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Title: The Life of Robert, Lord Clive, Vol. 3 (of 3)

Author: John Malcolm

Release date: June 5, 2017 [eBook #54848]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Brian Coe,Graeme Mackreth and the Online
        Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
        file was produced from images generously made available
        by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF ROBERT, LORD CLIVE, VOL. 3 (OF 3) ***




Produced by Brian Coe,Graeme Mackreth and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)










  THE

  LIFE

  OF

  ROBERT, LORD CLIVE:

  COLLECTED FROM THE FAMILY PAPERS

  COMMUNICATED BY

  THE EARL OF POWIS.

  BY

  MAJOR-GENERAL

  SIR JOHN MALCOLM, G.C.B. F.R.S. &c.

  IN THREE VOLUMES.

  WITH A PORTRAIT AND MAP.

  VOL. III.

  LONDON:

  JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.

  MDCCCXXXVI.




  London:
  Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
  New-Street-Square.




CONTENTS

OF

THE THIRD VOLUME.


    CHAPTER XV.

    Mutinous Combinations among the Officers of the Army.--Repressed
    by Clive.--His general Conduct towards the
    Army, 1766                                                    Page 1


    CHAP. XVI.

    Proceedings regarding the Salt Trade.--Gold Coinage.--General
    Measures of Clive's Government.--He resigns in
    January, 1767                                                     81


    CHAP. XVII.

    Clive's Transactions in England.--Honours paid him.--Prolongation
    of Period of holding his Jaghire.--His ill
    Health.--Disorders in the Company's Affairs.--Share
    which the Government take in them.--Clive's Politics.--Death
    of Mr. Grenville.--Letter to Mr. Hastings.--1771                 173


    CHAP. XVIII.

    Increased Disorder of the Company's Affairs.--Charges
    against Lord Clive.--His Answer in the House of Commons,
    1772.--Select Committee and Committee of
    Secrecy, 1772.--Resolutions moved by Burgoyne.--Debates.--Votes
    of the House, 1773.--Parliamentary
    Proceedings.--Clive's Death and Character                        263


    APPENDIX.

    Agreement between the East India Company and the Right
    Honourable Lord Clive respecting the Fund established
    for Relief of the Honourable Company's Military; dated
    April 6. 1770: together with general Regulations for
    transacting the Business of the said Fund, and Instructions
    for the Pensioners                                               397




MEMOIRS

OF

LORD CLIVE.




CHAPTER XV.


Difficult as was the situation in which Lord Clive was placed when
he adopted those active measures to remedy the abuses in the civil
administration of Bengal, which have been already described, a much
more arduous task awaited him; that of carrying into execution the
positive orders he had received from the Directors, to reduce the
allowances of the officers of the army of that presidency. This
excited a spirit of mutinous defection from their duty in that body,
which it required all the energy and decision of Clive to subdue. The
subject has importance in various ways, and in none more than as it
is so singularly illustrative of his character. To make it clearly
understood, it will be useful to give a concise account[1] of the
whole transaction.

The plea for the mutinous defection from their duty of a great
proportion of the officers of the Bengal army in 1766, was the
reduction of double batta, which was first introduced after the
battle of Plassey, by the Nabob Jaffier Ally Cawn, who granted it to
the English force, of which, according to treaty, he was to pay the
expenses. Lord Clive, at the period of this grant, warned the army,
that it must be considered as an indulgence on the part of the Nabob,
which the Company would not be inclined to continue. It happened as
he anticipated; for, when the Nabob assigned certain districts to the
Company, in order to defray the expenses of the army, the Court of
Directors, unwilling to adopt so expensive a precedent, issued the
most positive orders[2], that double batta should be abolished. These
orders were several times repeated, but the remonstrances of the army
had hitherto prevented the Governor and Council carrying them into
execution. In 1764, when Lord Clive accepted for the second time
the government of Bengal, this was one of the points most strongly
pressed[3] upon him by the Court of Directors.

The whole army had been formed into regiments, and divided into three
brigades, according to a plan of Clive. The first, under Lieutenant
Colonel Sir R. Fletcher, garrisoned Monghyr; the third brigade, under
Colonel Sir Robert Barker, was cantoned at Bankipore; and the second,
under Colonel Smith, was stationed at Allahabad, at the request of the
Emperor of Delhi and Sujah Dowlah, to keep the Mahrattas in check.
The peace which had been established, and the regimenting the troops,
offered a favourable opportunity for carrying into effect the positive
commands of the Directors; and accordingly an order was issued by
the Select Committee, directing that, from the 1st of January, 1766,
double batta to the European officers of the army should cease, except
at Allahabad, where, on account of the distance from Calcutta, it was
continued to the second brigade, as long as it should be actually in
the field; but when in cantonments, that corps was to be reduced to
single batta. At Patna and Monghyr, the troops were allowed half batta
when not on service; while those at the presidency were put upon the
same footing as the troops on the coast of Coromandel, who drew no
batta, except when actually marching or serving in the field.

In reply to the remonstrances of the officers, the positive commands
of the Company were stated; and, on the appointed day, the reduction
took place. Though the officers seemed to acquiesce, secret meetings
were held in each brigade, at which a general resignation of their
commissions was proposed. This plan was originally formed at Monghyr,
in December[4] 1765, or January 1766, and, when matured, proposed
to the second and third brigades. The second, at first, considering
themselves as engaged in actual service by being on the frontier,
declined taking an active part; but these sentiments of honour soon
gave way to the general infatuation, and nearly two hundred commissions
of captains and subalterns were, in a short time collected, to be
placed, on the 1st of June, in the hands of the officers commanding
the respective brigades; though it was agreed that they should offer
to serve as volunteers till the 15th, to give time for an answer to
be received from Lord Clive and the Select Committee. The officers
combined in this proceeding, bound themselves by an oath to secresy,
and to preserve, at the hazard of their own lives, the life of any
one of their body who might be condemned by a court-martial to death.
In order to avoid the charge of mutiny, they determined to refuse the
usual advance of pay for the month of June. Each officer bound himself
separately by a bond of 500_l._, not to accept his commission again, if
double batta was not restored. And subscriptions were entered into for
those who might be cashiered. To this subscription several civilians
were said to have contributed.

The advance of between fifty and sixty thousand Mahrattas towards
Corah, about one hundred and fifty miles from Allahabad, inspired
those in the plot with fresh hopes of success, as it appeared that the
services of one brigade, at least, would be required, at the very time
fixed for the general resignation. Colonel Smith, who commanded on the
frontier, was ordered to encamp at Serajapoor, with the whole of the
second brigade, except the European regiment, who were not to march on
account of the great heat.

Such was the state of affairs in March, 1766, when Lord Clive and
General Carnac set out from Calcutta, to regulate with Mr. Sykes (the
Resident at the Nabob's court) the collections of the revenue at
Moorshedabad and Patna for the ensuing year; to receive from Sujah
Dowlah the balance of the fifty lacs of rupees stipulated by the treaty
of August, 1765, and to form alliances with the princes of the Empire
against the Mahrattas.

In April, 1766, Lord Clive arrived at Moorshedabad, when he received a
letter, dated 19th April, from Mr. Verelst and the Council at Calcutta,
enclosing the remonstrance of the third brigade relative to the
reduction of the batta, signed by nine captains, twelve lieutenants,
and twenty ensigns.[5] The Board having declined answering it without
obtaining Lord Clive's sentiments thereon, Lord Clive, in a letter
dated 22d April, 1766[6], recommended that it should be sent to Sir R.
Barker for his information, as the Board could take no notice of any
paper brought before them, except through the commanding officer. But
lest it should have been regularly transmitted through the commanding
officer, he proposed that the same answer should be given as had been
on a former remonstrance; remarking, at the same time, that many
lieutenants of the Sepoy battalions had signed, who, having an extra
allowance of two rupees per diem, could not be considered as having
any great hardship to complain of. Hitherto no suspicion had been
entertained of the intended resignation. On the 28th of April, Lord
Clive received a letter from Sir Robert Fletcher, dated 25th April,
which contained the first intimation on the subject.[7] He stated that
the officers seemed determined to make another attempt for the recovery
of batta; that their commissions were to be sent to him at the end of
the month; but that they would continue to serve in May as volunteers.
To explain the matter further, he enclosed a letter from Sir R. Barker,
21st April[8], informing him of a quarrel among some officers of the
third brigade, which had developed a serious combination, which, he
had reason to believe, was not confined to that part of the army. Sir
R. Fletcher also transmitted his answer[9] to Sir R. Barker, dated the
24th April, in which he states that, though he has for some days heard
that the officers had thoughts of resuming their demand, he could not
think it deserved much notice; observing, at the same time, that should
it prove that they offered to resign, as Lord Clive would probably not
alter his resolution, it would afford him an opportunity of "picking
out the best officers, and getting rid of the useless ones."

To this communication Lord Clive replied on the 28th April[10], 1766,
approving of Sir Robert Fletcher's proceedings, and declaring his
determination, that any officer who offered his resignation should be
immediately dismissed, and never restored to the service. The quarrel
among the officers alluded to in Sir R. Barker's letter, arose from
Ensign Davis refusing to give up his commission to Captain Duff, which,
connected with the result of a Court of Inquiry, led to a discovery
of the whole of their proceedings. In consequence of this premature
disclosure of their combination, the 1st of May was fixed on instead
of the 1st of June, for the resignation of their commissions, with
a view of preventing Lord Clive and the Committee having time to
counteract the execution of their intention. A letter signed "Full
Batta," dated 15th April[11], addressed to Captain Carnac (who was
with Lord Clive), was received about the same time, informing him of
the plan of resigning, and calling upon him to send his commission to
some friend of his, and to sign the subscription for such officers
as might be turned out of the service. The contents of this letter,
being communicated to Lord Clive, convinced him that the combination
was general; nor was he without apprehension that the troops might
follow the example of their officers, and a general mutiny ensue.
He was, however, determined not to concede; and resolved to leave
Moorshedabad as soon as his important business would allow, and to
reach Monghyr before the 15th of May. In conjunction with General
Carnac and Mr. Sykes, he despatched an express to the Council at
Calcutta, dated the 29th April[12], informing them of the proposed
resignation, and desiring them to write to Madras, in order that all
officers and cadets that could be spared from that presidency should
be held in readiness to embark for Bengal at the shortest notice,
promising them rank according to their standing. Alluding to the
Bengal officers, he observes, in this letter, "Such a spirit must
at all hazards be suppressed at the birth, unless we determine upon
seeing the government of these provinces pass from the civil into the
hands of the military department." In the same letter he desired that
the Presidency of Fort St. George should be informed of the approach
of the Mahrattas, of the number of the officers who had placed
their commissions at the disposal of the combination (being then one
hundred and thirty); and he concludes, by stating the necessity of
the Committee at Calcutta coming to an absolute determination that no
officer now resigning shall ever hereafter hold any place or station
in the East India Company's service. The Council sent off a despatch
to Fort St. George[13] to the above effect. Lord Clive wrote also to
Colonel Smith, Sir R. Barker, and Sir Robert Fletcher, enclosing a
copy of his letter to the Council, and giving those officers leave
to make his opinions known to their respective corps, who, he still
hoped, when they knew his resolution not to yield to their threats,
would change their conduct. From not having heard from Colonel Smith
and Sir R. Barker, he was in hopes, as appears by a letter to Mr.
Verelst (2d May), that the officers, finding the Committee steady
in their resolution, would not venture to brave the consequences.
He soon, however, received a letter from Sir R. Barker, dated 27th
April, 1766[14], stating what he had discovered, in consequence of the
Court of Inquiry respecting the fire at Bankipore; that he had sent
Captain Duff and Ensign Davis prisoners to Calcutta, and would send
those who were active in the combination there too, as any trial of
them by their comrades would be mere trifling; intimating also, that
the civilians at Calcutta were supposed to have subscribed in aid of
this combination to a large amount. To this Lord Clive replied[15], 2d
May, 1766, approving of what he had done, desiring him to arrest such
officers as he thought might be tried for mutiny, till a court martial
of field officers could be summoned. "The ringleaders," he observed,
"of this affair must suffer the severest punishment that martial law
can inflict, else there is an end of discipline in the army, and of
authority in the East India Company over all their servants!!" Similar
letters were sent to Sir R. Fletcher and Colonel Smith.[16] In one
of these letters he takes notice of certain inflammatory anonymous
letters, and says, that if he could discover their authors, his utmost
endeavours should be used "to have them shot." On the 4th of May[17],
he received a letter from Sir R. Fletcher, enclosing one signed by
forty-two of his officers, complaining of the hardships to which they
were subjected by the reduction of their batta, and enclosing their
commissions, but informing him at the same time of their intention to
serve without pay until the 15th of May.[18] He immediately wrote to
Calcutta, directing that officers should be sent for from Fort St.
George, and the free merchants at Calcutta be requested to assist.
On the 5th of May, a letter was received from Sir R. Barker[19], of
the 30th April, informing Lord Clive, that on the 29th of April his
officers had informed him of their intention to resign on the 1st of
May; that he had assembled them, and informed them of the crime they
were committing, and the ruin they were bringing on themselves; but
that they had answered, "that they were solemnly engaged with the other
brigades, and could not be off." Sir Robert states in this letter his
apprehension about the resolution of the men at Monghyr to mutiny, and
mentions that one lac and forty thousand rupees (16,000_l._) was said
to be subscribed for the officers, by gentlemen at Calcutta. These
circumstances Lord Clive communicated to the Council[20], requesting
them to endeavour to discover the civilians who had granted such
encouragement to the army in their mutiny. Directions were also sent
to Sir R. Fletcher[21] to be on his guard against any disorders on the
part of the troops, and to have every thing necessary for detaching
them in small parties. Boats were also ordered to be provided for
sending the officers, at twenty-four hours' notice, to Calcutta. On the
1st of May, Sir R. Barker received a letter from Mr. Robertson, the
Field-Adjutant, enclosing the commissions of the officers of the third
brigade, which Sir Robert returned to them, with an expression of his
resolution to put the severity of military law in execution, in case
any of them should misbehave. He wrote to Lord Clive[22], informing him
of what he had done, and that he had directed Mr. Robertson and three
others to proceed instantly as prisoners to Calcutta. Mr. Robertson
claimed exemption from military law, on the plea that he had resigned;
but nevertheless he was obliged to comply with the orders. Affairs
now becoming critical, Lord Clive determined to set off with all
expedition for Monghyr; and on the 6th of May, leaving the business
at Moorshedabad to the care of Mr. Sykes, he and General Carnac left
Mulajyl, sending forward such officers as he had been able to collect
at so short a notice, and on whom he could rely.[23] Finding, by a
letter he received on the road from Sir R. Fletcher, that the officers
still remained determined in their purpose, and that a correspondence
was begun by them to induce the Madras officers to refuse to come to
the assistance of Government, Lord Clive[24] ordered that all private
letters between Calcutta and Madras should be stopped, and directed
Sir R. Fletcher to secure the assistance of the serjeants and native
officers[25], in case of any appearance of mutiny among the men.[26] In
a letter to Sir R. Barker, dated 8th May, 1766, Lord Clive, alluding
to the report just received of the determination of the officers to
persevere, observes,--

"Will men, so abandoned to all sense of honour, and who still persevere
in supporting acts of mutiny and desertion, when they have abandoned
one point, cease there? History can furnish but few instances of that
nature. For my own part, I must see the soldiers' bayonets levelled
at my throat, before I can be induced to give way; and then, not so
much for the preservation of my own life, as the temporary salvation
of the Company: temporary only it can be, for I shall think Bengal in
the utmost danger, when we are reduced to the necessity of submitting
the civil power to the mercy of men who have gone lengths that will
frighten and astonish all England.

"With me it is beyond a doubt, that if the officers do not resolve
to submit, and acknowledge their crime, ruin and destruction must be
equally their lot, whether they succeed or not; and if arguments of
this kind can make no impression, none will. I cannot help thinking
more evil is still intended."

In the mean time, the Council had resolved that all commissions
tendered should be accepted, and the officer tendering them immediately
sent to Calcutta. On applying to the free merchants to come forward to
do duty as officers on the present emergency, two only would accept
commissions, which confirmed the suspicions that the greater part of
them approved the conduct of the officers, even if they had not entered
into a subscription to support the combination.

