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Title: A Voyage Round the World Author: William Betagh Release date: June 9, 2020 [eBook #62355] Language: English Credits: Produced by MFR, Wayne Hammond and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD *** Produced by MFR, Wayne Hammond and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. Being an ACCOUNT of a Remarkable Enterprize, BEGUN In the Year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the _Spaniards_ in the great _South Ocean_. Relating the True historical Fasts of that whole Affair: Testifyd by many imployd therein; and confirmd by Authorities from the Owners. By _WILLIAM BETAGH_, Captain of Marines in that Expedition. _LONDON_: Printed for T. COMBES at the _Bible_ and _Dove_ in _Pater-noster Row_, J. LACY at the _Ship_ near _Temple Bar_, and J. CLAKE at the _Bible_ under the _Royal Exchange_. MDCCXXVIII. To the Right Honorable GEORGE Vicount TORRINGTON, Admiral and Commander in Chief of his Majesty’s Fleet, and Knight of the Most Honorable Order of the _Bath_. JOHN COKBURNE, Esq; Sir JOHN NORRIS, Knt. Sir CHARLES WAGER, Knt. Sir THOMAS LYTTLETON, Bart. The Right Honorable GEORGE Vicount MALPAS, Knt. of the _Bath_; and SAMUEL MOLYNEUX, Esq; LORDS COMMISSIONERS for executing the Office of High Admiral of _Great Britain, &c._ * * * * * _My Lords,_ _Your Lordships are intrusted by the greatest and best of Kings, with the important Office of directing the whole Navy of_ Great-Britain; _the strongest safe-guard to all we possess and injoy. Since therefore all maritime affairs are under your influence and authority, I trust your Lordships will not refuse to accept the answer of one, whose accusation in print hath already been addrest to your Honorable Board. I had the happiness of being several years a purser in the Navy, tho afterwards unfortunately ingaged under the command of captain_ Shelvocke _in this cruising expedition. As his pretended narrative is intirely a deception, and his whole conduct an indignity to his country, I thought it my duty to give your Lordships a genuine account of the man as well as our voyage; which I have done truly and impartially, not without hopes it may prove entertaining. If, my Lords, I am never to meet with any recompense for my hardships, I have yet the satisfaction of asserting the honor of his Majesty’s commission, defending the cause of some of his injured subjects; and being devoted to his perpetual interest, to subscribe my self_, Your Lordships most humble and most faithful servant, WILLIAM BETAGH. ERRATA. Page 80. line 7. read _marine_. p. 145. l. 17. r. _coco-nuts_. p. 149. l. 12. for _twenty four_ r. _two of our_. p. 160. l. 24. r. _made a sail_. p. 286. l. 21. r. _after taking off_. p. 311. l. 3. r. _Glocester_. CONTENTS. SECTION I. _The undertaking, outset and instructions._ 4-11 _Separation of the Ships._ 13 _Captain_ Clipperton _at the_ Canaries. ib. _---- ---- at St._ Vincent._ 22 _Captain_ Shelvocke_’s contempt of his owners and officers._ 16-20 _---- ---- his son_ George _an interloper._ 20 _---- ---- arrival at the_ Canaries. 21 _---- ---- conceals the places of rendevous._ 22 _---- ---- consumes the liquors designd for both ships._ 23 _Hipsy, a liquor, its virtues._ ib. _The_ Emperor’_s colors a protection for pyracy._ 25 _Bad masters how used by pyrates._ 26 _A busker, what._ 27 Shelvocke_’s great generosity._ 31 _---- his artful management and innovations at St._ Katherine_’s, where he makes himself owners agent._ 35-43 _Occurrences there._ 42-51 _---- his trifling accusation of_ Betagh. 52-54 _---- his mean shifts to excuse himself._ 55-57 _---- his passage round cape_ Horne _and dangers at_ Narbrough_’s island and_ Chiloe. 57-61 _---- his whimsical discipline._ 62 _---- his manifest design to destroy some of his people._ 65 _---- his zele for the public._ 68-69 _---- his arrival in the bay of_ Conception. 70 _Grenadiers cap, a joke upon the mitre._ 72 _Privatier’s ambassador described._ ib. Hatley _in danger from the enemy._ 73 _Five men killd thro_ Shelvocke_’s folly._ 74 Clipperton _in the streights of_ Magellan, _and observations there._ 76-85 _---- his confutation of a pretended_ French _discovery._ 86 _---- at_ Fernandes _island: his low condition and stay there._ 87-90 _---- takes several prizes, one of which the_ Spaniards _regain by stratagem._ 91-95 Shelvocke_’s not keeping company the ruin of the voyage._ 92-97 _Viceroy of_ Peru _is informd of the expedition._ 97 Shelvocke _burns two good ships._ 98 _---- his injustice to_ Betagh _and_ Brooks. 98-100 _---- his wild attack upon_ Arica. 102 _---- gets rid of fifteen of his people._ 104-108 _---- fights the_ Peregrine. 110 Indian _swiming remarkable._ 102 _Comical article in a_ Scotch _journal._ 104 Shelvocke_’s malice to_ Betagh_--which is well answered._ 112-119 SECTION II. _Success’s_ Journal_._ _Regulations aboard the_ Success. 121 Clipperton _takes several prizes and the Marquis_ de Villa Roche _prisoner._ 122-128 Mitchel _with thirteen_ English_, and ten_ Nigros _sent to dispose of some of the effects._ 124 _An odd instance of a corpse floating._ 128 Indians _diving wonderful._ 129 _News of capt._ Mitchel _at_ Velas. 130 _A plot of the Marquiss to betray_ Clipperton. 130 _---- Treats about his and his family’s ransom._ 131-133 _Isle of_ Tigers _described._ 133 _A plot among the men, despairing to meet with_ Shelvocke. 134 Clipperton _takes more prizes._ 134-135 _A mistake in his conduct._ 136 _---- narrowly escapes the men of war, and some of his men taken prisoners._ 138 Spaniards _behave generously._ 139 Clipperton _chases the_ Flying fish _which had some of the_ English _prisoners aboard._ 141, 142 _---- his men reduced to one small meal in twentyfour hours._ 143, 144 _---- are much refresht at the isle of_ Cocos. 146 _---- meets with captain_ Shelvocke _after two years parting._ 147 _The particulars of their interview, with the reasons of their second separation._ 147-151 Clipperton _crosses over to_ Asia, _and arrives at_ Guam. 151 _The governer makes him a handsom present._ 152 Clipperton _over-reacht by him and the_ Marquis. 153 _---- finds his error and takes to drinking._ 154 _---- his ship runs aground: lieutenant_ Davison _is killd, and the ship almost sunk by the enemy._ 154-156 _The ship at last floats in a wretched condition, and makes for_ China. 156 _Anchors in the gulf of_ Amoy. 161 Clipperton_’s men grow mutinous for their prize-money._ ib. _---- he is forced by the_ Chinese _to divide the spoil: the amount thereof._ 162-165 _---- his account of the owners moiety._ 165 _---- his arrival at_ Macao. 166 _What became of his people and the ship._ 166-169 SECTION III. Shelvocke _resolves to lose the_ Speedwel _and cruise in a new bottom._ 170 _The manner how he did it, with the proofs, and his new model of government._ 171-178 _---- celebrates the 10th of_ June _at_ Fernandes. 179 _---- launches the new bark, some of the men staying behind._ 180, 181 _---- fights the_ Margarita; _but wants resolution to board her._ 181-183 _---- heartily attacks another ship._ 183 _---- changes his bark for a good prize._ 184 _---- his account of a very strange sort of hogs._ 186 _---- meets with_ Clipperton _after two years separation._ 187 _Some account of poor_ Mitchel _and his men._ 188 _Missing the_ Acapulco _ship intirely_ Shelvocke_’s fault._ 190 _---- takes another prize and is informed of a truce._ 193, 194 _---- rids himself of six men more._ 195 _A story of_ David Griffith. 197 Shelvocke _extremely reduced, is on the point of surrendering upon the coast._ 198, 199 _Four of his men murderd._ 200 _His wise observations thereon._ 201, 202 _The main crisis of_ Shelvocke_’s project: his taking a rich prize, and dividing the money into particular shares tho all conceald in his book._ 202-207 _An account of his own profits._ 207-209 _His indeavours to palliate the story._ 209-214 _He arrives at_ California; _his reception there; his gallant way of life, and manner of treating the black gentry._ 215-220 _---- arrives at_ China: _his stay and behaviour there; with remarks upon him._ 221-227 _Some of his_ blunderrata _as an author._ 227, 228 _A full account of him since his return to_ England: _with the procedings against him at law; his imprisonment and escape._ 228-233 _A list of his men disperst and lost._ 234 _A final account of captain_ Clipperton. 236 SECTION IV. Hatley _and others sent a cruising in the_ Mercury: _they fall in with the_ Brilliant _man of war._ 242 _---- would have escaped by a trick; but through the obstinacy of_ John Sprake _are taken._ 243 Betagh _and two more sent to_ Piura _forty mile up the coast:_ Hatley _and the rest sent prisoners to_ Lima _four hundred Mile further._ 244 _The manner of travelling to_ Piura; _with_ Betagh_’s friendly reception and entertainment there._ 245-248 _Description of_ Payta, _and the pedlers in_ Peru. 248-250 _The civility of the admiral and capt._ De Grange. 251 Betagh _carried to_ Lima, where _he, capt._ Hatley, _and his men are likely to suffer as pyrates._ 252 _But through the viceroy’s goodness they all get off, the fact being_ Shelvocke_’s._ ib. _Sailors of both ships new christend._ 253 _---- drink punch and quarel, and are put in the inquisition._ 255 _---- they are pardond: a good story of ’em after that._ 256 Lima _city described._ 257 _Different mixtures of people distinguisht._ 259 _Their habit, convents and riches._ 260 _Good remark upon the law._ 264 _Climate, earthquakes,_ &c. 266 _Why it never rains thereabouts._ 268 _How they make butter in_ Chili. 269 _Women and pastimes at_ Lima _described._ 270 _Story of a lady who killd her lover._ 273 _Story of two_ Englishmen _who fought a prize there._ 275 _An attempt to find_ Solomon_’s island._ 276 _Full account of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru. 279 _None but_ Indians _work in them._ 281 _The discoverer has one half, the king the other._ 282 _Grinding-mills described._ 283 _Gold purifyd sooner than silver._ 284 _Vast quantities of mercury used._ 287 _Silver ore; the different names thereof._ 288 _Mine countries very cold and dry._ 290 _An observation thereon._ 291 Lavaderos _or washing places very remarkable._ 292-296 _Fine scituation of_ Coquimbo, _or_ Serena. 294 _Good account of the creation of metals._ 297-301 Frezier_’s notion about giants._ 301-305 _An opinion about the_ Mosaic _history, and religion of the_ Indians. 307 Chap. 5. _Being a new account of Capt._ Martinet_’s expedition; with remarks on the trade to_ Chili. 308 _French interlopers destroyd: they and the_ Spaniards _disagree._ 313 _The_ Ruby _which met_ Shelvocke _at St._ Catherine, _a very rich ship but then unknown._ 316 _and_ 50 _Some observations conclude the voyage._ 317-324 _The Jesuits settlement in_ Paraguay, _curious and entertaining, translated from the_ French. 325 _Two remarks omitted._ 340 [Illustration] A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, By Way of the GREAT _SOUTH SEA_. Voyages have been always well receiv’d, and especially by _Englishmen_. They seem to sute the genius of the _British_ nation, whose people are particularly distinguish’d for the curiosity of their temper, and the many great exploits of their shipping in all parts of the world. ’Tis true, this sort of history is often writ by unskilful hands; and a fact sometimes loses credit for want of method in telling it: but if the reader meets with something new and authentic, he is generally satisfied: the greatest pleasure of the mind being an addition to our knowledge. The following book is a united journal of two ships, written chiefly to undeceive mankind in the spurious account of a voyage round the world, publish’d by captain _George Shelvocke_: which account is not only injurious to me, but is intirely the most absurd and false narrative that was ever deliver’d to the publick. And surely a man may be excus’d for setting the world right in any public affair; much more in an enterprise, where the credit and dignity of his country are concern’d. And if our resentments are allow’d to be equal to injuries receiv’d, what must mine be, when stript of property and good name? Both which the said _Shelvocke_ has done his utmost to accomplish: And though some of this treatise is to obviate his many abuses and forgeries, yet I have endeavoured to make even that part entertaining; to avoid giving the reader a mere dry story of his wickedness. Beside our sea journal, I have collected the observations I made while in the kingdoms of _Chili_ and _Peru_, concerning the _Spanish_ dominions in _America_. The trade, customs, luxury, and gallantry of the _Creolians_. To which I have added an account of their gold and silver mines, their manner of separating the mineral from the ore, and many other things; all which together, I need not doubt, will prove an agreeable history of this voyage. In the proceding of our two ships I have the pleasure to be well assisted; having procured the original journal of Mr. _George Taylor_, chief mate to captain _Clipperton_, who commanded this expedition, which I shall make use of to invalidate captain _Shelvocke_’s false accounts: which journal will at once let the reader into the most material transactions of _Clipperton_, and convince mankind of his faithful intentions, tho’ _Shelvocke_ has taken such mighty pains to vilify him. Besides which, I have the concurring evidence of many who were aboard the _Speedwell_; some of which are now in _London_ ready to speak the truth: and tho I am thorowly satisfyd our story will speak it self, yet some of the chief facts are already sworn to; the affidavits being filed in Chancery, and to be seen at the office in _Chancery-lane_. In the year 1718, during the war between their _Imperial_ and _Catholic_ Majesties, and while a rupture was daily expected between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_; some persons of distinction, and merchants of the city of _London_ agreed upon a subscription, to fit out two private ships of war, under the Emperor’s commission, to cruise upon the _Spaniards_ in the _South Seas_. The chief motives for such an expedition were the desire of being better acquainted with the navigation of that part of the world, to put their seafaring friends into a promising imployment, and the many views they had of a prosperous return from so well concerted an undertaking. But tho the said breach between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ was known to be unavoidable, yet, upon the delay of actual hostilities, the aforesaid gentlemen were desirous to take the advantage of the war between the _Emperor_ and the king of _Spain_: and in order to have their ships in the _South Sea_ before the season was far advanced, they obtained his _Imperial_ Majesty’s commission, and mand their ships with a good number of his subjects. They named their first ship the _Prince Eugene_, and the other the _Starenberg_. Of this armament _George Shelvocke_ was appointed to be commander in chief, who had sometime serv’d as a lieutenant in the _British_ navy. Whereupon he was forthwith order’d to _Ostend_, there to receive the _Flemish_ officers, the seamen and commission aboard the _Starenberg_: and among other things, receiv’d orders not to fire any guns, or hoist any colours, while in that port; and to take aboard no more than sixty _Flemings_, with three officers; and when he had got his men, wine, and brandy, to proceed directly to the _Downs_. In the mean time the _Prince Eugene_ arrived in the _Downs_, having been fitted and man’d in the river. Three of the owners went to _Deal_, expecting to meet with both the ships; but were uneasy to find captain _Shelvocke_ was not yet come. However upon his arrival, they inquir’d into the cause of his delay, and were surprised to find he had idly neglected joining his consort as early as he ought; had broke thro’ his orders, made entertainments, hoisted Imperial colours, brought over ninety _Flemings_ and six officers, fir’d away five barrels of powder, began upon his wine and brandy which the owners had put aboard him, and was design’d as the whole stock for both ships, to comfort them in their long and hazardous voyage. And in short so ill did he behave, as to bring his owners to change the command, and in his room appoint _John Clipperton_ captain of the larger ship, and commander in chief, who had made two voyages to the _South Sea_ before. Besides, the _Flemings_ were so many in number, and so ill chosen, that the _British_ seamen grew uneasy. The former having their own officers, seem’d to over-value themselves upon their sovereign’s commission, which was not relished by the _Englishmen_. It occasion’d a mix’d command, and produc’d frequent animosities; so that it was judged impracticable for them to go the voyage together. At length the war being begun between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ in the _Mediterranean_, the owners agreed to get his Majesty King _George_’s commission, and to send over the foreign commission, men and officers to _Flanders_, paying their charges, and allowing two months wages to the men. After which the owners order’d their ships, being now called the _Success_ and _Speedwel_, to _Plymouth_, to be there recruited in their provision, and get their complement of men. _Clipperton_ being thus appointed commander in chief, had also the biggest ship, the _Success_, of thirty six guns and 180 men. _Shelvocke_ had the _Speedwel_, twenty four guns, and one hundred and six men, under whose command I was appointed captain of marines. The ships lay near three months at _Plymouth_ for a wind; in which time _Shelvocke_ continually shewed his resentment at the change of command, in such a manner that there was a faction fermented from the captains to the cabin boys.[1] And tho’ he did endeavour to curb his restless spirit, yet was it so publickly apparent, that one of the owners, who was chief director of this affair, wrote to him to mind him of his conduct, and warn him of his duty: to which very man this _Shelvocke_ owes his having the _Speedwel_, being the second command in this undertaking. The same gentleman has also assur’d me, that, when _Shelvocke_ apply’d by letter to him for employment, his circumstances were so low, that he did not scruple to declare he had no bread to eat; nor a friend in the world except him, to expect any favour from. Whereupon the said gentleman having served with him in the navy aboard the same ship, generously invited _Shelvocke_ to his country house, where he made him a present of a twenty pound note on his goldsmith, till he could effectually provide for him, having then this enterprise in view. When he first told him he should command one of these ships, _Shelvocke_ was so throughly pleas’d with the news, that he vow’d it was greatly beyond his expectation; and rather than not go the voyage at all, he would content himself to be boatswain’s mate. [1] See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame. The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to _Plymouth_, was to advise _Shelvocke_ of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain _Clipperton_; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had, a commission would be sent down for another person to command the _Speedwel_ in his room. Upon which captain _Shelvocke_ wrote at several times as followeth. * * * * * SIR, “I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.----_Dec. 13. 1718._ I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other friend----_Dec. 19._ I assure you I shall always act like a faithful servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew captain _Clipperton_ all the respect in the world.----_Jan. 27. 1719._ All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of brotherhood with captain _Clipperton_. Our ships are much better man’d than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very glad of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to the service.” All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return from the voyage; and captain _Shelvocke_’s letters are here inserted to shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform. By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew the _Spanish_ nation how small a force from _England_ could annoy and plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements. Here it must be observ’d with what care _Shelvocke_ has avoided giving the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw the miscarriage of the expedition on _Clipperton_’s incapacity, the change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was the consequence of his own pride, avarice and treachery. ’Tis to be noted that captain _Clipperton_ died before _Shelvocke_ had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that if _Clipperton_ were alive to answer for himself, _Shelvocke_ had never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to _Shelvocke_’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’ he, as well as _Clipperton_, had strict orders in all enterprizes to follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain _Woodes Rogers_ in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of this kind; and for which end _Rogers_’s printed journal was put aboard each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment, without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents or orders, his will being the only reason for all he did, so that he never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the _Success_ after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet the _Success_ had most reason to be so, for _Shelvocke_ had the whole store of wine and brandy aboard the _Speedwell_; so that _Clipperton_ was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. _Shelvocke_, indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection, because _Clipperton_ expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting to the windward of grand _Canary_, the first place of rendezvous, doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the fact, because _Taylor_’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with each other that day, which runs thus. “_Success Feb. 15._ these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain. This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and have been oblig’d to shorten sail several times for the _Speedwell_.” But, however, to shew that _Shelvocke_ was well enough pleas’d to part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the _Success_, and contrary to his duty; as appears by _Taylor_’s journal. “_Feb. 20._ These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain. At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course to the Southward, arrived off the _Canaries_ the sixth of _March_ following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas _Shelvocke_ p. 4. has it thus. “_Feb. 20._ We had no sight of the _Success_ or any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain, he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the _Canaries_, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page 9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of _March_, which is eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, that instead of going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board. The next day after losing company, _Shelvocke_ seeing a piece of a wreck float along the _Speedwell_’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us, that _Clipperton_ was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons, that the _Success_ was built very slight, greater regard being had to her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for _France_ or _Ireland_, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him, nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to prove that _Clipperton_ could do his duty without wine and brandy, he like a good officer sail’d to the _Canaries_, being the first place of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St. _Vincent_, one of the _Cape de Verd_ islands; at one of which places he doubted not of meeting us. _Taylor_’s journal has it thus, “_Success, March 15, 1719._ Having cruised ten days off the _Canaries_, without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes of either, we steer away to the _Cape de Verd_ islands: And at six this forenoon the island _Gomera_ bore north half west, distant nine leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take my departure.” But _Shelvocke_, who never design’d to give the owners any true account of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act independently on _Clipperton_, and never meet him again, except by chance: for as soon as we had lost the _Success_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_, as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare, he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at _Fernandes_, the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make it plainly appear to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us all at several times, that on his return to _Europe_, he would avoid _England_, and go to _Hamburgh_, or some other free port, and there remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been in _London_ these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served with a writ in _Chancery_; which I believe would soon put an end to the suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence of many who serv’d on board the _Speedwell_, as well as my own. And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at every fresh bottle to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with, somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme, look’d often towards _Hatley_ our second captain, as expecting he would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion, that to act separately from captain _Clipperton_, will terminate in the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote parts. This threw _Shelvocke_ into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command of the ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking, and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr. _Dod_, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him. This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our rejoining the _Success_. And from this time a universal discontent appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For _Shelvocke_, to improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to find our selves deceiv’d by them at last. Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of _Shelvocke_’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he has the assurance _p_. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the ship was incapable to go through the voyage. I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but can’t allow _Shelvocke_ that she was so crank or tender as not to carry sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20^{th} of _Feb._ Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard? Page 7. _Shelvocke_ gravely tells his readers that _Hatley_, second captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus: Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled, _Hatley_ seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which _Shelvocke_ in a fury bolted up, “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck: after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr. _Hatley_. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty _Shelvocke_ in his mean vanity. His son _George_ too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’ he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment at _London_ was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table; and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and begger’d at the captain’s pleasure. We are now to the leeward of _Grand Canary_, where our captain takes a little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use, but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and the neighbouring islands, till _Clipperton_ may be well supposed gone far enough ahead. The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the help of _Taylor_’s journal I shall convict him throughly. _Shelvocke_ p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing of the _Success_, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island _John Fernandes_ in the great _South Seas_.” And yet p. 11. he says, “We took our departure from _Faro_, one of the _Canaries_, in hopes of meeting captain _Clipperton_ among the _Cape de Verd_ islands, and took our prize along with us.”----which I am sure was not worth a commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues. He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully concealed from us; however _Taylor_’s journal confirms it. “_Success, March 21._ Fresh gales, _&c._ At six this afternoon we saw St. _Vincent_, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found a _French_ merchant ship and the _Diamond_ of _Bristol_, captain _Cleader_, taking in an odd sort of cargo for _Jamaica_, _viz._ asses. This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to find the _Speedwell_, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d, for suffering _Shelvocke_ to keep our wine and brandy.” Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that _Fernandes_ could be the next appointed rendezvous from the _Canaries_, being a run of no less than 120 degrees. We arrive next at the isle of _May_, and are taken for pyrates; _Shelvocke_ gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail, made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of _Hipsy_, a liquor compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of pure wine; for _Shelvocke_ labouring a little with the gout, imagined this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’ designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month. This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking did not agree with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of _Hipsy_ was the only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour. _Taylor_’s journal gives the following account of the island of St. _Vincent_, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger, from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure on the 2d of _April 1719_. But _Shelvocke_, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the island of St. _Jago_, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then he sends away his kinsman _Adams_, our Surgeon, to the chief town of this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the _Success_; and to purchase sugar, without which there was no making _Hipsy_. He return’d with the agreeable news of _Clipperton_’s being gone from St. _Vincent_’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And now _Shelvocke_ being past all fears of meeting _Clipperton_, resolves to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by forming a design of wintering at St. _Catharine_’s, on the coast of _Brasil_: and accordingly, on the 20th of _April_, weighs anchor and sails towards the continent of _America_. On the 5th of _June_, 1719, we met a _Portuguese_ merchantman near _Cape Frio_. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted, which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished, especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he himself call’d _Hatley_) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a cutlass and a case of pistols. The _Portuguese_ not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades in the _West-Indies_, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood. _Don Pedro_, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was _Hatley_ on his quarter-deck, but the _Portuguese_ seamen began to hand into the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins, bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, _&c._ three or four dozen boxes of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some _Dutch_ cheeses, and a large quantity of sugars.----If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough, and might pass as a present; but after this there came above a dozen pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver, worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of _China_ plates and basins, a small _Japan_ cabinet; not to mention what the men took, who on seeing the _Portuguese_ so brisk at handing their things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, _Hatley_ brought the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors. This convinc’d _Shelvocke_ he was not deceiv’d in calling _Hatley_ the best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the _Spanish_ word _buscar_, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. While these things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between our chieftains. * * * * * Shel. _Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?_ Hat. _By what, Sir?_ Shel. _Bringing me these baubles?_ Hat. _Sir they are very cheap._ Shel. _But I shall want my money for other uses._ Hat. _They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port._ Shel. _You always act contrary to my orders._ Hat. _Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours._ Shel. _It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every occasion._ Hat. _I thought I had done for the better._-- Shel. _I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d._ Hat. _Your commands shall always be to me as a law._ Shel. _Where’s the account or bill of parcels?_ Hat. _Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I can draw one out._ Shel. _Pray see you do._ Hat. _Yes Sir._ Shel. _Whither is he bound?_ Hat. _To_ Pernambucco. Shel. _Where belonging to?_ Hat. _To_ Rio Janeiro, _whence he brought these fruits and refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal._ Shel. _Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet; tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage._ Hatley with the speaking trumpet. _O senior capitan, O ho?_ Capt. _Ho la senior._ Hat. _Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios_; that is, go on friend, and God bless you. Capt. muttering. _Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro ladron_; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils along with you. The _Portuguese_ captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. _Shelvocke_ will have it, p. 16. that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and some refreshments at St. _Jago_, whence must the cost of those silks, china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up five pounds amongst us all when we left _Plymouth_; answering in that respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance. He likewise says, p. 22. that _Hatley_’s moydors were but 80 or 100, whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when _Hatley_ and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon him. In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our commander himself in a silken skin, as the word _peaud’soy_ implies, and the beau gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine silk, all wondrous gallant and gay! _Shelvocke_ soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’ none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;--the Gentlemen who fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;--When he made us the following speech. * * * * * Gentlemen, “We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent, I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver flower’d silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers, scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity: we must appear something like himself. And he in his black _peaud’soy_ sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous figure enough. He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a _Cape of Good Hope man_; which noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the _Portuguese_ proved _Shelvocke_ a right _Cape Frio_ man, which I believe is very easily understood. Tho’ _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal, or intended to give the gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in _England_, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest against _Hatley_, and deliver’d it to captain _Clipperton_, in the _South-Sea_, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse. Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems to be of confuting him; for _Clipperton_ died in _June 1722_. I was left a prisoner at _Lima_ in _Peru_, and probably sacrificed. As for _Hatley_, he indeed did arrive at _London_ in 23; but went immediately for _Jamaica_, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that _Shelvocke_ imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and complete this romantic libel. However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following questions. Why such protest was not made while _Hatley_ was on board the _Speedwell_, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses? Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to captain _Clipperton_, whom _Shelvocke_ from page 22. to 25 of his preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and, Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the governer of _Sansonate_; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340. I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the other. We arrive next at St. _Catherine_’s on the coast of _Brazil_, lat. 27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing for that purpose his instrument, one _Mathew Stewart_; who, as his own steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the _Canary_ islands, when and where _Shelvocke_ had promoted him to be first mate of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’ it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The The weight of my argument depending much on proving _Stewart_ no seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at _Glasgow_ in _North Britain_, and went supercargo of a small ship to _Maryland_ or _Virginia_. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at _London_, where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his friends in the face, he desir’d of captain _Shelvocke_ to be imploy’d in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. _James Moffat_ and Company, mercers in _St. Martins le Grand_. This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications _Shelvocke_ could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine. But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine sent up by the men to _Shelvocke_, by this minion of his. Robine is a mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners, and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before, by _Shelvocke_ himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary _Stewart_, to poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words, page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first complaint, ’tis well known, is always for want of provisions; which they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this, that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined, that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil so instructed; and such was _Stewart_, whom I might more properly call _quartermaster_, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to the _Jamaica_ discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war. None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as _Shelvocke_ does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes. In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by _Stewart_, allowing an additional perquisit to _Shelvocke_ himself of 5 _per cent_. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his example, we all sign’d. To give the better countenance to this preceding, _Shelvocke_ asked us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company, except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. _Stewart_, I could see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by god, I suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This too gave a great deal of offense. However _Shelvocke_ modestly told us, that unless we chose his own nephew _Adams_ the surgeon, we should make a voyage for a _knife_ and _sheath_. It was no sooner said than done: the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to sign it. But the merriest agent of all, was _Shelvocke_ himself, who calling the next day to Mr. _Hendrie_, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that he himself would now be agent for the owners, and _Hendrie_ might be purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr. _Hendrie_ was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what _Shelvocke_ was pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.----Sir, I hope I have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office, or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which _Hendrie_ got no satisfaction, but _Shelvocke_’s adding with an oath that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the other. Whereupon Mr. _Hendrie_ demanded, in his own right, to have a council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case; which being absolutely refused, _Hendrie_ drew up a protest against the captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof of _Hendrie_’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the gentlemen gave him. My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery, such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man: but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true; and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions aforesaid. Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill nature and ill principles all concurring.