either of the contracting parties
hesitate or refuse to comply with the agreement, he or she, as the case
may be, is accused before the priest of the parish church, who commands
the delinquent to respond, and the marriage is celebrated at once.
Protests are in vain, the marriage contract once having been announced,
like the sentence in court, must be carried out, under ecclesiastical
authority. Illegitimacy among the poor of Chile is no disgrace, and
is not a bar, or even a disadvantage when it comes to the question of
marriage. Children born to women previous to marriage are treated by
the husband upon terms of equality with those of the legal union. An
examination of the baptismal record of the churches in the country
districts will reveal the fact that a large per cent. of the children
are inscribed as “El padre desconocido” (the father is unknown).

Be it said to the credit of the women in the sub-stratum, as well as
in the upper-crust of Chilean society, that, as a rule, they respect
their marriage vows. With the men it is the rare exception instead
of the rule. After marriage, people of the common class resume their
accustomed life and habits, living as a rule under the paternal
or maternal roof of one or the other. The man is not necessarily
expected to contribute to the support of his wife, the custom being
for that member of the family to provide maintenance for the pair, and
invariably to support herself. They seem to enjoy a careless, bohemian
sort of contentment that meets the requirements of their simple lives.
Little is expected, each seems entirely satisfied with the acts of
the other and the stream of domestic harmony runs on uninterruptedly.
Such is life among these simple folk, who mate as do the birds, and
with whom mutual interests, simplicity and natural instincts are the
controlling influences in matrimonial alliances.

An inventory of all property possessed by each of the contracting
parties at the date of the wedding is carefully taken. It may be a
horse, a cow, pig, fowls, a bed, or other articles. This property
does not enter into the marriage contract and become a part of the
common fund. On the wedding day the bride and groom are accompanied
to the church by friends and neighbors, usually on horseback. There
is singing and music of guitars, firing of shooting crackers and guns
and other demonstrations. There is frequent drinking to the health of
the couple, with “viva los novios.” Anyone who desires may participate
in the wedding feast, as all refreshments are disposed of at a price.
The profits on the feast are given to the bride as a wedding gift.
These celebrations sometimes last three or four days and nights,
with drinking, singing and dancing. Among the middle classes wedding
ceremonies are the same, except that invitations are not quite so
general. And among the more prosperous of the middle classes, the
refreshments served at the wedding feasts are free.

A married woman never goes by the name of her husband. If Señorita
Carmen Valenzuela is married to Don Jacinto Nuñez, she is afterwards
Señora Carmen Valenzuela de N; if she becomes a widow she retains the
foregoing name with the addition of the letter V before the de N,
meaning widow of Nuñez.




BIRTHS AND DEATHS


Births and deaths do not constitute an attractive subject, but a
description of country life in Chile would be incomplete without some
mention of the entrance into the world and the exit of the people whose
customs and characteristics are under discussion.


BIRTHS.

The advent of an atom of humanity into the world in Chile, is not
considered an event of sufficient importance to cause any disturbance
of the current of affairs that flows on with customary indifference.
The fact is accepted and recorded, but there is neither expression
of regret nor rejoicing. The parents seem to regard the circumstance
from a purely economic point of view, and not one to be invested with
sentiment or feeling. It means another member of the family to feed
and clothe, and another pair of hands that in time may serve, and
contribute something to the scanty household supplies. The poor country
women have no medical attention in childbirth, and in most instances
they lack the attention and necessary provisions to protect the life of
mother and child. They rarely go to bed, but wrapped in a heavy manta,
sit on the floor or ground, as the case may be, for a few days, near
a fire kept burning in a “bracero.” The only medicine they take is a
little burnt sugar in hot water, seasoned with aromatic leaves. In a
few days they resume their domestic duties, and life flows on in the
even current of its way, the addition to the family being regarded as
inconsequential.

The children of the poor are inured to hardship from the time of birth.
In infancy they are wrapped up like little mummies, receiving little
maternal attention, usually being committed to the care of older
children, when there are such in the family. When old enough to walk,
they are permitted to run where they please, characterized chiefly by
the scanty clothing they wear, and inattention they receive. These
neglected infants rarely cry or complain, learning early in life that
such demonstrations of dissatisfaction with their lot avails nothing.
The mothers of these children are not cruel or inhuman in the treatment
of their offspring, except from neglect and lack of care through
ignorance.


DEATHS.

Away from the cities, where pride or custom holds sway, a death is
little more than a signal for a crowd to assemble at the home of
the deceased for a drunken spree. In case of death the interest and
sympathy manifested by friends and neighbors depends upon the amount
of money forthcoming for the purchase of chicha. Should there be
liberal provisions for this important feature of the funeral service
a large attendance is assured. Should the death be that of a baby it
is generally understood that there is to be a grand feast. The dead
infant, robed in white and bedecked with flowers, is placed in a
sitting position upon an improvised altar, where, surrounded with
burning candles it remains for twenty-four hours. During this time
there is much drinking and singing by those who assemble to mourn the
death of the child. Usually on the day following the death, the body is
wrapped in a cloth and placed in a candle or soap box, which serves as
a coffin, and carried to the cemetery. The procession is accompanied by
women who sing, and add to their vocal efforts the music of guitars.
The crowd often stops en route to the cemetery to drink and indulge
in demonstrations. Women never accompany the funeral procession of an
adult.

There are never any preparations in advance for a burial, and the
interment is made in the crudest possible manner. The pall-bearers
carry with them a crowbar and shovel, and the corpse waits while the
grave is being prepared after arrival at the cemetery. Graves are dug
anywhere those preparing them may choose, not infrequently in the
same place where other burials have been made, and if human bones are
encountered in the excavation they are thrown aside as so many stones.
After the corpse is laid to rest, perhaps to the great disturbance of
another previously buried in the same spot, the crowd departs to some
place where more liquor can be secured, and where the final celebration
of the event takes place.

Should a poor man die, leaving no money with which to provide the
customary drinks at his funeral, and having no friends who will perform
that very necessary service for him, the manner of his burial is
something like that accorded to animals. The method of conveying the
bodies of these unfortunates to their last resting place, in many
instances is not unlike that of taking a sack of potatoes to market.
The corpse is tied upon the back of a mule, and with head nodding,
hands and feet waving in the air, as if in mute protest against the
custom of administering the last rites of the poor, they are conveyed
to the cemetery by someone to whom the disagreeable duty is delegated.
A hole large enough to receive the body is dug in some obscure corner
of the cemetery, and without a coffin, without ceremony or service of
any kind, the unfortunate is committed to earth, which receives him
back to its bosom, as it does all those who inhabit it for a brief
period.

Without plan, ornament, or official keepers, the cemeteries of
rural Chile present an unattractive prospect, and a scene of dreary
desolation. Usually they are nothing more than enclosed plots of
ground, neglected and overrun with weeds and brambles, without markings
to indicate the location of individual graves. There is little
reverence for those who journey to those dreary spots for the last time.

In the many sharp contrasts presented in the lives of the different
classes in Chile, none are more striking than that shown in the
disposition of the dead, and in the ceremonies attendant upon
funerals. In the cities, where the rich and cultured bury their dead,
the cemeteries are beautifully kept, and adorned with flowers and
shrubbery, and magnificent tombs and monuments mark the last resting
places of wealth and respectability. Elaborate, solemn and impressive
services are held at the home of the deceased, or in church, the body
is borne to the grave in a funeral car, while extra coaches and
hearses are employed in carrying the floral offerings and decorations
provided by the family and friends.

The civil register law conferred great benefits upon the poor, in the
matter of births and deaths. Previous to that there was no record of
births, except in the church records, made by the priests when they
found it agreeable and convenient. Then, as now, a large per cent.
of the children born were illegitimate, and if the parents did not
want the birth inscribed in the record, it was conveniently omitted.
Then there was no law to compel those in charge of the cemeteries to
issue burial permits, and usually the priests demanded a fee before
permission was given to bury the Catholic dead in the consecrated
grounds, while non-Catholics were denied the right of burial in the
cemeteries on any terms.

Fortunately the civil law makes the registration of births, deaths and
burials free and compulsory. In every municipal district there is a
civil registrar, whose business it is to keep these records, and to
issue burial permits. Private burials are prohibited by law.




SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES


There is no compulsory educational law in Chile. Several attempts have
been made to secure the passage of such a measure, but without success.
The failure to secure such an enactment may be attributed to the
indifference of the majority of the citizens of the Republic, who take
little or no interest in the question of providing better facilities
for educating the youth of the country.

Primary instruction is provided by the government, which maintains
two kinds of schools in this class, elementary and superior. In the
elementary, the alphabet, reading, writing, gymnastics, singing, and
the first rules of arithmetic, geography and grammar are taught.
In the superior, in addition to the branches taught in the primary
grades, instructions are given in manual training, physical and
natural science, and other general studies, which prepare the pupils
for entrance into the secondary colleges, “liceos,” and other higher
educational institutions. The number of pupils in attendance at these
schools is about one hundred thousand.

Teachers in the primary grades, masculine and feminine, are prepared in
five normal schools, located in different parts of the country. When
they have finished their studies and passed their examinations, they
receive the title of “Professor” from the State as evidence of their
qualification for teaching. Primary teachers receive a salary of 1,200
pesos per year. After ten years’ service they are entitled to a pension
from the government, and after thirty years they can retire on full pay.


UNIVERSITY OF CHILE.

Previous to the formation of the Republic, the only institutions in
Chile possessing facilities for instruction in the sciences and higher
branches of education were the monasteries, the school at San Filipe
being recognized as a national university. But the monastic education
was not in harmony with the modern republican ideas of the progressive
Chilenos, and the San Filipe institution was abolished by official
decree in 1839, and in its place there was established a group of
schools under the name of the University of Chile. The new institution
which was formally opened in 1842, marked an era in the educational
system of the country. The original building, in Santiago, fronting on
the broad Alameda, with its rows of trees and wide park-way, adorned
with statues of national heroes, is a fine architectural creation of
the Spanish style, with interior patios and galleries. The University,
which has an annual attendance of from 1,500 to 2,000 students has
special and well equipped departments of Philosophy and Letters, Law
and Political Science, Medicine, Pharmacy, Dentistry, Engineering,
Architecture, Pedagogy and a Normal school.

The State also maintains schools of secondary and superior instruction,
the latter being under the direction of the University, which maintains
thirty-six different colleges in the Republic, and gives courses in
practical and special branches, and also industrial training. In
the first six years of the course in these colleges the pupils are
instructed in branches designated in the program prepared by the
Council of Instruction, a corporation whose members are appointed by
the government, and which is required to hold weekly sessions.

The course of instruction in the secondary institutions consists of
the following, worked out according to the German concentric system:
Physical and natural science, mathematics, Spanish, French, German and
English languages, drawing, geography, history, gymnastics and singing.
The pupils who pass the general and final examinations satisfactorily,
receive the degree of Bachelor of Arts, which admits them to the
superior courses of Law, Medicine, Engineering, Agriculture, etc., in
the University.

All this instruction is provided by the State, free of expense, except
250 pesos per year which the pupil is required to pay for board. The
government has secured a competent corps of teachers and instructors
for the secondary colleges and the University, the majority of them
coming from Germany and Belgium under contract. Their pay is about
6,000 pesos, equal to $2,000 United States currency, annually.

