Title: A Voyage Round the World
Author: William Betagh
Release date: June 9, 2020 [eBook #62355]
Language: English
Credits: Produced by MFR, Wayne Hammond and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive)
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To the Right Honorable
GEORGE Vicount TORRINGTON,
Admiral and Commander in Chief of his
Majesty’s Fleet, and Knight of the Most
Honorable Order of the Bath.
| JOHN COKBURNE, Esq; |
| Sir JOHN NORRIS, Knt. |
| Sir CHARLES WAGER, Knt. |
| Sir THOMAS LYTTLETON, Bart. |
| The Right Honorable GEORGE Vicount MALPAS, Knt. of the Bath; and |
| SAMUEL MOLYNEUX, Esq; |
Lords Commissioners for executing
the Office of High Admiral of Great
Britain, &c.
My Lords,
Your Lordships are intrusted by the greatest and best of Kings, with the important Office of directing the whole Navy of Great-Britain; the strongest iv safe-guard to all we possess and injoy. Since therefore all maritime affairs are under your influence and authority, I trust your Lordships will not refuse to accept the answer of one, whose accusation in print hath already been addrest to your Honorable Board. I had the happiness of being several years a purser in the Navy, tho afterwards unfortunately ingaged under the command of captain Shelvocke in this cruising expedition. As his pretended narrative is intirely a deception, and his whole conduct an indignity to his country, I thought it my duty to give your Lordships a genuine account of the man as well as v our voyage; which I have done truly and impartially, not without hopes it may prove entertaining. If, my Lords, I am never to meet with any recompense for my hardships, I have yet the satisfaction of asserting the honor of his Majesty’s commission, defending the cause of some of his injured subjects; and being devoted to his perpetual interest, to subscribe my self,
Your Lordships
most humble and
most faithful servant,
William Betagh.
vi
Page 80. line 7. read marine. p. 145. l. 17. r. coco-nuts. p. 149. l. 12. for twenty four r. two of our. p. 160. l. 24. r. made a sail. p. 286. l. 21. r. after taking off. p. 311. l. 3. r. Glocester. vii
1Voyages have been always well receiv’d, and especially by Englishmen. They seem to sute the genius of the British nation, whose people are particularly distinguish’d for the curiosity of their temper, and the many great exploits of their shipping in all parts of the world. ’Tis true, this sort of history is often writ by unskilful hands; and a fact sometimes loses credit for want of method in telling it: but if the reader meets with something new and authentic, he is generally satisfied: the 2 greatest pleasure of the mind being an addition to our knowledge.
The following book is a united journal of two ships, written chiefly to undeceive mankind in the spurious account of a voyage round the world, publish’d by captain George Shelvocke: which account is not only injurious to me, but is intirely the most absurd and false narrative that was ever deliver’d to the publick. And surely a man may be excus’d for setting the world right in any public affair; much more in an enterprise, where the credit and dignity of his country are concern’d. And if our resentments are allow’d to be equal to injuries receiv’d, what must mine be, when stript of property and good name? Both which the said Shelvocke has done his utmost to accomplish: And though some of this treatise is to obviate his many abuses and forgeries, yet I have endeavoured to make even that part entertaining; to avoid giving the reader a mere dry story of his wickedness.
Beside our sea journal, I have collected the observations I made while in the kingdoms of Chili and Peru, concerning the Spanish dominions in America. The trade, 3 customs, luxury, and gallantry of the Creolians. To which I have added an account of their gold and silver mines, their manner of separating the mineral from the ore, and many other things; all which together, I need not doubt, will prove an agreeable history of this voyage.
In the proceding of our two ships I have the pleasure to be well assisted; having procured the original journal of Mr. George Taylor, chief mate to captain Clipperton, who commanded this expedition, which I shall make use of to invalidate captain Shelvocke’s false accounts: which journal will at once let the reader into the most material transactions of Clipperton, and convince mankind of his faithful intentions, tho’ Shelvocke has taken such mighty pains to vilify him.
Besides which, I have the concurring evidence of many who were aboard the Speedwell; some of which are now in London ready to speak the truth: and tho I am thorowly satisfyd our story will speak it self, yet some of the chief facts are already sworn to; the affidavits being filed in 4 Chancery, and to be seen at the office in Chancery-lane.
In the year 1718, during the war between their Imperial and Catholic Majesties, and while a rupture was daily expected between Great Britain and Spain; some persons of distinction, and merchants of the city of London agreed upon a subscription, to fit out two private ships of war, under the Emperor’s commission, to cruise upon the Spaniards in the South Seas. The chief motives for such an expedition were the desire of being better acquainted with the navigation of that part of the world, to put their seafaring friends into a promising imployment, and the many views they had of a prosperous return from so well concerted an undertaking. But tho the said breach between Great Britain and Spain was known to be unavoidable, yet, upon the delay of actual hostilities, the aforesaid gentlemen were desirous to take the advantage of the war between the Emperor and the king of Spain: and in order to have their ships in the South Sea before the season was far advanced, they obtained his Imperial Majesty’s commission, and mand their ships with a good number 5 of his subjects. They named their first ship the Prince Eugene, and the other the Starenberg. Of this armament George Shelvocke was appointed to be commander in chief, who had sometime serv’d as a lieutenant in the British navy. Whereupon he was forthwith order’d to Ostend, there to receive the Flemish officers, the seamen and commission aboard the Starenberg: and among other things, receiv’d orders not to fire any guns, or hoist any colours, while in that port; and to take aboard no more than sixty Flemings, with three officers; and when he had got his men, wine, and brandy, to proceed directly to the Downs.
In the mean time the Prince Eugene arrived in the Downs, having been fitted and man’d in the river. Three of the owners went to Deal, expecting to meet with both the ships; but were uneasy to find captain Shelvocke was not yet come. However upon his arrival, they inquir’d into the cause of his delay, and were surprised to find he had idly neglected joining his consort as early as he ought; had broke thro’ his orders, made entertainments, hoisted Imperial colours, brought over ninety Flemings and 6 six officers, fir’d away five barrels of powder, began upon his wine and brandy which the owners had put aboard him, and was design’d as the whole stock for both ships, to comfort them in their long and hazardous voyage. And in short so ill did he behave, as to bring his owners to change the command, and in his room appoint John Clipperton captain of the larger ship, and commander in chief, who had made two voyages to the South Sea before. Besides, the Flemings were so many in number, and so ill chosen, that the British seamen grew uneasy. The former having their own officers, seem’d to over-value themselves upon their sovereign’s commission, which was not relished by the Englishmen. It occasion’d a mix’d command, and produc’d frequent animosities; so that it was judged impracticable for them to go the voyage together. At length the war being begun between Great Britain and Spain in the Mediterranean, the owners agreed to get his Majesty King George’s commission, and to send over the foreign commission, men and officers to Flanders, paying their charges, and allowing two months wages to the men. After which the owners 7 order’d their ships, being now called the Success and Speedwel, to Plymouth, to be there recruited in their provision, and get their complement of men.
Clipperton being thus appointed commander in chief, had also the biggest ship, the Success, of thirty six guns and 180 men. Shelvocke had the Speedwel, twenty four guns, and one hundred and six men, under whose command I was appointed captain of marines. The ships lay near three months at Plymouth for a wind; in which time Shelvocke continually shewed his resentment at the change of command, in such a manner that there was a faction fermented from the captains to the cabin boys.1 And tho’ he did endeavour to curb his restless spirit, yet was it so publickly apparent, that one of the owners, who was chief director of this affair, wrote to him to mind him of his conduct, and warn him of his duty: to which very man this Shelvocke owes his having the Speedwel, being the second command in this undertaking. The same gentleman has also assur’d me, that, when Shelvocke apply’d by 8 letter to him for employment, his circumstances were so low, that he did not scruple to declare he had no bread to eat; nor a friend in the world except him, to expect any favour from. Whereupon the said gentleman having served with him in the navy aboard the same ship, generously invited Shelvocke to his country house, where he made him a present of a twenty pound note on his goldsmith, till he could effectually provide for him, having then this enterprise in view. When he first told him he should command one of these ships, Shelvocke was so throughly pleas’d with the news, that he vow’d it was greatly beyond his expectation; and rather than not go the voyage at all, he would content himself to be boatswain’s mate.
1 See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame.
The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to Plymouth, was to advise Shelvocke of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain Clipperton; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had, a commission would be sent down for another person to command the Speedwel in 9 his room. Upon which captain Shelvocke wrote at several times as followeth.
Sir,
“I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.——Dec. 13. 1718. I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other friend——Dec. 19. I assure you I shall always act like a faithful servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew captain Clipperton all the respect in the world.——Jan. 27. 1719. All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of brotherhood with captain Clipperton. Our ships are much better man’d than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very 10 glad of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to the service.”
All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return from the voyage; and captain Shelvocke’s letters are here inserted to shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform.
By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew the Spanish nation how small a force from England could annoy and plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements.
Here it must be observ’d with what care Shelvocke has avoided giving the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw the miscarriage of the expedition on Clipperton’s incapacity, the change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was 11 the consequence of his own pride, avarice and treachery.
’Tis to be noted that captain Clipperton died before Shelvocke had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that if Clipperton were alive to answer for himself, Shelvocke had never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to Shelvocke’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’ he, as well as Clipperton, had strict orders in all enterprizes to follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain Woodes Rogers in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of this kind; and for which end Rogers’s printed journal was put aboard each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment, without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents or orders, his will being the only 12 reason for all he did, so that he never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the Success after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet the Success had most reason to be so, for Shelvocke had the whole store of wine and brandy aboard the Speedwell; so that Clipperton was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. Shelvocke, indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection, because Clipperton expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting to the windward of grand Canary, the first place of rendezvous, doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the fact, because Taylor’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with each other that day, which runs thus.
“Success Feb. 15. these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain. This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and have been oblig’d to shorten 13 sail several times for the Speedwell.”
But, however, to shew that Shelvocke was well enough pleas’d to part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the Success, and contrary to his duty; as appears by Taylor’s journal. “Feb. 20. These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain. At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course to the Southward, arrived off the Canaries the sixth of March following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas Shelvocke p. 4. has it thus. “Feb. 20. We had no sight of the Success or any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain, he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the Canaries, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page 9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of March, which is eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, 14 that instead of going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board.
The next day after losing company, Shelvocke seeing a piece of a wreck float along the Speedwell’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us, that Clipperton was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons, that the Success was built very slight, greater regard being had to her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for France or Ireland, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him, nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to prove that Clipperton could do his duty without wine and brandy, he like a good officer sail’d to the Canaries, being the first place 15 of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St. Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd islands; at one of which places he doubted not of meeting us.
Taylor’s journal has it thus,
“Success, March 15, 1719. Having cruised ten days off the Canaries, without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes of either, we steer away to the Cape de Verd islands: And at six this forenoon the island Gomera bore north half west, distant nine leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take my departure.”
But Shelvocke, who never design’d to give the owners any true account of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act independently on Clipperton, and never meet him again, except by chance: for as soon as we had lost the Success, Hendrie and Dod, as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare, he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at Fernandes, the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make it plainly appear 16 to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us all at several times, that on his return to Europe, he would avoid England, and go to Hamburgh, or some other free port, and there remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been in London these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served with a writ in Chancery; which I believe would soon put an end to the suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence of many who serv’d on board the Speedwell, as well as my own.
And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at every fresh bottle 17 to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with, somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme, look’d often towards Hatley our second captain, as expecting he would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion, that to act separately from captain Clipperton, will terminate in the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote parts. This threw Shelvocke into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command 18 of the ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking, and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr. Dod, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him.
This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our rejoining the Success. And from this time a universal discontent appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For Shelvocke, to improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to find our selves deceiv’d by them at last. 19
Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of Shelvocke’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he has the assurance p. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the ship was incapable to go through the voyage.
I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but can’t allow Shelvocke that she was so crank or tender as not to carry sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20th of Feb. Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard?
Page 7. Shelvocke gravely tells his readers that Hatley, second captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus: Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled, Hatley seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which Shelvocke in a fury bolted up, 20 “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck: after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr. Hatley. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty Shelvocke in his mean vanity.
His son George too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’ he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment at London was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table; and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and begger’d at the captain’s pleasure. 21
We are now to the leeward of Grand Canary, where our captain takes a little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use, but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and the neighbouring islands, till Clipperton may be well supposed gone far enough ahead.
The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the help of Taylor’s journal I shall convict him throughly.
Shelvocke p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing of the Success, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island John Fernandes in the great South Seas.” And yet p. 11. he says, “We took our departure from Faro, one of the Canaries, in hopes of meeting captain 22 Clipperton among the Cape de Verd islands, and took our prize along with us.”——which I am sure was not worth a commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues.
He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully concealed from us; however Taylor’s journal confirms it.
“Success, March 21. Fresh gales, &c. At six this afternoon we saw St. Vincent, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found a French merchant ship and the Diamond of Bristol, captain Cleader, taking in an odd sort of cargo for Jamaica, viz. asses. This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to find the Speedwell, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d, for suffering Shelvocke to keep our wine and brandy.” 23
Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that Fernandes could be the next appointed rendezvous from the Canaries, being a run of no less than 120 degrees.
We arrive next at the isle of May, and are taken for pyrates; Shelvocke gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail, made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of Hipsy, a liquor compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of pure wine; for Shelvocke labouring a little with the gout, imagined this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’ designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month.
This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking did not agree 24 with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of Hipsy was the only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour.
Taylor’s journal gives the following account of the island of St. Vincent, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger, from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure on the 2d of April 1719.
But Shelvocke, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the island of St. Jago, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then he sends away his kinsman Adams, our Surgeon, to the chief town of this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the Success; and to purchase 25 sugar, without which there was no making Hipsy. He return’d with the agreeable news of Clipperton’s being gone from St. Vincent’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And now Shelvocke being past all fears of meeting Clipperton, resolves to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by forming a design of wintering at St. Catharine’s, on the coast of Brasil: and accordingly, on the 20th of April, weighs anchor and sails towards the continent of America.
On the 5th of June, 1719, we met a Portuguese merchantman near Cape Frio. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted, which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished, especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he himself call’d Hatley) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a cutlass and a case of pistols. 26
The Portuguese not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades in the West-Indies, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood.
Don Pedro, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was Hatley on his quarter-deck, but the Portuguese seamen began to hand into the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins, bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, &c. three or four dozen boxes of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some Dutch cheeses, and a large quantity of sugars.——If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough, and might pass as a present; but after 27 this there came above a dozen pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver, worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of China plates and basins, a small Japan cabinet; not to mention what the men took, who on seeing the Portuguese so brisk at handing their things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, Hatley brought the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors.
This convinc’d Shelvocke he was not deceiv’d in calling Hatley the best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the Spanish word buscar, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. 28 While these things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between our chieftains.
Shel. Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?
Hat. By what, Sir?
Shel. Bringing me these baubles?
Hat. Sir they are very cheap.
Shel. But I shall want my money for other uses.
Hat. They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port.
Shel. You always act contrary to my orders.
Hat. Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours.
Shel. It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every occasion.
Hat. I thought I had done for the better.—
Shel. I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d.
Hat. Your commands shall always be to me as a law. 29
Shel. Where’s the account or bill of parcels?
Hat. Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I can draw one out.
Shel. Pray see you do.
Hat. Yes Sir.
Shel. Whither is he bound?
Hat. To Pernambucco.
Shel. Where belonging to?
Hat. To Rio Janeiro, whence he brought these fruits and refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal.
Shel. Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet; tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage.
Hatley with the speaking trumpet. O senior capitan, O ho?
Capt. Ho la senior.
Hat. Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios; that is, go on friend, and God bless you.
Capt. muttering. Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro ladron; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils along with you. 30
The Portuguese captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. Shelvocke will have it, p. 16. that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and some refreshments at St. Jago, whence must the cost of those silks, china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up five pounds amongst us all when we left Plymouth; answering in that respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance.
He likewise says, p. 22. that Hatley’s moydors were but 80 or 100, whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when Hatley and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon him.
In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our commander himself in a silken skin, as the word peaud’soy implies, and the beau 31 gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine silk, all wondrous gallant and gay!
Shelvocke soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’ none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;—the Gentlemen who fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;—When he made us the following speech.
Gentlemen,
“We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent, I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver 32 flower’d silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers, scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity: we must appear something like himself. And he in his black peaud’soy sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous figure enough.
He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a Cape of Good Hope man; which noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the Portuguese proved Shelvocke a right Cape Frio man, which I believe is very easily understood.
Tho’ Shelvocke never kept any journal, or intended to give the gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in England, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest 33 against Hatley, and deliver’d it to captain Clipperton, in the South-Sea, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse.
Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems to be of confuting him; for Clipperton died in June 1722. I was left a prisoner at Lima in Peru, and probably sacrificed. As for Hatley, he indeed did arrive at London in 23; but went immediately for Jamaica, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that Shelvocke imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and complete this romantic libel.
However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following questions.
Why such protest was not made while Hatley was on board the Speedwell, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses?
Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to captain Clipperton, whom Shelvocke from page 22. to 25 of his preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and, 34
Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the governer of Sansonate; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340. I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the other.
We arrive next at St. Catherine’s on the coast of Brazil, lat. 27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing for that purpose his instrument, one Mathew Stewart; who, as his own steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the Canary islands, when and where Shelvocke had promoted him to be first mate of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’ it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The 35
The weight of my argument depending much on proving Stewart no seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at Glasgow in North Britain, and went supercargo of a small ship to Maryland or Virginia. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at London, where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his friends in the face, he desir’d of captain Shelvocke to be imploy’d in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. James Moffat and Company, mercers in St. Martins le Grand.
This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which 36 gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications Shelvocke could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.
But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine sent up by the men to Shelvocke, by this minion of his. Robine is a mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners, and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before, by Shelvocke himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary Stewart, to poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words, page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first complaint, ’tis well known, is 37 always for want of provisions; which they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this, that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined, that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil so instructed; and such was Stewart, whom I might more properly call quartermaster, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to the Jamaica discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war. 38
None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as Shelvocke does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes.
In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by Stewart, allowing an additional perquisit to Shelvocke himself of 5 per cent. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his example, we all sign’d.
To give the better countenance to this preceding, Shelvocke asked us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company, except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. Stewart, I could see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by god, I 39 suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This too gave a great deal of offense. However Shelvocke modestly told us, that unless we chose his own nephew Adams the surgeon, we should make a voyage for a knife and sheath. It was no sooner said than done: the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to sign it.
But the merriest agent of all, was Shelvocke himself, who calling the next day to Mr. Hendrie, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that he himself would now be agent for the owners, and Hendrie might be purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr. Hendrie was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what Shelvocke was pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.——Sir, I hope I 40 have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office, or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which Hendrie got no satisfaction, but Shelvocke’s adding with an oath that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the other. Whereupon Mr. Hendrie demanded, in his own right, to have a council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case; which being absolutely refused, Hendrie drew up a protest against the captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof of Hendrie’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the gentlemen gave him.
My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery, such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man: but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true; and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions aforesaid. 41
Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill nature and ill principles all concurring.——I say, it’s not to be wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint.
A late instance of this kind is captain Jayne, of Bristol who, in a most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’ it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged him.
But to return. Thus was Shelvocke’s great estate to be got suddenly, without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness of the quantum or quomodo, how or how much; for now ’tis evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands; Shelvocke being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the cabin, and Stewart agent for the petty officers and men.
Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain of marines 42 to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty officers: but I having a letter from Edward Hughes, Esq; directed to captain Mitchel, then the commanding officer of the Speedwel, to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings.
Instead of coming into this harbour of St. Catharine’s, it’s plain Shelvocke’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward, that he might be early with the enemy the Spaniard; for Clipperton, about this time, was actually in the great South Sea. But our commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of Magellan, where Clipperton and his men suffer’d extreme hardships, being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with. 43
To palliate these mismanagements Shelvocke tells ye, p. 51. that to save his English provisions, he bought twenty one head of black cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the Cape Frio story, would no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur Laport, one of our lieutenants, who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the padre, one Sunday after divine service, to sell Shelvocke what he wanted.
He says, in his home made story, page 48. that Hatley burn’d the Portuguese house, tho’ we have often heard him blame Randal, his lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and likewise served us for a guard house. But Shelvocke says nothing of Coldsea the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship, because whatever imperfect 44 reckoning they had, was kept by him, having made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. Catharine’s was doom’d by Shelvocke for transportation to Europe, because he insulted his kinsman Adams; and to save himself an oath, that he never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the intreaty of Mr. Dodd, to enter at a gun-port.
As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain Clipperton had twice made the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as well as the gentlemen at home, thought the Speedwel completely enough fitted out without any additions of captain Shelvocke’s. 45
It’s merry enough to observe how Shelvocke p. 25. makes Mons. La Jonquiere, who was a gentleman of good sense, commander of a fifty gun ship in the King of Spain’s service, and in time of war with England, hold forth to the supposed mutinous crew of an English privatier, then going to take, sink, burn and destroy as many of the ships belonging to the subjects of the king his master, as should have the misfortune of falling into their clutches; and to this effect, that they should behave themselves dutifully and obediently towards their honest commander, who was leading them to make their fortunes. The absurdity of this is plain enough, when I consider there were not above four or five in our ship at most, who understood any thing of French: and I am sure La Jonquiere did not speak a word of English: besides, he had something else to mind; all this being only a drunken frolick, occasion’d by the Frenchman’s coming aboard us to make merry.
Another, but a worse blunder he commits in the speech, he pretends was made to captain Hatley, by Monsieur La Riviere, commander of a Portuguese man of 46 war of forty guns, which arrived there some time before we sail’d, p. 26. “That it was very likely he might receive a gratuity from the matter of the ship2, to prevent his being troublesome: but that his captain’s coming immediately into a port of the same nation, was a convincing demonstration to him (besides the meanness of the story) that there could not be any public or general base design, and that he was far from mistrusting there could be any private one, and desired him to give his humble service to me, and tell me, that he had a great deal of honour and respect for me; and begg’d I would let him have the conveniencies I had ashore (when I had done with them) if the French captain had not preingaged them.”
2 That is the Portuguese off Cape Frio.
Now, ’tis very unlikely that a captain of a man of war, of double the force, and in a harbour of his own nation, should beg leave in so obsequious a manner for conveniencies, which he might easily command; and I know of no conveniencies there, except 47 the house which Randal burn’d; for Shelvocke owns himself, p. 57. that he saw no house or fortification, except the woods. And whereas he (for reasons best known to himself) will have it that Hatley was so odious to the Portuguese inhabitants, charging him with things quite foreign to the truth; it was not his case alone: we were all equally hated by them; for they were by this time acquainted with the ill treatment the Portuguese captain met with from us; as he himself plainly allows, p. 45. saying, “I made no doubt but that captain Hatley’s affair would be reported to this gentleman, by some of the inhabitants; and therefore told him, that I expected he would go and vindicate himself to the Portuguese captain, to prevent any disturbances that might arise, by the account of his mismanagement on board the Portuguese we met at sea. To which he readily replied, that he would. Therefore to give him an opportunity of doing it, I sent a complement by Monsieur La Riviere.”
Now had the business with the Portuguese, off of Cape Frio, been a fair merchandize, 48 as Shelvocke relates it, p. 16. how comes he here to call it mismanagement, and cautiously to send Hatley with a complement to vindicate himself?
A Creolian Spaniard, servant to one of captain Jonquiere’s lieutenants, having robb’d his Master of a hundred quadruples, each of which is four pistoles, absconded in the woods, designing to take his passage with us round Cape Horne, to his own country again. La Jonquiere and the lieutenant applied to Shelvocke, desiring, that in case the servant should be found, and the money upon him, he would secure him and take it from him; giving Shelvocke directions how to remit the money to France, on his arrival in Europe, all which he faithfully promised to perform. As soon as the Ruby sail’d, the fellow appear’d to our men at the watering place, with one moiety of the money in his pocket, designing, I suppose, to pay for his passage with it: but Shelvocke not content with that, order’d him to be seiz’d to the jears, where he was whipp’d and pickled, which was repeated every Munday for a month: but the fellow, who had run the 49 risque of hanging for it, and knew the value of money as well as the captain, stood the lash without confessing he had any more: so he remain’d on board and had his passage. Thus was Shelvocke, with his wholesome severities, teaching the Spaniard the heinousness of defrauding his master; when we all very well knew Shelvocke deserved the same discipline himself: which brings to my mind an excellent distich of Dr. Garth.
But little villains must submit to fate,
That great ones may injoy the world in state.
This story I mention, because he has been cunning enough to skip it over, and only says, p. 31. “’twas well for him he had some money from one of the Ruby’s people,” which must be the said lieutenant’s servant.”
I think it needs explanation, how such friendship could exist between two warlike ships of nations already declared enemies, especially since Shelvocke has said nothing of it; fancying the world might ascribe it to his own wise conduct, or rather his 50 gasconading Monsieur into that complaisant temper.
I must therefore acquaint the reader that La Jonquiere had on board his ship a good sum of the King’s money, and near twenty fathers; some of which had been many years in Peru, Chili and Paraguay missionaries de propaganda fide, and had well fill’d their purses, the gospel there proving very great gain: besides many other wealthy passengers from those parts. These pacific gentry did by no means like the noise of great guns, or changing the pleasures of this world for the uncertainties of immortality: and Monsieur, no doubt, had found how to turn that disposition of theirs into a good article in his accounts. Besides, to my knowledge he had not at his first coming in, above sixty well men, tho’ he had near 400 aboard, passengers included; which ill state of his people was chiefly occasion’d by his passing Cape Horne in the winter with indifferent provision, which the Spaniards in America know not how to cure or pack up.
Before we sail’d, there arrived a French merchant ship from St. Malo, commanded 51 by Monsieur Dumain Girard, bound for Chili; who meeting La Jonquiere at sea, had got an order on Shelvocke to pay him the money: But Shelvocke refus’d it, saying, he would remit it, on his return to England, to the lieutenant, whose money it was; which, if he has done, is very extraordinary, being contrary to his dealings in other cases, with those who have had his acquaintance in this voyage.
At length we sail’d from St. Catharine’s, but saw no more ships to try the project of the Emperor’s colours with: so that nothing to my present purpose happens, till we got round Cape Horne. Where, as we approach the enemy, Shelvocke fearing some of us might be spies upon his actions, thought it the wisest way to get rid of those whom he had hitherto observed uneasy at his procedings; and sets his son George and Adams his kinsman, to tell us, in a formal manner; That such of us, as did not like to serve under captain Shelvocke, should soon be found with other imbarkations. And this was often repeated.
Let the reader then be pleased to observe, that he has placed this affair p. 62. 52 before we got to Cape Horne: but this is another proof that he kept no regular journal, for all this happened when we were in the great South-Sea, and liquors began to grow scarce.
He begins, p. 60: where he says, as we advanced to the southward, the men’s stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air. Here he says I grew a champion for the officers, and wanted a greater allowance at his table: which is intirely a false insinuation, for no one was better pleased with the allowance, and so were the people: and having served as an officer several years in the navy, I must needs know that any man, in such an expedition, guilty of what Shelvocke lays to my charge, well deserved to be shot through the head. Afterwards he aggravates this story, by saying Betagh had a voracious appetite, and eat more than came to his share. I need not wonder at any thing Shelvocke says on this head; for he being a very small eater himself, fancied all other people gluttons: I verily believe he never eat above two ounces in a day, as long as hipsy lasted; but was a great drinker all the voyage; whereas I never 53 loved drinking: so that the difference between us is only this, I eat more than he, and he drank more than I: and when I am to tell the story, the reflection is turned: He appears a drunkard, and I a moderate man.
Now this is such mean pitiful scandal for an author who sets out with the noble title of a voyage round the world, that it must convince mankind how trifling his observations have been, how ill grounded his malice is to me, and how far fetched his revenge. ’Tis a poor reflection upon a man, who in his appetite is as moderate as most are, and hardly deserves the answer I have given it.
’Tis in the same page, where he says I had the insolence to tell him publickly, that the voyage should be short with him. I frankly own I said the words, and scorn to deny it: but said them not in that order he has maliciously put them. For to avoid his brow-beating me, I often used to sit cross the spitsail-yard arm in fine weather, with a book, or the fishgigg to strike the fish; and one time coming down pretty thirsty, I found them all drinking hugger 54 mugger in the cabin, upon which I said, Faith, now I find I must drink in spight; which Shelvocke furiously resented, as an argument that I would drink in spight of him, whether he would or no: upon which I thus addrest him, and said, since we are past the Cape, the most dangerous and fatiguing part of our navigation, and are so near the enemy, I beg of you, Sir, to let us live as easy as possible; for now I hope in God the voyage will be short with us. These were infallibly my very words: but according to his way of perverting them, what must the reader imagine, but that I designed to throw my captain over-board, or murder him?
As Shelvocke has turn’d it, it can bear no better meaning. This I think a very cruel mischievous way of perverting a man’s words, and not unlike the Devil’s method of quoting scripture.