Advice was received from Colonel Smith, that the Mahrattas were in
motion. It appeared that he was still unacquainted with the intended
resignation of his officers. Lord Clive, however, in his answer[27]
contemplating this act, authorised him to enter into alliance with
the neighbouring princes; and, should he find himself reduced to
the utmost extremity, but not otherwise, to make terms with the
malecontents. The officers who had been sent forward by Lord Clive, on
their arrival at Monghyr, endeavoured to impress those who had resigned
with a sense of the enormity of their conduct; informing them that
Lord Clive was coming, determined not to yield to them; and remarking
strongly on their ingratitude towards a person who had lately given up
70,000_l._[28], to form a fund for invalids and widows. The officers
replied, that it was impossible for them now to retract. They stated
that Sir R. Fletcher had never communicated to them Lord Clive's
donation to the army; and concluded by accusing Sir Robert as the
originator of the whole plan for resisting the orders of government.
On the 13th of May, the European soldiers got under arms, intending to
follow their officers; but the appearance of Captain Smith with the
sepoy battalion restored order; and when Sir R. Fletcher addressed
them, and distributed money among them, they informed him, that they
had been assured that he was to head them; but as that was not the
case, they would return to their duty. The officers offered to assist,
but were ordered to quit the garrison immediately. On the 15th of
May, Lord Clive arrived at Monghyr, and received the account of past
proceedings from Sir R. Fletcher, who added, that he had known of the
combination of the officers since _January_, and had seemed to approve
of their schemes, that nothing might be done without his knowledge.
It is here to be remarked, that the date of Sir Robert's letter, which
first intimated any thing about the resignation of the officers,
was the 25th of _April_. Whatever were Lord Clive's sentiments on
this communication, he did not think fit either to express his
dissatisfaction, or take any steps at the moment. Immediately on his
arrival he addressed the soldiers, explaining the crime of their
officers, and mentioning his own donation to the European part of the
army. He ordered double pay to be issued to the native troops for May
and June.

At Bankipore[29], where Sir Robert Barker commanded, neither officers
nor men behaved in so violent a manner as at Monghyr. More of the
officers remained with their corps, and there was no appearance of
mutiny among the troops.

At Serajipoor, Colonel Smith, who was daily in expectation of a battle,
was placed in a peculiarly difficult situation. On the 6th of May,
all the officers in camp, except two, requested leave to resign, some
immediately, and others from the first of June. The Colonel immediately
ordered the first to proceed to Calcutta, and informed the latter
that they should have an answer before the time they had fixed;
remarking to both, that he should be obliged to place that confidence
in the black troops which he had before their recent conduct reposed
in the zeal of his own countrymen. The officers answered this, by
complaining of the attempt to asperse their honour; to which Colonel
Smith replied, that the first point of honour in a soldier was military
obedience, and repeated his order, that all those who had offered
to resign immediately should leave camp, and go to the presidency.
Lieutenant Vertue having been refused permission to resign, and leaving
his commission on Colonel Smith's table, was ordered into arrest, to
be tried by a court-martial at Patna. The officers of the European
regiment who were stationed at Allahabad declared their intention
of setting out for Calcutta on the 20th of May, and behaved in so
disorderly a manner, that Major Smith, who commanded that fortress,
would have ordered them all into arrest, if he could have depended on
the men; but, as there was some idea that the soldiers would assist
the officers, he sent for an old battalion of sepoys, which had been
long under his command. These troops having performed a march of one
hundred and four miles from Serajipoor, in fifty-four hours, arrived in
camp a few hours before the officers were on the point of leaving the
garrison. With their assistance Major Smith compelled the officers to
make apologies and submission for the insult they had offered to his
authority, and he contented himself with sending off six to Calcutta.
Colonel Smith at Serajipoor, pursuing the same vigorous measures, had
secured tranquillity at that station, by sending half his officers to
Calcutta.

On the 20th of May, Lord Clive arrived at Bankipore; many of the
officers who had resigned still continuing to do duty were restored to
their commissions. The officers who had been ordered to Calcutta having
attempted to assemble on the road, and disturbance being apprehended,
some detachments of sepoys were sent to compel them to continue their
journey. The principal leaders of this mutinous opposition to authority
being now arrested, and ordered to prepare for their trial, repentance
and humiliation became general, the objects of the combination were
defeated, their union and strength broken, and those who were restored
were compelled to sign a contract to serve the Company for three
years, and to give a year's notice of their intention to quit the
service. Messrs. Duffield and Robertson of the third brigade, who were
ringleaders, on being ordered to embark for England, protested against
the order, and blockaded themselves in their houses till the ships for
England left Calcutta; but, on their making their appearance, they were
seized and sent off to Madras, and from thence to England.

Though there was no doubt of the assistance which the military derived
from the civilians, yet from the precaution taken by the latter, of
sending their letters by private posts in disguised hands, it was
difficult to substantiate the charge against any individuals. Mr.
Higginson, however, the sub-secretary to the Council, and Mr. Grindal
in the secretary's office, having the charge brought home to them,
were dismissed. Captain Stainforth, accused of having expressed a
determination of assassinating Lord Clive, was tried and condemned
to be cashiered. When authority was fully vindicated, as much lenity
was shown by Lord Clive as was consistent with the public safety to
those concerned in this combination. Out of six officers tried and
found guilty of mutiny, not one was sentenced to death. A defect of
the Mutiny Act for the East India Company's service, in omitting
the contract between the officer and Company, might, it was thought
by many, render the legality of the proceedings doubtful; and this
inclined the members of the court-martial to mercy. Lieutenant Vertue,
on this ground, refused to plead; nevertheless, he was put on his
trial, condemned, and cashiered with infamy.

Sir Robert Fletcher, who was publicly accused by many of the officers
who resigned, and more particularly by Captain Goddard[30], of
having been the instigator of the whole plan, was tried by a court
martial, found guilty, and cashiered. It appeared in evidence for the
prosecution, that Sir Robert Fletcher was acquainted throughout with
the design of the general resignation; and that he, in fact, proposed
it, as a scheme by which the officers might recover their double
batta.[31]

Such is the detail of a combination of officers, which threatened
with the most imminent danger the newly established authority of the
Company over the rich provinces of Bengal and Bahar. Never did Lord
Clive display more prominently that superior knowledge of human nature,
that intimate acquaintance with the feelings and motives of military
men, or that firmness and decision by which alone those can be kept in
subordination, than on this trying occasion. He never hesitated nor
swerved from the resolutions he adopted on the first moment that he
learnt the extent of the combination formed against the government. He
was well supported by the members of the committee, of which General
Carnac, commander of the troops, was a member; and with the conduct of
the senior officer of the army, Colonel R. Smith, who commanded one of
the brigades, as well as of Sir Robert Barker, who commanded another,
he had every reason to be satisfied.

The high opinion he entertained of Sir R. Fletcher as a gallant
officer, his apparent zeal and constant communications, long misled
Lord Clive into a confidence on his co-operation, which, had he been a
man of less talent and less prompt decision, would have occasioned a
ruinous compromise of the public interests. But that and all the other
evil consequences which this alarming combination threatened, were
subdued by his presence, and by the personal display of that calm and
unyielding courage, which, in military bodies, extorts, even from those
it subdues, respect and admiration.

During these proceedings Clive's mind appears, from his whole
correspondence, public and private, to have been resolutely fixed
on the accomplishment of the objects for which he abandoned ease
and affluence in his native country; namely, those of restoring
discipline in the military, and order in the civil, branches of the
service. But we are able to trace the motives under which he acted
on this momentous occasion more minutely in his private than in his
public communications. From his letters to General Carnac and others
it is evident that Lord Clive cherished, even at the moment he was
reducing them to obedience, the kindest feelings towards the officers
of the Bengal army. In one to the General he makes some mild but
judicious remarks upon the warm language which his friend had used in
representing the discontent of the officers under his orders (prior to
the combination) at their being superseded by Captain Macpherson, whom
the Council-Board at Calcutta had admitted to the rank of captain in a
mode which the Bengal officers deemed injurious to their interests. "I
am concerned," Lord Clive observes in this letter[32], "at the warmth
of your letter to the Board. Although they have used both you and me
extremely ill, and, as individuals, deserved our utmost contempt, yet
I think there is some indulgence due to their stations. That they have
acted unjustly, as well as contrary to the known rules of the army,
in the case of Captain Macpherson, cannot be doubted; yet I cannot
think the officers ought to carry matters so far as to insist upon a
Governor and Council retracting what they have done. There must be an
absolute power lodged somewhere, and that certainly is in the hands of
the Governor and Council, until the pleasure of the Court of Directors
be known. However, if the account of Captain Macpherson is proved true,
I will be answerable that he shall act as youngest of the corps he has
been introduced to, and take care that no such unjust proceedings shall
be countenanced in future. I hope this will prove satisfactory to the
officers, who, by their gallant behaviour, are entitled to every mark
of attention and distinction from the Company."

This kind and friendly remonstrance, on the part of Lord Clive, had not
the desired effect: on the contrary, it appears by the following letter
to his respected friend General Lawrence, that the resentment of the
officers at this act of government gave rise to demands of a character
that showed how much a spirit of insubordination had spread throughout
the Bengal army.

"I[33] should have done myself the pleasure of writing to you sooner,
if I had not deferred it from day to day, in hopes of being able to
entertain you with some important news from camp. There has, however,
but one material circumstance happened, and that I am sure will
astonish you. Some time ago, the Governor in Council here permitted
Captain Whichcot to dispose of his commission to Captain Macpherson,
and appointed the latter to the same rank among the captains, that
Whichcot held. Upon a representation of this grievance, Macpherson
was ordered to take rank as youngest captain; but the military
gentlemen, still dissatisfied, thought fit to remonstrate against his
being appointed to any other than that of youngest ensign. Such an
unreasonable request could not be granted, and the consequence of the
refusal has been, it seems, a general association among the officers,
captains as well as subalterns; the former thinking it incumbent on
them to support what they are pleased to suppose the rights of the
latter. The import of this association is, that all the officers,
captains, lieutenants and ensigns are to resign their commissions,
unless Macpherson be degraded to the lowest rank! Civil departments, in
every state, will now and then entertain abuses, in spite of the most
vigilant magistracy; but I appeal, my dear General, to your memory,
whether, in the long experience you have had in military affairs,
a single instance can be given of a corps of officers, in time of
actual service and an enemy in the field, uniting in a combination
of this nature. To me it appears so repugnant to every regulation of
discipline, so destructive of that subordination, without which no army
can exist, and above all, so disobedient to the Mutiny Act and Articles
of War, that I am determined to refuse them the liberty of resigning (I
mean those at least whose contract with the Company is not expired),
and break them, or perhaps proceed to greater extremities by a general
court-martial. The expediency of my plan of regimenting the forces,
and appointing the proper proportion of field officers, appears now,
I think, in a stronger light than ever; and in consequence of this
mutiny (must I call it?) I have already ordered all the corps which I
brought from Europe to march up to camp, whither I intend to be myself,
as soon as the interior policy of affairs will permit. To say truth,
every principle of government in this presidency has within these few
months past been so debauched, that one can hardly determine upon the
branches which ought first to be lopped. Pray tell Mr. Palk that I do
not write to him by this post because my politics are not yet ripe for
communication, and I consider this as a letter to you both."

Some time before the combination of the officers took place, several
efforts were made by Clive to enforce the principles of subordination,
which, we find from his private letters, were greatly relaxed in all
ranks. He appears to have grounded his chief hopes of restoring and
maintaining discipline on his plan of giving shape to the army, by
forming it into corps and brigades, and placing it under officers of
rank and reputation; but his difficulty was to keep those in order who
had been selected to command others. This is strongly evinced in a
letter to Sir R. Fletcher, who, while he recommended the introduction
of better discipline, objected to serve under Sir R. Barker.

"I have received your letter[34]," Lord Clive observes, "and agree
entirely with you in the necessity of introducing discipline and
subordination among the officers and soldiers in the service of the
Company, although I see no such difficulty in bringing this about,
since those who decline complying with the regulations which are to be
made will most certainly be dismissed the service.

"I must confess it gives me much concern, that you, who preach up
the necessity of discipline and reformation, should be the first to
act in contradiction to your own declared sentiments, by declining
to serve under Sir R. Barker; but what surprises me still more is,
that you who have been removed from one settlement to another, and
have actually superseded numbers, should object to serve under an
officer, who was a captain when you were only an ensign or volunteer
on the same establishment. Without disparagement to your merit, which
I shall always be ready to acknowledge, it is not in the eyes of the
world equal to that of Sir R. Barker, who has had more time and more
opportunities than you possibly could of distinguishing himself. You
think he should have remained in the artillery. That would not have
hindered him from commanding you, upon all occasions when you were both
upon service together. Indeed his rank is so high, that he must always
command wherever he is, if Carnac or Smith be not present, which may
seldom happen; except, indeed, by being an artillery officer, he should
be thought improper to command the whole; and by that means an officer
of his rank and merit would be deprived of an opportunity of acting in
the field at all. In short, every one who knows Sir R. Barker esteems
him equal to any command, both military and artillery; and as a proof
of what I affirm, General Lawrence, Mr. Palk, and the Nabob[35] pressed
me, in the strongest terms, to have Sir R. Barker; promising that he
should have both rank and command next to Colonel Campbell.

"I am persuaded that when you reflect upon the merits and pretensions
which Sir Robert Barker has to the Company's favour, you will not
hesitate a moment to give up the point. If you consider that Mr.
Sulivan alone sent you out, in that distinguished station which you
now possess, and that his interest is at best become a very precarious
one, I am sure your own good sense will prevail upon you not to oppose
my appointment; for I must frankly tell you, that, though I am really
inclined to do you every service in my power, yet, in this instance,
you must not expect the same indulgence from me which you have received
from General Carnac."

In a subsequent letter he states his disapprobation of Sir Robert
Fletcher's receipt of a large present from the King, subsequent to the
arrival of the covenants, by which all such sources of emolument were
prohibited to public servants.

"[36]With regard to the lac of rupees received from the King, I think
you ought not to have received it in the manner you did, for three
reasons; first, on account of the King's distresses and poverty;
secondly, because General Carnac had never received one farthing from
his Majesty, whom he had laid under obligations much beyond what you
had rendered him; and, lastly, because you knew it was the intent of
the Court of Directors that no presents should be received, after the
receipt of the covenants, without the consent of the Governor and
Council. Indeed, most of the gentlemen of council are under a very
severe censure for their accepting of presents after the receipt of the
covenants."

Lord Clive appears, from some of his letters at this period, not to
have been quite satisfied with some parts of the conduct of his friend
General Carnac.

"You will observe," he writes in a letter[37] to Mr. Sumner, "that the
General does not mention a word about the conduct of the officers;
and I should not be surprised to find them in a disposition, not
only to insist upon Macpherson's appointment, by the Governor and
Council being set aside, but also to refuse signing the covenants and
submitting to the reduction of batta. However, I am determined totally
to subdue this mutinous and unsoldierlike behaviour, which may easily
be effected with the assistance of the field officers, as soon as we
have concluded a peace with Sujah Dowlah."

In a letter written next day to the General, from which I have already
quoted, he begs him, if uneasy under the part he is to act, to let the
whole weight fall upon _his_ shoulders; concluding with reference to
the recent violent representations in the case of the appointment of
Captain Macpherson.[38]

"If the officers of the army," he observes, "think it concerns their
honour to support and countenance so very unmilitary a proceeding, I
think it still more concerns my character and reputation to support the
dignity and power of the Governor and Council."

Writing to Mr. Verelst[39] a few days afterwards, he comments on the
long silence of the General, and his feelings as a military man, in the
following terms:--

"I have at last received a letter from Carnac, copy of which has been
sent you. However, his silence upon particular subjects convinces me,
he has too much given way to the warmth of his passions; and much I
fear, he thinks too highly of the services, dignity, and authority of
the military.

"With regard to the first, although a soldier myself, I am of opinion
that we imbibe such arbitrary notions, by the absolute power which we
are obliged to exercise towards the officers and soldiers, in order to
keep up subordination and military discipline, so essentially necessary
for the good of the service, that we shall always be endeavouring to
encroach upon the civil power, if they do not repeatedly make use of
that authority with which they are invested; and I appeal to yourself,
whether the commanding officers, whoever they were, since my departure
from India, until my second arrival in this quarter, have not, by their
conduct, endeavoured to impress upon the minds of the princes of the
country, that the power was rather in the Commander-in-chief of the
army, than in the Governor and Council. Indeed, a few months more of
Mr. Spencer's government would have made them Lords paramount."

Colonel Richard Smith, who was next in rank to General Carnac, and with
whose decided conduct, during the combination of the officers, Lord
Clive appears to have been fully satisfied, was evidently considered
by his Lordship (with whom he had been a passenger in the same ship
from England) as a person that required to be kept in as good order, as
he was disposed to keep others. To preserve the means of doing this,
Clive had acted towards him with a reserve that gave offence; and the
Colonel, in the concluding paragraph of an able letter[40], upon the
future arrangements of the army observes:--

"Your Lordship well knows what public-spirited motives influenced
me to return to India; and by this time, I flatter myself, you are
convinced, that I am determined religiously to observe the same uniform
conduct which has been my principal object. Your late letters to me
seem to breathe that same air of confidence, which only could first
prevail on me to think of quitting England. Why there has been any
interruption to it, your Lordship can only tell; for I declare myself
an utter stranger to the cause. I have been induced to open myself thus
frankly, from some conversations that passed with General Carnac on
this subject. It remains now in your breast, whether my correspondence
with your Lordship, in future, shall be simply from the Colonel to the
Commander-in-chief, _or_, whether I shall go beyond that line, and
offer my own sentiments on such matters regarding the public service,
as from time to time may occur."

No notice was taken by Lord Clive of these remarks; but, on their
being repeated, he replied, in that explicit and manly tone which was
characteristic of his mind. He evinced, on all such occasions, an equal
disdain for evasion, or the concealment of his sentiments.