Chile also maintains a number of Industrial and Commercial schools.
Among these special institutions are four Commercial and Industrial,
three Agricultural, three Mining, and two professional schools for
women, an Art Institute and a school of Fishery. The pupils attending
these institutions are trained in the various professions and
industries taught in the respective schools. This part of the system
of public instruction, especially in the establishments in which the
poorer classes receive their education, is very deficient. But this
particular branch is now receiving the attention of the government
authorities, and there is a prospect of decided improvement in the
standard of these schools. One of the defects of these liceos is
the fact that the number of pupils in each is so great that it is
impossible for the masters to hear all the recitations of each pupil,
or to give them individual attention in their studies.

In addition to the public schools and higher educational institutions
maintained by the State, there are many private schools and colleges,
which offer fairly good facilities for general and special educational
training. The Catholic church provides many schools that are well
equipped for primary education.

A weak feature of the educational system of Chile, which possesses many
excellent and commendable qualities, is the fact that the State schools
are crowded with pupils from the wealthy families, to the neglect and
exclusion of the children of the poor. The result is the education of a
class in which the majority are ambitious to engage in the professions,
rather than in the trades, agricultural and commercial life.

What Chile needs for the development of her varied and rich resources
is engineers, mechanics, and men trained in agricultural and commercial
pursuits, instead of musicians, artists, professors and politicians,
for whom the government is expected to provide employment.

The fact that over sixty per cent. of the population is illiterate is
due to various causes. The Chilean Roto is without ambition for himself
or his family, and until education is made compulsory he will not
attempt to lift his children above the low intellectual level in which
he and his ancestors for generations have been content to live. He has
yet to learn the importance to himself, to the State and society, of
education, and mental training. Another drawback to primary education
in the rural districts is the geographical and climatic conditions
of the country. In many places the territory is sparsely settled and
schoolhouses far apart. The country is mountainous, and in the winter
season streams become raging torrents from the excessive rains, making
journeys across country impossible for children of school age.




LANGUAGE


Spanish is the language of Chile, as it is of all South American
countries, except Brazil, but in Chile it has taken on idioms until it
differs in many particulars from the pure Castilian. Like all Latin
languages it lends itself to elaborate speech, pleasing compliment,
plentiful platitude, vague and uncertain meaning and is a charming
means for the exchange of polite pleasantries. It possesses qualities
that commend it especially for diplomatic usage, as the ordinary
sentence, written or verbally expressed, can be construed to mean one
thing or another to suit the desire or convenience of the person giving
it utterance. These qualities, however, render it unsatisfactory as a
commercial language, which should be direct and definite in meaning.

Perhaps no other language is so easily acquired by foreigners, and none
is more beautiful and attractive when correctly spoken and properly
enunciated than Spanish. There are no silent letters, and each word
is pronounced as it is spelled. The verbs are irregular, but once the
rules of grammar are learned, it is a matter of comparative ease to
acquire facility of speech.

The Chilenos, like all Spanish speaking people, emphasize all verbal
expressions with elaborate gestures. Their gesticulations are graceful,
and instead of being objectionable, are attractive. They are born
orators, and the average Chileno can deliver a most effective speech
on any and all occasions, on short notice or with small provocation.
Even small boys will harangue a crowd with well-chosen words formed
into beautiful sentences, and delivered with splendid oratorical
effect. This is true in the larger sense also, and the speeches
delivered on public occasions, and in the legislative halls are as a
rule excellent examples of the art of oratory. The meaning is often
vague, and the language ambiguous, but the diction good. A speech
delivered in Spanish in a well modulated voice, emphasized with
sweeping and graceful gestures, is both pleasing and dramatic in effect.

In Valparaiso, the principal port and commercial city in the Republic,
English is more generally used in the transaction of business than any
other language, Spanish not excepted.




COURTS AND LEGAL PROCEDURE


In the formation of the Republic of Chile, the system of law courts
and legal procedure was patterned after that prevailing in Spain,
and included all of its antique, slow and cumbersome processes. The
Spanish law was modeled after the Roman code, and the custom of the
race to cling tenaciously to precedent, seldom accepting innovation or
change in any practice once established, even to meet the exigencies
of changed conditions, manifested itself in the administration of law
in Spain. So, Chile inherited and adopted the system with all its
crudities, slow processes and impracticable features. The Roman law was
improved and amplified to meet new conditions and requirements, and
Spain made changes in her laws, but Chile continues under the old and
obsolete system copied from the mother country.

The courts, with their respective jurisdiction, are as follows:


FIRST.

Juzgado del Distrito (District Judges). This court, first in the order,
has jurisdiction in civil cases up to an amount equal to fifty pesos.
The procedure is verbal, but the result, which is delivered orally
must be put in writing, as a record. All judgments must be in writing.
No criminal cases are tried before these courts. There is no appeal
in cases where the amount involved does not exceed twenty pesos. The
judges receive no salary.


SECOND.

Jueces de Subdelegacion (Substitute Judges). The procedure in this
court is practically the same as in the first mentioned, except that
the amounts involved in cases tried therein, range from fifty to two
hundred pesos, and all can be appealed. In rural districts, these
courts have jurisdiction in petty criminal or police cases.

In certain cities, notably Valparaiso and Santiago, there are “Jueces
de Apelacion” (Judges of Courts of Appeal), to whom go appeals from
the first mentioned courts. They have jurisdiction in commercial
cases involving an amount equal to two hundred pesos, and also in
cases relating to pawn shops, governing which there is a special law,
allowing only a certain per cent. to the holder, on articles pawned.
If pawns are not redeemed within the time specified, they are sold at
auction. With the proceeds the pawnholder is paid, and the residue,
if any, is paid to the person pawning the article. If the money thus
obtained is not claimed within a reasonable time it is turned into
the general government fund. Where there are no Jueces de Apelacion,
their functions are performed by Jueces de Letras. Jueces de Apelacion
receive salary.

Jueces de Letras (Judges of Letters): These courts have jurisdiction
in probate cases where there is no litigation; civil cases where the
amount involved exceeds two hundred pesos, common mining and fiscal
cases involving any sum, and criminal cases. In the more important
cities and populous districts there are special Jueces de Letras for
criminal cases.

The following named persons are not subject to jurisdiction in courts
presided over by Jueces de Letras: Commanders of Military and Naval
Forces; General Officers, whether of the Army or Navy; Inspector
General of Military and Inspector General of National Guard; Members
of the Supreme Court and Courts of Appeal; Public Prosecutor, Jueces
de Letras, heads of church districts and their secretaries or vices;
Consuls General, Consuls and Vice-Consuls; also municipal corporations
and charitable institutions.

These judges also have jurisdiction in cases appealed from Jueces
de Subdelegacion, and without appeal settle cases annulled in lower
courts. Where there are no Jueces de Apelacion they perform these last
named functions. Where there are two or more judges of the same class
in one district, they hold court by weekly turns, except in Valparaiso,
where the court of appeals sends each new case to a certain judge.

Courts of Appeal are located at Santiago, Valparaiso, Concepcion, La
Serena and Tacna. In Santiago, the capital, these courts have twelve
judges, and in Concepcion they have eight; the others five judges each.
These courts have jurisdiction as follows:


FIRST.

In the second instance (that is to say on appeal), of the civil and
criminal cases tried in the first instance by Judges of Letters within
their district.


SECOND.

In single instance (no appeal allowed), of petitions for the nullifying
of sentences rendered by Judges of Letters.


THIRD.

In the first instance, of the civil and criminal cases, in which may
have an interest or be a direct party, the President of the Republic,
the ministers of State, the governors of the provinces and governors
of departments, the Chilean diplomatic agents, foreign diplomatic
agents credited before the Chilean government or in transit through the
territory; the archbishops, bishops, vicars general; and of accusations
or civil claims against Judges of Letters to make effective the
criminal and civil responsibility resulting from their official acts.

The Supreme Court, which is located in Santiago, has jurisdiction as
follows:


FIRST.

In single instance (no appeal), of the petition for the nullification
of judgments pronounced by the Courts of Appeal.


SECOND.

In the second instance, of the cases corresponding in the first
instance to the Courts of Appeal, or to one member of the Supreme
Court. One member of the court, according to the turn established by
the court itself, judges in the first, including accusations and civil
claims against one or more members of the Court of Appeals, to make
effective their criminal or civil responsibility, and of the capture
of prizes, extradition, and other cases to be judged according to
international law.

Ministers of the Supreme Court, Ministers of the Courts of Appeal and
Judges of Letters are appointed for an indefinite period, subject to
good behavior. Judges of Subdelegations and of Districts are named for
a term of two years.

The Supreme Court is composed of ten ministers. Judges of the Supreme
Court and of the Courts of Appeal are named by the President. The
high court prepares a list of persons possessing the necessary
qualifications, which is presented to the Consejo de Estado (Council
of State). From this list the Council selects three names, which are
submitted to the President, and from which he may choose whoever he
pleases. In the appointment of a Judge of Letters, the Judges of the
Courts of Appeal, in whose jurisdiction the vacancy exists, prepare a
list of fifteen persons who have the necessary qualifications and send
it to the Consejo de Estado, which prepares therefrom a list of three,
from which the President names the judge.

Judges of Subdelegations and Districts are named by the governors of
the respective provinces, from lists of competent persons prepared by
the Judges of Letters within their jurisdiction.


NECESSARY QUALIFICATIONS FOR JUDGES OF LETTERS.

Natural or acquired citizenship in the Republic; twenty-five years of
age; the title of “abogado” (lawyer); judge in a department wherein is
not the capital of the province; to have practiced law for two years
in a department in which is located the provincial capital; to have
practiced law six years, or served for two as department judge, or
judge of a department wherein is a Court of Appeal; to have practiced
law nine years, or served as judge for five years in a department, or
for two years in the capital of a province.


MEMBERS OF COURTS OF APPEAL.

Natural or acquired citizenship; thirty-two years of age; the title of
lawyer; to have practiced law for twelve years, or served for six as
judge in a department, for four years in the capital of a province, or
for two years in a city wherein there is a Court of Appeal.


TO BE A MEMBER OF THE SUPREME COURT.

Natural or acquired citizenship; thirty-six years of age; the title of
lawyer; to have practiced for fifteen years, or served for eight years
as judge in a department, for six years where there is the capital of a
province, for four years where there is a Court of Appeal, or for two
years as a member of one of these courts.


DISTRICT JUDGE OR JUDGE OF SUBDELEGATION.

Twenty years of age; reside within the district, and know how to read
and write. A person who has obtained a title in one of the liberal
professions may be District Judge, even if conditions one and three are
lacking.

Each member of the Court of Appeal and of the Supreme Court becomes
president by turns for the period of one year.

Judges of the Supreme Court receive salaries of 15,000 pesos annually,
with an honorarium of 1,000 extra to the president of the court. The
secretary gets 7,500 pesos a year. Ministers of Courts of Appeal,
9,000 pesos, with 500 gratuity to the president of same; secretary,
3,000. Judges of Letters, where there is a Court of Appeal, 7,500.
Judges of Letters in the capital of a province, 6,000. Judges of other
departments, 4,500.


QUALIFICATIONS FOR LAWYERS.