However, my good captain, for these and other reasons that I have set forth, was pleased to order me under confinement: and it may be here thought strange, considering what a troublesome creature he has represented me, that I bore this with such temper and submission; ’tis much he don’t 55 say I mutinied. But I was taken into custody, laid at my full length on the arms-chest at the bulk-head in the steerage, and confined just there: and, what with the height of the chest and the bedding, the upper deck was so very close, I had hardly room to lie extended upon it, there being no possibility of sitting up, so that my victuals was brought me there; and when I offered to make water upon deck, the centinel was always close at my heels with a drawn sword: and thus I continued twelve or fourteen days, no body daring to speak to me, except Mr. Hendrie, who before this was also turn’d out of the mess.
Liberty is what we are all fond of; but the ridiculous manner of my confinement made it more irksom and tedious: so that it was natural for me to try any method for inlargement. And if Shelvocke had proceded legally, I should have been try’d by a council of our own officers, according to captain Rogers’s method, which we were order’d to follow: but being past all hopes of that, I soon found it plain, that all he wanted was an humble letter under my hand; for by what his son George had said (that we should be soon 56 found with other imbarkations) I believe I was intended a sacrifice to the Spaniard: therefore finding by Adams, that a letter was expected, I e’en writ five or six lines in as handsome a manner as I could, but not that long forg’d letter, p. 26. fram’d and contrived just to serve his own purpose, by making him appear innocent and me guilty: the original of which, if he can produce of my hand writing, I here promise to own all the rest of his book to be true. And doubtless, if I ever wrote such a letter, Shelvocke would be wise enough to preserve it, not only for his own credit, but to put me to confusion.——Wherefore I here dare him to it: and whatever I did write, the reader may easily see that the nature of my circumstances extorted it.
As for the additional allowance, which he speaks of, p. 62. ’tis inserted there on purpose to make that inference, p. 74. where he says he could not procede directly to the northward, because the supernumerary allowance aforementioned had wasted our wood and water; and so truly Shelvocke says he was obliged to go to Narbrough’s island to recruit these two articles. 57
Sure this man has the greatest share of hypocrisy that I ever met with. This story is a mere vile fiction made here at home, to excuse himself to the Owners, who have all been inraged at his conduct. Shelvocke was still fearful of meeting his consort; and goes to Narbrough’s island, for nothing but to loiter time away, and avoid any probable chance of seeing Clipperton: besides no private ships have any business to touch to the southward, there being nothing at all to be got; and by his own account you see it was a foolish attempt, for he came back as he went, and narrowly escaped losing his ship.
While he is going round Cape Horne, he gravely tells us, p. 73. how melancholy it was to be without his consort. “I must own (says he) that this navigation is truly melancholy, and was the more so to us, who were by our selves, without a companion, which would have somewhat diverted our thoughts from the reflexion of being in such a remote part of the world, and as it were, separated from the rest of mankind, to struggle with the dangers of a stormy climate.”——poor Shelvocke! 58 Now this is all such a jest, that it makes the reader laugh: for after all your whining, ’tis plain it better suted your scheme to be without captain Clipperton, who having no store of wine or brandy, must needs be very melancholy in this wretched climate; and therefore these reflections of yours would seem much more natural from Clipperton, who wanted your company more than you did his.
Still to confirm this, as we came into the parallel of the island of Chiloe, on the continent, latitude 40 South, Shelvocke would go in there, and all the arguments we could use to the contrary, signified nothing: for late as it was, if we had gone to Fernandes, there were some hopes of meeting captain Clipperton, that being the last place of rendezvous, and where only all private ships do first touch for wood and water, without going to any part of the continent for fear of alarming the coast: besides, he well knew that no British, French, or any other ship ever touch’d there; nor hath any chart ever described it: yet he would venture in, where we almost miraculously escaped with our lives; and all this, like 59 the rest of his schemes, to avoid joining captain Clipperton.
We were no sooner enter’d, but we found our selves surrounded with terrible breakers; for such is the uncertainty and rapidity of the several tides or currents meeting there, that ’twould at once astonish and baffle the most judicious mariner to describe it.
We were first taken under the bow with a current setting from the lee of one island: (there being several) then immediately under the quarter with another, so that the ship could not answer her helm. At last the most powerful of these currents horsed her away on the west shore, into three fathom and a half, where the torrent ran with such impetuosity, and the ground was so foul, that the sand appear’d on the surface from the bottom: all which together afforded us a dismal prospect. However the anchor brought her up, which if we had not let go when we did, every man of us must inevitably have perish’d: for had she touch’d the bottom there, she must in a moment have gone to pieces, or overset by the strength of the current. 60
According to this description, the reader, tho’ unacquainted with seamanship, will easily conceive that every soul of us was in the utmost danger by the unwarrantable procedings of this one obstinate man: Tho’ to do justice to my enemy, I must allow captain Shelvocke to be as able a seaman and artist as perhaps any whatever; which still makes his guilt in this affair the more enormous.
To confirm what I have already said, the ship, while riding here, kept continually on the sheer, till the cable was so rubb’d and gaul’d by the rocks, that it was stranded, and then it parted: But Shelvocke will have it, p. 80. that the great strain it then bore, was occasion’d by the wind blowing fresh: whereas if it had blown more than a moderate gale, we could not have kept our topsails loose; which very providentially saved all our lives: for as soon as we found her adrift, we back’d her off to the eastward, the tide being chang’d; but had she cast with her head to the westward, our voyage must infallibly have terminated there with our lives. 61
As to the reasons he gives for going to this place, they are all invented and made at home. He says, p. 77. La Fontaine, the Frenchman we had out of the Ruby, gave him great hopes and ideas of the place, for that he had been there; but I am sure that ship never touch’d to the southward, farther than Conception: and then he says that Frenchman’s assurances prevail’d upon us all unanimously to go to this island: whereas, as I said before, we all too well knew the danger and vanity of it, (to call it no worse) and labour’d in vain to dissuade him from it.
I have given the reader many specimens of Shelvocke’s hypocrisy and baseness; here follows an instance of his ill manners. At our arrival in the harbour of Chiloe, Shelvocke, by the advice of La Port our third lieutenant, hoisted French colours, and assumes the name of Janis le Breton; and the Speedwel he calls the St. Rose, in which the said Le Breton had made several voyages in these Seas.
Here he puts in practice the strangest discipline that ever I heard of. As soon as we were in the harbour, the night approaching, 62 our captain orders the watch upon deck to divide into three parties: on the forecastle, a midships, and on the quarterdeck; and to call out every five minutes to look out well afore there, look out well abaft there, each party in their turn answering aloud, Ay,—Ay; and this to be continued every night. This hollowing and hooping so terrified the people ashore, that they never dared to appear by day; and had nothing to do all night, but drive their cattle into the woods too far for us to follow them, and secure their best effects as well as they could. Add to this the terrible scarecrow figures we made by day in our grenadiers caps, which he made us all put on to fright the enemy, and which were at least two and twenty inches high. So that the people aboard the canoe, which first came to us, and carried Shelvocke’s first letter to the governer, were so scared at us, that they never had courage enough to return with an answer: but erected a pole with a white flag of peace, in the night time, and at the foot of it left a letter from the governer, with a present of twelve large hams for our captain. 63
By this letter, p. 84. it was great condescension in the governer to take that notice of us: for tho’ we indeavour’d to pass for the ship above mention’d, yet by this odness of discipline, and monstrous kind of caps, I rather think they took us for some wild creatures from a country yet unknown. Now if Shelvocke had at heart the interest of his owners, he would have improved this disposition of the governer, who had, as it were kindly broke the ice, by making the first present: For all the governers for his Spanish Majesty are strictly forbid to deal in any wise; but particularly ordered to oppose all nations having any provisions whatever, as being most jealous of that clandestine way of trade.
The governer, no doubt, expected some sort of return for his present: at least a gentleman like one: for none of the governers in this part of the world come to take the air, but to make their fortunes. But our Janis Le Breton returns about a pound and half of butter, at least eighteen months in salt; a pound of black pepper, and two Dutch cheeses about the bigness of ninepin bowls. Now any one may 64 imagine how stupidly ridiculous this appeared to a gentleman, governer of a province flowing indeed with milk and honey. However, in his next letter he thanks our captain in terms as civil as the former.
If Shelvocke had sent the governer a handsome piece of silk of the Cape Frio acquisition, for his lady, it would have been a genteel return, and sutable to the gaiety of the American Spaniards. I make no doubt we should have had fat beeves and hogs, as many as we wanted: but the whimsical duty which our commander order’d us to perform, together with his own aukward behaviour, made us really appear both frightful and ridiculous: and if he had acted as he ought, what pretext could remain for his loitering here, and not going immediately to the place of rendezvous? But his coming in and all he did here, was intirely vain amusement, idly wasting five or six weeks, ordering us every day ashore, in our fools caps, in the persuit of game or shooting the wild boar.
So that what we were chiefly supplied with, was the produce of two small islands on the starboard-side going in; for which 65 we were indebted to lieutenant Brook’s good management, who at our first coming secured all the small imbarkations he found in the bay, which hindered the inhabitants carrying off their cattle.
I come now to the story, p. 98. relating to my self, which he has drest up with silly falsities only to expose me. In short, Shelvocke order’d me and lieutenant Dodd, with as many marines as the pinnace could carry, to go ashore at the flag place, to exercise only; whereas he falsly says it was to get supplies from the Spaniards. I who had never learned, seeing the rest of our officers had taken it in their heads to learn, thought it would appear singular, if I did not learn too: so we exercised about half a dozen times making but one line of about fifteen men (tho’ he talks of ranks) and went strait aboard. The real design of this was quite otherwise than he would have the world believe: for the second or third day after our arrival, two canoes approach’d us to form some judgment of our designs; and for that reason we were order’d to exercise ashore, in this manner, to appear as formidable as we could: but it was in hopes the Spaniards, 66 taking it for a formal landing to plunder them, would knock us on the head, which was easily enough to be done; for Shelvocke when he sent us, said there was no need of any powder or shot, tho’ we cautiously took some unknown to him: besides, had it been only to exercise, it might have been done aboard, or at the watering place the other side the bay, where there was none but our own people.
There was no reason to send us in the very mouths of the Spaniards, with so few men, unfurnish’d (as he thought) with ammunition, to a place where only danger could be expected, if it was not with secret hopes to have us cut off: For Dodd and I being two of those who were a check upon him, he did not want above half his number of men to carry on his separate views and base designs. And tho’ he says Hatley commanded the boat, I seriously aver that Hatley was not among us: but it was the pinnace, and no soul with us but the marines, who rowed her ashore and off again, by eleven a clock the same morning, tho’ he says I was left all night. 67
But fully to prove that Shelvocke never kept any journal at all; I do own that about five weeks after this time, I being ashore on one of the two islands on the other side the bay to keep a guard at the watering-place, where was no body but our own men; captain Hatley came in the evening for a longboat load of wood and water, when it began to blow fresh, and a great swell to tumble in, which obliged him to hawl the longboat further out to her grapling, to prevent her thumping against the rocks; so that the men were forced to wade middle high to carry in their burthens of wood: the swell still increasing, I did not care to be sowsed over head and ears, and desired captain Hatley to go off without me, which he did; and lieutenant Brook came in an hour’s time afterwards and carried me and my guard off.
This is the plain short truth: and the reader by this time may ghess what a fine life we had of it, under the arbitrary direction of a captain, who had neither principles to act honestly, nor conscience to speak truth. 68
At the close of this tale he endeavours to be witty, by saying that the men refused to carry me to the boat; for that they would not load themselves with the weight of one who was neither seaman nor soldier. Whether they said so, or no, I shall not inquire, for wit and truth may be as far distant as the poles. It’s the only place in all his book where he aims to be witty, and the singularity of it makes me take this notice of it: though I can see no reason for his giving it that turn here; because bringing a boat off shore could not require a man to be much of a soldier or sailor: but if he means want of courage or conduct, I allow he has always been witty enough not to tell me so since we came home.
Shelvocke flushed with his imaginary success at this island of Chiloe, now affects the Statesman; and offers to the public a scheme of the advantages which might accrue to Great Britain, by taking that island, p. 113, 114; with hopes, no doubt, of being at the head of such an undertaking: but one may easily foresee, without prejudging the man, that he who has behaved so ill in this expedition, will never be trusted 69 with any command in another: and ’tis well enough known, without his medling, that no people can make settlements in the Spanish West-Indies, with so much ease and safety, as the English if they please; as having skill and power to do anything at sea, if they have good commanders.
But it must appear very absurd to the government, to whom he submits this notion of his, that a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe, can discover no better place than Chiloe for his Britannic Majesty’s subjects to possess themselves of; from the great dangers of which he owns all of us to be but providentially escaped: for according to his own, and my description of it (who have been very particular) it appears immediate destruction for any one to attempt the going in. He owns he lost his anchor at his first coming too; and gives a most terrible account of the chanel, himself: and yet has the folly and presumption to incourage his own countrymen to settle here. What can this be, but a design against the lives of his Majesty’s good subjects? In my humble opinion ’tis malice prepense, and deserves exemplary punishment. 70
And as for the additional stock of provision he boasts of, p. 100, he has much magnified it in his book: and whatever it might be, it was not worth our going there to alarm the coast, and thereby frustrate the very design of our coming out. A stranger would rather believe he had been bribed before he left London, by this counter method to defeat the whole enterprize.
Captain Clipperton by this time might reasonably be supposed gone from Fernandes: so away we sail from Chiloe to our own satisfaction, as well as the great joy of the King of Spain’s subjects, whom we had plagued all round that bay, tho’ to little purpose.
But instead of Fernandes, he is quickly furnished with another excuse from holding his course thither; which he says, p. 115, was the persuasions of his people to the contrary: “for they had notions, which the Frenchman had inspired them with, of vast advantages by going first to the port of Conception.” This too is all a fiction, forged at home to palliate his own male practice; for we were all against medling with the continent, and wanted to seek 71 out our consort and try our fortune at sea; which ’tis well known has always been, and must be the practice of privatiers, who mean to succede in their undertaking.
But if any doubt had arisen, why did he not, in this emergence, call a council of his officers according to his own instructions, which obliged him particularly to follow that method observed by captain Rogers, printed at large in his voyage, and where there are examples enough of this kind? But Shelvocke’s reason for not doing it now, and for never once doing it at all, is a manifest proof that the faults he imputes to his officers, are forgeries of his own, made to excuse his vices at the expense of their credit.
However, Shelvocke goes into Conception, where he took two ships; the one waiting for her loading, and worth little; the other was worth to us about 1500l: one moiety of which was laid aside for the owners; but when he lost his ship, they divided that and all among them, as he says, p. 227; tho’ he has thought fit not to mention any thing of his own six shares. Here he stays about a fortnight, under pretense of receiving 72 ransom for the two ships; tho’ he knew very well that the governers in those parts never will, or dare suffer that practice, since thereby privatiers might make a tolerable hand on’t, tho’ even the whole coast were alarm’d: for it’s not only loss of ship and cargo to the ransomer, but likewise confiscation of all his goods and chattels: and what is yet to them more dreadful, the anathema or curses of the church.
Nevertheless the governer of Conception desires he may treat with one of our captain’s officers: so I was order’d on that important negotiation; but all my intreaties could not prevail with Shelvocke to let my servant go in his hat: he must wear one of the foremention’d tall grenadier caps two foot high. The fellow being of a squat size looked more like a burlesk figure in a droll, than a servant to an ambassador. So I proceeded, and was attended to the governer by all the mob in the town, and had much ado to look grave at so much farce. Shelvocke says, p. 142, “the man’s cap gave great offense, as if intended to ridicule the mitre:” which I can’t deny; for the churchmen had good reason to take umbrage at the extreme height of it. 73
P. 123. He has a falsity too flagrant to be believed at all. “I could perceive, says he, with my perspective an enemies boat pass within pistol shot of my pinnace, but captain Hatley, who commanded, never offered once to follow her, or bring her to: Hatley truly said he did not mind her, tho’ his boat’s crew all agreed that she was full of men:” This he exults upon mighty captain-like; but I affirm that Hatley did chace her immediately, and we were all well enough diverted with it; he following her quite cross the bay till he came within reach of the enemies guns on the platform; from whence they fired twice at him, and so well aimed, that in all probability the third would have sunk him, or made him the head shorter, the shot being eighteen pounders. This I am sure was in the sight of ten thousand people round the bay; for all that part of Chili was alarm’d, and whosoever was fit to bear arms appeared here to see the issue of our exploits.
Shelvocke having taken here, just after coming into the port, a small prize bound from Lima, found by letters she brought 74 from the merchants there, that the coast was alarm’d to norward by one of Clipperton’s prizes retaken by the Spaniards: but this he keeps a secret from us, and resolves now to get rid of his men as fast as he can; therefore sends away lieutenant Randal, and an officer of marines, with about twenty five men, in a small bark which we took in the bay, to attack a little vessel that was hawl’d up almost dry, in a creek about six or seven miles from us: Shelvocke must needs have known that there could be nothing in her, since it was no secret to the Spaniards that we were an English privatier. The vanity of this attempt wants no explanation of mine, since he hath sufficiently described the folly and misfortune of it himself, p. 125. which is worth reading: there he lost five of his men, risquing their lives to take an empty, vessel: and the only incouragement he had of success from this undertaking, was from the boatswain of a small Spanish prize which he took a day or two before, who was already grown so very sincere a friend, and so heartily in our interest as to give us prodigious informations: and upon the credit of this man, Shelvocke 75 pretends he sent the poor fellows to make this new experiment; which I may venture to say has proved our captain to be no politician.
After this he tells you, p. 127, the men murmur’d and grew very uneasy, damning the South Seas——as well they might, being thus order’d upon fools errands, without any hopes of making a good voyage for themselves; destined as it were for mere tools to carry on his own selfish ignorant projects. And yet Shelvocke, with a bold face and harden’d heart, says, even this too was their own fault. In short his conscience is an original; his book is an original, and he is an original; but I hope in God neither of ’em will ever be copied.
Captain Clipperton persued his voyage directly from the Cape Verd islands, and I do think it somewhat extraordinary, and well deserving the reader’s remark, that the Success arrived at the entrance into the streights of Magellan on the 30th of May 1719, being 52 and 30 south latitude. But Shelvocke could not find his way to St. Catherine’s, in latitude 27 : 30 south, till the 20th of June following, by his own account, p. 17. 76
I shall transcribe captain Clipperton’s procedings as minuted down in Mr. Taylor’s journal.
Success, May 29. “This day at noon I make my course from the westermost point of the island Fogo, one of the Cape Verd islands, latitude 14 : 40 N. to Cape Virgin Mary, the north point of the entrance into the freights of Magellan, in latitude 52 : 15 S. to be S. 29 : 00 W. the distance 1580 leagues, mer. dist. 36 : 04 W. longitude 44 : 18 W.”
May the 30th. “Fresh gales and squally for the first part these twenty four hours, but fairer towards the latter end. This afternoon we anchored in the streights of Magellan, in ten fathom water. The south point of the entrance call’d Queen Catharine’s Foreland, bearing then S.S.W. five leagues, and Cape Virgin Mary N. by E. one league. It makes like a large deep bay. We weigh from hence the next day, proceding farther till we come to Queen Elizabeth’s islands; where we send our pinnace ashore on the main, having found a fresh water river, but frozen up. We saw several flocks of geese and ducks, 77 but were very shy. Our surgeon’s mate remains on shore. One Robert Dawson, a saylor, departed this life. Our surgeon’s mate was brought on board in the morning almost dead with the cold. At ten in the morning we weighed and made sail.”
June the 7th. “Fresh gales and fair weather the first part, but the later much snow. At two this afternoon anchor’d in forty fathom water, the northmost point of Elizabeth’s Island bore S. W. one league, St. Bartholomew’s island E. by S. two leagues: the yawl was sent ashore to gather greens. This place affords great quantity of a sort of wild sellary, which very much refreshed our men, and is good salading enough.”
June the 13th. “These twenty four hours squally with snow. We find here a good watering-place. Here is a fine wood, most hazel, with some tall beach trees, several of which are fit for masts.”
---- 14. “Sent our launch ashore with our empty casks: captain Clipperton and the carpenter went this morning ashore to look for a good stick for a mizen-mast, 78 and find a good one ready fell’d. At noon the captain return’d with some wildfoul. Our men gather muscles and limpets in great plenty. Here we begin sorely to feel the want of our wine and brandy: and our men by frequent eating shellfish to help out with their allowance, are much troubled with the scurvy.”
20. “Cloudy weather, with much sleet and rain. Our launch brought on board her loading of wood, which we stowed away among the cask: at five this morning clear’d the hause and brought the small-bower on board: hoisted the launch in; at eleven our pinnace brought on board a mizen and mizen-top-sail-yard, with a new studdinsail-boom, and got ready to sail.”
21. “Weighed this forenoon at eleven. The tide being spent, stood into a small bay, but could find no ground with seventy fathom line; so were obliged to run to leeward again. Winds from S. W. to N. W.”
22. “Fresh gales and squally: at one this afternoon anchored in a fine bay in fifteen fathom, shingly ground: the northmost 79 point of Port Famine N. by W. five leagues, and the southmost point of the small bay, which we christen’d no Bottom Bay, S. by E. four mile. At seven we weighed again plying to the southward; we had this day a good amplitude, and find the variation to be 14° : 15´ northerly. All the trees along shore are very tall; their tops cover’d with snow; the land prodigious high, so that we have strong flaws of wind almost continually: fresh water to be found in every bay.”
29. “A canoe with four Indians came on board us, being two men a woman and a boy: they are of a middle stature, dark complexion, a broad roundvisage, low fore-heads, black hair, very lank and short, with no cloathing but a skin to cover the middle: they had a small streak round the skin of their wrists, of a fine azure blue: they would not suffer the woman to come on board: captain Clipperton ordered them some bread and cheese, which they eat greedily, but would not touch a drop of brandy. They brought us some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged for knives: they had a fire in 80 the midship of their canoe, which is made of the bark of trees sewed together. They had bows and arrows, and some fishing tackle. After two hours stay they went ashore, making signs they would come again. To day we buried Thomas Camfield a marine.”
30. “Cloudy weather: our pinnace went ashore this afternoon at one, and returned at six, and with them the Indian canoe loaden with large muscles, which they truck’d with our people for bread, and what else they could get.”
July 1. “Moderate weather: our pinnace was sent ashore to fetch one of our men that tarried there yesterday, but could not find him. Our surgeon’s mate had one of his toes cut off, mortified with cold that night he stay’d ashore. At seven forenoon loosed both topsails; at nine weigh’d, and our pinnace brought the man aboard: an Indian canoe came on board; and one of them steping in, and being under fresh way, the rest of his companions held fast the towline, till they were almost hawl’d under water: so they were forced to let go the rope, 81 and the Indian remain’d on board. Cape Froward bore at noon E. 14 mile; Point Gallant N. E. by E. four mile.”
2. “Moderate weather at half an hour past four this afternoon anchored in twenty fathom, small sand and shells. The body of Prince Rupert’s island bore south three mile: the low point of the bay we were in N. W. one mile. Another Indian canoe came on board: the woman they had wore a necklace of small beautiful shels, nicely strung, which went five or six turns round her neck; it look’d, at a small distance, like a pearl one. At seven this morning weigh’d and try’d the strength of the current, which ran about two knots.”
3. “For these twenty four hours strong gales of wind and cloudy weather: this afternoon at one anchor’d in thirty one fathom; small stones and shells. Point Middleton W. by S. two leagues, and the point of St. Jerom’s found N. W. by W. four mile: the tide run two knots and a half. At five in the afternoon, being high water, sounded in twenty seven fathom, at ten, forty five fathom, at twelve, 82 forty five fathom, the ship having tail’d out. At four in the morning we found she drove: brought the cable to the capston and hove; but the tide running strong to leeward, and a fresh gale, she drove very fast: so that half past five we were forced to cut away the anchor with half the cable: and before we could get our sails set we were just aboard Prince Rupert’s island, having fifty fathom close to the side of it: but our sails filling, we had the good fortune to run off; and were forced quite back to Point Gallant bay, where we anchor’d in fourteen fathom.”
5. “These twenty four hours strong gusts of wind, with much snow and rain. At night dy’d Mr. John Crawford: several more fall ill: captain Shelvocke has many curses: at six forenoon our pinnace was sent ashore to get greens and other refreshments for the sick men. Winds at W. and N. W.”
7. “These twenty four hours strong squalls of winds: lowered our fore and main yards, at three this afternoon moor’d the ship. Mr. William Pridham our master 83 gunner departed this life: buried one Thomas Oldfield.”
8. “These twenty four hours pretty moderate weather: at four this afternoon got up our lower yards: at eleven this morning we buried our gunner ashore, under a triple discharge of our small arms: and had an end of a strong plank drove down at the head of his grave, inscribed with his name, the ship’s name, with the month and year.”
10. “Squally weather with snow. At two this morning lower’d our yards again: at five Francis Doyle, one of our marines, died. The pinnace kept constantly imploy’d in fetching muscles and other shellfish: and the wild sellery, already mentioned, being the only eatable we can yet discover.”
11. “Moderate gales and hazy weather, with snow. At three this afternoon clear’d the hause: at seven this morning got up the yards again; this day put our ships company to shorter allowance of six to two, i. e. one piece of beef or pork for six men.” 84
17. “At eight in the forenoon weighed again, and at noon anchor’d in York Road, which is the same place we were drove out from when we lost our anchor; it is gravelly ground: Point Middleton W. S. W. three leagues, Cape Quad W. by S. five leagues.”
18. “Hazey weather with rain and snow. At half an hour past nine this evening the ship drove, it being loose sandy ground; hove up the anchor and stood into the bay. At eleven anchor’d in eight fathom: our buoy being staved, weighed the best bower to bend another, and so let it drop again. Moor’d: winds at W. N. W.”
20. “This morning captain Mitchel and lieutenant Davison went in the pinnace to Terra del Fuego or the south shore, in order to make a discovery of the passage that the French Tartan is said to have went thro’ into the South-Sea, May 1713, and to see if there was any anchoring beyond Cape Quad; being furnish’d with all necessaries for that purpose.”
29. “The pinnace return’d, having found the passage thro’ which the Tartan pass’d, 85 but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go far that way: but their provisions fell short, and that place affording no manner of supply, they were forced to return before they could satisfy themselves throughly: yet they found several good bays to the N. W. of Cape Quad to anchor in. The Indians gave them a seal, which they broyled and roasted, and said it eat as well as any venison.”
August 1. “Captain Mitchel, with three more of our officers took the pinnace at six this forenoon, and resolve this time to inform themselves of the truth concerning the passage already mentioned into the South-Sea, and see if ’twere practicable for us to go through. Our other boats go a wooding and watering. This morning died Thomas Parry corporal of marines.”
5. “Captain Mitchel returns: but found no such passage to go thro’ into the South-Sea, as Monsieur Frezier would make us believe. It’s true they found a narrow streight which led them into a spacious bay full of ice: but no passage through.” 86
I shall transcribe no more from Taylor’s journal of what happen’d to them in these streights: what I have taken is for the information of my seafaring reader, and to shew him the many fatigues that Clipperton’s men were harrassed with in mooring and unmooring; their struggling with contrary winds and currents; the loss of their anchor, and their narrowly escaping a shipwreck against Rupert’s island: all which will easily convince him that to go through le Mair streights and round Cape Horne, is the safest and shortest navigation: Besides, the French, who have carried on a constant trade to those seas for almost thirty years, have always chosen it: add to this that captain Clipperton’s endeavours to find out the passage through Terra del Fuego, talked of by Frezier, demonstrate that he would gladly have been out of the streights as soon as he could: but Mitchel, who was a good seaman and curious enough, having made two essays, which took him up a fortnight, returned without finding any new passage: so that it’s very doubtful whether any Tartan, or other imbarkation ever past that way; tho’ Frezier has fondly imagined 87 it a new discovery, and has marked it in his chart, which also is faulty in other respects.
August 18. Captain Clipperton got out of the streights of Magellan, proceding directly towards Fernandes, lat. 33 : 30 S. being the third and last place of rendezvous, where he arrives on the 7th of September 1719. According to his instructions he stays here a month for Shelvocke, and if he had stay’d four, he must then have gone without him. Captain Clipperton not being able to conjecture what was become of the Speedwel, gives her up for lost: however, before he weighed he sent captain Mitchel ashore to set up a cross, burying at the foot thereof a bottle, wherein was a letter for captain Shelvocke, directing another place of rendezvous and some proper signals to know each other at sea: but fearing that two of his men who had there deserted and absconded in the woods, might mischievously take down the said cross; he had his own name and Magee’s the surgeon, carv’d in the bark of one of the largest trees first presenting it self at landing.
Taylor’s Journal Sept. 8. 1719. “This being the last place of rendezvous to meet 88 with or hear of the Speedwel: we find no signal nor footsteps of her; which gives us all no small uneasiness.”
---- 9. “At eight this morning sent sixteen men ashore: three of them die soon after they land, cursing Shelvocke with their dying breath, for running away with our wine and brandy. The truth of it is, our case is deplorable enough; for we have not a drop of either to chear the languishing spirits of our sick men: and we that at present, through the providence of the Almighty, injoy our health, cannot help being dejected to think how soon it may come to our turns to be taken with sickness.”