"I had resolved," he observes[41], "to give you an answer to your
letter of the 31st August last; but, when I considered the explanation
required, could neither afford you pleasure, or be of any service to
the Company in your present situation, I determined to remain silent
upon so disagreeable a subject. But as you have called upon me a second
time, I will answer you with a frankness free of all disguise.

"Your behaviour towards Colonel Peach at the Cape, in reprimanding him
for not paying his respects to me through you, was, in my opinion,
assuming an authority which did not belong to you; and tended to
the lessening of mine. Lieutenant Wenthorp, after he had obtained
my consent for returning to India, because he did not apply to you
first, was discouraged in such a manner, that he chose rather to
forego all the advantages he might obtain from my promises, than risk
the consequences of your displeasure. Such an authority assumed, and
resentment expressed, could not but give me great offence. The warmth
shown and dissatisfaction expressed, (because you was not looked upon
as one of the Committee, and allowed to sign the letter of instructions
to Captain Abercrombie,) by immediately connecting yourself with a
person whom you had been but very little connected with before, and who
had often declared, in the presence of many witnesses, that he would
never be connected with you; the continuance of that very extraordinary
connection the rest of the voyage; convinced me at once, I could not be
on a footing of intimacy, without subjecting myself to inconveniences
which a spirit like mine could never brook. These, Sir, among many
other reasons, have occasioned my acting with reserve towards you.
Indeed, in the whole course of so long a voyage, I could observe a mind
too actuated by ambition: such a tendency in Colonel Smith, to govern
and command those who ought to govern and command him, that I could not
be unreserved, without giving up that authority which I am determined
ever to support; and although I do, and always have allowed you many
virtues, so long as you continue to give so much general offence by
that kind of behaviour, so long will you be exposed to mortifications
and disappointments."

Sir Robert Barker had made an application to Lord Clive to have a
share, as Colonel commanding the brigade at Bahar, in the civil
government of the country; and to form one of the Committee at Patna.
The character of this officer was very different from that of Colonel
Smith, and the reply from Lord Clive, which by a curious coincidence
was written on the following day, was in very different terms.

"I must confess," he observes[42], "the receipt of your letter of the
2d February, has given me infinite concern, because I feel for you
as I should for myself, and there is no officer in this part of the
world for whom I entertain so strong and true regard, or whom I am
so very desirous of serving. I am sure, if it depended upon me, you
should, upon Carnac's departure, succeed to his rank and station; so
well acquainted am I with your merits as a soldier, your moderation
and temper as a man. Your being hurt, therefore, at not having an
appointment which is not in my power to obtain for you, cannot but hurt
me. I am convinced that, great as my interest is, were I to propose
your being joined with Mr. Middleton in directing the collection of
the revenues of the Bahar province, I could not carry that point.
Consider, Barker, how very separate and distinct the services are;
consider how very jealous the Directors are of military men, and how
very attentive they will be to every action of mine, whom they look
upon in a military more than in a civil light. Recollect that they
would not even allow Coote to have a seat at the Board to give his
advice, except upon military matters only. I say further, that were I
to take such an unprecedented step, I doubt whether it would not add
such weight of argument to those counsellors and malecontents, who are
gone home with a full design to exclaim against arbitrary and military
power, that the Company might be induced to disapprove of every thing
I have done for them, from an apprehension that I meant to accomplish
every measure, by the subversion of civil liberty. Persuaded I am,
that the joining with Middleton a man of your steadiness, moderation,
and discretion, would be of singular advantage to the Company:
notwithstanding which, I dare not attempt to do it.

"But, let us suppose for a moment that I could gratify you in this
request, what would be the consequence? Would not every officer
commanding a brigade insist upon the like privilege? What use do you
imagine the _man_ of Allahabad would make of such a concession? Indeed,
Barker, if such an appointment were to take place, the letters from
this settlement would occasion such an alarm in Leadenhall Street,
that I verily believe I should be turned off my government, and all
the field officers ordered home in the first ship. Point out to me, my
friend, any method of extending your influence, without prejudice to
the service we both wish to promote, and no man shall be readier than I
to give the strongest proof of friendship and regard for you. Middleton
shall have orders to consult with you upon all occasions where military
duties are in agitation; so shall Setabroy and Durge Narain, and be
ordered often to wait upon you."

Lord Clive, in this letter, after making some observations on the
discontents of the officers, and giving an explanation of the origin of
double batta, makes some excellent remarks upon those principles that
should regulate the distribution of rewards to military bodies; which
should, in his opinion, be such as to make men look to service and
advanced rank as the means of attaining these objects of ambition. He
concludes this letter with some strong observations on the advantages
enjoyed by the Company's army, and the determined resolution of the
Committee not to yield to unreasonable demands. "I am very glad," he
observes, "the officers have been so prudent as to lay aside their
intentions of presenting a memorial; and the Company and myself
are much obliged to Sir R. Barker for his soldier-like conduct and
behaviour upon the occasion; although, I can assure you, there has been
no memorial presented from the other brigades on the like subject. It
is true, the Governor and Committee have received a remonstrance from
the officers of Colonel Smith's brigade, setting forth the dearness
of provisions and all other necessaries, at that great distance; and
we have, in consequence of its being only a temporary expense to
the Company, agreed to let things remain on their present footing,
until the brigade be withdrawn from Sujah Dowlah's dominions; but the
officers are at the same time informed, in the most positive terms,
that this indulgence will cease the instant the troops cross the
Carumnapa.

"I need not repeat how positive and absolute the Company's orders from
Europe are, about reducing the military expenses to the proportion
of the establishments on the coast of Coromandel, nay, even to less,
because they imagine the price of provisions is lower; and I believe
you are not unacquainted that the officers, for the first year they
served in Bengal, were all satisfied with single batta: the double
batta was merely an indulgence obtained by me, and came immediately
out of the Nabob's own pocket. It has been continued ever since, by
the authority of the King's officers; and the Governor and Council
have been obliged to acquiesce, in opposition to frequent orders from
the Court of Directors. In short, our military gentlemen (countenanced
and supported by the King's officers, who over-awed the Governor and
Council in such a manner, that, had quadruple batta been demanded, I
doubt whether it would have been refused,) have continued to receive
the indulgence almost as a matter of right. But now that the Company
have appointed so many field officers, who are immediately in their
own service, the salutary effects are visible; and I hope not only to
see the strictest discipline and subordination enforced, but likewise
economy established; for unless luxury and extravagance be abolished,
discipline must fail, and the officers and soldiers be rendered
incapable of doing their duty to their country and the Company. My
grand object, you know, is, that none under the rank of field officers
should have money to throw away. When they arrive at that rank, their
hands are filled with such large advantages, that they may be certain
of acquiring an independency in a few years. This consideration might,
one would imagine, induce the officers to rest satisfied with their
present appointments, since they have a greater advantage in prospect
than they ever enjoyed before. My dear Colonel, let them look at all
other services. Is there such another service in the world as this
is, upon the footing on which it now stands? In the West Indies, in
America, where all European articles and provisions likewise are
full as dear as in Bengal, the officers and soldiers have scarce any
extraordinary allowances at all. Let them reflect for a moment on the
miserable condition of the half-pay officers in England, many of whom
have undergone dangers and fatigues much superior to any in India. How
many of them would be glad to serve the Company on their own terms?
Add to this, that the revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa belong to
the Company themselves, and not to the Nabob; that what is now paid
comes immediately out of their own pockets; and although the officers
may plead prescription for indulgences from the Nabob, they can plead
no such prescription from the Company. I may indeed assure you, the
Committee are resolutely determined upon carrying the Company's orders
into execution, and enforcing the new regulations. The only indulgence
they could reconcile to their duty to the Company, was the extra
allowance of 40 rupees per diem to each commanding officer of the
brigades when in garrison, in order that his table might be a help to
the other officers, till a moderate way of living had taken place."

Lord Clive, it has been before mentioned, had received a legacy of
five lacs of rupees bequeathed to him by the Nabob Meer Jaffier, which
he had lodged in the Company's treasury, in order that it might be
converted into a fund for the relief of disabled or decayed European
officers and soldiers, and of destitute widows of officers of the
Company's army. Noticing, in a letter to Sir R. Fletcher[43], an absurd
combination which the officers of his brigade had entered into, against
Captain Ducarell and his brothers, he alludes to this munificent act.
"On my arrival at Monghyr," (he observes) "I shall consider of some
effectual means to put a stop to such unjust resentment." "I have," (he
adds) "at present, a scheme on foot for the benefit of officers in the
Bengal establishment; but I shall not hesitate to exclude any whom I
may think undeserving, in any respect soever."

On the 28th of April, 1766, Lord Clive intimated to Sir R. Fletcher,
his decided resolution to treat with the utmost severity, all who
proceeded to the extreme of resigning the service; and, on the 29th of
April, 1766, he makes the following observations in a letter to Sir R.
Barker:--

"During your absence upon the Bettoa expedition, the captains,
lieutenants, and ensigns of your brigade have preferred a very
extraordinary remonstrance to the Governor and Council, upon the
subject of batta. This proceeding was, I think, somewhat contemptuous
towards you; and, as the remonstrance was not transmitted through the
channel of the commanding officer, I have given it as my opinion, that
the Board should pay no other attention to it than that of sending it
to you for your information. By the behaviour of our present corps of
officers, one would actually conclude that every true idea of military
discipline was effaced. I have just received authentic intelligence,
that no less than one hundred and thirty officers of the third brigade
have deposited their commissions, and entered into an association not
to serve, unless the double batta be restored. To this, it seems, is
added an agreement to subscribe for the maintenance of the principals
(who they imagine will be the only sufferers), till their arrival
in Europe, and to purchase for them commissions of equal rank in
his Majesty's service. Can any man in his senses imagine that the
Secretary at War, being made acquainted with the names and conduct of
these officers, will ever give his consent to their admission into
the King's regiments? With regard to these who have already served
in Europe, and are now upon the half-pay list, they would do well to
recollect that they will not be entitled to their half-pay, on their
return to England, without producing a certificate of their good
behaviour in the service of the Company; for such is his Majesty's
declared resolution; and if they cannot obtain half-pay, how can they
expect to be admitted upon full pay? The enclosed copy of a letter we
have just despatched to the gentlemen of Council at Fort William, will
inform you of the measure that must take place, if this unmilitary
association be not dissolved. And I will add, for my own part, that any
officer who resigns his commission, from no other cause of disgust than
the Company's orders for the reduction of batta, shall be absolutely
dismissed the service, and never restored. For their own sakes, I hope
they will speedily resolve upon a change of conduct, and I doubt not
you will use your utmost influence to bring them to a right sense of
their duty. If my sentiments have any weight, you are at liberty to
make this as public as you please, as also the copy of the letter to
the Council."

Lord Clive appears, throughout the whole of the violent proceedings of
the officers, to have been convinced that the civil servants of the
Company had instigated and aided the military in their mutinous acts;
and in answer to a letter from Mr. Verelst[44], he observes,--"With
regard to the assistance you say we may have from the civilians on an
emergency, I can never consent to receive it, as I am certain they
were the original cause of this mutinous association." When he learnt
that the combination of officers had taken a formidable shape, he
thus expresses himself, in a letter[45] to the same gentleman:--"I
am determined to leave this place (Moorshedabad) on Tuesday next,
and proceed with all expedition to Monghyr. Our business at this
city, material as it is, must for a little while give way to the
more pressing occasion which requires our presence at the army. If I
find a fair opportunity, my endeavours to get some of the mutinous
ringleaders shot will not be wanting. At all events, most of them shall
be dismissed the service."

Lord Clive, at this period, felt the greatest annoyance from the want
of cordial support from Mr. Sumner, the senior member of the Committee;
and, irritated as he was by the continued opposition of several of the
members of Council, the discontent of the civil, and the violence of
the military, we are not surprised at the first paragraph of a private
letter, written at this period to Mr. Palk, Governor of Madras, under
date the 6th of May, 1766. "Do you think," he asks, "History can
furnish an instance of a man, with 40,000_l._ per annum, a wife and
family, a father and mother, brother and sisters, cousins and relations
in abundance, abandoning his native country, and all the blessings of
life, to take charge of a government so corrupt, so headstrong, so lost
to all principle and sense of honour, as this is?"

When a communication from Sir Robert Barker led him to believe that
the officers would proceed to the last extreme, he wrote[46], as we
have already seen, in terms that strongly expressed his sense of their
conduct, and the resolution to which he had come in respect to his own.

The heavy rains made Lord Clive's progress to Monghyr slow, but he
directed every act of the officers commanding brigades, and to each of
them he wrote private letters daily. He gave to Sir R. Fletcher and
Sir R. Barker powers to promise forgiveness to subalterns, but not
the captains, whom it was his fixed resolution to bring to condign
punishment, on the just ground that their better experience rendered
them less excusable than the young men to whom they gave so evil
an example. To Colonel Smith a greater latitude was given. He was
authorised, as has been stated, in the event of the Mahrattas invading
the country, but in no other case whatever, to make terms with his
insubordinate officers, if they tendered their commissions.

On reaching Monghyr, he wrote to Colonel Smith[47] what had occurred,
explaining the riotous conduct of the officers on his sending off some
of the ringleaders to Calcutta, and the apprehended mutiny of the
soldiers, which occurred from their expecting that their commanders
were to head them. With respect to the native troops, he observes,
"The black Sepoy officers, as well as men, have given great proofs of
fidelity and steadiness upon this occasion; and, so long as they remain
so, nothing is to be apprehended from the European soldiery, even if
they should be mutinously inclined." In the conclusion of this letter,
he desired Colonel Smith to inform his brigade, of his having recently
vested 70,000_l._, the legacy left him by Meer Jaffier, for the purpose
of its interest being applied for the relief of disabled, worn-out
officers and men of the Indian army.

In a letter dated the 4th of May, in which Lord Clive announced his
positive intention to Sir R. Fletcher of proceeding to Monghyr as
speedily as possible, he informs that officer that he is determined
"those who have been most active shall be dismissed the service."
Immediately on his arrival at Monghyr, he assembled the troops,
and harangued them with the best effect, as far as the men were
concerned. "I have this morning," he observes in a letter to Colonel
Smith[48], "had all the troops under arms, and made them a speech on
the occasion. The sepoys are very firmly attached to their duty; and I
am now confident that the Europeans likewise will give us no cause of
complaint or apprehension. In short, every thing here is as quiet and
as well regulated as could be wished."

From a letter to Mr. Verelst, Lord Clive appears to have learnt, in
two days after his arrival at Monghyr, of the encouragement given
to the officers by Sir R. Fletcher; a circumstance at the discovery
of which he expresses great astonishment. From considerations of
prudence, to which we have before alluded, he was, however, withheld
from acting in an affair of so delicate a nature, without complete
information. But his chief anxiety at this moment was the situation of
Colonel Smith, who occupied an advanced position on the frontier, and
had to apprehend an attack from the Mahrattas, at the very moment his
officers were threatening to leave him. Though Lord Clive expressed
great indignation at the conduct of these officers, he appears to have
contemplated forgiveness to those who had been led by the influence of
bad example, or by fears, weakness, and inexperience, into a guilty
association. In answer to a letter from Colonel Smith[49], he observes,
"The very infamous behaviour of so many officers will be an everlasting
reproach upon the English nation, and cast a stain upon the Company's
service, which all the water of the Ganges can never wash away. The
Court of Directors will have before them a very convincing proof of the
fatal effects of donation money, and extravagant allowances, and will
be reduced to the necessity of taking some very extraordinary measures,
to prevent such dangerous steps being taken by the officers in future."

"When the officers were turned out of Monghyr, and obliged to embark,
many of them went away with tears in their eyes, and saw their crime
in the proper light. Some were first frightened into the measure, and
then threatened with death if they retracted; others were inveigled,
and there is not the least doubt but we shall soon have it in our
option to choose from among the whole the most moderate and deserving
of those who have resigned the service. It will shock you much to hear
that there is great reason to imagine that a very principal person at
Monghyr has been the chief instigator of this mutinous behaviour; and
you will be still more surprised to learn that the civilians have been
very active in promoting the association. All the officers at Monghyr
affirm there has been a subscription of 160,000 rupees made for that
purpose. This last circumstance I can scarce credit."

Alluding, in a subsequent letter to Colonel Smith[50], to the conduct
of the officers of his brigade, Lord Clive observes, "The behaviour
of those officers who were serving under you in the lines, and who
resigned their commissions almost in the face of an enemy, is so very
infamous, that no consideration on earth shall induce me to restore
one of them to the service." "I wish," he goes on to observe, "with
all my heart, your letter to the officers at Allahabad may persuade
some of them to return to their duty; though, from the behaviour of
the officers of the other brigades, I much doubt it. If any thing can
have effect, it will be the fate of the other officers, all of whom
I have sent down to Calcutta. Captain Stainforth and Ensign Hoggan
having expressed a proper sense of their late misbehaviour, I have
permitted them both to return to their duty; and I have no doubt,
from the surprise shown, and distress felt, at my accepting all their
commissions, as many of them will offer to return to the service as we
shall choose to accept of."