The necessary qualifications for engaging in the practice of law are:
Twenty years of age; the title of “licentiate” in the faculty of laws
and political sciences in the University of Chile; to have never been
condemned in the courts, nor actually to have a case pending for a
crime which demands corporal punishment. A five years’ course of study
in one of the Liceos (colleges) is required. After an examination
in one of the subjects included in the course, according to subject
drawn by lottery, the student receives the degree of Bachelor in the
University. After five years’ study in a University as Bachelor of Laws
and Political Science, another year’s study is required before the
degree of lawyer can be obtained. Only lawyers are permitted to plead
in the Supreme Court and Courts of Appeal, unless the principal himself
wishes to plead his own case.

Unfortunately there is a class of individuals other than lawyers
who can appear for defendants in all the courts. They are known as
“tinterillos,” and are the plague of the courts and a curse to the
country. As a class they are without equal or comparison in any
country. They are, as a rule, ignorant of the law, unscrupulous and
dishonest. Their special prey is the poorer classes who have not the
means to employ lawyers. Once a victim in the hands of a tinterillo,
the unfortunate individual finds himself enmeshed in a maze of
unscrupulous proceedings that are neither regular nor legal, and are
calculated to draw him deeper into the intricacies of Chilean law.
Their knowledge of practice is gained from observation, and not from
the study of law or proceedings. They usually get cases mixed in an
inextricable tangle, lengthen the proceedings, carrying them through
wrongly, employ unlawful means in the way of false witnesses, etc.
They are permitted to engage in their despicable practices in the
courts under the democratic theory that in a Republic, liberty should
be denied to none, though generally the evil effects of such liberty
are painfully apparent. Because of this theory the evil continues, and
nothing is done to eliminate the objectionable practice from the courts.


PRACTICE.

In ordinary civil actions the complaint is made in writing, with the
petitions clearly specified. A demurrer to the complaint may be made by
the defendant on certain legal grounds, but only once. Then comes the
answer to the complaint, with possibly a counterclaim. After the answer
comes the reply, with answer to counterclaim, if there be any. Then
reply to the reply. Next comes the verification of pleadings. The judge
decides the points to be presented. Within five days the parties to the
suit present their list of witnesses, the judge orders thirty days for
them to declare in, fixing within that time certain days wherein they
are to be examined and cross-examined through the judge.

When the time expires, the plaintiff is given the papers for ten days
for him to sum up the case in writing, and then ten days are given
to the defendant for the same purpose. The judge then makes it known
to the parties that he is going to pronounce sentence, which he is
supposed to do within sixty days according to law. This is not always
carried out according to the intent, however.

On appeal, in the upper court, the plaintiff presents a complaint
and the defendant an answer, and a day is set for the case to be
heard. Then the lawyers plead, after which comes the final sentence,
from which there is no appeal, although possibly a petition for
nullification, to be heard before the Supreme Court, may be presented.

In criminal cases there comes first the secret proceedings, or
“sumario,” of which the accused has no cognizance till the judge has
exhausted his means of investigation. So the evidence does not prove
the existence of a crime and does not tend to fix it upon the accused.
The case is either marked “sobresimiento” or else, when there are not
enough proofs against the accused, he is “absuelto de la instancia”
(absolved in this instance). Should there be proofs against the
accused, the public prosecutor accuses (unless it is a private case,
when of course the interested party does so). The accused answers,
and proofs are received for a given number of days at the judge’s
discretion (not above thirty). The hearing of the procedure is secret.
Witnesses declare before the judge and alone, according to questions
formulated in writing by the accused (if they are his witnesses).
Proofs are likewise received at the same time in regard to the ability
of the witnesses to act as such. When sentence is pronounced, whether
an appeal is made or not, the case goes to the Court of Appeals for
final decision,--final unless nullification of the decision is asked
for, when it goes to the Supreme Court.




CRIME


Drink is the primary cause of much of the crime committed in Chile.
It is in the despachos and roadhouses that secrets are divulged,
confidences exchanged and robberies planned. There peons and inquilinos
employed on farms and large haciendas reveal to the thieves, with
whom they are often on friendly terms, the plans of their master’s
properties, private roads, where animals are pastured, means of gaining
entrance into houses, when sales of stock were made, the amount of
money received and where it is kept. A robbery is proposed to the
intoxicated servants, who readily acquiesce, more out of drunken
gratitude for the liquor furnished by the thieves, than any motive of
crime or gain. They are often induced to act as guides in directing
the bandits to the home of their master. In this manner the cunning
thieves protect themselves by making a shield of the servants, claiming
in the event of detection before an assault is made, that they were
only accompanying their friends home. When the house is reached one of
the robbers goes to the door and raps. When the summons is answered he
invents some plausible story of friendship, to induce those within to
admit him. If refused he pleads that it be opened far enough to enable
the persons addressed to recognize him. If the door is opened the
robbers rush in, usually firing several shots in the house to terrify
the inmates. Once inside no resistance is made to their helping
themselves and pillaging the place, as the people know too well the
cruel and heartless nature of the roto bandit. In the meantime the
servants who piloted the marauders to the house have gone to their
respective huts, as nothing could induce them to commit an assault upon
their master’s house; neither do they share in the benefits of the
robbery.

When satisfied that they have secured all the money in the house, and
helped themselves to such food, drink, clothing or riding equipment as
they may find and fancy, the robbers leave, threatening to return and
murder the entire family, if an attempt is made to identify and punish
them.

Bandits have private roads, usually on the higher ranges of hills, and
as far as possible from the main thoroughfares. These bridle paths are
much used at night, and if closed by a fence, are at once reopened.
The men who infest these secret by-ways leading out from main traveled
highways, and from one community to another, cannot be considered
brave. They usually depend upon superior numbers, or the non-resident
character of their victims, aided by cunning and diplomatic deceit. In
self-defense, to avoid arrest or to secure their freedom, they will
fight desperately, and without regard for life.

Many well-to-do people find it convenient to recognize this lawless
class, for the reason that life and property are much more secure to
friends of the bandits than is the case with those who seek to rid the
country of their presence.

Land Owners Nos. 2 and 3 are usually the victims of these robbers. They
seldom attack the residences on the large haciendas, confining their
depredations in such places to the stealing of animals, or robbing
their victims from big estates, on the roads. Another reason is that
the houses on the haciendas are more strongly built and better arranged
for resisting attacks. Then there are numerous servants about the
house, some of whom are always on guard, and savage dogs roam about
the gardens and grounds at night. The hacendado and his employés are
usually well armed and know how to use their weapons. The windows
of the fine country residences are protected with heavy iron bars.
The doors of these houses are never opened after the family retires
at night until the following morning, and the buildings are so well
constructed that it is not an easy matter to gain admittance by force.
Another reason why thieves seldom molest the hacendados in their homes
is the fact that it would take too large a party to surround the house
and guard it.

These freebooters are a part of every rural district in Chile. They
generally own houses and small tracts of land which serve as a blind
to their real occupation. Those who do not own property are protected
and sheltered by those who do. As cattle thieves they have no rivals.
They will go into the “potreros” of a farm at night, drive the animals
into a “quebrada” (wooded ravine), where they kill and skin them and
pack the meat into sacks prepared for the purpose. With a sack of meat
behind each saddle and the skin of an animal in front, the robbers
mount their horses and ride away. When day dawns they are leagues away
from the scene of their depredations, and have disposed of their
spoils for cash. They then seek some secluded spot where they spend the
day sleeping, and resting their horses. There is no lack of “fences”
and “underground systems,” where the bandits can readily dispose of
their plunder. When seen at their humble homes these night marauders
present the appearance of hard working, law abiding citizens, and
any one of them can promptly prove that he has not been absent from
home for many weeks. There is no means of procuring evidence against
them, as they can secure as many witnesses as they desire in their
defense. And it is impossible to get any damaging information from
their families, even from the smallest children. No one can confess
them; they are trained from infancy to observe discreet silence or give
misleading information. Threats or punishment are of no avail.

The boldest, most fearless and notorious of the bandits have no fixed
places of residence. Large private and government rewards are placed
upon the heads of some of these desperadoes. Some of the more clever
ones do not participate personally in the robberies and attendant
crimes, but employ their talents in planning and directing the deeds.
These clever managers often live what appears to be a most respectable
life, having no fear of detection or interruption in the management
of their reprehensible business. They are clever, cunning, subtle,
penetrating, and always cautious. They have their trusted agents,
through whom their plans are executed, and through whom they receive
their profits in the business. These men levy tribute upon farmers,
merchants and professional men.

Savage dogs are the best protection to country property. Many bandits
who have no fear of armed resistance will not venture into an enclosure
guarded by fierce dogs. It is the purpose of the robbers to always
surprise their victims in an assault, or to gain admission to a house
by stealth, and the barking of dogs frustrates their plans.

A curious custom among Chilean bandits, who operate in bands, is the
taking with them on their thieving raids what is known as a “loro”
(parrot). This individual is usually selected for his cowardly or
cautious traits, rather than because of his bravery. When a robbery is
planned the loro is placed on guard to keep watch and give the alarm,
in the event of danger or discovery. Fearful of being caught, he is
keenly alert and quick to sound a warning if anything suspicious is
observed.

Bandits are seldom known by their real names, and some of the cognomens
applied to them are as characteristic of the individual as they are
curious. One who is a clever talker is called a “Pico de Oro” (golden
beak); “cojo” (lame); “Tenorio” (ladies’ man); “El Tuerto” (squint
eye), etc.

As previously stated there are few great commercial robberies,
embezzlements or forgeries in Chile. This may be due to the fact that
escape is difficult. The Cordilleras forming a natural barrier on one
side and the ocean upon the other, it is only necessary to guard the
mountain passes and watch the departure of ships to prevent persons
from leaving the country. Men connected with commercial interests,
which give them the opportunity to steal or embezzle large sums of
money are, as a rule, unfamiliar with the mountainous country or the
ways of bandits, and are therefore unable to escape by going to the
interior.

There is another class of bandits or brigands who are more clever,
daring and desperate than those already described. They follow the more
well-defined roads of travel, are well dressed, mounted on good horses,
intelligent and generally present a very genteel appearance. They
usually hunt in bands, covering a wide range of territory, know all the
people living within the country covered by their depredations, and are
familiar with every road and by-way. They always have knowledge through
their accomplices of strangers traveling through the country, or of
servants sent upon important missions. They roam about the mountainous
regions, or in close proximity to the Cordillera ranges, where escape
is easy, in case of pursuit. Some of these highwaymen are notorious for
the desperate deeds committed.

The common weapon of the Chilean bandit, like his methods, is peculiar
to the country. During the revolution in 1891, nearly every Chileno
was engaged in the war, upon one side or the other. After peace was
restored, the arms were retained by the individuals, and practically
every man in the country possessed a rifle. These weapons were too
large and cumbersome for the bandits, so they cut off a portion of
the barrel, to render them more convenient, and so they could be more
easily concealed under their ponchos. These guns are called “rifles
recortado” (re-cut rifles).