----I say, it’s not to be wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint. A late instance of this kind is captain _Jayne_, of _Bristol_ who, in a most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’ it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged him. But to return. Thus was _Shelvocke_’s great estate to be got suddenly, without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness of the _quantum_ or _quomodo_, _how_ or _how much_; for now ’tis evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands; _Shelvocke_ being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the cabin, and _Stewart_ agent for the petty officers and men. Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain of marines to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty officers: but I having a letter from _Edward Hughes_, Esq; directed to captain _Mitchel_, then the commanding officer of the _Speedwel_, to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings. Instead of coming into this harbour of St. _Catharine_’s, it’s plain _Shelvocke_’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward, that he might be early with the enemy the _Spaniard_; for _Clipperton_, about this time, was actually in the great _South Sea_. But our commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of _Magellan_, where _Clipperton_ and his men suffer’d extreme hardships, being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with. To palliate these mismanagements _Shelvocke_ tells ye, p. 51. that to save his _English_ provisions, he bought twenty one head of black cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the _Cape Frio_ story, would no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur _Laport_, one of our lieutenants, who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the _padre_, one Sunday after divine service, to sell _Shelvocke_ what he wanted. He says, in his home made story, page 48. that _Hatley_ burn’d the _Portuguese_ house, tho’ we have often heard him blame _Randal_, his lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and likewise served us for a guard house. But _Shelvocke_ says nothing of _Coldsea_ the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship, because whatever imperfect reckoning they had, was kept by him, having made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. _Catharine_’s was doom’d by _Shelvocke_ for transportation to _Europe_, because he insulted his kinsman _Adams_; and to save himself an oath, that he never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the intreaty of Mr. _Dodd_, to enter at a gun-port. As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain _Clipperton_ had twice made the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as well as the gentlemen at home, thought the _Speedwel_ completely enough fitted out without any additions of captain _Shelvocke_’s. It’s merry enough to observe how _Shelvocke_ p. 25. makes Mons. _La Jonquiere_, who was a gentleman of good sense, commander of a fifty gun ship in the King of _Spain_’s service, and in time of war with _England_, hold forth to the supposed mutinous crew of an _English_ privatier, then going to take, sink, burn and destroy as many of the ships belonging to the subjects of the king his master, as should have the misfortune of falling into their clutches; and to this effect, that they should behave themselves dutifully and obediently towards their honest commander, who was leading them to make their fortunes. The absurdity of this is plain enough, when I consider there were not above four or five in our ship at most, who understood any thing of _French_: and I am sure _La Jonquiere_ did not speak a word of _English_: besides, he had something else to mind; all this being only a drunken frolick, occasion’d by the _Frenchman_’s coming aboard us to make merry. Another, but a worse blunder he commits in the speech, he pretends was made to captain _Hatley_, by Monsieur _La Riviere_, commander of a _Portuguese_ man of war of forty guns, which arrived there some time before we sail’d, p. 26. “That it was very likely he might receive a gratuity from the matter of the ship[2], to prevent his being troublesome: but that his captain’s coming immediately into a port of the same nation, was a convincing demonstration to him (besides the meanness of the story) that there could not be any public or general base design, and that he was far from mistrusting there could be any private one, and desired him to give his humble service to me, and tell me, that he had a great deal of honour and respect for me; and begg’d I would let him have the conveniencies I had ashore (when I had done with them) if the _French_ captain had not preingaged them.” [2] That is the _Portuguese_ off _Cape Frio_. Now, ’tis very unlikely that a captain of a man of war, of double the force, and in a harbour of his own nation, should beg leave in so obsequious a manner for conveniencies, which he might easily command; and I know of no conveniencies there, except the house which _Randal_ burn’d; for _Shelvocke_ owns himself, p. 57. that he saw no house or fortification, except the woods. And whereas he (for reasons best known to himself) will have it that _Hatley_ was so odious to the _Portuguese_ inhabitants, charging him with things quite foreign to the truth; it was not his case alone: we were all equally hated by them; for they were by this time acquainted with the ill treatment the _Portuguese_ captain met with from us; as he himself plainly allows, p. 45. saying, “I made no doubt but that captain _Hatley_’s affair would be reported to this gentleman, by some of the inhabitants; and therefore told him, that I expected he would go and vindicate himself to the _Portuguese_ captain, to prevent any disturbances that might arise, by the account of his mismanagement on board the _Portuguese_ we met at sea. To which he readily replied, that he would. Therefore to give him an opportunity of doing it, I sent a complement by Monsieur _La Riviere_.” Now had the business with the _Portuguese_, off of _Cape Frio_, been a fair merchandize, as _Shelvocke_ relates it, p. 16. how comes he here to call it mismanagement, and cautiously to send _Hatley_ with a complement to vindicate himself? A _Creolian Spaniard_, servant to one of captain _Jonquiere_’s lieutenants, having robb’d his Master of a hundred quadruples, each of which is four pistoles, absconded in the woods, designing to take his passage with us round _Cape Horne_, to his own country again. _La Jonquiere_ and the lieutenant applied to _Shelvocke_, desiring, that in case the servant should be found, and the money upon him, he would secure him and take it from him; giving _Shelvocke_ directions how to remit the money to _France_, on his arrival in _Europe_, all which he faithfully promised to perform. As soon as the _Ruby_ sail’d, the fellow appear’d to our men at the watering place, with one moiety of the money in his pocket, designing, I suppose, to pay for his passage with it: but _Shelvocke_ not content with that, order’d him to be seiz’d to the jears, where he was whipp’d and pickled, which was repeated every _Munday_ for a month: but the fellow, who had run the risque of hanging for it, and knew the value of money as well as the captain, stood the lash without confessing he had any more: so he remain’d on board and had his passage. Thus was _Shelvocke_, with his wholesome severities, teaching the _Spaniard_ the heinousness of defrauding his master; when we all very well knew _Shelvocke_ deserved the same discipline himself: which brings to my mind an excellent distich of Dr. _Garth_. _But little villains must submit to fate, That great ones may injoy the world in state._ This story I mention, because he has been cunning enough to skip it over, and only says, p. 31. “’twas well for him he had some money from one of the _Ruby_’s people,” which must be the said lieutenant’s servant.” I think it needs explanation, how such friendship could exist between two warlike ships of nations already declared enemies, especially since _Shelvocke_ has said nothing of it; fancying the world might ascribe it to his own wise conduct, or rather his gasconading _Monsieur_ into that complaisant temper. I must therefore acquaint the reader that _La Jonquiere_ had on board his ship a good sum of the King’s money, and near twenty fathers; some of which had been many years in _Peru_, _Chili_ and _Paraguay_ missionaries _de propaganda fide_, and had well fill’d their purses, the gospel there proving very great gain: besides many other wealthy passengers from those parts. These pacific gentry did by no means like the noise of great guns, or changing the pleasures of this world for the uncertainties of immortality: and Monsieur, no doubt, had found how to turn that disposition of theirs into a good article in his accounts. Besides, to my knowledge he had not at his first coming in, above sixty well men, tho’ he had near 400 aboard, passengers included; which ill state of his people was chiefly occasion’d by his passing _Cape Horne_ in the winter with indifferent provision, which the _Spaniards_ in _America_ know not how to cure or pack up. Before we sail’d, there arrived a _French_ merchant ship from St. _Malo_, commanded by Monsieur _Dumain Girard_, bound for _Chili_; who meeting _La Jonquiere_ at sea, had got an order on _Shelvocke_ to pay him the money: But _Shelvocke_ refus’d it, saying, he would remit it, on his return to _England_, to the lieutenant, whose money it was; which, if he has done, is very extraordinary, being contrary to his dealings in other cases, with those who have had his acquaintance in this voyage. At length we sail’d from St. _Catharine_’s, but saw no more ships to try the project of the Emperor’s colours with: so that nothing to my present purpose happens, till we got round _Cape Horne_. Where, as we approach the enemy, _Shelvocke_ fearing some of us might be spies upon his actions, thought it the wisest way to get rid of those whom he had hitherto observed uneasy at his procedings; and sets his son _George_ and _Adams_ his kinsman, to tell us, in a formal manner; That such of us, as did not like to serve under captain _Shelvocke_, should soon be found with other imbarkations. And this was often repeated. Let the reader then be pleased to observe, that he has placed this affair p. 62. before we got to _Cape Horne_: but this is another proof that he kept no regular journal, for all this happened when we were in the great _South-Sea_, and liquors began to grow scarce. He begins, p. 60: where he says, as we advanced to the southward, the men’s stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air. Here he says I grew a champion for the officers, and wanted a greater allowance at his table: which is intirely a false insinuation, for no one was better pleased with the allowance, and so were the people: and having served as an officer several years in the navy, I must needs know that any man, in such an expedition, guilty of what _Shelvocke_ lays to my charge, well deserved to be shot through the head. Afterwards he aggravates this story, by saying _Betagh_ had a voracious appetite, and eat more than came to his share. I need not wonder at any thing _Shelvocke_ says on this head; for he being a very small eater himself, fancied all other people gluttons: I verily believe he never eat above two ounces in a day, as long as _hipsy_ lasted; but was a great drinker all the voyage; whereas I never loved drinking: so that the difference between us is only this, I eat more than he, and he drank more than I: and when I am to tell the story, the reflection is turned: He appears a drunkard, and I a moderate man. Now this is such mean pitiful scandal for an author who sets out with the noble title of a voyage round the world, that it must convince mankind how trifling his observations have been, how ill grounded his malice is to me, and how far fetched his revenge. ’Tis a poor reflection upon a man, who in his appetite is as moderate as most are, and hardly deserves the answer I have given it. ’Tis in the same page, where he says I had the insolence to tell him publickly, that the _voyage_ should be _short_ with him. I frankly own I said the words, and scorn to deny it: but said them not in that order he has maliciously put them. For to avoid his brow-beating me, I often used to sit cross the spitsail-yard arm in fine weather, with a book, or the fishgigg to strike the fish; and one time coming down pretty thirsty, I found them all drinking hugger mugger in the cabin, upon which I said, Faith, now I find I must drink in spight; which _Shelvocke_ furiously resented, as an argument that I would drink in spight of him, whether he would or no: upon which I thus addrest him, and said, since we are past the _Cape_, the most dangerous and fatiguing part of our navigation, and are so near the enemy, I beg of you, Sir, to let us live as easy as possible; for now I hope in God the _voyage_ will be _short_ with us. These were infallibly my very words: but according to his way of perverting them, what must the reader imagine, but that I designed to throw my captain over-board, or murder him? As _Shelvocke_ has turn’d it, it can bear no better meaning. This I think a very cruel mischievous way of perverting a man’s words, and not unlike the Devil’s method of quoting scripture. However, my good captain, for these and other reasons that I have set forth, was pleased to order me under confinement: and it may be here thought strange, considering what a troublesome creature he has represented me, that I bore this with such temper and submission; ’tis much he don’t say I mutinied. But I was taken into custody, laid at my full length on the arms-chest at the bulk-head in the steerage, and confined just there: and, what with the height of the chest and the bedding, the upper deck was so very close, I had hardly room to lie extended upon it, there being no possibility of sitting up, so that my victuals was brought me there; and when I offered to make water upon deck, the centinel was always close at my heels with a drawn sword: and thus I continued twelve or fourteen days, no body daring to speak to me, except Mr. _Hendrie_, who before this was also turn’d out of the mess. Liberty is what we are all fond of; but the ridiculous manner of my confinement made it more irksom and tedious: so that it was natural for me to try any method for inlargement. And if _Shelvocke_ had proceded legally, I should have been try’d by a council of our own officers, according to captain _Rogers_’s method, which we were order’d to follow: but being past all hopes of that, I soon found it plain, that all he wanted was an humble letter under my hand; for by what his son _George_ had said (that we should be soon found with other imbarkations) I believe I was intended a sacrifice to the _Spaniard_: therefore finding by _Adams_, that a letter was expected, I e’en writ five or six lines in as handsome a manner as I could, but not that long forg’d letter, p. 26. fram’d and contrived just to serve his own purpose, by making him appear innocent and me guilty: the original of which, if he can produce of my hand writing, I here promise to own all the rest of his book to be true. And doubtless, if I ever wrote such a letter, _Shelvocke_ would be wise enough to preserve it, not only for his own credit, but to put me to confusion.----Wherefore I here dare him to it: and whatever I did write, the reader may easily see that the nature of my circumstances extorted it. As for the additional allowance, which he speaks of, p. 62. ’tis inserted there on purpose to make that inference, p. 74. where he says he could not procede directly to the northward, because the supernumerary allowance aforementioned had wasted our wood and water; and so truly _Shelvocke_ says he was obliged to go to _Narbrough_’s island to recruit these two articles. Sure this man has the greatest share of hypocrisy that I ever met with. This story is a mere vile fiction made here at home, to excuse himself to the Owners, who have all been inraged at his conduct. _Shelvocke_ was still fearful of meeting his consort; and goes to _Narbrough_’s island, for nothing but to loiter time away, and avoid any probable chance of seeing _Clipperton_: besides no private ships have any business to touch to the southward, there being nothing at all to be got; and by his own account you see it was a foolish attempt, for he came back as he went, and narrowly escaped losing his ship. While he is going round _Cape Horne_, he gravely tells us, p. 73. how melancholy it was to be without his consort. “I must own (says he) that this navigation is truly melancholy, and was the more so to us, who were by our selves, without a companion, which would have somewhat diverted our thoughts from the reflexion of being in such a remote part of the world, and as it were, separated from the rest of mankind, to struggle with the dangers of a stormy climate.”----poor _Shelvocke!_ Now this is all such a jest, that it makes the reader laugh: for after all your whining, ’tis plain it better suted your scheme to be without captain _Clipperton_, who having no store of wine or brandy, must needs be very melancholy in this wretched climate; and therefore these reflections of yours would seem much more natural from _Clipperton_, who wanted your company more than you did his. Still to confirm this, as we came into the parallel of the island of _Chiloe_, on the continent, latitude 40 South, _Shelvocke_ would go in there, and all the arguments we could use to the contrary, signified nothing: for late as it was, if we had gone to _Fernandes_, there were some hopes of meeting captain _Clipperton_, that being the last place of rendezvous, and where only all private ships do first touch for wood and water, without going to any part of the continent for fear of alarming the coast: besides, he well knew that no _British_, _French_, or any other ship ever touch’d there; nor hath any chart ever described it: yet he would venture in, where we almost miraculously escaped with our lives; and all this, like the rest of his schemes, to avoid joining captain _Clipperton_. We were no sooner enter’d, but we found our selves surrounded with terrible breakers; for such is the uncertainty and rapidity of the several tides or currents meeting there, that ’twould at once astonish and baffle the most judicious mariner to describe it. We were first taken under the bow with a current setting from the lee of one island: (there being several) then immediately under the quarter with another, so that the ship could not answer her helm. At last the most powerful of these currents horsed her away on the west shore, into three fathom and a half, where the torrent ran with such impetuosity, and the ground was so foul, that the sand appear’d on the surface from the bottom: all which together afforded us a dismal prospect. However the anchor brought her up, which if we had not let go when we did, every man of us must inevitably have perish’d: for had she touch’d the bottom there, she must in a moment have gone to pieces, or overset by the strength of the current. According to this description, the reader, tho’ unacquainted with seamanship, will easily conceive that every soul of us was in the utmost danger by the unwarrantable procedings of this one obstinate man: Tho’ to do justice to my enemy, I must allow captain _Shelvocke_ to be as able a seaman and artist as perhaps any whatever; which still makes his guilt in this affair the more enormous. To confirm what I have already said, the ship, while riding here, kept continually on the sheer, till the cable was so rubb’d and gaul’d by the rocks, that it was stranded, and then it parted: But _Shelvocke_ will have it, p. 80. that the great strain it then bore, was occasion’d by the wind blowing fresh: whereas if it had blown more than a moderate gale, we could not have kept our topsails loose; which very providentially saved all our lives: for as soon as we found her adrift, we back’d her off to the eastward, the tide being chang’d; but had she cast with her head to the westward, our voyage must infallibly have terminated there with our lives. As to the reasons he gives for going to this place, they are all invented and made at home. He says, p. 77. _La Fontaine_, the _Frenchman_ we had out of the _Ruby_, gave him great hopes and ideas of the place, for that he had been there; but I am sure that ship never touch’d to the southward, farther than _Conception_: and then he says that _Frenchman_’s assurances prevail’d upon us all unanimously to go to this island: whereas, as I said before, we all too well knew the danger and vanity of it, (to call it no worse) and labour’d in vain to dissuade him from it. I have given the reader many specimens of _Shelvocke_’s hypocrisy and baseness; here follows an instance of his ill manners. At our arrival in the harbour of _Chiloe_, _Shelvocke_, by the advice of _La Port_ our third lieutenant, hoisted _French_ colours, and assumes the name of _Janis le Breton_; and the _Speedwel_ he calls the _St. Rose_, in which the said _Le Breton_ had made several voyages in these Seas. Here he puts in practice the strangest discipline that ever I heard of. As soon as we were in the harbour, the night approaching, our captain orders the watch upon deck to divide into three parties: on the forecastle, a midships, and on the quarterdeck; and to call out every five minutes to look out well afore there, look out well abaft there, each party in their turn answering aloud, Ay,--Ay; and this to be continued every night. This hollowing and hooping so terrified the people ashore, that they never dared to appear by day; and had nothing to do all night, but drive their cattle into the woods too far for us to follow them, and secure their best effects as well as they could. Add to this the terrible scarecrow figures we made by day in our grenadiers caps, which he made us all put on to fright the enemy, and which were at least two and twenty inches high. So that the people aboard the canoe, which first came to us, and carried _Shelvocke_’s first letter to the governer, were so scared at us, that they never had courage enough to return with an answer: but erected a pole with a white flag of peace, in the night time, and at the foot of it left a letter from the governer, with a present of twelve large hams for our captain. By this letter, p. 84. it was great condescension in the governer to take that notice of us: for tho’ we indeavour’d to pass for the ship above mention’d, yet by this odness of discipline, and monstrous kind of caps, I rather think they took us for some wild creatures from a country yet unknown. Now if _Shelvocke_ had at heart the interest of his owners, he would have improved this disposition of the governer, who had, as it were kindly broke the ice, by making the first present: For all the governers for his _Spanish_ Majesty are strictly forbid to deal in any wise; but particularly ordered to oppose all nations having any provisions whatever, as being most jealous of that clandestine way of trade. The governer, no doubt, expected some sort of return for his present: at least a gentleman like one: for none of the governers in this part of the world come to take the air, but to make their fortunes. But our _Janis Le Breton_ returns about a pound and half of butter, at least eighteen months in salt; a pound of black pepper, and two _Dutch_ cheeses about the bigness of ninepin bowls. Now any one may imagine how stupidly ridiculous this appeared to a gentleman, governer of a province flowing indeed with milk and honey. However, in his next letter he thanks our captain in terms as civil as the former. If _Shelvocke_ had sent the governer a handsome piece of silk of the _Cape Frio_ acquisition, for his lady, it would have been a genteel return, and sutable to the gaiety of the _American Spaniards_. I make no doubt we should have had fat beeves and hogs, as many as we wanted: but the whimsical duty which our commander order’d us to perform, together with his own aukward behaviour, made us really appear both frightful and ridiculous: and if he had acted as he ought, what pretext could remain for his loitering here, and not going immediately to the place of rendezvous? But his coming in and all he did here, was intirely vain amusement, idly wasting five or six weeks, ordering us every day ashore, in our fools caps, in the persuit of game or shooting the wild boar. So that what we were chiefly supplied with, was the produce of two small islands on the starboard-side going in; for which we were indebted to lieutenant _Brook_’s good management, who at our first coming secured all the small imbarkations he found in the bay, which hindered the inhabitants carrying off their cattle. I come now to the story, p. 98. relating to my self, which he has drest up with silly falsities only to expose me. In short, _Shelvocke_ order’d me and lieutenant _Dodd_, with as many marines as the pinnace could carry, to go ashore at the flag place, to exercise only; whereas he falsly says it was to get supplies from the _Spaniards_. I who had never learned, seeing the rest of our officers had taken it in their heads to learn, thought it would appear singular, if I did not learn too: so we exercised about half a dozen times making but one line of about fifteen men (tho’ he talks of ranks) and went strait aboard. The real design of this was quite otherwise than he would have the world believe: for the second or third day after our arrival, two canoes approach’d us to form some judgment of our designs; and for that reason we were order’d to exercise ashore, in this manner, to appear as formidable as we could: but it was in hopes the _Spaniards_, taking it for a formal landing to plunder them, would knock us on the head, which was easily enough to be done; for _Shelvocke_ when he sent us, said there was no need of any powder or shot, tho’ we cautiously took some unknown to him: besides, had it been only to exercise, it might have been done aboard, or at the watering place the other side the bay, where there was none but our own people. There was no reason to send us in the very mouths of the _Spaniards_, with so few men, unfurnish’d (as he thought) with ammunition, to a place where only danger could be expected, if it was not with secret hopes to have us cut off: For _Dodd_ and I being two of those who were a check upon him, he did not want above half his number of men to carry on his separate views and base designs. And tho’ he says _Hatley_ commanded the boat, I seriously aver that _Hatley_ was not among us: but it was the pinnace, and no soul with us but the marines, who rowed her ashore and off again, by eleven a clock the same morning, tho’ he says I was left all night. But fully to prove that _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal at all; I do own that about five weeks after this time, I being ashore on one of the two islands on the other side the bay to keep a guard at the watering-place, where was no body but our own men; captain _Hatley_ came in the evening for a longboat load of wood and water, when it began to blow fresh, and a great swell to tumble in, which obliged him to hawl the longboat further out to her grapling, to prevent her thumping against the rocks; so that the men were forced to wade middle high to carry in their burthens of wood: the swell still increasing, I did not care to be sowsed over head and ears, and desired captain _Hatley_ to go off without me, which he did; and lieutenant _Brook_ came in an hour’s time afterwards and carried me and my guard off. This is the plain short truth: and the reader by this time may ghess what a fine life we had of it, under the arbitrary direction of a captain, who had neither principles to act honestly, nor conscience to speak truth. At the close of this tale he endeavours to be witty, by saying that the men refused to carry me to the boat; for that they would not load themselves with the weight of one who was neither seaman nor soldier. Whether they said so, or no, I shall not inquire, for wit and truth may be as far distant as the poles. It’s the only place in all his book where he aims to be witty, and the singularity of it makes me take this notice of it: though I can see no reason for his giving it that turn here; because bringing a boat off shore could not require a man to be much of a soldier or sailor: but if he means want of courage or conduct, I allow he has always been witty enough not to tell me so since we came home. _Shelvocke_ flushed with his imaginary success at this island of _Chiloe_, now affects the Statesman; and offers to the public a scheme of the advantages which might accrue to _Great Britain_, by taking that island, p. 113, 114; with hopes, no doubt, of being at the head of such an undertaking: but one may easily foresee, without prejudging the man, that he who has behaved so ill in this expedition, will never be trusted with any command in another: and ’tis well enough known, without his medling, that no people can make settlements in the _Spanish West-Indies_, with so much ease and safety, as the _English_ if they please; as having skill and power to do anything at sea, if they have good commanders. But it must appear very absurd to the government, to whom he submits this notion of his, that a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe, can discover no better place than _Chiloe_ for his _Britannic_ Majesty’s subjects to possess themselves of; from the great dangers of which he owns all of us to be but providentially escaped: for according to his own, and my description of it (who have been very particular) it appears immediate destruction for any one to attempt the going in. He owns he lost his anchor at his first coming too; and gives a most terrible account of the chanel, himself: and yet has the folly and presumption to incourage his own countrymen to settle here. What can this be, but a design against the lives of his Majesty’s good subjects? In my humble opinion ’tis malice prepense, and deserves exemplary punishment. And as for the additional stock of provision he boasts of, p. 100, he has much magnified it in his book: and whatever it might be, it was not worth our going there to alarm the coast, and thereby frustrate the very design of our coming out. A stranger would rather believe he had been bribed before he left _London_, by this counter method to defeat the whole enterprize. Captain _Clipperton_ by this time might reasonably be supposed gone from _Fernandes_: so away we sail from _Chiloe_ to our own satisfaction, as well as the great joy of the King of _Spain_’s subjects, whom we had plagued all round that bay, tho’ to little purpose. But instead of _Fernandes_, he is quickly furnished with another excuse from holding his course thither; which he says, p. 115, was the persuasions of his people to the contrary: “for they had notions, which the _Frenchman_ had inspired them with, of vast advantages by going first to the port of _Conception_.” This too is all a fiction, forged at home to palliate his own male practice; for we were all against medling with the continent, and wanted to seek out our consort and try our fortune at sea; which ’tis well known has always been, and must be the practice of privatiers, who mean to succede in their undertaking. But if any doubt had arisen, why did he not, in this emergence, call a council of his officers according to his own instructions, which obliged him particularly to follow that method observed by captain _Rogers_, printed at large in his voyage, and where there are examples enough of this kind? But _Shelvocke_’s reason for not doing it now, and for never once doing it at all, is a manifest proof that the faults he imputes to his officers, are forgeries of his own, made to excuse his vices at the expense of their credit. However, _Shelvocke_ goes into _Conception_, where he took two ships; the one waiting for her loading, and worth little; the other was worth to us about 1500_l_: one moiety of which was laid aside for the owners; but when he lost his ship, they divided that and all among them, as he says, p. 227; tho’ he has thought fit not to mention any thing of his own six shares. Here he stays about a fortnight, under pretense of receiving ransom for the two ships; tho’ he knew very well that the governers in those parts never will, or dare suffer that practice, since thereby privatiers might make a tolerable hand on’t, tho’ even the whole coast were alarm’d: for it’s not only loss of ship and cargo to the ransomer, but likewise confiscation of all his goods and chattels: and what is yet to them more dreadful, the anathema or curses of the church. Nevertheless the governer of _Conception_ desires he may treat with one of our captain’s officers: so I was order’d on that important negotiation; but all my intreaties could not prevail with _Shelvocke_ to let my servant go in his hat: he must wear one of the foremention’d tall grenadier caps two foot high. The fellow being of a squat size looked more like a burlesk figure in a droll, than a servant to an ambassador. So I proceeded, and was attended to the governer by all the mob in the town, and had much ado to look grave at so much farce. _Shelvocke_ says, p. 142, “the man’s cap gave great offense, as if intended to ridicule the mitre:” which I can’t deny; for the churchmen had good reason to take umbrage at the extreme height of it. P. 123. He has a falsity too flagrant to be believed at all. “I could perceive, says he, with my perspective an enemies boat pass within pistol shot of my pinnace, but captain _Hatley_, who commanded, never offered once to follow her, or bring her to: _Hatley_ truly said he did not mind her, tho’ his boat’s crew all agreed that she was full of men:” This he exults upon mighty captain-like; but I affirm that _Hatley_ did chace her immediately, and we were all well enough diverted with it; he following her quite cross the bay till he came within reach of the enemies guns on the platform; from whence they fired twice at him, and so well aimed, that in all probability the third would have sunk him, or made him the head shorter, the shot being eighteen pounders. This I am sure was in the sight of ten thousand people round the bay; for all that part of _Chili_ was alarm’d, and whosoever was fit to bear arms appeared here to see the issue of our exploits. _Shelvocke_ having taken here, just after coming into the port, a small prize bound from _Lima_, found by letters she brought from the merchants there, that the coast was alarm’d to norward by one of _Clipperton_’s prizes retaken by the _Spaniards_: but this he keeps a secret from us, and resolves now to get rid of his men as fast as he can; therefore sends away lieutenant _Randal_, and an officer of marines, with about twenty five men, in a small bark which we took in the bay, to attack a little vessel that was hawl’d up almost dry, in a creek about six or seven miles from us: _Shelvocke_ must needs have known that there could be nothing in her, since it was no secret to the _Spaniards_ that we were an _English_ privatier. The vanity of this attempt wants no explanation of mine, since he hath sufficiently described the folly and misfortune of it himself, p. 125. which is worth reading: there he lost five of his men, risquing their lives to take an empty, vessel: and the only incouragement he had of success from this undertaking, was from the boatswain of a small _Spanish_ prize which he took a day or two before, who was already grown so very sincere a friend, and so heartily in our interest as to give us prodigious informations: and upon the credit of this man, _Shelvocke_ pretends he sent the poor fellows to make this new experiment; which I may venture to say has proved our captain to be no politician. After this he tells you, p. 127, the men murmur’d and grew very uneasy, damning the _South Seas_----as well they might, being thus order’d upon fools errands, without any hopes of making a good voyage for themselves; destined as it were for mere tools to carry on his own selfish ignorant projects. And yet _Shelvocke_, with a bold face and harden’d heart, says, even this too was their own fault. In short his conscience is an original; his book is an original, and he is an original; but I hope in God neither of ’em will ever be copied. Captain _Clipperton_ persued his voyage directly from the _Cape Verd_ islands, and I do think it somewhat extraordinary, and well deserving the reader’s remark, that the _Success_ arrived at the entrance into the streights of _Magellan_ on the 30th of _May_ 1719, being 52 and 30 south latitude. But _Shelvocke_ could not find his way to St. _Catherine_’s, in latitude 27 : 30 south, till the 20th of _June_ following, by his own account, p. 17. I shall transcribe captain _Clipperton_’s procedings as minuted down in Mr. _Taylor_’s journal. _Success, May 29._ “This day at noon I make my course from the westermost point of the island _Fogo_, one of the _Cape Verd_ islands, latitude 14 : 40 N. to _Cape Virgin Mary_, the north point of the entrance into the freights of _Magellan_, in latitude 52 : 15 S. to be S. 29 : 00 W. the distance 1580 leagues, mer. dist. 36 : 04 W. longitude 44 : 18 W.” _May_ the 30th. “Fresh gales and squally for the first part these twenty four hours, but fairer towards the latter end. This afternoon we anchored in the streights of _Magellan_, in ten fathom water. The south point of the entrance call’d _Queen Catharine’s Foreland_, bearing then S.S.W. five leagues, and _Cape Virgin Mary_ N. by E. one league. It makes like a large deep bay. We weigh from hence the next day, proceding farther till we come to _Queen Elizabeth_’s islands; where we send our pinnace ashore on the main, having found a fresh water river, but frozen up. We saw several flocks of geese and ducks, but were very shy. Our surgeon’s mate remains on shore. One _Robert Dawson_, a saylor, departed this life. Our surgeon’s mate was brought on board in the morning almost dead with the cold. At ten in the morning we weighed and made sail.” _June_ the 7th. “Fresh gales and fair weather the first part, but the later much snow. At two this afternoon anchor’d in forty fathom water, the northmost point of _Elizabeth_’s Island bore S. W. one league, St. _Bartholomew_’s island E. by S. two leagues: the yawl was sent ashore to gather greens. This place affords great quantity of a sort of wild sellary, which very much refreshed our men, and is good salading enough.” _June_ the 13th. “These twenty four hours squally with snow. We find here a good watering-place. Here is a fine wood, most hazel, with some tall beach trees, several of which are fit for masts.” ---- 14. “Sent our launch ashore with our empty casks: captain _Clipperton_ and the carpenter went this morning ashore to look for a good stick for a mizen-mast, and find a good one ready fell’d. At noon the captain return’d with some wildfoul. Our men gather muscles and limpets in great plenty. Here we begin sorely to feel the want of our wine and brandy: and our men by frequent eating shellfish to help out with their allowance, are much troubled with the scurvy.” 20. “Cloudy weather, with much sleet and rain. Our launch brought on board her loading of wood, which we stowed away among the cask: at five this morning clear’d the hause and brought the small-bower on board: hoisted the launch in; at eleven our pinnace brought on board a mizen and mizen-top-sail-yard, with a new studdinsail-boom, and got ready to sail.” 21. “Weighed this forenoon at eleven. The tide being spent, stood into a small bay, but could find no ground with seventy fathom line; so were obliged to run to leeward again. Winds from S. W. to N. W.” 22. “Fresh gales and squally: at one this afternoon anchored in a fine bay in fifteen fathom, shingly ground: the northmost point of _Port Famine_ N. by W. five leagues, and the southmost point of the small bay, which we christen’d _no Bottom Bay_, S. by E. four mile. At seven we weighed again plying to the southward; we had this day a good amplitude, and find the variation to be 14° : 15´ northerly. All the trees along shore are very tall; their tops cover’d with snow; the land prodigious high, so that we have strong flaws of wind almost continually: fresh water to be found in every bay.” 29. “A canoe with four _Indians_ came on board us, being two men a woman and a boy: they are of a middle stature, dark complexion, a broad roundvisage, low fore-heads, black hair, very lank and short, with no cloathing but a skin to cover the middle: they had a small streak round the skin of their wrists, of a fine azure blue: they would not suffer the woman to come on board: captain _Clipperton_ ordered them some bread and cheese, which they eat greedily, but would not touch a drop of brandy. They brought us some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged for knives: they had a fire in the midship of their canoe, which is made of the bark of trees sewed together. They had bows and arrows, and some fishing tackle. After two hours stay they went ashore, making signs they would come again. To day we buried _Thomas Camfield_ a marine.” 30. “Cloudy weather: our pinnace went ashore this afternoon at one, and returned at six, and with them the _Indian_ canoe loaden with large muscles, which they truck’d with our people for bread, and what else they could get.” _July 1._ “Moderate weather: our pinnace was sent ashore to fetch one of our men that tarried there yesterday, but could not find him. Our surgeon’s mate had one of his toes cut off, mortified with cold that night he stay’d ashore. At seven forenoon loosed both topsails; at nine weigh’d, and our pinnace brought the man aboard: an _Indian_ canoe came on board; and one of them steping in, and being under fresh way, the rest of his companions held fast the towline, till they were almost hawl’d under water: so they were forced to let go the rope, and the _Indian_ remain’d on board. _Cape Froward_ bore at noon E. 14 mile; _Point Gallant_ N. E. by E. four mile.” 2. “Moderate weather at half an hour past four this afternoon anchored in twenty fathom, small sand and shells. The body of _Prince Rupert_’s island bore south three mile: the low point of the bay we were in N. W. one mile. Another _Indian_ canoe came on board: the woman they had wore a necklace of small beautiful shels, nicely strung, which went five or six turns round her neck; it look’d, at a small distance, like a pearl one. At seven this morning weigh’d and try’d the strength of the current, which ran about two knots.” 