At the same time that these communications were made to Colonel Smith,
a number of the best officers of the army, who were unassociated with
the others, and had been called from different quarters, were sent to
Allahabad to render his field brigade efficient for service; and those
measures, added to the decided conduct of the Colonel, made Clive deem
his own presence at Allahabad unnecessary; and he therefore determined
to proceed no further than Chuprah. He had received information that
the officers in garrison at Allahabad had left that place, after
writing an impertinent letter to Colonel Smith. Orders were immediately
given to send detachments of sepoys to make them prisoners, when they
were directed to be sent to Calcutta; and Mr. Sumner and the Committee
were requested[51] to keep them confined till vessels were ready to
sail for England, when he desired that they should be sent home. Orders
were given, upon this occasion, that the private letters by the post
from Allahabad should be stopped, and sent in a separate bag to the
post-master at Calcutta.

It would appear from the contents of several of his private letters of
the same date, that Clive did not apprehend the slightest danger to
the public interests from the defection of the officers at Allahabad.
Major Smith, who commanded that fortress, had exhibited much spirit
and firmness. His influence with the native troops gave him great
strength; and none of the officers in command of the sepoy corps had
joined the combination. Their situation was, at this period, one of
consequence and emolument; their influence with their men great; and to
this circumstance is, in a great degree, to be ascribed the unshaken
fidelity of the sepoys, on a confidence in whom, it may be pronounced,
the measures taken by Lord Clive, as well as those of the officers
commanding brigades, were chiefly grounded.

Anxiety of mind, fatigue of body, and the extreme heat of the weather,
affected Lord Clive's health; and, for one or two days, some letters
were written to various quarters, by his secretary, Mr. Henry Strachey.
And it is here to be remarked, as illustrative of the character of
this extraordinary man, that from the day he received intimation of
the discontent of the officers of the army, there are entered in his
letter-books never less than three, and sometimes five, six, and
seven letters, written daily by himself on the subject; and the same
books fully show that, during this period of great mental and bodily
exertion, he gave personally the most minute attention to every other
branch of public affairs. At the same time, he does not appear to have
neglected any private correspondents, either in India or England.

On the 29th of May, Mr. Strachey informed Mr. Verelst, by Lord Clive's
desire, that a considerable number of officers had returned to their
duty, and desired to have their commissions restored; but that, while
Lord Clive was disposed to act with much lenity and indulgence, it was
far from his intention to accept the services of all those by whom they
had been proffered. Some of these his Lordship (Mr. Strachey writes) is
resolved to bring to justice.

"The only observation," he writes[52], "Lord Clive directs me to make
upon Mrs. W.'s intelligence about the rage of the civilians, and more
than madness of the military, is, that they have mutually encouraged
each other to such a degree of licentiousness, in defiance of civil and
martial law, that he hardly expects to see a change of sentiments till
the severity of example shall have convinced the settlement of his
resolution to save it from destruction."

Lord Clive wrote to Monsieur Law[53], the French Governor of
Chandernagore, and Monsieur Vernet, the Dutch Chief at Chinsurat, on
the subject of the officers who had deserted their duty; and, while he
informed them of the dishonourable course of action these officers had
pursued, he requested they should not receive or give protection to
men who had so dishonoured themselves. These respectable individuals,
to whom, both personally, and as representatives of their country,
Lord Clive always paid the greatest attention and respect, acted on
this, and on all occasions during the time he was in India, in a manner
suited to their own high characters.

A short letter from Lord Clive to Mr. Sykes, resident at Moorshedabad,
of the 28th of May, in which he states the grounds on which alone he
would allow those officers who were repentant to remain with their
corps, and his steady resolution to admit of no compromise, shows that
he viewed the combination to be, at this date, completely broken and
subdued. "I have received," he observes, "your favours of the 19th
and 20th. Captains Cummings and Mackenzie, having not yet absolutely
declared their resolution to keep or resign their commissions, I desire
you will send for these gentlemen, and oblige them to be explicit upon
the occasion. If they intend to continue in the service (I do not
mean as volunteers for a time of their own limiting), it is well; if
not, you will be pleased to inform them you have my orders to dismiss
them the service, and insist on their departing, and immediately,
for Calcutta. Lieutenants Padman and Clirchue have, by their answers
to Mr. Strachey's letters, sufficiently expressed their assent to
the combination. You will, therefore, order them down without delay,
acquainting them that they are no longer in the service. I shall
consider of a proper officer to send you for the command of the troops:
in the mean time, as every thing is quiet in the city, you will have no
difficulty in preserving discipline.

"Matters are very well regulated in the 1st and 3rd Brigades. The
officers of the 2d do not intend to resign till the 1st of June, by
which time Colonel Smith will have received a good supply; and I doubt
not, with the assistance of the coast, that we shall, ere long, have
the satisfaction of seeing our army in a better condition than ever."

The following letter from Lord Clive to Mr. Verelst at Calcutta[54]
is too important to have one word omitted; for, while it shows the
nature and extent of the combination formed against all authority, it
exhibits the master mind by which the danger was foreseen and overcome,
and it explains the mode in which it was deemed best to prevent the
possibility of its recurrence:--

"Enclosed you will receive two letters, one from Mr. Martin, the other,
although not signed, I know to be Higginson's handwriting; so that you
see we are betrayed even by our own sub-secretary; and I make no doubt
but the assistant-secretary is still deeper in the plot.

"You will observe, in the last general letter, the Directors order us
to dismiss, not suspend; and I think near all the Company's servants
concerned in exciting this mutiny might not only be dismissed, but
sent home in the first ship. Such a behaviour in England would be high
treason to the state, and every man of them would be hanged.

"I hope the Council will not hesitate one moment about turning out
of the office both Stephenson and Higginson, and dismissing them the
service, if concerned in fomenting the late mutinous combination.
Indeed, very few are to be trusted; and, in my opinion, the Council
should immediately require the assistance of twelve or fourteen junior
servants from Madras and Bombay; for, I am fully persuaded, this
settlement can never be restored to order, or the honour of the nation
or the Company retrieved, until there be a total change in the morals
of individuals: and that can only be effected by turning out the most
rich and factious, and transplanting others. I have some hopes the
Directors will empower me to take such a step in their answer by the
Admiral Stevens.

"How shocked must Sulivan and those Directors be, who opposed this
appointment of field officers! Certain it is that, without their
assistance, we must have given way to the mutiny amongst the officers;
and it is equally certain, if we had, Bengal must have been lost, or a
civil war carried on to restore to the Company their lost authority,
rights, and possessions; for it is beyond a doubt, that men capable
of committing such actions as they have lately done would soon have
gone such lengths as to have made it impossible ever to return to their
native country.

"There was a committee to each brigade, sworn to secrecy; and I have it
from undoubted authority, that the officers thought themselves so sure
of carrying their point, that a motion was made and agreed to, that
the Governor and Council should be directed to release them from their
covenants. The next step would, I suppose, have been the turning me and
the Committee out of the service. In short, I tremble with horror when
I think how near the Company were to the brink of destruction.

"The plot hath been deeply laid, and of four months' standing. I can
give a shrewd guess at the first promoters. One of them I have already
mentioned to you, who will ere long, I hope, be brought to condign
punishment.

"Remember again to act with the greatest spirit; and if the civilians
entertain the officers, dismiss them the service; and if the latter
behave with insolence, or are refractory, make them all prisoners, and
confine them in the new fort. If you have any thing to apprehend, write
me word, and I will come down instantly, and bring with me the third
brigade, whose officers and men can be depended upon.

"I wish the Board would allow Hare two months longer to settle his
affairs: he is one of the best among the servants of Patna.

  "I am, &c.

  "Clive.

"P.S. A box of intercepted letters will be sent down to-morrow by
water, under a guard of Sepoys. I would advise the Board to open every
one of them."

       *       *       *       *       *

Sir Robert Fletcher, of whose guilt, though suspected, no public
proof had as yet been adduced, wrote to Lord Clive, expressing his
willingness to pay the penalty bond into which three officers in whom
he took an interest had entered, in order to remunerate those who might
suffer in consequence of their being prominent as advocates of the
claims of their brother officers. The following answer of Lord Clive is
a valuable document, as it exhibits, in a clear and convincing manner,
the erroneous principles and the baneful results of this part of the
combination; of the total impossibility of its being recognised as
either consistent with law or honour by any constituted authority. It
shows, also, that disposition to forgive the young and inexperienced,
which his Lordship throughout these proceedings entertained:--

"I have this morning received yours without date.[55] Your proposal to
pay the 500_l._ penalty for the two M'Phersons and Ensign Patton is
what I never can approve of. Were they the best officers in the world,
I would not consent to receive them again into the service on such
terms.

"The engagement entered into among themselves is not only mutinous and
absurd, but illegal; and, therefore, the penalty cannot be recoverable
by law. Besides, I consider the paying of it actually raising a
subscription ourselves for the benefit of those who do not retract:
nor is it at all unlikely that, were they to find the penalty money
paid, a collusion would follow, for many of them to retract, in order
to obtain a maintenance, nay, an independency, for the remainder. If
only fifty of them should return on that plan (and I am sure there must
be a much greater number who would be glad to return on any terms), a
fund amounting to no less than 25,000_l._ would be established, which,
at 4 per cent. interest, would produce 1,000_l._ per annum. In short,
the affair will not bear a moment's reflection; and I must insist upon
your dropping all thoughts of it. You will please to communicate my
sentiments to Major Ironside, positively forbidding him to pay the
penalty for his brother.

"If the young man repents of his association, and is desirous to resume
the service, I consent to his being restored, the General and you
having no objection; but I expect that the penalty money, that unjust
debt of false honour, shall not be paid.

"Be assured that the report of my having written, or in any manner
applied for the return of the gentlemen you hint at, is without
foundation.

"Neither Lieutenant Britton, nor any of those who signalised themselves
in the combination, shall have my consent to be restored, however
strongly they may be recommended to my protection.

"Captain Hampton and Kinloch have both resigned. The former, together
with Ensign Pellans, I have ordered from Midnapore to Calcutta."

From Lord Clive's private correspondence with the commandants of
brigades, in the beginning of June, it appears, that the officers,
disheartened and disunited, sought only to save themselves from that
ruin and disgrace which they were now sensible they had brought upon
themselves. No victory was ever more complete than that which he had
gained; and it must have been the more gratifying, as he owed his
success almost exclusively to his personal wisdom, firmness, and prompt
decision. He met every danger, as it arose, with an unshrinking mind.
Satisfied that concessions would only generate further demands, he made
none: but when he had vindicated authority, and restored order, he
displayed a degree of temper and of clemency worthy of his character.
He attended to the petitions of many to be restored to the service
which they had too hastily resigned. From such indulgent consideration
he excluded most of the senior officers, and all those persons whose
character made it desirable to keep them out of the service, with all
those who had been prominent as ringleaders; while officers who had not
actually resigned, however intemperate their threats and conduct had
been, were pardoned on expressing contrition for their past conduct.

After subduing this combination in the military employed in the
provinces, Clive appears to have thought that the bad spirit which
existed at Calcutta required strong measures.

"The spirit of civil as well as military mutiny," he observes[56],
"that has lately appeared in Calcutta deserves so much of our
attention, as to mark the most turbulent, whether Company's servants,
or free merchants, and resolutely send them to Europe; for Bengal never
can be what it ought to be whilst licentiousness is suffered to trample
upon authority."

When Captain Goddard, and some others, came forward to accuse Sir
R. Fletcher of having encouraged the mutinous combination of the
officers of his brigade, Lord Clive placed him under arrest. An appeal
was made by Sir Robert to have his case judged by the Governor in
Council; but this Lord Clive, though disposed to oblige him, declined.
"Your repairing to Calcutta," his Lordship observed[57], "in order
to be tried by the President and Council, upon an accusation your
exculpation from which depends merely upon military law, is totally
unprecedented, and therefore improper for me to comply with. That you
may not, however, imagine that I intend to take any other part upon
this occasion than my public station requires, be assured that the
court-martial to be held upon your late conduct will be assembled by
an order from the Board, and the sentence confirmed or disapproved by
them."

The junior field officers, who had, by their recent conduct, entitled
themselves to the fullest approbation of Lord Clive, presumed upon
their services so far as to send a memorial, claiming the right of
sharing in the salt revenue; an allowance which, in the military line,
had been limited to their seniors.

This memorial Lord Clive prevented being delivered; pointing out, at
the same time, to the memorialists the injury they would do themselves,
and the impropriety of Government complying with so unreasonable a
request. They attended to his advice, and the memorial was withdrawn;
on which he addressed to them the following flattering letter:--

"Colonel Smith[58] has undoubtedly acquainted you that I declined
presenting your memorial to the Board previous to my receipt of your
application for withdrawing it; and I conclude that the arguments I
urged against the memorial, in my letter to him, have convinced you
of my wish to preserve the enjoyment of the present emoluments to the
field officers upon this establishment. The general good of the whole,
added to the consideration that every supernumerary Major will succeed,
upon vacancies, to a share in the salt trade, will, I hope, prevail
upon you to rest satisfied with the present distribution.

"I cannot omit this opportunity of mentioning how sensible I am of
the service done by you, and the other field officers, on the late
mutinous combination; as without such assistance the resolution of
the President and of the Council must have proved ineffectual. And,
perhaps, you will not be displeased upon my assuring you, that, in my
letters to the Court of Directors, I have represented your conduct,
upon that particular occasion, in the very favourable light it so
justly deserved."

For Sir Robert Barker Lord Clive had the sincerest regard[59]; but he
always regretted the too easy character of that excellent officer. It
appears by a letter from Sir Robert Barker, that some observations
which had been made by the Governor upon Lieutenant Vertue's
court-martial, of which he was President, and upon the subject of
bazars, had reached him; and that he addressed Lord Clive in a tone of
complaint. The following observations, made by the latter in reply,
are interesting, both as they exhibit that frankness with which he
ever explained himself to those whom he regarded, and the opinion he
entertained of those indirect sources of emolument which military
officers in India, who held commands, so long continued to derive from
the sale of liquor and bazars:--

"I have received your letter[60] of the 3d of August, and rejoice to
find that you have recovered your former state of health. Orders are
sent to the commanding officers to appoint a greater number of members
than thirteen, which, I hope, will prevent these delays in future.

"I am sorry you should think yourself obliged to defend your own
conduct, as well as that of the members of the general court-martial
appointed to sit upon the trial of Lieutenant Vertue. When I suggested
to you my opinion at Bankepore, I addressed myself to you alone,
without mentioning the other members. The liberty I then took very
nearly regarded your honour and reputation, as well as the welfare of
the East India Company, in which is included the welfare of the nation.

"I must call to your remembrance some particular expressions I made use
of that morning at breakfast, as others were present, and can prove
the truth of what I assert. I told you, that, where conscience was in
the case, exclusive of the sacredness of an oath, the world should not
bias me to swerve from my opinion; but where that was not so, and I was
convinced in my own mind, a man was guilty, neither apprehensions of
law, or any deficiency in forms, should influence me to act in favour
of those who were not deserving of it. I told you, at the same time,
all the general officers in Great Britain would canvass this general
court-martial, and that their attention would be more particularly
fixed upon you, the President. These were my words, or words to that
purpose; this also is my opinion, which I am not ashamed to declare
to the whole world. If, therefore, any busy, intermeddling person has
represented to you my expressions in another light, he has represented
a falsity.

"With regard to the bazar duties, you may be assured from me, that,
when I mentioned the circumstance of Sir Robert Fletcher's conduct, I
was an utter stranger to any duties whatever being collected by the
commanding officers on the necessaries of life. I never received such
myself, or knowingly suffered others under me to receive them, either
upon the coast or at Bengal; and had Colonel Smith, when he prided
himself upon never having received bazar duties, informed me that he
had allowed Colonel Peach to receive them, it would have been more
consistent with that sincerity which he has always professed.

"No one has shown himself a greater friend to the field officers than
myself; yet they seem already to forget the great advantages they
enjoy. However, I must remark, that, to an officer whose pay and
emoluments amount to 12,000_l._ per annum, the bazar duties can scarce
be an object.

"I am surprised to find myself accused of erecting Colonel Gunge at
Patna. To speak plainly, Barker, I never established a Gunge in my
life, and never will; because I never approved of receiving duties on
the necessaries of life; although I do not think those officers much in
fault who have done the same from prescription only. Colonel Gunge was
created by Colonel Caillaud, and revived by Colonel Cook. The Committee
have forbid this custom in future.

"To conclude, the style and diction of this last letter is so contrary
to Sir Robert Barker's natural disposition, that I am persuaded some
evil-minded persons, who have their own interests more than your
reputation at heart, have been the occasion, through misrepresentation.
However, since my friendship for you is mistrusted, and the regard and
attention which I have shown for your welfare, from the day of your
embarkation to this hour, forgotten, I can only lament your misfortune
and mine, that there should be men in the world who can make these
impressions. For my own part, I am almost weary of the burden. I have
found the pride, ambition, resentment, and self-interestedness of
individuals so incompatible with the public good, that I should have
given up the contest long ago, if I had not set the greatest value
upon my own reputation, which is all I must expect to preserve upon my
return to England, after so odious and disagreeable an undertaking."