14. “Uncertain weather with rain. This day our boats bring eighteen goats aboard: sent ashore for some salt; our men having found here a good quantity ready made, which was left by some of the French ships who often touch here.”
28. “We continue to get our wood and water aboard, and our ship in a posture for sailing.”
Oct. 6. “Moderate gales of wind and fine weather. Captain Mitchel with some 89 more of our officers go in the pinnace to the east part of the island to look four of our men, who have absented a fortnight: two of which men they found in the custody of our goat hunters, having met with them when in persuit of their game, saying they had greater difficulty in securing these fellows, than in killing double the number of goats: for at first they were forced to fire several times at them before they would surrender. They told our men that for the first five days they were hard put to’t, being forced to subsist wholly on the cabbage-trees, of which here is great plenty; but that having by good fortune one night found some fire that was left by our hunters, it served them in good stead, for they could then dress their fish and fill their bellies. Our pinnace is sent ashore to launch the longboat. Salted more fish, and brought off four cask more of seal.”
7. “Got all our people off the island into the launch, with most of the things we had on shore; leaving the two men that run away to take possession of Alexander Selkirk’s habitation, who was taken 90 off this desolate place by captain Rogers in 1709; after having liv’d here above four years alone. Captain Mitchel goes ashore to set up a cross with a bottle buried at the foot of it, wherein is a letter for captain Shelvocke. At five this morning unmoord, and at eight weighed.”
The names carved as aforesaid on the bark of the tree stood thus, as I saw them.
Captain John ——
W. Magee.
1719.
The reason why Clipperton’s surname is omitted, was because he was well known in the South-Seas: and if any Spaniards or French who occasionally touch there had seen it, the discovery of the name might probably have alarmd the coast of Chili and Peru.
This done, captain Clipperton holds his course to the norward, soon arriving in the parallel of Lima: which being the chief scene of action, he stands off and on at a convenient distance, to prevent being descryed from the shore; where he had cruised 91 but a small time, before he made himself master of several prizes: but necessity obliging him to send at least two officers, besides a sufficient number of his men on board each prize, it weaken’d him very much, so that he soon grasped more than he could hold. Add to this the low condition of his men, both by sickness and a reduction of their allowance that they were not overable to work the ship; besides the loss of thirty men, who dyed between the equator and this place. The misfortune of all this will best be seen in what follows: for in November the Success giving chase to a fresh sail a head, the last taken prize was run away with by the Spaniards, who by stratagem got the better of the few English that were put aboard her in a hurry: while the enemy, with manifest risque of their own lives, ran their ship ashore among the rocks, and alarmd all the coast.
—Here follow Taylor’s own words.
Success, November the 20th. “Fresh gales and fair weather. Yesterday at three in the afternoon we were surprized to see that when we made the signal to tack and stand off from the land, our last taken 92 prize instead of observing the same, made sail for the shore as fast as she could, she being then the sternmost and nearest the shore, while we stand off, having another sail in view.”
21. “Little winds and fair weather. At three this afternoon finding the pink that yesterday stood in for the shore was run away with by the Spaniards, we begin to think it now full time to send all the Spanish prisoners ashore, as well to save our provision, as to let the Spaniards ashore have early notice of our good treatment towards those we had taken; that our men may be used after the same manner.”
From this period, therefore, I date the breaking of our scheme, and the ruin of our voyage; of both which captain Shelvocke was intirely the author. This I need not labour to prove, because it’s manifest if Shelvocke had joyned Clipperton, and been here at his duty, the loss of this prize had not happened; or which is infinitely worse, the alarming of the Spaniards: upon whose security the greatest hope of our enterprize was founded. 93
From this misfortune of Clipperton on the coast of Peru, and the wilful mismanagement of Shelvocke in rousing all the coast of Chili, a stop was put to the success of both our ships, and the consequence was an imbargo laid by the Viceroy of Peru, which was enough to check all our growing wishes and expectations. Here then we must a while leave captain Clipperton, who could do nothing effectually without the assistance of our ship, which he now thought had quite deserted him, or was cast away: and if the Speedwel had joyned him, his prizes could not have grown so numerous: for ’twas designed, that one of the ships should carry the captures to the desert islands to leeward, where the prisoners might have subsisted on their own provisions; we sinking the first taken ships, to leave them no opportunity of alarming the coast, ’till the work were done, and our fortunes made. According to Clipperton’s own scheme, who projected and commanded this voyage, our greatest dependance was in this parallel: Lima being the grand mart of all trade and business carryed on from North to South on this vastly extended rich continent. 94
Here I think it worth observing that captain Clipperton can no way deserve censure in his conduct, having hitherto, tho’ under a hard lot, acted justly and prudently: but what can be the merits of captain Shelvocke, who after providentially escaping the violent tempest at first setting out, makes his own ill use of it, and would never again endeavour to meet his consort; but shun’d it with all the craft imaginable? What recompense can Shelvocke make for the indecent censures and cruel reflexions thrown upon the memory of the dead? Certainly Clipperton deserved better from a man to whose wilful mismanagement all his misfortunes are justly imputed: and ’tis no wonder, if he took to drinking, after having miscarryed in three voyages to the South-Seas: the two first by circumvention of the Spaniards, and this last by the treachery of one who should have been his consort and friend: ’tis what we see daily in people undone by the baseness of men and the frowns of fortune. As to the humanity of our two commanders, there is certainly this difference between them; Shelvocke took care on all occasions, to risque the lives of his men 95 that few might remain witnesses of his falshood, and the dividends of those who did survive might rise in greater proportion: for out of his 106 men carryed from Plymouth, he brought only 25 to China; whereas Clipperton brought most of his thither; and behaved with generosity and good temper, witness his concern for his men, who were run away with in the prize lately mentioned, and his good treatment of the enemy; since he did not care how soon the Spaniards went ashore to give what account they thought fit of him.
The contrivance by which the Spaniards got their ship again, was thus. The Spanish captain seeing by the number of prizes then in the custody of captain Clipperton that he could not spare many of his hands to put aboard the pink, which already had above a dozen passengers, besides the ship’s company: the master of the Rosary privately bid the passengers hide themselves in the hold with the countermaster or boatswain who was a Frenchman, ordering them upon a signal agreed on, to seize as many of the Englishmen, as should happen to go into the hold; and this plot they believed would 96 succede as the lieutenant drew nearer and nearer to board them; for Serjeantson had but seven or eight men with him. The lieutenant upon his boarding the prize, ordered all that appeared to him, such as Indians, Nigros and seamen to go into the great cabin, except the captain and pilot, and then placed a centinel at the door. When he thought he had effectually secur’d his prisoners, he gave orders to hoist the topsails and stand for the commodore: then apprehending no danger, the men heedlesly went down to see what there was aboard. The passengers who were secretly in the hold surprized the men, knocking some of them down with billets of wood: the prisoners in the cabin immediately rushed on the centinel and disarmed him. The master or pilot, according to the sign, coming at the same time behind Serjeantson knocked him down likewise, and ordered them all to be bound; tho’ none were killed as Serjeantson informed me, whom I afterwards found a prisoner at Lima.
The Spaniard thus regain’d the possession of his ship; but did not long injoy her; for eagerly running her ashore, he lost her on 97 the rocks, and narrowly escaped with his life: then setting the Englishmen free from their bonds, they all got ashore as well as they could, the Spaniards taking them prisoners the nearest way to Lima.
The viceroy of Peru understanding what the Spanish captain had done, order’d a new ship to be built for him at Guiaquil, and a general tax among the traders to pay the value of her, as a reward for the service he had done the public. One of Clipperton’s men upon examination declared all he knew of our designs in this voyage: and upon these occasions, there is seldom one wanting who will tell any thing to merit what favour he can. Among other discoveries, the viceroy is informed of the cross and bottle at Fernandes, with the written signals for captain Shelvocke, and that two of Clipperton’s men had deserted there: upon which he immediately sends out a small vessel to fetch the two men, and the bottle containing the signals.
We return now to Shelvocke whom we left in the bay of Conception treating with the governer about the ransom of the two ships: but our captain finding he was only 98 trifled with, thought fit to burn the two ships there in the harbour: upon which I shall only observe, that it was a very extravagant humour: for one of the ships, the St. Fermin, he owns p. 153, was the best fitted out of any of the Peruvian traders, and p. 104, he says the loss of his anchor at Chiloe was one of the greatest damages he could have sustained: therefore ’tis much that a man of his pretended knowledge could not save an anchor and cable to supply the former loss of his own: the neglect of which appeared sufficiently afterwards.
After he had set fire to the ships, he took along with him the fruit bark, upon which he orders a deck to be made, calling her the Mercury: (an odd name for a vessel that could neither sail nor row) and away we procede towards John Fernandes.
In our way thither, the prize and plunder money of the St. Fermin was distributed; and here he says p. 157, that captain Betagh indeavours to raise a mutiny but fails in the attempt. Particularly, that I opposed the owners having part of any thing but what was upon freight or mention’d in the bills of lading; and thus he runs off 99 two pages of mere scandal, as if I only was uneasy, whereas all our officers had convincing proofs of his bad principles as well as I. I might have said in common talk among our selves, that I always thought wearing apparel found in chests between decks, should be deemed fair plunder: and may be it is so. Is it just therefore, that what a man delivers as private opinion only, shall afterwards be reap’d up and call’d mutiny; especially by one who has made every thing plunder, and ruin’d and destroy’d near a hundred men in the voyage? But this man is perpetually blaming every body but himself to screen his own villanies.
Jan. 1719/20. We arrive at Fernandes, where Mr. Brook being the first officer that landed, immediately saw Captain John —— and W. Magee cut in the tree-bark as aforesaid: upon the news of which every body seemed to rejoyce, but our worthy captain, who would have it an invention of Brook’s, for which he used him scurvily before all the company, telling him ’twas a lie. It’s very strange a man can’t believe his own eyes, or would feign a thing of this nature, which any one going ashore might be convinced of in a 100 moment: but Shelvocke hated the mention of it, and feared the truth of it, lest his whole company would be impatient, and persuade him without delay to go to leeward and joyn his consort. Brook had hitherto been a great favourite with Shelvocke, but for this unwelcome discovery he is now put upon the black list, as by the sequel will appear.
I shall quote our author’s own words, p. 160. “Some of my men accidentally saw the word Magee, which was the name of Clipperton’s surgeon, and captain John cut out under it upon a tree, but no directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident that he never meant I should keep him company, or ever joyn with him again.”
Now this is so notorious a falsehood, that every step of captain Clipperton shews the contrary, and proves you the greatest impostor that can be: your very wording of it, shews to what mean shifts you are reduced. Why must it be, accidentally saw the word Magee? Was it a meteor that vanished 101 after the first appearance? or if the men did see it by chance, are you so simple to persuade us it was cut in the tree by chance? And then to say Magee was first, and the captains name under it, is not the contrary more probable? Besides, we all saw the captain’s name first: and this is only a stupid indeavour to degrade him. As for the directions agreed upon, they were buryed in the ground, and discovered to the viceroy who sent for them as I said before; and tho’ Shelvocke was ignorant of this at Fernandes; yet, at the writing of his book, he well knew it: and therefore the coarse language he gives Clipperton as above, makes himself appear a worse wretch than I expected.
After this, instead of going directly to leeward to meet with the Success, he must needs have another touch with the shore; and accordingly steers away to Arica, sending the Mercury along shore before him, which took a bark laden with cormorants dung (used there as manure) the owner of which came on board us in the night, and informed us that one of Clipperton’s prizes had alarmed the whole coast, and that two Spanish men of war were fitted out 102 from Lima in quest of us: and this is what we believed Shelvocke knew before, by letters taken in the St. Fermin. Here he puts four quarter deck guns into the Mercury, and hawling her pretty near the shore, gets into her, with my self, Mr. Stewart, three more officers, and a few men: then bringing the Speedwel and Mercury’s broadside to bear on the town, he begins Quixot like to canonade it; which really had no other effect than to scare away the women and children: for the men contrary to our expectation assembled on the naked beach, and suddenly erected a good breastwork of stones and what rubbish they could find, gallantly standing our fire: but the swell giving us some motion, we could not bring our guns to bear so as to dislodge any of them. Shelvocke being tired with destroying his munition, sends an Indian prisoner under a flag of truce to demand of the town what they would please to give to be rid of us; and tho’ he says nothing of this, p. 167, the Indian leap’d out of the boat, swiming through the terrible breakers, which made landing there impossible; delivers his message, and returns faithfully the same way 103 to the boat with answer, That they car’d not a fig for any such borracho; that is drunkard, the most contemptuous name they make use of. Upon which our captain called for his pinnace, and taking Stewart with him, goes aboard in a pet; but left the rest of us to unmoor the Mercury, and carry her out into the road. At his getting into the boat, not as he says at his departure, the inhabitants gave us a regular hedge fire, and three huzzas, or horse laughs. To confirm what I said about the strict prohibition of ransoming; the owner of the dung bark was forced to do it by stratagem, coming in the night with his money, being 1300 dollars, and pray’d us to carry her three or four mile out, and then turn her adrift, that the bargain might be a secret, or look as if she was not worth our keeping.
Shelvocke’s aversion to journal-keeping was so great, that I cannot help inserting the following memorandum to confirm it. One Mr. Hamilton our ensign, a gentleman of a good family in Scotland, had a mind, tho’ he was no seaman, to keep a journal for his amusement; and upon taking this bark he enters it thus in his book. 104
Feb. 5th. 1720. “This geud day we a taen a sma vashel lodded wi turd.” This humour causing some laughter in the steerage, Shelvocke lent his son George to inquire the meaning of that uproar. Upon George’s report, the captain came down and asked Hamilton what business he had to keep a journal? adding that he was a sawcy fellow, and there should be no pen and ink work aboard his ship: so that he was oblig’d ever after, like Shelvocke, to keep his account by dint of memory.
From Arica we sail down along shore, and now Shelvocke enters vigorously upon his own project; which was effectually to rid himself of his officers, having been often heard to say, he hated so many captains. He knew by Rogers his journal, that all the merchantmen in those seas are man’d with Indians or Nigros; with which he could easily supply any loss of his own men; and which, far from demanding any share of prize money, would sell for money in another part of the world. Whereupon he sends away fifteen of us in the Mercury, seven of which were officers, just in the mouth of the enemy, in the very track of 105 their ships; and with a moral certainty of being taken, if not destroyed, for cruising on their own coast, and in one of their own bottoms. It is very remarkable that one of this ill fated company should be the boatswain, who is always look’d on as the most necessary officer to be left in a ship; the good order of the men depending as much upon him, as the captain himself: and a boatswain was never sent a cruising in this world before. His name was Nicholas Laming, a good man, and a good officer. After we were taken prisoners, he died on the road with the great fatigue of his journey.
To put this man’s wickedness yet in a dearer light, give me leave thus fairly to describe the Mercury. She was really nothing but a lighter; was built and always imploy’d as such; tho’ not quite so heavy or strong as those in the Thames: for as the Spaniards have no wharves, cranes, or carts to load their vessels with in that country; so she differ’d from our lighters, only by being a small matter slighter and shallower, the better to run into shoal water; where the Nigros and Indians do the office of cranes 106 and horses, by wading deep in the water to load her. He built a deck upon her as high as the gunnel, fix’d a mast in her, and then put a gang of his ships oars into her: one of which I measur’d, finding it thirty three foot in length, and so heavy that no less than three men could row with one of them: beckets having been fix’d to the looms for the easier managing of them.
Now I appeal to any impartial judge of a ship or bark, how it was possible for the men, if standing, to row with such an oar in such a vessel: for they must at each stroke indanger their knuckles against the deck before the blade could be raised out of the water: and if sitting, ’tis still worse, because there’s no foot-hold; moreover the man at the handle could not extend his arms to fetch a stroke. Then if we consider her as to her sailing, she would go well enough right afore it, provided it blew strong enough: but upon a wind, the meanest capacity may imagine what she could do, as having no gripp of the water.
In this notable imbarkation were we sent to seek our fortunes; and I believe ours to be the first company that ever was order’d 107 to cruise in a lighter. This being the last time he was likely to have the pleasure of using me ill, he resolved to do it in a manner peculiar to himself: all the rest having the favour of knowing their orders an hour or two before. Immediately upon my receiving the message, that I must go in the Mercury, I went down to lash my hammack in the Speedwel: then taking my money bag out of my chest, I seal’d and deliver’d it to Mr. Hendrie then our purser, telling him I expected no account of it, till it pleased God we met in England. Shelvocke who had set a spy to watch my words and looks, now calls up all hands, and ask’d them if they thought they were going for a sacrifice, using me in a manner too scandalous to be recorded. After this, our commander captain Hatley and the rest of us got into the vessel and put off, steering along shore to the northward. We cruised four or five days and landed twice at the isle of Lobos, where Shelvocke promis’d to leave instructions, but we found none: and if he intended we should joyn him again, he would have told us his design of going in to plunder the little town of Payta, 108 where we could easily have joyn’d him, having the rich prize (as he calls her) twelve days in our hands before we were all taken. During our cruise, we took one small bark tho’ he says two, p. 177, and that of no value: after which we took an old English pink bound from Panama to Lima, which Shelvocke says at random was worth 150000 dollars, tho’ he never saw the vessel, or knew what was in her: and I am sure we found no money at all aboard her; for she was bound in her ballast with a small parcel of pedlary ware from Panama to Lima: but were it from Lima to Panama there probably had been money in her. We all got aboard the prize, except a hand or two left to take care of the Mercury, and kept cruising between Lobos and cape Blanco; and while we hop’d to be taken up by our faithful commander Shelvocke, we fell into the hands of one of the Spanish cruisers of 30 guns, called the Brilliant: which after we struck, continu’d their fire into the Mercury ’till they destroyed her, tho’ the men very providentially escaped and were made prisoners with us. As soon as the Spaniards boarded the said pink to strip and rifle us, 109 about ninety six moidores taken from the Portuguese off cape Frio were found upon Hatley, for which he indeed was us’d but scurvily—And this is the fair light I promised, p. 30. when I was treating of this story before.
After leaving us, the next thing remarkable is his long story of escaping the Peregrine a Spanish man of war at Payta: which account as it is a wild story full of abominable romance and vain glory, I shall answer it particularly: for Hatley and all of us were sufficiently inform’d of the whole affair, as soon as we were set ashore at Payta, which was in a day or two after this thing happen’d.
Shelvocke to magnify his own exploits, does well to magnify the force of his enemy. He says, the Peregrine had upwards of 450 men, and mounted 56 guns: I will allow him that she carry’d 40, but never more; for I was aboard her afterwards at Lima; and I believe when he met with her, she had 350 men aboard, but such a mixt crew of ignorant creatures, that I am certain twenty expert seamen would do more execution than all they together. As for the commander of her, whom Shelvocke 110 calls an admiral, he was a Creolian, a mere fresh waterman, who never saw any action before: and as for the people aboard him, they were composed of Nigros, Mestizos and Indians; besides which there were not above a dozen white faces in all: for this ship was purposely design’d to carry the late viceroy prince Santo Bueno, his family and retinue to Acapulco; but in the mean time order’d a short cruise on the coast. She sail’d so heavy that the Spaniards never expected she would be of any use against the English privatiers: and for that reason, put all their good able men aboard the other three cruisers, the Zelerin, Brilliant and San Francisco, which were light ships and good sailers. The Peregrine was so unable and unwilling too, that if she had not found the Speedwel in harbour, she would never have follow’d her to sea; for we were told at Payta, that the first fire from the Speedwel terrify’d the enemy so very much, that they could not tell whether they were really dead or alive. They all immediately ran from their quarters, and the very steersman who had the helm, quitted it: so that the ship which was then close hawl’d standing 111 in, came with her head sails in the wind, and muzzled her self; that is, she lay bobbing up and down, with her sails flapping against the mast: and how could it be otherwise, where there was only a few good officers among a mere mob of black people fear’d out of their wits. The commander and his officers did what they could to bring them to their duty: they beat them, swore at them, and prick’d them in the buttocks, but all would not do; for the poor devils were resolved to be frighted: most of them run quite down in the hold, while others were upon their knees praying the saints for deliverance. The Speedwel did not fire above eight or nine guns; and as they were found sufficient, Shelvocke had no reason to waste his powder: but ’tis plain the Peregrine might easily have run him aboard, if there had been but a few good seamen to stand by the bowlines and braces. However, this panic of theirs gave Shelvocke a fair opportunity to get his men aboard, cut his cable, and go away right afore the wind. This is the plain truth of the matter, which every body was agreed in: for I heard of it at several places; 112 tho’ Shelvocke has cook’d up a formal story of a desperate ingagement to deceive those who knew him not, into a wondrous opinion of his conduct. He talks of his ship being greatly shatter’d in the fight, and several of the enemy kill’d; but ’tis all bluster: there was not a drop of blood spilt: for if the Peregrine did fire a few guns, their confusion prevented them doing any mischief. And Shelvocke’s killing some of the enemy is very unlikely, when so many of them run down and hid themselves.
’Tis impossible for words to express the baseness of captain Shelvocke in puting together so much reproachful language utterly void of truth and reason, as there is from p. 176 to 180. All the malice of his book is here sum’d up in a body. He says I mutinied about going into the Mercury, and insinuates that I threaten’d his life. This is a very poor charge of his, after contriving so plausible a scheme to destroy us. But I remember I answer’d these words p. 53, when we had just doubled cape Horne. As for his accusation of mutiny, ’tis as weak as the other: for tho’ ’tis evident we were deliver’d up as a prey, yet Shelvocke 113 had gone such lengths with us, that he would call even a wry face mutiny: and my whole account of his transactions is full of answer to this sort of calumny. Then he says I prevail’d on Hatley to run away with the prize, plying him with liquor for that purpose: and runs on a long formal story of the wickedness of this thing, when I have made it plain she had no money, or any thing valuable aboard. Does not Shelvocke’s great ignorance in these facts demonstrate that these false accounts in his book were all invented here at home?
After this he accuses me with discovering to the enemy the secrets of our expedition, for which I was us’d respectfully, and made an officer. It must be great weakness in Shelvocke to fancy he had any secrets to discover, after he had alarm’d all the coast himself: besides the Spaniards knew well enough what we came there for; therefore ’tis childish to talk of secrets: indeed Shelvocke kept his own private designs a secret from us, which I dare say was no intention of the voyage; and I could not have known the places of rendezvous, without the help of Mr. Taylor’s journal. The reason of my being us’d respectfully 114 is this.—Don Pedro Midranda, the admiral who took us, had a personal esteem for Sir Charles Wager, and I have reason to believe was formerly his prisoner. The Spanish admiral had been treated with great candour and generosity by Sir Charles: and upon examination, finding that I gave a good account of Sir Charles, he was pleas’d to shew us great favours for his sake. It was owing to this, that I and all but captain Hatley met with kind treatment: for my own part, I had the honour to eat at his table all the time we were aboard; where he seldom fail’d to toast Sir Charles Wager, at every meal. Then it’s plain the aforesaid guilt of Hatley’s made that difference between him and the rest.
He says I was made an officer, and that I desired of my new captain, if we had the good luck to take Shelvocke, I might have the honour of boarding him first.
After such vile procedings, by my troth I believe no body would think it an honour to board captain Shelvocke: but I deny that I ever said so, and whatever any of us said, he can only ghess at it. ’Tis certain we had reason to think and speak ill enough 115 of him; since it was evident he got rid of us to serve a turn. However, as we were now treated much civiler than it was in Shelvocke’s nature to allow of; I frankly own there was not a man among us, but would gladly have seen him fall into the same admiral’s hands: for in a very few days after this, Shelvocke rids himself of eleven more of his men, whom he sent under James Hopkins, one of his mates, aboard an empty bark not worth a groat, which he calls the St. David, p. 180, leaving them to shift for themselves, with no more than a week’s provision: after which they were compell’d to surrender among the Indians: and one of them, John Gundy, born at Plymouth dock, had his throat cut for not stripping immediately: the rest I saw prisoners with us at Lima. Shelvocke is modestly silent upon this article, saying only, p. 187, that he was oblig’d to leave the St. David to cruise off Payta: but not a word of the mate and his ten men.
As to my being an officer in the king of Spain’s service, ’tis mere scandal and nonsense; for if I had acted in that station in a time of war between the two crowns, 116 ’tis very improbable I would venture home so soon, being the first of the prisoners who appear’d in England. Indeed we all, except Hatley, had our passage to Cales in a Spanish advice-boat, call’d the Flying-fish. Mr. Pressick our surgeon’s mate, acted as surgeon in her, receiving wages; and so did all our men, being releas’d from prison to help navigate the vessel home. For my part, as I was well treated, I would not eat the bread of idleness, but kept my watch as other officers did; and pray where’s the harm of all this; tho’ Shelvocke and his blunderbuss of a son, have had the stupidity to call it treason? And it must appear a very malicious charge, as well as an ignorant one, that after a man has been driven amongst the enemy, he must be call’d a traytor for being us’d kindly and accepting his passage back again; that because I was not murdered there, I ought to be executed at home. This is Shelvocke’s great christianity and good conscience.
Lastly, he accuses me of being of a nation and religion which the Spaniards are fond of. 117
In the first place, captain Shelvocke is very ill bred, to make any national reflexions at all; and then very ignorant not to know, they are never allow’d as argument. If he means I am an Irishman, I am well enough pleased to own it: not forgeting that his Majesty has many loyal subjects of that kingdom, in the state, church, navy and army. If by the other reflexion he means my religion to be of the Romish church; I shall make this answer to it. That it certainly is the religion my parents design’d I should be of: but when I came to riper years and better understanding, I made use of that liberty which God has given all mankind, to make such confession of faith as is most agreeable to holy scripture and right reason.
Thus determin’d, I took the oaths above twenty years ago; by which I quitted the Romish faith, and abjur’d all papal authority in these kingdoms: I did all that is requir’d in those cases, and therefore ’tis needless to say more. Consequent to this I had the imployment of a purser in the navy, which I held some years; having before that served in several other inferiour capacities. I have 118 continued ever since a lawful member of the church of England; What pretense then can Shelvocke have to persecute me in this unjust public manner, and charge me with the popish religion; especially after he has cruelly forc’d me among the most rigid professors of it?
But if he means by this accusation to make me appear as a disaffected person, I hope he will be mistaken: for I never drank the Pretender’s health, tho’ Shelvocke made a constant practice of it, and every tenth of June proposed it in an open manner; constraining some to do it, and using others ill who had spirit enough to refuse it. In what light then shall I place this Shelvocke, to make his infamy truly appear? A man who hath solemnly taken the oaths of allegiance, abjuration and supremacy, with king George’s commission in his pocket, commander of above a hundred men, to whom he should appear an example of goodness and loyalty, and in a public time of war to drink the Pretender’s health, and command his men to do the same, is an instance of such perjur’d villainy, as can never be exceded! Considering I am a seafaring man, 119 ’tis for my credit that Shelvocke will allow me to be of any religion: and I am really sorry I cannot return him the complement; but he has made such an abandon’d wretch of himself, that I am persuaded mankind will say ’tis better to have some religion than none at all. For after a man has broke thro’ oaths, which I call sacred ingagements, and violated all moral virtues, by which he was bound to promote the interest of us and our owners; what idea can we have of him? when thus he stands guilty of treachery, cruelty, perjury, ill-nature and ill-manners; you cannot call him a christian, and he is far short of a mahometan both in faith and practice.
Here I take leave of my noble captain Shelvocke, being quite separated from him, as he intended; and now forced to submit to the Spaniard, which however prov’d the fairer enemy of the two. Henceforth therefore, I must trace him by the help of Taylor’s journal, and the concurring evidence of those whose hard lot it was to remain under his command: while I go back to captain Clipperton, whom I shall, in as brief a manner as possible, bring to the 120 end of his voyage, which also ended his life. He staid his month for Shelvocke at Fernandes, as I observed before: the account of his progress and actions after that, I will impartially transcribe from Taylor’s journal, as I find it.
121
Success Oct. 20, 1719.
“This day a paper was fixt upon the main-mast, declaring what should and should not be deemed plunder.
“The man who first spys a sail, proving a prize, to have five dollars for every hundred ton the prize measures.
“Every man aboard a prize found drunk, or in any indecent act with a white or black woman, to be punished according to the nature of his offense.
“Every man, of whatsoever degree, concealing any money, or other thing above the value of half a dollar, shall forfeit his share of such prize, and twenty dollars out of his share in the next that shall be taken. The variation by an amplitude taken this day in latitude 15 39 S. is 9″ : 20 N. E.” 122
25. “We this day arrive in the latitude of Lima, our cruising station; where we brought to, and lay under our topsails till four in the morning: then made sail, and at seven chased a small vessel, which we came up with at eleven, being a snow of about forty ton, laden with sand and rubbish for manure. She was navigated by seven Indians and two Nigros: her master was left sick ashore. They would not give us any intelligence. We found nothing aboard her worth the trouble of carrying away, except two jarrs of eggs, two of molosses, and a couple of dollars.”