3. “For these twenty four hours strong gales of wind and cloudy weather: this afternoon at one anchor’d in thirty one fathom; small stones and shells. Point _Middleton_ W. by S. two leagues, and the point of St. _Jerom_’s found N. W. by W. four mile: the tide run two knots and a half. At five in the afternoon, being high water, sounded in twenty seven fathom, at ten, forty five fathom, at twelve, forty five fathom, the ship having tail’d out. At four in the morning we found she drove: brought the cable to the capston and hove; but the tide running strong to leeward, and a fresh gale, she drove very fast: so that half past five we were forced to cut away the anchor with half the cable: and before we could get our sails set we were just aboard _Prince Rupert_’s island, having fifty fathom close to the side of it: but our sails filling, we had the good fortune to run off; and were forced quite back to _Point Gallant_ bay, where we anchor’d in fourteen fathom.” 5. “These twenty four hours strong gusts of wind, with much snow and rain. At night dy’d Mr. _John Crawford_: several more fall ill: captain _Shelvocke_ has many curses: at six forenoon our pinnace was sent ashore to get greens and other refreshments for the sick men. Winds at W. and N. W.” 7. “These twenty four hours strong squalls of winds: lowered our fore and main yards, at three this afternoon moor’d the ship. Mr. _William Pridham_ our master gunner departed this life: buried one _Thomas Oldfield_.” 8. “These twenty four hours pretty moderate weather: at four this afternoon got up our lower yards: at eleven this morning we buried our gunner ashore, under a triple discharge of our small arms: and had an end of a strong plank drove down at the head of his grave, inscribed with his name, the ship’s name, with the month and year.” 10. “Squally weather with snow. At two this morning lower’d our yards again: at five _Francis Doyle_, one of our marines, died. The pinnace kept constantly imploy’d in fetching muscles and other shellfish: and the wild sellery, already mentioned, being the only eatable we can yet discover.” 11. “Moderate gales and hazy weather, with snow. At three this afternoon clear’d the hause: at seven this morning got up the yards again; this day put our ships company to shorter allowance of six to two, _i. e._ one piece of beef or pork for six men.” 17. “At eight in the forenoon weighed again, and at noon anchor’d in _York Road_, which is the same place we were drove out from when we lost our anchor; it is gravelly ground: _Point Middleton_ W. S. W. three leagues, _Cape Quad_ W. by S. five leagues.” 18. “Hazey weather with rain and snow. At half an hour past nine this evening the ship drove, it being loose sandy ground; hove up the anchor and stood into the bay. At eleven anchor’d in eight fathom: our buoy being staved, weighed the best bower to bend another, and so let it drop again. Moor’d: winds at W. N. W.” 20. “This morning captain _Mitchel_ and lieutenant _Davison_ went in the pinnace to _Terra del Fuego_ or the south shore, in order to make a discovery of the passage that the _French Tartan_ is said to have went thro’ into the _South-Sea, May 1713_, and to see if there was any anchoring beyond _Cape Quad_; being furnish’d with all necessaries for that purpose.” 29. “The pinnace return’d, having found the passage thro’ which the _Tartan_ pass’d, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go far that way: but their provisions fell short, and that place affording no manner of supply, they were forced to return before they could satisfy themselves throughly: yet they found several good bays to the N. W. of _Cape Quad_ to anchor in. The _Indians_ gave them a seal, which they broyled and roasted, and said it eat as well as any venison.” _August 1._ “Captain _Mitchel_, with three more of our officers took the pinnace at six this forenoon, and resolve this time to inform themselves of the truth concerning the passage already mentioned into the _South-Sea_, and see if ’twere practicable for us to go through. Our other boats go a wooding and watering. This morning died _Thomas Parry_ corporal of marines.” 5. “Captain _Mitchel_ returns: but found no such passage to go thro’ into the _South-Sea_, as Monsieur _Frezier_ would make us believe. It’s true they found a narrow streight which led them into a spacious bay full of ice: but no passage through.” I shall transcribe no more from _Taylor_’s journal of what happen’d to them in these streights: what I have taken is for the information of my seafaring reader, and to shew him the many fatigues that _Clipperton_’s men were harrassed with in mooring and unmooring; their struggling with contrary winds and currents; the loss of their anchor, and their narrowly escaping a shipwreck against _Rupert_’s island: all which will easily convince him that to go through _le Mair_ streights and round _Cape Horne_, is the safest and shortest navigation: Besides, the _French_, who have carried on a constant trade to those seas for almost thirty years, have always chosen it: add to this that captain _Clipperton_’s endeavours to find out the passage through _Terra del Fuego_, talked of by _Frezier_, demonstrate that he would gladly have been out of the streights as soon as he could: but _Mitchel_, who was a good seaman and curious enough, having made two essays, which took him up a fortnight, returned without finding any new passage: so that it’s very doubtful whether any _Tartan_, or other imbarkation ever past that way; tho’ _Frezier_ has fondly imagined it a new discovery, and has marked it in his chart, which also is faulty in other respects. _August 18._ Captain _Clipperton_ got out of the streights of _Magellan_, proceding directly towards _Fernandes_, lat. 33 : 30 S. being the third and last place of rendezvous, where he arrives on the 7th of _September 1719_. According to his instructions he stays here a month for _Shelvocke_, and if he had stay’d four, he must then have gone without him. Captain _Clipperton_ not being able to conjecture what was become of the _Speedwel_, gives her up for lost: however, before he weighed he sent captain _Mitchel_ ashore to set up a cross, burying at the foot thereof a bottle, wherein was a letter for captain _Shelvocke_, directing another place of rendezvous and some proper signals to know each other at sea: but fearing that two of his men who had there deserted and absconded in the woods, might mischievously take down the said cross; he had his own name and _Magee_’s the surgeon, carv’d in the bark of one of the largest trees first presenting it self at landing. _Taylor_’s Journal _Sept. 8. 1719_. “This being the last place of rendezvous to meet with or hear of the _Speedwel_: we find no signal nor footsteps of her; which gives us all no small uneasiness.” ---- 9. “At eight this morning sent sixteen men ashore: three of them die soon after they land, cursing _Shelvocke_ with their dying breath, for running away with our wine and brandy. The truth of it is, our case is deplorable enough; for we have not a drop of either to chear the languishing spirits of our sick men: and we that at present, through the providence of the Almighty, injoy our health, cannot help being dejected to think how soon it may come to our turns to be taken with sickness.” 14. “Uncertain weather with rain. This day our boats bring eighteen goats aboard: sent ashore for some salt; our men having found here a good quantity ready made, which was left by some of the _French_ ships who often touch here.” 28. “We continue to get our wood and water aboard, and our ship in a posture for sailing.” _Oct. 6._ “Moderate gales of wind and fine weather. Captain _Mitchel_ with some more of our officers go in the pinnace to the east part of the island to look four of our men, who have absented a fortnight: two of which men they found in the custody of our goat hunters, having met with them when in persuit of their game, saying they had greater difficulty in securing these fellows, than in killing double the number of goats: for at first they were forced to fire several times at them before they would surrender. They told our men that for the first five days they were hard put to’t, being forced to subsist wholly on the cabbage-trees, of which here is great plenty; but that having by good fortune one night found some fire that was left by our hunters, it served them in good stead, for they could then dress their fish and fill their bellies. Our pinnace is sent ashore to launch the longboat. Salted more fish, and brought off four cask more of seal.” 7. “Got all our people off the island into the launch, with most of the things we had on shore; leaving the two men that run away to take possession of _Alexander Selkirk_’s habitation, who was taken off this desolate place by captain _Rogers_ in 1709; after having liv’d here above four years alone. Captain _Mitchel_ goes ashore to set up a cross with a bottle buried at the foot of it, wherein is a letter for captain _Shelvocke_. At five this morning unmoord, and at eight weighed.” The names carved as aforesaid on the bark of the tree stood thus, as I saw them. Captain _John ----_ _W. Magee._ 1719. The reason why _Clipperton_’s surname is omitted, was because he was well known in the _South-Seas_: and if any _Spaniards_ or _French_ who occasionally touch there had seen it, the discovery of the name might probably have alarmd the coast of _Chili_ and _Peru_. This done, captain _Clipperton_ holds his course to the norward, soon arriving in the parallel of _Lima_: which being the chief scene of action, he stands off and on at a convenient distance, to prevent being descryed from the shore; where he had cruised but a small time, before he made himself master of several prizes: but necessity obliging him to send at least two officers, besides a sufficient number of his men on board each prize, it weaken’d him very much, so that he soon grasped more than he could hold. Add to this the low condition of his men, both by sickness and a reduction of their allowance that they were not overable to work the ship; besides the loss of thirty men, who dyed between the equator and this place. The misfortune of all this will best be seen in what follows: for in _November_ the _Success_ giving chase to a fresh sail a head, the last taken prize was run away with by the _Spaniards_, who by stratagem got the better of the few _English_ that were put aboard her in a hurry: while the enemy, with manifest risque of their own lives, ran their ship ashore among the rocks, and alarmd all the coast. --Here follow _Taylor_’s own words. _Success_, _November_ the 20th. “Fresh gales and fair weather. Yesterday at three in the afternoon we were surprized to see that when we made the signal to tack and stand off from the land, our last taken prize instead of observing the same, made sail for the shore as fast as she could, she being then the sternmost and nearest the shore, while we stand off, having another sail in view.” 21. “Little winds and fair weather. At three this afternoon finding the pink that yesterday stood in for the shore was run away with by the _Spaniards_, we begin to think it now full time to send all the _Spanish_ prisoners ashore, as well to save our provision, as to let the _Spaniards_ ashore have early notice of our good treatment towards those we had taken; that our men may be used after the same manner.” From this period, therefore, I date the breaking of our scheme, and the ruin of our voyage; of both which captain _Shelvocke_ was intirely the author. This I need not labour to prove, because it’s manifest if _Shelvocke_ had joyned _Clipperton_, and been here at his duty, the loss of this prize had not happened; or which is infinitely worse, the alarming of the _Spaniards_: upon whose security the greatest hope of our enterprize was founded. From this misfortune of _Clipperton_ on the coast of _Peru_, and the wilful mismanagement of _Shelvocke_ in rousing all the coast of _Chili_, a stop was put to the success of both our ships, and the consequence was an imbargo laid by the Viceroy of _Peru_, which was enough to check all our growing wishes and expectations. Here then we must a while leave captain _Clipperton_, who could do nothing effectually without the assistance of our ship, which he now thought had quite deserted him, or was cast away: and if the _Speedwel_ had joyned him, his prizes could not have grown so numerous: for ’twas designed, that one of the ships should carry the captures to the desert islands to leeward, where the prisoners might have subsisted on their own provisions; we sinking the first taken ships, to leave them no opportunity of alarming the coast, ’till the work were done, and our fortunes made. According to _Clipperton_’s own scheme, who projected and commanded this voyage, our greatest dependance was in this parallel: _Lima_ being the grand mart of all trade and business carryed on from _North_ to _South_ on this vastly extended rich continent. Here I think it worth observing that captain _Clipperton_ can no way deserve censure in his conduct, having hitherto, tho’ under a hard lot, acted justly and prudently: but what can be the merits of captain _Shelvocke_, who after providentially escaping the violent tempest at first setting out, makes his own ill use of it, and would never again endeavour to meet his consort; but shun’d it with all the craft imaginable? What recompense can _Shelvocke_ make for the indecent censures and cruel reflexions thrown upon the memory of the dead? Certainly _Clipperton_ deserved better from a man to whose wilful mismanagement all his misfortunes are justly imputed: and ’tis no wonder, if he took to drinking, after having miscarryed in three voyages to the _South-Seas_: the two first by circumvention of the _Spaniards_, and this last by the treachery of one who should have been his consort and friend: ’tis what we see daily in people undone by the baseness of men and the frowns of fortune. As to the humanity of our two commanders, there is certainly this difference between them; _Shelvocke_ took care on all occasions, to risque the lives of his men that few might remain witnesses of his falshood, and the dividends of those who did survive might rise in greater proportion: for out of his 106 men carryed from _Plymouth_, he brought only 25 to _China_; whereas _Clipperton_ brought most of his thither; and behaved with generosity and good temper, witness his concern for his men, who were run away with in the prize lately mentioned, and his good treatment of the enemy; since he did not care how soon the _Spaniards_ went ashore to give what account they thought fit of him. The contrivance by which the _Spaniards_ got their ship again, was thus. The _Spanish_ captain seeing by the number of prizes then in the custody of captain _Clipperton_ that he could not spare many of his hands to put aboard the pink, which already had above a dozen passengers, besides the ship’s company: the master of the _Rosary_ privately bid the passengers hide themselves in the hold with the countermaster or boatswain who was a _Frenchman_, ordering them upon a signal agreed on, to seize as many of the _Englishmen_, as should happen to go into the hold; and this plot they believed would succede as the lieutenant drew nearer and nearer to board them; for _Serjeantson_ had but seven or eight men with him. The lieutenant upon his boarding the prize, ordered all that appeared to him, such as _Indians_, _Nigros_ and seamen to go into the great cabin, except the captain and pilot, and then placed a centinel at the door. When he thought he had effectually secur’d his prisoners, he gave orders to hoist the topsails and stand for the commodore: then apprehending no danger, the men heedlesly went down to see what there was aboard. The passengers who were secretly in the hold surprized the men, knocking some of them down with billets of wood: the prisoners in the cabin immediately rushed on the centinel and disarmed him. The master or pilot, according to the sign, coming at the same time behind _Serjeantson_ knocked him down likewise, and ordered them all to be bound; tho’ none were killed as _Serjeantson_ informed me, whom I afterwards found a prisoner at _Lima_. The _Spaniard_ thus regain’d the possession of his ship; but did not long injoy her; for eagerly running her ashore, he lost her on the rocks, and narrowly escaped with his life: then setting the _Englishmen_ free from their bonds, they all got ashore as well as they could, the _Spaniards_ taking them prisoners the nearest way to _Lima_. The viceroy of _Peru_ understanding what the _Spanish_ captain had done, order’d a new ship to be built for him at _Guiaquil_, and a general tax among the traders to pay the value of her, as a reward for the service he had done the public. One of _Clipperton_’s men upon examination declared all he knew of our designs in this voyage: and upon these occasions, there is seldom one wanting who will tell any thing to merit what favour he can. Among other discoveries, the viceroy is informed of the cross and bottle at _Fernandes_, with the written signals for captain _Shelvocke_, and that two of _Clipperton_’s men had deserted there: upon which he immediately sends out a small vessel to fetch the two men, and the bottle containing the signals. We return now to _Shelvocke_ whom we left in the bay of _Conception_ treating with the governer about the ransom of the two ships: but our captain finding he was only trifled with, thought fit to burn the two ships there in the harbour: upon which I shall only observe, that it was a very extravagant humour: for one of the ships, the St. _Fermin_, he owns _p._ 153, was the best fitted out of any of the _Peruvian_ traders, and _p._ 104, he says the loss of his anchor at _Chiloe_ was one of the greatest damages he could have sustained: therefore ’tis much that a man of his pretended knowledge could not save an anchor and cable to supply the former loss of his own: the neglect of which appeared sufficiently afterwards. After he had set fire to the ships, he took along with him the fruit bark, upon which he orders a deck to be made, calling her the _Mercury_: (an odd name for a vessel that could neither sail nor row) and away we procede towards _John Fernandes_. In our way thither, the prize and plunder money of the St. _Fermin_ was distributed; and here he says _p._ 157, that captain _Betagh_ indeavours to raise a mutiny but fails in the attempt. Particularly, that I opposed the owners having part of any thing but what was upon freight or mention’d in the bills of lading; and thus he runs off two pages of mere scandal, as if I only was uneasy, whereas all our officers had convincing proofs of his bad principles as well as I. I might have said in common talk among our selves, that I always thought wearing apparel found in chests between decks, should be deemed fair plunder: and may be it is so. Is it just therefore, that what a man delivers as private opinion only, shall afterwards be reap’d up and call’d mutiny; especially by one who has made every thing plunder, and ruin’d and destroy’d near a hundred men in the voyage? But this man is perpetually blaming every body but himself to screen his own villanies. _Jan. 17^{19}/_{20}._ We arrive at _Fernandes_, where Mr. _Brook_ being the first officer that landed, immediately saw Captain _John_ ---- and _W. Magee_ cut in the tree-bark as aforesaid: upon the news of which every body seemed to rejoyce, but our worthy captain, who would have it an invention of _Brook_’s, for which he used him scurvily before all the company, telling him ’twas a lie. It’s very strange a man can’t believe his own eyes, or would feign a thing of this nature, which any one going ashore might be convinced of in a moment: but _Shelvocke_ hated the mention of it, and feared the truth of it, lest his whole company would be impatient, and persuade him without delay to go to leeward and joyn his consort. _Brook_ had hitherto been a great favourite with _Shelvocke_, but for this unwelcome discovery he is now put upon the black list, as by the sequel will appear. I shall quote our author’s own words, _p._ 160. “Some of my men accidentally saw the word _Magee_, which was the name of _Clipperton_’s surgeon, and captain _John_ cut out under it upon a tree, but no directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident that he never meant I should keep him company, or ever joyn with him again.” Now this is so notorious a falsehood, that every step of captain _Clipperton_ shews the contrary, and proves you the greatest impostor that can be: your very wording of it, shews to what mean shifts you are reduced. Why must it be, _accidentally_ saw the word _Magee_? Was it a meteor that vanished after the first appearance? or if the men did see it by chance, are you so simple to persuade us it was cut in the tree by chance? And then to say _Magee_ was first, and the captains name under it, is not the contrary more probable? Besides, we all saw the captain’s name first: and this is only a stupid indeavour to degrade him. As for the directions agreed upon, they were buryed in the ground, and discovered to the viceroy who sent for them as I said before; and tho’ _Shelvocke_ was ignorant of this at _Fernandes_; yet, at the writing of his book, he well knew it: and therefore the coarse language he gives _Clipperton_ as above, makes himself appear a worse wretch than I expected. After this, instead of going directly to leeward to meet with the _Success_, he must needs have another touch with the shore; and accordingly steers away to _Arica_, sending the _Mercury_ along shore before him, which took a bark laden with cormorants dung (used there as manure) the owner of which came on board us in the night, and informed us that one of _Clipperton_’s prizes had alarmed the whole coast, and that two _Spanish_ men of war were fitted out from _Lima_ in quest of us: and this is what we believed _Shelvocke_ knew before, by letters taken in the St. _Fermin_. Here he puts four quarter deck guns into the _Mercury_, and hawling her pretty near the shore, gets into her, with my self, Mr. _Stewart_, three more officers, and a few men: then bringing the _Speedwel_ and _Mercury_’s broadside to bear on the town, he begins _Quixot_ like to canonade it; which really had no other effect than to scare away the women and children: for the men contrary to our expectation assembled on the naked beach, and suddenly erected a good breastwork of stones and what rubbish they could find, gallantly standing our fire: but the swell giving us some motion, we could not bring our guns to bear so as to dislodge any of them. _Shelvocke_ being tired with destroying his munition, sends an _Indian_ prisoner under a flag of truce to demand of the town what they would please to give to be rid of us; and tho’ he says nothing of this, _p._ 167, the _Indian_ leap’d out of the boat, swiming through the terrible breakers, which made landing there impossible; delivers his message, and returns faithfully the same way to the boat with answer, That they car’d not a fig for any such _borracho_; that is drunkard, the most contemptuous name they make use of. Upon which our captain called for his pinnace, and taking _Stewart_ with him, goes aboard in a pet; but left the rest of us to unmoor the _Mercury_, and carry her out into the road. At his getting into the boat, not as he says at his departure, the inhabitants gave us a regular hedge fire, and three huzzas, or horse laughs. To confirm what I said about the strict prohibition of ransoming; the owner of the dung bark was forced to do it by stratagem, coming in the night with his money, being 1300 dollars, and pray’d us to carry her three or four mile out, and then turn her adrift, that the bargain might be a secret, or look as if she was not worth our keeping. _Shelvocke_’s aversion to journal-keeping was so great, that I cannot help inserting the following memorandum to confirm it. One Mr. _Hamilton_ our ensign, a gentleman of a good family in _Scotland_, had a mind, tho’ he was no seaman, to keep a journal for his amusement; and upon taking this bark he enters it thus in his book. _Feb. 5th. 1720._ “This geud day we a taen a sma vashel lodded wi turd.” This humour causing some laughter in the steerage, _Shelvocke_ lent his son _George_ to inquire the meaning of that uproar. Upon _George_’s report, the captain came down and asked _Hamilton_ what business he had to keep a journal? adding that he was a sawcy fellow, and there should be no pen and ink work aboard his ship: so that he was oblig’d ever after, like _Shelvocke_, to keep his account by dint of memory. From _Arica_ we sail down along shore, and now _Shelvocke_ enters vigorously upon his own project; which was effectually to rid himself of his officers, having been often heard to say, he hated so many captains. He knew by _Rogers_ his journal, that all the merchantmen in those seas are man’d with _Indians_ or _Nigros_; with which he could easily supply any loss of his own men; and which, far from demanding any share of prize money, would sell for money in another part of the world. Whereupon he sends away fifteen of us in the _Mercury_, seven of which were officers, just in the mouth of the enemy, in the very track of their ships; and with a moral certainty of being taken, if not destroyed, for cruising on their own coast, and in one of their own bottoms. It is very remarkable that one of this ill fated company should be the boatswain, who is always look’d on as the most necessary officer to be left in a ship; the good order of the men depending as much upon him, as the captain himself: and a boatswain was never sent a cruising in this world before. His name was _Nicholas Laming_, a good man, and a good officer. After we were taken prisoners, he died on the road with the great fatigue of his journey. To put this man’s wickedness yet in a dearer light, give me leave thus fairly to describe the _Mercury_. She was really nothing but a lighter; was built and always imploy’d as such; tho’ not quite so heavy or strong as those in the _Thames_: for as the _Spaniards_ have no wharves, cranes, or carts to load their vessels with in that country; so she differ’d from our lighters, only by being a small matter slighter and shallower, the better to run into shoal water; where the _Nigros_ and _Indians_ do the office of cranes and horses, by wading deep in the water to load her. He built a deck upon her as high as the gunnel, fix’d a mast in her, and then put a gang of his ships oars into her: one of which I measur’d, finding it thirty three foot in length, and so heavy that no less than three men could row with one of them: beckets having been fix’d to the looms for the easier managing of them. Now I appeal to any impartial judge of a ship or bark, how it was possible for the men, if standing, to row with such an oar in such a vessel: for they must at each stroke indanger their knuckles against the deck before the blade could be raised out of the water: and if sitting, ’tis still worse, because there’s no foot-hold; moreover the man at the handle could not extend his arms to fetch a stroke. Then if we consider her as to her sailing, she would go well enough right afore it, provided it blew strong enough: but upon a wind, the meanest capacity may imagine what she could do, as having no gripp of the water. In this notable imbarkation were we sent to seek our fortunes; and I believe ours to be the first company that ever was order’d to cruise in a lighter. This being the last time he was likely to have the pleasure of using me ill, he resolved to do it in a manner peculiar to himself: all the rest having the favour of knowing their orders an hour or two before. Immediately upon my receiving the message, that I must go in the _Mercury_, I went down to lash my hammack in the _Speedwel_: then taking my money bag out of my chest, I seal’d and deliver’d it to Mr. _Hendrie_ then our purser, telling him I expected no account of it, till it pleased God we met in _England_. _Shelvocke_ who had set a spy to watch my words and looks, now calls up all hands, and ask’d them if they thought they were going for a sacrifice, using me in a manner too scandalous to be recorded. After this, our commander captain _Hatley_ and the rest of us got into the vessel and put off, steering along shore to the _northward_. We cruised four or five days and landed twice at the isle of _Lobos_, where _Shelvocke_ promis’d to leave instructions, but we found none: and if he intended we should joyn him again, he would have told us his design of going in to plunder the little town of _Payta_, where we could easily have joyn’d him, having the rich prize (as he calls her) twelve days in our hands before we were all taken. During our cruise, we took one small bark tho’ he says two, p. 177, and that of no value: after which we took an old _English_ pink bound from _Panama_ to _Lima_, which _Shelvocke_ says at random was worth 150000 dollars, tho’ he never saw the vessel, or knew what was in her: and I am sure we found no money at all aboard her; for she was bound in her ballast with a small parcel of pedlary ware from _Panama_ to _Lima_: but were it from _Lima_ to _Panama_ there probably had been money in her. We all got aboard the prize, except a hand or two left to take care of the _Mercury_, and kept cruising between _Lobos_ and cape _Blanco_; and while we hop’d to be taken up by our faithful commander _Shelvocke_, we fell into the hands of one of the _Spanish_ cruisers of 30 guns, called the _Brilliant_: which after we struck, continu’d their fire into the _Mercury_ ’till they destroyed her, tho’ the men very providentially escaped and were made prisoners with us. As soon as the _Spaniards_ boarded the said pink to strip and rifle us, about ninety six moidores taken from the _Portuguese_ off cape _Frio_ were found upon _Hatley_, for which he indeed was us’d but scurvily--And this is the fair light I promised, p. 30. when I was treating of this story before. After leaving us, the next thing remarkable is his long story of escaping the _Peregrine_ a _Spanish_ man of war at _Payta_: which account as it is a wild story full of abominable romance and vain glory, I shall answer it particularly: for _Hatley_ and all of us were sufficiently inform’d of the whole affair, as soon as we were set ashore at _Payta_, which was in a day or two after this thing happen’d. _Shelvocke_ to magnify his own exploits, does well to magnify the force of his enemy. He says, the _Peregrine_ had upwards of 450 men, and mounted 56 guns: I will allow him that she carry’d 40, but never more; for I was aboard her afterwards at _Lima_; and I believe when he met with her, she had 350 men aboard, but such a mixt crew of ignorant creatures, that I am certain twenty expert seamen would do more execution than all they together. As for the commander of her, whom _Shelvocke_ calls an admiral, he was a _Creolian_, a mere fresh waterman, who never saw any action before: and as for the people aboard him, they were composed of _Nigros_, _Mestizos_ and _Indians_; besides which there were not above a dozen white faces in all: for this ship was purposely design’d to carry the late viceroy prince _Santo Bueno_, his family and retinue to _Acapulco_; but in the mean time order’d a short cruise on the coast. She sail’d so heavy that the _Spaniards_ never expected she would be of any use against the _English_ privatiers: and for that reason, put all their good able men aboard the other three cruisers, the _Zelerin_, _Brilliant_ and _San Francisco_, which were light ships and good sailers. The _Peregrine_ was so unable and unwilling too, that if she had not found the _Speedwel_ in harbour, she would never have follow’d her to sea; for we were told at _Payta_, that the first fire from the _Speedwel_ terrify’d the enemy so very much, that they could not tell whether they were really dead or alive. They all immediately ran from their quarters, and the very steersman who had the helm, quitted it: so that the ship which was then close hawl’d standing in, came with her head sails in the wind, and muzzled her self; that is, she lay bobbing up and down, with her sails flapping against the mast: and how could it be otherwise, where there was only a few good officers among a mere mob of black people fear’d out of their wits. The commander and his officers did what they could to bring them to their duty: they beat them, swore at them, and prick’d them in the buttocks, but all would not do; for the poor devils were resolved to be frighted: most of them run quite down in the hold, while others were upon their knees praying the saints for deliverance. The _Speedwel_ did not fire above eight or nine guns; and as they were found sufficient, _Shelvocke_ had no reason to waste his powder: but ’tis plain the _Peregrine_ might easily have run him aboard, if there had been but a few good seamen to stand by the bowlines and braces. However, this panic of theirs gave _Shelvocke_ a fair opportunity to get his men aboard, cut his cable, and go away right afore the wind. This is the plain truth of the matter, which every body was agreed in: for I heard of it at several places; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has cook’d up a formal story of a desperate ingagement to deceive those who knew him not, into a wondrous opinion of his conduct. He talks of his ship being greatly shatter’d in the fight, and several of the enemy kill’d; but ’tis all bluster: there was not a drop of blood spilt: for if the _Peregrine_ did fire a few guns, their confusion prevented them doing any mischief. And _Shelvocke_’s killing some of the enemy is very unlikely, when so many of them run down and hid themselves. ’Tis impossible for words to express the baseness of captain _Shelvocke_ in puting together so much reproachful language utterly void of truth and reason, as there is from p. 176 to 180. All the malice of his book is here sum’d up in a body. He says I mutinied about going into the _Mercury_, and insinuates that I threaten’d his life. This is a very poor charge of his, after contriving so plausible a scheme to destroy us. But I remember I answer’d these words p. 53, when we had just doubled cape _Horne_. As for his accusation of mutiny, ’tis as weak as the other: for tho’ ’tis evident we were deliver’d up as a prey, yet _Shelvocke_ had gone such lengths with us, that he would call even a wry face mutiny: and my whole account of his transactions is full of answer to this sort of calumny. Then he says I prevail’d on _Hatley_ to run away with the prize, plying him with liquor for that purpose: and runs on a long formal story of the wickedness of this thing, when I have made it plain she had no money, or any thing valuable aboard. Does not _Shelvocke_’s great ignorance in these facts demonstrate that these false accounts in his book were all invented here at home? After this he accuses me with discovering to the enemy the secrets of our expedition, for which I was us’d respectfully, and made an officer. It must be great weakness in _Shelvocke_ to fancy he had any secrets to discover, after he had alarm’d all the coast himself: besides the _Spaniards_ knew well enough what we came there for; therefore ’tis childish to talk of secrets: indeed _Shelvocke_ kept his own private designs a secret from us, which I dare say was no intention of the voyage; and I could not have known the places of rendezvous, without the help of Mr. _Taylor_’s journal. The reason of my being us’d respectfully is this.--_Don Pedro Midranda_, the admiral who took us, had a personal esteem for Sir _Charles Wager_, and I have reason to believe was formerly his prisoner. The _Spanish_ admiral had been treated with great candour and generosity by Sir _Charles_: and upon examination, finding that I gave a good account of Sir _Charles_, he was pleas’d to shew us great favours for his sake. It was owing to this, that I and all but captain _Hatley_ met with kind treatment: for my own part, I had the honour to eat at his table all the time we were aboard; where he seldom fail’d to toast Sir _Charles Wager_, at every meal. Then it’s plain the aforesaid guilt of _Hatley_’s made that difference between him and the rest. He says I was made an officer, and that I desired of my new captain, if we had the good luck to take _Shelvocke_, I might have the honour of boarding him first. After such vile procedings, by my troth I believe no body would think it an honour to board captain _Shelvocke_: but I deny that I ever said so, and whatever any of us said, he can only ghess at it. ’Tis certain we had reason to think and speak ill enough of him; since it was evident he got rid of us to serve a turn. However, as we were now treated much civiler than it was in _Shelvocke_’s nature to allow of; I frankly own there was not a man among us, but would gladly have seen him fall into the same admiral’s hands: for in a very few days after this, _Shelvocke_ rids himself of eleven more of his men, whom he sent under _James Hopkins_, one of his mates, aboard an empty bark not worth a groat, which he calls the St. _David_, p. 180, leaving them to shift for themselves, with no more than a week’s provision: after which they were compell’d to surrender among the _Indians_: and one of them, _John Gundy_, born at _Plymouth_ dock, had his throat cut for not stripping immediately: the rest I saw prisoners with us at _Lima_. _Shelvocke_ is modestly silent upon this article, saying only, p. 187, that he was oblig’d to leave the St. _David_ to cruise off _Payta_: but not a word of the mate and his ten men. As to my being an officer in the king of _Spain_’s service, ’tis mere scandal and nonsense; for if I had acted in that station in a time of war between the two crowns, ’tis very improbable I would venture home so soon, being the first of the prisoners who appear’d in _England_. Indeed we all, except _Hatley_, had our passage to _Cales_ in a _Spanish_ advice-boat, call’d the _Flying-fish_. Mr. _Pressick_ our surgeon’s mate, acted as surgeon in her, receiving wages; and so did all our men, being releas’d from prison to help navigate the vessel home. For my part, as I was well treated, I would not eat the bread of idleness, but kept my watch as other officers did; and pray where’s the harm of all this; tho’ _Shelvocke_ and his blunderbuss of a son, have had the stupidity to call it treason? And it must appear a very malicious charge, as well as an ignorant one, that after a man has been driven amongst the enemy, he must be call’d a traytor for being us’d kindly and accepting his passage back again; that because I was not murdered there, I ought to be executed at home. This is _Shelvocke_’s great christianity and good conscience. Lastly, he accuses me of being of a nation and religion which the _Spaniards_ are fond of. In the first place, captain _Shelvocke_ is very ill bred, to make any national reflexions at all; and then very ignorant not to know, they are never allow’d as argument. If he means I am an _Irishman_, I am well enough pleased to own it: not forgeting that his Majesty has many loyal subjects of that kingdom, in the state, church, navy and army. If by the other reflexion he means my religion to be of the _Romish_ church; I shall make this answer to it. That it certainly is the religion my parents design’d I should be of: but when I came to riper years and better understanding, I made use of that liberty which God has given all mankind, to make such confession of faith as is most agreeable to holy scripture and right reason. Thus determin’d, I took the oaths above twenty years ago; by which I quitted the _Romish_ faith, and abjur’d all papal authority in these kingdoms: I did all that is requir’d in those cases, and therefore ’tis needless to say more. Consequent to this I had the imployment of a purser in the navy, which I held some years; having before that served in several other inferiour capacities. I have continued ever since a lawful member of the church of _England_; What pretense then can _Shelvocke_ have to persecute me in this unjust public manner, and charge me with the popish religion; especially after he has cruelly forc’d me among the most rigid professors of it? But if he means by this accusation to make me appear as a disaffected person, I hope he will be mistaken: for I never drank the _Pretender_’s health, tho’ _Shelvocke_ made a constant practice of it, and every tenth of _June_ proposed it in an open manner; constraining some to do it, and using others ill who had spirit enough to refuse it. In what light then shall I place this _Shelvocke_, to make his infamy truly appear? A man who hath solemnly taken the oaths of allegiance, abjuration and supremacy, with king _George_’s commission in his pocket, commander of above a hundred men, to whom he should appear an example of goodness and loyalty, and in a public time of war to drink the _Pretender_’s health, and command his men to do the same, is an instance of such perjur’d villainy, as can never be exceded! Considering I am a seafaring man, ’tis for my credit that _Shelvocke_ will allow me to be of any religion: and I am really sorry I cannot return him the complement; but he has made such an abandon’d wretch of himself, that I am persuaded mankind will say ’tis better to have some religion than none at all. For after a man has broke thro’ oaths, which I call sacred ingagements, and violated all moral virtues, by which he was bound to promote the interest of us and our owners; what idea can we have of him? when thus he stands guilty of treachery, cruelty, perjury, ill-nature and ill-manners; you cannot call him a _christian_, and he is far short of a _mahometan_ both in faith and practice. Here I take leave of my noble captain _Shelvocke_, being quite separated from him, as he intended; and now forced to submit to the _Spaniard_, which however prov’d the fairer enemy of the two. Henceforth therefore, I must trace him by the help of _Taylor_’s journal, and the concurring evidence of those whose hard lot it was to remain under his command: while I go back to captain _Clipperton_, whom I shall, in as brief a manner as possible, bring to the end of his voyage, which also ended his life. He staid his month for _Shelvocke_ at _Fernandes_, as I observed before: the account of his progress and actions after that, I will impartially transcribe from _Taylor_’s journal, as I find it. [Illustration] [Illustration] SECTION II. _Success Oct. 20, 1719._ “This day a paper was fixt upon the main-mast, declaring what should and should not be deemed plunder. “The man who first spys a sail, proving a prize, to have five dollars for every hundred ton the prize measures. “Every man aboard a prize found drunk, or in any indecent act with a white or black woman, to be punished according to the nature of his offense. “Every man, of whatsoever degree, concealing any money, or other thing above the value of half a dollar, shall forfeit his share of such prize, and twenty dollars out of his share in the next that shall be taken. The variation by an amplitude taken this day in latitude 15 39 S. is 9″ : 20 N. E.” 25. “We this day arrive in the latitude of _Lima_, our cruising station; where we brought to, and lay under our topsails till four in the morning: then made sail, and at seven chased a small vessel, which we came up with at eleven, being a snow of about forty ton, laden with sand and rubbish for manure. She was navigated by seven _Indians_ and two _Nigros_: her master was left sick ashore. They would not give us any intelligence. We found nothing aboard her worth the trouble of carrying away, except two jarrs of eggs, two of molosses, and a couple of dollars.” 