In a second letter[61] upon the same subject, Lord Clive observes,--

"With regard to bazars, the vindication of yourself amounted so near
to an accusation of me, that I could not avoid replying as I did. You
must, however, have been by my letter convinced of your mistake in
supposing that I either established, or enjoyed any advantages from,
the Gunge at Patna; and I hope you are no less convinced that my
arguments against the practice of levying duties upon the necessaries
of life were urged with as much tenderness as the nature of the subject
would admit. I wished to prevent your doing in future what I was of
opinion would affect your reputation, but I did not suppose that what
had passed was from the motive of extortion or avarice.

"Be assured, Barker, upon the whole, that all I said and wrote was
dictated by a sincere regard to your honour, and by a desire to see
you act with propriety and dignity in matters which I judged were of no
small importance to your own character."

The officers concerned in the combination, who were brought to a
court-martial, were all cashiered except Captain Parker, and he was
dismissed by an order of Government. That more severe sentences were
not awarded to several who were guilty of mutiny, appears to have been
occasioned by some doubts on the part of the Court by which they were
tried as to an expression in the Mutiny Act, which subjected those
to martial law who have contracted to serve the Company; and it was
conceived that the acceptance of a commission formed no contract. This
interpretation was erroneous; and had it been otherwise, it would have
been as illegal to have deprived an officer of his commission as of
his life. But we cannot be surprised that, where a doubt was raised,
a body of officers unskilled in law, though they might have deemed it
essential to maintain subordination, were disposed to as much lenity as
was compatible with that object.

Lieutenant Stainforth, and another officer, were accused, among other
crimes, of a declared intention of assassinating the Governor. Such
assertions were certainly made, but no overt act warranted the belief
of the intention; and it was never credited by Lord Clive, who alluded
to it on his addressing the officers and men at Monghyr. He was
speaking, he said, he was assured, to Englishmen, not assassins. To
Lieutenant Stainforth, when ordered to England with the other officers
who were dismissed, his secretary addressed, by his desire, a letter
pointing out in kind but decided terms the impossibility of compliance
with his request to be restored to the service; and that, even if he
were restored, the officers, after what had passed, would refuse to
do duty with him. Towards this officer, and others, who had shown in
their language and acts the extreme of personal hostility to him,
Clive, neither at the moment nor afterwards, cherished any resentment.
His efforts to establish discipline, and repress an insubordinate and
mutinous spirit, were strong and uncompromising; but, that object
gained, he appears to have shown as much lenity and consideration for
individuals as was compatible with the maintenance of that authority
which had been so violently assailed.

The circumstances under which Lord Clive had to act, and the
difficulties he had to overcome, are well stated by his successor, Mr.
Verelst, in a work which he subsequently published in defence of his
own conduct.

"The impolitic arrangement of affairs[62] was among the least evils
of the Company's situation, antecedent to Lord Clive's arrival. The
dissolution of government in Calcutta kept pace with that of the
country. A general contempt of superiors, a habit of equality among all
orders of men, had obliterated every idea of subjection. To reclaim men
from dissipation, to revive a general spirit of industry, to lead the
minds of all from gaudy dreams of sudden-acquired wealth to a patient
expectation of growing fortunes, were no less difficult in execution
than necessary to the existence of the Company. Large sums of money,
obtained by various means, had enabled many gentlemen to return to
Europe. This cause, superadded to the massacre of Patna, occasioned
a very quick succession in the service, which encouraged a forward
spirit of independency, and produced a total contempt of public orders,
whenever obedience was found incompatible with private interest. To
check such impatient hopes, where youths aspired to the government of
countries at an age scarcely adequate to the management of private
affairs, four gentlemen, being called from Madras, were admitted into
Council.

"The universal discontent among the civil servants which had arisen
from the late measures, restraining the power of individuals, was
hereby greatly increased; and, united with the mutinous spirit of the
military officers, broke forth, the following year, into a flame, which
threatened destruction to the English empire in Bengal.

"This event, though among the transactions of a later period, may, not
improperly, be here explained. The military in Bengal had for several
years enjoyed an indulgence beyond those in the other settlements of
the Company, which first arose from the bounty of the Subahdar, when
they were employed in his service. By the advice of an officer who had
long commanded the Company's troops upon the coast of Coromandel, with
great reputation to himself and honour to the nation, representing this
extraordinary allowance as destructive of discipline, the Directors,
in their public letters, had frequently ordered the double batta to
be withdrawn.[63] Such directions, in a settlement where all idea of
subordination was lost, and where the conduct of the superior servants
respecting their own interests could ill be reconciled with a rigid
exaction of obedience to the Company's commands in others, produced
little effect. One feeble effort was made; but a remonstrance from the
military induced a ready submission on the part of the Governor and
Council. The Select Committee, very justly conceiving, that a regard
to private interest would not justify a disobedience to the positive
injunction of their superiors[64], resolved to carry the measure into
immediate execution."

A historian little disposed to take a favourable view of Lord Clive's
motives or actions, commenting upon his conduct on this trying
occasion, observes[65]; "It was one of these scenes, however, in which
he was admirably calculated to act with success. Resolute and daring,
fear never turned him aside from his purpose, or deprived him of the
most collected exertions of his mind in the greatest emergencies. To
submit to the violent demands of a body of armed men, was to resign the
government."

This praise, reserved as it is, has value coming from such a quarter;
but it is fair to state, that the historian formed his judgment on
this and other acts of Lord Clive solely from public records. He
has not, like the writer of these pages, had access to that private
correspondence, by which he has been enabled to examine every letter
or note which Clive received or wrote daily to persons of all ranks
and classes; nor could he trace his feelings, as the writer has done,
at every hour of this great crisis, during which, it appears from the
most authentic documents, that his mind was not only cool and unshaken,
but that, though often ruffled with honest indignation at proofs of
cowardice, treachery, and guilt, he was never betrayed into one act
unworthy of his private or his public character. He not only warned all
of the dangers into which they were rushing headlong, but personally
entreated them to remain in the path of duty; or, when they had left
it, to return. In the prosecution of the most guilty he never mingled
his own name; on the contrary, we find him extending to all such as
had attacked him personally, as much clemency and consideration as
was compatible with the public interests; and this kindness not only
reached those who deceived him most grossly, but was extended to an
unfortunate individual who, in a moment of rage, had threatened to
become his assassin. On the other hand, when warmth of temper and
impatience led him, as it sometimes did, to express himself with
unkindness, if not harshness, to those whose efforts and zeal did not
keep pace with his own, we find him treating their remonstrances in
a manner which, from its frankness and tone of friendship, was alike
calculated to establish his own superiority, and to gain their respect,
if not their attachment.

There is no event of his life in which Lord Clive showed more knowledge
of human nature, and a more intimate acquaintance with all the elements
which compose military bodies, than on this occasion. While he visited
with severity of punishment bold offenders, he gave the most delicate
attention to the high feelings of honour, which had kept others free
from guilty associations. When, under an impression that there was
a defect in the articles of war, he would restore none of those who
had joined the combination, until they signed a contract to serve a
certain period, he made no such call upon those who had been true to
their duty. The contract might be necessary, he said; but men who had
undergone such a trial ought not to be insulted with a suspicion that
any further tie was required to bind their allegiance. They repaid this
confidence by voluntarily insisting upon signing the contract, into
which officers with whom they continued to serve had been compelled to
enter.

Lord Clive appears, from both his public and private letters, to have
estimated the complete victory he had obtained on this occasion beyond
any he ever gained in the field: and, in fact, it was with reason
that he did so. Considering that upwards of two hundred officers had
not only combined, but had pledged themselves by every tie that could
bind men, to oppose authority, Clive had solid ground for exultation
in the success of measures, planned and executed by himself, the
result of which was to restore subordination, to vindicate an insulted
Government, and to save the country from ruin. And this achievement
was the more gratifying, from being attended with comparatively few
consequences that were ultimately injurious to any great body of
individuals. It must, moreover, have been satisfactory to Lord Clive,
to know that this combination had not its source in any of those
evil designs by which such mutinous proceedings are often marked. It
originated in the too long continuance of a temporary grant, of an
extra allowance, to which young officers (and almost all concerned were
such) soon adapted their expenditure; and when luxuries, recommended by
the climate and character of the service, became necessaries, they were
not likely to recognise the justice of the distinction, which had been
made by the Directors, between the boon of a Nabob (which the double
batta first was), and a direct payment from the treasury of Government,
which it became after the Company had obtained the grant of the
Dewannee.

The opposition which the officers offered to the reduction of their
allowances, was in some measure countenanced by the local Government,
which had evaded the execution of the orders issued by the Directors
for the abolition of double batta. Nor is it very surprising, that
the officers should have heedlessly rushed on the extreme measure
of resigning their commissions, when we advert to the encouragement
which their combination had received from an officer of the rank and
reputation of Sir Robert Fletcher; and to the sympathy and support
which had been expressed and afforded by the civilians, among whom were
some who held confidential situations under the Government, and others
who were believed to have great influence in England: these persons
were, as well as the military, discontented with the revisions and
reductions which Lord Clive had adopted. Under these circumstances, and
under the impression that their services could not be dispensed with,
at a time when the country was not only unsettled, but threatened with
invasion by a large Mahratta army, the officers felt confident that the
Governor must have yielded to their demands. But in thus judging, they
appear to have little understood the character of him with whom they
had to contend; and when they were met, not only with an unyielding
spirit, but treated at once as criminals, and every measure adopted
for their punishment, they fell without a struggle. They had prepared
no means to go beyond their first act; and this, though it was by some
brought forward as a proof of want of forethought and weakness, was,
in fact, a proof of their innocence of any deliberate intention to
injure the interests of their country: though, but for the overruling
genius of Clive, the most fatal injury would assuredly have been the
consequence of the success of their guilty combination; for, had they
succeeded, the civil Government would have lost all respect, and the
usurpation of the public authority, by a combination of officers, would
have given an example to their men which, if followed, would have
been alike destructive of all discipline, and have terminated in the
subversion of the English government in Bengal.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: This account is an abstract of a narrative of the mutiny,
written by the late Sir Henry Strachey, and which forms Appendix 1st
to the 9th Report of the Committee of Secresy of the House of Commons,
A.D. 1773.]

[Footnote 2: Vide Ibid. Appendix, No. 1. a. fo. 699.]

[Footnote 3: The Court's orders for this reduction, dated the 11th of
June, 1764, are very positive and peremptory.]

[Footnote 4: The order was expected some time before it was issued.]

[Footnote 5: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 1. fo. 699.
This remonstrance sets forth the high rates of supplies at a distance
from the coast, objections of servants to act except in one capacity,
and various expenses and hardships entailed by their situation, and
aggravated by the reduction of allowances.]

[Footnote 6: Ibid. No. 2. fo. 700.]

[Footnote 7: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 4 fo. 702.]

[Footnote 8: Ibid. No. 5. fo. 702.]

[Footnote 9: ibid. No. 6. fo. 702.]

[Footnote 10: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 7. fo. 702.]

[Footnote 11: Ibid. No. 8. fo. 702.]

[Footnote 12: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 9. fo. 703.]

[Footnote 13: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 10. fo. 703.]

[Footnote 14: Ibid. No. 12. fo. 734.]

[Footnote 15: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 13. fo. 704.]

[Footnote 16: Ibid. No. 14. fo. 704.]

[Footnote 17: Vide Letter, 1st May. No. 17. fo. 705. No. 18. fo. 705.]

[Footnote 18: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, Letter 4th May, App.
No. 21. fo. 706.]

[Footnote 19: Ibid. No. 22. fo. 706.]

[Footnote 20: Vide Letter 5th May, No. 23. fo. 706.]

[Footnote 21: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, Letter 5th May, App.
No. 24. fo. 707.]

[Footnote 22: Ibid. No. 27. fo. 707.]

[Footnote 23: Ibid. Nos. 28. and 30. fo. 708.]

[Footnote 24: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 29. fo. 708.]

[Footnote 25: Ibid. No. 31. fo. 708.]

[Footnote 26: Ibid. No. 32. fo. 708.]

[Footnote 27: Vide 9th Rep. of Com. of Secresy, App. No. 38. fo. 780.]

[Footnote 28: A legacy of 70,000_l._ was bequeathed by Meer Jaffier
Aly Khan, Nawab of Bengal, in 1765, to Lord Clive, and paid by his
Lordship, in the year 1766, into the Company's treasury at Fort
William, to run at interest at the rate of 8 per cent., as an annual
fund for the support of European officers and soldiers, who may be
disabled or decayed in the Company's service in Bengal, and for the
widows of officers and soldiers who may die on service there, 8th June,
1766.

The Company extended this donation afterwards to the benefit of all
invalided, disabled, or superannuated officers and soldiers, and the
widows of such officers and soldiers as may die in their service in
any of their settlements in the East Indies, pursuant to an agreement
stipulated between them and Lord Clive in the year 1770, by which the
former establishment of shares was altered to the present moieties or
proportions specified as follows:--

All commissioned or warrant officers shall have half the ordinary
stated pay they enjoyed while in service.

Serjeants belonging to the artillery shall receive 9_d._ per day, and
such as have lost a limb 1_s._ per day: private men of the artillery,
6_d._ per day; and such as lose a limb, 9_d._ per day.

All other non-commissioned officers and private men shall receive
4-3/4_d._ per day.--23d July, 1771.

Vide Parliamentary Papers, A.D. 1773, vol. iv. report 9. p. 535.]

[Footnote 29: A station adjoining the city of Patna.]

[Footnote 30: Captain Goddard became afterwards a very distinguished
officer. He commanded the force that Warren Hastings sent to the relief
of the settlement of Bombay in 1778.]

[Footnote 31: It is not unworthy of remark, that Sir Robert Fletcher,
thus cashiered by sentence of a court-martial for mutiny, was, in 1775,
appointed, by the Court of Directors, Commander-in-chief of the army at
Madras. There he headed the opposition which set aside Lord Pigot from
the government of Madras in 1776.

No mention is made in the text of John Petrie as one of the ringleaders
of the mutiny of the officers of the Bengal army in 1766.

This man was sent home by Lord Clive on that account with a rope about
his neck; but so much do things depend on the party who may be in
power, or influence, with the Court of Directors, that this very John
Petrie obtained an appointment high in the civil service at Bengal,
through the interest of his friends the Johnstones, who were in
opposition to Lord Clive's party in England.]

[Footnote 32: 20th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 33: Letter to General Lawrence, dated Calcutta, 1st June,
1766.]

[Footnote 34: Letter to Sir R. Fletcher, 28th June, 1765.]

[Footnote 35: Mahommed Ali, at Madras.]

[Footnote 36: Letter to Sir R. Fletcher, under date 6th August, 1765.]

[Footnote 37: Letter to Mr. Sumner, dated 7th July, 1765.]

[Footnote 38: Letter to General Carnac under date 8th July, 1765.]

[Footnote 39: Letter to Mr. Verelst, dated 11th July, 1765.]

[Footnote 40: Vide letter from Colonel Richard Smith to Lord Clive,
under date 31st August, 1765.]

[Footnote 41: Vide letter to Colonel Richard Smith from Lord Clive,
under date 15th February, 1766.]

[Footnote 42: Letter to Sir R. Barker, under date 16th February, 1766.]

[Footnote 43: Dated 3d February, 1766.]

[Footnote 44: Letter to Mr. Verelst, dated 3d May, 1766.]

[Footnote 45: Letter to Mr. Verelst, 4th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 46: Letter to Sir R. Barker, p. 19.]

[Footnote 47: Letter to Colonel Smith, dated 15th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 48: Dated 16th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 49: Dated 18th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 50: Dated 22d May, 1766.]

[Footnote 51: Letters to Mr. Sumner and Mr. Sykes, dated 23d and 24th
May.]

[Footnote 52: Letter to H. Verelst, Esq., 25th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 53:

  "Patna, le 27 Mai, 1766.

  "Monsieur,

"J'ai eu l'honneur de votre lettre du quinzième courant. Le sujet étant
aussi intéressant pour vous, il sera, je crois, essentiel qu'une lettre
me soit addressée de votre part et de votre conseil conjointement.

"Un nombre de nos officiers ont très-déshonorablement quitté le
service, sous un prétexte le plus injuste; à savoir, qu'ils n'ont pas
de quoi subsister; quoique notre militaire est le plus advantageux
du monde. Ils sont actuellement en chemin pour Calcutta. Comme ils
passeront par votre Colonie, j'ai jugé à propos de vous l'annoncer; et
je me persuade que vous ne donnerez point d'accueil à des gens qui ont
agi si indignement.

  "Je suis, &c.,

  "Clive."]

[Footnote 54: Letter to Mr. Verelst, 28th May, 1766. Messrs. Abzal's
gardens.]

[Footnote 55: Letter to Sir R. Fletcher, dated 30th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 56: Letter to H. Verelst, Esq., dated 6th June, 1766.]

[Footnote 57: Letter to Sir R. Fletcher, dated 3d July, 1766.]

[Footnote 58: Vide Letter to the Junior Field Officers, 6th October,
1766.]

[Footnote 59: Before Lord Clive left India, he wrote to Sir R. Barker,
earnestly advising him to remain till Colonel Smith returned, and
assuring him of his support to succeed that officer in the command of
the troops in Bengal.]