28. “At one afternoon make a sail. At two are a long-side of her, being a ship of about 150 ton, call’d the St. Vincent, with wood from Guiaquil. There are two fryars, sixteen Indians and four Nigros aboard.”
30. “At four afternoon made a good sail, which we came not up with till eleven at night: she is a pretty large ship, of at least 400 ton, from Panama for Lima, having a good many passengers aboard. She is called the Trinity, and was taken by captain Rogers when he plunder’d Guiaquil, 1709.” 123
Nov. 2. “This afternoon at one saw a sail: at three came up with her, being a vessel of about seventy ton, bound from Lima to Panama; she has on board the countess of Laguna, and several other passengers, a good deal of ready money, and at least 400 jars of wine and brandy, being two articles we much wanted. Our captain asks the lady whether she will come aboard the Success, or remain in the prize. She chuses the later. He sends a marine officer with a guard to take care she be not molested by any of our men, and that none enter her cabin but her own domestics, or such as she allows of. Mr. Godfrey, our agent, went aboard the prizes, carrying to each a couple of jars of wine and brandy, which was a very acceptable present.”
18. “At seven this morning we saw a sail: at eleven she became our prize, proving to be a London built pink of about 200 ton from Panama for Lima, with wood, of little value: but they tell us of two rich ships from Lima coming this way; and that there are two Spanish men of war of fifty and thirty guns, fitted out in quest of us.” 124
This being the prize that was run away with by stratagem Nov. 20, I need not repeat it. Turn back to p. 91 and 95.
24. “This afternoon we took a prize call’d the Cayetan, of about 200 tons, laden with wood from Panama for Lima: she has aboard forty Nigros and thirty Spaniards, most of them passengers.”
27. “Anchor at the isle of Plate with our three prizes. Our captain being now under some apprehensions of the enemy’s men of war, which we know are clean, and fitted out on purpose to destroy or bring us in; begins to think that his cruising without a second, will turn but to little account: resolves therefore to make the most of what he has got; which consisteth chiefly of European goods found in the prizes already taken. And being well assured the Spaniards dare not purchase them by reason of a strict prohibition from the king of Spain, he puts a handsome cargo of ten thousand pound or upwards, aboard the lady’s bark now call’d the Chichly; and appoints captain Mitchel commander of her, and to dispose of them to the best 125 advantage on the coast of Brasil. He mounts her with eight guns, puts aboard thirteen Englishmen and ten Nigros, with what provision and other necessaries he can spare him. Captain Mitchel at parting gave us three cheers, which was answer’d by the Success. Here our captain discharges the other two prizes after rummaging them of all we wanted, and gave them to the Spaniards; reserving the Nigros, and the captain of one of them for our pilot. We ply to windward again to come into our station.”
Decemb. 12th. 1719. “We saw a sail about five in the evening, and at seven took her. She is called the Rose, bound from Cheripe for Panama, laden with provisions. Our launch and pinnace were all day imploy’d in bringing on board the flower, and other provisions in order to discharge her. Having got as much flower out of her as we could well stow away, we cut her mainmast by the board, lest she should overset, and so let her go. These prisoners inform us, that our men who were taken by the Spaniards were sent to Lima by land. Here we continue 126 to cruise, standing off all day, and towards the shore at night: but nothing happens till
27th. “Anchor in Guanchaco Bay in nine fathom clay ground, and find two ships at anchor. We fire a shot at each: but they make no return: send our boats aboard: but found them abandon’d, and could discover that all the loading had just been taken out, and nothing left aboard, except some bread, and a few jars of water. We hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s interval, hoping they would come aboard to ransom their ships. They answer’d us from shore; but seeing no boat coming to us, we fired again, and remain here till next day, when seeing it was in vain to wait any longer, and that they would neither ransom nor beg their ships, we pull’d down the flag, and set the ships a fire. At eight forenoon, the church of Guanchaco bore E. 3 leagues, from whence I take my departure, latitude 8 : 10 S. designing for the Gallipagos. The currents here set much to the northward.” 127
January 9th. 1720. “Arrive at duke of York’s island being one of the Gallipagos. Here we scrub and clean our ship, and refresh our selves with tortoise: after visiting some more of these islands, we steer away to the northward.”
21. Made a’sail: sent our pinnace a head to keep sight of the chase, by making false fires: at eleven at night came up with her, and on our firing a gun she brought to, being a ship from Panama, having on board the marquiss de Villa Roche president at Panama, and his family bound for Lima, called the Prince Eugene. This is the same ship in which captain Clipperton was circumvented and taken in his late voyage in these seas, when he received but indifferent treatment from the said marquiss at Panama, before whom he was carry’d.”
22. “Mr. Davison our first lieutenant was sent to command the prize; and I was order’d his assistant. At eight in the morning the pinnace came aboard to search for treasure: at eleven returned, carrying the marquiss, and what else they found most valuable. Nothing remarkable happens till, 128
February 26th. “We are plying to windward in our cruising station with the last mention’d prize. A Spaniard who was accidentally wounded at the taking of her, dying last night of his wound, his countrymen desired he might he bury’d after their custom and formalities; which was granted them. When they ended their prayers, the corpse which lay ready on a gratin with a good bag of ballast ty’d at the feet, was thrown over board: but to the admiration of every one, the body floated, and continued so till we sailed quite from the sight of it. The marquiss de Villa Roche being present said, it was very portentous, and that some surprizing accident must be the consequence.”
“Upon throwing the corpse into the water, the Spanish custom is to cry aloud Bon Viaje three times, that is, a good voyage. This day took an observation in latitude 11 : 50 N: the current here sets very strong to windward.”
March 8. “We made the island of Port Velas latitude 10 : 30 N: the next day anchor’d in thirty fathom. We find 129 here a good watering place. The padre and boatswain of the Prince Eugene come aboard to be examined, as likewise the marquiss to dine: the father and boatswain being desirous to go ashore, they have leave, on condition they will indeavour to persuade the people to drive some cattle to the shore, and spare what provision they can in exchange for what we have aboard.”
March 13th. “Our launch being near the shore, where runs a great sea, she was hove along, soon fill’d and sunk. By this accident we lost two men, John Trumbal serjeant of marines, and Roger Pengelly gunner’s mate. And here the wonderful perfection of the Nigros is most remarkable: all the rest of the men got ashore, when one of our Nigros stripping himself, takes a rope’s end, dived, and slung the boat: after which we hawld her up and towd her aboard, very little damaged.”
March 16th. “The padre and countermaster return with some natives, bringing four head of black cattle, some fowl, and fruit, as a present for the marquiss; 130 but told our captain, that their alcalde or governer could not allow us to trade with him. They give us an account of captain Mitchel, who put in here to water, and say that his men shot some of their young bulls: but that 200 of the inhabitants appearing under arms, he thought it best to go away. We doubt not of his being here, because we have seen some shirts and wearables of Mitchel’s men. The next day the marquiss writes letters ashore privately, to stir up the people to surprize our men at the watering, and secure the boats. These with other mischievous letters wrote to Lima were stopp’d by Mr. Godfrey our owners agent, who finding them in an Indian’s hand ashore, sent them to captain Clipperton, who now debars the marquiss the use of pen and paper, and uses him but roughly. The Indians who were yesterday aboard, and to whom our captain made a few presents for themselves, the church and the governer, return this morning with some good fresh beef. After this, captain Clipperton treats with the marquiss about ransoming the prize; but not agreeing, 131 he orders the timber with which she was laden to be thrown overboard, saving as much for firing as we could stow: after which we rummage the cabin, taking away all the clothes and equipage.”
March 20th. “The marquiss and his lady dine aboard the Success: after which they go ashore for recreation, leaving their only child aboard as a pledge. They send off a good bull, and some fowl: there being no oxen on this continent. On the 26th, the governer sends us two bulls more; and on the 31st, the marquiss sends a present of fruit to his child, to bring which there are seven Indians a horseback: they left two letters hanging on a stick in the sand. Nothing happens to the 4th of April, but more presents from the marquiss, attended as before.”
April 4th. “This evening the marquiss and his lady, with the governer and others came aboard. Nothing is said of the marquiss his plot; but all chearful company. The bargain of ransoming goes on so far, that all the Spanish prisoners are orderd ashore, except those who 132 had rather stay in the prize: but no talk of money in the case: On the 8th and 9th, the marchioness and the child are carried ashore, and we salute ’em with three guns; the marquiss remaining with us till the performance of articles, which were signed. The governer has a quantity of indigo delivered him, and he sends us a handsom present of beef, which we are all very glad of. We weighd; leaving the prize to the Spanish captain, and are now plying to windward with moderate gales till
April 20th. “We anchor in the gulph of Amapala in 17 fathom: send the pinnace to find a watering: the Spaniards oppose their landing, but suffer them to put on shore a Spaniard and Indian belonging to the marquiss, who are going to Rio Lexos to fetch the ransom money: but it is my opinion we are all bit. Not being able to get water at Amapala, the pinnace is sent to the isle of Tigris; where they find very good water, and the Indian who guided them is rewarded with some clothes. Our men meet with abundance of game on the island, killing a 133 good number of deer. Here is also a great plenty of boobys, which are better eating than those catch’d at sea. Here we stay till the 10th of May, much longer than we intended, in expectation of the ransom money; but having little reason to believe the Spaniards will be punctual and faithful, we unbent our sheet anchor and stow’d it, taking our departure from hence, latitude 12 : 36. N.
May 20th. “This day, the books, instruments and clothes of lieutenant Serjeantson were sold at the mast: being run ashore in the Rosary pink with his men as aforesaid. Here I find a strong current to the N. About this time the cloathing, linen and other necessaries taken in our prizes were distributed, being deem’d fair plunder.”
June 4th. “We arrive next at Gorgona, latitude 2 : 35 N. The current sets to the eastward. Here is wood and water, and great plenty of fish; but they wont take the hook, and we have no seine. From hence we ply to windward, and nothing happens till
July 25th. “We spy a sail, and come 134 up with her: she struck to us, being the St. Vincent which we took once before, now commanded by Don Clement de Andrado, laden with timber and cocoa nuts from Guiaquil for Lima. We keep to windward with our prize, and
August 11th. “Anchor at Lobos la mar: the distance from this island, and Lobos la tierra is 10 leagues. Our chief imployment here is to catch seal for the company. Our men have tents on shore, working in their several stations. Here we scrub and clean our ship, taking out of the prize what is most valuable. Our men, tho’ fatigued with work, live well and look well, and are now ready for another cruise. Nothing happens till
Sept. 6th. “A plot is discovered among the men, wherein the conspirators had form’d a design to seize the captain and officers, and run away with the ship: all who were secured, to be put ashore at the small desolate isle of Lobos, but the opposers to be shot. After discovery, the two principal actors, Joseph Maynard boatswain’s mate, and James Roch the ship’s corporal were severely punish’d, besides 135 being put in irons: the rest were pardoned.”
“The cause of this uneasiness among the men, was their despair of making a good voyage, having no hope of the Speedwel’s joyning them, which had brought them into great straits and difficulties; so that they did not much care what happen’d.”
Sept. 15th. “Our design of coming down again to the northward, was to look into Cheripe, if we could see any ships there; but chance to fall to the leeward of it, by reason the currents set us much to the northward, tho’ we have already made allowance for the same: we soon beat up again, finding the coast alarm’d, and seeing no ship.”
Sept. 17th. “This day sent our pinnace well arm’d to chase a small vessel which she came up with, being a fishing boat that has used to make up her fish on the isle of Lobos, where we found a good parcel ready split and salted; besides a handsome quantity of fresh fish in the boat. We anchor again at Lobos, in 38 fathom, and find the S. Vincent, which we left here, was drove ashore and sunk. We clear 136 the fishing boat, and send her away with 38 Spanish prisoners: after which we weigh again and ply to windward, being in latitude 7 : 00 S. Here the currents set pretty much to the southward: no prize, nor any thing occurs, only the burying four or five of our hands; we hold our course for the bay of Conception where we arrive.”
November 1st. “Going into the bay we spy three sail of ships at anchor: the fort fired a signal gun: we hoisted Spanish colours, and kept plying up till ten at night: being moon light, we discover a fourth ship standing in after us: we bore down upon her: she haled us in Spanish; we answer’d her with our guns; but the wind failing, and she being clean, gained a head of us. In the morning the pinnace and launch were sent after her: but soon left chasing, she being got almost out of sight. However, we really lost the substance for the shadow, our captain now steering for Coquimbo.”
5. “We came up with another sail, which upon our firing a gun struck her colours: she is call’d the Solidad: she 137 hath a cargo of tobacco, sugar, and cloth enough to purchase her loading of wheat at Coquimbo, whither she is bound from Lima. They inform us that our last chase had much such another cargo; and that the two Spanish men of war fitted out in quest of us and our consort, were returned to Callao to be victual’d afresh: and had orders from the viceroy to cruise on the coast of Chili, not only upon us, but all the French interloping traders.”
6. “The greatest part these 24 hours fresh gales of wind and hazy weather, with a great southern swell. At one this afternoon, coming open with the harbour of Coquimbo, we saw three sail of men of war at anchor, with their topsails loose in their tops; who, immediately on seeing us, slipt or cut their cables and stood after us, we hawling close upon a wind, our prize doing the same: but she being the windward-most, and at much the greatest distance from the enemy, they judged it necessary to send the best sailer among them after her: at three the headmost ship came up with our prize, and fired at her: upon which she struck: but 138 after she had so done, the man of war fired several guns more into her, the reason of which we could not ghess: the other two ships crowded all the sail they could after us till four, when the biggest carryed away her mizentop-mast: he then fired a gun, tacked, and stood in for the shore again, which we were not very sorry for: one of them carrying 50, one 40, and the other 26 guns, all clean ships, French built and sailed well. It pleased God the wind favour’d us whilst they continued the chase; so that we weather’d Isla de pajeros, i. e. the island of birds which lay just in our way: for if we had been forced to tack, we must have been taken.
“We have on board us the captain of the prize, and eight seamen, besides twelve Nigros. There were taken with her, twelve of our men, besides Mr. Milne our third lieutenant who commanded her. However, we had the good luck to ease her of 97 pound weight of wrought silver, when she first became our prize.”
Mr. James Milne, whom I have since had conversation with in London, told 139 me that the reason of the enemies continuing their fire after he had struck to them, was owing to the rage of the captain to find him a Spanish prize instead of an English privatier; and vexed at this mistake, he could not immediately quit his passion, but struck Milne upon the head with his drawn sword. However, the captain soon after sent for him up, and finding him almost stript by the soldiers, generously asked his pardon, and order’d him a complete sute of apparel from top to toe. The captain’s name was Don Blas de Lesso and had been a guard marine in the French service where he lost one of his legs. I mention this to the honour of the said gentleman, who kept Mr. Milne aboard him all the time the men of war were in quest of us and the French interlopers, using him very kindly: and tho’ he was carried prisoner to Lima, the said captain soon got him his liberty, procured him his passage gratis to Panama, and gave him a jar of brandy, and a jar of wine for his sea store; beside 200 dollars for his expenses to England. But I am sorry to hear he never acknowledged it by letter from 140 Panama or elsewhere; the said Don Blas having spoke of it to a particular gentleman, then factor for the British South-Sea company at Panama.
November 7th. “This day our agent Mr. Godfrey, and Mr. Cook second lieutenant, had words about a pair of gold buckles, which the later had got privately in his keeping. The lieutenant gave Mr. Godfrey very scurrilous language: but our agent insisted, that it was his immediate province to inspect all such matters. Whether Cook keeps the buckles I know not: but he went in a very unmannerly way to captain Clipperton and told him he would no longer take the charge of the watch: whereupon Mr. Chambers the master took that charge in his room. The next day the clothes and other things belonging to our people, taken by the man of war, were sold publicly at the mast. Being thus worsted at Coquimbo, and forced to fly their men of war; remembring our mistakes at Conception, and that we must now abandon these coasts with short provisions, and no hopes of captain 141 Shelvocke, we begin to be much dejected. However we keep jogging on the northward, and
14. “Make the isle of St. Gallan, whose latitude I find 13 : 42 S. On the 15th. stood into the road of Pisco; but finding nothing, we stood out again, holding to the northward.”
16. “See a sail and give chase. She hoisted Spanish colours and fired a gun; and finding that she could wrong us, she hawld up her courses, and took in all her small sails: we let fly our topgallant sheets, firing three guns to windward, that being the signal between our ship and the Speedwel, in case we should meet. The chase holding her wind, we could not come near her. The next day at two in the afternoon she tacked, and stood for us, as if resolved to ingage us: we edgd on towards her, ’till we got within a mile or thereabouts, when she fired several guns at us, which we return’d with a broadside: upon which she held her wind again, and stood to the westward; and being just cleaned, and a prime sailor, went at least two foot for our 142 one; so that we soon found we had no share in her.”
Mr. Taylor is very right; for I my self was in this sham fight. I call it so, because I believe neither of the commanders had any great stomach for a battle. In the first place, it was contrary to the orders of captain Fitzgerald who commanded this ship called the Flying Fish: for being ready to sail for Cales, he was only now order’d out by the viceroy in quest of Shelvocke; of whom news was brought to Lima, that he had a day or two before taken the Jesu Maria out of Pisco, leaving the Spaniards the bark he built at Fernandes. Pisco being but a little to windward of Callao, they were in hopes of catching Shelvocke as he went to leeward: and the Flying Fish having a very considerable treasure aboard, the captain was strictly order’d to forbear attacking, or speaking with any imbarkation, except Shelvocke. On the other hand, Clipperton may well be supposed willing enough to decline ingaging with a ship just come out of harbour with 200 fresh men aboard; at a time when his people were in a very low condition and dispirited, as appears by 143 the journal: neither had he half the number of men. So that I am of opinion if the dollars had been left ashore, the Flying Fish would have been able to carry Clipperton into Callao. For Fitzgerald, who was a St. Malo man, had aboard him a hundred townsmen, stout fellows; and the rest were the best hands he could pick out of all the ships at Callao for this occasion.
November 18th. “Maltesi one of the Guara islands bore N. E. one league; from whence I take my departure in latitude 11 : 10 S. Being fine weather we heel’d and scrubb’d both sides of our ship. We stood in for Guanchaco: but finding nothing there, bore away for Cheripe: where seeing nothing, we stood away for Payta, designing to try our fortune at every port to the northward; particularly to get a supply of flower, which being now all expended, we have three pound of Indian corn served to a mess of six men each.”
27. “Saw point Helen: shorten’d sail and stood from the land. Hoisted out the pinnace and yawl to set the prisoners ashore belonging to the last prize retaken by the enemy. After which we steer to 144 the westward for the Gallipagos islands, in order to refresh our men, who are very bad with the scurvy.”
30. “Had an observation, and find my self in latitude 00 : 09 N. Here is a strong current to the northward, and I believe a little westerly. I am 22 miles more northerly than the log gives, variation and leeway having been allow’d. All our bread, flower, and Indian corn is now expended, and we have but one little meal in 24 hours; which is a small piece of English beef (being yet very good) and calivances. Six men in a mess.”
December 4th. “Mr. Thomas Fairman our purser departed this life; and we committed him to the deep. Measur’d our logline and find it three fathom too short, which amounts to 52 mile one hour with another since we left cape Helen. Having an observation, I rectify my account and find the latitude 00 : 36 N. We keep plying to windward against a strong S. W. current in sight of the Gallipagos.”
6th. “Sent the pinnace to discover an anchoring place at one of the islands: returns without finding any; but saw abundance 145 of tortoise ashore. Send the pinnace and yawl to get some. They return with fish enough to serve the company a day: But there running a prodigious surf, they could not land, or look for turtle. We kept plying off and on, and sounded in foul ground from 80 to 50 fath; the latitude of the island I make 9 minutes N. ’tis a mere rock: so we left it, and steer’d away for another S. W. being the same which the Spaniards make to lye under the equator. We run along shore but can find no anchoring: so that being unwilling to lose more time, we make our best way to the isle of Cocos, where we hope certainly to get fish, fowl, and coco-nuts; our people being very sick and weak.”
7th and 8th. “We had several islands N. E. but on the 9th got clear of them all. This day I took charge of the captain’s watch, and Mr. Chambers the larboard, Mr. Davison being sick, and lieutenant Cook still refusing his duty. Little happens in this passage, but burying two or three of our hand. Our people fall apace; therefore are in pain lest we miss the island.” 146
17. “Going very slowly ahead, find there is a southern current. Lye so till day light, believing we are near the island. At nine forenoon with joy we beheld the island Cocos about nine leagues N. W.”
18. “Anchor in 13 fathom white sand. Here all our people and the marquiss de Villa Roche got ashore, where we build a house for the sick men. Here is abundance of good fish round the island which we take pains to catch, the surf being sometimes very great. Our people find here plenty of coco-nuts, crabs, boobies and their eggs, this being their hatching time. Our captain broaches the last hogshead of brandy, allowing every man a dram a day: and on new-years-day gave the people a gallon of strong beer for six. This food, ease, and refreshment pretty well recover’d all our company. We wood and water, tho’ with much difficulty; for here is a great swell coming in from the northward constantly at full moon and change: therefore are forced to wait ’till the spring tides are abated before we can get any thing off.” 147
January 17. 1721. “The marquiss came aboard as do most of our people, being ready to sail. Eight nigros and three of our men desert here, and abscond in the woods. The names of our men are Higgins, Caulker and Shingle. The anchorage here being rocky, we have sadly gaul’d both our cables. After continuing here a month, we weigh and set sail, from whence I take my departure, January 20th. latitude 05 : 38 N. running now to the northward on the coast of Mexico.”
23. “We spy a sail to which give chase, and send the pinnace to keep sight of her: but at night she gives us the slip.”
25. “This morning I see the coast of Mexico. About seven we made a sail: at 11 she struck to our pinnace: which returns and brings account that she is the Jesu Maria a Spanish ship, but now in the possession of captain Shelvocke, who commands her. That he has about 40 of his men aboard, the rest being all dead or dispersed. That he lost the Speedwel at Fernandes; where they stay’d five months, and built a barque out of the 148 Speedwel’s wreck, with which they put to sea, and coasted along Chili and Peru meeting several ships, but could do nothing with them; ’till they came to Pisco near Lima, where they took this prize, being the ship we went in there to look for. They differ much in their account: but have no regular command among them, being all alike as the West-India privatiers. They have chose a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of votes: so that we find, they have quite broke their articles with the owners, and have shared all among themselves.”
27. “Perceived captain Shelvocke to hoist St. George’s colours at main-top-masthead, firing three guns at intervals, being signals to speak with us. We lye to for his boat, which came aboard with a letter for captain Clipperton; who immediately sent back the boat for their purser to be examined concerning their actions on the coast of Brasil, and in the rest of their absence from us. Sent away the boat: but the purser Mr. Hendrie stays; who gives but a dark story of their procedings; and that he was not allow’d 149 to take any account of the treasure for the owners. At eight captain Shelvocke came aboard being sent for by our captain and agent to give an account of his transactions. The boat brought Mr. Dod their lieutenant of marines to continue with us; he having been used very ill for standing up for the owners interest.”
28. “Came aboard from captain Shelvocke, six chests of pitch and dammer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper. Captain Clipperton spares him two of our quarterdeck guns, some great and small shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. His people have laid out a great deal of money with us for clothes, shoes, hats, &c. Captain Shelvocke goes aboard and parts company. Here remain with us two of the Speedwel’s officers, Mr. Hendrie the purser and Mr. Dod lieutenant of marines, designing with us for China. We keep to the northward on the coast of Mexico, meeting with strong west and north-west currents ’till latitude 15 : 00 where they set S. E. In this passage we have met captain Shelvocke three times without speaking, whom 150 we knew by his making the signals. Our men have caught some tortoise, which has been very acceptable, but nothing material happens in all these traverses till March 7th. “Our officers consult, and resolve to joyn captain Shelvocke the next time we meet, in order to attempt the Acapulco ship homeward bound.”
13th. “Made a sail, which by the signals proving to be captain Shelvocke, we brought to. He comes aboard with his lieutenants. Our captain and they agree in general, that if we meet the Manilla ship, Shelvocke’s company to joyn us, and run her aboard at once. Accordingly we cruise for her: and on the 15th captain Clipperton holds another consultation; wherein proposals being agreed on, are sign’d and sent to captain Shelvocke; That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to their articles with the owners, and agree to put it in a joynt stock, then all faults should be forgot; both companies would unite, and procede to cruise for the Acapulco ship.” 151
17. “Not hearing from captain Shelvocke, and the time for the Manilla ship setting out being several days past: Resolved in a council to make our best dispatch for East India. We have an infirm ship’s company, and but five months provision, which must serve us to China unless we get a supply at Guam.”
“At six in the evening, the westmost land in sight, which I take to be port Marquiss bore N. N. W. eight leagues; from whence I take my departure, it lying in 16 : 50 north latitude.”
May 10th. “This day at noon we make Serpana one of the Ladron islands, Guam being a few leagues farther ahead. The latitude of Serpana I find to be 13 : 42 N. and the difference of longitude from port Marquiss 121 : 08 W. Nothing worth notice has happen’d in this tedious passage, only burying six of our hands. All our people are very weak, and take the scurvy apace: so that land is now a very welcome sight.”
13. “Anchor at the island of Guam. Send the pinnace ashore with a flag of truce. They tell our lieutenant, they 152 cannot trade with us without leave from the Governer.”
16. “A prow came from the governer with Mr. Godfrey our agent, acquainting us, that we may be supply’d with provisions. Accordingly our launch brought aboard some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy and fruit. The next day his honour sent us a handsome present of palm wine, sugar and chocolate; for which we drink his health with a complement of seven guns.”
May 18th. “The marquiss de Villa Roche our prisoner, went ashore in company with our agent, the first lieutenant and doctor, having agreed with the governer about his ransom. We give him five guns at landing. Our launch is imploy’d these six days in bringing wood, and water, and provision aboard: during which time the governer desired he might have some arms and ammunition in exchange. Accordingly captain Clipperton sends him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four pair of pistols; beside cutlases, long swords and daggers.” 153
25. “Receive a letter, wherein the governer demands the marquiss’s jewels, some consecrated plate, and two Nigros being christians and subjects to the king of Spain: as also a certificate under the captain and officers hands that peace was proclaimed; detaining Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty ’till all this is performd. Hereupon our captain sends a letter with a certificate that the Solidad, the last prize we took on the coast of Chili, told us there was a peace between England and Spain; but withal assured the governer that if he did not in 24 hours send the ransom with the two gentlemen, he would demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the Philippine islands. In the mean time we receive a letter that the governer will pay for the consecrated plate, and desires more powder and shot. To which our captain sends answer that he will not spare any more ammunition or the Nigros.”
28. “Our yawl went ashore for more provision: but the officer of the village told us we should have no more, unless 154 we sent more powder and shot: upon which we immediately weighd, staying for no answer by Mr. Godfrey or Mr. Pritty. Sent the pinnace ahead to sound, and made the best of our way to the ship in the harbour. The people ashore had raised a battery during this sham treaty, from whence they began to fire at our pinnace; which being returned gave account that what channel they found, was within pistol shot of the shore. At six afternoon, in making up to the ship, we run aground, they having carry’d her into shoal water: so that now we sustain two fires together, one from the battery over our heads, and another from the ship. At nine we got foul of the rocks where we cut away two of our anchors indeavouring to get the ship off; during which time the enemy fired so warmly with stones and shot from a new battery erected on a hill, that we suffer’d extremely in our hull and rigging. We have three men wounded, beside the misfortune of losing Mr. Davison our first lieutenant who was an honest fellow and a good officer. Thus the Success is forced 155 to lye in a miserable condition exposed to the continual fire of the enemy, who in the night have still this advantage of us; that the surface of the water being smooth as a millpond easily shows them our position, whereas we have no other direction for our aim than the flashes of their guns.”
29. “In this emergence our captain being overcome with liquor, and quite unable to command the ship; we officers came to a resolution of running out clear of the enemy as soon as we could get the ship afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr. Cook if he would take upon him the command. At four afternoon we set her floating and cut away the small bower anchor; but in ten minutes we run aground again: at seven carry out the kedge anchor; but in heaving, the hawser broke. We immediately carry out another hawser with a lower deck gun to it, having now lost all our anchors and still aground. At two forenoon, the enemy hale us several times to surrender or except no quarter. At five, carry out the maintopmast-shroud hawser on the 156 starboard bow with another gun; still plying the enemy with our great guns below, and small arms on the poop. We do them little mischief; tho’ they never miss us, especially our boats as soon as they see them stir. At eleven forenoon, carry out the rest of the small bower, with two lower deck guns right ahead into five fathom: we clear away the hold ready to start our water to make the ship lighter: got our upper and lower deck guns forward to bring her by the head, the ship hanging abaft on a rock: we keep two guns out of the stern ports, continually firing at the enemies new battery; but can’t bring them to bear. These twenty four hours we have happily only one wounded: but the ship is wretchedly paid off between wind and water.”