28. “At one afternoon make a sail. At two are a long-side of her, being a ship of about 150 ton, call’d the St. _Vincent_, with wood from _Guiaquil_. There are two fryars, sixteen _Indians_ and four _Nigros_ aboard.” 30. “At four afternoon made a good sail, which we came not up with till eleven at night: she is a pretty large ship, of at least 400 ton, from _Panama_ for _Lima_, having a good many passengers aboard. She is called the _Trinity_, and was taken by captain _Rogers_ when he plunder’d _Guiaquil_, 1709.” _Nov. 2._ “This afternoon at one saw a sail: at three came up with her, being a vessel of about seventy ton, bound from _Lima_ to _Panama_; she has on board the countess of _Laguna_, and several other passengers, a good deal of ready money, and at least 400 jars of wine and brandy, being two articles we much wanted. Our captain asks the lady whether she will come aboard the _Success_, or remain in the prize. She chuses the later. He sends a marine officer with a guard to take care she be not molested by any of our men, and that none enter her cabin but her own domestics, or such as she allows of. Mr. _Godfrey_, our agent, went aboard the prizes, carrying to each a couple of jars of wine and brandy, which was a very acceptable present.” 18. “At seven this morning we saw a sail: at eleven she became our prize, proving to be a _London_ built pink of about 200 ton from _Panama_ for _Lima_, with wood, of little value: but they tell us of two rich ships from _Lima_ coming this way; and that there are two _Spanish_ men of war of fifty and thirty guns, fitted out in quest of us.” This being the prize that was run away with by stratagem _Nov. 20_, I need not repeat it. Turn back to p. 91 and 95. 24. “This afternoon we took a prize call’d the _Cayetan_, of about 200 tons, laden with wood from _Panama_ for _Lima_: she has aboard forty _Nigros_ and thirty _Spaniards_, most of them passengers.” 27. “Anchor at the isle of _Plate_ with our three prizes. Our captain being now under some apprehensions of the enemy’s men of war, which we know are clean, and fitted out on purpose to destroy or bring us in; begins to think that his cruising without a second, will turn but to little account: resolves therefore to make the most of what he has got; which consisteth chiefly of _European_ goods found in the prizes already taken. And being well assured the _Spaniards_ dare not purchase them by reason of a strict prohibition from the king of _Spain_, he puts a handsome cargo of ten thousand pound or upwards, aboard the lady’s bark now call’d the _Chichly_; and appoints captain _Mitchel_ commander of her, and to dispose of them to the best advantage on the coast of _Brasil_. He mounts her with eight guns, puts aboard thirteen _Englishmen_ and ten _Nigros_, with what provision and other necessaries he can spare him. Captain _Mitchel_ at parting gave us three cheers, which was answer’d by the _Success_. Here our captain discharges the other two prizes after rummaging them of all we wanted, and gave them to the _Spaniards_; reserving the _Nigros_, and the captain of one of them for our pilot. We ply to windward again to come into our station.” _Decemb._ 12th. 1719. “We saw a sail about five in the evening, and at seven took her. She is called the _Rose_, bound from _Cheripe_ for _Panama_, laden with provisions. Our launch and pinnace were all day imploy’d in bringing on board the flower, and other provisions in order to discharge her. Having got as much flower out of her as we could well stow away, we cut her mainmast by the board, lest she should overset, and so let her go. These prisoners inform us, that our men who were taken by the _Spaniards_ were sent to _Lima_ by land. Here we continue to cruise, standing off all day, and towards the shore at night: but nothing happens till 27th. “Anchor in _Guanchaco Bay_ in nine fathom clay ground, and find two ships at anchor. We fire a shot at each: but they make no return: send our boats aboard: but found them abandon’d, and could discover that all the loading had just been taken out, and nothing left aboard, except some bread, and a few jars of water. We hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s interval, hoping they would come aboard to ransom their ships. They answer’d us from shore; but seeing no boat coming to us, we fired again, and remain here till next day, when seeing it was in vain to wait any longer, and that they would neither ransom nor beg their ships, we pull’d down the flag, and set the ships a fire. At eight forenoon, the church of _Guanchaco_ bore E. 3 leagues, from whence I take my departure, latitude 8 : 10 S. designing for the _Gallipagos_. The currents here set much to the northward.” _January_ 9th. 1720. “Arrive at duke of York’s island being one of the _Gallipagos_. Here we scrub and clean our ship, and refresh our selves with tortoise: after visiting some more of these islands, we steer away to the northward.” 21. Made a’sail: sent our pinnace a head to keep sight of the chase, by making false fires: at eleven at night came up with her, and on our firing a gun she brought to, being a ship from _Panama_, having on board the marquiss _de Villa Roche_ president at _Panama_, and his family bound for _Lima_, called the _Prince Eugene_. This is the same ship in which captain _Clipperton_ was circumvented and taken in his late voyage in these seas, when he received but indifferent treatment from the said marquiss at _Panama_, before whom he was carry’d.” 22. “Mr. _Davison_ our first lieutenant was sent to command the prize; and I was order’d his assistant. At eight in the morning the pinnace came aboard to search for treasure: at eleven returned, carrying the marquiss, and what else they found most valuable. Nothing remarkable happens till, _February_ 26th. “We are plying to windward in our cruising station with the last mention’d prize. A _Spaniard_ who was accidentally wounded at the taking of her, dying last night of his wound, his countrymen desired he might he bury’d after their custom and formalities; which was granted them. When they ended their prayers, the corpse which lay ready on a gratin with a good bag of ballast ty’d at the feet, was thrown over board: but to the admiration of every one, the body floated, and continued so till we sailed quite from the sight of it. The marquiss _de Villa Roche_ being present said, it was very portentous, and that some surprizing accident must be the consequence.” “Upon throwing the corpse into the water, the _Spanish_ custom is to cry aloud _Bon Viaje_ three times, that is, a good voyage. This day took an observation in latitude 11 : 50 N: the current here sets very strong to windward.” _March 8._ “We made the island of _Port Velas_ latitude 10 : 30 N: the next day anchor’d in thirty fathom. We find here a good watering place. The _padre_ and boatswain of the _Prince Eugene_ come aboard to be examined, as likewise the marquiss to dine: the father and boatswain being desirous to go ashore, they have leave, on condition they will indeavour to persuade the people to drive some cattle to the shore, and spare what provision they can in exchange for what we have aboard.” _March_ 13th. “Our launch being near the shore, where runs a great sea, she was hove along, soon fill’d and sunk. By this accident we lost two men, _John Trumbal_ serjeant of marines, and _Roger Pengelly_ gunner’s mate. And here the wonderful perfection of the _Nigros_ is most remarkable: all the rest of the men got ashore, when one of our _Nigros_ stripping himself, takes a rope’s end, dived, and slung the boat: after which we hawld her up and towd her aboard, very little damaged.” _March_ 16th. “The _padre_ and countermaster return with some natives, bringing four head of black cattle, some fowl, and fruit, as a present for the marquiss; but told our captain, that their _alcalde_ or governer could not allow us to trade with him. They give us an account of captain _Mitchel_, who put in here to water, and say that his men shot some of their young bulls: but that 200 of the inhabitants appearing under arms, he thought it best to go away. We doubt not of his being here, because we have seen some shirts and wearables of _Mitchel_’s men. The next day the marquiss writes letters ashore privately, to stir up the people to surprize our men at the watering, and secure the boats. These with other mischievous letters wrote to _Lima_ were stopp’d by Mr. _Godfrey_ our owners agent, who finding them in an _Indian_’s hand ashore, sent them to captain _Clipperton_, who now debars the marquiss the use of pen and paper, and uses him but roughly. The _Indians_ who were yesterday aboard, and to whom our captain made a few presents for themselves, the church and the governer, return this morning with some good fresh beef. After this, captain _Clipperton_ treats with the marquiss about ransoming the prize; but not agreeing, he orders the timber with which she was laden to be thrown overboard, saving as much for firing as we could stow: after which we rummage the cabin, taking away all the clothes and equipage.” _March_ 20th. “The marquiss and his lady dine aboard the _Success_: after which they go ashore for recreation, leaving their only child aboard as a pledge. They send off a good bull, and some fowl: there being no oxen on this continent. On the 26th, the governer sends us two bulls more; and on the 31st, the marquiss sends a present of fruit to his child, to bring which there are seven _Indians_ a horseback: they left two letters hanging on a stick in the sand. Nothing happens to the 4th of _April_, but more presents from the marquiss, attended as before.” _April_ 4th. “This evening the marquiss and his lady, with the governer and others came aboard. Nothing is said of the marquiss his plot; but all chearful company. The bargain of ransoming goes on so far, that all the _Spanish_ prisoners are orderd ashore, except those who had rather stay in the prize: but no talk of money in the case: On the 8th and 9th, the marchioness and the child are carried ashore, and we salute ’em with three guns; the marquiss remaining with us till the performance of articles, which were signed. The governer has a quantity of indigo delivered him, and he sends us a handsom present of beef, which we are all very glad of. We weighd; leaving the prize to the _Spanish_ captain, and are now plying to windward with moderate gales till _April_ 20th. “We anchor in the gulph of _Amapala_ in 17 fathom: send the pinnace to find a watering: the _Spaniards_ oppose their landing, but suffer them to put on shore a _Spaniard_ and _Indian_ belonging to the marquiss, who are going to _Rio Lexos_ to fetch the ransom money: but it is my opinion we are all bit. Not being able to get water at _Amapala_, the pinnace is sent to the isle of _Tigris_; where they find very good water, and the _Indian_ who guided them is rewarded with some clothes. Our men meet with abundance of game on the island, killing a good number of deer. Here is also a great plenty of boobys, which are better eating than those catch’d at sea. Here we stay till the 10th of _May_, much longer than we intended, in expectation of the ransom money; but having little reason to believe the _Spaniards_ will be punctual and faithful, we unbent our sheet anchor and stow’d it, taking our departure from hence, latitude 12 : 36. N. _May_ 20th. “This day, the books, instruments and clothes of lieutenant _Serjeantson_ were sold at the mast: being run ashore in the _Rosary_ pink with his men as aforesaid. Here I find a strong current to the N. About this time the cloathing, linen and other necessaries taken in our prizes were distributed, being deem’d fair plunder.” _June_ 4th. “We arrive next at _Gorgona_, latitude 2 : 35 N. The current sets to the eastward. Here is wood and water, and great plenty of fish; but they wont take the hook, and we have no seine. From hence we ply to windward, and nothing happens till _July_ 25th. “We spy a sail, and come up with her: she struck to us, being the St. _Vincent_ which we took once before, now commanded by Don _Clement de Andrado_, laden with timber and cocoa nuts from _Guiaquil_ for _Lima_. We keep to windward with our prize, and _August_ 11th. “Anchor at _Lobos la mar_: the distance from this island, and _Lobos la tierra_ is 10 leagues. Our chief imployment here is to catch seal for the company. Our men have tents on shore, working in their several stations. Here we scrub and clean our ship, taking out of the prize what is most valuable. Our men, tho’ fatigued with work, live well and look well, and are now ready for another cruise. Nothing happens till _Sept._ 6th. “A plot is discovered among the men, wherein the conspirators had form’d a design to seize the captain and officers, and run away with the ship: all who were secured, to be put ashore at the small desolate isle of _Lobos_, but the opposers to be shot. After discovery, the two principal actors, _Joseph Maynard_ boatswain’s mate, and _James Roch_ the ship’s corporal were severely punish’d, besides being put in irons: the rest were pardoned.” “The cause of this uneasiness among the men, was their despair of making a good voyage, having no hope of the _Speedwel_’s joyning them, which had brought them into great straits and difficulties; so that they did not much care what happen’d.” _Sept._ 15th. “Our design of coming down again to the northward, was to look into _Cheripe_, if we could see any ships there; but chance to fall to the leeward of it, by reason the currents set us much to the northward, tho’ we have already made allowance for the same: we soon beat up again, finding the coast alarm’d, and seeing no ship.” _Sept._ 17th. “This day sent our pinnace well arm’d to chase a small vessel which she came up with, being a fishing boat that has used to make up her fish on the isle of _Lobos_, where we found a good parcel ready split and salted; besides a handsome quantity of fresh fish in the boat. We anchor again at _Lobos_, in 38 fathom, and find the S. _Vincent_, which we left here, was drove ashore and sunk. We clear the fishing boat, and send her away with 38 _Spanish_ prisoners: after which we weigh again and ply to windward, being in latitude 7 : 00 S. Here the currents set pretty much to the southward: no prize, nor any thing occurs, only the burying four or five of our hands; we hold our course for the bay of _Conception_ where we arrive.” _November_ 1st. “Going into the bay we spy three sail of ships at anchor: the fort fired a signal gun: we hoisted _Spanish_ colours, and kept plying up till ten at night: being moon light, we discover a fourth ship standing in after us: we bore down upon her: she haled us in _Spanish_; we answer’d her with our guns; but the wind failing, and she being clean, gained a head of us. In the morning the pinnace and launch were sent after her: but soon left chasing, she being got almost out of sight. However, we really lost the substance for the shadow, our captain now steering for _Coquimbo_.” 5. “We came up with another sail, which upon our firing a gun struck her colours: she is call’d the _Solidad_: she hath a cargo of tobacco, sugar, and cloth enough to purchase her loading of wheat at _Coquimbo_, whither she is bound from _Lima_. They inform us that our last chase had much such another cargo; and that the two _Spanish_ men of war fitted out in quest of us and our consort, were returned to _Callao_ to be victual’d afresh: and had orders from the viceroy to cruise on the coast of _Chili_, not only upon us, but all the _French_ interloping traders.” 6. “The greatest part these 24 hours fresh gales of wind and hazy weather, with a great southern swell. At one this afternoon, coming open with the harbour of _Coquimbo_, we saw three sail of men of war at anchor, with their topsails loose in their tops; who, immediately on seeing us, slipt or cut their cables and stood after us, we hawling close upon a wind, our prize doing the same: but she being the windward-most, and at much the greatest distance from the enemy, they judged it necessary to send the best sailer among them after her: at three the headmost ship came up with our prize, and fired at her: upon which she struck: but after she had so done, the man of war fired several guns more into her, the reason of which we could not ghess: the other two ships crowded all the sail they could after us till four, when the biggest carryed away her mizentop-mast: he then fired a gun, tacked, and stood in for the shore again, which we were not very sorry for: one of them carrying 50, one 40, and the other 26 guns, all clean ships, _French_ built and sailed well. It pleased God the wind favour’d us whilst they continued the chase; so that we weather’d _Isla de pajeros_, i. e. the island of birds which lay just in our way: for if we had been forced to tack, we must have been taken. “We have on board us the captain of the prize, and eight seamen, besides twelve _Nigros_. There were taken with her, twelve of our men, besides Mr. _Milne_ our third lieutenant who commanded her. However, we had the good luck to ease her of 97 pound weight of wrought silver, when she first became our prize.” Mr. _James Milne_, whom I have since had conversation with in _London_, told me that the reason of the enemies continuing their fire after he had struck to them, was owing to the rage of the captain to find him a _Spanish_ prize instead of an _English_ privatier; and vexed at this mistake, he could not immediately quit his passion, but struck _Milne_ upon the head with his drawn sword. However, the captain soon after sent for him up, and finding him almost stript by the soldiers, generously asked his pardon, and order’d him a complete sute of apparel from top to toe. The captain’s name was _Don Blas de Lesso_ and had been a guard marine in the _French_ service where he lost one of his legs. I mention this to the honour of the said gentleman, who kept Mr. _Milne_ aboard him all the time the men of war were in quest of us and the _French_ interlopers, using him very kindly: and tho’ he was carried prisoner to _Lima_, the said captain soon got him his liberty, procured him his passage gratis to _Panama_, and gave him a jar of brandy, and a jar of wine for his sea store; beside 200 dollars for his expenses to _England_. But I am sorry to hear he never acknowledged it by letter from _Panama_ or elsewhere; the said _Don Blas_ having spoke of it to a particular gentleman, then factor for the _British South-Sea_ company at _Panama_. _November_ 7th. “This day our agent Mr. _Godfrey_, and Mr. _Cook_ second lieutenant, had words about a pair of gold buckles, which the later had got privately in his keeping. The lieutenant gave Mr. _Godfrey_ very scurrilous language: but our agent insisted, that it was his immediate province to inspect all such matters. Whether _Cook_ keeps the buckles I know not: but he went in a very unmannerly way to captain _Clipperton_ and told him he would no longer take the charge of the watch: whereupon Mr. _Chambers_ the master took that charge in his room. The next day the clothes and other things belonging to our people, taken by the man of war, were sold publicly at the mast. Being thus worsted at _Coquimbo_, and forced to fly their men of war; remembring our mistakes at _Conception_, and that we must now abandon these coasts with short provisions, and no hopes of captain _Shelvocke_, we begin to be much dejected. However we keep jogging on the northward, and 14. “Make the isle of St. _Gallan_, whose latitude I find 13 : 42 S. On the 15th. stood into the road of _Pisco_; but finding nothing, we stood out again, holding to the northward.” 16. “See a sail and give chase. She hoisted _Spanish_ colours and fired a gun; and finding that she could wrong us, she hawld up her courses, and took in all her small sails: we let fly our topgallant sheets, firing three guns to windward, that being the signal between our ship and the _Speedwel_, in case we should meet. The chase holding her wind, we could not come near her. The next day at two in the afternoon she tacked, and stood for us, as if resolved to ingage us: we edgd on towards her, ’till we got within a mile or thereabouts, when she fired several guns at us, which we return’d with a broadside: upon which she held her wind again, and stood to the westward; and being just cleaned, and a prime sailor, went at least two foot for our one; so that we soon found we had no share in her.” Mr. _Taylor_ is very right; for I my self was in this sham fight. I call it so, because I believe neither of the commanders had any great stomach for a battle. In the first place, it was contrary to the orders of captain _Fitzgerald_ who commanded this ship called the _Flying Fish_: for being ready to sail for _Cales_, he was only now order’d out by the viceroy in quest of _Shelvocke_; of whom news was brought to _Lima_, that he had a day or two before taken the _Jesu Maria_ out of _Pisco_, leaving the _Spaniards_ the bark he built at _Fernandes_. _Pisco_ being but a little to windward of _Callao_, they were in hopes of catching _Shelvocke_ as he went to leeward: and the _Flying Fish_ having a very considerable treasure aboard, the captain was strictly order’d to forbear attacking, or speaking with any imbarkation, except _Shelvocke_. On the other hand, _Clipperton_ may well be supposed willing enough to decline ingaging with a ship just come out of harbour with 200 fresh men aboard; at a time when his people were in a very low condition and dispirited, as appears by the journal: neither had he half the number of men. So that I am of opinion if the dollars had been left ashore, the _Flying Fish_ would have been able to carry _Clipperton_ into _Callao_. For _Fitzgerald_, who was a _St. Malo_ man, had aboard him a hundred townsmen, stout fellows; and the rest were the best hands he could pick out of all the ships at _Callao_ for this occasion. _November_ 18th. “_Maltesi_ one of the _Guara_ islands bore N. E. one league; from whence I take my departure in latitude 11 : 10 S. Being fine weather we heel’d and scrubb’d both sides of our ship. We stood in for _Guanchaco_: but finding nothing there, bore away for _Cheripe_: where seeing nothing, we stood away for _Payta_, designing to try our fortune at every port to the northward; particularly to get a supply of flower, which being now all expended, we have three pound of _Indian_ corn served to a mess of six men each.” 27. “Saw point _Helen_: shorten’d sail and stood from the land. Hoisted out the pinnace and yawl to set the prisoners ashore belonging to the last prize retaken by the enemy. After which we steer to the westward for the _Gallipagos_ islands, in order to refresh our men, who are very bad with the scurvy.” 30. “Had an observation, and find my self in latitude 00 : 09 N. Here is a strong current to the northward, and I believe a little westerly. I am 22 miles more northerly than the log gives, variation and leeway having been allow’d. All our bread, flower, and _Indian_ corn is now expended, and we have but one little meal in 24 hours; which is a small piece of _English_ beef (being yet very good) and calivances. Six men in a mess.” _December_ 4th. “Mr. _Thomas Fairman_ our purser departed this life; and we committed him to the deep. Measur’d our logline and find it three fathom too short, which amounts to 52 mile one hour with another since we left cape _Helen_. Having an observation, I rectify my account and find the latitude 00 : 36 N. We keep plying to windward against a strong S. W. current in sight of the _Gallipagos_.” 6th. “Sent the pinnace to discover an anchoring place at one of the islands: returns without finding any; but saw abundance of tortoise ashore. Send the pinnace and yawl to get some. They return with fish enough to serve the company a day: But there running a prodigious surf, they could not land, or look for turtle. We kept plying off and on, and sounded in foul ground from 80 to 50 fath; the latitude of the island I make 9 minutes N. ’tis a mere rock: so we left it, and steer’d away for another S. W. being the same which the _Spaniards_ make to lye under the equator. We run along shore but can find no anchoring: so that being unwilling to lose more time, we make our best way to the isle of _Cocos_, where we hope certainly to get fish, fowl, and coco-nuts; our people being very sick and weak.” 7th and 8th. “We had several islands N. E. but on the 9th got clear of them all. This day I took charge of the captain’s watch, and Mr. _Chambers_ the larboard, Mr. _Davison_ being sick, and lieutenant _Cook_ still refusing his duty. Little happens in this passage, but burying two or three of our hand. Our people fall apace; therefore are in pain lest we miss the island.” 17. “Going very slowly ahead, find there is a southern current. Lye so till day light, believing we are near the island. At nine forenoon with joy we beheld the island _Cocos_ about nine leagues N. W.” 18. “Anchor in 13 fathom white sand. Here all our people and the marquiss _de Villa Roche_ got ashore, where we build a house for the sick men. Here is abundance of good fish round the island which we take pains to catch, the surf being sometimes very great. Our people find here plenty of coco-nuts, crabs, boobies and their eggs, this being their hatching time. Our captain broaches the last hogshead of brandy, allowing every man a dram a day: and on new-years-day gave the people a gallon of strong beer for six. This food, ease, and refreshment pretty well recover’d all our company. We wood and water, tho’ with much difficulty; for here is a great swell coming in from the northward constantly at full moon and change: therefore are forced to wait ’till the spring tides are abated before we can get any thing off.” _January_ 17. 1721. “The marquiss came aboard as do most of our people, being ready to sail. Eight nigros and three of our men desert here, and abscond in the woods. The names of our men are _Higgins_, _Caulker_ and _Shingle_. The anchorage here being rocky, we have sadly gaul’d both our cables. After continuing here a month, we weigh and set sail, from whence I take my departure, _January_ 20th. latitude 05 : 38 N. running now to the northward on the coast of _Mexico_.” 23. “We spy a sail to which give chase, and send the pinnace to keep sight of her: but at night she gives us the slip.” 25. “This morning I see the coast of _Mexico_. About seven we made a sail: at 11 she struck to our pinnace: which returns and brings account that she is the _Jesu Maria_ a _Spanish_ ship, but now in the possession of captain _Shelvocke_, who commands her. That he has about 40 of his men aboard, the rest being all dead or dispersed. That he lost the _Speedwel_ at _Fernandes_; where they stay’d five months, and built a barque out of the _Speedwel_’s wreck, with which they put to sea, and coasted along _Chili_ and _Peru_ meeting several ships, but could do nothing with them; ’till they came to _Pisco_ near _Lima_, where they took this prize, being the ship we went in there to look for. They differ much in their account: but have no regular command among them, being all alike as the _West-India_ privatiers. They have chose a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of votes: so that we find, they have quite broke their articles with the owners, and have shared all among themselves.” 27. “Perceived captain _Shelvocke_ to hoist St. _George_’s colours at main-top-masthead, firing three guns at intervals, being signals to speak with us. We lye to for his boat, which came aboard with a letter for captain _Clipperton_; who immediately sent back the boat for their purser to be examined concerning their actions on the coast of _Brasil_, and in the rest of their absence from us. Sent away the boat: but the purser Mr. _Hendrie_ stays; who gives but a dark story of their procedings; and that he was not allow’d to take any account of the treasure for the owners. At eight captain _Shelvocke_ came aboard being sent for by our captain and agent to give an account of his transactions. The boat brought Mr. _Dod_ their lieutenant of marines to continue with us; he having been used very ill for standing up for the owners interest.” 28. “Came aboard from captain _Shelvocke_, six chests of pitch and dammer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper. Captain _Clipperton_ spares him two of our quarterdeck guns, some great and small shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. His people have laid out a great deal of money with us for clothes, shoes, hats, _&c._ Captain _Shelvocke_ goes aboard and parts company. Here remain with us two of the _Speedwel_’s officers, Mr. _Hendrie_ the purser and Mr. _Dod_ lieutenant of marines, designing with us for China. We keep to the northward on the coast of _Mexico_, meeting with strong west and north-west currents ’till latitude 15 : 00 where they set S. E. In this passage we have met captain _Shelvocke_ three times without speaking, whom we knew by his making the signals. Our men have caught some tortoise, which has been very acceptable, but nothing material happens in all these traverses till _March_ 7th. “Our officers consult, and resolve to joyn captain _Shelvocke_ the next time we meet, in order to attempt the _Acapulco_ ship homeward bound.” 13th. “Made a sail, which by the signals proving to be captain _Shelvocke_, we brought to. He comes aboard with his lieutenants. Our captain and they agree in general, that if we meet the _Manilla_ ship, _Shelvocke_’s company to joyn us, and run her aboard at once. Accordingly we cruise for her: and on the 15th captain _Clipperton_ holds another consultation; wherein proposals being agreed on, are sign’d and sent to captain _Shelvocke_; _That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to their articles with the owners, and agree to put it in a joynt stock, then all faults should be forgot; both companies would unite, and procede to cruise for the_ Acapulco _ship_.” 17. “Not hearing from captain _Shelvocke_, and the time for the _Manilla_ ship setting out being several days past: Resolved in a council to make our best dispatch for _East India_. We have an infirm ship’s company, and but five months provision, which must serve us to _China_ unless we get a supply at _Guam_.” “At six in the evening, the westmost land in sight, which I take to be _port Marquiss_ bore N. N. W. eight leagues; from whence I take my departure, it lying in 16 : 50 north latitude.” _May_ 10th. “This day at noon we make _Serpana_ one of the _Ladron_ islands, _Guam_ being a few leagues farther ahead. The latitude of _Serpana_ I find to be 13 : 42 N. and the difference of longitude from _port Marquiss_ 121 : 08 W. Nothing worth notice has happen’d in this tedious passage, only burying six of our hands. All our people are very weak, and take the scurvy apace: so that land is now a very welcome sight.” 13. “Anchor at the island of _Guam_. Send the pinnace ashore with a flag of truce. They tell our lieutenant, they cannot trade with us without leave from the Governer.” 16. “A prow came from the governer with Mr. _Godfrey_ our agent, acquainting us, that we may be supply’d with provisions. Accordingly our launch brought aboard some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy and fruit. The next day his honour sent us a handsome present of palm wine, sugar and chocolate; for which we drink his health with a complement of seven guns.” _May_ 18th. “The marquiss _de Villa Roche_ our prisoner, went ashore in company with our agent, the first lieutenant and doctor, having agreed with the governer about his ransom. We give him five guns at landing. Our launch is imploy’d these six days in bringing wood, and water, and provision aboard: during which time the governer desired he might have some arms and ammunition in exchange. Accordingly captain _Clipperton_ sends him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four pair of pistols; beside cutlases, long swords and daggers.” 25. “Receive a letter, wherein the governer demands the marquiss’s jewels, some consecrated plate, and two _Nigros_ being christians and subjects to the king of _Spain_: as also a certificate under the captain and officers hands that peace was proclaimed; detaining Mr. _Godfrey_ and Mr. _Pritty_ ’till all this is performd. Hereupon our captain sends a letter with a certificate that the _Solidad_, the last prize we took on the coast of _Chili_, told us there was a peace between _England_ and _Spain_; but withal assured the governer that if he did not in 24 hours send the ransom with the two gentlemen, he would demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the _Philippine_ islands. In the mean time we receive a letter that the governer will pay for the consecrated plate, and desires more powder and shot. To which our captain sends answer that he will not spare any more ammunition or the _Nigros_.” 28. “Our yawl went ashore for more provision: but the officer of the village told us we should have no more, unless we sent more powder and shot: upon which we immediately weighd, staying for no answer by Mr. _Godfrey_ or Mr. _Pritty_. Sent the pinnace ahead to sound, and made the best of our way to the ship in the harbour. The people ashore had raised a battery during this sham treaty, from whence they began to fire at our pinnace; which being returned gave account that what channel they found, was within pistol shot of the shore. At six afternoon, in making up to the ship, we run aground, they having carry’d her into shoal water: so that now we sustain two fires together, one from the battery over our heads, and another from the ship. At nine we got foul of the rocks where we cut away two of our anchors indeavouring to get the ship off; during which time the enemy fired so warmly with stones and shot from a new battery erected on a hill, that we suffer’d extremely in our hull and rigging. We have three men wounded, beside the misfortune of losing Mr. _Davison_ our first lieutenant who was an honest fellow and a good officer. Thus the _Success_ is forced to lye in a miserable condition exposed to the continual fire of the enemy, who in the night have still this advantage of us; that the surface of the water being smooth as a millpond easily shows them our position, whereas we have no other direction for our aim than the flashes of their guns.” 29. “In this emergence our captain being overcome with liquor, and quite unable to command the ship; we officers came to a resolution of running out clear of the enemy as soon as we could get the ship afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr. _Cook_ if he would take upon him the command. At four afternoon we set her floating and cut away the small bower anchor; but in ten minutes we run aground again: at seven carry out the kedge anchor; but in heaving, the hawser broke. We immediately carry out another hawser with a lower deck gun to it, having now lost all our anchors and still aground. At two forenoon, the enemy hale us several times to surrender or except no quarter. At five, carry out the maintopmast-shroud hawser on the starboard bow with another gun; still plying the enemy with our great guns below, and small arms on the poop. We do them little mischief; tho’ they never miss us, especially our boats as soon as they see them stir. At eleven forenoon, carry out the rest of the small bower, with two lower deck guns right ahead into five fathom: we clear away the hold ready to start our water to make the ship lighter: got our upper and lower deck guns forward to bring her by the head, the ship hanging abaft on a rock: we keep two guns out of the stern ports, continually firing at the enemies new battery; but can’t bring them to bear. These twenty four hours we have happily only one wounded: but the ship is wretchedly paid off between wind and water.” 30. “At six afternoon the ship floating, we cut away the yawl being sunk with the shot: the other boats are much damaged: hove to our small bower; then cut away it, and the other two hawsers, and sent the pinnace ahead to tow the ship off. Just as we got afloat, the enemy fired so smartly from the new battery that their shot raked us through between wind and water, killing one of our people, and wounding two others. Thus have we lost both our bower anchors and cables, the stream and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of our lower deck guns, nineteen barrels of powder, two men kill’d and six wounded: having stood these fifty hours, a fair mark for the enemy to fire at: and if we had not got clear, I do believe they would have sunk us before morning. We are all very sorry for Mr. _Godfrey_ and Mr. _Pritty_, not knowing how the governer may use them ashore. At ten afternoon we brought to, and begin to splice our rigging, not a rope of which has escaped a shot: As for the masts and yards, they have all been severely pepper’d, and the carpenters have been all night stopping the holes in the ship’s bottom. At seven forenoon stow our guns in the hold, bar in the ports, hoist in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steer away west with an easy sail, hoping to save our passage before the _Monsoons_ come on. Wind at S. S. E.” 31. “Our carpenters are imployed in fishing the masts and yards, and the rest of our people in fixing the rigging. At six afternoon, the body of the island _Guam_ bore E. seven leagues, from whence I take my departure, north latitude 13 : 20. allowing half a point N. E. variation, designing now for _China_. Nothing remarkable till _June 23._ “Find our ship to be in a very weak condition, scarce a whole timber in her upper works: discover one of our fashion pieces to be shot through, which being the chief support of the after part of the ship, we are obliged to frap her, to keep her together: it blowing pretty fresh, we dare not carry sail; having been forced for a week past to feud under bare poles through variable winds and bad weather. We impatiently look out for land, being afraid the currents have forcibly set us much to the eastward.” 24. “At day break, find our selves among several islands, one of which is _Barbuon_ at the north point of the island _Luconia_. I saw also seven rocks, mark’d in some draughts; and likewise other islands, mark’d in some manuscripts with a figure of 5, and by captain _Dampier_ called the _Bashee_ islands. _Dampier_’s account and mine agree: but by Dr. _Halley_’s chart to _Luconia_, my reckoning is out by above three degrees; except he means the south cape of _Luconia_ which may reconcile the difference. From _June_ 14th to 19th. I found the current set to the southward; but whether W. or E. I know not: and from thence chiefly northward.” 30. “Make the isle and shoals of _Prata_ latitude 20 : 46 N. The longitude from _Barbuon_ to it is 4 : 46 W.” _July_ 1st. “Saw a sail to the eastward which we take to be a _China_ junk. At six forenoon see other islands, and several boats a fishing. At nine forenoon bent the sheet cable: sounded in 30 fathom clay ground. At noon had the islands from N. N. E. to W. by S.: these lands were never mark’d in any chart. Longitude from _Prata_ 2 west.” 2. “Anchor in 13 fathom: send away the pinnace for intelligence how _Macao_ bore. Return’d with a boat and three _Chinese_, of whom we could only understand, that _Canton_ was to S. W. of us; so we parted, and had the land from N. E. to W. of us: soundings from 22 to 13 fathom.” 3. “We gain nothing to windward: but are further to leeward of _Macao_ than we expected. We can get no pilot, and so bear away for _Amoy_: at six afternoon made the white rock lying near the main land: at seven forenoon saw several boats a fishing: had 21 fathom clay ground.” 4. “At six afternoon saw the land N. E, and several islands laid down in the charts. Have had soundings from 30 to 15 fathom, latitude _per_ observation 23 : 40.” 