[Footnote 60: Letter to Sir R. Barker, dated 12th August, 1766.]

[Footnote 61: Letter to Sir R. Barker, dated 8th October, 1766.]

[Footnote 62: Vide Verelst's "View of the English Government in
Bengal." Lond. 1772. 4to, p. 56.]

[Footnote 63: A repetition of this command was among the particular
instructions to Lord Clive in 1764.]

[Footnote 64: Under the establishment of this double batta, a Captain's
commission produced little short of 1000_l._ per annum: when reduced,
it was worth from 650_l._ to 700_l._, as appeared upon the action of
Captain Parker against Lord Clive.]

[Footnote 65: Mill's "History of British India," vol. iii. p. 376.]




CHAP. XVI.


In the preceding two chapters, an account has been given of Lord
Clive's successful efforts in the arduous task of reforming the abuses,
and restoring order and discipline to the civil and military services
of Bengal: it remains to notice other public proceedings of importance
during his last residence in India.

No question connected with this period of his service was, at the
moment and subsequently, the subject of more comment and discussion,
both on the part of the Government at home and of individuals, than the
monopoly of the salt trade; the profits of which he divided among the
Governor, the Counsellors, and the senior civil and military officers;
deeming this indulgence, as he repeatedly states in his official and
private letters, indispensable to the integrity and efficiency of the
public service. Men in high station, he argued, unless some ample and
open allowance was given them, could never be expected to be reconciled
to a strict observance of the covenants that prohibited presents, nor
to the loss of that internal trade which had been denounced as so
ruinous and oppressive. The shares in the profits from salt were, by
his plan, divided according to the rank and duties of the parties. The
amount was known, and, though liberal, it was limited, and, certainly,
would not appear, from the statements made of it, to be more than a
fair remuneration to men employed as those were to whom it was allotted.

Whether this mode of remunerating service was the best at the period
when it was adopted, and whether the monopoly of the salt produced in
the lower parts of Bengal, which the East India Company found existing,
and have ever since, under one shape or another, continued, was
advantageous or hurtful, on sound financial principles, are questions
which merit notice, both as connected with the biography of Clive, and
with the source of our Indian revenues.

The habits of thinking, and constitution, of the Court of Directors,
rendered them very adverse to granting adequate salaries to those
employed in high stations. These had all (including the military)
the privilege of trading; and to the exercise of this privilege many
of the abuses of the earlier times of the service have been justly
attributed. Clive appears to have made reiterated representations
upon this subject, impressing the necessity of adequate allowances,
in some shape, to the superior officers, in order to animate their
zeal, and preserve their public integrity. The narrow allowance to
military officers, and their being expected to gain by trade, he
particularly condemned. Writing to Major Stibbert[66], he observes,
"I have received your letter of the 17th inst., and am not a little
surprised that you should so soon request leave to return to Calcutta,
considering how short a time you have done duty in your brigade. Your
attention, I suspect, is too much taken up with commercial affairs; a
study very foreign from an officer, even of an inferior rank, as it
must frequently interfere with the services of a military station, but
particularly reprehensible in those to whom a share in the profits upon
salt is allotted. However, I admit that the death of your attorney
may make your presence in Calcutta necessary. You have, therefore, my
permission to leave the cantonments immediately, if the service will
permit, and Colonel Smith has no objection."

The ground on which he felt the necessity of assuring to military
officers of rank liberal allowances, in order that they might suitably
maintain their station in life, and enjoy a reward for long service;
and the necessity he saw for putting an end, on their part, to all
indefinite and indirect perquisites, and of giving to their minds a
tone that should elevate them above all sordid views, and make them
what their stations required they should be, is well stated in a
letter[67] to Sir Robert Barker:--"Colonel Smith is making a vigorous
progress in reforming the abuses that fall under his notice. The
monstrous charges and impositions of quarter-masters, surgeons, &c.,
&c., require, indeed, the strictest scrutiny; and he seems determined
to go through it with great spirit and attention to the Company's
interest. Nor shall I be disappointed in the assistance I expect from
you in these matters, whilst I shall, at the same time, have the
satisfaction of knowing that you can enforce wholesome regulations
without creating disgust. The privilege of making bills, and the long
track of frauds introduced under the customary disguise of perquisites,
I wish to see entirely abolished. Every emolument shall be fixed, plain
and open: the medium shall, if possible, be struck between extravagance
and niggardly restrictions: but economy shall take place. The allowance
to field officers will be so large as to prevent even their wishing for
more; and, at the same time, so reasonable, that I think the Company
must approve of them. A colonel's share of the salt produce will be
from 5000_l._ to 6000_l._ per annum, or more[68]; lieutenant-colonel's
and major's in proportion; and as a further encouragement, I intend
that all the field officers shall be allowed sufficient to defray the
expense of their table. When all mean advantages are disclaimed and
held in contempt by gentlemen high in the service, reformation will, of
course, be with greater ease introduced among inferiors. You will do me
the justice to believe that I mean this as a general observation only,
and not as a necessary hint, either to yourself or any of the field
officers of your regiment, as I know you are all men of honour and
principle."

The reasons of expediency that led Clive to recommend that high public
officers, civil and military, should be remunerated by shares in the
profits of the salt trade, are stated in numerous letters. He thought
that an open, direct, pecuniary allowance would not willingly be
sanctioned by the Company out of any of the revenues which flowed into
their treasury, and still less from the profits of their trade; and
that, besides, such large avowed allowances would invite an attack from
the Crown on their patronage; and that the grasping character of the
administration in England would lead to a ruinous interference in the
nomination of men to India who had no recommendation but their high
birth and great interest.

It was the above considerations that compelled him to devise the means
he deemed least objectionable of adequately rewarding service, in
order to gain, by the tie of self-interest as well as honour, those
instruments without whose aid he was sensible the great reform he had
resolved to introduce could neither be complete nor permanent. In
Clive's correspondence and measures, at this period, will be found
the origin and introduction of that important principle of a fair and
honourable payment for service, suited to its nature and the rank and
responsibility of the individuals employed, which has been generally
ascribed to the more enlightened policy of a subsequent administration.
That his efforts failed, was owing to the conduct of others, and
particularly the public authorities in England, who, in their attack
upon the salt monopoly and its appropriation, and in the condemnation
of his measures, threw, for a period, a disrepute upon all that he had
done, which led to a revival of a great proportion of the abuses he had
corrected, and a disregard of the principles he had established. As
the salt monopoly and its appropriation has been a subject of constant
attack upon his character, and continues, so far as the monopoly is
concerned, to be still one upon the Indian Government, the subject
merits a cursory notice, which is all that the limits and objects of
this Memoir will permit.[69]

We have already seen that, by the firman of the King of Delhi, the
English Company possessed the right of trading free from duties. This
privilege was granted to favour the kind of trade they then carried
on, which was confined to exports and imports by sea: and the dustuck,
or passport, of the English presidents or chiefs, was respected by the
Subahdar's officers to that extent. Under this privilege the President
favoured also the private trade of the Company's servants or officers,
which, though not strictly according to the words of the firman, was
never objected to.

As to the internal or carrying trade of the country, to engage in it
never entered into the plans of the Company or its servants, which
were confined to the valuable and profitable traffic between Europe
and India; and, had they thought of it, it is clear that it could not
have been profitably conducted by foreigners under a native government,
which had the power of enforcing justice in the transactions between
them and its own subjects.

But after the deposition of Suraj-u-Dowlah, and the elevation of Meer
Jaffier, the influence of the English in Bengal became paramount;
and, as they were all traders, some of them extended their views, and
availed themselves of their political superiority to enter into the
internal trade also; and, applying their partial freedom from duties on
foreign trade to circumstances totally different, employed it to exempt
themselves from duties even on their illegal internal commerce; an
indulgence which, of course, had never been intended.

As long as Clive remained in Bengal, he checked these pretensions by
his characteristic firmness and spirit; but no sooner had he left the
country, than there was a general rush of the Company's servants,
and of Europeans of all classes, towards the interior trade of the
three provinces. In the foreign trade, the Company and its officers
had, indeed, the advantage of trading free of duties, but the returns
were tardy, and in some instances uncertain; whereas in the internal
trade the return was rapid and certain; and, as they most unjustly
claimed for this trade the same exemption from duties which they had
enjoyed for the articles of their foreign export trade, it is clear
that they had it in their power to undersell the native merchant in
his own market; that, to the extent of their capital, they had all
the advantages of a monopoly; and that, as their trade increased, the
revenues of the sovereign must decay. By this assumption they, in fact,
made themselves participators in the benefit of the taxes imposed for
the public service.

Of all the articles of inland trade, that of salt was by much the most
important. Its manufacture and trade had always, to a certain extent,
been a monopoly, and was generally farmed or granted for a price, as
a boon, to some favourite of the prince. Being a necessary of life,
the demand was great and steady; and the capital employed in the trade
being limited, the return on it was very large. It seems, under the
frugal management of the natives, to have amounted to 200 per cent.
After the deposition of Meer Jaffier in favour of Cossim Ali, planned,
as we have seen, by Mr. Holwell, and imprudently executed by Mr.
Vansittart in 1760, not long after Lord Clive's departure, the abuses
of the English private trade in this and all its other branches, no
longer sufficiently checked by the Governor, increased daily. Fortunes
were amassed with singular rapidity; and such was the certainty of
gain, that native capital flowed plentifully into the hands of the
English merchant, who employed it himself, or permitted the trade
of natives to be carried on covertly under his name. It could not be
otherwise; for, while the native purchased the commodity at a high
rate, paid an enormous duty, and was subject to all the expense and
annoyance of frequent tolls, exactions, and stoppages, the English had
become possessed of the principal salt works, paid no duty, and carried
their wares at pleasure about the country for sale free from all demand
or exaction whatever.

Cossim Ali, a prince of great sagacity, and no mean financier,
remonstrated with Mr. Vansittart on the abuses exercised by the
English, and still more under their name, all over the country, to
the oppression of his subjects, and the ruin of the public revenues;
for not only did the Gomashtahs, and others in the service of the
English, refuse payment of customs, but they insulted, and sometimes
even insolently punished, on their own authority, the officers of the
native Government. Mr. Vansittart, quite aware of the justice of the
complaints, and not unwilling to remedy them, as far as the little
power left in his hands by the rapacity of his Council, and his own
want of vigour, would allow, at length entered into a treaty with the
Subah[70], by which, among other stipulations, it was agreed, that the
English should be allowed to engage in the inland trade, but subject
to duties; and, in particular, were to be allowed to purchase salt,
subject to a low duty of 9 per cent. only, and might transport it about
the country, free from all the transit duties paid by the Subah's own
subjects.[71]

This arrangement, such as it was, afforded but a feeble redress to
Meer Cossim: but the Council, themselves the principal traders, were
indignant, even at this moderate deduction from their commercial gains,
and disavowed the act of the Governor. The consequence was what we have
seen: Meer Cossim, seeing his subjects deprived of their trade, and
himself of his revenues, proclaimed a general exemption from customs
and duties for two years, to his subjects and to all others.

The rage of the Council of Calcutta at this step, rendered necessary
by their own conduct, led to a bloody war, the massacre of Patna, the
deposition of Meer Cossim, and the restoration of Meer Jaffier. It was
not without reason that the Court of Directors regarded "the inland
trade as the foundation of all the bloodshed, massacres, and confusion
which have happened of late years in Bengal."

By the treaty[72] with the restored prince, the English got a right
of trading by their own dustuck, free of all taxes, duties, and
impositions, excepting one of two and a half per cent. on salt. This
was, in effect, giving them a monopoly of that profitable trade; and it
appears that even this duty, trifling as it was, was never levied. The
arrangement threw the whole inland trade of the country into the hands
of the English and their agents, whose violence totally paralysed the
native Government.

These proceedings, and their fatal consequences, were viewed by the
Court of Directors with indignation and alarm. The new assumptions had
not even the air of being for their benefit, but were exclusively for
the advantage of their servants. They therefore, in order to repress
the evil, on the 8th of February, 1764, sent out an order to put an
end to the inland trade in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, and all other
articles produced and consumed in the country.

It was soon after this order was resolved upon that, the news of the
massacre of Patna, the war with Meer Cossim, and other events, having
reached England, and diffused the greatest consternation every where,
and especially at the India House, Lord Clive was solicited once more
to return to Bengal, to restore peace and stability to the empire of
which he was the founder. In his letter to the Court of Directors[73],
accepting of the government, fully aware of one great source of
misrule, he recommended an entire abolition of the inland trade in
salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, as having, with other circumstances,
concurred to hasten and bring on the late troubles.

But, soon after the date of this letter, the Court of Proprietors,
among whom were numbers favourable to the claims of the servants, and
who saw with alarm a stop likely to be put to a trade which, in the
short space of four years, had already sent many large fortunes to
England, had come to a resolution[74] to recommend "to the Court of
Directors to reconsider the orders sent to Bengal relative to the trade
of the Company's servants in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco; and that
they do give such directions for regulating the same, agreeably to
the interest of the Company and the Subah, as to them may appear most
prudent; either by settling here at home the restrictions under which
this trade ought to be carried on, or by referring it to the Governor
and Council of Fort William to regulate this important point in such a
manner as may prevent all future disputes betwixt the Subah and the
Company."

The orders of the 8th of February had been dispatched previously to the
arrival of the news of the new treaty with Meer Jaffier; "the terms
of which, however," the Directors justly observe, "appear to be so
very injurious to the Nabob, and to the natives, that they cannot, in
the very nature of them, tend to any thing but the producing general
heart-burnings and dissatisfaction;" it is therefore directed, that the
orders of the 8th of February remain in force, till a more equitable
plan can be formed; the Governor and Council being directed to consult
the Nabob as to the manner of carrying on the inland trade of salt,
and other articles produced and consumed in the country, which may be
most to his satisfaction and advantage, the interest of the Company,
and likewise of the Company's servants, and to form and transmit home
an equitable plan, to enable the Court to give directions. It is to
be remembered, therefore, that in this view there was a threefold
interest to be considered; that of the Nabob, of the Company, and of
the Company's servants.

This letter was carried out to India in the ship which conveyed Lord
Clive; though a copy, sent by another vessel, arrived some time before
him.

When Lord Clive reached India, one of the first objects that engaged
his attention was the manner in which the public servants were to be
remunerated.

At that period, their direct salaries were very trifling; that of
councillor being only 350_l._, and the others small in proportion.
The Company was originally strictly a trading Company, and its clerks
and servants were paid chiefly by being allowed to trade on their
own account. When the Company found it necessary to have troops for
the defence of their factories, their military officers were paid in
the same way. All were merchants and traders, from the governor, the
commandant, and the chaplain, down to the youngest writer and ensign.

Now that they were princes with a large territory, and a formidable
army, the steps by which they reached that eminence had been so sudden,
and the consequences so unforeseen, that their servants still continued
to be civil, military, and ecclesiastical traders: the old system
remained unchanged.

But a change of circumstances necessarily called for a change of
regulations. The relative situation of the English and natives was no
longer the same: for instance, the receiving of presents from native
princes, or men of rank, had quite altered its nature. While the
Company were mere traders, there could be no good reason for hindering
their servants and the natives from mutually receiving and bestowing
presents. The parties were on a level, bound to each other by common
interest, and presents were nothing more than a mark of the good-will
that subsisted between them; the consequence of their friendship or
relations in trade, exhibited according to the usage and fashion of the
country, of which the giving and receiving of presents formed a part.

In the altered situation of the Company, when their servants concluded
treaties, influenced the fate of provinces, and made and unmade
princes, things were essentially changed. Presents were now liable to
become, not the sign and consequence of good-will, but the motive, and
sometimes the guilty motive, of public acts; and great sums might be
thus extorted, to the injury both of the natives and of the Company:
and, indeed, this natural effect did ensue. The paramount influence of
the English authority was abused, for purposes of private interest and
selfish rapacity. Great fortunes were made in this way during the five
years that Lord Clive was absent in England, and these benevolences
became a most heavy burden on the men of rank and wealth in India.

To check this evil, the Court of Directors, as we have seen, ordered
covenants against receiving presents to be entered into by all their
servants.

The orders issued regarding the inland trade nearly shut up another
great source of gain. During the five years in which the public
servants had carried it on with such amazing profit, the export trade,
as an inferior branch, had been left chiefly to free merchants and free
mariners. The orders excluding the Company's servants from the inland
trade now drove them back, once more, to foreign and general trade, but
in more unfavourable circumstances.

They complained to the Directors that, by the course of events,
which had done so much for the Company, they were placed in a worse
situation than ever, and engaged in an unfavourable competition even
with the free traders: that, instead of benefiting, they suffered by
being in the Company's service, as they were confined to one spot by
the Company's concerns, while the others could run over the country,
and had nothing to engage them but their own interests. In this
representation there was much truth; though the conclusion might have
reached farther than either the Company or their servants would have
been willing to allow.