The fact that crime is common leads naturally to the question of law
and its enforcement. Why are there not laws for the punishment of
crime? There are. And why are they not enforced? That is another
question, and one involving various phases of life in the Republic. A
large per cent. of the people are honest, observing and obeying the
law, and would be glad to see it universally enforced. The lawless
element aid and protect each other, and even the more honest of the
poor people look upon a notorious criminal as a hero, rather than a
disgraced member of society, whose companionship is to be avoided.
These people if called upon to testify in court against a man whom they
know to be guilty of numerous crimes, will give evidence as to his good
character. Another thing that operates in favor of the criminal is the
fact that the law requires two disinterested eye-witnesses to establish
the guilt of any person accused of crime.

If a person catches a man in the act of robbing his house or his
property and takes the thief into custody, his evidence will not be
sufficient to convict the robber. He must have two witnesses who
saw the thief in the act. The evidence of members of his family,
or of servants employed by him will not be admitted. The burden of
proof rests with the prosecutor, and not with the accused. The slow
operation of the law is also responsible for a lack of the enforcement
of statutory provisions. There are so many delays and difficulties
incident to securing the conviction of a criminal, that honest people
frequently refuse to follow to a conclusion cases in which they are
personally interested.

When convicted and sent to prison, the fact has no detrimental effect
upon the social standing of the convict in the community in which
he lives. Like a horse that has made a record upon the turf, his
performances furnish a fruitful topic of conversation to his friends,
the details of which are discussed with animated interest. When
released from prison, and he returns home, which is invariably the
case, the convict becomes the hero of the community. There is no shame
or disgrace connected with his imprisonment. The question of treatment,
the quality and quantity of beans served in the prison fare, are
discussed as if they were common phases of everyday life.

If a thief is killed and his friends and accomplices secure possession
of the body, which they invariably try to do, the skin is cut from
the face of the corpse, and all clothing removed from the body. These
precautions are taken for the purpose of preventing identification.

It was once a common custom, and still prevails to some extent in the
rural provinces, to liquidate the crime of a wound or even murder
by cash payment. It is claimed that the law is slow of execution,
expensive and unsatisfactory, giving nothing to the victim or his
family. If a poor man is killed, the assassin or his representatives
will settle the affair for a few dollars, sometimes not more than five
or ten dollars. If a man of means and social standing in the community
meets a violent death, the price is from twenty-five to fifty pesos.
These liquidations in former times were not private. Public interest
was often aroused and the neighbors entered into the negotiations to
see that a fair price was paid. If a person was stabbed a few times it
was not considered of sufficient importance to require a money payment;
a few drinks canceled the account for damages.

So notorious has become the commission of crime, in recent years,
that _El Mercurio_, the most widely circulated and influential paper
in the country devoted much space to the subject a few years ago. The
following is an extract and translation from an article appearing in
that journal in February, 1903:

 “The alarm produced in all classes of society due to the extraordinary
 development which is taking place in the criminality in Chile,
 especially in the capital, has induced us to open an investigation
 as to the causes of such a deplorable social condition. A study
 of the causes which have tended to foster such a great increase
 in the number of criminal acts is undoubtedly due to the complete
 disorganization of public affairs in this country, and should serve
 to call seriously the attention of the government to the imperious
 necessity of attempting some course of action which would tend to
 remedy in part, at least, the disastrous condition of the nation at
 large. The enormous development of criminality in this country is not
 only the manifestation of a very grave social condition, nor is it
 only the symptom of a social dissolution in its worst form, but it
 is the visible cause of the discredit which our country is suffering
 among foreign nations.

 “The European press avails itself of all data relative to the number
 of terrible crimes committed in Chile, and also of their sanguinary
 and atrocious character, and denounces them to their fellow citizens
 as proof of the insecurity of life and property in this country.”

_El Mercurio_, in its endeavor to ascertain the reason for the
extraordinary criminal condition of the country, interviewed Mr. Luis
Urzua Gana, public prosecutor for the department of Santiago, who made
the following statement:

 “I believe that the first and foremost cause of the existing criminal
 condition is due to the fact that a large proportion of the crimes
 remain unpunished. I believe that eighty per cent. of the offenses
 committed are not punished, and that a large proportion of them are
 not even denounced. As the greater the probability that a crime will
 not be punished, so law and justice lose their deterrent effect.

 “Another cause of criminality is the large number of vagrant children,
 either in complete idleness or in some kind of work which enables them
 to gain in a few hours enough money for their food and vices. Boys
 of twelve years of age and even under, exhibit in this country, the
 same moral monstrosities as do men old in sin and crime. Among them,
 gambling has reached a surprising development, and there seems to be
 no form of immorality which has not its adepts among them. And worse
 still there are people who foster their vicious practices and make a
 business out of their degradation.”

Soon after his election in 1901 President Riesco secured the passage
of a bill in the national congress providing for the establishment
and maintenance of a specially selected and well equipped cavalry
regiment, to be used in suppressing lawlessness. This troop is subject
to service in any part of the Republic where the protection of life and
property is required. The usefulness and effectiveness of this kind
of service is due to the fact that a better class of men is selected,
than is found in the municipal and provincial police. It is too small
in numbers, however, to properly guard and protect any considerable
portion of the mountainous country constituting the territory of Chile.




RAILWAYS


The primordial need of every country is good roads and ample
transportation facilities. This is more especially true of Chile,
than of most countries, because the long strip of territory between
the Andean range of mountains and the Pacific is characterized by
narrowness and length, a configuration which is peculiarly lacking in
continuity between productive centers. The nitrate fields and other
rich mineral producing sections of the north are, by nature, completely
isolated from the agricultural districts of the central valley, where
the principal cities and towns are situated, and also from the timber
zone and grazing lands of the far south.

During the first half century of the Republic’s existence little
progress was made along the line of industrial development because
of a lack of railway communication. The first link in the chain of
Chile’s present, extensive railway systems, a line extending from the
port of Caldera to Copiapo, a distance of fifty miles, was built in
1851. Later other roads were constructed, chief among which was the
line extending from Valparaiso to Santiago, and from the capital south
through the central valley, the great agricultural district of the
country, into the coal producing and timber regions, connecting them
with the seaports and commercial centers. This section of the State
railways, which for many years had its terminus at Concepcion, was
in recent years extended to Valdivia, an important industrial and
commercial center, and in 1912 was completed as far as Port Montt.
Since the building of the first line, little more than half a century
ago, the railway system of Chile has grown until it now comprises over
four thousand miles of fairly well equipped roads, the ramifications of
which reach into every part of the country, with the exception of the
territory constituting the southern limits of the Republic, including
Patagonia. A little more than one-half of the railway mileage is
government ownership, the other portion being owned by individuals and
corporations.


TRANSANDINE RAILWAY.

The first step in the progressive policy of railway building in which
Chile has been engaged in recent years, was the construction of the
Transandine Railway via Uspillata Pass. This important line, connecting
the Atlantic with the Pacific, and giving to the Republic rail
connections with countries to the east of the Andean range, brought the
importance of better interior transportation facilities more closely to
the minds of the people, and the result has been a period of railway
building surpassing the expectation of the most radical advocates of an
aggressive industrial policy.

The history of the Transandine Railway will probably never be written,
unless it be given to the world by the Clark Brothers, who conceived
the idea, and labored for more than a quarter of a century to enlist
the assistance of the Chilean government in a plan to build the road.
Every succeeding administration, during the period in which the
Clarks were working on the scheme, was apparently favorable to the
plan. The rejection of proposals and the failure always to vote aid or
subsidy, however, was evidence of the fact that there was always secret
opposition.

During much of the time while the Transandine scheme was under
consideration, a war cloud, arising from a disputed boundary question
between Chile and the Argentine, loomed large and ominous over the
Cordillera, creating a feeling in the minds of the Chilenos that
Argentina was quite near enough, without an additional connecting link
in the way of a railroad across the Andes.

In 1901 the Transandine Railway, including the portion already in
operation, from Los Andes to Salto del Soldado, passed into the
hands of W. R. Grace & Company. Then John Eyre, manager for Grace &
Company in Chile, took up the work of promoting the undertaking. With
indomitable courage, tireless energy, and full confidence in ultimate
success, he started in to enlist government aid in building the road.

In February, 1903, Congress passed a law authorizing the President to
advertise for a term of one year, from the first of May, 1903, for
sealed proposals for the construction of the Transandine Railway. The
law also provided for a government guarantee of five per cent. annually
on a capital not to exceed $7,250,000. Grace & Company were the only
bidders. The proposal was for $6,500,000, being $750,000 below the
maximum sum on which the government guaranteed five per cent. interest.
A special commission was appointed to examine the proposal, and on June
7, 1904, the tender was accepted by the government, thus insuring to
Chile railway communication with countries beyond the mountain barrier
that had so long restricted commerce and the development of her natural
resources.

On November 27, 1909, five and a half years after the contract was
approved by the Chilean Government, the last section of rock in the
tunnel, separating the two gangs of workmen operating from different
sides, was removed, and a line of communication which had been the
dream of years was established; a line that has had a marked effect,
not only upon the two republics which it directly connects, but upon
the world. On May 25, 1910, the first train was run through the tunnel
and an all-rail route opened between Valparaiso and Buenos Aires, a
distance of 888 miles,--the first railroad across the South American
continent. Thus after thirty-seven years of work and planning,
vicissitudes and discouragements, the hopes of the promoters of
this great enterprise were realized and the Transandine Railway an
accomplished fact. The date will remain a memorable one in the history
of Chile, as it occurred in the year of the one hundredth anniversary
of the Independence of the Republic.

The Chilean terminus of the tunnel, which is 10,385 feet long, is at
El Portillo, at an altitude of 10,450 feet above sea level, and on the
Argentine side at Las Cuevas. On the Chilean side the road ascends the
mountains 7,615 feet within a distance of 46 miles, between Los Andes
and the summit, an average of 166 feet to the mile. Directly over the
tunnel, on the Uspillata pass, at an altitude of 13,000 feet stands
the “Christ of the Andes,” a statue erected in 1904, as a symbol of
perpetual peace between the two republics. It was cast in bronze from
cannons contributed by both nations. It stands upon the international
boundary line established by a commission appointed by King Edward,
after war between Chile and the Argentine had been imminent for years.
The figure representing Christ is twenty-six feet high, and placed upon
a colossal column it makes an imposing and impressive monument. In one
hand is held a cross, while the other is extended in a blessing of
peace. The inscription on one of the tablets is: “Sooner shall these
mountains crumble into dust than the people of Argentina and Chile
break the peace to which they have pledged themselves at the feet of
Christ the Redeemer.”

The Transandine line in Chile is made up of two systems with different
gauges of track. From Valparaiso to Los Andes the route is over the
State railways, which is of standard gauge; from Los Andes to the
Argentine frontier, including the tunnel, a distance of 50 miles, the
road is narrow gauge, 39 inches, a portion of it rack and pinion system.

This route shortens the distance to Buenos Aires, and consequently
between Europe and Chile, by about twelve days, as formerly, during a
considerable portion of the year traffic from the Atlantic and the east
coast was by way of the Straits of Magellan.


ARICA, LA PAZ RAILWAY.

Another important division of the State railways is the line extending
from Arica to La Paz. This road, constructed in accordance with
stipulations in the treaty celebrated between Chile and Bolivia,
October 1904, was built at the expense of the Chilean government at a
cost of $11,900,000 U. S. currency. The treaty agreement providing for
this road caused a vigorous protest from the Peruvian government, as
the route lies through the province of Arica which, previous to the war
of 1879, was Peruvian territory, and which is still involved in the
Tacna and Arica question. The contract for the construction was awarded
on March 4, 1906, and the road was completed in 1912.