30. “At six afternoon the ship floating, we cut away the yawl being sunk with the shot: the other boats are much damaged: hove to our small bower; then cut away it, and the other two hawsers, and sent the pinnace ahead to tow the ship off. Just as we got afloat, the enemy fired so smartly from the new battery that 157 their shot raked us through between wind and water, killing one of our people, and wounding two others. Thus have we lost both our bower anchors and cables, the stream and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of our lower deck guns, nineteen barrels of powder, two men kill’d and six wounded: having stood these fifty hours, a fair mark for the enemy to fire at: and if we had not got clear, I do believe they would have sunk us before morning. We are all very sorry for Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty, not knowing how the governer may use them ashore. At ten afternoon we brought to, and begin to splice our rigging, not a rope of which has escaped a shot: As for the masts and yards, they have all been severely pepper’d, and the carpenters have been all night stopping the holes in the ship’s bottom. At seven forenoon stow our guns in the hold, bar in the ports, hoist in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steer away west with an easy sail, hoping to save our passage before the Monsoons come on. Wind at S. S. E.” 158
31. “Our carpenters are imployed in fishing the masts and yards, and the rest of our people in fixing the rigging. At six afternoon, the body of the island Guam bore E. seven leagues, from whence I take my departure, north latitude 13 : 20. allowing half a point N. E. variation, designing now for China. Nothing remarkable till
June 23. “Find our ship to be in a very weak condition, scarce a whole timber in her upper works: discover one of our fashion pieces to be shot through, which being the chief support of the after part of the ship, we are obliged to frap her, to keep her together: it blowing pretty fresh, we dare not carry sail; having been forced for a week past to feud under bare poles through variable winds and bad weather. We impatiently look out for land, being afraid the currents have forcibly set us much to the eastward.”
24. “At day break, find our selves among several islands, one of which is Barbuon at the north point of the island Luconia. I saw also seven rocks, mark’d in some draughts; and likewise other 159 islands, mark’d in some manuscripts with a figure of 5, and by captain Dampier called the Bashee islands. Dampier’s account and mine agree: but by Dr. Halley’s chart to Luconia, my reckoning is out by above three degrees; except he means the south cape of Luconia which may reconcile the difference. From June 14th to 19th. I found the current set to the southward; but whether W. or E. I know not: and from thence chiefly northward.”
30. “Make the isle and shoals of Prata latitude 20 : 46 N. The longitude from Barbuon to it is 4 : 46 W.”
July 1st. “Saw a sail to the eastward which we take to be a China junk. At six forenoon see other islands, and several boats a fishing. At nine forenoon bent the sheet cable: sounded in 30 fathom clay ground. At noon had the islands from N. N. E. to W. by S.: these lands were never mark’d in any chart. Longitude from Prata 2 west.”
2. “Anchor in 13 fathom: send away the pinnace for intelligence how Macao bore. Return’d with a boat and three 160 Chinese, of whom we could only understand, that Canton was to S. W. of us; so we parted, and had the land from N. E. to W. of us: soundings from 22 to 13 fathom.”
3. “We gain nothing to windward: but are further to leeward of Macao than we expected. We can get no pilot, and so bear away for Amoy: at six afternoon made the white rock lying near the main land: at seven forenoon saw several boats a fishing: had 21 fathom clay ground.”
4. “At six afternoon saw the land N. E, and several islands laid down in the charts. Have had soundings from 30 to 15 fathom, latitude per observation 23 : 40.”
5. “Not knowing the way into Amoy, and not being the length as yet, hold upon a wind designing to ply off and on ’till daylight. At six afternoon saw the range of islands that run to Amoy: the eastermost bore S. S. W; the southmost N. N. W. At four forenoon made a sail; have had several boats aboard to sell us fish, but can’t understand them. Soundings from 22 to 14 fathom good ground. 161 At ten forenoon saw the Piscadore islands from S. S. E. to E. S. E. 8 leagues.”
6. “At five afternoon came to with our sheet anchor in the gulf of Amoy. Longitude from Barbuon W. 4 : 48. Blessed be God in our passage hither, from the 24 of June we have had pleasant gales and serene weather, the winds between west and S. W. At ten the Hoppo’s men come aboard to know what we do here. Told them we was a king’s ship. They wrote down particularly our force and number of men, desiring us to be faithful in our account. The very next morning our men, in a mutinous manner, demand of captain Clipperton their prize money, alledging that the Success could never put to sea again. The first man that attacked the captain was John Dennison. I interposed thinking it my duty; whereupon Edward Boreman bid me desist, or expect a brace of balls thro’ my head: Mr. Cook with a sneer said, let the poor man rest and take breath a little, meaning the captain: upon this our captain went ashore to the Hoppo or commissioner of the customs. During these four days we 162 receive aboard a great quantity of rice, some cattle, fowl, wood and water. On the 12th, the officers go ashore and are handsomly received by the Hoppo, with whom we make an agreement to anchor in the harbour and lye the monsoons out. Two Hoppo men or customhouse-officers are sent aboard to hinder private dealing with the natives. Several Mandarins or noblemen visit the ship with the Hoppo. Some of the men go ashore without leave, for which our captain going to correct them, the whole crew unite and resist. We get more provision aboard; after which the Hoppo’s agent receives the port charges, being 1700 dollars, about 400 pound sterling. Our captain receives a present of wine and fruit from one of the Mandarins. Nothing material till
August 25th. “We officers sign a paper for the captain to allow all the ships company money to buy necessaries. Captain Mitchel being gone, and Davison we succeded him being kill’d, Cook violently insists upon having thirty shares as second captain: which by his own management with the men, we were forced 163 to yield him: but when the question was put to make provision for the gentlemen who were kill’d or taken from us, and the two officers from the Speedwel, Hendrie and Dod who are passengers with us, Cook was first man to oppose and reject it: so that we settle the shares as well as we can. Our captain and most of the officers are willing to allow something to the two passengers aforesaid; captain Shelvocke having used them ill for favouring the owners interest, particularly Mr. Hendrie the agent whom he would not suffer to act, but made him swab the deck: however the company murmur at making them an allowance, and I doubt they will receive nothing. After this we fall into great disorders and confusion, and the men are strangely set against the captain, refusing to work without their whole prize money, and complain to the chief Mandarin call’d Hyhung: upon which captain Clipperton is sent for, who represented, that according to our articles, the capture ought to be shared at London. However Cook goes secretly to the Mandarin and underhand favours the 164 men, insinuating that they would be cheated; and threaten’d, if Clipperton did not easily comply, to tell the Mandarin of his fine doings at Guam, and the great loss of captain Mitchel sent in the Chichley prize with a good cargo never since heard of: So that in short there came a guard of soldiers aboard of us, and an order to captain Clipperton to divide all the shares and pay them.”
Sept. 16th. “Which was done this day without reserving anything for Shelvocke’s two officers, our dead men, or thole who were taken prisoners.”
| dollars. | |
| The share of money and plate. | 280 |
| The share of gold. | 100 |
| The share of jewels. | 39 |
| The total of a foremastman’s dividend. | 419 |
Which at 4 s. 8 d. a dollar, makes English money, 97 l, 15 s, 4 d. 165
According to this distribution,
| l. | s. | d. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| The captain’s share was | 1466 | 10 | 00 |
| The second captain | 733 | 05 | 00 |
| The captain of marines, lieutenants of the ship and surgeon; &c. |
488 | 16 | 08 |
Taylor not having here, or at leaving China, mention’d any thing of what became of Clipperton, or the gentlemens money, I think proper to insert that account as I had it from one of our owners and several of the Success’s people. The owners moiety consisting of dollars, wrought silver, gold and jewels amounted to upwards of 6000l. sterling, and was put aboard a Portuguese East-India man, called the Queen of Angels, Don Francisco la Vero commander, which was unfortunately burnt at Rio Janeiro on the coast of Brasil, June 6th 1722; of which effects no more came to hand than 1800l. As for captain Clipperton, he having sold the Success in China, took his passage in her to Batavia; and from thence in a Dutch 166 India man he came to Holland. He stay’d there a few weeks upon his own affairs, and went directly to his family at Galway in Ireland, where he died two days after his arrival, in the year 22: being an Englishman born at great Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk. But more of this in another place. I procede to the journal.
Sept. 25th. “Weighed out of Amoy harbour. Our arms, ammunition, and sails came aboard: it being a practice, with the Chinese, for their security, to take these ashore from all strangers.”
30. “Weighed and run out of the gulf, from whence I take my departure, latitude 24 N: designing now for Macao an island belonging to his Portuguese majesty.”
October 4th. “Anchor in the road of Macao: salute the fort: captain goes ashore and returns with the commander of a Portuguese man of war. Here we are informed of peace in Europe. Cook and Veitch go to Canton to consult with Mr. Winder supercargo of an India man and son to one of our owners, what our captain is to do with the Success. Upon their return the ship is condemned, being 167 uncapable to procede for England; and is sold for about 4000 dollars, much too cheap.
“Here I settle my account of time, and find I have lost a day coming westward round the world; therefore I allow but six days for this week and go on.”
30. “Twenty of us agreed here, at six dollars each, to go to Canton in a boat with chests and bedding, and get a passage from thence to England: but it was my good hap to miss going in her, losing only my money; for she was taken by the pyrates: and some of our people now at Canton have lost their things: So that seven of us agree for a Mandarin’s boat at twenty dollars each, finding it unsafe to go otherwise: we anchored at a town half way to Canton, being obliged to get into a private boat, while the Mandarin convoyed us in sight of Canton. In our passage we saw a pyrate take a boat; and I find it is a common practice. I think it very scandalous: but probably the Chinese government wink at it.”
November 4th. “We arrive at the English factory at Canton: are very kindly 168 received. They meet, and agree to carry us to Great Britain at five pound a man, being a very great favour: Accordingly we all pay our money. I and two or three more went aboard the Maurice, captain Peacock at Wampo, being the place where the European ships lye about three leagues down Canton river. The rest of our company divide in several ships.”
9. “We made sail in company of the Macclesfield an English East India man, and an Ostender call’d the House of Austria.”
13. “The grand Ladron island bore N. E. four leagues; from whence I take my departure. Latitude 22. N.”
The run from China to Great Britain being generally well known, it is foreign to my purpose to extract any more of this journal. I here give Mr. Taylor my hearty thanks for the use of it: and am pleas’d I can do it in this public manner. Without it, I could not have been able in some particulars to confute the false and treacherous relation given by captain Shelvocke; who never kept any journal himself, or suffer’d 169 any one to use pen and ink, but his own creatures. If Mr. Taylor had designd to publish his account, he doubtless might have enterd remarks and occurrences of another nature than those which concern navigation and geography. And altho’ the expedition of these two ships faild in all its best particulars, yet a good journal of their procedings round the whole ocean might have been entertaining: for men love to read of enterprizes, tho’ they prove unfortunate.
Lastly, I must observe to Mr. Taylor’s credit, that he has kept his account truly and carefully like an honest man and a good artist; having judiciously markd the currents and rectifyd the latitudes of many places. He arrivd at Batavia in December; at the cape of Good Hope in February; at St. Helena and Ascension in March; and in May 1722, at London: having thus made a complete tour of the globe.
170
Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off Payta; while Hatley, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral Midranda, otherwise call’d general of the South-Sea.
Shelvocke having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid up, except the two Spanish men of war which are in quest of the English privatiers: and Shelvocke probably would now be glad of his commodore Clipperton’s company. But finding as he says p. 199, his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners 171 and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain Shelvocke’s law and, conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the gentlemen who fitted him out.
Accordingly he sails to Fernandes, where he arriv’d the beginning of May, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season: he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place, with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again: and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general 172 wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However, the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult living at Fernandes, if a man should accidentally be thrown there, since Mr. Selkirk had continu’d upon it four years by himself.
Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in, where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the anchor was down, Mr. Brook the first lieutenant advised flinging two of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But Shelvocke rejected all these 173 things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205. Moreover, how can Shelvocke impose this sham readiness on mankind, when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard.
This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to the contrary. And Shelvocke very well knew, that if he should be catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against 174 the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell, and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr. Dod, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that he inquir’d of Gilbert Henderson the gunner, what that was for? Henderson answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have made affidavit, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it.
Soon as the cable parted, Mr. Laport his third lieutenant seeing immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do some good: and while Edmund Philips 175 and others were actually upon the yard, Shelvocke hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great indifference as to the event of the ship.
Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy: what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being both in great danger.
Another circumstance comes in here—When we met La Jonquiere at St. Catherine’s, Shelvocke procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could never have begun such a piece of work at all. I 176 am sure none of us mistrusted then, that the Speedwel was to be lost; tho’ our captain had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed, large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ.
I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast.
In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision; because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd 177 to get out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he expect? He used to say it was easy living at Fernandes, but now ’tis to serve another turn, he says quite other things.
Here they put themselves under the Jamaica discipline; and divided among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners, and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners: and the only reason Shelvocke gives for this, is the old story, his men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living to know him best, shall prove that Shelvocke lost not a tittle of his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture; and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among whom Hatley, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my self to twenty, 178 the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief officers, La Port, Hendrie and Dod, two of which afterwards quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares, where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than 60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how greatly Shelvocke would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring about this new regulation.
As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at Fernandes taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe, that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people, the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine, that no man 179 would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties. It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition, and how they shard it on the coast of Mexico; tho’ Shelvocke has conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr. Brook having got the love of the people; was named to be their future commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how Shelvocke took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at Sansonate.
However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr. Hendrie, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he calls it, p. 219. Captain Shelvocke maintaind as absolute sway at Fernandes, as before, till the tenth of June came about. The men knowing what affection 180 the captain had for that anniversary, some of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most dutiful manner they could: upon which Shelvocke readily consented; and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So, a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas were let off; Shelvocke himself being captain of the mob, and his son George the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the festival was, they had nothing to drink the Chevalier’s health in, but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly laid for that purpose.
In short, on the fifth of October 1720, the bark is completed, launched, and calld the Recovery. And thus by giving her a new name, captain Shelvocke has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there 181 never had been any such thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at China, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all that he had rapaciously got together.
And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made the certain tools of Shelvocke’s tyranny and self interest.
My captain’s first enterprize was with the Margarita, p. 262, he calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I was aboard this ship afterwards at Callao, and she never carried above 200 ton and eighteen 182 guns: but Shelvocke wisely magnifys her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear: for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from Christopher Hawkins, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her. P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the Margarita’s men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they had none kill’d, and only a Nigro wounded in the cheek. They had not above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The commander of her was a Frenchman, who told it me all at Callao: beside which, captain Opie in the Carteret brought from Buenos Aires one of the Margarita’s passengers, who told the story to fifty gentlemen about town.
David Griffith, who went with Shelvocke to China, confirms all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in London, and says that captain Morel, who was afterwards taken aboard the Conception, declared there was a man in the 183 Margarita, who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain Shelvocke could have taken courage to board her. David further assures me, that Shelvocke’s whole account of that story is to excuse his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men, and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and Shelvocke shamefully refused it; took the helm and sheerd off.
His next feat is plundering the village of Iquique; where he got a good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he meets with and attacks the Francisco Palacio a large merchant ship: and Shelvocke by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark. However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded. Standing into the road of Pisco, they discover a good ship: whereupon Shelvocke summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her at once; which they luckily performd 184 without resistance. This prize was calld Jesu Maria of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper: so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the Spaniard offerd 16000 dollars for her again: but Shelvocke’s people were certainly in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no money at that time could be an equivalent.
A way he sails to Payta in the Jesu Maria, where the most important thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain Clipperton, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s money, which lay there in the governer’s hands.
Here Shelvocke gives another great example of his ignorance; for to my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner; I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his Catholic Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all places) called Teniente, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting port 185 charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. Clipperton knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd there; tho’ Shelvocke has magnified himself so much upon it, and has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s distance: For the first time the Success was in the parallel of Payta, was Nov. 1719; and the second time Nov. 1720, as appears plainly by Taylor’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p. 188 and 288, has mention’d Clipperton’s puting prisoners ashore there in Nov. 1719, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd to put ashore was in Nov. 1720, a twelve month afterwards; which however he did not; but landed them at Cape Helen; as specifyd in the journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that which no one can doubt of, when he says Clipperton might have taken Payta as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, 186 being a naked village of defenceless Indians. But it is endless for me to set the public right in every fact of Shelvocke’s history; for as the whole is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal.
His next arrival is at the island of Quibo, p. 303; where he talks of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our captain Quibo to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists.
In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my self know him so well that it is no news to me: for Shelvocke used to make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full, especially since their new establishment was more like 187 a commonwealth than an absolute monarchy.
During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, Jan. 1721, he meets captain Clipperton in the Success, which interview he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: Clipperton might well be surprized at the history of Shelvocke’s management; and Shelvocke had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is that Shelvocke has the hardiness to give us the history of captain Mitchel, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr. Davison, who told him so; which Davison was killd at Guam before Shelvocke came to China. The tragical circumstances, as he calls them, p. 309, of a jealousy between Clipperton and Mitchel; of the later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found, and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so malicious, and yet so irrational, that Shelvocke 188 must be fuddled when he writ them.
The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a real misunderstanding, that Clipperton would pay so dear to get rid of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as Shelvocke served us: captain Mitchel was put aboard a clean ship, well mand, and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of goods to dispose of at Brasil for the Owners advantage in order to secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is Clipperton chargeable with that? or what excuse can Shelvocke make for these impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged on the memory of the dead. Thus far Mitchel may be accounted for: The journal March 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood and water, he touched to the northward, at port Velas; where it’s very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said 189 article mentions that several of Clipperton’s men saw some shirts and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced them Mitchel had been there. Shelvocke goes on in this childish manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was conjectured Mitchel and his men, the ship, the island and all were sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. Davison’s opinion; who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing. He says farther that Clipperton never cleand his ship, whereas the journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every such trifling remark. As for Clipperton’s behaviour at Conception, Coquimbo, and afterwards at Guam it was ill judged no doubt: and tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section, it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain Shelvocke has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, 190 that upon meeting the Success he expected to be treated by them as one belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness, treachery, and so forth.
After meeting with the Success several times in the South Seas, I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in March 1721. off of Acapulco; whereas the journal mentions, it was thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great Manilla ship. As to the remarks that Shelvocke has made upon this transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent Clipperton a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the proposal to Shelvocke was this, That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles, and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both companies would unite and procede to cruise for the Acapulco ship: The very next article 191 in the journal is, that not hearing from captain Shelvocke, and the time for the Acapulco ship setting out for Manilla, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our best dispatch for East India. Here is the plain true account of the affair, and how the treaty broke off: but Shelvocke has labourd hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest, thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through the deceit of Clipperton, never expecting that these things would be refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd for Clipperton’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal: for he knew, before he left England, that the Spanish fleet was all taken and destroyd by admiral Byng; and therefore a peace was probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely, Clipperton for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just upon the point of his leaving the South-Sea; but on second thoughts, concluded it was better 192 to keep what he had got. These, I say, are very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is sufficient of it self; for Shelvocke thought the conditions proposed by Clipperton were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended.
P. 321, Shelvocke talks of articles which he demanded of Clipperton and Godfrey: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great weakness in Shelvocke to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious mismanagement and breach of trust?
P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon Clipperton, that it was his fear to ingage the Manilla ship, which made him recede from the proposal. 193 For my part, I really think he had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war already: and since Shelvocke refused to put his plunder money in the common stock, why should Clipperton risk all he had, to mend another man’s fortune? Shelvocke most certainly would have been glad of so great an addition to his capture, as the Acapulco ship must have afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and now he is bitterly vext with Clipperton, because the bite did not take.
Shelvocke’s next exploit is at Sansonate; where finding a ship at anchor call’d the Holy Family he attacks her, and after some resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the Jesu Maria, and change ships with the Spaniard.
Shelvocke says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this 194 man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition they found Shelvocke. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet stupidly says they were commission’d to take him.
Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer with notice that there was a truce between England and Spain; wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ Shelvocke did not depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it. He sends ashore lieutenant Brook his next officer with five men under a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners.
Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty with the 195 governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with Shelvocke’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ Shelvocke always had strong notions of the Spaniards resentment, and their manner of revenge; especially in Mexico, where the Indians are the cruelest people alive. And while he was speaking of Mitchel’s story, we find him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries; with a very indifferent force, and consequently 196 not able to resent any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he detaind Brook and his men. Shelvocke immediately before and after this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view he took this ship called the Holy Family, where the countermaster lost his life: so that if poor Brook and his men were sacrific’d by way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know he hated Brook, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that Shelvocke usd to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering Clipperton’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at Fernandes; and Shelvocke himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind.
There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, Randal by name, Brook’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with Shelvocke was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several others, 197 and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This lieutenant Randal has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing that a great part of captain Shelvocke’s voyage is libelling the dead: such as Clipperton, Davison, Randal, and others. This way of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon certain knowledge and truth.
Before I leave this prize calld the Holy Family, I must inform the reader, that Shelvocke, far from having any merit in taking her, ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded, Shelvocke expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat which lay upon the main deck; and left David Griffith alone to ply the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, Griffith ought in justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever 198 Shelvocke ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving David by himself to fight the Philistines. But to return.
Shelvocke unable to get provision at Sansonate, retires with fresh apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war; and chose therefore to go to Panama, where he hoped for tolerable usage, there being an English factory: And what excuse can he invent for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings, which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original. Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of Amapala, where among the islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for Quibo to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially met with a small supply at the isle of Cano, with the apparent hazard of Randal’s life. For Shelvocke, 199 tho’ he was so liberal with the lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy George, and his minion Stewart, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties they reach Quibo, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking however still to surrender at Panama, if fortune did not throw some agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days after they left Quibo, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell accidentally into their hands, taking them for Spaniards: Tho’ she proved a lucky prize to Shelvocke, at a time when his people were near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to China, yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender.
While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to Shelvocke’s privatiering, a 200 sail presented her self standing along shore to Panama, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark which he had in tow, with four of his men and five Nigros to take care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved, they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the 20th of May, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle supposition, that the Spanish crew he left in the bark all jumpd into the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All people naturally secure their method of escape before 201 they commit a violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture, than to think they would destroy the English first, and murder themselves afterwards. Shelvocke crys out it was a cruel return for his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374. Sure this cannot be captain Shelvocke himself, but his son Georgy who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange: and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd. But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard 202 of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer? Shelvocke’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a ship’s crew. He owns they were five Spaniards, and there might be ten for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the number: and why might not the five Nigros joyn in the massacre upon certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it.
THIS being the great crisis of captain Shelvocke’s voyage, I shall be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the Conception, Don Stephen de Recova commander bound from Callao to Panama having on board several persons of distinction, particularly 203 the Conde de la Rosa a Spanish nobleman who had been sometime governer of Pisco and was now going home to Spain: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade, peaches, grapes, limes, etcætera.” Now, Be it known to ALL MEN, That, that et cætera was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred and thirty six pieces of eight: and Shelvocke little thought when he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to Lima, I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of what had occurrd to me: how Shelvocke had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private intentions were in the 204 future part of the voyage. As soon as I came to London, which was in October 1721, I confirmd the purport of my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and reproach in captain Shelvocke’s book. But beside my advices, the gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven months after, being August, captain Shelvocke himself arrived, and waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in Wood-street counter. A few days after his pupil Stewart arrives at Dover, and was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions; who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the dividend, which is as follows. 205
| Names. | Quality | Number of Shares. |
Dollars. | English Money. |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| George Shelvocke | Commander | 6 | 11325 | 2642 10 00 |
| Samuel Randal | Lieutenant | 2½ | 4718 | 1100 17 4 each. |
| John Rayner | Capt. Marines | 2½ | 4718 | |
| Blowfield Coldsea | Master | 2½ | 4718 | |
| Nicholas Adams | Surgeon | 2½ | 4718 | |
| Matthew Stewart | First Mate | 2 | 3775 | 880 16 8 each. |
| Monsieur Laporte | 2 Mate | 2 | 3775 | |
| George Henshal | Boatswain | 2 | 3775 | |
| Robert Davenport | Carpenter | 2 | 3775 | |
| William Clark | Gunner | 2 | 3775 | |
| James Daniel | Midshipman | 1½ | 2830 | 660 00 00 each. |
| David Griffith | Ditto | 1½ | 2830 | |
| Christop. Hawkins | Ditto | 1½ | 2830 | |
| Oliver Lefevre | Sail Maker | 1½ | 2830 | |
| John Doydge | Surgeons Mt. | 1½ | 2830 | |
| William Morgan | Ditto | 1½ | 2830 | |
| John Popplestone | Armourer | 1½ | 2830 | |
| James Moyet | Cooper | 1½ | 2830 | |
| John Pearson | Carpent. Mt. | 1½ | 2830 | |
| Geo. Shelvocke jun. | Nothing | 1½ | 2830 | |
| William Clement | Able Seaman | 1 | 1887¼ | 440 7 2 each. |
| John Norris | Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| James Moulville | Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| George Gill | Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| Peter Fero | Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| John Smith | Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| Edward Atcocks | Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| John Theobald | Barber | 1 | 1887¼ | |
| William Burrows | Ord. Seaman | ¾ | 1415¾ | 330 6 10 each. |
| Daniel mac Donald | Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ | |
| Richard Croft | Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ | |
| John Robins | Grommet | ½ | 943¾ | 220 04 02 each. |
| Benedict Harry | Cook | ½ | 943¾ | |
| 33 | 52¼ | 98604¾ | 23007 15 6 206 |
Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which Shelvocke graciously shared among private friends; each of which quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of eight,
| dollars | l. | s. | d. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| And makes in the whole |
10032 | which at 4 s. and 8 d. each, makes |
2340 | 16 | 00 |
| which being added to the |
98604¾ | —— or —— | 23007 | 15 | 06 |
| makes | 108636¾ | —— or —— | 25348 | 11 | 06 |
All which money Shelvocke has the prodigious modesty to conceal; and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, &c. Stewart’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the Shelvockes and Stewart: perhaps Adams came in for a little. For as Stewart was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a committee of two or three. 207
When Shelvocke orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the Speedwel, I deliverd it to Mr. Hendrie the former agent, being about 350 dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that Shelvocke had formd, to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came to England I should have it some time or other. However, all these effects were shared at Fernandes, as aforementioned. So among other things I left a wig with John Theobald the barber on the list, who sold it afterwards to Coldsea the master for ten dollars: but as soon as Theobald found me out in London, he honestly came and paid me the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend.
By the above account it’s plain Shelvocke’s dividend of the silver taken in the Conception de Recova came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he afterwards made thirty per cent. in China, reckoning at a medium; for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under 208 twenty five. The gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute. And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he pay 2166 pound port charges, and Clipperton but 396, as Taylor’s journal mentions, when we all know Shelvocke’s was but a merchant ship, and Clipperton’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount of the St. Fermin and other prizes taken on the coast of Chili, which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down. Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips over, and forgets he ownd, 209 p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht.
From all which particulars it is evident captain Shelvocke has secured to himself and brought to England a great sum of money, being neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much more than we can make out, yet even Stewart himself assured me, that Shelvocke could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the voyage.
P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship calld The Holy Family, which he also said was commissiond to take him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one 210 judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the Conde de la Rosa, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of pistols? Sure Shelvocke must take his reader for an Ignoramus; and having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their senses.
After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain Shelvocke a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body. All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his preface after 211 seeing this account, must read it with indignation. What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity? P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for a commander of strict honour and honesty: which advice from captain Shelvocke can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not Shelvocke turnd public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print. But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal.
P. 378, he says, “he took out of the Conception twelve months provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like proportion for the Success, which 212 he expected to find at Tres Marias, being then a stranger to Clipperton’s faithless desertion.” Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet Clipperton, who never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say he put up any provision for the Success. Shelvocke knew better what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief command: besides he speaks immediately of going to Asia; for being well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a hazardous experiment going over to Asia; and gives us some trifling reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him; which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at China.
Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises, and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes plainly against him. He talks 213 of cakes of virgin silver found in the prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of Spain of his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit, marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to take him? or why does Shelvocke talk so much of sweatmeats, except the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards, besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly.
P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the Conception was divided according to the new articles made at Fernandes; which I believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ Shelvocke then little thought that Betagh would have it here to produce against him. He complains he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But 214 how in the name of sense could Shelvocke expect sixty out of two and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither Scotch, English, nor Irish: ’Tis the devil! and if Shelvocke can make sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil.
The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of the Spaniards, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken from captain Clipperton by venturing too near the shore, if the circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case?
But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy and robbd an orchard: he 215 first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and then invents twenty more to patch that up.
Shelvocke having now done his business, steers away for California, in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to China and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man may make 30 or 40 per cent.
Accordingly in August 1721, he arrives at California; and gives his readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the world: but as I don’t take Shelvocke to be a judge of good manners, I look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that idle story of the king of the Indians delivering him his sceptre, which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: 216 and yet he says he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature had, he gives it to Shelvocke, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife for it, which they are always glad of. And Shelvocke will have it that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which as he deliverd, it is pity Shelvocke did not keep it, and make himself king of the country: for it’s plain the Indian resignd his sovereignty by parting with the stick.
There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner of feasting these Californian gentry with vast quantities of hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after all the country rung of Shelvocke’s fame and came in daily to view him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his taking leave.
Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful, he saluted 217 the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of their being in love, tho’ Shelvocke is modest and don’t own it.
His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p. 389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration.
His pretended natural history of California is all dull and tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain Rogers who was there in 1710. Shelvocke p. 399. it begins with the same words as he does p. 317. Shelvocke says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter the harbour are like the needles of the isle of Wight.” Rogers the same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat for bread, is stolen from his journal. Shelvocke says their language is guttural and harsh, p. 409. Rogers p. 314, word for word the same. Their manner of living amicably and 218 in common, is a transcript from the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of diving is all the same.
Shelvocke says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the Californians as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which Shelvocke indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them.
The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts being universally commended, there’s no room to admit Shelvocke’s impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to find fault with that only 219 which signifies nothing. Rogers his words are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present subsistence.”—This is confirmd of all Indians who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so natural to him, that he can’t forbear it.
As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking Shelvocke’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their assistance for the future.” The plain English of which is, that any man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick milk.
Captain Rogers has given us a handsome concise description of the people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another man’s 220 observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre; he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding.
Captain George Shelvocke having here finish’d his wise observations, prepares to cross the western ocean from Mexico to China; and with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of Clipperton, whom he partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the expedition in general, p. 433.
Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to seek Clipperton, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his indeavours for the advantage of the expedition!
In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes the liberty of 221 naming Shelvocke’s island. Vain creature! dost thou expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall mention the word Shelvocke without ridicule? much less shall an island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as Peter Baldivia was at the place which bears his name, you might ever remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son George might have wrote your epitaph.
In Shelvocke’s passage over to Guam nothing material happens but the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no relief. On his arrival at Guam he makes this cunning observation, that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain Rogers his account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book Shelvocke would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning themselves. 222
Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments; but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying, lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments. But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand dollars, &c. which he had aboard.
In November he gets to China, and meets with some of Clipperton’s people at Macao; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only of Clipperton’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit.
By my transcript of Taylor’s journal, Shelvocke may see I have not omitted those facts which related to Clipperton, and I am glad to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for Shelvocke says 223 that Clipperton was orderd into custody at Macao, for silly reasons which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the journal, he will find that Clipperton honestly withstood dividing his capture as long as he could, till an order from the Mandarin, and a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this Shelvocke has the malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced Clipperton and let him go; ’tis quite wrong; for Clipperton paid but 1700 dollars for anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and Shelvocke owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the latter was fleeced, not the former.
Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen owners who have thought Clipperton blameless, that they might pass a judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either privately or publicly, let them into the 224 truth of his story.”—What can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes with a jesuitical turn, that Clipperton never would publicly or privately let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. Shelvocke has, that truly he knew captain Clipperton was dead.
What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself and his money transported to England, whether true or false, tis immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an East India-man which brought him home the first of August, 1722. His 14th chapter, as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just, and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to follow it.
THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain Shelvocke: to expose his ignorance in some things, and 225 detect his many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind; well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless.
Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better, has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had actually formd a design of returning with the ship to England.
2. At St. Catherine’s he says they forced him to sign the new articles, or else they would have run away with the ship.
3. Going in to Chiloe he says was the mens fault; where we so narrowly escaped a shipwreck.
4. At going in to Conception a little to leeward, he says the same.
5. At Fernandes, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money, and enter upon the new Jamaica discipline.
6. Upon meeting Clipperton, he says, ’twas his men demanded a confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they 226 had twice made new ones for themselves.
7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd, he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up.
8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal that great sum of money taken aboard the Conception? Or who obliged him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him: particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief, that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of his procedings: when at the same time he never kept 227 a journal, tho’ he says he lost one at Fernandes, p. 417, which place I shall quote for the particularity of it.—“When I was shipwreckd on the island of John Fernandes, I among many other things lost some particular remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way et cætera: therefore in general have not been particular.” I can’t tell what he would have the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way et cætera, he has lost them in general et cætera.
If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for A voyage round the world, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one. ’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ.
For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of Shelvocke’s blunderrata; tho’ the captain is said to have had the assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned.
Page 196. Mightily disabled.
207. Saved the ship not coming to pieces. 228
257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd.
278. With a resolute despair.
418. In general have not been particular.
307. Shall now continue my narration of our future procedings.
265. We had not an hour’s hopes of living a minute longer, &c, &c, &c.
Soon as captain Shelvocke returnd to London, he waited on the same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a constable with him, and carryd him to the Cockpit. The secretary of state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against him at Doctors commons, and another at Common law at the Owners suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home in the India ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain Shelvocke was himself that day confined 229 in Wood-street Counter; and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet appeard, were arrested also and confined.
After this the said owner applyd to the court of Admiralty for a warrant to keep Shelvocke in custody of the marshal, in order to be tryd for a pyracy on the Portuguese; for robberies on the king of Spain’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw the moydors taken out of the Portuguese captain’s scritore; tho’ they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the action at Doctors commons, being under the discouragement of the judge of that court: and the proceding at Common law was so intricate and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of Chancery. Upon setting 230 forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a writ of Ne exeat regnum against the said Shelvocke, markt 8000l, and some of his men in lesser sums: but Shelvocke getting bail to the action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench prison, that he escaped on a Sunday, and prevented the said writ in chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which Shelvocke refusing to put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law of Shelvocke’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound: which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness, than for any real prospect of advantage.
Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and assistance 231 to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish, not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of A voyage round the world; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are repeated letters from the king of Spain to demand satisfaction for depredations upon his subjects, committed 232 by this very man; and he still braving it with impunity.
’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss de Pozzo Bueno ambassador from the king of Spain, while his Britannic majesty was at Hanover; “That on the 11th of April 1721, in the road of Sansonate on the coast of Mexico, George Shelvocke commander of an English privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the Holy Family, value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to Don Lewis Carillo of Lima in Peru; altho’ the said Shelvocke had notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year 1720, between the crowns of England and Spain, and publishd in those seas before the said capture.”—I have seen a copy of this memorial, being writ in French, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now, or was a Spanish agent in London to solicit the business. It is hard to know how this affair will be determined, now Great Britain and Spain are at such variance; but if the court of Madrid comes quickly into 233 terms, which looks not improbable, the government may still lay hold on Shelvocke for all his robberies in the South-Sea, as well as his pyracy on the Portuguese; tho’ courts of justice either want the inclination or power to punish him.
Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd according to the will and pleasure of captain Shelvocke; only 33 remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and two by casualty.
| Turnd ashore at St. Jago and St. Catharine’s before we got into the South-Seas, nine, Andrew Pedder chief mate, Henry Chapman third mate, Charles Turner gunner, Henry Hudson boatswain, William Parsons and William Coon boatswain’s mates, George Hint and Charles Perry seamen. | 9 |
| Commanded ashore near Conception in Chili where they were murderd, three, John Eady midshipman, John Daley and George A 234boigne marines. | 3 |
| Sent a cruising to be taken prisoners, fifteen, Simon Hatley second captain of the Speedwel, William Betagh captain of marines, Gilbert Hamilton ensign, John Sprake second mate, Nicolas Laming boatswain, Christopher Pressick surgeon’s first mate, Robert Cobs serjeant of marines, Matthew Appleton, Martin Hayden, Richard Bond, Richard Gloyns, John Panther seamen, John Wilson, John Nicolson, and Tho. Barnet, marines. | 15 |
| Orderd on a cruise in a bark with one week’s provision, and obliged then to surrender on the coast, eleven, James Hopkins third mate, Robert Rawlins midshipman, William Dobson, Thomas Wilkinson, Edward Oasting, John Bone, Charles Weatherly, William Kitchen, Richard Cross, John Guathar and John Gundy seamen. | 11 |
| Left on Fernandes eleven, besides thirteen Indians, John Wisdom, Joseph Monero, William Blew, John Riddleclay, Edmund Hyves, Daniel Harvey, William Giddy, John Robjohn, Thomas 235 Hawkes, James Row and Jacob Bowden seamen. | 11 |
| Left in a prize and murderd four, John Giles serjeant of marines, John Emlin seaman, John Williams marine, George Chappel a lad. | 4 |
| Sent ashore into the hands of the enemy without a hostage, and never since heard of, six, Edward Brook first lieutenant, William Tamly midshipman, Fredric Macenzie, Robert Bowman, Richard Philips and John Poulton seamen. | 6 |
| Begd their passage with Clipperton, to be freed from Shelvocke’s tyranny, three, James Hendrie agent for the Owners, Thomas Dod lieutenant of marines, and William Morphew midshipman. | 3 |
| Died four, Richard Arscot in the Speedwel, and Edmond Philips in Shelvocke’s bark, William Campbell drownd going round Cape Horne, and Richard Hannah drownd going to the wreck from Fernandes island. | 4 |
| Deserted at St. Catharine’s three, Abraham Dutour, Anthony Wood, and William Leveret. | 3 236 |
| Stayd on board the Ruby at St. Catherine’s two, William Mariner sail maker, and Lawrence Lancette of the carpenter’s crew. | 2 |
| Left ashore at Payta, Rich. Bavin. | 1 |
| Deserted at Chiloe, Robert Morris. | 1 |
| In all— | 73 |
| Stayd with Shelvocke and divided all (his son being included.) | 33 |
| Total ship’s company— | 106 |
’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain Clipperton, who being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the Speedwel, and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the last scene of action: where being still disappointed of 237 his consort, ’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he did meet with captain Shelvocke on the coast of Mexico, all his proposals proved ineffectual. Thus Clipperton having in vain made three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to Asia minded nothing at all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy.
When he came to China he sold the Success, laying by the Owners moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in Holland, aboard a Dutch East-India ship, and died two or three days after he came to his family in Ireland; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his long run of misfortune.
He was an Englishman, born at great Yarmouth in the county of Norfolk, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly a complete seaman, as the northern English generally are, and in all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity and good nature are undeniable, 238 having never arbitrarily exposed or commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as Shelvocke has unfairly represented.
My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable to the captain of the Speedwel, who cruelly treated his own people; deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy captain Rogers his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to act by a council of our own officers.
So that if Shelvocke had early rejoynd the Success and concurrd with Clipperton, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen thousand pound, and I believe the Duke and Duchess did not stand the Bristol gentlemen in so much. 239 And tho’ Rogers had aboard him some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well known he brought home a capture of a hundred and seventy thousand pound value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity!
240
Containing observations on the Spanish America in general, and the remarks I made while I was confined in Peru.
About the middle of March 1720, when Shelvocke sent Hatley and the rest of us to seek our fortunes in the lighter, calld the Mercury, he himself in the Speedwel went to plunder the village of Payta, which was just under our lee, and where we might easily have joind him, had he imparted his design to us: however we had not cruised long in sight of Cape Blanco, when we took a small bark with a good parcel of chocolate and flower. There was an elderly gentlewoman aboard, and a thin old fryer, whom 241 we kept two or three days; and after taking out what we wanted, we discharged the bark and them together.
Soon after this we took the pink which Shelvocke calls the rich prize; She had no jealousy of our being an enemy, but kept her way to the southward, till seeing the Mercury standing towards her she began to suspect us. About noon she puts the helm hard a weather, and crowded all the sail she could afore the wind: and being in her ballast this was the best of her sailing, which also proved the greatest advantage they could give us; for had she held her wind, we in our flat bottom could have had no share in her. About ten at night, with rowing and hard sailing, we got within shot of the chase and brought her to, being pretty near the shore: they were about seventy persons aboard, thirty of which were Nigros. Hatley, I remember, upon going aboard left me and Pressick with four more hands in the Mercury; where we continued two or three days, till a heavy shower of rain (hardly ever known upon that coast, and which Shelvocke takes notice of p. 185) spoild all our bread and other dry 242 provision; it was then time for us to get aboard the prize, which we did; sending three hands afterwards to take care of the Mercury.
We stood off and on the said cape seven or eight days expecting to meet with the Speedwel; and there we set ashore the Spanish captain, the padre, and some gentlemen passengers. At last we spyd a sail about five leagues distance, plying to windward: not doubting it was the Speedwel or Success, we stood towards her, while she kept edging towards us. About ten in the morning we were got near enough to discover it was a warlike ship, as she proved; tho’ neither of those we wishd for. The master of our prize had before informd us, that he met the Brilliant man of war cruising for our privatiers; which till now we intirely disregarded.
Hereupon captain Hatley advising with me what to do we concluded that some advantage might be made of the information given us by the Spaniard: that as the Brilliant had spoke so lately with the pink, probably there would not be many questions asked now. Upon which Hatley and I 243 drest our selves like Spaniards, and hoisted Spanish colours: we confined our prisoners in the great cabin, suffering none of them but the Indians and Nigros to appear upon deck, that the pink might look as she did before; in which contrivance we had succeded, but for the obstinacy of John Sprake, whom we could not keep off the deck.
As the Admiral came up he fired a gun to leeward: hereupon we lowerd our topsails, making easy sail till we got along side of him. Their first question was, if we had heard any thing of the English privatier? we answerd, No. The next was, how it happend we were got no farther in our way to Lima? We answerd, by reason of the currents. They askd us two or three more questions, which we still answerd in Spanish. They seemd thoroughly satisfyd; and were just getting their tacks aboard in order to leave us, when the said Sprake and two more of our men appeard on the main deck: a Frenchman aboard the admiral looking out at the mast-head spyd their long trowsers, by which knowing them to be English he cryd out, par Dieu Monsieur, ils sont Anglois, they are Englishmen. Upon 244 this they immediately fired a broad side into us with round and partridge shot; by one of which Hatley was slightly wounded in the head.
After we had surrenderd they took all the English aboard them, and put a couple of their own officers into the prize. The admiral then bore down to the Mercury about two leagues to leeward, and tho’ they fired at least twenty five guns into her, the three men escaped unhurt; and the vessel tho’ full of water had not weight enough to carry her to the bottom. After taking in the three men, our commander Don Pedro Midranda went in to Payta carrying the pink with him, where he set us ashore. He orderd me to Piura about forty mile up the country; and did me the favour to let Pressick the surgeon and Cobs a marine serjeant go with me: but captain Hatley and the rest he sent under a guard, with mules to carry them to Lima, which is above four hundred miles further on the coast; the reason of which I have partly given at the close of my second section: for the cape Frio story being blown, and the moydors found upon Hatley, they had a mind the thing 245 should be sifted and the guilty punishd. The admiral having taken in water and refreshments, quickly put to sea again in quest of the British privatiers, designing to take us up to Lima as he came back.
The weather in this latitude being too hot, the custom is to travel from six in the evening till eight in the morning. My Indian guide set me on the best mule he had, which not caring to follow company, I led my fellow travellers the way till ten a clock. While day-light lasted, I observed the country one open plain, with Indian plantations regularly enough cantond out on each side of us. This level is from 30 to 100 mile broad, and extends 300 mile along shore; for I am now going to the southward, having the Cordileer mountains on the left hand, and the great ocean on the right. If this land was well waterd, as the soil is pleasant and fertile, it might be as fine a country as any: but travellers are here obliged to carry water for their mules as well as themselves. At the approach of night we were puzzled in the way: I often found my self stopt by great hills of sand, and my mule as often indeavourd to 246 pull the reins out of my hand, which proving troublesome, the Indian advised me to throw the reins on the mule’s neck; and as soon as that was done the creature easily hit the way. These sands are often shifted by from place to place, which I take to be occasiond by the strong eddies of wind reverberated from the mountains. At night we rested a little at an old empty house in a coppice about half way, which the guide told us was built by the inhabitants of Piura, for the accommodation of the prince St. Bueno viceroy of Peru, where they met him in formality and regaled him.
At seven in the morning we arrived at Piura, being a regular handsom town scituate on the banks of the river Collan. The Indian conducted us to the house of a good Spanish gentleman and his wife who having received his charge, the guide returnd to Payta. In a quarter of an, hour’s time the towns people flockd in to see the rary show; and instead of being used like prisoners at discretion, we were entertaind with respect and civility, which we were not sure to meet with. Our landlord, I should say keeper’s name was Don Jeronimo Baldivieso. He 247 had five daughters, upon the sight of which and their candid way of receiving us, we hoped our time would slide easily away, and our captivity prove agreeable. I began now to be sensible of the admiral’s favour in ordering us to this place; for he had such interest in all the kingdom of Peru, that for his sake we found good genteel treatment. Soon as we had refreshd ourselves, according to the custom of the place, with chocolate, biskets and water; we were diverted with the sound of a Welch harp in some inner apartment: the artist had good command of it; for I heard parts of several famous Italian, as well as English compositions; and upon inquiry, was informd that all the Spaniards daughters had learnd music, and sung or playd upon some instrument or other. Tho’ at first this seemd a little unaccountable to us, yet I afterwards found that music was common in Peru: for the Italian party having a few years before prevaild at the court of Madrid, the said viceroy prince St. Bueno, who was an Italian, had brought a great many musicians of that country along with him; which has 248 now, spread music every where, and is as good in Peru as in old Spain.
This I thought proper to mention, because by means of music and an inoffensive carriage, we lived in good harmony with those who had a right to treat us as enemies.
It was a practice here every day for the neighbours to come and view us; at which I was well enough diverted: for Cobs being my serjeant, we had exercised the brown musket together; so that we turnd readily about to shew our selves: but Mr. Pressick hung down his head, and grew melancholy.
Payta being the place, as I said afore, where the pedlars or walking merchants are set ashore, they make Piura their first stage to Lima, disposing of their goods and lessening their burthens as they go along: some take the road through Caxamarca; others through Truxillo along shore. From Lima they take their passage back to Panama by sea; and perhaps carry a little purchase of brandy with them. At Panama they again stock themselves with European goods, returning by sea to Payta, where they are set down: there they hire mules and 249 load them; the Indians going with them, in order to bring them back: and so these traders keep in a continual round till they have got enough to live on. Their traveling expenses are next to nothing; for the Indians are brought under such subjection, that they find lodging for them, and provender for their mules. This every white face may command, being a homage the poor Indians are long accustomd to pay; and some think they have an honour done them into the bargain, except out of generosity they now and then meet with a small recompense. In the British and French nation a pedlar is despised, and his imployment lookd upon as a mean shift to get a living: but it is otherwise here, where the quick return of money is a sufficient excuse for the manner of getting it. And there are many gentlemen in Old Spain, who, when their circumstances in life are declining, send their sons to the Indies to retrieve their fortune this very way.
Our lodging was in an outhouse purposely kept for these traveling merchants. According to the Spanish custom, we had our dinner sent to table under cover, where Don Jeronimo and we eat together; while 250 the good lady of the house and her daughters sat together in another room: this is the practice at all meals, and if any strong liquors are drank, it is then. In all our conduct I think the good Spaniard was never disobliged, except once when he saw me drinking a dram with the doctor at a little victualing house. As nothing is more disagreeable to the Spaniards than drunkenness, I had much ado to make amends for this step towards it, tho’ they easily admit of gallantry in the most familiar degree: so that ’tis only changing one enormity for another. Here are several churches endowd; one convent of Franciscans, and a seminary for youth instructed by two Jesuits.
After we had past about six weeks at Piura, our Indian guide came again to wait on us to Payta, the man of war being returnd. When we were upon the point of taking leave, our surgeon was missing, which retarded us a day longer: they had conceald him in the town, and designd to keep him there, being a very useful man: and if he could have had a supply of medicines, he might soon have made a handsom fortune. However the next day we mounted 251 our mules and parted with great reluctance, especially with Don Jeronimo and his family.
We went aboard the Brilliant at Payta, which having done nothing at sea, made a sort of cruising voyage to Callao, the port of Lima. The civility I received from the admiral or general of the South-Seas, as he is there calld, is what I have touchd upon at the end of my first section, both before we were set ashore at Payta, and in our passage from thence to Callao. I shall only add one particular to the honour of Monsieur de Grange, a captain under the general. Soon as we were taken by the Brilliant, as aforesaid, this gentleman seeing the soldiers had stript us, being the conquerers usual perquisit in all these cases; he generously gave me a handsom sute of clothes, two pair of silk stockins, a hat, wig, shirts, and every thing according. We arrived at Lima in about five weeks, and were immediately committed to the same prison where the rest of our companions were sent, except Hatley, who, having a particular mark set on him, was confined by himself. And I can’t help remarking, tho’ Mr. Hatley 252 was no friend to me, that it was a cruel thing in Shelvocke to send him of all men upon that enterprize in the Mercury. For when captain Rogers came into these seas upon a like cruise 1709, Hatley upon some occasion was separated from him, and made a prisoner afterwards upon the continent: and now being catchd the second time, with the aggravation of the Portuguese money found upon him, he had like to have been torn to pieces.
The court of judges went soon upon the examination of our story, and drew up a charge against us as pyrates: since by the moidors found upon Hatley, it appeard they were taken from the subjects of a prince in perfect amity with the crown of England: but it was happy for us that the viceroy Don Diego Marsilia, who was an archbishop and in the decline of life, was pleased coolly to discriminate the affair, and finding really but one of us guilty, would not sign any order for shedding innocent blood. As for Hatley, some were for sending him to the mines for life; others for hanging him: but the several accounts of capt. Shelvocke’s vile procedings contributed to his deliverance, 253 the truth of which here were enough of our people at Lima to witness. For besides lieutenant Serjeantson and his men who were brought hither, here came the men whom Shelvocke sent with Hopkins to shift for themselves in a poor empty bark, who for want of sustenance were forced to surrender to the Indians: so that the court finding Shelvocke more a principal in the pyratical story than Hatley, and believing we had been plagued enough before we came hither, they thought fit to let us all go by degrees. Hatley indeed was kept in irons about a twelvemonth, and then got to England.
I was released out of prison in about ten days, by the interest of captain Fitzgerald a native of St. Malo, who was in favour with the viceroy, and past his word for my limitation at Lima. Upon inquiry for Mr. Serjeantson and his men, I understood that most of them had taken up the religion of the country, had been christend, and were dispersed among the convents in the city. The first that I saw had got his new catechise in one hand, and a pair of large beads dangling in the other. I smiled, and 254 askd the fellow how he liked it: he said very well; for having his religion to chuse, he thought this better than none, since it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life. Many of Shelvocke’s men followd this example; and I may venture to say this was as good a reason as most of our people could give for their conformity. Tho’ ’tis reckond very meritorious to make a convert, and many arguments were used for that end; yet was there no rigour shewn to bring any of us over. Those who thought fit to be baptized, had generally some of the merchants of Lima for their padrinos or god-fathers, who never faild giving their children a sute of clothes, and some money to drink their healths.
About this time four or five of Clipperton’s men, and as many of Shelvocke’s got leave from their convents to meet together at a public house kept by one John Bell, an Englishman, who had a Nigro wife that for some services or other had got her freedom. The design of this meeting was to confirm their new baptism with a bowl of punch: the consequence of which was, they all got drunk and quareld; and 255 forgeting they were true catholics, mistook an image of some good saint that stood in a corner for one of their own company, knockd him down, and demolishd him. I missing the fellows for a few days, inquired at John’s house what was become of them. He told me the story, and said they were all put in the Inquisition; for the thing having took air, he was obliged to complain of it, or go there himself: but promised that underhand he would indeavour to get them released; which I found afterwards was done in five days: so that they had time enough to say their catechise, repent and be sober. Bell said, if the men had still remaind heretics, this drunken-bout had not come within the verge of the ecclesiastical power; but being novices, and just let into the church, they were the easier pardond; since their outrage upon the saint was no proof of their relapse into error, or an affront to the catholic faith, because they were all disorderd with liquor.
At length about a dozen men of both our ships, being now pretty well instructed, were discharged from the cloysters, and sent to Callao to help careen and fit out the Flying 256 Fish, then designd for Europe. Here they enterd into a project to run away with the Margarita, a pretty sailing ship that lay in the harbour, and go upon the account for themselves: but not knowing what to do for ammunition and a compass, they applyd to Mr. Serjeantson, telling him they had a design to steal away by land to Panama, where being an English factory, they might have a chance to get home; that they had got half a dozen firelocks with which they could kill wild hogs or get some game as they went along, if he would be so kind to help them to a little powder and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the woods: the fellows, by begging and making catholic signs to the good people at Lima, that they were poor English newly baptized, had got together some dollars which they desired Serjeantson to lay out; who not mistrusting the plot, took their money and bought them what they wanted. Thus furnisht one of them came to me at Lima, and said there was an opportunity offered to make my fortune, by running away with the Margarita at Callao, if I would imbrace it: whereupon he told me the story, and 257 that Sprake was to have the command, as being the only artist among them. I answerd that it was a bold design; but as captain Fitzgerald had ingaged for my honour, I was obliged not to meddle with it. In a few days the plot was discoverd, their lodgings were searchd, their arms taken away and they put in prison. The government was greatly provoked, and had near determined their execution, when an order came to release all but Sprake; who being the projector was kept in irons two or three months and then set free. I believe, in this affair their late conformity did them great service: but both these stories are an argument, that neither the church nor state are so rigorous in Peru, as the Romish dominions in Europe.
Describing the City of Lima.
Lima is the metropolis of Peru and the seat of an archbishop. ’Tis a regular built city, the streets all strait and spacious: so that you go thro’ it almost any 258 way without turning a corner. It is composed of little squares like St. Jago the capital of Chili, which is copyd from this. It stands in an open vale, having only a gentle stream to water it; and which divides it as the Thames dos London from Southwark, allowing for the great disproportion. The port of Lima is at Callao seven mile below it. The houses are only one story high, of twelve or fourteen foot, because of the frequent earthquakes in that country. There are about eight parishes, three colleges for students, twenty eight monasteries of fryers, and thirteen monasteries of nuns: so that the religious take up a fourth part of the city. However by the easy flow of money, and the vast sums bequeathd, being the effects of celibacy, they are all well endowd and supported. Besides which, there are two hospitals for the sick, poor and disabled; and where several of our men were kindly lookt after. The length of the city from north to south is two mile: the breadth one and a half; the wall with the river making a circumference of six mile. On the east side of the stream lies the other part of the city; being joynd by a very handsom stone bridge of five or seven arches. 259
I compute there are now sixty or seventy thousand persons in Lima, all sorts and colours included: and I don’t wonder at any multiplication in a city which is the centre of so much affluence and pleasure. For besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all ships which trade that way, whether private or public, generally leave some deserters who chuse to stay behind for the incouragement all white faces meet with.
| Spaniards | Natives of old Spain. |
| Creolians | Born in America of white parents. |
| Mulattas | Issue of white and nigro. |
| Mestizos | Issue of white and indian. |
| Quartron nigros | Born of white and mulatta. |
| Quartron indians | Born of white and mestizo. |
| Sambo de mulatta | Nigro and mulatta. |
| Sambo de indian | Nigro and indian. |
Issue of sambo mulatta, and sambo indian are calld giveros. These are lookt on as having the worst inclinations and principles; and if the cast is known, they are banisht the kingdom.
Hence procede endless denominations according to the variety of mixture: and some people make a science of it, to know the 260 multiplicity of casts and give them a name: but the forementiond are the chief and most particular. It is counted creditable to mend the breed by ascending or growing whiter; but a descent or cast the other way is calld saltatras; from saltare retrò, to go backward; and is lookd upon as base born and scandalous.
The difference of birth and parentage causes an observation pleasant enough: for they are as great strangers to each other as chevaliers are in France, or graduates and scholars in our universities. So that a quartron indian will hardly keep company with a mulatta: and a mestizo thinks himself a king to a sambo.
Of all parts of the world, the people here are most expensive in their habit. The men dress as they do in England, their coats being either of silk, or fine English cloth, and hair camblets imbroiderd or laced with gold and silver, and their waistcoats commonly the best brocades. The women never wear hoops or stays, only a sticht holland jacket next their shifts: they generally throw over their shoulders a square piece of swanskin flannel intirely coverd with Flanders 261 lace, besides the silver or gold lace round the peticoat: when they walk out, the Creolian women are veild, but not the Mulatta; and till the age of thirty or forty they wear no headcloths: their hair being tyed behind with fine ribands. But the pride of both sexes appears chiefly in Maclin and Brussels lace, with which they trim their linen in a most extravagant manner, not omitting their sheets and pillows. Beside the outward covering of the mantle aforesaid, their linen is doubly borderd with it top and bottom, with ruffles of four or five furbelows hanging down to the knee. Then as to pearls and costly stones, which they wear in rings and bracelets for the neck and arms, they are very immoderate; though the value is hardly equal to the appearance.
Of all the convents in Lima, that of St. Domingo is the richest, and Francisco the largest. The provincial or governer of the Dominicans is chosen triennially out of their own body, and his income above seven thousand pound a year. I was present at one election, which I mention because of the great splendor and cost which attended it. A large triumphal arch was 262 built cross the street: the inside lined with scarlet cloth and velvet, and hung all over with jewels and wrought plate. Thro’ this the principal people of Lima past with the new provincial at their head; where he stopd to hear a short oration pronounced by a girl upon that occasion, and then went to his convent to finish the solemnity.