5. “Not knowing the way into _Amoy_, and not being the length as yet, hold upon a wind designing to ply off and on ’till daylight. At six afternoon saw the range of islands that run to _Amoy_: the eastermost bore S. S. W; the southmost N. N. W. At four forenoon made a sail; have had several boats aboard to sell us fish, but can’t understand them. Soundings from 22 to 14 fathom good ground. At ten forenoon saw the _Piscadore_ islands from S. S. E. to E. S. E. 8 leagues.” 6. “At five afternoon came to with our sheet anchor in the gulf of _Amoy_. Longitude from _Barbuon_ W. 4 : 48. Blessed be God in our passage hither, from the 24 of _June_ we have had pleasant gales and serene weather, the winds between west and S. W. At ten the _Hoppo_’s men come aboard to know what we do here. Told them we was a king’s ship. They wrote down particularly our force and number of men, desiring us to be faithful in our account. The very next morning our men, in a mutinous manner, demand of captain _Clipperton_ their prize money, alledging that the _Success_ could never put to sea again. The first man that attacked the captain was _John Dennison_. I interposed thinking it my duty; whereupon _Edward Boreman_ bid me desist, or expect a brace of balls thro’ my head: Mr. _Cook_ with a sneer said, let the poor man rest and take breath a little, meaning the captain: upon this our captain went ashore to the _Hoppo_ or commissioner of the customs. During these four days we receive aboard a great quantity of rice, some cattle, fowl, wood and water. On the 12th, the officers go ashore and are handsomly received by the _Hoppo_, with whom we make an agreement to anchor in the harbour and lye the monsoons out. Two _Hoppo_ men or customhouse-officers are sent aboard to hinder private dealing with the natives. Several _Mandarins_ or noblemen visit the ship with the _Hoppo_. Some of the men go ashore without leave, for which our captain going to correct them, the whole crew unite and resist. We get more provision aboard; after which the _Hoppo_’s agent receives the port charges, being 1700 dollars, about 400 pound sterling. Our captain receives a present of wine and fruit from one of the _Mandarins_. Nothing material till _August_ 25th. “We officers sign a paper for the captain to allow all the ships company money to buy necessaries. Captain _Mitchel_ being gone, and _Davison_ we succeded him being kill’d, _Cook_ violently insists upon having thirty shares as second captain: which by his own management with the men, we were forced to yield him: but when the question was put to make provision for the gentlemen who were kill’d or taken from us, and the two officers from the _Speedwel_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_ who are passengers with us, _Cook_ was first man to oppose and reject it: so that we settle the shares as well as we can. Our captain and most of the officers are willing to allow something to the two passengers aforesaid; captain _Shelvocke_ having used them ill for favouring the owners interest, particularly Mr. _Hendrie_ the agent whom he would not suffer to act, but made him swab the deck: however the company murmur at making them an allowance, and I doubt they will receive nothing. After this we fall into great disorders and confusion, and the men are strangely set against the captain, refusing to work without their whole prize money, and complain to the chief _Mandarin_ call’d _Hyhung_: upon which captain _Clipperton_ is sent for, who represented, that according to our articles, the capture ought to be shared at _London_. However _Cook_ goes secretly to the _Mandarin_ and underhand favours the men, insinuating that they would be cheated; and threaten’d, if _Clipperton_ did not easily comply, to tell the _Mandarin_ of his fine doings at _Guam_, and the great loss of captain _Mitchel_ sent in the _Chichley_ prize with a good cargo never since heard of: So that in short there came a guard of soldiers aboard of us, and an order to captain _Clipperton_ to divide all the shares and pay them.” _Sept._ 16th. “Which was done this day without reserving anything for _Shelvocke_’s two officers, our dead men, or thole who were taken prisoners.” dollars. The share of money and plate. 280 The share of gold. 100 The share of jewels. 39 --- The total of a foremastman’s dividend. 419 --- Which at 4 _s._ 8 _d._ a dollar, makes _English_ money, 97 _l_, 15 _s_, 4 _d._ According to this distribution, _l._ _s._ _d._ The captain’s share was 1466 10 00 The second captain 733 05 00 The captain of marines, } lieutenants of the ship } 488 16 08 and surgeon; _&c._ } _Taylor_ not having here, or at leaving _China_, mention’d any thing of what became of _Clipperton_, or the gentlemens money, I think proper to insert that account as I had it from one of our owners and several of the _Success_’s people. The owners moiety consisting of dollars, wrought silver, gold and jewels amounted to upwards of 6000_l._ sterling, and was put aboard a _Portuguese East-India_ man, called the _Queen_ of _Angels_, _Don Francisco la Vero_ commander, which was unfortunately burnt at _Rio Janeiro_ on the coast of _Brasil_, _June_ 6th 1722; of which effects no more came to hand than 1800_l._ As for captain _Clipperton_, he having sold the _Success_ in _China_, took his passage in her to _Batavia_; and from thence in a _Dutch India_ man he came to _Holland_. He stay’d there a few weeks upon his own affairs, and went directly to his family at _Galway_ in _Ireland_, where he died two days after his arrival, in the year 22: being an _Englishman_ born at great _Yarmouth_, in the county of _Norfolk_. But more of this in another place. I procede to the journal. _Sept._ 25th. “Weighed out of _Amoy_ harbour. Our arms, ammunition, and sails came aboard: it being a practice, with the _Chinese_, for their security, to take these ashore from all strangers.” 30. “Weighed and run out of the gulf, from whence I take my departure, latitude 24 N: designing now for _Macao_ an island belonging to his _Portuguese_ majesty.” _October_ 4th. “Anchor in the road of _Macao_: salute the fort: captain goes ashore and returns with the commander of a _Portuguese_ man of war. Here we are informed of peace in _Europe_. _Cook_ and _Veitch_ go to _Canton_ to consult with Mr. _Winder_ supercargo of an _India_ man and son to one of our owners, what our captain is to do with the _Success_. Upon their return the ship is condemned, being uncapable to procede for _England_; and is sold for about 4000 dollars, much too cheap. “Here I settle my account of time, and find I have lost a day coming westward round the world; therefore I allow but six days for this week and go on.” 30. “Twenty of us agreed here, at six dollars each, to go to _Canton_ in a boat with chests and bedding, and get a passage from thence to _England_: but it was my good hap to miss going in her, losing only my money; for she was taken by the pyrates: and some of our people now at _Canton_ have lost their things: So that seven of us agree for a _Mandarin_’s boat at twenty dollars each, finding it unsafe to go otherwise: we anchored at a town half way to _Canton_, being obliged to get into a private boat, while the _Mandarin_ convoyed us in sight of _Canton_. In our passage we saw a pyrate take a boat; and I find it is a common practice. I think it very scandalous: but probably the _Chinese_ government wink at it.” _November_ 4th. “We arrive at the _English_ factory at _Canton_: are very kindly received. They meet, and agree to carry us to _Great Britain_ at five pound a man, being a very great favour: Accordingly we all pay our money. I and two or three more went aboard the _Maurice_, captain _Peacock_ at _Wampo_, being the place where the _European_ ships lye about three leagues down _Canton_ river. The rest of our company divide in several ships.” 9. “We made sail in company of the _Macclesfield_ an _English East India_ man, and an _Ostender_ call’d the _House_ of _Austria_.” 13. “The grand _Ladron_ island bore N. E. four leagues; from whence I take my departure. Latitude 22. N.” The run from _China_ to _Great Britain_ being generally well known, it is foreign to my purpose to extract any more of this journal. I here give Mr. _Taylor_ my hearty thanks for the use of it: and am pleas’d I can do it in this public manner. Without it, I could not have been able in some particulars to confute the false and treacherous relation given by captain _Shelvocke_; who never kept any journal himself, or suffer’d any one to use pen and ink, but his own creatures. If Mr. _Taylor_ had designd to publish his account, he doubtless might have enterd remarks and occurrences of another nature than those which concern navigation and geography. And altho’ the expedition of these two ships faild in all its best particulars, yet a good journal of their procedings round the whole ocean might have been entertaining: for men love to read of enterprizes, tho’ they prove unfortunate. Lastly, I must observe to Mr. _Taylor_’s credit, that he has kept his account truly and carefully like an honest man and a good artist; having judiciously markd the currents and rectifyd the latitudes of many places. He arrivd at _Batavia_ in _December_; at the cape of _Good Hope_ in _February_; at St. _Helena_ and _Ascension_ in _March_; and in _May_ 1722, at _London_: having thus made a complete tour of the globe. [Illustration] [Illustration] SECTION III. Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off _Payta_; while _Hatley_, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral _Midranda_, otherwise call’d general of the _South-Sea_. _Shelvocke_ having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid up, except the two _Spanish_ men of war which are in quest of the _English_ privatiers: and _Shelvocke_ probably would now be glad of his commodore _Clipperton_’s company. But finding as he says p. 199, his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain _Shelvocke_’s law and, conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the gentlemen who fitted him out. Accordingly he sails to _Fernandes_, where he arriv’d the beginning of _May_, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season: he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place, with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again: and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However, the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult living at _Fernandes_, if a man should accidentally be thrown there, since Mr. _Selkirk_ had continu’d upon it four years by himself. Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in, where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the anchor was down, Mr. _Brook_ the first lieutenant advised flinging two of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But _Shelvocke_ rejected all these things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205. Moreover, how can _Shelvocke_ impose this sham readiness on mankind, when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard. This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to the contrary. And _Shelvocke_ very well knew, that if he should be catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell, and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr. _Dod_, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that he inquir’d of _Gilbert Henderson_ the gunner, what that was for? _Henderson_ answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have made _affidavit_, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it. Soon as the cable parted, Mr. _Laport_ his third lieutenant seeing immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do some good: and while _Edmund Philips_ and others were actually upon the yard, _Shelvocke_ hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great indifference as to the event of the ship. Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy: what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being both in great danger. Another circumstance comes in here--When we met _La Jonquiere_ at St. _Catherine_’s, _Shelvocke_ procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could never have begun such a piece of work at all. I am sure none of us mistrusted then, that the _Speedwel_ was to be lost; tho’ our captain had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed, large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ. I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast. In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision; because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd to get out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he expect? He used to say it was easy living at _Fernandes_, but now ’tis to serve another turn, he says quite other things. Here they put themselves under the _Jamaica_ discipline; and divided among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners, and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners: and the only reason _Shelvocke_ gives for this, is the old story, his men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living to know him best, shall prove that _Shelvocke_ lost not a tittle of his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture; and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among whom _Hatley_, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my self to twenty, the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief officers, _La Port_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_, two of which afterwards quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares, where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than 60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how greatly _Shelvocke_ would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring about this new regulation. As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at _Fernandes_ taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe, that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people, the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine, that no man would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties. It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition, and how they shard it on the coast of _Mexico_; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr. _Brook_ having got the love of the people; was named to be their future commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how _Shelvocke_ took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at _Sansonate_. However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr. _Hendrie_, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he calls it, p. 219. Captain _Shelvocke_ maintaind as absolute sway at _Fernandes_, as before, till the tenth of _June_ came about. The men knowing what affection the captain had for that anniversary, some of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most dutiful manner they could: upon which _Shelvocke_ readily consented; and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So, a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas were let off; _Shelvocke_ himself being captain of the mob, and his son _George_ the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the festival was, they had nothing to drink the _Chevalier_’s health in, but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly laid for that purpose. In short, on the fifth of _October 1720_, the bark is completed, launched, and calld the _Recovery_. And thus by giving her a new name, captain _Shelvocke_ has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there never had been any such thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at _China_, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all that he had rapaciously got together. And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made the certain tools of _Shelvocke_’s tyranny and self interest. My captain’s first enterprize was with the _Margarita_, p. 262, he calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I was aboard this ship afterwards at _Callao_, and she never carried above 200 ton and eighteen guns: but _Shelvocke_ wisely magnifys her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear: for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from _Christopher Hawkins_, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her. P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the _Margarita_’s men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they had none kill’d, and only a _Nigro_ wounded in the cheek. They had not above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The commander of her was a _Frenchman_, who told it me all at _Callao_: beside which, captain _Opie_ in the _Carteret_ brought from _Buenos Aires_ one of the _Margarita_’s passengers, who told the story to fifty gentlemen about town. _David Griffith_, who went with _Shelvocke_ to _China_, confirms all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in _London_, and says that captain _Morel_, who was afterwards taken aboard the _Conception_, declared there was a man in the _Margarita_, who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain _Shelvocke_ could have taken courage to board her. _David_ further assures me, that _Shelvocke_’s whole account of that story is to excuse his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men, and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and _Shelvocke_ shamefully refused it; took the helm and sheerd off. His next feat is plundering the village of _Iquique_; where he got a good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he meets with and attacks the _Francisco Palacio_ a large merchant ship: and _Shelvocke_ by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark. However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded. Standing into the road of _Pisco_, they discover a good ship: whereupon _Shelvocke_ summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her at once; which they luckily performd without resistance. This prize was calld _Jesu Maria_ of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper: so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the _Spaniard_ offerd 16000 dollars for her again: but _Shelvocke_’s people were certainly in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no money at that time could be an equivalent. A way he sails to _Payta_ in the _Jesu Maria_, where the most important thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain _Clipperton_, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s money, which lay there in the governer’s hands. Here _Shelvocke_ gives another great example of his ignorance; for to my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner; I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his _Catholic_ Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all places) called _Teniente_, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting port charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. _Clipperton_ knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd there; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has magnified himself so much upon it, and has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s distance: For the first time the _Success_ was in the parallel of _Payta_, was _Nov. 1719_; and the second time _Nov. 1720_, as appears plainly by _Taylor_’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p. 188 and 288, has mention’d _Clipperton_’s puting prisoners ashore there in _Nov. 1719_, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd to put ashore was in _Nov. 1720_, a twelve month afterwards; which however he did not; but landed them at _Cape Helen_; as specifyd in the journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that which no one can doubt of, when he says _Clipperton_ might have taken _Payta_ as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, being a naked village of defenceless _Indians_. But it is endless for me to set the public right in every fact of _Shelvocke_’s history; for as the whole is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal. His next arrival is at the island of _Quibo_, p. 303; where he talks of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our captain _Quibo_ to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists. In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my self know him so well that it is no news to me: for _Shelvocke_ used to make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full, especially since their new establishment was more like a commonwealth than an absolute monarchy. During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, _Jan. 1721_, he meets captain _Clipperton_ in the _Success_, which interview he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: _Clipperton_ might well be surprized at the history of _Shelvocke_’s management; and _Shelvocke_ had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is that _Shelvocke_ has the hardiness to give us the history of captain _Mitchel_, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr. _Davison_, who told him so; which _Davison_ was killd at _Guam_ before _Shelvocke_ came to _China_. The tragical circumstances, as he calls them, p. 309, of a jealousy between _Clipperton_ and _Mitchel_; of the later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found, and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so malicious, and yet so irrational, that _Shelvocke_ must be fuddled when he writ them. The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a real misunderstanding, that _Clipperton_ would pay so dear to get rid of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as _Shelvocke_ served us: captain _Mitchel_ was put aboard a clean ship, well mand, and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of goods to dispose of at _Brasil_ for the Owners advantage in order to secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is _Clipperton_ chargeable with that? or what excuse can _Shelvocke_ make for these impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged on the memory of the dead. Thus far _Mitchel_ may be accounted for: The journal _March_ 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood and water, he touched to the northward, at port _Velas_; where it’s very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said article mentions that several of _Clipperton_’s men saw some shirts and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced them _Mitchel_ had been there. _Shelvocke_ goes on in this childish manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was conjectured _Mitchel_ and his men, the ship, the island and all were sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. _Davison_’s opinion; who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing. He says farther that _Clipperton_ never cleand his ship, whereas the journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every such trifling remark. As for _Clipperton_’s behaviour at _Conception_, _Coquimbo_, and afterwards at _Guam_ it was ill judged no doubt: and tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section, it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain _Shelvocke_ has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, that upon meeting the _Success_ he expected to be treated by them as one belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness, treachery, and so forth. After meeting with the _Success_ several times in the _South Seas_, I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in _March 1721._ off of _Acapulco_; whereas the journal mentions, it was thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great _Manilla_ ship. As to the remarks that _Shelvocke_ has made upon this transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent _Clipperton_ a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the proposal to _Shelvocke_ was this, That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles, and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both companies would unite and procede to cruise for the _Acapulco_ ship: The very next article in the journal is, that not hearing from captain _Shelvocke_, and the time for the _Acapulco_ ship setting out for _Manilla_, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our best dispatch for _East India_. Here is the plain true account of the affair, and how the treaty broke off: but _Shelvocke_ has labourd hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest, thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through the deceit of _Clipperton_, never expecting that these things would be refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd for _Clipperton_’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal: for he knew, before he left _England_, that the _Spanish_ fleet was all taken and destroyd by admiral _Byng_; and therefore a peace was probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely, _Clipperton_ for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just upon the point of his leaving the _South-Sea_; but on second thoughts, concluded it was better to keep what he had got. These, I say, are very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is sufficient of it self; for _Shelvocke_ thought the conditions proposed by _Clipperton_ were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended. P. 321, _Shelvocke_ talks of articles which he demanded of _Clipperton_ and _Godfrey_: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great weakness in _Shelvocke_ to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious mismanagement and breach of trust? P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon _Clipperton_, that it was his fear to ingage the _Manilla_ ship, which made him recede from the proposal. For my part, I really think he had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war already: and since _Shelvocke_ refused to put his plunder money in the common stock, why should _Clipperton_ risk all he had, to mend another man’s fortune? _Shelvocke_ most certainly would have been glad of so great an addition to his capture, as the _Acapulco_ ship must have afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and now he is bitterly vext with _Clipperton_, because the bite did not take. _Shelvocke_’s next exploit is at _Sansonate_; where finding a ship at anchor call’d the _Holy Family_ he attacks her, and after some resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the _Jesu Maria_, and change ships with the _Spaniard_. _Shelvocke_ says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition they found _Shelvocke_. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet stupidly says they were commission’d to take him. Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer with notice that there was a truce between _England_ and _Spain_; wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ _Shelvocke_ did not depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it. He sends ashore lieutenant _Brook_ his next officer with five men under a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners. Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty with the governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with _Shelvocke_’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ _Shelvocke_ always had strong notions of the _Spaniards_ resentment, and their manner of revenge; especially in _Mexico_, where the _Indians_ are the cruelest people alive. And while he was speaking of _Mitchel_’s story, we find him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries; with a very indifferent force, and consequently not able to resent any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he detaind _Brook_ and his men. _Shelvocke_ immediately before and after this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view he took this ship called the _Holy Family_, where the countermaster lost his life: so that if poor _Brook_ and his men were sacrific’d by way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know he hated _Brook_, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that _Shelvocke_ usd to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering _Clipperton_’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at _Fernandes_; and _Shelvocke_ himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind. There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, _Randal_ by name, _Brook_’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with _Shelvocke_ was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several others, and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This lieutenant _Randal_ has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing that a great part of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage is libelling the dead: such as _Clipperton_, _Davison_, _Randal_, and others. This way of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon certain knowledge and truth. Before I leave this prize calld the _Holy Family_, I must inform the reader, that _Shelvocke_, far from having any merit in taking her, ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded, _Shelvocke_ expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat which lay upon the main deck; and left _David Griffith_ alone to ply the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, _Griffith_ ought in justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever _Shelvocke_ ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving _David_ by himself to fight the _Philistines_. But to return. _Shelvocke_ unable to get provision at _Sansonate_, retires with fresh apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war; and chose therefore to go to _Panama_, where he hoped for tolerable usage, there being an _English_ factory: And what excuse can he invent for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings, which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original. Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of _Amapala_, where among the islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for _Quibo_ to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially met with a small supply at the isle of _Cano_, with the apparent hazard of _Randal_’s life. For _Shelvocke_, tho’ he was so liberal with the lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy _George_, and his minion _Stewart_, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties they reach _Quibo_, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking however still to surrender at _Panama_, if fortune did not throw some agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days after they left _Quibo_, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell accidentally into their hands, taking them for _Spaniards_: Tho’ she proved a lucky prize to _Shelvocke_, at a time when his people were near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to _China_, yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender. While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to _Shelvocke_’s privatiering, a sail presented her self standing along shore to _Panama_, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark which he had in tow, with four of his men and five _Nigros_ to take care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved, they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the 20th of _May_, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle supposition, that the _Spanish_ crew he left in the bark all jumpd into the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All people naturally secure their method of escape before they commit a violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture, than to think they would destroy the _English_ first, and murder themselves afterwards. _Shelvocke_ crys out it was a cruel return for his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374. Sure this cannot be captain _Shelvocke_ himself, but his son _Georgy_ who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange: and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd. But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer? _Shelvocke_’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a ship’s crew. He owns they were five _Spaniards_, and there might be ten for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the number: and why might not the five _Nigros_ joyn in the massacre upon certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it. THIS being the great crisis of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage, I shall be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the _Conception_, _Don Stephen de Recova_ commander bound from _Callao_ to _Panama_ having on board several persons of distinction, particularly the _Conde de la Rosa_ a _Spanish_ nobleman who had been sometime governer of _Pisco_ and was now going home to _Spain_: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade, peaches, grapes, limes, _etcætera_.” Now, _Be it known to_ ALL MEN, _That, that_ et cætera _was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred and thirty six pieces of eight_: and _Shelvocke_ little thought when he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to _Lima_, I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of what had occurrd to me: how _Shelvocke_ had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private intentions were in the future part of the voyage. As soon as I came to _London_, which was in _October 1721_, I confirmd the purport of my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and reproach in captain _Shelvocke_’s book. But beside my advices, the gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven months after, being _August_, captain _Shelvocke_ himself arrived, and waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in _Wood-street_ counter. A few days after his pupil _Stewart_ arrives at _Dover_, and was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions; who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the dividend, which is as follows. +---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+ | Names. | Quality | Number |Dollars. | English Money.| | | |of Shares.| | | +---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+ |_George Shelvocke_ |Commander | 6 | 11325 2642 10 00 | |_Samuel Randal_ |Lieutenant | 2½ | 4718 } | |_John Rayner_ |Capt. Marines| 2½ | 4718 } 1100 17 4 | |_Blowfield Coldsea_ |Master | 2½ | 4718 } each. | |_Nicholas Adams_ |Surgeon | 2½ | 4718 } | |_Matthew Stewart_ |First Mate | 2 | 3775 } | |_Monsieur Laporte_ |2 Mate | 2 | 3775 } 880 16 8 | |_George Henshal_ |Boatswain | 2 | 3775 } each. | |_Robert Davenport_ |Carpenter | 2 | 3775 } | |_William Clark_ |Gunner | 2 | 3775 } | |_James Daniel_ |Midshipman | 1½ | 2830 } | |_David Griffith_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } | |_Christop. Hawkins_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } | |_Oliver Lefevre_ |Sail Maker | 1½ | 2830 } | |_John Doydge_ |Surgeons Mt. | 1½ | 2830 } 660 00 00 | |_William Morgan_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } each. | |_John Popplestone_ |Armourer | 1½ | 2830 } | |_James Moyet_ |Cooper | 1½ | 2830 } | |_John Pearson_ |Carpent. Mt. | 1½ | 2830 } | |_Geo. Shelvocke jun._|Nothing | 1½ | 2830 } | |_William Clement_ |Able Seaman | 1 | 1887¼ } | |_John Norris_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } | |_James Moulville_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } | |_George Gill_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } 440 7 2 | |_Peter Fero_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } each. | |_John Smith_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } | |_Edward Atcocks_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } | |_John Theobald_ |Barber | 1 | 1887¼ } | |_William Burrows_ |Ord. Seaman | ¾ | 1415¾ } | |_Daniel mac Donald_ |Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ } 330 6 10 | |_Richard Croft_ |Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ } each. | |_John Robins_ |Grommet | ½ | 943¾ } 220 04 02 | |_Benedict Harry_ |Cook | ½ | 943¾ } each. | +---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+ | 33 | | 52¼ | 98604¾ | 23007 15 6 | +---------------------+-------------+----------+---------------------------+ Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which _Shelvocke_ graciously shared among private friends; each of which quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of eight, _dollars_ _l._ _s._ _d._ And makes in } { which at 4 s. and } the whole } 10032 { 8 d. each, makes } 2340 16 00 which being } added to the } 98604¾ ---- or ---- 23007 15 06 ---------- ---------------- makes 108636¾ ---- or ---- 25348 11 06 All which money _Shelvocke_ has the prodigious modesty to conceal; and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, _&c._ _Stewart_’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the _Shelvockes_ and _Stewart_: perhaps _Adams_ came in for a little. For as _Stewart_ was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a committee of two or three. When _Shelvocke_ orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the _Speedwel_, I deliverd it to Mr. _Hendrie_ the former agent, being about 350 dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that _Shelvocke_ had formd, to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came to _England_ I should have it some time or other. However, all these effects were shared at _Fernandes_, as aforementioned. So among other things I left a wig with _John Theobald_ the barber on the list, who sold it afterwards to _Coldsea_ the master for ten dollars: but as soon as _Theobald_ found me out in _London_, he honestly came and paid me the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend. By the above account it’s plain _Shelvocke_’s dividend of the silver taken in the _Conception de Recova_ came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he afterwards made thirty _per cent._ in _China_, reckoning at a medium; for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under twenty five. The gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute. And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he pay 2166 pound port charges, and _Clipperton_ but 396, as _Taylor_’s journal mentions, when we all know _Shelvocke_’s was but a merchant ship, and _Clipperton_’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount of the St. _Fermin_ and other prizes taken on the coast of _Chili_, which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down. Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips over, and forgets he ownd, p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht. From all which particulars it is evident captain _Shelvocke_ has secured to himself and brought to _England_ a great sum of money, being neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much more than we can make out, yet even _Stewart_ himself assured me, that _Shelvocke_ could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the voyage. P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship calld _The Holy Family_, which he also said was commissiond to take him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the _Conde de la Rosa_, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of pistols? Sure _Shelvocke_ must take his reader for an _Ignoramus_; and having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their senses. After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain _Shelvocke_ a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body. All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his preface after seeing this account, must read it with indignation. What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity? P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for a commander of strict _honour_ and _honesty_: which advice from captain _Shelvocke_ can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not _Shelvocke_ turnd public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print. But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal. P. 378, he says, “he took out of the _Conception_ twelve months provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like proportion for the _Success_, which he expected to find at _Tres Marias_, being then a stranger to _Clipperton_’s faithless desertion.” Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet _Clipperton_, who never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say he put up any provision for the _Success_. _Shelvocke_ knew better what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief command: besides he speaks immediately of going to _Asia_; for being well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a hazardous experiment going over to _Asia_; and gives us some trifling reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him; which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at _China_. Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises, and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes plainly against him. He talks of cakes of virgin silver found in the prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of _Spain_ of his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit, marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to take him? or why does _Shelvocke_ talk so much of sweatmeats, except the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards, besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly. P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the _Conception_ was divided according to the new articles made at _Fernandes_; which I believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ _Shelvocke_ then little thought that _Betagh_ would have it here to produce against him. He complains he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But how in the name of sense could _Shelvocke_ expect sixty out of two and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither _Scotch_, _English_, nor _Irish_: ’Tis the devil! and if _Shelvocke_ can make sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil. The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of the _Spaniards_, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken from captain _Clipperton_ by venturing too near the shore, if the circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case? But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy and robbd an orchard: he first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and then invents twenty more to patch that up. _Shelvocke_ having now done his business, steers away for _California_, in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to _China_ and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man may make 30 or 40 _per_ cent. Accordingly in _August 1721_, he arrives at _California_; and gives his readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the world: but as I don’t take _Shelvocke_ to be a judge of good manners, I look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that idle story of the king of the _Indians_ delivering him his sceptre, which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: and yet he says he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature had, he gives it to _Shelvocke_, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife for it, which they are always glad of. And _Shelvocke_ will have it that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which as he deliverd, it is pity _Shelvocke_ did not keep it, and make himself king of the country: for it’s plain the _Indian_ resignd his sovereignty by parting with the stick. There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner of feasting these _Californian_ gentry with vast quantities of hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after all the country rung of _Shelvocke_’s fame and came in daily to view him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his taking leave. Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful, he saluted the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of their being in love, tho’ _Shelvocke_ is modest and don’t own it. His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p. 389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration. His pretended natural history of _California_ is all dull and tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain _Rogers_ who was there in 1710. _Shelvocke_ p. 399. it begins with the same words as he does p. 317. _Shelvocke_ says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter the harbour are like the needles of the isle of _Wight_.” _Rogers_ the same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat for bread, is stolen from his journal. _Shelvocke_ says their language is guttural and harsh, p. 409. _Rogers_ p. 314, word for word the same. Their manner of living amicably and in common, is a transcript from the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of diving is all the same. _Shelvocke_ says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the _Californians_ as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which _Shelvocke_ indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them. The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts being universally commended, there’s no room to admit _Shelvocke_’s impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to find fault with that only which signifies nothing. _Rogers_ his words are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present subsistence.”--This is confirmd of all _Indians_ who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so natural to him, that he can’t forbear it. As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking _Shelvocke_’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their assistance for the future.” The plain _English_ of which is, that any man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick milk. Captain _Rogers_ has given us a handsome concise description of the people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another man’s observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre; he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding. Captain _George Shelvocke_ having here finish’d his wise observations, prepares to cross the western ocean from _Mexico_ to _China_; and with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of _Clipperton_, whom he partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the expedition in general, p. 433. Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to seek _Clipperton_, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his indeavours for the advantage of the expedition! In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes the liberty of naming _Shelvocke_’s island. Vain creature! dost thou expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall mention the word _Shelvocke_ without ridicule? much less shall an island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as _Peter Baldivia_ was at the place which bears his name, you might ever remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son _George_ might have wrote your epitaph. In _Shelvocke_’s passage over to _Guam_ nothing material happens but the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no relief. On his arrival at _Guam_ he makes this cunning observation, that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain _Rogers_ his account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book _Shelvocke_ would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning themselves. Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments; but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying, lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments. But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand dollars, _&c._ which he had aboard. In _November_ he gets to _China_, and meets with some of _Clipperton_’s people at _Macao_; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only of _Clipperton_’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit. By my transcript of _Taylor_’s journal, _Shelvocke_ may see I have not omitted those facts which related to _Clipperton_, and I am glad to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for _Shelvocke_ says that _Clipperton_ was orderd into custody at _Macao_, for silly reasons which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the journal, he will find that _Clipperton_ honestly withstood dividing his capture as long as he could, till an order from the _Mandarin_, and a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this _Shelvocke_ has the malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced _Clipperton_ and let him go; ’tis quite wrong; for _Clipperton_ paid but 1700 dollars for anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and _Shelvocke_ owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the latter was fleeced, not the former. Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen owners who have thought _Clipperton_ blameless, that they might pass a judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either privately or publicly, let them into the truth of his story.”--What can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes with a jesuitical turn, that _Clipperton_ never would _publicly_ or _privately_ let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. _Shelvocke_ has, that truly he knew captain _Clipperton_ was dead. What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself and his money transported to _England_, whether true or false, tis immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an _East India-man_ which brought him home the first of _August, 1722_. His 14th chapter, as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just, and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to follow it. * * * * * THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain _Shelvocke_: to expose his ignorance in some things, and detect his many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind; well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless. Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better, has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had actually formd a design of returning with the ship to _England_. 2. At St. _Catherine_’s he says they forced him to sign the new articles, or else they would have run away with the ship. 3. Going in to _Chiloe_ he says was the mens fault; where we so narrowly escaped a shipwreck. 4. At going in to _Conception_ a little to leeward, he says the same. 5. At _Fernandes_, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money, and enter upon the new _Jamaica_ discipline. 6. Upon meeting _Clipperton_, he says, ’twas his men demanded a confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they had twice made new ones for themselves. 7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd, he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up. 8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal that great sum of money taken aboard the _Conception_? Or who obliged him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him: particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief, that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of his procedings: when at the same time he never kept a journal, tho’ he says he lost one at _Fernandes_, p. 417, which place I shall quote for the _particularity_ of it.--“When I was shipwreckd on the island of _John Fernandes_, I among many other things lost some _particular_ remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way _et cætera_: therefore in _general_ have not been _particular_.” I can’t tell what he would have the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way _et cætera_, he has lost them in general _et cætera_. If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for _A voyage round the world_, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one. ’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and _John Bunyan_’s Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ. For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of _Shelvocke_’s _blunderrata_; tho’ the captain is said to have had the assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned. Page 196. Mightily disabled. 207. _Saved_ the ship _not_ coming to pieces. 257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd. 278. With a resolute despair. 418. In _general_ have not been _particular_. 307. Shall _now_ continue my narration of our _future_ procedings. 265. We had not an _hour’s_ hopes of living a _minute_ longer, _&c_, _&c_, _&c._ Soon as captain _Shelvocke_ returnd to _London_, he waited on the same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a constable with him, and carryd him to the _Cockpit_. The secretary of state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against him at _Doctors commons_, and another at _Common law_ at the Owners suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home in the _India_ ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain _Shelvocke_ was himself that day confined in _Wood-street Counter_; and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet appeard, were arrested also and confined. After this the said owner applyd to the court of _Admiralty_ for a warrant to keep _Shelvocke_ in custody of the marshal, in order to be tryd for a pyracy on the _Portuguese_; for robberies on the king of _Spain_’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw the moydors taken out of the _Portuguese_ captain’s scritore; tho’ they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the action at _Doctors commons_, being under the discouragement of the judge of that court: and the proceding at _Common law_ was so intricate and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of _Chancery_. Upon setting forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a writ of _Ne exeat regnum_ against the said _Shelvocke_, markt 8000_l_, and some of his men in lesser sums: but _Shelvocke_ getting bail to the action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench prison, that he escaped on a _Sunday_, and prevented the said writ in chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which _Shelvocke_ refusing to put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law of _Shelvocke_’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound: which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness, than for any real prospect of advantage. Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and assistance to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish, not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of _A voyage round the world_; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are repeated letters from the king of _Spain_ to demand satisfaction for depredations upon his subjects, committed by this very man; and he still braving it with impunity. ’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss _de Pozzo Bueno_ ambassador from the king of _Spain_, while his _Britannic_ majesty was at _Hanover_; “_That on the_ 11th _of_ April 1721, _in the road of_ Sansonate _on the coast of_ Mexico, George Shelvocke _commander of an_ English _privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the_ Holy Family, _value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to_ Don Lewis Carillo _of_ Lima _in_ Peru; _altho’ the said_ Shelvocke _had notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year_ 1720, _between the crowns of_ England _and_ Spain, _and publishd in those seas before the said capture._”--I have seen a copy of this memorial, being writ in _French_, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now, or was a _Spanish_ agent in _London_ to solicit the business. It is hard to know how this affair will be determined, now _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ are at such variance; but if the court of _Madrid_ comes quickly into terms, which looks not improbable, the government may still lay hold on _Shelvocke_ for all his robberies in the _South-Sea_, as well as his pyracy on the _Portuguese_; tho’ courts of justice either want the inclination or power to punish him. * * * * * Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd according to the will and pleasure of captain _Shelvocke_; only 33 remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and two by casualty. Turnd ashore at St. _Jago_ and St. _Catharine_’s } before we got into the _South-Seas_, } nine, _Andrew Pedder_ chief mate, } _Henry Chapman_ third mate, _Charles_ } _Turner_ gunner, _Henry Hudson_ boatswain, } 9 _William Parsons_ and _William_ } _Coon_ boatswain’s mates, _George Hint_ } and _Charles Perry_ seamen. } Commanded ashore near _Conception_ } in _Chili_ where they were murderd, } three, _John Eady_ midshipman, _John_ } 3 _Daley_ and _George Aboigne_ marines. } Sent a cruising to be taken prisoners, } fifteen, _Simon Hatley_ second captain } of the _Speedwel_, _William Betagh_ captain } of marines, _Gilbert Hamilton_ ensign, } _John Sprake_ second mate, _Nicolas_ } _Laming_ boatswain, _Christopher Pressick_ } surgeon’s first mate, _Robert Cobs_ } 15 serjeant of marines, _Matthew Appleton_, } _Martin Hayden_, _Richard Bond_, _Richard_ } _Gloyns_, _John Panther_ seamen, } _John Wilson_, _John Nicolson_, and _Tho._ } _Barnet_, marines. } Orderd on a cruise in a bark with } one week’s provision, and obliged then } to surrender on the coast, eleven, _James_ } _Hopkins_ third mate, _Robert Rawlins_ } midshipman, _William Dobson_, _Thomas_ } 11 _Wilkinson_, _Edward Oasting_, _John Bone_, } _Charles Weatherly_, _William Kitchen_, } _Richard Cross_, _John Guathar_ and _John_ } _Gundy_ seamen. } Left on _Fernandes_ eleven, besides } thirteen _Indians_, _John Wisdom_, _Joseph_ } _Monero_, _William Blew_, _John Riddleclay_, } _Edmund Hyves_, _Daniel Harvey_, } 11 _William Giddy_, _John Robjohn_, _Thomas } Hawkes_, _James Row_ and _Jacob_ } _Bowden_ seamen. } Left in a prize and murderd four, } _John Giles_ serjeant of marines, _John_ } 4 _Emlin_ seaman, _John Williams_ marine, } _George Chappel_ a lad. } Sent ashore into the hands of the } enemy without a hostage, and never since } heard of, six, _Edward Brook_ first lieutenant, } 6 _William Tamly_ midshipman, _Fredric_ } _Macenzie_, _Robert Bowman_, _Richard_ } _Philips_ and _John Poulton_ seamen. } Begd their passage with _Clipperton_, } to be freed from _Shelvocke_’s tyranny, } three, _James Hendrie_ agent for the } 3 Owners, _Thomas Dod_ lieutenant of } marines, and _William Morphew_ midshipman. } Died four, _Richard Arscot_ in the } _Speedwel_, and _Edmond Philips_ in _Shelvocke_’s } bark, _William Campbell_ drownd } 4 going round _Cape Horne_, and _Richard_ } _Hannah_ drownd going to the wreck } from _Fernandes_ island. } Deserted at St. _Catharine_’s three, } _Abraham Dutour_, _Anthony Wood_, and } 3 _William Leveret_. } Stayd on board the _Ruby_ at St. _Catherine_’s } two, _William Mariner_ sail } 2 maker, and _Lawrence Lancette_ of the } carpenter’s crew. } Left ashore at _Payta_, _Rich. Bavin_. 1 Deserted at _Chiloe_, _Robert Morris_. 1 --- In all 73 --- Stayd with _Shelvocke_ and divided } 33 all (his son being included.) } --- Total ship’s company 106 --- ’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain _Clipperton_, who being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the _Speedwel_, and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the last scene of action: where being still disappointed of his consort, ’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he did meet with captain _Shelvocke_ on the coast of _Mexico_, all his proposals proved ineffectual. Thus _Clipperton_ having in vain made three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to _Asia_ minded nothing at all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy. When he came to _China_ he sold the _Success_, laying by the Owners moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in _Holland_, aboard a _Dutch East-India_ ship, and died two or three days after he came to his family in _Ireland_; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his long run of misfortune. He was an _Englishman_, born at great _Yarmouth_ in the county of _Norfolk_, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly a complete seaman, as the northern _English_ generally are, and in all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity and good nature are undeniable, having never arbitrarily exposed or commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as _Shelvocke_ has unfairly represented. My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable to the captain of the _Speedwel_, who cruelly treated his own people; deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy captain _Rogers_ his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to act by a council of our own officers. So that if _Shelvocke_ had early rejoynd the _Success_ and concurrd with _Clipperton_, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen thousand pound, and I believe the _Duke_ and _Duchess_ did not stand the _Bristol_ gentlemen in so much. And tho’ _Rogers_ had aboard him some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well known he brought home a capture of a _hundred and seventy thousand pound_ value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity! [Illustration] [Illustration] SECTION IV. _Containing observations on the_ Spanish America _in general, and the remarks I made while I was confined in_ Peru. CHAP. I. About the middle of _March 1720_, when _Shelvocke_ sent _Hatley_ and the rest of us to seek our fortunes in the lighter, calld the _Mercury_, he himself in the _Speedwel_ went to plunder the village of _Payta_, which was just under our lee, and where we might easily have joind him, had he imparted his design to us: however we had not cruised long in sight of _Cape Blanco_, when we took a small bark with a good parcel of chocolate and flower. There was an elderly gentlewoman aboard, and a thin old fryer, whom we kept two or three days; and after taking out what we wanted, we discharged the bark and them together. Soon after this we took the pink which _Shelvocke_ calls the rich prize; She had no jealousy of our being an enemy, but kept her way to the southward, till seeing the _Mercury_ standing towards her she began to suspect us. About noon she puts the helm hard a weather, and crowded all the sail she could afore the wind: and being in her ballast this was the best of her sailing, which also proved the greatest advantage they could give us; for had she held her wind, we in our flat bottom could have had no share in her. About ten at night, with rowing and hard sailing, we got within shot of the chase and brought her to, being pretty near the shore: they were about seventy persons aboard, thirty of which were _Nigros_. _Hatley_, I remember, upon going aboard left me and _Pressick_ with four more hands in the _Mercury_; where we continued two or three days, till a heavy shower of rain (hardly ever known upon that coast, and which _Shelvocke_ takes notice of p. 185) spoild all our bread and other dry provision; it was then time for us to get aboard the prize, which we did; sending three hands afterwards to take care of the _Mercury_. We stood off and on the said cape seven or eight days expecting to meet with the _Speedwel_; and there we set ashore the _Spanish_ captain, the _padre_, and some gentlemen passengers. At last we spyd a sail about five leagues distance, plying to windward: not doubting it was the _Speedwel_ or _Success_, we stood towards her, while she kept edging towards us. About ten in the morning we were got near enough to discover it was a warlike ship, as she proved; tho’ neither of those we wishd for. The master of our prize had before informd us, that he met the _Brilliant_ man of war cruising for our privatiers; which till now we intirely disregarded. Hereupon captain _Hatley_ advising with me what to do we concluded that some advantage might be made of the information given us by the _Spaniard_: that as the _Brilliant_ had spoke so lately with the pink, probably there would not be many questions asked now. Upon which _Hatley_ and I drest our selves like _Spaniards_, and hoisted _Spanish_ colours: we confined our prisoners in the great cabin, suffering none of them but the _Indians_ and _Nigros_ to appear upon deck, that the pink might look as she did before; in which contrivance we had succeded, but for the obstinacy of _John Sprake_, whom we could not keep off the deck. As the Admiral came up he fired a gun to leeward: hereupon we lowerd our topsails, making easy sail till we got along side of him. Their first question was, if we had heard any thing of the _English_ privatier? we answerd, No. The next was, how it happend we were got no farther in our way to _Lima_? We answerd, by reason of the _currents_. They askd us two or three more questions, which we still answerd in _Spanish_. They seemd thoroughly satisfyd; and were just getting their tacks aboard in order to leave us, when the said _Sprake_ and two more of our men appeard on the main deck: a _Frenchman_ aboard the admiral looking out at the mast-head spyd their long trowsers, by which knowing them to be _English_ he cryd out, _par Dieu Monsieur, ils sont Anglois_, they are _Englishmen_. Upon this they immediately fired a broad side into us with round and partridge shot; by one of which _Hatley_ was slightly wounded in the head. After we had surrenderd they took all the _English_ aboard them, and put a couple of their own officers into the prize. The admiral then bore down to the _Mercury_ about two leagues to leeward, and tho’ they fired at least twenty five guns into her, the three men escaped unhurt; and the vessel tho’ full of water had not weight enough to carry her to the bottom. After taking in the three men, our commander _Don Pedro Midranda_ went in to _Payta_ carrying the pink with him, where he set us ashore. He orderd me to _Piura_ about forty mile up the country; and did me the favour to let _Pressick_ the surgeon and _Cobs_ a marine serjeant go with me: but captain _Hatley_ and the rest he sent under a guard, with mules to carry them to _Lima_, which is above four hundred miles further on the coast; the reason of which I have partly given at the close of my second section: for the cape _Frio_ story being blown, and the moydors found upon _Hatley_, they had a mind the thing should be sifted and the guilty punishd. The admiral having taken in water and refreshments, quickly put to sea again in quest of the _British_ privatiers, designing to take us up to _Lima_ as he came back. The weather in this latitude being too hot, the custom is to travel from six in the evening till eight in the morning. My _Indian_ guide set me on the best mule he had, which not caring to follow company, I led my fellow travellers the way till ten a clock. While day-light lasted, I observed the country one open plain, with _Indian_ plantations regularly enough cantond out on each side of us. This level is from 30 to 100 mile broad, and extends 300 mile along shore; for I am now going to the southward, having the _Cordileer_ mountains on the left hand, and the great ocean on the right. If this land was well waterd, as the soil is pleasant and fertile, it might be as fine a country as any: but travellers are here obliged to carry water for their mules as well as themselves. At the approach of night we were puzzled in the way: I often found my self stopt by great hills of sand, and my mule as often indeavourd to pull the reins out of my hand, which proving troublesome, the _Indian_ advised me to throw the reins on the mule’s neck; and as soon as that was done the creature easily hit the way. These sands are often shifted by from place to place, which I take to be occasiond by the strong eddies of wind reverberated from the mountains. At night we rested a little at an old empty house in a coppice about half way, which the guide told us was built by the inhabitants of _Piura_, for the accommodation of the prince St. _Bueno_ viceroy of _Peru_, where they met him in formality and regaled him. At seven in the morning we arrived at _Piura_, being a regular handsom town scituate on the banks of the river _Collan_. The _Indian_ conducted us to the house of a good _Spanish_ gentleman and his wife who having received his charge, the guide returnd to _Payta_. In a quarter of an, hour’s time the towns people flockd in to see the rary show; and instead of being used like prisoners at discretion, we were entertaind with respect and civility, which we were not sure to meet with. Our landlord, I should say keeper’s name was _Don Jeronimo Baldivieso_. He had five daughters, upon the sight of which and their candid way of receiving us, we hoped our time would slide easily away, and our captivity prove agreeable. I began now to be sensible of the admiral’s favour in ordering us to this place; for he had such interest in all the kingdom of _Peru_, that for his sake we found good genteel treatment. Soon as we had refreshd ourselves, according to the custom of the place, with chocolate, biskets and water; we were diverted with the sound of a _Welch_ harp in some inner apartment: the artist had good command of it; for I heard parts of several famous _Italian_, as well as _English_ compositions; and upon inquiry, was informd that all the _Spaniards_ daughters had learnd music, and sung or playd upon some instrument or other. Tho’ at first this seemd a little unaccountable to us, yet I afterwards found that music was common in _Peru_: for the _Italian_ party having a few years before prevaild at the court of _Madrid_, the said viceroy prince St. _Bueno_, who was an _Italian_, had brought a great many musicians of that country along with him; which has now, spread music every where, and is as good in _Peru_ as in old _Spain_. This I thought proper to mention, because by means of music and an inoffensive carriage, we lived in good harmony with those who had a right to treat us as enemies. It was a practice here every day for the neighbours to come and view us; at which I was well enough diverted: for _Cobs_ being my serjeant, we had exercised the brown musket together; so that we turnd readily about to shew our selves: but Mr. Pressick hung down his head, and grew melancholy. _Payta_ being the place, as I said afore, where the pedlars or walking merchants are set ashore, they make _Piura_ their first stage to _Lima_, disposing of their goods and lessening their burthens as they go along: some take the road through _Caxamarca_; others through _Truxillo_ along shore. From _Lima_ they take their passage back to _Panama_ by sea; and perhaps carry a little purchase of brandy with them. At _Panama_ they again stock themselves with _European_ goods, returning by sea to _Payta_, where they are set down: there they hire mules and load them; the _Indians_ going with them, in order to bring them back: and so these traders keep in a continual round till they have got enough to live on. Their traveling expenses are next to nothing; for the _Indians_ are brought under such subjection, that they find lodging for them, and provender for their mules. This every white face may command, being a homage the poor _Indians_ are long accustomd to pay; and some think they have an honour done them into the bargain, except out of generosity they now and then meet with a small recompense. In the _British_ and _French_ nation a pedlar is despised, and his imployment lookd upon as a mean shift to get a living: but it is otherwise here, where the quick return of money is a sufficient excuse for the manner of getting it. And there are many gentlemen in _Old Spain_, who, when their circumstances in life are declining, send their sons to the _Indies_ to retrieve their fortune this very way. Our lodging was in an outhouse purposely kept for these traveling merchants. According to the _Spanish_ custom, we had our dinner sent to table under cover, where _Don Jeronimo_ and we eat together; while the good lady of the house and her daughters sat together in another room: this is the practice at all meals, and if any strong liquors are drank, it is then. In all our conduct I think the good _Spaniard_ was never disobliged, except once when he saw me drinking a dram with the doctor at a little victualing house. As nothing is more disagreeable to the _Spaniards_ than drunkenness, I had much ado to make amends for this step towards it, tho’ they easily admit of gallantry in the most familiar degree: so that ’tis only changing one enormity for another. Here are several churches endowd; one convent of _Franciscans_, and a seminary for youth instructed by two _Jesuits_. After we had past about six weeks at _Piura_, our _Indian_ guide came again to wait on us to _Payta_, the man of war being returnd. When we were upon the point of taking leave, our surgeon was missing, which retarded us a day longer: they had conceald him in the town, and designd to keep him there, being a very useful man: and if he could have had a supply of medicines, he might soon have made a handsom fortune. However the next day we mounted our mules and parted with great reluctance, especially with _Don Jeronimo_ and his family. We went aboard the _Brilliant_ at _Payta_, which having done nothing at sea, made a sort of cruising voyage to _Callao_, the port of _Lima_. The civility I received from the admiral or general of the _South-Seas_, as he is there calld, is what I have touchd upon at the end of my first section, both before we were set ashore at _Payta_, and in our passage from thence to _Callao_. I shall only add one particular to the honour of _Monsieur de Grange_, a captain under the general. Soon as we were taken by the _Brilliant_, as aforesaid, this gentleman seeing the soldiers had stript us, being the conquerers usual perquisit in all these cases; he generously gave me a handsom sute of clothes, two pair of silk stockins, a hat, wig, shirts, and every thing according. We arrived at _Lima_ in about five weeks, and were immediately committed to the same prison where the rest of our companions were sent, except _Hatley_, who, having a particular mark set on him, was confined by himself. And I can’t help remarking, tho’ Mr. _Hatley_ was no friend to me, that it was a cruel thing in _Shelvocke_ to send him of all men upon that enterprize in the _Mercury_. For when captain _Rogers_ came into these seas upon a like cruise 1709, _Hatley_ upon some occasion was separated from him, and made a prisoner afterwards upon the continent: and now being catchd the second time, with the aggravation of the _Portuguese_ money found upon him, he had like to have been torn to pieces. The court of judges went soon upon the examination of our story, and drew up a charge against us as pyrates: since by the moidors found upon _Hatley_, it appeard they were taken from the subjects of a prince in perfect amity with the crown of _England_: but it was happy for us that the viceroy _Don Diego Marsilia_, who was an archbishop and in the decline of life, was pleased coolly to discriminate the affair, and finding really but one of us guilty, would not sign any order for shedding innocent blood. As for _Hatley_, some were for sending him to the mines for life; others for hanging him: but the several accounts of capt. _Shelvocke_’s vile procedings contributed to his deliverance, the truth of which here were enough of our people at _Lima_ to witness. For besides lieutenant _Serjeantson_ and his men who were brought hither, here came the men whom _Shelvocke_ sent with _Hopkins_ to shift for themselves in a poor empty bark, who for want of sustenance were forced to surrender to the _Indians_: so that the court finding _Shelvocke_ more a principal in the pyratical story than _Hatley_, and believing we had been plagued enough before we came hither, they thought fit to let us all go by degrees. _Hatley_ indeed was kept in irons about a twelvemonth, and then got to _England_. I was released out of prison in about ten days, by the interest of captain _Fitzgerald_ a native of St. _Malo_, who was in favour with the viceroy, and past his word for my limitation at _Lima_. Upon inquiry for Mr. _Serjeantson_ and his men, I understood that most of them had taken up the religion of the country, had been christend, and were dispersed among the convents in the city. The first that I saw had got his new catechise in one hand, and a pair of large beads dangling in the other. I smiled, and askd the fellow how he liked it: he said very well; for having his religion to chuse, he thought this better than none, since it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life. Many of _Shelvocke_’s men followd this example; and I may venture to say this was as good a reason as most of our people could give for their conformity. Tho’ ’tis reckond very meritorious to make a convert, and many arguments were used for that end; yet was there no rigour shewn to bring any of us over. Those who thought fit to be baptized, had generally some of the merchants of _Lima_ for their _padrinos_ or god-fathers, who never faild giving their children a sute of clothes, and some money to drink their healths. About this time four or five of _Clipperton_’s men, and as many of _Shelvocke_’s got leave from their convents to meet together at a public house kept by one _John Bell_, an _Englishman_, who had a _Nigro_ wife that for some services or other had got her freedom. The design of this meeting was to confirm their new baptism with a bowl of punch: the consequence of which was, they all got drunk and quareld; and forgeting they were true catholics, mistook an image of some good saint that stood in a corner for one of their own company, knockd him down, and demolishd him. I missing the fellows for a few days, inquired at _John_’s house what was become of them. He told me the story, and said they were all put in the _Inquisition_; for the thing having took air, he was obliged to complain of it, or go there himself: but promised that underhand he would indeavour to get them released; which I found afterwards was done in five days: so that they had time enough to say their catechise, repent and be sober. _Bell_ said, if the men had still remaind heretics, this drunken-bout had not come within the verge of the ecclesiastical power; but being novices, and just let into the church, they were the easier pardond; since their outrage upon the saint was no proof of their relapse into error, or an affront to the catholic faith, because they were all disorderd with liquor. At length about a dozen men of both our ships, being now pretty well instructed, were discharged from the cloysters, and sent to _Callao_ to help careen and fit out the _Flying Fish_, then designd for _Europe_. Here they enterd into a project to run away with the _Margarita_, a pretty sailing ship that lay in the harbour, and go upon the account for themselves: but not knowing what to do for ammunition and a compass, they applyd to Mr. _Serjeantson_, telling him they had a design to steal away by land to _Panama_, where being an _English_ factory, they might have a chance to get home; that they had got half a dozen firelocks with which they could kill wild hogs or get some game as they went along, if he would be so kind to help them to a little powder and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the woods: the fellows, by begging and making catholic signs to the good people at _Lima_, that they were poor _English_ newly baptized, had got together some dollars which they desired _Serjeantson_ to lay out; who not mistrusting the plot, took their money and bought them what they wanted. Thus furnisht one of them came to me at _Lima_, and said there was an opportunity offered to make my fortune, by running away with the _Margarita_ at _Callao_, if I would imbrace it: whereupon he told me the story, and that _Sprake_ was to have the command, as being the only artist among them. I answerd that it was a bold design; but as captain _Fitzgerald_ had ingaged for my honour, I was obliged not to meddle with it. In a few days the plot was discoverd, their lodgings were searchd, their arms taken away and they put in prison. The government was greatly provoked, and had near determined their execution, when an order came to release all but _Sprake_; who being the projector was kept in irons two or three months and then set free. I believe, in this affair their late conformity did them great service: but both these stories are an argument, that neither the _church_ nor _state_ are so rigorous in _Peru_, as the _Romish_ dominions in _Europe_. [Illustration] CHAP. II. _Describing the City of_ Lima. _Lima_ is the metropolis of _Peru_ and the seat of an archbishop. ’Tis a regular built city, the streets all strait and spacious: so that you go thro’ it almost any way without turning a corner. It is composed of little squares like _St. Jago_ the capital of _Chili_, which is copyd from this. It stands in an open vale, having only a gentle stream to water it; and which divides it as the _Thames_ dos _London_ from _Southwark_, allowing for the great disproportion. The port of _Lima_ is at _Callao_ seven mile below it. The houses are only one story high, of twelve or fourteen foot, because of the frequent earthquakes in that country. There are about eight parishes, three colleges for students, twenty eight monasteries of fryers, and thirteen monasteries of nuns: so that the religious take up a fourth part of the city. However by the easy flow of money, and the vast sums bequeathd, being the effects of celibacy, they are all well endowd and supported. Besides which, there are two hospitals for the sick, poor and disabled; and where several of our men were kindly lookt after. The length of the city from north to south is two mile: the breadth one and a half; the wall with the river making a circumference of six mile. On the east side of the stream lies the other part of the city; being joynd by a very handsom stone bridge of five or seven arches. I compute there are now sixty or seventy thousand persons in _Lima_, all sorts and colours included: and I don’t wonder at any multiplication in a city which is the centre of so much affluence and pleasure. For besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all ships which trade that way, whether private or public, generally leave some deserters who chuse to stay behind for the incouragement all white faces meet with. The Inhabitants are thus distinguisht. _Spaniards_ Natives of _old Spain_. _Creolians_ Born in _America_ of _white_ parents. _Mulattas_ Issue of _white_ and _nigro_. _Mestizos_ Issue of _white_ and _indian_. _Quartron nigros_ Born of _white_ and _mulatta_. _Quartron indians_ Born of _white_ and _mestizo_. _Sambo de mulatta_ _Nigro_ and _mulatta_. _Sambo de indian_ _Nigro_ and _indian_. Issue of _sambo mulatta_, and _sambo indian_ are calld _giveros_. These are lookt on as having the worst inclinations and principles; and if the cast is known, they are banisht the kingdom. * * * * * Hence procede endless denominations according to the variety of mixture: and some people make a science of it, to know the multiplicity of casts and give them a name: but the forementiond are the chief and most particular. It is counted creditable to mend the breed by ascending or growing whiter; but a descent or cast the other way is calld _saltatras_; from _saltare retrò_, to go backward; and is lookd upon as base born and scandalous. The difference of birth and parentage causes an observation pleasant enough: for they are as great strangers to each other as _chevaliers_ are in _France_, or graduates and scholars in our universities. So that a _quartron indian_ will hardly keep company with a _mulatta_: and a _mestizo_ thinks himself a king to a _sambo_. Of all parts of the world, the people here are most expensive in their habit. The men dress as they do in _England_, their coats being either of silk, or fine _English_ cloth, and hair camblets imbroiderd or laced with gold and silver, and their waistcoats commonly the best brocades. The women never wear hoops or stays, only a sticht holland jacket next their shifts: they generally throw over their shoulders a square piece of swanskin flannel intirely coverd with _Flanders_ lace, besides the silver or gold lace round the peticoat: when they walk out, the _Creolian_ women are veild, but not the _Mulatta_; and till the age of thirty or forty they wear no headcloths: their hair being tyed behind with fine ribands. But the pride of both sexes appears chiefly in _Maclin_ and _Brussels_ lace, with which they trim their linen in a most extravagant manner, not omitting their sheets and pillows. Beside the outward covering of the mantle aforesaid, their linen is doubly borderd with it top and bottom, with ruffles of four or five furbelows hanging down to the knee. Then as to pearls and costly stones, which they wear in rings and bracelets for the neck and arms, they are very immoderate; though the value is hardly equal to the appearance. Of all the convents in _Lima_, that of _St. Domingo_ is the richest, and _Francisco_ the largest. The provincial or governer of the _Dominicans_ is chosen triennially out of their own body, and his income above seven thousand pound a year. I was present at one election, which I mention because of the great splendor and cost which attended it. A large triumphal arch was built cross the street: the inside lined with scarlet cloth and velvet, and hung all over with jewels and wrought plate. Thro’ this the principal people of _Lima_ past with the new provincial at their head; where he stopd to hear a short oration pronounced by a girl upon that occasion, and then went to his convent to finish the solemnity. The processions in _Lima_ are made with more show and pageantry than those in _Europe_, and are sometimes very extravagant. I was present at that noted one when the image of _St. Dominic_ goes to church to wait upon that of _St. Francis_, which is attended with a deal of firework and equipage: and I doubt not the managers of our opera and comedy would improve much by seeing the odd figures and machinery of this grand visit, which is made yearly to keep up the singular esteem the _Spaniards_ have for those two orders. Tho’ these expenses are profuse, yet at _Lima_ they are common, where the begging fryers often die possest of dollars, from the value of ten to twenty thousand pound. One instance of the riches of this place, I was told by several who rememberd it: that when the duke _de la Plata_ their viceroy made his entry, the inhabitants paved the merchant street thro’ which he past with bars of silver, each of which was 2500 dollars at least: which piece of finery I can liken to nothing but the account we have of _Jerusalem_ in the days of king _Solomon_. The viceroy has a handsome palace in the great quadrangle of the city; which I take to be near as large as _Lincolns-Inn-Fields_ at _London_. His salary is ten thousand pound a year, and his perquisits double that sum: and tho’ his government expires at three, four, or five years end as the king pleases, yet ’tis supposed he makes a good fortune for life; for he has all places in his gift, both in the government and army throughout _Peru_, except particular persons are sent or nominated by the king. The judicial court consists of twelve judges, not to mention the inferior officers, council and solicitors. Here all causes should come to be decided; but they are too often determined aforehand in favour of the party who gives most mony. And tho’ these vast dominions abound in riches, yet there is not abundance of work for the lawyers; because the statutes are few and plain: which is certainly happier than a multitude of laws _explaining_ one another ’till they are so _intricate_ that the issue of a cause depends more upon the craft of the solicitor and advocate, than the truth of the case. Moreover, a multiplication of laws begets an infinity of attorneys and council, who live high and great upon the distresses of other people, and as often argue a man _out_ of his right as _into_ it. Yet in _Peru_ there are _corregidors_ or magistrates in districts from _Lima_ who find ways and means to oppress the poor _Indians_, notwithstanding they are perjured if they trade with them. These natives live chiefly by husbandry and working the mines; and the _Spanish_ court have found it necessary to forbid the _corregidors_ trading with them, in order to secure them a quiet possession of the fruit of their labour. To evade this oath, another person under-hand procures a parcel of _European_ goods and disperses them among the _Indians_, who, tho’ they want none of them, must buy them at 3 or 400 _per cent._ more than prime cost; a time being positively fixt for the money. These hardships are past retrieving, because every magistrate knows his reign to be but short, and if he don’t make a fortune he is laught at: So that they wink at one another; and the great distance between _Peru_ and _Spain_ is a reason the king’s orders are seldom regarded, being two years going backward and forward: whence arise many clandestine doings. For according to law, the king should have a twentieth part of all gold, and a fifth part of all silver; but there are vast quantities that never pay duty carryd privately over the continent the north way, as well as the south way by trading ships. And tho’ there are prodigious sums allowd for militia, garisons, and repairs of fortifications: yet it is not one half applyd. From all which it is easy to imagine what immense revenues would come to the treasury at _Madrid_, if his _Catholic_ majesty was but faithfully served. The country in _Peru_ is naturally subject to earthquakes: and I have heard that the _English_ plantations in the north of _America_ have felt them. At _Lima_ they had two great ones about fifty years ago, which overturnd houses, churches and convents: and in the reign of _Charles_ the late king of _Spain_, there was an earthquake near the equinoctial line that lifted up whole fields, and carryd them several miles off. Small shocks are often felt without doing any harm; and I have been two or three times calld out of bed when such a thing has happend, tho’ we have heard no more of it: but upon these occasions the bells always toll to prayers. Notwithstanding this country, especially nigh the coast, has sufferd much by earthquakes; yet their churches are lofty enough, and neatly built. That part of their architecture which requires most strength is generally finisht with burnt bricks; but their houses are all built with _bambo_ canes and bricks dryd only by the weather, which are durable enough because it never rains. The covering is a matting with ashes upon it to keep out the dews, which is all the wet they have. The small river of _Lima_ is mostly snow water descending from the neighbouring mountains, which are coverd all the year with snow; but partly dissolved in the summer season, which is from _September_ to _March_. One would expect it much hotter thereabouts than it is, there being no proportion between the heat of this climate in _America_ and the same degree of latitude in _Africa_; for which there are two reasons: one is the cool temper of the air proceding from the congealed snow on the mountains, which diffuses it self every way: the other is, the humidity of the vapours which hang over the plains, and which are so frequent, that when I came first to _Lima_, I often expected it would rain. These vapours are not so coarse, low and humble as our fogs, nor separated above like our summer clouds; but an exhalation between both, being spread all round, as when we say the day is overcast. So that sometimes a fine dew is felt upon the outward garments and discernd by the eye upon the nap of the cloth. This is a happy convenience at _Lima_, the people being thus screend one half of the day from the sun; and tho’ the afternoon be sunshine, ’tis very tolerable being mixt with the sea breezes, and not near so hot as at _Lisbon_, and some parts of _Spain_ in _Europe_ which are thirty degrees further from the equator. The want of rain in this part of the continent obliged the poor, I should say happy _Indians_, before the conquest, to make dreins and canals for bringing down water from among the distant mountains; which they have done with such great labour and skill that the vallies are kindly refresht, producing grass, corn, and variety of fruits: to which the aforesaid dews may also a little contribute. _Zarate_ the _Spanish_ historian has given us the natural cause of this perpetual drought. He observes that the south-west winds blow upon the _Peruvian_ coast all the year round; and the ocean is therefore calld _pacific_, because the winds never disturb the waters. These easy gales always bear away the vapours from the plains before they can rise and form a body sufficient to descend in a shower: but when they are carryd farther and higher, they grow more compact and at length fall by their own weight into rain. This is so fair and rational an account, that I wonder _Monsieur Frezier_ has affected to contradict it. ’Tis convincing to a stranger; and to most gentlemen there who are curious enough to think about it. Any one who reads _Frezier_’s voyage may see he has not only mistaken the _Spaniard_, but given us long conjectures of his own, very confused and improbable. They have plenty of cattle, fowl and fish; and all provision common to us except butter; instead of which they always use lard. They have oyl, wine and brandy enough, tho’ not so good as in _Europe_. They drink much of the jesuits herb _camini_ brought from _Paraguay_ by land; for all _East-India_ tea is forbid. They make a decoction of it, and suck it through a pipe or quill. It is generally here calld _mattea_, being the name of the bowl out of which they drink it. Chocolate is their usual breakfast and a grace-cup after dinner: Sometimes they drink a glass of brandy for digestion, but scarce any wine at all. In the kingdom of _Chili_ they make a little butter, such as it is; and their way of doing it is remarkable. The cream is put into a sheepskin stript off whole, and kept on purpose: after tying the ends fast, two women lay it on a table, and shake it and sowse it between them ’till it comes. Tho’ the _Spaniards_ are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and intrigue are here brought to perfection, for they devote so much of their time to the service of the fair sex, that _Venus_ seems here to keep her court. It is unmannerly not to have a mistress, and scandalous not to keep her well. As for the women they have many accomplishments both natural and acquired; their conversation is free and sprightly, their motion graceful, their looks winning, and their words ingaging: they have all a delicate shape, not injured with stiff bodyd stays, but left to the beauty of nature; so that there’s no such thing as a crooked body among them. Their eyes and teeth are particularly excellent, and their hair being generally of a dark polisht hue is finely combd, and platted or tyd behind with ribands, but never disguised with powder: for the brightness of their skin round the temples appears very well shaded thro’ the hair like light thro’ a landskip. Tho’ these amours are universal at _Lima_, yet the men are careful enough to hide them; for no indecent word or action is allowd in public. They have two usual times for these entertainments: one is at the _siesta_ or afternoons nap, which is commonly with the mistress; the other is in the evening cross the water in calashes, or at the great square in the town where the calashes meet in great numbers towards the dusk: these are slung like our coaches, but smaller; and many of them fit only for two sitting opposite. They are always drawn by one mule with the _nigro_ driver upon his back: and it is usual among these calashes to observe several of them with the windows close up, standing still for half an hour together. In these pastimes they have several customs peculiar to themselves. After evening prayers the gentleman changes his dress, from a cloak into a _montero_ or jocky coat, with a linen laced cap and a hankerchief about his neck instead of a wig. If he wears his hair it must be tuckt under a cap, and that flapt all down: so that it is a universal fashion to be disguised some way or other; for those who have no mistress are ashamed to be thought strictly virtuous, and must be in some mask or other to countenance the way of the world. But as all this is night work, they have an establisht rule to prevent quarels, which is never to speak or take notice of one another; whether they are going in quest of amorous game, or visiting their ladies: so that in short the forepart of the night is a masquerade all the year round. Among that rank of people who don’t keep calashes there are several points to be observed. Particularly when they take the evening air, one couple never walks close upon the heels of another; but to prevent the publishing any secret whispers, each couple walks at the distance of twelve yards at least: and if any lady drops a fan or any thing by accident, a gentleman may civilly take it up; but he must not give it to the lady, but the gentleman who is with her; for she may be the sister or wife of him that takes it up: and as the women are all veild, these wise laws are instituted to prevent any impertinent discoveries. A freedom of that kind is lookt upon as the highest affront in all gallantry, and merits a drawn sword thro’ the liver. They are so careful in these rules, that if a man sees his intimate friend any where with a girl, he must in no wise take notice of him, or speak of it afterwards: These things are all done with the greatest gravity imaginable; and thus the practice of love becomes decent, safe and easy: so that a man may possess his mistress without any visible inconvenience, and spend all the money he has in the world without fear of brawls, duels, or a roundhouse: not like the rude hectoring blades and prentices of a certain _northern_ metropolis who are continually affronting the female sex, with shocking words or scandalous actions. Altho’ the commerce of love is here so regularly settled, yet there are some jealousies now and then subsisting, which sometimes have ended fatally. There was a story of this sort pretty fresh when I was at _Lima_. A young lady had for some time, as she thought, been sovereign mistress of her lover’s heart; but by cruel chance she found him in company with another woman, and perhaps a handsome one. As _Shakespear_ says, _Trifles light as air are to the jealous confirmations strong_: so she waited for no further proof of his infidelity, nor any excuse for the wrong done her; but suddenly drew his dagger and dispatchd him. She was soon confined and brought to tryal: and when every one expected she would be cast for her life, her judges gave it this turn, that it was not malice fore-thought, but excess of love that prompted her to the rash deed. Whereupon she was acquitted: but the nice casuists thought she should in honour have hangd her self. This instance shews how sacred a thing love is there judged to be, tho’ in a state of concubinage only. And the moral good or evil of some actions are hard to be determined, while different governments have different customs. How agreeable soever these practices are to the _Creole Spaniards_, yet they cause a great inconvenience to society: for the men are so seriously taken up with their delicacies, that the women ingross most of their time, and spoil all public conversation. For this reason there are no taverns or coffee-houses, so that the men are only to be met with at their offices or at church. They have a sort of playhouse where the young gentlemen and students divert themselves after their fashion: for what performances they have in the dramatical way are so mean, that they are hardly worth mentioning, being scripture stories interwoven with romance and obscenity. It was at this theatre that two _English_ sailors of _monsieur Martinet_’s squadron fought a prize a little before I came to _Lima_. They first obtaind leave of the viceroy to exercise at the usual weapons; and after the shew-day was fixt, most of the preceding time was taken up with preparatory ceremonies to bring a good house. They each traversed the town by beat of drum in their holland shirts and ribands, saluting the spectators at their windows with a learned flourish of the sword; so that by the extraordinary novelty and manner of the thing, the whole city came to see the tryal of skill: some gave gold, but few less than a dollar. When the company male and female was close packt up together, the masters mounted the stage: and after the usual compliment peculiar to the _English_ nation of shaking hands before they quarel, they retired in great order and stood upon their guard. Several bouts were playd without much wrath or damage: but the design of this meeting being more to get money than cuts or credit, one of the masters had the seasonable fortune to receive a small harm on the breast, which having blooded his shirt began to make the combat look terrible: whereupon the company fearing from such a dreadful beginning that the zele of the champions might wax too intemperate; and till they were reconciled, no man in the house was safe, unanimously cryd out _basta, basta_, which signifys enough, enough; and so the house broke up. The sailors finding this a better prize than any they ever made at sea, humbly besought his excellency for another trial of skill: but the viceroy and people were all against it, from a religious objection which could never be got over; and that was, lest the fellows should kill one another, die without absolution and be damnd. While I was at _Lima_, I grew acquainted with one _monsieur Thaylet_, a gentleman whose effects were seised by _Martinet_’s squadron, as an interloper from St. _Malo_: after which he remaind in _Peru_, where he was imployd by the government, he having been formerly commander of several good ships. The first service he had, was to fetch the bottle with instructions for _Shelvocke_, buryd by _Clipperton_ at _Fernandes_, p. 97 of this book. On his return with the said instructions and the two men who deserted there, the viceroy willing to incourage him, thought of another short expedition for him in the same vessel; being an _English_ ketch of about sixty ton, and had served captain _Martinet_ as a tender. The viceroy having lately had certain notice by a _Spanish_ ship, that they accidentally made an island in the _South-Seas_ till then unknown to them, tho’ markt in several drafts by the name of _Solomon_’s island; it made his excellency curious to persue the discovery. He thereupon orderd the ketch to be fitted out for two months under _Thaylet_’s command; who accordingly saild into ten degrees south, in which latitude the island was said to lye. He cruised thereabout till his provision was nigh expended; and returnd without success. However as the same account came by two different ships who touchd there, the _Spaniards_ verily believe there is such a place; for the men reported, that the natives, as to their persons and behaviour, were much like the _Indians_ on the continent; that they had many gold and silver things among them, but that their language was new and unintelligible. The reason why Mr. _Thaylet_ could not meet with _Solomon_’s island, might be from the uncertainty of the latitude, and his inability of making further search, being provided for only two months: for I have been informd in _London_ that the said island or islands lye more southerly in the _Pacific_ ocean than where they are laid down in the _Dutch_ maps. And the two _Spaniards_ who had been there, were only small trading vessels carryd thither by irregular currents; and could give no certain account of the latitude, because they kept no reckoning. To sum up this chapter, I shall only observe that the _Spanish Peruvians_ are better seated for the happiness of this world, than any people I know. If they are indolent, their great affluence makes them so. If they are delicate, the kind serenity of the climate contributes greatly to it. Much husbandry and labor is needless, where the whole year is a fruitful spring. Indeed the _Nigros_ and _Indians_ do all the work; for a white face is exemption enough from all labor and care. In our unequal gloomy regions, many customs would be condemnd, which are there the pure effect of nature: for the night and day make a happy medium between cold and heat. Therefore, if the general bent of human nature be for constant happiness and freedom from pain, the man of pleasure must go to _Peru_, and make _Lima_ his temporal paradise. [Illustration] CHAP. III. _Of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru; _and the method of working out the_ gold _and_ silver _from the mass._ _Chili_ being the southermost division of the continent of _America_, is therefore cooler than _Peru_; and perhaps would sute an _English_ constitution better. It is divided from _Peru_ at the tropic of _Capricorn_; and is remarkable for that vast chain of mountains known by the name of _Cordileer_, which coast along from _Magellan_ streights up to the _istmus_ of _Darien_, being about 4000 mile. It is governd by a lieutenant general, stiled _president_ of _Chili_, because he is at the head of all civil affairs as well as military: nevertheless he receives orders from the viceroy of _Peru_. The capital city is St. _Jago_; it was founded in 1541, and is a copy of _Lima_. I shall here entertain the reader chiefly with an extract from _Frezier_’s voyage relating to the mines, and the manner of separating the mineral from the earth. He undertook the _South-Sea_ voyage by permission of king _Lewis_ the XIV^{th}, and was there about six years before us, on purpose to make such discoveries, plans and observations as he thought fit. His account, as it is good and intirely new, will without doubt be agreeable to the curious reader: In _Chili_, the mines which at present yield most gold, are about the towns of _Conception_ and _Copiapo_; and the villages of _Tiltil_ and _Lampanqui_ near _Valparaiso_; tho’ the whole mountains are more or less impregnated with it. The silver mines of _Peru_ are at _Lipes_, _Guaico_, _Iquic_ and St. _Anthony_: gold ones being very scarce in that part of the continent. _Potosi_ has originally afforded such surprising quantities of silver, that it has been proverbial for its treasure: the town stands at the bottom of the famous mountain where the mines lye, and is very populous. The country is obliged by the king’s order to send a great number of _Indians_ yearly to work in those mines; for all white faces are excused from servitude, and the _Nigros_ are not able to work in them because the cold will kill them: but they are imployd in all other business on the surface; so that the native _Indians_ are only destined to this labour. The _Corregidors_ or magistrates who overlook those _Indians_ appointed to work in the mines, summon them to set out all together on a certain day. They generally take their wives and children with them, who, with tears in their eyes, leave their native homes, and travel unwillingly on to the house of bondage. Many indeed forget their habitation, and after the years end settle at _Potosi_, which is the chief reason that town is so populous, and almost equals the city of _Lima_ as to its number of inhabitants. Tho’ the mines here are far diminisht in their produce, yet the quantity of ore that has been already wrought, and lain many years upon the surface, is thought capable to yield a second crop; and when I was at _Lima_, they were actually turning it up, and new milling it with great success: which is a proof that these minerals generate in the earth like all other inanimate things. And it is likewise certain from all accounts of the _Spaniards_, that gold and silver, as well as other metals, are continually growing and forming themselves in the earth. This opinion is verifyd by experience in the mountain of _Potosi_, where several mines have fallen in and buryd the workmen with their tools. After some years they have dug the same place, and discoverd many bones and pieces of wood with veins of silver actually running through them. These mines belong to him who first discovers them. He immediately presents a petition to the magistrates to have such a piece of earth for his own; which is no sooner done than granted. They measure eighty _Spanish_ yards in length and forty over, which is about two hundred foot in length and one hundred in breadth, and yield it to the discoverer; who chuses what space he thinks fit, and does what he pleases with it. Then they measure just the same quantity for the king, which is sold to the best bidders; there being many who are willing to purchase a treasure which may prove inestimable. If any other person has a mind to work part of the mine himself, he bargains with the proprietor for a particular vein. All that such a one digs out is his own, paying the king’s duty, which is for gold a 20th part, and for silver a 5th: And some landlords are so well satisfyd with letting out their ground and their mills, that they live upon the profit. The mill for grinding and separating the gold from the ore is made after the manner of our cyder mills. There is first a round stone cistern about ten foot diameter, with a deep orbicular chanel at the bottom. This stone cistern is bored in the middle to let thro’ the long axil-tree of a horizontal wheel placed under it, and wider than the cistern: the wheel is set round with half pitchers, that it may turn as the water falls upon them. This wheel turning the axil, causes a milstone to roll along edgeways by another spindle in the chanel of the cistern above, which grinds the hard ore put in it. When the stuff is a little broken, they put quick-silver to it, which immediately clings to the gold, and leaves the dross: then they let fall a stream of water, the force of which dissolves the earth, and drives it out at a notch made for that purpose. The gold with the mercury lyes at the bottom by its own weight; which, after they have done work, they gather up and put into a linen bag to squeese out the quick silver as well as they can: then they lay it to the fire, that the remainder may evaporate. This is what they call _pinna_ gold, being clung together like a pine apple; and when this is once melted, it needs no more refining: so that a gold miner has a great advantage of a silver one; for the mercury, adhering so naturally to the gold, leaves all the dross immediately, and the workman knows every day what he gets: whereas the silver miner can’t know till a month or two after. The silver ore is ground as the gold aforementiond, or sometimes broke with iron pounders of 200 weight to fall by a machine. But milling being the usual way, they grind the ore with water, which makes first a thin mud that runs out of the cistern into a receiver: whenas ’tis dry pounded, it must be steept in water and moulded with the feet, which occasions much more trouble. The mud is disposed in square parcels of a hundred weight a piece, upon a smooth floor made on purpose. On each of these they throw a great quantity of salt, and mix it all together for two or three days; then they sprinkle it equally with quicksilver, on each mass perhaps about fifteen pound; for the richer it is, the more mercury it requires. An _Indian_ moulds each of these squares seven or eight times a day, that the mercury may incorporate. Sometimes the ore is greasy, and then they put lime to it: wherein they are cautious; for it is very remarkable, that sometimes it is so burnt with heat, that the mercury and silver are both lost. Now and then they intermix a little lead to help the operation of the quicksilver, which is but slow in cold weather. So that at _Lipes_ and _Potosi_ they are a matter of six weeks kneading the ore: and at _Puno_ particularly, they lay a brick pavement upon arches, under which they make fires to help the works: but in other countries they do it in eight or ten days. When the workman thinks the mercury has attracted all the silver, he takes out a little bit, and washes it in a basin. If the mercury looks dark, the ore is too much heated; to remedy which, they add more salt, which makes the quicksilver evaporate. If the mercury is white, they squeeze a drop of it under the thumb: the silver sticks to the skin, and the mercury slips away. This they find will do; so that when all the silver is gatherd up by the mercury, they give the ore three different washings: and when all the dross is gone, they put the silver in a woollen bag, which they press between boards, to get the quicksilver out. After ’tis hung up, draind and prest as much as they can, they put it into a wooden mould, generally the form of a sugar loaf, with thin copper plates at the bottom full of holes. After taking off the moulds, these pieces are calld _pinnas_, which are set upon a frame over an earthen vessel full of water coverd with a cap, which they surround with lighted coals. When the mass grows very hot, the quicksilver that still remains will come out in smoke, which having no passage, circulates between the mass and the cap, till descending to the water, it thickens and sinks to the bottom. Thus the mercury loses but little, and will serve several times, tho’ there must be a new supply because it grows weak with using. According to _Acosta_, they use to spend 7000 hundred weight at _Potosi_ in a year: by which one may judge what vast loads of silver they got. When the mercury is quite evaporated, the silver remains a spongey hollow lump: and this is calld virgin silver; being pure and unadulterated. All this according to law must be carryd to the mint, and pay the fifth part to his majesty. There the silver is cast into ingots or bars of different weight, about a foot long or more. These bars which have paid the duty can have no fraud in them, but it may be otherwise with the _pinnas_ uncast: for the maker often intermixes iron or lead; therefore they should all be opend, and tryd by fire, which would discover another cheat of wetting them, to make them heavy: for their weight may be increased near a third part by dipping them in water, when they are very hot. There are also different degrees of fineness in the same piece, which might be found out: but the _Spaniards_ not having convenient places to discover these frauds, and not caring for it, they e’en let them go. There are many sorts of silver ore, according to the different consistence of the earth. Some is blackish mixt with iron, calld _nigrillo_: another greenish of a copper mixture, calld _cobrisso_: some white with real silver veins, calld _plata blanca_; and sometimes the ore is black with lead particles, this is calld _plomo ronco_, and is commonly the best: because instead of kneading it with quicksilver, it may be melted in a fornace, and easily parted from the lead. The old _Indians_ not having, or knowing the use of mercury, got all their silver from these sort of mines; and having but little wood, used to heat their fornaces with the leaves of plants, and the dung of their sheep: they made their fornaces upon the mountains, that the wind might pass thro’ and keep the fire strong. There is another brown ore like this last mentiond, where the silver is not seen at all; but if wetted and rubd against iron, it turns ruddy, calld _rosicler_, and yields the finest of all silver. There is another sort calld _zaroche_ which shines like isinglass; and the _paco_ soft and clayish, but neither of them valuable. Lastly, there is a very choice ore found in one of the mines of _Potosi_ containing many threads of pure silver, wound up like lumps of burnt lace: this is calld _arana_, or spider, being something like a cobweb. At _Copiapo_ there are gold mines just behind the town, and all about the country, which have brought many purchasers and workmen thither, to the great damage of the _Indians_: for the _Spanish_ magistrates take away not only their lands, but their horses, which they sell to the new proprietors, under pretence of serving the king and improving the settlement. Here is a great deal of _Magnet_ and _Lapis lazuli_ which the _Indians_ know not the value of: and some leagues in the country there is plenty of saltpetre, which often lies an inch thick on the ground. About 100 mile east upon the _Cordileer_ mountains, there is a vein of sulphur two foot wide, so fine and pure that it needs no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines; but in other respects is so barren, that the natives fetch all their subsistence from _Coquimbo_ and that way, being a mere desert for 300 mile together: and the earth abounds so much with salt and sulphur that the mules often perish for want of grass and sweet water. There is but one river in 200 mile, which the _Indians_ call _Ancalulac_, or hypocrite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is occasiond by the great quantity of snow melted from the _Cordileers_ in the day time, which freezes again at night; where the cold is often so great, that people’s features are quite distorted. Hence _Chili_ takes its name, _Chile_ signifying cold in the _Indian_ language: and we are certainly informd by the _Spanish_ historians, that some of their countrymen and others, who first traded this way, died stiff with cold upon their mules: for which reason the road is now always lower along the coast. The mine countries are all so cold and barren that the inhabitants get most of their provision from the coast: this is caused by the salts and sulphurs exhaled from the earth, which destroy the seed of all vegetables. The _Spaniards_ who live thereabout find them so stifling, that they drink often of the _mattea_ to moisten their mouths. The mules that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk gently about the mines and stop often to fetch breath. If those vapours are so strong without, what must they be within the mine it self, where if a fresh man goes, he is suddenly benumbd with pain? and this is the case of many a one; but the distemper seldom lasts above a day; and they are not so affected the second time: But vapours have often burst out so furiously, that workmen have been killd on the spot: so that one way or other, multitudes of _Indians_ die in their calling. To fortify themselves against the aforesaid steams, they are continually chewing _coca_, a herb which is their common preservative. An observation occurs here to my memory; that upon the road to _Piura_, the night when we lay down to sleep, our mules went eagerly to search for a certain root not unlike a parsnip, tho’ much bigger; which affords a great deal of juice, and in such a sandy plain often serves instead of water: but when the mules are very thirsty, and they can’t easily rake up the root with their feet, they will stand over it and bray till the _Indians_ come to their assistance. Tho’ the gold mines are more peculiar to _Chili_, yet there are one or two washing places for gold in the south of _Peru_ near _Chili_, which I shall now speak of, being the next thing remarkable. About the year 1709 there were two surprising large lumps of virgin gold found in one of those places; one of which weighd thirty two pound complete, and was purchased by the count _de Moncloa_ then viceroy of _Peru_ and presented to the king of _Spain_. The other was shaped somewhat like an oxe’s heart. It weighd twenty two pound and a half, and was bought by the _corregidor_ of _Arica_. To find these _lavaderos_ or washing places, they dig in the corners of a little brook, where by certain tokens they judge the grains of gold to lye. To help carry away the mud, they let a fresh stream into it, and keep turning it up, that the current may send it along. When they are come to the golden sand, they turn off the stream another way, and dig with mattocks; and this earth they carry upon mules to certain basins joynd together by small chanels. Into these they let a smart stream of water to loosen the earth, and carry all the gross part away, the _Indians_ standing in the basins and throwing out all the stones. The gold at bottom is still mixt with a black sand, and hardly to be seen till it is farther cleard and separated, which is easily done. But these washing places differ, for in some there are gold grains as big as bird shot: and in one belonging to the priests near _Valparaiso_, some were found from two or three ounces to a pound and half weight. This way of getting gold is much better than from the mines: here is no need of iron crows, mills, or quicksilver; so that both the trouble and expense are much less. The _Creolians_ are not so curious in washing their gold as the people in _Europe_: but great plenty makes them careless in that and many other articles. There are abundance of iron mines in _Peru_ and _Chili_; besides lead, tin and copper, which the _Spaniards_ intirely neglect, as not worth their while to work them. Copper serves for a little kitchen furniture; but most of their utensils are of silver, even those for vulgar uses. About the town of _Coquimbo_ there is plenty of gold found in the streams that come down from the mountains after the rain showers. These showers are only at certain times of the year: but if they came oftner, they would undoubtedly always have the same effect. And now I speak of _Coquimbo_, it would be a fault not to mention the charms of its scituation. It lies in the 30th degree south, a short mile from the sea. It stands on a green rising ground about ten yards high, which nature has regularly formd like a terras north and south in a direct line of more than half a mile, turning at each end to the eastward. The first street makes a delightful walk, having the prospect of the country round it, and the bay before it. All this is sweetly placed in a valley ever green, and waterd with a river, which having taken its rise from among the mountains, flows through the vales and meadows in a winding stream to the sea. _Baldivia_, who built this town in the year 1544, to serve as a resting place between _Chili_ and _Peru_, pleased with the beauty of the scituation, and the happiness of the climate, calld it _la Serena_; signifying tranquillity and mildness; which name it deserved more than any place in the world. The whole country puts one in mind of the poets golden age: there the sharp north winds never blow; and the heats are fand with refreshing gales; so that the revolving year is only spring and autumn joind together. _Conception_ lies six degrees higher in a part of the country abounding, like _Serena_, with all the comforts of life, as well as inestimable mines of gold. At the king’s station a little to eastward they have a washing-place, where they have got _pepitas_ or gold grains of four pound weight: and these sort of washes are innumerable, but remain as it were undiscovered thro’ negligence and incuriosity. The _Cordileer_ mountains abound with hardly any thing else but minerals: this is true of those which have been opend; and very likely all the rest are so. About 300 miles inwards from _Conception_, there’s one hill yields copper so remarkable, that _Melendes_ who discovered it, found lumps weighing a hundred quintals a piece, each quintal being a hundred weight. Mr. _Frezier_ says he saw one of forty quintals making into six field pieces, six pounders each. Some are part copper and part stone, which the inhabitants affirm do all in time breed and grow intirely to copper. There is another hill adjoyning which is scarce any thing but loadstone: and many of them afford sulphur and salt: About the town it self there is pit-coal a few foot under ground. In the year 1510, many mines were found near the _Cordileer_ mountains, affording at once gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin: which destroys the notion, that different metals are never formd together in one mine. About twenty mile to the eastward of _Serena_ are the washing places of _Andacol_, whose gold is twenty three carats fine: and the inhabitants all affirm that after seventy or eighty years they find them recruited with gold as plentifully as at first. And the governer of _Coquimbo_ as well as others have assured, that on the mountains the gold mines are so numerous that, forty or fifty thousand men might easily be imployd: but for want of hands, the king of _Spain_ must content himself without the treasure. Spain _in_ America _had two designs; To plant the_ gospel _and to seise the_ mines: _For where there is no real supply of wealth Men’s souls are never worth the charge of health. And had the kings of that new world been poor, No_ Spaniard _twice had landed on their shore ’Twas gold the_ Pope’s _religion there that planted, Which, if they had been poor, they still had wanted._ [Illustration] CHAP. IV. _Some account cf the origin of Metals, with various opinions concerning their formation in the earth._ The old _Creolian Spaniards_, and some others imagine that this plenty of gold in _Chili_ was occasiond by _Noah_’s flood, which threw down the mountains, and broke up the mines, and washd away the gold into the lower grounds where it now continues. But, besides the great probability that that deluge was only upon the land of _Palestine_, _Moses_’s history on which this fancy is founded, rather contradicts it; and tells us that the deluge made very little alteration in the surface of the earth. Besides, by all the late discoveries in _America_, we are convinced that the mountains yield more gold than the rivers. Common