The engineering difficulties encountered were numerous and complicated,
the gradient in some places being exceedingly steep. At one point the
line rises 3,610 feet, within a distance of 25 miles. The total length
of the line is 267 miles of which 28 miles is of the Abt rack system on
a six per cent. maximum grade, which constitutes the longest continuous
stretch of rack system railway in the world. The highest altitude
reached is 13,986 feet, at a distance of 112 miles from Arica and 155
from La Paz.

The road passes through an undeveloped country that is rich in mineral
resources, and furnishes direct communication between Chilean ports
on the Pacific and the capital of Bolivia. This line, connecting the
two republics, and supplemented as it is with numerous branch roads
leading into the various mining districts, forms a railway system that
has contributed materially to the development of the territory through
which it passes.

Under treaty agreement it is to be operated by Chile for a period of
fifteen years, after which time the section in Bolivia becomes the
property of the Bolivian government.


LONGITUDINAL RAILWAY.

The most important division of the government railway system in Chile,
however, because of its relation to the industrial and commercial
interests of the country, is the longitudinal line extending from Tacna
to Port Montt, a distance of over two thousand miles, and constituting
the great central artery of communication, uniting the mineral zones
of the north with the agricultural regions of the central valley
and the timber sections of the south. This road has as feeders over
thirty transverse lines of varying length connecting the productive
centers of the Republic with all the principal seaports of the coast.
Notwithstanding the fact that transport is maintained by sea along
the entire length of the territory constituting the Republic, a
north and south railway was felt to be a necessity. In addition to
commercial needs there are strategic reasons for a longitudinal line:
to facilitate the transportation of troops and armament from one end of
the Republic to the other in case of war.

As far back as Balmaceda’s time the building of this road figured among
the government’s projects, and in succeeding administrations plans
were made for the execution of the work. It was President Don Pedro
Montt, however, who took up the task of carrying out the idea and, with
characteristic perseverance, succeeded in getting the National Congress
to pass a law in 1908, authorizing him to call for public tenders for
contracts for the construction of the Longitudinal Railway. In 1909
contracts were let for the building of over eight hundred miles of the
road at a total cost of $35,000,000.

The completion of this longitudinal line leaves only the territory
lying south of latitude 42 degrees, and forming the greater part of
what is known as Chilean Patagonia without a railway.

The service on the railways in Chile is, as a rule, unsatisfactory,
and on some of the lines it may be designated as bad. This is due to
the fact that the management of the government roads is influenced by
politics. The compensation of government railway employés is very low,
and payment of salaries not infrequently long delayed and somewhat
uncertain. The tenure of service depends upon political influence,
and there is little in the system to encourage honest industry.
Employés feel no personal responsibility and to cheat the government,
particularly in the failure to render good service, is a common
practice that is not considered a crime.

First class fares correspond to those prevailing in the United States,
but second and third-class fares and freight rates are very low. The
express trains from Valparaiso to Santiago, and from the capital south
to Concepcion carry American chair cars in the day, and on the southern
section, Pullman cars on the night trains.

The lack of facilities for carrying freight, the unsatisfactory service
in cargo trains, and the slow method of unloading and loading cars, is
a serious handicap to business depending upon the prompt delivery of
merchandise and material. The freight service on the government roads
is generally bad. The yard and track facilities in all the important
commercial centers are wholly inadequate to the requirements. It is
frequently impossible to secure cars, and when once the freight is
loaded and accepted by the railway, there is much uncertainty as to
when it will be forwarded to its destination. If the freight consists
of perishable goods the chances are that it will be seriously damaged
or entirely destroyed before delivery. In either event there is no
recourse in law for damages.

In 1904 there was a great shortage of freight cars in Valparaiso.
Merchants and manufacturers were demanding cars in which to ship cargo
long overdue in delivery. When the manager of the State railways was
appealed to for relief, he stated that all freight cars on that section
of the road had been ordered to Santiago where a census of the rolling
stock was being taken. Complaint against abuses in the service is
useless.

One redeeming feature of the railway service in Chile, is the cheap
passenger fares for the poor people, who are ill able to pay high
rates, and who do not expect much in return for their money. Time is no
object to them, and if trains run slowly and not up to schedule, there
is no complaint.


ELECTRIC ROADS.

The use of electricity as a motive power in Chile, is in its
incipiency. Electric car systems now in operation are, the street
railways in Santiago, Valparaiso, Concepcion and Talca, and their
respective suburbs, a few lines in mountainous districts, used for
carrying ores from the mines to the reducing stations, an interurban
line connecting Concepcion with the ports of Talcahuano and Coronel,
and one extending from Valparaiso to Viña del Mar. A government
concession has been granted for the building of an electric railway
from Santiago to Valparaiso, and plans are being made for the
electrification of some of the government roads.

Connecting with the railways of the country are cart roads, the
best of which may be classed as bad, and the branches connecting
with the principal highways are nothing more than trails over a
rough mountainous country. Few new roads are being built, and little
attention is given to the improvement or maintenance of those already
constructed.


TRAVEL.

The only means of travel in many localities is on horseback. Long or
short distance, singly or in numbers, the country people traveling on
horseback, will often follow poorly defined trails over the mountains
for great distances, seldom losing their way or deviating from the
shortest route. They seldom carry any baggage, except such articles of
clothing as they require for the trip, which is transported in bags or
baskets.

The country people are generally hospitable, usually offering to
passing strangers such food and accommodations as they may have, and
without expectation of remuneration.




INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS


From the earliest history of the Republic, the energies of the Chilenos
have been devoted largely to agricultural and horticultural pursuits,
stock raising and mining. The conditions of soil and climate, and the
natural resources of the country have encouraged the people to interest
themselves in those lines rather than in industrial occupations. The
result is that there are few large manufacturing interests in the
country. The majority of the more important manufactured articles are
imported. There are, however, various small industrial institutions,
most of which are closely related to the agricultural and mining
interests. The methods employed are more or less primitive, as is
frequently the case where a low value is placed upon labor.

Practically all of the manufacturing interests in Chile are operated by
foreigners and controlled by foreign capital. This may be attributed
to the fact that the Chilenos do not possess the taste for industrial
pursuits. Another cause is the irresponsibility of laborers and
mechanics. The average Chilean workman has no sense of responsibility.
If given a task to perform, he cannot be made to understand that
any importance attaches to the time when it is to be completed.
Individually and collectively, the workmen are afflicted with the
“mañana” disease. This condition has existed from the time of the
earliest history of the country and continues to be one of the serious
drags upon industrial and commercial progress. If remonstrated with
for indifference to his employer’s interests or his procrastination of
time, the workman will declare his willingness to leave his position.
To discharge him does not improve the situation, as the man employed
in his stead will entertain similar ideas as to his rights and duties.
He cannot be encouraged by kindness, or even an increase of wages
to change his habits. He is without ambition, and does not expect
to improve his condition. It is useless to manifest any sympathy
for him, he does not want it. He is satisfied, and will not accept
innovations. That which was good enough for his father and grandfather,
is satisfactory to him. He believes that he was born to his station
in life, and he sticks to it stupidly and stolidly. Another drawback
to the manufacturing business is the fact that the Chilean workman
or mechanic seldom learns his trade properly, and takes no pains to
improve himself or his condition.

In Chile a lad is put to work in a shop, and in a few weeks or months
he tires of the job, and tries something else. After a time he tires
again and tries another trade. And so he goes on changing until the
time arrives when he should be a competent journeyman tradesman, and
he goes forth a jack of all trades and master of none. The Chilean
workman has his good qualities, however, as well as his faults. If
properly encouraged he will render excellent service as a laborer.
He does not work intelligently, and where skill is required he is
unsatisfactory. Inured to a life of toil, hardship and deprivation,
he does not hesitate to engage in any kind of labor, no matter how
menial or trying. He has wonderful endurance, and can subsist upon
the plainest food, in limited quantities, while performing tasks
requiring the greatest exertion. In handling heavy freight or cargo
he has few equals. He has great strength in his arms, back and legs,
and the enormous weights he can carry is cause for comment among those
who witness his feats of strength. A roto will trot along the street
carrying a box or bale of merchandise upon his back that weighs three
or four hundred pounds, and is apparently not distressed with the
burden. It is at labor where strength and endurance count that he is
valuable as a workman.

Organization among the working classes in Chile is in the formative
stage; yet even in its incipiency, unionism has proved itself to
be a dangerous political element and a serious menace to society.
The working classes are not sufficiently educated to appreciate the
responsibilities, or to enable them to direct with intelligence
and judgment, an organized force. The roto has little idea, and no
appreciation of obligation to his employer, to society, or to the
State; no regard for his word and little for the law. He is illiterate,
intemperate and superstitious. He is not lazy, but improvident, and
works because necessity prompts it, rather than for the purpose of
bettering his condition. He can neither be persuaded nor forced to
understand the importance of reporting for duty at a fixed hour for a
given number of days in the week. He is independent and clannish, and
has an exaggerated idea of his republican citizenship. His hatred of
foreign workmen is intense, and he will not stop short of murder, if
that be necessary, to prevent the “gringo” from coming into competition
with him. He is an apt pupil in the ethics of trades unions, in so
far as it applies to his side of the question. He believes that
the province of the union is to force shorter hours and more pay,
without giving in turn good and steady service. He has yet to learn
the commercial value of truth; the beneficial effects to himself of
personal industry, of rendering an honest day’s labor for his wage. He
must learn the good result of applying new methods to his work, and
also lessons of economy and providence. In short, he must join the
onmarching procession of industrial and commercial development before
he is qualified and competent to assert his authority and make demands
as an organized force. A dangerous phase of the labor union problem
is the fact that when encouraged by clever leaders and enforced by
numbers, the Roto Chileno is not slow to resort to violence.

The most serious charge made against labor organizations in Chile,
and one that is well founded is, that they do not seek to elevate
the standard of excellence among their members, or to better their
individual condition. Neither do they encourage temperance, and
obedience to law, or protection to society.


VINEYARDS.

Grape culture and the manufacture of its products constitutes one of
the principal industrial interests of Chile. In this, as in other
industries, there are no statistics available on which to base
satisfactory calculations concerning the acreage, production of wine,
“aguardiente” and “chicha,” manufactured annually. It is estimated
that there are now about 20,000 acres of producing vineyards, and the
acreage is being annually augmented. The soil is especially adapted to
grape culture. Vines thrive and produce well both on the dry hill lands
and in the irrigated sections. The grape vine was introduced in Chile
by the Spaniards during colonial times, but the cultivation of it has
become a national and profitable industry only in recent years. There
is already a large export trade in wine, which is annually increasing.
On the large estates the French method is employed in the manufacture
of wine, and most of the distilleries are in charge of expert wine-men
from France.

There are few more interesting sights than that of a large estate
devoted to vineyards. The vines, planted in even rows, are carefully
wired and trimmed and gracefully festooned. On the terraces of the
hill farms the vari-tinted foliage presents an artistic appearance,
particularly so when from the vines are suspended millions of amber and
purple clusters ready for the vintage.