The processions in Lima are made with more show and pageantry than those in Europe, and are sometimes very extravagant. I was present at that noted one when the image of St. Dominic goes to church to wait upon that of St. Francis, which is attended with a deal of firework and equipage: and I doubt not the managers of our opera and comedy would improve much by seeing the odd figures and machinery of this grand visit, which is made yearly to keep up the singular esteem the Spaniards have for those two orders. Tho’ these expenses are profuse, yet at Lima they are common, where the begging fryers often die possest of dollars, from the value of ten to twenty thousand pound. One instance of the riches of this place, I was told by several who rememberd it: that when the 263 duke de la Plata their viceroy made his entry, the inhabitants paved the merchant street thro’ which he past with bars of silver, each of which was 2500 dollars at least: which piece of finery I can liken to nothing but the account we have of Jerusalem in the days of king Solomon.
The viceroy has a handsome palace in the great quadrangle of the city; which I take to be near as large as Lincolns-Inn-Fields at London. His salary is ten thousand pound a year, and his perquisits double that sum: and tho’ his government expires at three, four, or five years end as the king pleases, yet ’tis supposed he makes a good fortune for life; for he has all places in his gift, both in the government and army throughout Peru, except particular persons are sent or nominated by the king.
The judicial court consists of twelve judges, not to mention the inferior officers, council and solicitors. Here all causes should come to be decided; but they are too often determined aforehand in favour of the party who gives most mony. And tho’ these vast dominions abound in riches, yet there is not abundance of work for the lawyers; because the statutes 264 are few and plain: which is certainly happier than a multitude of laws explaining one another ’till they are so intricate that the issue of a cause depends more upon the craft of the solicitor and advocate, than the truth of the case. Moreover, a multiplication of laws begets an infinity of attorneys and council, who live high and great upon the distresses of other people, and as often argue a man out of his right as into it.
Yet in Peru there are corregidors or magistrates in districts from Lima who find ways and means to oppress the poor Indians, notwithstanding they are perjured if they trade with them. These natives live chiefly by husbandry and working the mines; and the Spanish court have found it necessary to forbid the corregidors trading with them, in order to secure them a quiet possession of the fruit of their labour. To evade this oath, another person under-hand procures a parcel of European goods and disperses them among the Indians, who, tho’ they want none of them, must buy them at 3 or 400 per cent. more than prime cost; a time being positively fixt for the money. 265
These hardships are past retrieving, because every magistrate knows his reign to be but short, and if he don’t make a fortune he is laught at: So that they wink at one another; and the great distance between Peru and Spain is a reason the king’s orders are seldom regarded, being two years going backward and forward: whence arise many clandestine doings. For according to law, the king should have a twentieth part of all gold, and a fifth part of all silver; but there are vast quantities that never pay duty carryd privately over the continent the north way, as well as the south way by trading ships. And tho’ there are prodigious sums allowd for militia, garisons, and repairs of fortifications: yet it is not one half applyd. From all which it is easy to imagine what immense revenues would come to the treasury at Madrid, if his Catholic majesty was but faithfully served.
The country in Peru is naturally subject to earthquakes: and I have heard that the English plantations in the north of America have felt them. At Lima they had two great ones about fifty years ago, which overturnd houses, churches and convents: 266 and in the reign of Charles the late king of Spain, there was an earthquake near the equinoctial line that lifted up whole fields, and carryd them several miles off. Small shocks are often felt without doing any harm; and I have been two or three times calld out of bed when such a thing has happend, tho’ we have heard no more of it: but upon these occasions the bells always toll to prayers.
Notwithstanding this country, especially nigh the coast, has sufferd much by earthquakes; yet their churches are lofty enough, and neatly built. That part of their architecture which requires most strength is generally finisht with burnt bricks; but their houses are all built with bambo canes and bricks dryd only by the weather, which are durable enough because it never rains. The covering is a matting with ashes upon it to keep out the dews, which is all the wet they have.
The small river of Lima is mostly snow water descending from the neighbouring mountains, which are coverd all the year with snow; but partly dissolved in the summer season, which is from September to 267 March. One would expect it much hotter thereabouts than it is, there being no proportion between the heat of this climate in America and the same degree of latitude in Africa; for which there are two reasons: one is the cool temper of the air proceding from the congealed snow on the mountains, which diffuses it self every way: the other is, the humidity of the vapours which hang over the plains, and which are so frequent, that when I came first to Lima, I often expected it would rain. These vapours are not so coarse, low and humble as our fogs, nor separated above like our summer clouds; but an exhalation between both, being spread all round, as when we say the day is overcast. So that sometimes a fine dew is felt upon the outward garments and discernd by the eye upon the nap of the cloth. This is a happy convenience at Lima, the people being thus screend one half of the day from the sun; and tho’ the afternoon be sunshine, ’tis very tolerable being mixt with the sea breezes, and not near so hot as at Lisbon, and some parts of Spain in Europe which are thirty degrees further from the equator. 268
The want of rain in this part of the continent obliged the poor, I should say happy Indians, before the conquest, to make dreins and canals for bringing down water from among the distant mountains; which they have done with such great labour and skill that the vallies are kindly refresht, producing grass, corn, and variety of fruits: to which the aforesaid dews may also a little contribute.
Zarate the Spanish historian has given us the natural cause of this perpetual drought. He observes that the south-west winds blow upon the Peruvian coast all the year round; and the ocean is therefore calld pacific, because the winds never disturb the waters. These easy gales always bear away the vapours from the plains before they can rise and form a body sufficient to descend in a shower: but when they are carryd farther and higher, they grow more compact and at length fall by their own weight into rain.
This is so fair and rational an account, that I wonder Monsieur Frezier has affected to contradict it. ’Tis convincing to a stranger; and to most gentlemen there who are curious 269 enough to think about it. Any one who reads Frezier’s voyage may see he has not only mistaken the Spaniard, but given us long conjectures of his own, very confused and improbable.
They have plenty of cattle, fowl and fish; and all provision common to us except butter; instead of which they always use lard. They have oyl, wine and brandy enough, tho’ not so good as in Europe. They drink much of the jesuits herb camini brought from Paraguay by land; for all East-India tea is forbid. They make a decoction of it, and suck it through a pipe or quill. It is generally here calld mattea, being the name of the bowl out of which they drink it. Chocolate is their usual breakfast and a grace-cup after dinner: Sometimes they drink a glass of brandy for digestion, but scarce any wine at all. In the kingdom of Chili they make a little butter, such as it is; and their way of doing it is remarkable. The cream is put into a sheepskin stript off whole, and kept on purpose: after tying the ends fast, two women lay it on a table, and shake it and sowse it between them ’till it comes. 270
Tho’ the Spaniards are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and intrigue are here brought to perfection, for they devote so much of their time to the service of the fair sex, that Venus seems here to keep her court. It is unmannerly not to have a mistress, and scandalous not to keep her well. As for the women they have many accomplishments both natural and acquired; their conversation is free and sprightly, their motion graceful, their looks winning, and their words ingaging: they have all a delicate shape, not injured with stiff bodyd stays, but left to the beauty of nature; so that there’s no such thing as a crooked body among them. Their eyes and teeth are particularly excellent, and their hair being generally of a dark polisht hue is finely combd, and platted or tyd behind with ribands, but never disguised with powder: for the brightness of their skin round the temples appears very well shaded thro’ the hair like light thro’ a landskip.
Tho’ these amours are universal at Lima, yet the men are careful enough to hide them; for no indecent word or action is allowd in public. They have two usual times for 271 these entertainments: one is at the siesta or afternoons nap, which is commonly with the mistress; the other is in the evening cross the water in calashes, or at the great square in the town where the calashes meet in great numbers towards the dusk: these are slung like our coaches, but smaller; and many of them fit only for two sitting opposite. They are always drawn by one mule with the nigro driver upon his back: and it is usual among these calashes to observe several of them with the windows close up, standing still for half an hour together.
In these pastimes they have several customs peculiar to themselves. After evening prayers the gentleman changes his dress, from a cloak into a montero or jocky coat, with a linen laced cap and a hankerchief about his neck instead of a wig. If he wears his hair it must be tuckt under a cap, and that flapt all down: so that it is a universal fashion to be disguised some way or other; for those who have no mistress are ashamed to be thought strictly virtuous, and must be in some mask or other to countenance the way of the world. But as all this is night work, they have an establisht rule to prevent quarels, which is 272 never to speak or take notice of one another; whether they are going in quest of amorous game, or visiting their ladies: so that in short the forepart of the night is a masquerade all the year round.
Among that rank of people who don’t keep calashes there are several points to be observed. Particularly when they take the evening air, one couple never walks close upon the heels of another; but to prevent the publishing any secret whispers, each couple walks at the distance of twelve yards at least: and if any lady drops a fan or any thing by accident, a gentleman may civilly take it up; but he must not give it to the lady, but the gentleman who is with her; for she may be the sister or wife of him that takes it up: and as the women are all veild, these wise laws are instituted to prevent any impertinent discoveries. A freedom of that kind is lookt upon as the highest affront in all gallantry, and merits a drawn sword thro’ the liver. They are so careful in these rules, that if a man sees his intimate friend any where with a girl, he must in no wise take notice of him, or speak of it afterwards: 273
These things are all done with the greatest gravity imaginable; and thus the practice of love becomes decent, safe and easy: so that a man may possess his mistress without any visible inconvenience, and spend all the money he has in the world without fear of brawls, duels, or a roundhouse: not like the rude hectoring blades and prentices of a certain northern metropolis who are continually affronting the female sex, with shocking words or scandalous actions.
Altho’ the commerce of love is here so regularly settled, yet there are some jealousies now and then subsisting, which sometimes have ended fatally. There was a story of this sort pretty fresh when I was at Lima. A young lady had for some time, as she thought, been sovereign mistress of her lover’s heart; but by cruel chance she found him in company with another woman, and perhaps a handsome one. As Shakespear says, Trifles light as air are to the jealous confirmations strong: so she waited for no further proof of his infidelity, nor any excuse for the wrong done her; but suddenly drew his dagger and dispatchd him. She was soon confined and brought to tryal: 274 and when every one expected she would be cast for her life, her judges gave it this turn, that it was not malice fore-thought, but excess of love that prompted her to the rash deed. Whereupon she was acquitted: but the nice casuists thought she should in honour have hangd her self. This instance shews how sacred a thing love is there judged to be, tho’ in a state of concubinage only. And the moral good or evil of some actions are hard to be determined, while different governments have different customs.
How agreeable soever these practices are to the Creole Spaniards, yet they cause a great inconvenience to society: for the men are so seriously taken up with their delicacies, that the women ingross most of their time, and spoil all public conversation. For this reason there are no taverns or coffee-houses, so that the men are only to be met with at their offices or at church. They have a sort of playhouse where the young gentlemen and students divert themselves after their fashion: for what performances they have in the dramatical way are so mean, that they are hardly worth mentioning, being scripture stories interwoven with romance and obscenity. 275
It was at this theatre that two English sailors of monsieur Martinet’s squadron fought a prize a little before I came to Lima. They first obtaind leave of the viceroy to exercise at the usual weapons; and after the shew-day was fixt, most of the preceding time was taken up with preparatory ceremonies to bring a good house. They each traversed the town by beat of drum in their holland shirts and ribands, saluting the spectators at their windows with a learned flourish of the sword; so that by the extraordinary novelty and manner of the thing, the whole city came to see the tryal of skill: some gave gold, but few less than a dollar. When the company male and female was close packt up together, the masters mounted the stage: and after the usual compliment peculiar to the English nation of shaking hands before they quarel, they retired in great order and stood upon their guard. Several bouts were playd without much wrath or damage: but the design of this meeting being more to get money than cuts or credit, one of the masters had the seasonable fortune to receive a small harm on the breast, which having 276 blooded his shirt began to make the combat look terrible: whereupon the company fearing from such a dreadful beginning that the zele of the champions might wax too intemperate; and till they were reconciled, no man in the house was safe, unanimously cryd out basta, basta, which signifys enough, enough; and so the house broke up. The sailors finding this a better prize than any they ever made at sea, humbly besought his excellency for another trial of skill: but the viceroy and people were all against it, from a religious objection which could never be got over; and that was, lest the fellows should kill one another, die without absolution and be damnd.
While I was at Lima, I grew acquainted with one monsieur Thaylet, a gentleman whose effects were seised by Martinet’s squadron, as an interloper from St. Malo: after which he remaind in Peru, where he was imployd by the government, he having been formerly commander of several good ships. The first service he had, was to fetch the bottle with instructions for Shelvocke, buryd by Clipperton at Fernandes, p. 97 of this book. On his return with the said instructions 277 and the two men who deserted there, the viceroy willing to incourage him, thought of another short expedition for him in the same vessel; being an English ketch of about sixty ton, and had served captain Martinet as a tender. The viceroy having lately had certain notice by a Spanish ship, that they accidentally made an island in the South-Seas till then unknown to them, tho’ markt in several drafts by the name of Solomon’s island; it made his excellency curious to persue the discovery. He thereupon orderd the ketch to be fitted out for two months under Thaylet’s command; who accordingly saild into ten degrees south, in which latitude the island was said to lye. He cruised thereabout till his provision was nigh expended; and returnd without success. However as the same account came by two different ships who touchd there, the Spaniards verily believe there is such a place; for the men reported, that the natives, as to their persons and behaviour, were much like the Indians on the continent; that they had many gold and silver things among them, but that their language was new and unintelligible. The reason why 278 Mr. Thaylet could not meet with Solomon’s island, might be from the uncertainty of the latitude, and his inability of making further search, being provided for only two months: for I have been informd in London that the said island or islands lye more southerly in the Pacific ocean than where they are laid down in the Dutch maps. And the two Spaniards who had been there, were only small trading vessels carryd thither by irregular currents; and could give no certain account of the latitude, because they kept no reckoning.
To sum up this chapter, I shall only observe that the Spanish Peruvians are better seated for the happiness of this world, than any people I know. If they are indolent, their great affluence makes them so. If they are delicate, the kind serenity of the climate contributes greatly to it. Much husbandry and labor is needless, where the whole year is a fruitful spring. Indeed the Nigros and Indians do all the work; for a white face is exemption enough from all labor and care. In our unequal gloomy regions, many customs would be condemnd, which are there the pure effect of nature: 279 for the night and day make a happy medium between cold and heat. Therefore, if the general bent of human nature be for constant happiness and freedom from pain, the man of pleasure must go to Peru, and make Lima his temporal paradise.
Of the mines of Chili and Peru; and the method of working out the gold and silver from the mass.
Chili being the southermost division of the continent of America, is therefore cooler than Peru; and perhaps would sute an English constitution better. It is divided from Peru at the tropic of Capricorn; and is remarkable for that vast chain of mountains known by the name of Cordileer, which coast along from Magellan streights up to the istmus of Darien, being about 4000 mile. It is governd by a lieutenant general, stiled president of Chili, because he is at the head of all civil affairs as well as military: nevertheless he receives orders from the viceroy of Peru. The capital 280 city is St. Jago; it was founded in 1541, and is a copy of Lima.
I shall here entertain the reader chiefly with an extract from Frezier’s voyage relating to the mines, and the manner of separating the mineral from the earth. He undertook the South-Sea voyage by permission of king Lewis the XIVth, and was there about six years before us, on purpose to make such discoveries, plans and observations as he thought fit. His account, as it is good and intirely new, will without doubt be agreeable to the curious reader:
In Chili, the mines which at present yield most gold, are about the towns of Conception and Copiapo; and the villages of Tiltil and Lampanqui near Valparaiso; tho’ the whole mountains are more or less impregnated with it. The silver mines of Peru are at Lipes, Guaico, Iquic and St. Anthony: gold ones being very scarce in that part of the continent. Potosi has originally afforded such surprising quantities of silver, that it has been proverbial for its treasure: the town stands at the bottom of the famous mountain where the mines lye, and is very populous. The country is obliged by the 281 king’s order to send a great number of Indians yearly to work in those mines; for all white faces are excused from servitude, and the Nigros are not able to work in them because the cold will kill them: but they are imployd in all other business on the surface; so that the native Indians are only destined to this labour.
The Corregidors or magistrates who overlook those Indians appointed to work in the mines, summon them to set out all together on a certain day. They generally take their wives and children with them, who, with tears in their eyes, leave their native homes, and travel unwillingly on to the house of bondage. Many indeed forget their habitation, and after the years end settle at Potosi, which is the chief reason that town is so populous, and almost equals the city of Lima as to its number of inhabitants.
Tho’ the mines here are far diminisht in their produce, yet the quantity of ore that has been already wrought, and lain many years upon the surface, is thought capable to yield a second crop; and when I was at Lima, they were actually turning it up, 282 and new milling it with great success: which is a proof that these minerals generate in the earth like all other inanimate things. And it is likewise certain from all accounts of the Spaniards, that gold and silver, as well as other metals, are continually growing and forming themselves in the earth. This opinion is verifyd by experience in the mountain of Potosi, where several mines have fallen in and buryd the workmen with their tools. After some years they have dug the same place, and discoverd many bones and pieces of wood with veins of silver actually running through them.
These mines belong to him who first discovers them. He immediately presents a petition to the magistrates to have such a piece of earth for his own; which is no sooner done than granted. They measure eighty Spanish yards in length and forty over, which is about two hundred foot in length and one hundred in breadth, and yield it to the discoverer; who chuses what space he thinks fit, and does what he pleases with it. Then they measure just the same quantity for the king, which is sold to the 283 best bidders; there being many who are willing to purchase a treasure which may prove inestimable. If any other person has a mind to work part of the mine himself, he bargains with the proprietor for a particular vein. All that such a one digs out is his own, paying the king’s duty, which is for gold a 20th part, and for silver a 5th: And some landlords are so well satisfyd with letting out their ground and their mills, that they live upon the profit.
The mill for grinding and separating the gold from the ore is made after the manner of our cyder mills. There is first a round stone cistern about ten foot diameter, with a deep orbicular chanel at the bottom. This stone cistern is bored in the middle to let thro’ the long axil-tree of a horizontal wheel placed under it, and wider than the cistern: the wheel is set round with half pitchers, that it may turn as the water falls upon them. This wheel turning the axil, causes a milstone to roll along edgeways by another spindle in the chanel of the cistern above, which grinds the hard ore put in it.
When the stuff is a little broken, they put quick-silver to it, which immediately 284 clings to the gold, and leaves the dross: then they let fall a stream of water, the force of which dissolves the earth, and drives it out at a notch made for that purpose. The gold with the mercury lyes at the bottom by its own weight; which, after they have done work, they gather up and put into a linen bag to squeese out the quick silver as well as they can: then they lay it to the fire, that the remainder may evaporate. This is what they call pinna gold, being clung together like a pine apple; and when this is once melted, it needs no more refining: so that a gold miner has a great advantage of a silver one; for the mercury, adhering so naturally to the gold, leaves all the dross immediately, and the workman knows every day what he gets: whereas the silver miner can’t know till a month or two after.
The silver ore is ground as the gold aforementiond, or sometimes broke with iron pounders of 200 weight to fall by a machine. But milling being the usual way, they grind the ore with water, which makes first a thin mud that runs out of the cistern into a receiver: whenas ’tis dry pounded, it must be steept in water and moulded 285 with the feet, which occasions much more trouble.
The mud is disposed in square parcels of a hundred weight a piece, upon a smooth floor made on purpose. On each of these they throw a great quantity of salt, and mix it all together for two or three days; then they sprinkle it equally with quicksilver, on each mass perhaps about fifteen pound; for the richer it is, the more mercury it requires. An Indian moulds each of these squares seven or eight times a day, that the mercury may incorporate. Sometimes the ore is greasy, and then they put lime to it: wherein they are cautious; for it is very remarkable, that sometimes it is so burnt with heat, that the mercury and silver are both lost. Now and then they intermix a little lead to help the operation of the quicksilver, which is but slow in cold weather. So that at Lipes and Potosi they are a matter of six weeks kneading the ore: and at Puno particularly, they lay a brick pavement upon arches, under which they make fires to help the works: but in other countries they do it in eight or ten days. 286
When the workman thinks the mercury has attracted all the silver, he takes out a little bit, and washes it in a basin. If the mercury looks dark, the ore is too much heated; to remedy which, they add more salt, which makes the quicksilver evaporate. If the mercury is white, they squeeze a drop of it under the thumb: the silver sticks to the skin, and the mercury slips away. This they find will do; so that when all the silver is gatherd up by the mercury, they give the ore three different washings: and when all the dross is gone, they put the silver in a woollen bag, which they press between boards, to get the quicksilver out. After ’tis hung up, draind and prest as much as they can, they put it into a wooden mould, generally the form of a sugar loaf, with thin copper plates at the bottom full of holes.
After taking off the moulds, these pieces are calld pinnas, which are set upon a frame over an earthen vessel full of water coverd with a cap, which they surround with lighted coals. When the mass grows very hot, the quicksilver that still remains will come out in smoke, which having no passage, 287 circulates between the mass and the cap, till descending to the water, it thickens and sinks to the bottom. Thus the mercury loses but little, and will serve several times, tho’ there must be a new supply because it grows weak with using.
According to Acosta, they use to spend 7000 hundred weight at Potosi in a year: by which one may judge what vast loads of silver they got.
When the mercury is quite evaporated, the silver remains a spongey hollow lump: and this is calld virgin silver; being pure and unadulterated. All this according to law must be carryd to the mint, and pay the fifth part to his majesty. There the silver is cast into ingots or bars of different weight, about a foot long or more. These bars which have paid the duty can have no fraud in them, but it may be otherwise with the pinnas uncast: for the maker often intermixes iron or lead; therefore they should all be opend, and tryd by fire, which would discover another cheat of wetting them, to make them heavy: for their weight may be increased near a third part by dipping them in water, when they are very 288 hot. There are also different degrees of fineness in the same piece, which might be found out: but the Spaniards not having convenient places to discover these frauds, and not caring for it, they e’en let them go.
There are many sorts of silver ore, according to the different consistence of the earth. Some is blackish mixt with iron, calld nigrillo: another greenish of a copper mixture, calld cobrisso: some white with real silver veins, calld plata blanca; and sometimes the ore is black with lead particles, this is calld plomo ronco, and is commonly the best: because instead of kneading it with quicksilver, it may be melted in a fornace, and easily parted from the lead. The old Indians not having, or knowing the use of mercury, got all their silver from these sort of mines; and having but little wood, used to heat their fornaces with the leaves of plants, and the dung of their sheep: they made their fornaces upon the mountains, that the wind might pass thro’ and keep the fire strong. There is another brown ore like this last mentiond, where the silver is not seen at all; but if wetted and rubd 289 against iron, it turns ruddy, calld rosicler, and yields the finest of all silver. There is another sort calld zaroche which shines like isinglass; and the paco soft and clayish, but neither of them valuable. Lastly, there is a very choice ore found in one of the mines of Potosi containing many threads of pure silver, wound up like lumps of burnt lace: this is calld arana, or spider, being something like a cobweb.
At Copiapo there are gold mines just behind the town, and all about the country, which have brought many purchasers and workmen thither, to the great damage of the Indians: for the Spanish magistrates take away not only their lands, but their horses, which they sell to the new proprietors, under pretence of serving the king and improving the settlement. Here is a great deal of Magnet and Lapis lazuli which the Indians know not the value of: and some leagues in the country there is plenty of saltpetre, which often lies an inch thick on the ground. About 100 mile east upon the Cordileer mountains, there is a vein of sulphur two foot wide, so fine and pure that it needs no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines; but in other 290 respects is so barren, that the natives fetch all their subsistence from Coquimbo and that way, being a mere desert for 300 mile together: and the earth abounds so much with salt and sulphur that the mules often perish for want of grass and sweet water. There is but one river in 200 mile, which the Indians call Ancalulac, or hypocrite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is occasiond by the great quantity of snow melted from the Cordileers in the day time, which freezes again at night; where the cold is often so great, that people’s features are quite distorted. Hence Chili takes its name, Chile signifying cold in the Indian language: and we are certainly informd by the Spanish historians, that some of their countrymen and others, who first traded this way, died stiff with cold upon their mules: for which reason the road is now always lower along the coast.
The mine countries are all so cold and barren that the inhabitants get most of their provision from the coast: this is caused by the salts and sulphurs exhaled from the earth, which destroy the seed of all vegetables. The Spaniards who live thereabout find them so stifling, that they drink often 291 of the mattea to moisten their mouths. The mules that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk gently about the mines and stop often to fetch breath. If those vapours are so strong without, what must they be within the mine it self, where if a fresh man goes, he is suddenly benumbd with pain? and this is the case of many a one; but the distemper seldom lasts above a day; and they are not so affected the second time: But vapours have often burst out so furiously, that workmen have been killd on the spot: so that one way or other, multitudes of Indians die in their calling. To fortify themselves against the aforesaid steams, they are continually chewing coca, a herb which is their common preservative.
An observation occurs here to my memory; that upon the road to Piura, the night when we lay down to sleep, our mules went eagerly to search for a certain root not unlike a parsnip, tho’ much bigger; which affords a great deal of juice, and in such a sandy plain often serves instead of water: but when the mules are very thirsty, and they can’t easily rake up the root with their feet, they will stand over it and bray till the Indians come to their assistance. 292
Tho’ the gold mines are more peculiar to Chili, yet there are one or two washing places for gold in the south of Peru near Chili, which I shall now speak of, being the next thing remarkable. About the year 1709 there were two surprising large lumps of virgin gold found in one of those places; one of which weighd thirty two pound complete, and was purchased by the count de Moncloa then viceroy of Peru and presented to the king of Spain. The other was shaped somewhat like an oxe’s heart. It weighd twenty two pound and a half, and was bought by the corregidor of Arica.
To find these lavaderos or washing places, they dig in the corners of a little brook, where by certain tokens they judge the grains of gold to lye. To help carry away the mud, they let a fresh stream into it, and keep turning it up, that the current may send it along. When they are come to the golden sand, they turn off the stream another way, and dig with mattocks; and this earth they carry upon mules to certain basins joynd together by small chanels. Into these they let a smart stream of water to loosen the earth, and carry all the gross 293 part away, the Indians standing in the basins and throwing out all the stones. The gold at bottom is still mixt with a black sand, and hardly to be seen till it is farther cleard and separated, which is easily done. But these washing places differ, for in some there are gold grains as big as bird shot: and in one belonging to the priests near Valparaiso, some were found from two or three ounces to a pound and half weight. This way of getting gold is much better than from the mines: here is no need of iron crows, mills, or quicksilver; so that both the trouble and expense are much less. The Creolians are not so curious in washing their gold as the people in Europe: but great plenty makes them careless in that and many other articles.
There are abundance of iron mines in Peru and Chili; besides lead, tin and copper, which the Spaniards intirely neglect, as not worth their while to work them. Copper serves for a little kitchen furniture; but most of their utensils are of silver, even those for vulgar uses.
About the town of Coquimbo there is plenty of gold found in the streams that 294 come down from the mountains after the rain showers. These showers are only at certain times of the year: but if they came oftner, they would undoubtedly always have the same effect. And now I speak of Coquimbo, it would be a fault not to mention the charms of its scituation. It lies in the 30th degree south, a short mile from the sea. It stands on a green rising ground about ten yards high, which nature has regularly formd like a terras north and south in a direct line of more than half a mile, turning at each end to the eastward. The first street makes a delightful walk, having the prospect of the country round it, and the bay before it. All this is sweetly placed in a valley ever green, and waterd with a river, which having taken its rise from among the mountains, flows through the vales and meadows in a winding stream to the sea.
Baldivia, who built this town in the year 1544, to serve as a resting place between Chili and Peru, pleased with the beauty of the scituation, and the happiness of the climate, calld it la Serena; signifying tranquillity and mildness; which name it deserved 295 more than any place in the world. The whole country puts one in mind of the poets golden age: there the sharp north winds never blow; and the heats are fand with refreshing gales; so that the revolving year is only spring and autumn joind together.
Conception lies six degrees higher in a part of the country abounding, like Serena, with all the comforts of life, as well as inestimable mines of gold. At the king’s station a little to eastward they have a washing-place, where they have got pepitas or gold grains of four pound weight: and these sort of washes are innumerable, but remain as it were undiscovered thro’ negligence and incuriosity. The Cordileer mountains abound with hardly any thing else but minerals: this is true of those which have been opend; and very likely all the rest are so. About 300 miles inwards from Conception, there’s one hill yields copper so remarkable, that Melendes who discovered it, found lumps weighing a hundred quintals a piece, each quintal being a hundred weight. Mr. Frezier says he saw one of forty quintals making into six field pieces, six pounders each. Some 296 are part copper and part stone, which the inhabitants affirm do all in time breed and grow intirely to copper. There is another hill adjoyning which is scarce any thing but loadstone: and many of them afford sulphur and salt: About the town it self there is pit-coal a few foot under ground. In the year 1510, many mines were found near the Cordileer mountains, affording at once gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin: which destroys the notion, that different metals are never formd together in one mine.
About twenty mile to the eastward of Serena are the washing places of Andacol, whose gold is twenty three carats fine: and the inhabitants all affirm that after seventy or eighty years they find them recruited with gold as plentifully as at first. And the governer of Coquimbo as well as others have assured, that on the mountains the gold mines are so numerous that, forty or fifty thousand men might easily be imployd: but for want of hands, the king of Spain must content himself without the treasure. 297
Spain in America had two designs;
To plant the gospel and to seise the mines:
For where there is no real supply of wealth
Men’s souls are never worth the charge of health.