Men who had been accustomed to look to great and immediate returns
for their capital, or for the mere use of their name, looked upon the
restrictions under which they were now placed as the height of tyranny.
The habits of indulgence and expense which they had acquired from the
rapid influx of wealth, and the golden prospects which their situation
had seemed to hold out to them, were bad preparations for returning to,
or for acquiring, the patient, sober, and steady habits of business
which general commerce requires. Lord Clive found the settlement in
a ferment; and all ranks of the Company's servants resolved to throw
every obstacle in the way of executing the Company's orders.

How he triumphed over the civil, as well as military, combinations
which threatened ruin to the British ascendency in India, we have
already seen: but if he triumphed, it was not by firmness alone; it was
equally by the justice, the consideration, the policy, which guided all
his measures.

He had all the powers of mind necessary for his new situation; but
his instruments were very imperfect. He saw that a grand crisis had
arrived in the Company's affairs; that their servants were brought into
contact with men possessed of the greatest wealth and power, and whose
fate they really held in their hands. "Without proposing a reasonable
prospect of independent fortunes," says one of his friends[75], "it was
ridiculous to hope that common virtue could withstand the allurements
of daily temptation; or that men armed with power would abstain from
the spoils of a prostrate nation."

Clive was particularly desirous, as we have seen, that the chief men in
the administration of affairs, but especially the Governor, should be
withdrawn from trade, and from whatever could warp the freedom of their
opinions: it is a subject to which he often reverts in his private
correspondence.

But to expect that the Directors would directly sanction large salaries
to their servants from the profits of the Company's trade, or from
their territorial revenues, was vain. It was quite at variance with the
old maxims by which they were accustomed to regulate their concerns.

There seemed to be no alternative, therefore, but either to let things
proceed in the ruinous course in which they now were, to enforce the
covenants, and enter, unaided, on a hopeless struggle between private
interest and public duty; or to find means, from such resources of the
country as were not yet claimed by the Company, to pay the superior
servants in an adequate and ample manner; and this last he resolved to
attempt.

"It was not expedient," says Clive himself, in his speech in the House
of Commons[76], "to draw the reins too tight. It was not expedient
that the Company's servants should pass from affluence to beggary. It
was necessary that some emoluments should accrue to the servants in
general, and more especially to those in superior stations, who were
to assist in carrying on the measures of Government. The salary of a
councillor is, I think, scarcely 300_l._ per annum; and it is well
known that he cannot live in that country for less than 3000_l._ The
same proportion holds among the other servants. It was requisite,
therefore, that an establishment should take place; and the Select
Committee, after the most mature deliberation, judged that the trade
in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, under proper regulations, might
effectually answer the purpose."

One difficulty had been removed when, about the time of the grant
of the dewannee, the young Nabob, Nujum-ed-Dowlah, had yielded up
to the Company the whole of the revenues of the three provinces,
in consideration of a fixed annuity. The question, after that, no
longer regarded the Nabob, or his revenues; it was only between the
Company, their servants, and the natives; and Clive believed that, by
an arrangement regarding the salt trade, the interest of all could
be conciliated: and it is to be recollected, that the Directors had
ordered that the new plan should have a view to "the interest of the
Company, and likewise of the Company's servants."[77]

It is unnecessary to enter into all the details of the plan finally
adopted in September, 1765, which were chiefly arranged by Mr. Sumner.
The salt trade was to be conducted solely by a society composed of all
the higher officers of Government, civil and military; their capital
was to consist of a certain number of shares; the civil servants, as
low down as factors, the military, as low down as majors, were to hold
shares; chaplains and surgeons had also their shares; the capital for
carrying on the trade was to be furnished by the sharers, in their due
proportions. The affairs of the Society were conducted by a committee;
the salt was to be furnished to them by contractors, and was to be sold
at various grand stations by agents, generally Europeans, appointed by
the Committee, the purchasers from whom could carry and sell it over
the country at pleasure; 35 per cent. on the price was allowed as a
tax to the company[78], who had now come into the Nabob's place; the
selling price, at the different remote stations, was also fixed at
rates 12 or 15 per cent. below what was found to have been the average
rate of the twenty years preceding.

Besides providing ample allowances to the chief of the Company's
servants, the great advantage of this plan was, that it allowed them
to withdraw their attention wholly from trade.[79] They were sleeping
partners of a sure and profitable concern, the whole details of which,
without any care on their part, was managed by a committee devoted to
the business.

The profits of this Society were, as might have been expected, very
great. "The capital of the salt trade," says Clive, writing to Colonel
Call[80], "is 32 lacs of sicca rupees, upon which the most moderate
expect to make 50 per cent., clear of all charges; others, 75 per
cent.; and the most sanguine, 100 per cent. Take the lowest, and a
councillor's and a colonel's profit will be 7000_l._ sterling per
annum; a lieutenant-colonel's and junior merchant's, 3000_l._; majors'
and factors', 2000_l._ These advantages, and a free open trade,
are in lieu of all presents from the natives, and all perquisites
disadvantageous to the Company, and dishonourable to the servants." And
in a letter[81] to Mr. Palk, the Governor of Madras, after mentioning
the large allowance that the trade would give to the different sharers,
he adds, "This extraordinary indulgence is in lieu of perquisites; for
I intend the Governor and Council shall take a most solemn oath at the
Mayor's Court, in presence of all the inhabitants, that they shall
receive no perquisites whatever, or other advantages, excepting what
arises from their trade; and to this shall be added a penalty-bond of
a very very large sum of money. These articles, upon my arrival, were
altogether in the hands of the Company's servants and free merchants,
and only yielded to the Company 60,000_l._ per annum, and to the Nabob
nothing, for they did not even pay the 2-1/2 per cent. duties. Neither
will the method we are pursuing be attended with the least disadvantage
to the inhabitants: the same hands who made and worked the salt are
still employed at the same rates; and the salt in general will be sold
at a much lower price than formerly. Formerly the salt was sold dear or
cheap, according to the demand for that article; we shall endeavour to
fix upon a price for every market, and always sell it for the same."

The result of the first year's sales was very prosperous, and even
exceeded expectation: insomuch that, in forming the plan for the
following year, it was resolved to diminish the profits of the
proprietors, and to raise those of the East India Company, the duty
to whom was now fixed at 50 per cent., which, at a low valuation of
the salt, was to produce about 160,000_l._ Clive had, however, in the
course of his progress through the country, observed the inconvenience
of employing European agents in the trade; and a very material
improvement was introduced, by dispensing with their agency altogether,
and selling the article at Calcutta, or where it was made, to the
natives only, with permission to convey it wherever they pleased. In
this way Europeans were totally removed from any direct interference
with the natives in the interior, and the trade was as free as any
monopoly can be. This second year's Society commenced in September,
1766.

Not long after it began its operations, letters from the Court of
Directors reached Bengal, disapproving of the plan of the first year's
Society, and commanding the trade to be thrown open, and left entirely
to the natives. In coming to this resolution, they were not so much
influenced by any views of the particular merits or demerits of the new
plan itself, as by consideration of the mischiefs which had for several
years attended the general system of internal trade carried on by the
English gentlemen with a high hand, free of duties. Their orders,
repeatedly sent out, to pay the legal duties to the Nabob, and to keep
within the meaning of the Emperor's firman, had been totally neglected,
or provokingly evaded. Repeated revolutions had been the consequence,
and immense suffering to the country. "We are fully sensible," say the
Court of Directors[82], "that these innovations, and illegal traffic,
laid the foundation of all the bloodshed, massacres, and confusion
which have happened of late years. We cannot suffer ourselves to
indulge a thought towards the continuance of them, upon any conditions
whatsoever. No regulations can, in our opinion, be formed, that can be
effectual to prevent the like consequences which we have seen." They
desire, however, that the duties, as forming part of the revenues of
Bengal, should not be abolished. In a letter of the same date, to Lord
Clive, the Directors, after bestowing the greatest and most merited
praise on the penetration with which he had at once discerned their
true interest in every branch of their concerns; the rapidity with
which he had restored order, peace, and tranquillity; and the integrity
which governed all his actions, proceed to give their resolutions on
the inland trade. "The vast fortunes," they observe, "acquired in the
inland trade have been obtained by a scene of the most tyrannic and
oppressive conduct that ever was known, in any age or country. We have
been uniform in our sentiments and orders on this subject, from the
first knowledge we had of it; and your Lordship will not, therefore,
wonder, after the fatal experience we had of the violent abuses
committed in this trade, that we could not be brought to approve it,
even in the limited and regulated manner with which it comes to us, in
the plan laid down in the Committee's proceedings. We agree in opinion
with your Lordship on the propriety of holding out such advantages to
our chief servants, civil and military, as may open to them the means
of honourably acquiring a competency in our service; but the difficulty
of the subject, and the short time we have at present to consider
it, have obliged us to defer giving our sentiments and directions
thereupon, until the next despatch." The letter concludes with
entreaties to him to remain for another year in India, and with holding
out the prospect of some solid permanent retribution, corresponding to
his most important services.

The real causes of the resolutions of public bodies do not always
appear in their public acts. To deprive their servants of their
principal means of subsistence, without substituting any authorised
allowance in its place, was bad policy in itself, and was reducing Lord
Clive, in the midst of his exertions, to a very painful dilemma. Mr.
Scrafton, in a letter[83] to Lord Clive, explains their secret reasons.
The Proprietors had begun to clamour for an increase of dividend, which
the Directors thought unsuitable to the situation of the Company's
affairs. "This," says he, "has induced the Directors to defer the
consideration of the gratification of the servants on abolishing the
salt trade. Such consideration could not be but for a vast sum; and if
it had got wind that such gratifications were ordered, the Proprietors
would be outrageous for an increase of the dividend. Though we cannot
open our minds upon it, yet it appears to me an increase of dividend
must take place at the Quarterly Court in June; and then the Court will
be under no restraint, but will give a per centage on the revenues,
in which the Governor will have a great share, in lieu of trade; the
rest among the Committee, Council, colonels, and ten below Council,
but no lower."--"Your Lordship may be assured it will take place; for,
when the last paragraph was added to the letter to you, the Committee
declared it was their meaning and intention to do it by the next ship."

The letters of the Directors, the first which Clive had received
in answer to his communication on the plan which he had formed, as
directed by them, for carrying on the internal trade, reached him
only in December, 1766, a month before he left India. He had for some
weeks been confined to his chamber by a very severe illness, from
which his life was in danger. He now felt himself placed in a most
painful predicament, between the Court of Directors and the immediate
difficulties of his situation with the civil and military servants.
He believed that, with long attention and care, he had succeeded in
disarming the salt trade of most of its evils, and by its means had
secured to the Company's superior servants a lawful for an unlawful
income. But the commands of the Directors were positive; and, though he
was of opinion that they were founded on mistake, it was his wish to
conform to them. The Company, though aware of the address and spirit
of command with which he had checked the machinations of their civil
servants in 1765, were still ignorant, when their orders were given,
of his still more difficult triumph over the mutiny of their military
officers. They had, most justly and wisely, deprived their servants
of their means of illicit gain; they now rashly deprived them also of
what had been substituted as a lawful provision; they referred these
discontented and powerful men, who had vast wealth within their reach,
to a future and uncertain time, when their masters should be at leisure
to pay some attention to their immediate and urgent necessities.
An inferior man would have hesitated and faltered: Clive saw that
decision was necessary for the crisis. He could not undo his own work
of pacification and reform. The affairs of the Society were too far
advanced to be discontinued all at once. He therefore confirmed the
grant to the Society, but declared that it was to terminate at the
conclusion of the current year, the 1st of September, 1767.[84] At
the same time, the Select Committee of Calcutta, by their letter of
the 26th of January, 1767, while they mentioned that the orders for
discontinuing the Society had been complied with, remonstrated strongly
with the Court of Directors on the occasion; calling on them to review
their opinion.

Such is an outline of the history of the Society of Trade during
Clive's government. He formed a society in unison, as he supposed,
with the spirit of the orders of the Court of Directors, which desired
him, in the new plan of trade intended to be formed, to consult the
benefit of three parties--the Nabob, the Company, and its servants.
The Nabob's interest had merged in the Company's. The interest of the
natives, however, the most important of all, was consulted by their
restoration to the benefits of the trade, from which recently they
had nearly been excluded; and by the exclusion of Europeans from any
participation in the details of it. How the interests of the Company's
servants were to be consulted by any plan that admitted them to the
profits, yet excluded them in every shape from the trade, it is not
easy to imagine. Lord Clive and the Committee did, therefore, what
then, and in all succeeding times, it has been found necessary to do,
in India, and in every distant possession, to form and execute a plan
on their own responsibility, and to leave the future approbation or
disapprobation to their distant masters. Inconvenient as this may be,
it is an inconvenience inseparable from distant legislation.

A few words may here be said on the future history of the salt trade.
The Court of Directors, after receiving the letters of the Select
Committee, still persisted in their desire of abolishing the Society,
and of removing Europeans from this and all other concern with the
inland trade of the country. They therefore, by their letter of the
20th of November, 1767, written eighteen months after their former
letter, ordered the Society of Trade to be abolished, and the salt-pans
to be sold by public auction, excluding all Europeans from being
bidders or owners, directly or indirectly. Instead of the benefits
resulting to the senior servants from this trade, an allotment of
2-1/2 per cent. on the net revenue of the dewannee was assigned to
them in certain shares; and a small increase of pay to captains and
subalterns.[85]

Meanwhile, in Bengal, when September, 1767, arrived, these last
orders having not yet been received, nor indeed written, another
year was allowed by Mr. Verelst, the new Governor, and his Council,
to the Society of Trade, to collect their debts, and realise their
capital. It was not till September, 1768, that it ceased; and the
Court of Directors having, in December, 1769[86], by a sudden and
singular departure from their opinions, so strongly announced, sent
out instructions to lay open the inland trade to all persons, as well
natives as Europeans, a proclamation to that effect was published
at Calcutta, on the 12th of December, 1770. The effect of this
essential change in the Company's plans on the future prosperity of
the provinces, it is no part of the present Memoir to investigate; but
it is very plain, that, by admitting Europeans into the inland trade,
in the state in which the country then was, they really did away with
all the benefit that could in any way have been expected to arise from
abolishing the monopoly.

But whether Lord Clive's opinions regarding the trade in salt were
sound or not, one thing at least is evident,--he was perfectly
conscientious in the advice he gave, and on the measures he adopted,
on that subject. This is plain from his whole conduct, and from his
correspondence, public and private, with numerous persons, while
in India. Nor did his anxiety on the subject cease, even after he
had reached England, when all private interest in the subject,
if he can be supposed ever to have had any, must have been over.
Finding accidentally, some months after his arrival, that the plan
of abolishing the Salt Society continued to be entertained, he
explained his views on the subject to the Committee of Treasury and
Correspondence of the Directors, in a detailed and laboured letter.[87]
He pointed out the advantages of the trade as then regulated, as
the best fund that the Company could appropriate for the payment,
without grudging or envy, of their superior servants: that it enabled
them to regulate the emoluments of their servants, according to their
own wishes; that by it, their servants had the appearance of being
paid, not by the Company, but by the profits of their own trade,--an
advantage not attending any payment by a percentage on the revenue. "If
you grant a commission upon the revenue," says he, "the sum will not
only be large, but known to the world; the allowance being publicly
ascertained, every man's proportion will at times be the occasion of
much discourse, envy, and jealousy; the great will interfere in your
appointments, and noblemen will perpetually solicit you to provide
for the younger branches of their families." It is evident, that his
views originated not in principles of political economy, but of policy,
forced upon him by the circumstances in which India was placed. His
efforts were directed to insure a desirable object, in what he deemed,
not certainly the best, but the only practicable mode.

In spite of this remonstrance, the Committee came to the resolution
of throwing the trade open, imposing only a duty of 10 rupees on the
hundred maunds of salt. Lord Clive again addressed them[88], showing
that they were in reality giving up 300,000_l._ per annum, for a tax
of only 31,500_l._; and pointed out that, even on their plan, the trade
would continue in some degree a monopoly, and that the servants would
still be concerned in it to what extent they pleased, under their
banyans and black merchants. His expressions in writing the same day
to Mr. Verelst, show how sincere and deep-rooted his opinions on the
subject were. Sending him a copy of his letter to the Committee, he
adds, "What attention they will pay to my representations I know not:
but I have such confidence in your honour and zeal for the Company's
welfare, that I cannot help hoping you will take care that the Company
be not deprived of 300,000_l._ per annum, however peremptory the orders
of the Directors may be."

The letter of the 20th of November, 1767, already mentioned, was
written soon after. The only effect of this remonstrance was a change
by which the duty was to be advanced to a sum not exceeding 120,000_l._
Lord Clive points out, in several confidential letters to Mr. Verelst,
the want of information of the Directors on this occasion, and the
pernicious consequences likely to result from the change. That he
was sincere, admits not of a doubt. His opinions on the subject he
maintained uniformly to the last hour of his life, and the events seem
to have justified his foresight.