The grapes are picked from the vines by women and children, and placed
in baskets. Two-wheeled ox carts, equipped with large tanks made of
animal skins, are used for conveying the grapes to the winery. The
first process consists of passing the fruit through a machine that
mangles the grapes but does not crush the seeds. From these machines
the pulp and juice fall into fermenting vats. If red wine is to be
made the liquid and stems are left to ferment together; if white wine
or chicha, the liquid is drawn off through a strainer. The method of
fermenting, bottling, seasoning, etc., is the same as that employed in
large wineries in other countries.

In the smaller vineyards, different methods are used; there, the
primitive process of making wine by hand is still employed. The vats
for holding the wine, instead of being made of cement or wood, are the
skins of bullocks, removed from the animals with as little opening
as possible. While green these hides are placed upon poles, hammock
fashion, and filled with stones, which stretch them into the desired
form, and in which position they are left to dry. When seasoned these
skins form natural tubs or vats, to which the portion originally
covering the tail forms a faucet, or outlet. In some instances these
primitive wine producers employ the original method of crushing the
grapes, by throwing them into vats, where naked men trample them, often
walking neck deep in the pulpous mass. The wine is fermented in casks,
and when ready for use is stored in large earthen jars, made by hand
and baked in crude kilns.


VEHICLES.

There are no large manufactories for the production of vehicles.
Most of the vehicles used in Chile are primitive in design, crude
in construction and finish. Two-wheeled carts, which are almost
universally used as transports for freight, are manufactured in all the
towns and villages. Most of them are clumsy, with high wheels, heavy,
rough spokes, broad, thick fellies, and wide tires. The box or frame
is fastened to the axle, without springs or other means of relieving
the jolting sensation produced by the wheels passing over the rough
country roads or uneven streets.

In the country, oxen are used almost exclusively for drawing carts. The
pole of the cart is a piece of timber fastened firmly in the center
of the axle, and extending forward a sufficient distance for the
animals to be harnessed to the vehicle. The yoke by which the oxen are
attached, instead of resting upon the neck of the beast, as is common
in most countries, is placed upon the head just back of the horns, and
fastened with strips of rawhide passed around the horns and over the
forehead. This method of harnessing gives to the animal no freedom of
action of the head. The frame of the cart being firmly fastened to the
tongue, all the jarring sensation produced by the motion of the vehicle
comes upon the head, causing great torture.

Vehicles used for transporting goods in the cities and towns are the
same as those employed for similar purposes in the country, except that
they are not so heavy. They are provided with shafts and are drawn by
horses. One horse works between the shafts, and another is attached by
a single trace, upon the left, or near side. A saddle constitutes a
part of the harness of the animal on the left, on which the driver is
mounted.

One of the common methods of transporting cargo in the towns and
cities, is upon the backs of horses. Groceries, meat, milk, in fact all
classes of freight from barrels of oil and cement to huge timbers and
piles of lumber, are carried upon horses. In the country, mules are
employed for the same purpose, as they are more sure footed upon the
hills, and will carry heavy loads for greater distances.


COAL.

Outcroppings of coal were discovered in Talcahuano, Coronel and
Lota, all of which are situated upon the Gulf of Arauco, Province of
Concepcion, department of Lautaro, as nearly as 1840. The first attempt
to work the mines was made by Don Antonio Memparte, in the vicinity of
Lota, in 1850. Two years later the property passed into the possession
of Don Matais Cousino, who finally succeeded in establishing the
reputation of the Lota coal for smelting, steam and domestic purposes.
Later other mines were opened, and the district known as the Lota
and Coronel country now produces coal in large quantities, supplying
nearly all the steamships passing that way, as well as the government
and corporation railways of the country. The development of the coal
industry at Lota encouraged the establishment of various manufacturing
industries in that locality. Among the more important industrial
concerns are brick and pottery works, which were established in 1855,
and a large copper smelting plant that has been in operation since
1860. Later a glass factory, the only works of the kind in Chile, was
added to the industries of the place. These concerns are all operated
by the Lota Company in connection with the coal mines.

The first practical teachers and pioneer miners at Lota were Scotchmen,
very few of whom now survive. They were about thirty in number. Their
original destination was the island of Vancouver, but owing to some
difficulties that occurred on the voyage, the ship on which they were
traveling put into Valparaiso, where they remained for some time,
and from where they were later engaged for the mines at Lota. There
they founded what is still designated the British colony. It is now,
however, British in name only, there being but few of the original
colonists or their families left. The remaining few abandoned their
national customs and language for the customs of the country in which
they lived. To such an extent have they adapted themselves to local
conditions and influences that very few of the residents at Lota
bearing English names can speak the English language.

The coal from the Lota district is of a low grade, producing an unusual
amount of cinders and refuse. The Arauco Company which operates mines
in the same district, and which has a railroad running from Coronel
to Colico, a distance of some twenty miles, is also producing coal in
large quantities.


MINING AND MANUFACTURING.

Owing to the extensive working of the great nitrate of soda deposits,
mining takes first place among Chilean industries. Although producing
nearly a million tons annually, coal mining has not developed
sufficiently to supply the needs of the country, the importations
amounting to about one and a half million tons a year. Copper is the
most important of the metals mined, although gold and silver are mined
in considerable quantities.

In recent years more attention has been paid to manufacturing. In 1909
there were 5,000 manufacturing establishments, large and small, with a
capital of $45,000,000, and an aggregate output valued at $64,000,000.
There are 960 establishments in the shoe and leather industry, 870 in
food supplies, 670 in metal industries, 555 in the manufacture of
garments, 440 wood working industries, 210 in paper and printing and
200 in the manufacture of alcoholic beverages.

The value of imports into Chile in 1909 was approximately $95,000,000
and the export values for the same year $110,000,000. Of the total
imports Great Britain supplied 32 per cent., Germany 22 per cent.,
and the United States 10 per cent. Of the total exports, amounting to
$110,000,000, Great Britain purchased 45 per cent., Germany 24 per
cent., and the United States 20 per cent. Europe and the United States
bought over 90 per cent. of the exports, and furnished 80 per cent. of
the imports.

Nitrate of soda constitutes about 75 per cent. of the total exports
from Chile, and copper, 5 per cent. The four articles of import showing
the largest values are, steel and manufactures of, coal, cotton goods
and industrial machinery. Eighty-five per cent. of the imports consist
of manufactured articles.




POPULATION AND COLONIZATION


Pedro Valdivia, in a letter to Carlos V. of Spain, dated at La Sarena,
September 5, 1545, described the beautiful climate of Chile as one
where man could work under the summer sun without inconvenience, and
expressed the belief that there could be developed and maintained a
strong, virile, superior race of people that would be an honor to, and
the pride of the mother country. He also expressed the belief that
in the conquest of Chile he would secure territory where he and his
companions might leave a lineage that would honor their memories.

In some respects this seems to have been a prophetic view of the
situation. The mixing of the blood of those bold, intelligent, but
cruel and unscrupulous “conquistadores,” with the strong, courageous
qualities of the Araucanian Indians, has left in Chile a distinct
type, a characteristic race of people. They possess the romantic
tendencies and diplomatic qualities of the Spaniards, combined with the
independent natures of the Araucanians.

They are a hospitable people, but are clannish, and have a strong
prejudice against all foreigners. This prejudice, apparently
inherent, and deep rooted in the minds of the people, while it has
contributed materially to the maintenance of racial characteristics,
has also discouraged and restricted immigration. As a result of this
antagonistic feeling against foreigners coming to the country, the
increase in population has been small, and the progress of commercial
and industrial development correspondingly slow.

At the time of the Spanish invasion, in the sixteenth century, the
Indian population was estimated at 1,000,000. The aggregate number of
inhabitants is now calculated at 3,500,000, an increase of 2,500,000 in
two hundred and seventy years. This very slow increase in population in
a country possessing an equable and healthful climate may be attributed
to several causes.

During the period of the conquest the ranks of the indigenous races
were greatly decimated by war. Later, the utter disregard for hygienic
conditions, the proverbial uncleanliness of the common people and the
unsanitary manner in which the majority of them live, have increased
the death rate to abnormal proportions. This is especially true among
the children, many of whom die from inattention, cold or lack of proper
food. Tuberculosis is a common malady, and annually claims thousands
of victims. The prevalence of this disease is also due largely to the
manner of living. In the homes of the majority of the poor people there
are no floors, except the ground upon which the houses are built. In
the winter, or rainy seasons, the cold and dampness of the dirt floors
cause pneumonia, and colds that prove fatal to delicate children
and adults of weak constitution, or those suffering from hereditary
pulmonary diseases. The number of births in Chile in recent years has
been little in excess of the number of deaths.

As a means of increasing the population, and hoping thereby to promote
the development of natural resources and industrial interests of the
country, the government of Chile adopted a colonization law for the
purpose of inducing emigrants from Europe to settle in the agricultural
and timber regions of the south. The law contains some liberal
provisions, and attractive features, including free transportation
for colonists from European ports to their destination, one hundred
and sixty acres of land for the head of each family, and a government
subsidy of five hundred pesos, with which to buy farm implements,
build a house, etc. To promote this scheme of colonization, the
Chilean government maintains agencies in Europe, through which the
advantages to be gained, and the attractive features of colonial life
in the Republic are liberally advertised. Through this plan a number
of important foreign colonies, especially German communities, have
been established throughout southern Chile. Valdivia, which has grown
into an important manufacturing city, as well as the highly developed
and cultivated country surrounding it, are settled almost exclusively
by Germans. In more recent years the Italians have established large
communities in the southern provinces, but they have been less
successful than the Germans, and much dissatisfaction is the result.
Among the early settlers in Chile, under the colonization law, were
communities of Scotch, the majority of whom were disappointed with the
conditions and with what they claim was a lack of protection of their
personal interests, and their property rights.

A book published by an anonymous writer, entitled “La Raza Chilena”
(The Chilean Race), and signed “Chileno,” bearing date 1905,
is devoted to a discussion of the race question, population and
colonization. The writer criticises severely the colonization plan, and
the evils that have crept into the system, citing many instances of
dissatisfaction among colonists, and cases of corruption and jobbery on
the part of immigration agents, in support of his demands for reforms
in the law, and a change in the plan for encouraging colonists to
settle in the country.




VILLAGES AND CITIES


All the villages in Chile are similar in appearance and general aspect.
There is little variety and few attractive features to distinguish
any of them, or one from another. The one story houses are almost
invariably built of adobe, and roofed with tile or thatch. The
architecture, if the style of the village buildings can be dignified
with the term, is Spanish. The houses front directly upon and are flush
with the sidewalk, most of them being built round a patio.

There is an unattractive sameness about Chilean villages, even to
the disagreeable smells. There is usually one long, straight street
upon which are located the shops and better class of dwellings. This
main thoroughfare is backed by a few other streets, flanked with low,
rambling huts, the habitations of the poorer classes. In the center
of the town is the plaza, the chief feature of every Spanish-American
municipality, large or small,--the common meeting place of the village
people and playground for the children. Ornamented with trees and
flowers, it forms a pleasing contrast to the dull gray of dusty streets
and adobe walls. In the more pretentious of the municipalities,
the plaza is frequently enlivened in the evenings with music by a
band, which never fails to attract a crowd. On such occasions the
plaza presents a scene of lively interest and animation. There the
people congregate to visit, gossip and enjoy the music. Black-eyed
señoritas and stout matrons, with faces framed in mantillas, join in
the promenade, passing and repassing the caballeros with whom they
exchange knowing looks and significant glances, the method employed in
love-making and conducting flirtations in Chile. Upon the green sward,
beneath the friendly trees, happy children engage in juvenile sports
and youthful pleasures. It is in these public meeting places that the
village people are seen at their best; there they abandon themselves to
the simple pleasures and enjoyments to which their environments limit
them.