And had the kings of that new world been poor,
No Spaniard twice had landed on their shore
’Twas gold the Pope’s religion there that planted,
Which, if they had been poor, they still had wanted.
Some account cf the origin of Metals, with various opinions concerning their formation in the earth.
The old Creolian Spaniards, and some others imagine that this plenty of gold in Chili was occasiond by Noah’s flood, which threw down the mountains, and broke up the mines, and washd away the gold into the lower grounds where it now continues. But, besides the great probability that that deluge was only upon the land of Palestine, Moses’s history on which this fancy is founded, rather contradicts it; and tells us that the deluge made very little alteration in the surface of the earth. Besides, by all the late discoveries in America, we are convinced 298 that the mountains yield more gold than the rivers. Common rains may send the gold to the lower parts: for in Chili the showers that fall from May to September, are daily making new gutters upon the hills, which bring down the golden grains with them.
Without doubt earthquakes have made great alterations in this part of the world; some of which, according to several historians, have changd the scituation of mountains, and turnd rivers into lakes: and some authors have supposed that these subversions have proceded from an inward fermentation, which has burst open the hills, and forced the minerals, before they were duly formd, into the water chanels where they are so often found. Tho’ this does not at all answer how metals are formd, yet great commotions have often happend in the bowels of the earth, and put many things out of their natural position; particularly shells, which in most countries have been found, sometimes in heaps, and far enough from the sea where they were first formd. 299
The native Indians believe that gold and silver breed in the earth without any original vein; because after certain years the mines and washing-places have afforded a perfect new supply; several instances of which I have before mentiond. And it is undeniable, that in Chili these lavaderos are common in the low grounds, where infinite treasure lies conceald for want of labourers: for the Spaniards apply chiefly where the profit is most obvious; and when any new mine is sprung, they all flock thither.
I have been informd at Lima, that several Frenchmen, whose effects were confiscated by his Spanish majesty’s order for carrying on an interloping trade between France and Chili, have thought it better to stay in the country at any rate than return home: and so made shift to purchase a Nigro or two, whom they imployd to fish for gold in some of these washing places, which turnd to so good a profit that they were inabled to settle in Chili. I spoke with two of them at Conception. They told me they had but little trouble in doing of it; that they us’d to watch for the 300 showers, and then carry only a few sieves to refine the earth. These places were chiefly at the small cataracts and water-falls, where they told me they had often taken up considerable grains of gold with their hands: but the corregidors always take care they shall not grow too rich.
As for metals being formd by the sun; ’tis a weak notion and sufficiently exploded. About forty years ago a violent lighting fell on the Illimanni mountain, which is between Chili and Peru. Great pieces and splinters thereof were found scatterd about the country, and they were all plentifully veind with gold, tho’ the mountain is ever known to be coverd with snow. Therefore that heat which is not strong enough to thaw the snow, can never be able to generate and form gold in the mountain under it.
But as those opinions are most rational, which are grounded on real discoveries, one may find out a better way to account for this thing, than any before mentiond: and from what has been said, fairly conclude, that all metals are made and formd by subterraneous fires, which burn as it were in 301 a kiln, conveying their heat far and near through all the passages of the earth, as well as the solid mass itself.
These fires are known to be in all the mine countries of America; and may well be supposed to dwell in other parts yet unknown. This intestine heat gives motion to the salts and sulphurs, being the chief principles of metals. And tho’ their operation is incomprehensibly different from all that we know or practise, yet may we form a notion, that these spirituous vapours are forced by fire into the pores of stone; where being condensed they insinuate themselves like veins, extend and grow upwards to the surface.
I shall now collect some authorities to confirm the opinion that there are a race of men in the world calld giants.
Don Pedro Molina governer of Chiloe and several other eye-witnesses have affirmd that in the country behind the Cordileer mountains, there is a nation of Indians calld Caucahues, of an uncommon size, being near four varas or Spanish yards high; which is ten foot English. These 302 are the people antient travelers speak of calld Patagonians, who live on the eastern side, about 50 degrees south latitude. I know this has been taken as a fable, because many ships going down that way, have not chanced to see them; the men who appear on the Patagonian coast and in Magellan straits being generally of the common stature: and this is what deceived Froger in his account of Degennes voyage; for some ships have seen both sorts at once.
In 1704, captain Harrington’s men belonging to a ship of St. Malo, saw seven of these giants in Gregory’s bay. The crew of the St. Peter, a ship of Marseiles saw six of the same; among whom there was one distinguisht from the rest by a net-work cap that he wore made of birds entrails stuck round with feathers. Their garments were skins with the hair inwards; and they all had bows with cases of arrows: they helpd the sailors with their boat ashore, and gave them some of their darts: the men offerd them bread, brandy and wine; but they refused them all. The next day 200 of them appeard in a body. These men they believed were more sensible of the cold, 303 tho’ larger than others: for the ordinary size people along that coast had only a single skin thrown over their shoulders, whereas the others were cloathed.
The following are Mr. Frezier’s words translated.
“What I here deliver on the testimony of creditable persons, is so agreeable to what I read in many good voyages; that ’tis my opinion there is much truth in it: and a man may believe there is a nation of people in the southermost part of America, much exceding the common proportion, without being thought fanciful: the time, place and circumstances all agreeing, seem to carry a truth sufficient to overcome the general opinion to the contrary. Perhaps the strangeness of the sight may have caused their size to be somewhat magnifyd: but if we consider the height of these men not actually measured, but only ghest at, we shall find that travelers differ very little from each other. To strengthen what I have advanced, the reader will excuse me if I collect what I find in various authors upon this article. 304
“Leonardo Argensola in the first chapter of his history of the Molucca islands, says that the same Magellan, in the straits that bears his name, took some men who were fifteen spans, that is eleven foot high: but they soon pined away and died. In the third chapter he says that Sarmiento’s men fought with some of these people, who were above three Spanish yards high, that is above eight foot. They repulsed the Spaniards once: but being attackt the second time, they took to their heels and run at so great a rate, that according to the Spanish saying, a bullet would not overtake them.
“There is something like this in Sibald Dewert’s voyage 1559, who being at anchor in the Green-Bay in Magellan straits with five ships, saw seven Indian imbarkations full of giants; who they ghest were ten or eleven foot high. The Dutchmen fired at them and drove them ashore, but they were so terrifyd at the fire arms, that they tore up the trees to shelter themselves from the musket balls.
“Oliver North, who came there a few months after Dewert, tells us that he 305 saw giants ten or twelve foot high: tho’ he had seen other men of the common size.
“Spilbergen, as he enterd Magellan straits in 1615, saw on Terra del fogo a man of surprizing height got upon a rising ground to see the ships go by.
“Shouten in the same year being in Port Desire, his men went ashore and found heaps of stones laid in such a form that they had a mind to see what was under them: and they found bones of a human body between ten and eleven foot long, that is nine or ten English measure; to which measure North’s account and Dewert’s must be reduced.
“Other authorities as well living as dead might be brought to justify this relation: and tho’ some people have doubted it, yet the several testimonies aforementiond, joind with the account of giants which we have in holy scripture, should incline us to receive it for truth.”
Frezier has a notion that the Almighty framed at first three different colors of men; white, black and the dark copper, which 306 last is the hue of all the Indians in America: and tho’ the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts not that the Nigros or Blacks are children of Cush Noah’s grandson, which is an African word and signifies black. But however piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and without admitting Preadamites we shall meet with endless absurdities. Grotius, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning, rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with Adam, would have it that America was peopled from Norway. The Norwegians planted Iceland; from thence came the Greenlanders, who overspread the north-west islands; and so at last all America came to be peopled. But when one comes to consider, that the Americans are no more like the Norwegians than the Nigros are like the Indians; and that in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different from the other, that reasoning of Grotius is weak and insufficient: and had he lived to see 307 the Danish account of the Greenlanders with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover ’tis certain that the Chilians never lived in a social manner like other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these countries the Spaniards found golden and other images in Peru, which the Indians used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the Indians so good as an effect a true belief of the Gospel. 308
Observations on the Chili trade.
The town of St. Malo has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the English and Dutch very much in their trade during the whole reign of king William, and part of queen Anne: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. Malo men are as rich and florishing as any people in France. It has thrived so well with them, that all their South Sea trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to Lewis XIV. And tho’ our English Admiralty always kept a stout squadron cruising in the Atlantic ocean, yet we never took one of their South-Seamen; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the Loo, being 309 one of the convoys that year to Newfoundland, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was French built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at Placentia: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by French prisoners that she was a South-Seaman bound to St. Malo, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since Placentia has been yielded to Great Britain, they now make use of St. Catharine, the island Grande on the coast of Brasil, and Martinico in the West Indies.
This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of Chili in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 310 calld the Flower de Lis, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the Assiento treaty between Spain and Great Britain, frequent memorials were presented at Madrid: and the king of Spain willing to keep up his ingagements with England, resolved to gratify the British court by destroying the French trade to the South-Sea. His Catholic majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of Cape Horne, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by Frenchmen, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief.
The first was the Glocester of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an English man of war: the second was the Ruby 50 guns and 350 men another English ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the Leon Franco, a Spanish man of war of 60 guns and 450 311 men all Spaniards. Monsieur Martinet a French gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the Glocester: Monsieur La Jonquiere had the Ruby; the rest I forget. The French performd their navigation well enough, and got round the Cape tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being Spaniards, after several attempts, could not weather Cape Horne, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of Plate, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away.
It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the Spaniards were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The Biscayners indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the Leon Franco had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the Spaniards in general, ever since their possessions in America, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s 312 company able to perform that navigation.
The great advantage of the trade of Chili this way is so manifest, that his Catholic majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the English, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a Spanish ship has gone by Cape Horne. From hence arises the extraordinary price all European goods fetch at Chili and Peru: I have been told at Lima that they often are sold at 400 per cent. profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from France by Cape Horne are in themselves 50 per cent. better than those that go in the Flota from Cales to Cartagena, or La vera Cruz: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to Chili: so that the French, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.
When Martinet arrived at Chili, in the year 17, with the king of Spain’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen 313 that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. Malo men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.
Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his Catholic majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the British South-Sea company: yet the Creole Spaniards, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the French men of War, tho’ they liked the French merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the French imagining they had done the Spaniards effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as Martinet brought his prizes into Callao, and the Frenchmen had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the Spanish to the French nation, gave themselves 314 extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the Creolians more against them, who calld them Gavachos and Renegados for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the Frenchmen were forced to go in parties about Lima and Callao, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the Ruby and nephew to captain Jonquiere, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at Callao. Martinet, Jonquiere and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of Callao; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any 315 satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last Jonquiere unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore Martinet, that he might make the best of his way home.
About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of Conception, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to Europe: for they knew that all ships bound by Cape Horne must touch at Conception, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein Jonquiere got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of Spain has no officers at Conception to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the Ruby. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the Flota.
By this opportunity the padres and others gaind two great advantages; first they were 316 spared the trouble of a voyage to Panama or Acapulco; and thence traversing the continent to Portobello or La vera cruz, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the Indulto to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the Ruby touchd first in France, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in America, they likewise got clear of the other payable in Spain, because the ship arrived in France where they put all their money ashore.
There was on board the Ruby beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his Catholic majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ Shelvocke’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship Ruby found us in the harbour of St. Catherine; Jonquiere’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 317 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the Success should come in: and if Shelvocke had not wilfully lost company with Clipperton, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at Canarie, there is probability enough that we should have met with Jonquiere at sea, if not at St. Catherine: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the Ruby our selves, had we known her condition.
After captain Martinet had cleard the coasts of Peru and Chili of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to Madrid his brother in law monsieur de Grange, who came by way of Portobello, Jamaica and London. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. De Grange humbly beggd, that his majesty would please 318 to give him the command of a ship to go round cape Horne again. He accordingly had the Zelerin of fifty guns. He came first to Cales where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the French merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the French aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him.
Captain Fitzgerald who was then at Cales seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. De Grange being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the Zelerin chiefly with French, and 319 some English seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the cape. When our two privatiers Success and Speedwel were known to be in the South-Sea, this same ship Zelerin was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of Peru to cruise for us. Fitzgerald sold his goods at Lima to great advantage, where he continued, while De Grange served as captain under the admiral Don Pedro Midranda who took me and the rest of us prisoners.
The St. Malo merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the Solomon of St. Malo carrying 40 guns and 150 men at Hilo on the coast of Chili with several small Spanish barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time Martinet’s squadron was all come away. The Solomon’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the South-Sea beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance 320 among the Creolians, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.
About this time the people of Lima judged the English privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three Spanish men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the Advice boat calld the Flying Fish in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of St. Malo men altogether on the coast of Chili; and instead of firing upon them, the Spaniards joynd them like friends. The French expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the French ships steerd to the shore, the Spaniards sent 321 their pinnace or long boat with the Spanish flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the Creoles from treating or trading with the French. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the Frenchmen got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in France, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it.
With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world. 322
Don Pedro Midranda the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.
Monsieur de Grange his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us.
Don Jeronimo Baldevieso and Don Antonio Chierose, who handsomly entertaind three of us at Piura at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to Lima.
Captain Nicholas Fitzgerald who passd his word for me at Lima; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to Cales, and wages to those who workd.
Don Juan Baptista Palacio a worthy Spaniard of Biscay, knight of the order of St. James, who came weekly to the prison at Lima, and gave money to all our men as well as Clipperton’s, according to their degree.
To captain John Evers of the Britannia, who gave me his table and my passage to London. 323
And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in London, as a token of their concern for my hardships.
| Edward Hughes | Esquires. |
| William Sloper | |
| Alexander Strahan | |
| Samuel Winder | Merchants. |
| Beake Winder | |
| Henry Heal | |
| John Barnes | |
| Humphry Thayer | Druggists. |
| Thomas Stratfield |
Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.—When I first thought of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous reflexions of captain Shelvocke; but being authorised by men of worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole expedition: for Shelvocke’s is no account of the voyage at all, but a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind those who knew nothing of the story. And 324 tho’ the undertaking proved abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others, tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.
325
An ACCOUNT of the Jesuits settlement in the province of Paraguay in south America. (translated from the French.)
Tho’ many of the European powers have planted colonies in America since the Spanish conquest, yet there never was in any country one so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in Paraguay: The beginning of it was only about fifty families of Indians, which these fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country: since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000 families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls. These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying along the river Paraguay, between twenty and 326 thirty degrees south latitude; 600 mile north of Buenos Ayres; as much to the south of the Portuguese Paulists, and 400 from the province of Tucuman: being separated from Chili by the Cordileer mountains.
The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among the Indians for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5 or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit: and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of it, that it is now indisputable.
The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile asunder. Every parish has a Padre for their sovereign, who is obeyd with exact fear and respect. 327 He punishes every crime as he thinks fit: so that he is both their absolute priest and king.
The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip, according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment: but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or a more passive, obedient people.
The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The Indians are content with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and provision: for they must not eat a chicken 328 of their own, without it comes in their daily allowance.
Next let it be considerd what vast profit these sovereign ecclesiastics make of the work of such a multitude of hands. If it is only allowd that each family brings them clear three pound a year: the total produce of 300,000 families will be nine hundred thousand pound per annum. Then consider the trade they have to all Chili, Peru and Mexico for the herb Camini, or Paraguay tea; where a prodigious quantity is drank, and at a moderate computation brings them 200,000 pound a year, (all East-India tea being there prohibited.) Their other commodities must be likewise sold to good advantage; and the gold dust which the Indians gather up from the washes, when the river waters have left them, is an unknown revenue. Nevertheless, these fathers will tell ye, their gospel mission costs them a great deal of money and pains, and that their income is inconsiderable: but the jesuits gold and silver coind and uncoind, which comes every now and then into Europe, the shining magnificence of their churches, and their commerce, which is 329 known to all the Spaniards as well as others, are demonstrations to the contrary.
’Tis not amiss here to describe the church and habitation of one of those fathers, as it was related by two Frenchmen belonging to a ship of Nants commanded by monsieur d’Escaseau.
When that ship set sail from the port of Maldonad designing for France, the said two Frenchmen happend to be ashore; and at so great a distance, that when they came down the boat was gone off without them. One of these was captain of the small arms, and the other a serjeant. Being at a loss what to do on a desert coast, they resolved to advance up the country, and live upon what their muskets would bring them. In three days they met Indians with beads round their necks, who kindly received them; and, understanding they were French, made many signs of respect: for they are taught to love that nation and distinguish them from all others.
They led them up to the Mission, several days journey from the place where they met; and in their way lived upon wild cows, which the Indians catch when they please, 330 by throwing a noose at ten or fifteen yards distance so cleverly round their horns, that they easily come to: which done, they hamstring them and cut their throats.
The Frenchmen being arrived at the Mission, were handsomly entertaind by the jesuit, lord of that parish; at whose apartment they stayd four months without going once abroad. After this they returnd to Buenos Ayres under a guard of Indians.
The account they gave is as follows. That Father’s parish church is long and spacious, enterd by a portico of several handsome steps; and supported by eight columns of a good order and well wrought. Over the door within is a gallery for the music in divine service, which consists of sixty persons, voices and instruments. There are seats in the church, where the men are placed according to their seniority and office: the women sitting in a neat gallery by themselves. The great altar is defended by a ballustrade of India wood curiously turnd. The military officers are placed on the right, and the Caciques or civil magistrates, on the left. 331
The back of the altar is very richly coverd. In the middle are three large paintings, framed with solid gold and silver. Above these are several gravings, and base relieves in gold. The top is finisht with wood-work richly wrought and gilt up to the roof. On either side the altar is a wooden pedestal, plated at top with gold, upon which stand two saints of solid silver. The tabernacle is gilt with gold; and the pyx wherein the host is kept is of solid gold, set round with emeralds and other costly stones. The ends and foot of the altar are hung with brocades fringed with gold. In short, the candlesticks and other vessels of plate, with which the altar is drest in service time amidst a great number of wax-lights, make a splendor beyond expression.
There are two small altars, on the right and left of the church, adornd in proportion to the other: and in the middle towards the ballustrade, is a large silver candlestick of thirty gilt branches, hanging from the roof by a silver chain. By all which a man may form some idea of the riches of that settlement, if the other parishes are like this, which is very rational to believe. 332
The presbytery or father’s dwelling consists of several rooms and a hall furnisht with images and pictures, where the Indians wait the good father’s levee till he comes forth to give audience. These lodgings are surrounded with green walks, gardens, and out-houses for servants. The whole with the church making a large noble square and walld in.
The forty two jesuits are independent of each other’s government; and are answerable to no power on earth, but the principal of the convent of Cordova in Tucuman; who makes a general visitation once a year through the Mission, attended by a numerous guard of horse. When he arrives at the parish, the Indians are to shew all respect and joy. The magistrates approach him with fear, and a down cast head; while the common people kneel, and cross their hands as he passes along. While he stays in the Mission, every parish makes up the last year’s account of their whole expense and income.
All their merchandizes are carryd by water to Santa Fe, which being their great magazine, they keep there a general factor. from thence they are carryd to Buenos 333 Ayres by land; where they appoint another factor. From these chief towns they dispose of their goods to the chapmen of Peru, Chili, and the three provinces of Paraguay, Buenos Ayres and Tucuman. And we may justly conclude, that this Mission of jesuits carries on more trade than the three provinces together.
The business of the civil officers is to write down the number of families, visit their houses, overlook their work, and deliver the jesuits orders. And as kissing the father’s sleeve is counted an earnest of their future immortal happiness, this welcome kiss is promised them as a reward in this life for doing their duty and minding their work. There are other task-masters for the country, to whom they strictly declare the produce of every thing, even to an egg; and are obliged, under certain penalties, to carry all into the proper store-houses. Servants also are appointed to parcel out to each family twice a week their allowance of provision: which is done with surprizing order in the father’s presence. And tho’ these priests are sufficiently paid for their care and vigilance; yet, to their praise it must be 334 ownd, they are indefatigable in their labor, to prevent the people murmuring or misimploying their time. Formerly two jesuits were in each parish; but since their great increase there is only one, till they get more from Europe.
The Indians are not sufferd to drink wine, or any spirituous liquor. Herein the good priests copy the law of Mahomet, who likewise forbid his disciples the use of wine; lest being spirited up, they should rebel, shake off their yoke, and overturn the empire he had founded.
The jesuits marry their men and women young, to fulfil perhaps the first commandment given to Adam, Increase and multiply, or for other wise ends. The first precepts the children learn, are to fear God and the jesuit; to be humble and patient, and not in love with this world.
As the civil government is well orderd, so is the military. Every parish according to its power, is obliged to maintain some regiments of horse and foot. Each regiment hath six companies of fifty men with proper officers, and an adjutant who exercises them every sunday evening. Those officers are 335 traind up from father to son; so that the military discipline becomes natural, and their forces march in great order. For this reason the parishes have all an easy communication, that their army may soon be formd under their proper commanders, of whom one of the jesuits is generalissimo. Their small arms are swords, muskets and slings; which last being natural to them, they can throw heavy stones; and hit a mark at a great distance.
The whole Mission can draw together 60,000 men in a week’s time. Their pretense for keeping up so great a number is, because the Portuguese Paulists sometimes make excursions and take away their people: but the Spaniards laugh at this, well knowing that the jesuits keep these standing forces to prevent any foreign power giving disturbance to their colony.
Their omitting to teach the Indians the Spanish tongue, and forbiding them to converse at all with that nation when they are sometimes sent to work in the towns for the king of Spain’s service, is plain they mean to keep their government to themselves. For when any stranger, as these two Frenchmen, 336 are driven there by accident, they are shut up while they stay. And when the Spaniards themselves passing up the river Paraguay have occasion to touch upon their settlement, they dare not go beyond their church walls: and when they beg leave to see the town, the jesuit is sure to walk with them, and all the Indians are taught to keep in, and shut their doors. They have other precautions, one of which is, to send out good detachments of troops to clear their frontiers from St. Gabriel’s isles to the Maldonad hills, and hinder all communication with their country, for the sake of their gold and silver mines; of which we shall give two instances. The Falmouth of St. Malo being lost in 1706 near the Flores islands, some of these troops plunderd part of her cargo; which they afterwards restored by the interposition of the governer of Buenos Ayres. Two years after this, the Atlas was cast away at the Castiles, and the crew having saved some of their best effects, were marching over the country to the Maldonades, thinking to get home again by sea; but were met by the Indians, who took all from them. However, they 337 had luckily buryd their silver upon the coast, to the value of several thousand dollars, which they afterwards took along with them.
At the foot of the Maldonad mountains are good mines, which were discoverd by Pacheco, who lived at Buenos Ayres and was formerly miner of Potosi in Peru: they are about seventy mile from the port, and forty from Montevide. The governer of Buenos Ayres being acquainted with it, sent workmen with Pacheco, who dug up the place and returnd with a good quantity of gold ore. But Valdes Inelau the governer being bribed by the father of the Mission, gave out that he had made trial of the ore, and it would not answer the charge and trouble. However Pacheco kept what he had got, and saw it was only a trick of the jesuits, to prevent any new settlement near their dominions.
Some of the said ore was lately tryd in France, but yielded little, being taken from neat the surface. But Pacheco, who is known to be as good a miner as any, says, there is no richer earth in America than that place affords: and doubts not the rivers 338 thereaway are fertile of gold dust, as those near the Paulists. The young Indians in the parish of St. Dominic, have several times brought gold to Buenos Ayres, which they got privately from the Mission; from whence we may infer there is a good deal of it.
In the year 1706, the aforesaid D’Escaseau, being in Maldonad port, met with some of these Indians, who came in a small detachment to drive some cattle up to the Mission. He talkd with them, and made them a present. In return, they told him if he would go up the country to a place they pointed at, he might get silver enough. The priests have all along been jealous, lest the Spaniards should find any of these mines, because a settlement of that kind might be of dangerous consequence: and they have taken care to clear the country on that side of all cattle and provision whatsoever.
From the foregoing particulars, ’tis evident that the jesuits affect sovereignty and arbitrary rule; and the three chief objects of their desire are power, splendor and riches. Their method of educating and governing their people, from whose industry 339 arises all they enjoy, allowing them the bare necessaries of life; their care to prevent any communication with the Spaniards; their caution when any stranger comes to their Mission by accident; their standing forces, and scowring their borders to prevent any new settlement near their limits; are all manifest arguments that they design to continue independent: and not only conceal what revenues they have, but many other advantages they are not yet quite possest of.
Some casuists will say, that all these nations round Paraguay belong to his Spanish majesty as king of the Indies; Paraguay it self being possest by the Spaniards in 1540, and governd by the viceroy of Peru. According to these gentlemen, the true divine right is the right of conquest: so that all these Indians are his natural born subjects, and should obey him alone. They ought freely to parcel out their land, and dispose of their own crop, and otherwise injoy the fruit of their labor, whether in the mines or manufactures: this would make it a regular colony, and cause a general circulation of trade and money. Doubtless the 340 poor Indians would be glad of all this: but the wise fathers argue a different way, That since they have got them under subjection, and brought them into great rule and order, they have at present a fair title to their allegiance: especially since all this is done without cruelty or force of arms. ’Tis true, the Indians can call nothing their property, but give up all as the inheritance of two and forty ecclesiastical kings ruling two million of good natured loyal subjects.
We shall give one instance of the great authority of these fathers, and the duty of their people. When the governer of Buenos Ayres was orderd to besiege St. Gabriel belonging to the Portuguese, a body of 4000 jesuit Indians came to assist him. After lying a short time before the town, the said governer orderd the attack at four in the morning. The Indians not receiving their orders from their own commander, refused to obey; and threatend to revolt: whereupon the right reverend general was acquainted with it, who not being yet come from his tent, made haste to the army, and put himself at the head of his forces: when the 341 Indians immediately formd themselves, and executed his commands.
The jesuits ought to pay the king a yearly subsidy of so much a head for every Indian through their settlement, according to the capitation tax. But this, if paid, is sufficiently returnd by the wages the Indians receive, when they work for the king, who at the year’s end is often made debtor to the Mission. For, in the first place, the jesuits dont give in the number of half their families to be taxt. Then the governer of Buenos Ayres, who ought once in five years to visit all their Mission, and take an exact list, is stopt in his journey, and gratifyd for his trouble: so that he finds it better to take their own list. And lastly, when 500 Indians are imployd in the king’s service, the good fathers charge him 1000.
Thus is his Catholic majesty served, not only in the south Indies, but in all other parts of America; where his revenues are half sunk in feignd imployments and imaginary applications. As for the settlement of the jesuits, I shall only make this observation upon it, That all people are more naturally led than driven; and the same policy 342 that founded this government will probably maintain it, if the fathers keep a succession out of their own society. If ever they make a present of this colony to a foreign power, it must be that of France: for the Spaniards and Portuguese are hated by all the Americans for their tyranny and pride: and no other Romish power except France, would be able to defend and support its title.
343
The circumstance of captain Shelvocke’s losing the Speedwel at Fernandes, and his building a bark out of the wreck, has been received by some people as a most ingenious wonderful performance: and has been the chief motive of such as never heard the like before, to buy the book for the sake of that story. Therefore I thought it proper here to mention, two particular facts of the same kind, tho’ far superior to that of Shelvocke.
The one is of John Oxenham of Plymouth, in queen Elizabeth’s reign. When Sir Francis Drake had made himself greatly famous for his exploits against the Spaniards in America, the affair at that time being new, all people were speaking of Drake’s glory and acquisitions. Mr. Oxenham being a sprightly man, and emulous of doing something very extraordinary, set on foot a subscription at Plymouth to fit out a ship with seventy men to land at the istmus of Darien; hide the ship and leave her there till he returnd; build another vessel and cross the 344 land by a river thereabouts, and so get at once into the South Sea and surprize the enemy: for he knew that to go by cape Horne was very hazardous, tedious and chargeable, especially in those days. This, tho’ it might seem a strange project and like a wild chimera, yet ’tis certain he performd it: he left the ship a ground at Darien; coverd her with trees; went inland to a river which leads into the south ocean; built a bark there 45 foot by the keel, and saild into the South Sea, where he made several rich prizes. However he afterwards lost them all with his life by the artifices of a lady whom he took prisoner. If the reader is curious, he may find it at length in Hacluit. Sir Richard Hawkins also has it in his South Sea journal.
The other is an example in the reign of king Charles I. After several experiments were made to find a northwest passage to the East-indies, captain James a very skilful navigator was sent also upon the same errand: and discoverd more land which he called new South Wales. He wanderd up and down those seas in vain; and then winterd 345 at a place called by him Charleton island, in 52 degrees. His ship having all this time received great damage, he there built a pinnace out of the said ship; and he with his people returnd in it to England. See the journal printed by the king’s command 1633.
If these facts are examined together, besides many that I could mention done by the buccaniers, pyrates and others, captain Shelvocke will appear to have done nothing at all to boast of: neither can his performance hardly bear a comparison.
FINIS.
Page iv, Errata incorporated into book.
Obvious printer errors corrected silently.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.