rains may send the gold to the lower parts: for in _Chili_ the showers that fall from _May_ to _September_, are daily making new gutters upon the hills, which bring down the golden grains with them. Without doubt earthquakes have made great alterations in this part of the world; some of which, according to several historians, have changd the scituation of mountains, and turnd rivers into lakes: and some authors have supposed that these subversions have proceded from an inward fermentation, which has burst open the hills, and forced the minerals, before they were duly formd, into the water chanels where they are so often found. Tho’ this does not at all answer how metals are formd, yet great commotions have often happend in the bowels of the earth, and put many things out of their natural position; particularly shells, which in most countries have been found, sometimes in heaps, and far enough from the sea where they were first formd. The native _Indians_ believe that gold and silver breed in the earth without any original vein; because after certain years the mines and washing-places have afforded a perfect new supply; several instances of which I have before mentiond. And it is undeniable, that in _Chili_ these _lavaderos_ are common in the low grounds, where infinite treasure lies conceald for want of labourers: for the _Spaniards_ apply chiefly where the profit is most obvious; and when any new mine is sprung, they all flock thither. I have been informd at _Lima_, that several _Frenchmen_, whose effects were confiscated by his _Spanish_ majesty’s order for carrying on an interloping trade between _France_ and _Chili_, have thought it better to stay in the country at any rate than return home: and so made shift to purchase a _Nigro_ or two, whom they imployd to fish for gold in some of these washing places, which turnd to so good a profit that they were inabled to settle in _Chili_. I spoke with two of them at _Conception_. They told me they had but little trouble in doing of it; that they us’d to watch for the showers, and then carry only a few sieves to refine the earth. These places were chiefly at the small cataracts and water-falls, where they told me they had often taken up considerable grains of gold with their hands: but the _corregidors_ always take care they shall not grow too rich. As for metals being formd by the sun; ’tis a weak notion and sufficiently exploded. About forty years ago a violent lighting fell on the _Illimanni_ mountain, which is between _Chili_ and _Peru_. Great pieces and splinters thereof were found scatterd about the country, and they were all plentifully veind with gold, tho’ the mountain is ever known to be coverd with snow. Therefore that heat which is not strong enough to thaw the snow, can never be able to generate and form gold in the mountain under it. But as those opinions are most rational, which are grounded on real discoveries, one may find out a better way to account for this thing, than any before mentiond: and from what has been said, fairly conclude, that all metals are made and formd by subterraneous fires, which burn as it were in a kiln, conveying their heat far and near through all the passages of the earth, as well as the solid mass itself. These fires are known to be in all the mine countries of _America_; and may well be supposed to dwell in other parts yet unknown. This intestine heat gives motion to the salts and sulphurs, being the chief principles of metals. And tho’ their operation is incomprehensibly different from all that we know or practise, yet may we form a notion, that these spirituous vapours are forced by fire into the pores of stone; where being condensed they insinuate themselves like veins, extend and grow upwards to the surface. * * * * * I shall now collect some authorities to confirm the opinion that there are a race of men in the world calld giants. _Don Pedro Molina_ governer of _Chiloe_ and several other eye-witnesses have affirmd that in the country behind the _Cordileer_ mountains, there is a nation of Indians calld _Caucahues_, of an uncommon _size_, being near four _varas_ or _Spanish_ yards high; which is ten foot _English_. These are the people antient travelers speak of calld _Patagonians_, who live on the eastern side, about 50 degrees south latitude. I know this has been taken as a fable, because many ships going down that way, have not chanced to see them; the men who appear on the _Patagonian_ coast and in _Magellan_ straits being generally of the common stature: and this is what deceived _Froger_ in his account of _Degennes_ voyage; for some ships have seen both sorts at once. In 1704, captain _Harrington_’s men belonging to a ship of St. _Malo_, saw seven of these giants in _Gregory_’s bay. The crew of the St. _Peter_, a ship of _Marseiles_ saw six of the same; among whom there was one distinguisht from the rest by a net-work cap that he wore made of birds entrails stuck round with feathers. Their garments were skins with the hair inwards; and they all had bows with cases of arrows: they helpd the sailors with their boat ashore, and gave them some of their darts: the men offerd them bread, brandy and wine; but they refused them all. The next day 200 of them appeard in a body. These men they believed were more sensible of the cold, tho’ larger than others: for the ordinary size people along that coast had only a single skin thrown over their shoulders, whereas the others were cloathed. * * * * * _The following are Mr._ Frezier_’s words translated._ “What I here deliver on the testimony of creditable persons, is so agreeable to what I read in many good voyages; that ’tis my opinion there is much truth in it: and a man may believe there is a nation of people in the southermost part of _America_, much exceding the common proportion, without being thought fanciful: the time, place and circumstances all agreeing, seem to carry a truth sufficient to overcome the general opinion to the contrary. Perhaps the strangeness of the sight may have caused their size to be somewhat magnifyd: but if we consider the height of these men not actually measured, but only ghest at, we shall find that travelers differ very little from each other. To strengthen what I have advanced, the reader will excuse me if I collect what I find in various authors upon this article. “_Leonardo Argensola_ in the first chapter of his history of the _Molucca_ islands, says that the same _Magellan_, in the straits that bears his name, took some men who were fifteen spans, that is eleven foot high: but they soon pined away and died. In the third chapter he says that _Sarmiento_’s men fought with some of these people, who were above three _Spanish_ yards high, that is above eight foot. They repulsed the _Spaniards_ once: but being attackt the second time, they took to their heels and run at so great a rate, that according to the _Spanish_ saying, a bullet would not overtake them. “There is something like this in _Sibald Dewert_’s voyage 1559, who being at anchor in the _Green-Bay_ in _Magellan_ straits with five ships, saw seven _Indian_ imbarkations full of giants; who they ghest were ten or eleven foot high. The _Dutchmen_ fired at them and drove them ashore, but they were so terrifyd at the fire arms, that they tore up the trees to shelter themselves from the musket balls. “_Oliver North_, who came there a few months after _Dewert_, tells us that he saw giants ten or twelve foot high: tho’ he had seen other men of the common size. “_Spilbergen_, as he enterd _Magellan_ straits in 1615, saw on _Terra del fogo_ a man of surprizing height got upon a rising ground to see the ships go by. “_Shouten_ in the same year being in _Port Desire_, his men went ashore and found heaps of stones laid in such a form that they had a mind to see what was under them: and they found bones of a human body between ten and eleven foot long, that is nine or ten _English_ measure; to which measure _North_’s account and _Dewert_’s must be reduced. “Other authorities as well living as dead might be brought to justify this relation: and tho’ some people have doubted it, yet the several testimonies aforementiond, joind with the account of giants which we have in holy scripture, should incline us to receive it for truth.” * * * * * _Frezier_ has a notion that the _Almighty_ framed at first three different colors of men; _white_, _black_ and the dark _copper_, which last is the hue of all the _Indians_ in _America_: and tho’ the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts not that the _Nigros_ or _Blacks_ are children of _Cush Noah_’s grandson, which is an _African_ word and signifies black. But however piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and without admitting _Preadamites_ we shall meet with endless absurdities. _Grotius_, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning, rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with _Adam_, would have it that _America_ was peopled from _Norway_. The _Norwegians_ planted _Iceland_; from thence came the _Greenlanders_, who overspread the north-west islands; and so at last all _America_ came to be peopled. But when one comes to consider, that the _Americans_ are no more like the _Norwegians_ than the _Nigros_ are like the _Indians_; and that in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different from the other, that reasoning of _Grotius_ is weak and insufficient: and had he lived to see the _Danish_ account of the _Greenlanders_ with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover ’tis certain that the _Chilians_ never lived in a social manner like other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these countries the _Spaniards_ found golden and other images in _Peru_, which the _Indians_ used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the _Indians_ so good as an effect a true belief of the _Gospel_. CHAP. V. _Observations on the_ Chili _trade._ The town of _St. Malo_ has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the _English_ and _Dutch_ very much in their trade during the whole reign of king _William_, and part of queen _Anne_: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. _Malo_ men are as rich and florishing as any people in _France_. It has thrived so well with them, that all their _South Sea_ trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to _Lewis_ XIV. And tho’ our _English Admiralty_ always kept a stout squadron cruising in the _Atlantic_ ocean, yet we never took one of their _South-Seamen_; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the _Loo_, being one of the convoys that year to _Newfoundland_, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was _French_ built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at _Placentia_: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by _French_ prisoners that she was a _South-Seaman_ bound to St. _Malo_, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since _Placentia_ has been yielded to _Great Britain_, they now make use of St. _Catharine_, the island _Grande_ on the coast of _Brasil_, and _Martinico_ in the _West Indies_. This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of _Chili_ in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the _Flower de Lis_, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the _Assiento_ treaty between _Spain_ and _Great Britain_, frequent memorials were presented at _Madrid_: and the king of _Spain_ willing to keep up his ingagements with _England_, resolved to gratify the _British_ court by destroying the _French_ trade to the _South-Sea_. His _Catholic_ majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of _Cape Horne_, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by _Frenchmen_, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief. The first was the _Glocester_ of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an _English_ man of war: the second was the _Ruby_ 50 guns and 350 men another _English_ ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the _Leon Franco_, a _Spanish_ man of war of 60 guns and 450 men all _Spaniards_. _Monsieur Martinet_ a _French_ gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the _Glocester_: _Monsieur La Jonquiere_ had the _Ruby_; the rest I forget. The _French_ performd their navigation well enough, and got round the _Cape_ tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being _Spaniards_, after several attempts, could not weather _Cape Horne_, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of _Plate_, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away. It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the _Spaniards_ were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The _Biscayners_ indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the _Leon Franco_ had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the _Spaniards_ in general, ever since their possessions in _America_, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation. The great advantage of the trade of _Chili_ this way is so manifest, that his _Catholic_ majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the _English_, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a _Spanish_ ship has gone by _Cape Horne_. From hence arises the extraordinary price all _European_ goods fetch at _Chili_ and _Peru_: I have been told at _Lima_ that they often are sold at 400 _per cent._ profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from _France_ by _Cape Horne_ are in themselves 50 _per cent._ better than those that go in the _Flota_ from _Cales_ to _Cartagena_, or _La vera Cruz_: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to _Chili_: so that the _French_, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time. When _Martinet_ arrived at _Chili_, in the year 17, with the king of _Spain_’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. _Malo_ men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold. Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his _Catholic_ majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the _British South-Sea_ company: yet the _Creole Spaniards_, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the _French_ men of War, tho’ they liked the _French_ merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the _French_ imagining they had done the _Spaniards_ effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as _Martinet_ brought his prizes into _Callao_, and the _Frenchmen_ had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the _Spanish_ to the _French_ nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the _Creolians_ more against them, who calld them _Gavachos_ and _Renegados_ for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the _Frenchmen_ were forced to go in parties about _Lima_ and _Callao_, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the _Ruby_ and nephew to captain _Jonquiere_, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at _Callao_. _Martinet_, _Jonquiere_ and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of _Callao_; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last _Jonquiere_ unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore _Martinet_, that he might make the best of his way home. About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of _Conception_, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to _Europe_: for they knew that all ships bound by _Cape Horne_ must touch at _Conception_, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein _Jonquiere_ got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of _Spain_ has no officers at _Conception_ to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the _Ruby_. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the _Flota_. By this opportunity the _padres_ and others gaind two great advantages; first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to _Panama_ or _Acapulco_; and thence traversing the continent to _Portobello_ or _La vera cruz_, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the _Indulto_ to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the _Ruby_ touchd first in _France_, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in _America_, they likewise got clear of the other payable in _Spain_, because the ship arrived in _France_ where they put all their money ashore. There was on board the _Ruby_ beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his _Catholic_ majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ _Shelvocke_’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship _Ruby_ found us in the harbour of St. _Catherine_; _Jonquiere_’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the _Success_ should come in: and if _Shelvocke_ had not wilfully lost company with _Clipperton_, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at _Canarie_, there is probability enough that we should have met with _Jonquiere_ at sea, if not at _St. Catherine_: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the _Ruby_ our selves, had we known her condition. After captain _Martinet_ had cleard the coasts of _Peru_ and _Chili_ of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to _Madrid_ his brother in law _monsieur de Grange_, who came by way of _Portobello_, _Jamaica_ and _London_. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. _De Grange_ humbly beggd, that his majesty would please to give him the command of a ship to go round _cape Horne_ again. He accordingly had the _Zelerin_ of fifty guns. He came first to _Cales_ where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the _French_ merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the _French_ aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him. Captain _Fitzgerald_ who was then at _Cales_ seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. _De Grange_ being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the _Zelerin_ chiefly with _French_, and some _English_ seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the _cape_. When our two privatiers _Success_ and _Speedwel_ were known to be in the _South-Sea_, this same ship _Zelerin_ was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of _Peru_ to cruise for us. _Fitzgerald_ sold his goods at _Lima_ to great advantage, where he continued, while _De Grange_ served as captain under the admiral _Don Pedro Midranda_ who took me and the rest of us prisoners. The _St. Malo_ merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the _Solomon_ of _St. Malo_ carrying 40 guns and 150 men at _Hilo_ on the coast of _Chili_ with several small _Spanish_ barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time _Martinet_’s squadron was all come away. The _Solomon_’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the _South-Sea_ beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the _Creolians_, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home. About this time the people of _Lima_ judged the _English_ privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three _Spanish_ men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the _Advice_ boat calld the _Flying Fish_ in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of _St. Malo_ men altogether on the coast of _Chili_; and instead of firing upon them, the _Spaniards_ joynd them like friends. The _French_ expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the _French_ ships steerd to the shore, the _Spaniards_ sent their pinnace or long boat with the _Spanish_ flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the _Creoles_ from treating or trading with the _French_. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the _Frenchmen_ got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in _France_, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it. With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world. _Don Pedro Midranda_ the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard. _Monsieur de Grange_ his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us. _Don Jeronimo Baldevieso_ and _Don Antonio Chierose_, who handsomly entertaind three of us at _Piura_ at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to _Lima_. Captain _Nicholas Fitzgerald_ who passd his word for me at _Lima_; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to _Cales_, and wages to those who workd. _Don Juan Baptista Palacio_ a worthy _Spaniard_ of _Biscay_, knight of the order of _St. James_, who came weekly to the prison at _Lima_, and gave money to all our men as well as _Clipperton_’s, according to their degree. To captain _John Evers_ of the _Britannia_, who gave me his table and my passage to _London_. And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in _London_, as a token of their concern for my hardships. The right honorable _Henry_ earl of _Lincoln_. _Edward Hughes_ } _William Sloper_ } Esquires. _Alexander Strahan_ } _Samuel Winder_ } _Beake Winder_ } _Henry Heal_ } Merchants. _John Barnes_ } _Humphry Thayer_ } _Thomas Stratfield_ } Druggists. Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.--When I first thought of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous reflexions of captain _Shelvocke_; but being authorised by men of worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole expedition: for _Shelvocke_’s is no account of the voyage at all, but a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others, tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all. [Illustration] [Illustration] _An_ ACCOUNT _of the_ JESUITS settlement in the province of_ Paraguay _in south_ America.(_translated from the_ French.) Tho’ many of the _European_ powers have planted colonies in _America_ since the _Spanish_ conquest, yet there never was in any country one so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in _Paraguay_: The beginning of it was only about fifty families of _Indians_, which these fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country: since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000 families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls. These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying along the river _Paraguay_, between twenty and thirty degrees south latitude; 600 mile north of _Buenos Ayres_; as much to the south of the _Portuguese Paulists_, and 400 from the province of _Tucuman_: being separated from _Chili_ by the _Cordileer_ mountains. The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among the _Indians_ for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5 or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit: and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of it, that it is now indisputable. The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile asunder. Every parish has a _Padre_ for their sovereign, who is obeyd with exact fear and respect. He punishes every crime as he thinks fit: so that he is both their absolute priest and king. The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip, according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment: but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or a more passive, obedient people. The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The _Indians_ are content with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and provision: for they must not eat a chicken of their own, without it comes in their daily allowance. Next let it be considerd what vast profit these sovereign ecclesiastics make of the work of such a multitude of hands. If it is only allowd that each family brings them clear three pound a year: the total produce of 300,000 families will be nine hundred thousand pound _per annum_. Then consider the trade they have to all _Chili_, _Peru_ and _Mexico_ for the herb _Camini_, or _Paraguay_ tea; where a prodigious quantity is drank, and at a moderate computation brings them 200,000 pound a year, (all _East-India_ tea being there prohibited.) Their other commodities must be likewise sold to good advantage; and the gold dust which the _Indians_ gather up from the washes, when the river waters have left them, is an unknown revenue. Nevertheless, these fathers will tell ye, their gospel mission costs them a great deal of money and pains, and that their income is inconsiderable: but the jesuits gold and silver coind and uncoind, which comes every now and then into _Europe_, the shining magnificence of their churches, and their commerce, which is known to all the _Spaniards_ as well as others, are demonstrations to the contrary. ’Tis not amiss here to describe the church and habitation of one of those fathers, as it was related by two _Frenchmen_ belonging to a ship of _Nants_ commanded by _monsieur d’Escaseau_. When that ship set sail from the port of _Maldonad_ designing for _France_, the said two _Frenchmen_ happend to be ashore; and at so great a distance, that when they came down the boat was gone off without them. One of these was captain of the small arms, and the other a serjeant. Being at a loss what to do on a desert coast, they resolved to advance up the country, and live upon what their muskets would bring them. In three days they met _Indians_ with beads round their necks, who kindly received them; and, understanding they were _French_, made many signs of respect: for they are taught to love that nation and distinguish them from all others. They led them up to the _Mission_, several days journey from the place where they met; and in their way lived upon wild cows, which the _Indians_ catch when they please, by throwing a noose at ten or fifteen yards distance so cleverly round their horns, that they easily come to: which done, they hamstring them and cut their throats. The _Frenchmen_ being arrived at the _Mission_, were handsomly entertaind by the jesuit, lord of that parish; at whose apartment they stayd four months without going once abroad. After this they returnd to _Buenos Ayres_ under a guard of _Indians_. The account they gave is as follows. That _Father_’s parish church is long and spacious, enterd by a portico of several handsome steps; and supported by eight columns of a good order and well wrought. Over the door within is a gallery for the music in divine service, which consists of sixty persons, voices and instruments. There are seats in the church, where the men are placed according to their seniority and office: the women sitting in a neat gallery by themselves. The great altar is defended by a ballustrade of _India_ wood curiously turnd. The military officers are placed on the right, and the _Caciques_ or civil magistrates, on the left. The back of the altar is very richly coverd. In the middle are three large paintings, framed with solid gold and silver. Above these are several gravings, and _base relieves_ in gold. The top is finisht with wood-work richly wrought and gilt up to the roof. On either side the altar is a wooden pedestal, plated at top with gold, upon which stand two saints of solid silver. The tabernacle is gilt with gold; and the _pyx_ wherein the host is kept is of solid gold, set round with emeralds and other costly stones. The ends and foot of the altar are hung with brocades fringed with gold. In short, the candlesticks and other vessels of plate, with which the altar is drest in service time amidst a great number of wax-lights, make a splendor beyond expression. There are two small altars, on the right and left of the church, adornd in proportion to the other: and in the middle towards the ballustrade, is a large silver candlestick of thirty gilt branches, hanging from the roof by a silver chain. By all which a man may form some idea of the riches of that settlement, if the other parishes are like this, which is very rational to believe. The _presbytery_ or father’s dwelling consists of several rooms and a hall furnisht with images and pictures, where the _Indians_ wait the good father’s levee till he comes forth to give audience. These lodgings are surrounded with green walks, gardens, and out-houses for servants. The whole with the church making a large noble square and walld in. The forty two jesuits are independent of each other’s government; and are answerable to no power on earth, but the principal of the convent of _Cordova_ in _Tucuman_; who makes a general visitation once a year through the _Mission_, attended by a numerous guard of horse. When he arrives at the parish, the _Indians_ are to shew all respect and joy. The magistrates approach him with fear, and a down cast head; while the common people kneel, and cross their hands as he passes along. While he stays in the _Mission_, every parish makes up the last year’s account of their whole expense and income. All their merchandizes are carryd by water to _Santa Fe_, which being their great magazine, they keep there a general factor. from thence they are carryd to _Buenos Ayres_ by land; where they appoint another factor. From these chief towns they dispose of their goods to the chapmen of _Peru_, _Chili_, and the three provinces of _Paraguay_, _Buenos Ayres_ and _Tucuman_. And we may justly conclude, that this _Mission_ of jesuits carries on more trade than the three provinces together. The business of the civil officers is to write down the number of families, visit their houses, overlook their work, and deliver the jesuits orders. And as kissing the father’s sleeve is counted an earnest of their future immortal happiness, this welcome kiss is promised them as a reward in this life for doing their duty and minding their work. There are other task-masters for the country, to whom they strictly declare the produce of every thing, even to an egg; and are obliged, under certain penalties, to carry all into the proper store-houses. Servants also are appointed to parcel out to each family twice a week their allowance of provision: which is done with surprizing order in the father’s presence. And tho’ these priests are sufficiently paid for their care and vigilance; yet, to their praise it must be ownd, they are indefatigable in their labor, to prevent the people murmuring or misimploying their time. Formerly two jesuits were in each parish; but since their great increase there is only one, till they get more from _Europe_. The _Indians_ are not sufferd to drink wine, or any spirituous liquor. Herein the good priests copy the law of _Mahomet_, who likewise forbid his disciples the use of wine; lest being spirited up, they should rebel, shake off their yoke, and overturn the empire he had founded. The jesuits marry their men and women young, to fulfil perhaps the first commandment given to _Adam_, _Increase_ and _multiply_, or for other wise ends. The first precepts the children learn, are to fear God and the jesuit; to be humble and patient, and not in love with this world. As the civil government is well orderd, so is the military. Every parish according to its power, is obliged to maintain some regiments of horse and foot. Each regiment hath six companies of fifty men with proper officers, and an adjutant who exercises them every sunday evening. Those officers are traind up from father to son; so that the military discipline becomes natural, and their forces march in great order. For this reason the parishes have all an easy communication, that their army may soon be formd under their proper commanders, of whom one of the jesuits is generalissimo. Their small arms are swords, muskets and slings; which last being natural to them, they can throw heavy stones; and hit a mark at a great distance. The whole _Mission_ can draw together 60,000 men in a week’s time. Their pretense for keeping up so great a number is, because the _Portuguese Paulists_ sometimes make excursions and take away their people: but the _Spaniards_ laugh at this, well knowing that the jesuits keep these standing forces to prevent any foreign power giving disturbance to their colony. Their omitting to teach the _Indians_ the _Spanish_ tongue, and forbiding them to converse at all with that nation when they are sometimes sent to work in the towns for the king of _Spain_’s service, is plain they mean to keep their government to themselves. For when any stranger, as these two _Frenchmen_, are driven there by accident, they are shut up while they stay. And when the _Spaniards_ themselves passing up the river _Paraguay_ have occasion to touch upon their settlement, they dare not go beyond their church walls: and when they beg leave to see the town, the jesuit is sure to walk with them, and all the _Indians_ are taught to keep in, and shut their doors. They have other precautions, one of which is, to send out good detachments of troops to clear their frontiers from _St. Gabriel_’s isles to the _Maldonad_ hills, and hinder all communication with their country, for the sake of their gold and silver mines; of which we shall give two instances. The _Falmouth_ of _St. Malo_ being lost in 1706 near the _Flores_ islands, some of these troops plunderd part of her cargo; which they afterwards restored by the interposition of the governer of _Buenos Ayres_. Two years after this, the _Atlas_ was cast away at the _Castiles_, and the crew having saved some of their best effects, were marching over the country to the _Maldonades_, thinking to get home again by sea; but were met by the _Indians_, who took all from them. However, they had luckily buryd their silver upon the coast, to the value of several thousand dollars, which they afterwards took along with them. At the foot of the _Maldonad_ mountains are good mines, which were discoverd by _Pacheco_, who lived at _Buenos Ayres_ and was formerly miner of _Potosi_ in _Peru_: they are about seventy mile from the port, and forty from _Montevide_. The governer of _Buenos Ayres_ being acquainted with it, sent workmen with _Pacheco_, who dug up the place and returnd with a good quantity of gold ore. But _Valdes Inelau_ the governer being bribed by the father of the _Mission_, gave out that he had made trial of the ore, and it would not answer the charge and trouble. However _Pacheco_ kept what he had got, and saw it was only a trick of the jesuits, to prevent any new settlement near their dominions. Some of the said ore was lately tryd in _France_, but yielded little, being taken from neat the surface. But _Pacheco_, who is known to be as good a miner as any, says, there is no richer earth in _America_ than that place affords: and doubts not the rivers thereaway are fertile of gold dust, as those near the _Paulists_. The young _Indians_ in the parish of _St. Dominic_, have several times brought gold to _Buenos Ayres_, which they got privately from the _Mission_; from whence we may infer there is a good deal of it. In the year 1706, the aforesaid _D’Escaseau_, being in _Maldonad_ port, met with some of these _Indians_, who came in a small detachment to drive some cattle up to the _Mission_. He talkd with them, and made them a present. In return, they told him if he would go up the country to a place they pointed at, he might get silver enough. The priests have all along been jealous, lest the _Spaniards_ should find any of these mines, because a settlement of that kind might be of dangerous consequence: and they have taken care to clear the country on that side of all cattle and provision whatsoever. From the foregoing particulars, ’tis evident that the jesuits affect sovereignty and arbitrary rule; and the three chief objects of their desire are power, splendor and riches. Their method of educating and governing their people, from whose industry arises all they enjoy, allowing them the bare necessaries of life; their care to prevent any communication with the _Spaniards_; their caution when any stranger comes to their _Mission_ by accident; their standing forces, and scowring their borders to prevent any new settlement near their limits; are all manifest arguments that they design to continue independent: and not only conceal what revenues they have, but many other advantages they are not yet quite possest of. Some casuists will say, that all these nations round _Paraguay_ belong to his _Spanish_ majesty as king of the _Indies_; _Paraguay_ it self being possest by the _Spaniards_ in 1540, and governd by the viceroy of _Peru_. According to these gentlemen, the true divine right is the right of conquest: so that all these _Indians_ are his natural born subjects, and should obey him alone. They ought freely to parcel out their land, and dispose of their own crop, and otherwise injoy the fruit of their labor, whether in the mines or manufactures: this would make it a regular colony, and cause a general circulation of trade and money. Doubtless the poor _Indians_ would be glad of all this: but the wise fathers argue a different way, That since they have got them under subjection, and brought them into great rule and order, they have at present a fair title to their allegiance: especially since all this is done without cruelty or force of arms. ’Tis true, the _Indians_ can call nothing their property, but give up all as the inheritance of two and forty ecclesiastical kings ruling two million of good natured loyal subjects. We shall give one instance of the great authority of these fathers, and the duty of their people. When the governer of _Buenos Ayres_ was orderd to besiege St. Gabriel belonging to the _Portuguese_, a body of 4000 jesuit _Indians_ came to assist him. After lying a short time before the town, the said governer orderd the attack at four in the morning. The _Indians_ not receiving their orders from their own commander, refused to obey; and threatend to revolt: whereupon the right reverend general was acquainted with it, who not being yet come from his tent, made haste to the army, and put himself at the head of his forces: when the _Indians_ immediately formd themselves, and executed his commands. The jesuits ought to pay the king a yearly subsidy of so much a head for every _Indian_ through their settlement, according to the capitation tax. But this, if paid, is sufficiently returnd by the wages the _Indians_ receive, when they work for the king, who at the year’s end is often made debtor to the _Mission_. For, in the first place, the jesuits dont give in the number of half their families to be taxt. Then the governer of _Buenos Ayres_, who ought once in five years to visit all their _Mission_, and take an exact list, is stopt in his journey, and gratifyd for his trouble: so that he finds it better to take their own list. And lastly, when 500 _Indians_ are imployd in the king’s service, the good fathers charge him 1000. Thus is his _Catholic_ majesty served, not only in the south _Indies_, but in all other parts of _America_; where his revenues are half sunk in feignd imployments and imaginary applications. As for the settlement of the jesuits, I shall only make this observation upon it, That all people are more naturally led than driven; and the same policy that founded this government will probably maintain it, if the fathers keep a succession out of their own society. If ever they make a present of this colony to a foreign power, it must be that of _France_: for the _Spaniards_ and _Portuguese_ are hated by all the _Americans_ for their tyranny and pride: and no other _Romish_ power except _France_, would be able to defend and support its title. [Illustration] _MEMORANDUM._ The circumstance of captain _Shelvocke_’s losing the _Speedwel_ at _Fernandes_, and his building a bark out of the wreck, has been received by some people as a most ingenious wonderful performance: and has been the chief motive of such as never heard the like before, to buy the book for the sake of that story. Therefore I thought it proper here to mention, two particular facts of the same kind, tho’ far superior to that of _Shelvocke_. * * * * * The one is of _John Oxenham_ of _Plymouth_, in queen _Elizabeth_’s reign. When Sir _Francis Drake_ had made himself greatly famous for his exploits against the _Spaniards_ in _America_, the affair at that time being new, all people were speaking of _Drake_’s glory and acquisitions. Mr. _Oxenham_ being a sprightly man, and emulous of doing something very extraordinary, set on foot a subscription at _Plymouth_ to fit out a ship with seventy men to land at the istmus of _Darien_; hide the ship and leave her there till he returnd; build another vessel and cross the land by a river thereabouts, and so get at once into the _South Sea_ and surprize the enemy: for he knew that to go by cape _Horne_ was very hazardous, tedious and chargeable, especially in those days. This, tho’ it might seem a strange project and like a wild chimera, yet ’tis certain he performd it: he left the ship a ground at _Darien_; coverd her with trees; went inland to a river which leads into the south ocean; built a bark there 45 foot by the keel, and saild into the _South Sea_, where he made several rich prizes. However he afterwards lost them all with his life by the artifices of a lady whom he took prisoner. If the reader is curious, he may find it at length in _Hacluit_. Sir _Richard Hawkins_ also has it in his _South Sea_ journal. * * * * * The other is an example in the reign of king _Charles_ I. After several experiments were made to find a northwest passage to the _East-indies_, captain _James_ a very skilful navigator was sent also upon the same errand: and discoverd more land which he called new _South Wales_. He wanderd up and down those seas in vain; and then winterd at a place called by him _Charleton_ island, in 52 degrees. His ship having all this time received great damage, he there built a pinnace out of the said ship; and he with his people returnd in it to _England_. See the journal printed by the king’s command 1633. If these facts are examined together, besides many that I could mention done by the buccaniers, pyrates and others, captain _Shelvocke_ will appear to have done nothing at all to boast of: neither can his performance hardly bear a comparison. _FINIS._ Transcriber’s Note: Page iv, Errata incorporated into book. 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