A curious feature of every Chilean village is the varied and violent
colors used in painting the houses. Shades of blue, red, yellow, pink
and green frequently appear in strange contrast in the same row of
buildings. Intermingling with these peculiarly contrasting hues are red
tile roofs, the lighter shades of thatch, and the gray of undecorated
adobe walls, relieved by occasional stretches of whitewashed houses and
garden enclosures.

The little “despachos,” with their inartistically decorated windows
and curious assortment of bottles of “chicha,” wine, “aguardiente,”
dry goods, provisions, firewood and charcoal, are a feature of every
town in the country. In the front of these shops where articles of
various kinds are dispensed, is a sort of hitch-rack which may be used
as a place for customers to leave their horses when on business, or as
a means of engaging in the common sport of the country, “topiadura.”
It is in the village drinking places that the country people meet
to exchange news and gossip of the neighborhood, and to indulge
in a social cup. On feast days and Sundays crowds congregate in
these places where drinking is indulged in to excess. There are few
places of amusement, and perhaps no place where the opportunities
for entertainment of an intellectual or elevating character are more
limited and restricted than in a Chilean village. The despachos with
their gambling, drinking and accompanying vices, afford the only relief
from the monotonous home life of the poor people, which has little in
it to encourage mental or moral improvement.

The population of the villages varies from three to five thousand in
the departmental centers, and from one to two thousand each in the
others. They have no industries except a few shoe shops, blacksmith
and carpenter shops. Some of the general stores have well assorted
stocks, and in some of the small towns there is a drug store with a
billiard room and cafe. These together with the drinking places fill
the commercial list. The business of the villages depends entirely upon
the people living in the adjacent farming country. When in the towns
they spend their time in eating, drinking, talking politics, singing,
dancing and playing cards.

The crops of the adjoining farms do not enter into the business of
the towns and villages, but are shipped to the nearest mill, railway
center or seaport. In all the towns there is wealth, not extensive, but
considerable, when the necessities and modes of life are taken into
account. In Chile, as in other countries, there is a predisposition
on the part of the country people to congregate in the towns and
villages, be they great or small; in close proximity to any of the
municipalities, any day in the week, one will meet all classes and
conditions of rural residents on horseback, in ox carts and on foot,
wending their way to town. It is another evidence of the universal
desire of mankind to seek companionship and association with his fellow
man, even though the contact furnishes no novelty or new sensation.

Every village has a Catholic church, and the female portion of the
population finds relief in the “iglesia,” from the monotony of domestic
life. They attend every service, and on Sundays and feast days the
scene about the village church suggests a convent, as the women all
wear mantillas draped over their heads, giving them the general
appearance of nuns.


SANTIAGO.

There are few municipalities of sufficient size and commercial
importance to entitle them to be classified as cities. Santiago, the
capital, is a beautiful city of over 300,000 inhabitants, charmingly
situated in the verdant valley of the Mapocho, and surrounded by
rugged, snow-crowned mountains. Few cities possess so many natural
advantages in situation and environments. All around loom giant peaks
of the Andes, their white crests among the clouds. In the smiling
valley, clothed in the green of perennial summer, is Santiago. Long,
quiet streets, badly paved, are lined with handsome houses, French and
Spanish in architectural design; many of them palatial in proportions.
The lack of industrial life and commercial activity, and the peaceful
repose of this daughter of Latin America, give to the capital of Chile
more the appearance of an indolent Oriental city than the metropolis
of an ambitious young Republic.

Situated in the center of a great natural amphitheater, in a
beautiful fertile plain, through which flow several streams, supplied
with crystal waters from melting snow in the higher ranges of the
Cordilleras, Santiago, viewed from any of the many points of advantage,
presents an attractive, picturesque and prepossessing appearance. In
the center of the city, rising abruptly from the level plain upon which
it rests, is “El Cerro Santa Lucia,” a precipitous, rocky hill, four
hundred feet high, and covering at its base an area of eight acres.
This wonderful natural formation, often described as a freak of nature,
is one of the most remarkable of its kind in the world. The entrance to
the “cerro” is through a gateway of artistic design, with approaches
of fine stone columns and buttresses. The summit is reached by winding
carriage roads of easy grade, which are flanked with stone walls,
towers and battlements. There are also shaded walks, lined with many
hued flowers, by which the hill may be ascended. From the summit one
looks down upon tile roofs, flower bedecked patios, adobe walls green
with moss and overrun with rose-vines, streets and avenues fringed
with poplars and alamos. The Alameda, one of the finest avenues in the
world, with its wide roadways, fine old trees and shaded promenades,
starting at the foot of the Santa Lucia, extends for a distance of
three miles, cleaving the city in halves, marking the center and focus
of traffic in the metropolis. The Cathedral with its double towers
and central dome, fronting upon the Plaza de Armas, in the heart of
the city is a good viewpoint from which to trace and locate other
objects of interest. In the near distance are the parks and the “Quinta
Normal,” the government agricultural and horticultural propagating
station, all robed in the gorgeous green of semi-tropical verdure and
adorned with a variety of beautiful flowers that grow luxuriantly and
bloom most generously in the soft, sweet air and golden sunshine of
temperate Chile. This lovely picture, this charming ensemble of city
and plain, hill and river, parks and gardens, this municipal mosaic
with emerald green settings, crowned with a dome of turquoise blue, is
framed in a wall of wonderful mountains composing a part of the Andean
range.

In detail Santiago is not unlike other cities, resembling in many
features some European municipalities. Being the capital it has
attracted to and includes in its population the rich landowners,
the aristocratic classes, political elements, literary and cultured
people and the exclusive society of the country. The homes of these
well-to-do, traveled and cultured people are equal in appearance,
appointment, furnishing, decoration and equipment to those occupied
by similar classes in older countries. The social life of the rich
and seclusive classes in Santiago is composed of a pleasure loving
people, with an inherent love of display. They are musical by nature,
with a keen appreciation of, and an aptness for acquiring quickly a
little knowledge of music, and other accomplishments, conveying the
impression that they are clever, if not brilliant. They lack, however,
the industry and application that lead to thoroughness, and few of them
develop great talent for any art or profession. Their knowledge is
more general than genuine, more superficial than special.

The life of the poor people in Santiago, the manner in which they live,
their customs and habits, the misery and vice, the depravity, the
disregard for law, and the low level of intelligence that prevails,
form a sharp contrast to the picture presented in the homes of the rich.


VALPARAISO.

Valparaiso, the principal commercial port in Chile, and the second city
in population in the Republic, is picturesquely situated upon a poorly
protected harbor on the Pacific. It is crescent in shape, describing
a semi-circle around the bay. The business section occupies a margin
of low lying ground along the water front, the residence portions
extending back over a series of high, rugged hills. Viewed from the
harbor it presents an attractive appearance. Along the “malecon” are
the business houses, uniform in height, and presenting a straight stiff
sky line, back of and beyond which rise rugged, terraced hills. Adobe
houses, painted in various colors, red tile roofs, and patios green
with verdure and brilliant with the bloom of flowers, are some of the
features of the scene presented in a view of the hills forming the
residence districts of Valparaiso. Conspicuous objects in the view are
the church of El Espiritu Santo, a large, inartistic building topped
with a huge, single, square tower, and situated in the center of the
city, and the “Escuela Naval” (naval school), a fine architectural
creation crowning one of the numerous hills that surround the bay.

Valparaiso is as cosmopolitan in architecture as it is in population.
It possesses no architectural features that can be considered national
in character; it has few public buildings worthy of the name, no
system of parks or boulevards,--nothing to distinguish it, except a
consistent mismanagement of municipal affairs. Being a great seaport,
into which sail annually thousands of ships, representing nearly all
the nations of earth, it has caught in the net of travel a cosmopolitan
conglomeration, and includes in its population all kinds and conditions
of people.

It is more European than Spanish in appearance, and the languages
spoken are as varied and numerous as the nationalities of which its
population is composed. The majority of the business is done by
foreigners, the British, Germans, Americans, French and Italians taking
the wholesale, importing and exporting trade, in the order named, while
the small retail business is largely in the hands of Italians and
Spaniards.

There are few places of amusement, especially for the poor people,
and desirable, or intellectual public entertainments are infrequent.
The municipal theater is a fine building with a capacity sufficient
to accommodate several thousand people, but with the exception of two
weeks of Italian opera during the winter it is little used.

The municipal government has done nothing in recent years to improve or
beautify the city. There is practically no drainage, except for streets
receiving the water from ravines coming down from the hills, and they
are usually in a state of disorder that renders them useless. The
streets are miserably paved and proverbially filthy, and during the
rainy season they are filled with sludge washed down from the hills.

Notwithstanding the great shipping interests represented, and the fact
that Valparaiso is the chief commercial port in the country, the bay
upon which it is built affords one of the most insecure harbors on
the west coast of South America. There is absolutely no protection to
ships and shipping interests against the strong winds and severe storms
that prevail during the months of June, July and August. There is no
breakwater in the bay, which faces to the north, the direction from
which the storms and heavy seas come during the winter, and as a result
great damage is done to vessels in port, and to cargo along the water
front.


VIÑA DEL MAR.

The majority of foreigners and many Chilenos engaged in business in
Valparaiso find relief from the disagreeable features of life in the
port by living in Viña del Mar, a beautiful residence suburb situated
on the opposite side of the bay, six miles distant, and connected with
the city by steam and electric railways.

Viña del Mar, which includes the stations of Mira Mar and Chorrillos,
is the popular pleasure and seaside resort of Chile. It is attractively
situated in a verdant valley, surrounded by rugged hills, has a fine
bathing beach, a number of large hotels, many beautiful residences
and cottages, and during the summer season, December to March, it is
thronged with visitors from Santiago and other interior cities, who
go annually to that favorite resort for the baths and the social
pleasures incident to a season at Viña. Among the attractive features
of the resort are a fine race course, where are held two race meetings
a year, polo, cricket, football, tennis, golf, etc.


CONCEPCION.

Concepcion, the third city in size and commercial importance in
the Republic, has a population of 60,000. It is a characteristic
Spanish-American municipality, with some European features, Oriental
and indolent in appearance, with long stretches of unattractive
streets, flanked with houses painted in many colors.

Situated in the verdant valley of the Bio Bio, near its confluence with
the bay of Arauco, it is surrounded by orchards ladened with fruits,
and gardens brilliant with the bloom of beautiful flowers. Well tilled,
irrigated haciendas, with stone walls and lines of graceful alamos
defining their limits, cover the lovely plain, back of which rise
tree-crowned hills, adding a picturesque feature to the scene. It is
the commercial metropolis of a large section of productive country,
and enjoys a business prosperity and trade activity surpassed only
by Valparaiso. The ports of entry for Concepcion are Talcahuano and
Coronel, a few miles distant and situated on the bay of Arauco.


MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

Under the constitution of Chile, municipalities constituted a part
of the general government, and until recent years were controlled by
national authority. Article 127 of the Constitution, 1833, says:

“The governor is the chief of all the municipalities in his department,
and president of that one in which his capital is established. The
sub-delegate is president of the municipality in his sub-delegation.”

The Intendentes, or governors of provinces, with jurisdiction over
the cities and towns in their respective territories, are appointed
by the president, and they in turn appoint the sub-delegates. All
public improvements and municipal works were formerly authorized by the
government and paid for out of the general fund. The purpose of the
framers of the constitution was apparently to keep the municipalities
out of politics. The authority of the legislative branches of the
municipal government, whose members are elected for three years, was
limited and their duties perfunctory.

The politicians of Chile were not satisfied, however, with leaving
the management of municipalities with the national government. City
offices were attractive political plums, and the control of public
works and improvements could be used to advantage in influencing
election results, and a means was found for placing them in the hands
of officials elected by popular vote.

The scheme for changing the plan of municipal government originated
with Senator Irrazaval, who having traveled in Switzerland, thought to
engraft the system employed there upon the laws of Chile. After his
return from Europe he secured the passage of a measure by Congress
which provided for the election of municipal officers by accumulative
vote. Under this system one man can cast as many ballots for a single
candidate as there are names on the ticket. If there are ten offices
to fill, the voter may cast ten ballots for one candidate instead
of voting once for each of the ten different aspirants to office.
This gave politicians an opportunity to deal with the lower classes,
to encourage unscrupulous men to engage in questionable political
practices, and the working classes now dominate municipal politics.
Having become a political factor in the cities and towns, they aspired
to higher positions, and in recent years a number of representatives of
organized labor have been elected to Congress. There is an encouraging
sign, however, in the fact that a better class of people is beginning
to manifest greater interest in political affairs. There is also a
strong public sentiment in favor of abolishing the law providing for
the accumulative vote in municipalities.

As a result of the present political system the management of
municipalities in Chile is proverbially bad. As an illustration of
this fact, there could be no better example offered than Valparaiso.
The business portion occupying a narrow strip of land along the water
front, the residence districts extending over and occupying the hills
that rise abruptly all around, Valparaiso affords natural facilities
for drainage which should render it an easy matter to establish and
maintain an excellent sewerage system. Yet it is proverbially and
notoriously filthy, and it is only the influence of a salubrious and
healthful climate that prevents the population from being annually
decimated by contagion and epidemics.

A most tragic example of municipal mismanagement was witnessed in
Valparaiso in 1905, when the smallpox plague visited the port. Finding
there in the filth of the streets, in the general lack of sanitary
observance, in the crowded, foul, disease-breeding condition of the
“conventillos” (apartment houses) and in homes of the poor, a prolific
atmosphere for contagion, the plague spread so rapidly that the number
of cases reached into the thousands, and the death rate was two hundred
daily. When the municipal authorities found the city in the throes of
a disastrous epidemic, and the public was demanding ways and means
for combating and checking the plague, and caring for those stricken
with the malady, the municipal government proved utterly impotent,
absolutely incompetent to handle the situation. The result was a
national tragedy in which thousands of lives were sacrificed. The
municipal treasury which from various sources is annually augmented
by two millions of pesos, was found empty, and to make a showing at
combating the epidemic the national government was requested to provide
means for establishing a vaccination service, hospitals, ambulance
and medical corps. Speaking of the first appropriation by the central
government for this purpose, amounting to ninety-two thousand pesos,
_La Union_, one of the leading dailies of Valparaiso, under date of
July 12, 1905, discussed the question in an article from which the
following is an abstract and translation:

 “Ninety-two thousand pesos in sand, mud and mire. This fact is in
 reality worthy of mention in history, because one who reads in foreign
 lands of the project of law passed by the President to Congress, to
 solicit the above sum to clean drains and carry away sand, mud and
 mire from the streets of the first port of Chile, cannot but feel the
 horror and dread for the country whose principal port on the Pacific
 lies in a pestilential pool. Years go by, cruel and compassionless
 plagues and calamities afflict us, the government money is squandered
 upon frivolous matters which are far from curing the evils, and
 Valparaiso lies in her muddy bed, inhaling the breath of death
 evaporated from the infested and unhealthy drains and streets.”

The following is an extract from and translation of an editorial that
appeared in _El Mercurio_ of Valparaiso, July 8, 1905:

 “The foreign press is beginning to occupy itself with the situation
 of Valparaiso, and take note of the sad state in which the first
 port of the Republic finds itself, and in which reigns a deplorable
 and filthy abandon that helps the devastating work of smallpox that
 is decimating its population. Valparaiso with its infested streets,
 sidewalks destroyed, pavements removed and full of holes, with the
 enormous piles of dirt and mud accumulated in residence districts;
 Valparaiso, where there is no municipal street sweeping nor watering,
 or even carrying away of dirt; with infested public buildings (like
 the prisons), without organization to resist an epidemic, must create
 the impression in the minds of people in foreign countries, who read
 of its deplorable condition, that it is not the city of 200,000
 inhabitants, described in geography as possessing an advanced and
 cultivated population and situated in an agreeable climate; as not
 being the port of so much commercial and maritime movement, which, as
 a bitter irony has sometimes been called the ‘Jewel of the Pacific.’”

Translation from _La Union_, Valparaiso:

 “Valparaiso is again unfortunately under the weight and opprobrium
 of the great calamity of every winter. Mud covers all the streets,
 traffic is interrupted, social life is suspended, and one touches
 on every side mud and filth. To this is added the calamity of
 administrative corruption, and life is little more than a fight of a
 few civilized elements against barbarism, which destroys everything,
 morally and maternally.”

(The foregoing refers to Valparaiso before the earthquake in August,
1906, which destroyed the greater part of the business portion of
the city, which has since been practically rebuilt, and the sanitary
conditions somewhat improved.)

These and similar arraignments by the press of Chile of the management
of municipalities, give a better idea of the existing conditions than
any criticism that might be offered by a foreigner.




THE NATIONAL HYMN


The first National Hymn of Chile was written in 1819, by Bernardo Vera,
y Pintado. It was well received by the public from the first, and
enthusiastically so when sung on September 18th, the anniversary of
Republican Independence.

The hymn was first sung to the music of the Argentine National Anthem,
but in 1820 Manuel Robles, a Chilean composer wrote appropriate music
for the patriotic words. His composition was used until 1828, when
Ramon Carnicer composed the music since used.

The verses as first written expressed the bitter feelings of the
Chileans towards the Spaniards, but later when public sentiment became
less hostile, the wording of the hymn was modified. In 1847 it was
again rewritten. The following is a copy in Spanish, and a translation:


         THE NATIONAL HYMN

       (La Cancion Nacional)

  DULCE PATRIA, RECIBE LOS VOTOS
  CON QUE CHILE EN TUS ARAS JURO;
  QUE O LA TUMBA SERA DE LOS LIBRES,
  O EL ASILO CONTRA LA OPRESION.


                  1

    Ha cesado la lucha sangrienta.
  Ya es hermano el que ayer invasor;
  De tres siglos lavamos la afrenta,
  Combatiendo en el campo de honor.
  El que ayer doblegabase esclavo
  Libre al fin y triunfante se ve:
  Libertad es la herencia del bravo,
  La victoria se humilla á sus pies.


                  2

    Alza Chile, sin mancha la frente,
  Conquistaste tu nombre en la lid:
  Siempre noble, constante y valiente
  Te encontraron los hijos del Cid!
  Que tus libres, tranquilos coronen
  A las artes, la industria y la paz,
  Y de triunfo cantares entonen,
  Que amedrenten al despota audaz.


                  3

    Vuestros nombres valientes soldados
  Que habeis sido de Chile el sosten.
  Nuestros pechos los llevan grabados,
  Los sabran nuestros hijos tambien:
  Sean ellos el grito de muerte
  Que lancemos, marchando á lidiar;
  Y sonando en la boca del fuerte,
  Ilagan siempre al tirano temblar.


                  4

    Si pretende el canon estranjero
  Nuestros pueblos osado invadir,
  Desnudemos al punto el acera
  Y sepamos vencer ó morir.
  Con su sangre el altivo araucano
  Nos lego por herencia el valor.
  Y no tiembla la espada en la mano
  Defendiendo de Chile el honor.


                  5

    Puro, Chile, es tu cielo azulado,
  Puras brisas te cruzan tambien,
  Y tu campo de flores sembrado
  Es la copia feliz del Eden.
  Majestuosa es la blanca montana
  Que te dio por baluarte el Señor,
  Y ese mar que tranquilo te banas
  Te promete futuro esplendor.


                  6

    Esas galas oh Patria! esas flores,
  Que tapizan tu suelo feraz
  No las pisen jamas invasores,
  Con su sombra las cubra la paz.
  Nuestros pechos seran tu baluarte
  Con tu nombre sabremos vencer,
  O tu noble y glorioso estandarte
  Nos vera combatiendo caer.


            TRANSLATION

              (Chorus)

  SWEET COUNTRY, RECEIVE THE VOWS
  TO WHICH THOU DIDST ON THY ALTAR MAKE OATH,
  THAT CHILE SHALL BE THE TOMB OF THE FREE,
  OR AN ASYLUM AGAINST OPPRESSION.


                  1

  The bloody fight has ceased and
  Yesterday’s invader is now a brother.
  Of three centuries we wash the affront,
  Fighting on the field of honor.
  He that was yesterday called slave
  Is seen at last free and triumphant,--
  Liberty is the inheritance of the brave,
  Victory humbles herself at his feet.


                  2

  Lift, O Chile, thy stainless brow,
  For thou didst win thy name in battle;
  The sons of the Cid did ever find thee
  Noble, constant, true and brave.
  Let thy children tranquilly crown
  Industry, peace and the arts,
  And sing hymns of victory
  To terrify the audacious despot.


                  3

  Your names, valiant soldiers,
  Who have been Chile’s support,
  Shall be engraved on our hearts
  And on those of our children as well.
  Let them be the war cry of death
  On our march to the battle,
  And out of the mouth of the strong,
  May they ever make the tyrant tremble.


                  4

  Should the foreigners’ cannon
  Dare to invade our lands,
  Let us draw the sword at once,
  And know how to conquer or die.
  With the blood of the Araucanian
  We have inherited our valor;
  The sword shall not tremble in the hand
  That defends the honor of Chile.


                  5

  Pure, O Chile, is thy azure sky,
  Purest breezes do cross thee as well,
  And thy flower-embroidered fields
  Are the happy copy of Eden.
  Majestic are the snow-covered mountains,
  Given by God for thy bulwark,
  And the ocean that washes thy shores
  Is a promise of thy future splendor.


                  6

  Those graces, O Chile, those flowers
  Which carpet thy fruitful soil,
  Let them never be trod by invaders,
  But sheltered by the shadow of peace.
  Our hearts shall be thy walls,--
  With thy name we shall know how to win,
  Or thy noble and glorious standard
  Shall see us fall fighting.




Transcriber’s Notes

A few minor errors in punctuation were fixed.

Page 65: “Vina del Mar” changed to “Viña del Mar”

Page 69: “Don Fedrico” changed to “Don Federico”

Page 117: “in Uraguay” changed to “in Uruguay”

Page 127 & 128: “alemos” changed to “alamos”



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