The tax, as regulated by him, certainly was a monopoly, and so far was
exceptionable; but he might justly maintain that the real question was,
Are the evils arising from this monopoly, or from the licentiousness
of the rulers of the country, if penuriously paid, most to be dreaded?
and of this he had no doubt. Even from the question of the comparative
merits of a monopoly and free trade, political considerations,
unfortunately, could not be altogether excluded. The society of trade
was abolished under pretence of being a monopoly. This was not,
however, the real cause. That society excluded from the salt trade a
body of powerful and wealthy Europeans, who raised a clamour, in name
of the natives, but solely for their own private views. On the plan,
as reformed by Lord Clive, the natives were restored to their former
employment, and Europeans excluded. But when the trade was thrown open
to all indiscriminately, natives and Europeans, the change, though in
form the result of sound principles of government and of political
economy, was really, in substance, quite the reverse. The two parties
did not come into the field on equal terms; the society of trade had a
direct interest that no oppression should be exercised on the natives
in their dealings over the country; and being composed of the leading
men of the government, had the means of affording them protection. But
when the trade was reduced to a scramble between Europeans having the
whole authority of the country, and natives who had none; when redress
was to be sought by the natives from their very rivals and competitors;
their condition became hopeless; and that fact sufficiently accounts
for the melancholy nature of the history of the inland trade in
succeeding years.

Two charges connected with this transaction of the salt trade were
afterwards brought against Lord Clive: the first, that he obstinately
persisted in disobeying the orders of the Company for its abolition;
the other, that by having a share in it as Governor, he in some measure
deviated from his plan of not trading, and of deriving no pecuniary
benefit to himself from his voyage to India.

As to the first, we have seen that several letters were certainly
received from the Court of Directors, after his arrival in Bengal,
declaring their decided hostility to their servants engaging in the
inland trade at all, and especially in that of salt. But a comparison
of dates has shown that these letters were directed, not against any
measures of Lord Clive, which were not then known, but against the
grossly unjust and pernicious proceedings which took place before his
arrival. To the letter of the Select Committee of Calcutta, of the
30th of September, 1765, detailing the plan for the first society of
trade, an answer, dated the 17th of May, 1766, was received on the
8th of December following: and so far was Lord Clive from obstinately
persisting in continuing the trade, as has been asserted, that on
the 24th of the following month, while hardly yet recovered from a
dangerous illness, he declared the society abolished, at the close
of the season. He had fixed so limited a period as one year for its
duration, because it was only experimental, and to admit of any change
suggested by the Directors.

The second charge was, that, as a sharer in this society of trade, he
had deviated from his intention expressed in his letter to the Company,
not to improve his fortune by his voyage to India.

His share as Governor in the society of trade (a concern, the details
of which were entirely confided to a committee, and the operations of
which he knew only from their result) was certainly very different in
its nature from private trade on his own account. To his intention
not to increase his private fortune by the emoluments of his office,
or by trade in any shape, he religiously adhered. Of the allowances
to the Governor, the honorary presents that could not be refused
without giving offence, the proceeds of the Governor's share of the
society of trade, with all other emoluments annexed to his office,
he caused a distinct account to be kept. Out of it were defrayed his
expenses as Governor, and by the surplus he did not benefit. He had
taken with him to India three gentlemen: Mr. Maskelyne, his friend and
near connection; Mr. Henry Strachey, his private secretary; and Mr.
Ingham, his family physician;--no large establishment for a Governor
leaving his family and going abroad in the circumstances Lord Clive
did. The sums in question were employed in remunerating them, and
some persons of his household; and by the account kept of these and
of all other sums received by him from the time he left England till
his return, which was communicated to the Company, and afterwards
laid before Parliament, far from having added, in any respect, to his
private fortune, as this charge supposes, it has never been disputed
that there was a balance of 5816_l._ 16_s._ 9_d._ against it. If these
gentlemen were remunerated, therefore, it was not at the Company's
expense, by any extraordinary charges upon them; but at the expense of
the Governor, who gave up to them the allowances which he might have
retained to himself.[89] The charge was really as unfounded as it was
ungracious, and, it is to be observed, was brought against him by men
who had shown no such pecuniary delicacy.

Of another charge, also brought some years after, against Lord Clive's
administration, that of having fixed an improper rate of exchange
between the gold and silver coinage of Bengal, it is not necessary to
say much. In India, gold and silver coin are articles of trade even
more directly than in most countries in the world, and the variation
in their relative value is often extremely great. In the year 1766,
a scarcity of silver existed in Bengal, from the quantity exported
to China, from decreased importation, and other causes. It was known
that there was much gold in the country, in various shapes; and
to inexperienced political economists it seemed a very reasonable
expedient to give a premium for its being brought out. A favourable
rate was therefore fixed on the new gold mohur then coined. This
certainly had the effect of bringing gold to the mint; but, as might
have been foreseen, only increased the evil, by causing still more
silver coin to be withdrawn from circulation. The bankers and shroffs
of the country, who are proficients in the science of exchange,
naturally paid their demands in gold, and exported or hoarded the
silver. The gold coin they were unwilling to receive at its legal
value, without a large batta, or exchange, in reality to compensate
its inferior intrinsic value as compared with silver, the ordinary
circulation of the country. This necessary measure of self-defence was
regarded as a trick or fraud in trade. The proclamation of 30th June,
1766, directing the coin to be taken at certain rates, was one of those
ineffectual attempts to force circumstances, formerly so usual with
politicians of every class and of every country. It was, of course,
ineffectual; and necessarily occasioned no small inconvenience to
merchants and retail traders. Its effects were chiefly felt after Clive
had left India. The Court of Directors, from their correspondence,
seems to have been nearly as much puzzled as the Council of Calcutta;
though the fact, that the difference of market value between the gold
and the silver coin rose to 17-1/2 per cent., ought to have afforded
an easy explanation of the difficulty.[90] Yet those who recollect
the discussions, in our own times, in the British parliament, on the
difference of value between the guinea and the bank note, and on the
bullion question in general, will not be disposed to view with much
surprise a similar difficulty that occurred in a distant country, half
a century before.

Though these charges were brought against Lord Clive long afterwards,
yet, as they all relate to India, it has been judged best to state them
at this period of his career, when he was still engaged in his active
services in that country.

Our attention has hitherto been too exclusively directed to Lord
Clive's civil and military reforms, to admit of any connected view of
the very important treaties which he negotiated with the native powers,
and which really changed the face of India. We have seen that one of
his first objects, after his arrival in Bengal, was to conclude a
peace with Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Vizier, Nabob of Oude, and to make some
arrangement with our ally, the King. The war, though successful, had
long been carried on at an expense ruinous to the Company's finances.
With these objects he resolved to combine a settlement with the young
Nabob of Bengal (whose finances were in disorder), so as to place
his and the Company's affairs on a definite and solid basis. Clive
had left Calcutta on the afternoon of the 25th of June, 1765, and on
the 9th of July writes to the Select Committee, that the business of
Nujm-u-Dowlah's durbar was perfectly finished. By the arrangement
then entered into, provision was made for the management of public
affairs at the Nabob's court, and in the three provinces, the immediate
administration of which was committed to Mahommed Reza Khan, Doolubram,
and Jugget Seit, and regulations were signed by them and the Nabob for
that purpose. A barrier was thus provided against the shifting policy
and intrigues of a corrupt court, and a weak and ignorant prince. At
the same time Lord Clive procured from the Nabob a sunnud for the
reversion in perpetuity of his jaghire to the Company. But he now
plainly saw that things could not stop where they were. The truth is,
that it was now clear enough, that two independent governments could
not exist in the country at the same time. The one must swallow up the
other; and the Company having the sword in their hand, and not being
disposed to recede, it was necessary to reduce the Nabob to a cipher.
Two days afterwards[91] Clive writes to the Select Committee;--"We have
often lamented that the gentlemen of the Council, by precipitating the
late treaty, had lost the most glorious opportunity that could ever
happen of settling matters upon that solid and advantageous footing for
the Company, which no temporary invasion could endanger. The true and
only security for our commerce and territorial possessions in this
country is, in a manner, always to have it in our power to overawe
the very Nabob we are bound by treaty to support. A maxim contrary to
this has of late been much adopted; and from that fundamental error,
as I may call it, have sprung the innumerable evils, or at least
deficiencies, in our government, which, I have now the pleasure to
inform you, are in a fair way of being perfectly removed.

"The Nabob, upon my representation of the great expense of such an
army as will be necessary to support him in his government, the large
sums due for restitution, and to the navy, together with an annual
tribute, which he will be under a necessity of paying to the King,
hath consented, and I have agreed, provided it should obtain your
approbation, that all the revenues of the country shall be appropriated
to those purposes, 50 lacs of rupees excepted. Out of this sum is to be
defrayed all his expenses of every nature and denomination. Mahommed
Reza Khan, however, being of a disposition extremely timorous, is
desirous of having the payment of the cavalry and sepoys pass through
his hands, though included in the said 50 lacs. This, I think, will be
complied with.

"I am of opinion also, that certain stipends, out of the above
mentioned sum, should be fixed for the Begum, for the Chuta Nabob,
and for the rest of the Nabob's brothers and nephews, Miriam's son
included; or else we must be subject to frequent complaints from those
quarters; for I am persuaded that the dependents and parasites of the
present Nabob will always keep him in distress, be his income what
it may. Although the sum proposed to be stipulated for the Nabob,
considering the present great expenses and demands, may appear large,
yet, by what I now learn, his expense exceeds the sum to be allowed;
and although it is certain that neither his education nor abilities
will enable him to appear to any advantage at the head of these great
and rich provinces, yet, I think, we are bound in honour to support the
dignity of his station, so far as is consistent with the true interest
of the Company.

"The particulars of this matter may be farther adjusted in my absence
by Mr. Sykes, to whom I have communicated my ideas, if the plan be
approved of by the Select Committee; and the whole may be finally
concluded to our satisfaction, upon the Company's being appointed the
King's Duan, who will be empowered, by the nature of their office, as
well as by the King's consent, to settle every point."

Writing the same day to Mr. Verelst, Lord Clive sufficiently
characterises the Nabob by a single trait. "He received the proposal
of having a sum of money for himself and household at his will with
infinite pleasure; and the only reflection he made, upon leaving me,
was, 'Thank God! I shall now have as many dancing girls as I please.'"

It is not to be supposed that the Select Committee would object to a
plan which threw the greater part of the revenue of Bengal into the
hands of the Company, and the treaty was finally concluded in the
course of the same month. The allowance made to the Nabob was raised to
something more than 53 lacs of rupees.

Lord Clive, proceeding up the river, met the Vizier, as has been
mentioned, at Benares. The fortune of war had been against him; his
armies had been repeatedly defeated, and his capital, Lucknow, taken.
He had given himself up to General Carnac, and was eager for peace.
So early as the 2d of August, Lord Clive had an interview with him,
and intimated his intention of restoring all his dominions, except
Allahabad, worth 10 lacs yearly, and perhaps Corah, valued at 18. "His
expressions of joy and gratitude upon this occasion," say Lord Clive
and General Carnac, in a joint letter to the Select Committee[92],
"were many and warm. Such an instance of generosity in a victorious
enemy, exceeded his most sanguine expectations, and we doubt not
will be the best foundation of that union and amity which we so
earnestly wish to secure. He consents to pay to the Company 50 lacs for
indemnification. These terms we think moderate and equitable, both for
him and the Company."

This matter being arranged, Lord Clive hastened on to Allahabad, to
meet the King: the first visit took place on the 9th of August. The
King's demands were numerous, but Clive was steady to his purpose.
The demand on the Nabob of Bengal for 32 lacs of rupees as arrears,
and of 5-1/2 lacs annually of jaghires, were refused, with several
others. It was finally settled, on the 11th, that the King should
receive annually, as revenue from Bengal, the sum of 26 lacs, with
the countries of Allahabad and Corah, yielding a farther revenue of
28 lacs, from Sujah-u-Dowlah, as a royal demesne for supporting his
dignity. "This last cession," says Lord Clive and General Carnac,
writing to the Select Committee[93], "we very readily consented to, as
Sujah-u-Dowlah made not the least objection, well knowing that, after
our departure, he could easily settle this matter with the King, to the
satisfaction of both parties." Lord Clive had, it seems, wished to
restore Corah to the Vizier, making over Allahabad only to the King.

"We then presented the King with two arzies (petitions), desiring he
would grant to Nujm-u-Dowlah the Nizamut of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa,
and to the Company, the Dewanny of the same provinces; to both of which
His Majesty has signed his fiat, and the proper instruments for both
are now drawing out."

The King, at the same time, granted firmans confirming to the Company
for ever all the lands round Madras and elsewhere assigned to them
by the Nabob of Arcot; as well as a free gift of the five northern
Circars. This was the first formal grant or confirmation by the King to
the Company, of these territories. The grant of Lord Clive's jaghire,
to the Company, was likewise confirmed.

The King was eager to induce Clive to march to Delhi and replace him
on the throne. But this was steadily refused. Clive's policy was to
interpose a friendly native power between our territories and the
Afghans, and as far as possible the Mahrattas. He saw that the King,
from his weak character and large pretensions was quite unfit for
such a purpose; and that none was so proper, both from character and
power, as Sujah-u-Dowlah. This was one cause why he was anxious to
have strengthened him, by restoring Corah. He wished to induce the
King to reside quietly in the Company's territories; but finding this
impracticable, gave him to understand that the Company could not join
him as a party in any of his ambitious enterprises, beyond the limits
of their own territories.

Such was the conclusion of these important negotiations, by which the
English East India Company became the real sovereigns of Bengal, Bahar,
Orissa, and other extensive territories. In these provinces they now
stood in the place of the Nabobs, and had gained a right to levy and
dispose of the whole revenues under some very moderate burthens. They
were no longer dependent on the regularity of native princes for the
payment of their troops, or support of their establishments. The Nabob
of Bengal was become a puppet in their hands, of little use, but as
a cover to their dealings with European powers. Clive estimates the
annual clear gain to the Company, including their former possessions
of Burdwan, &c., and after paying the King, the Nabob, and all other
expenses, as not short of 122 lacs, or 1,650,000_l._[94]

Clive had received from the King, in 1758, a sunnud appointing him
to the high rank of a munsubdar of six thousand foot, and of five
thousand horse, with the title of Zubdit-al-mulk, Nazir-ed-Dowla,
Sabat Jung, Behader.[95] The title of Sabat Jung he had originally,
as already mentioned, received from the Nabob of Arcot, for his
gallant exploits in that prince's service, and by that title he always
continued to be known in Bengal. He now received some augmentation of
sounding titles, but what they were does not appear.

While Clive was engaged in these public duties he did not intermit in
the regularity of his correspondence with his friends in England. Some
extracts from his letters will show the light in which he considered
his own situation and transactions.

[96][The following letter[97] to Mr. Salvadore, whom he employed
as a man of business, merits to be preserved as a proof of Clive's
disinterested conduct during this his last period of service in India:--

"I return you many thanks for your obliging letter, and for the very
favourable opinion you are pleased to entertain of my abilities,
as well as disposition to do my duty to the Company. It must be my
own fault if I do not answer the expectations of all the real and
disinterested proprietors; as for the occasional ones, and those who
act from resentment and selfish principles, I hold them in too much
contempt to cast away one thought about them.

"If I was to dwell upon the situation of the Company's affairs in
Bengal, both civil and military, a volume would not be sufficient.
However, I have the satisfaction of informing you, that I have already
made a great progress towards reforming those enormous abuses of power,
which cry aloud for redress. The inhabitants have been laid under
contribution by both civil and military, their goods taken from them
at an under price, and presents of money have either been extorted
from them, or given for interfering in the affairs of government by
insisting on men of high employments being turned out, and others
appointed in their room. The gentlemen having the revenues of the
country, amounting to upwards of 3,000,000_l._ per annum at their
command, were making such hasty strides towards independency, that
in two years' time I am persuaded the Company would not have had one
servant upon this establishment above the rank of a writer. In short,
if the Directors do not behave with spirit and integrity, and the
Proprietors lay aside their animosities, they will become answerable
to the nation and to Parliament, for being the cause of losing the
greatest advantages which ever have happened to England since it has
been a nation.

"As for myself, although tempted on all sides by offers of riches
without bounds, I have refused every thing; and I am the greatest
villain upon earth, if either I or any one dependent upon or belonging
to me, with my knowledge, either directly or indirectly, benefit
ourselves the value of one farthing, except what shall be specified in
an account current which I intend laying before the Directors, upon my
arrival in England. Indeed, if I suffered myself to be corrupted, I
could not with any face undertake (in conjunction with the Committee
who have heartily and unanimously joined me) the reformations which are
essentially necessary for the Company's welfare.

"The King has granted to the Company for ever, with the approbation and
consent of the Nabob, all the revenues which shall remain after paying
him a certain tribute, and allowing a sum sufficient for the dignity
and support of the Nabob. The Company's income exceeds 2,000,000_l._
sterling per annum, and their civil and military expenses in future
never shall exceed 700,000_l._ per annum, in time of peace, and
1,000,000_l._ in time of war. For further particulars, let me refer
you to Mr. Walsh. With regard to the French forces, I shall put those
of the Company upon so respectable a footing, that all the powers of
Europe can have no chance of succeeding, without first landing, and
being supported by the powers of the country; and that appears very
impracticable, since I have lately acquired a grant from the King of
five northern provinces, those the French formerly possessed."

Clive's correspondence with his historian Orme appears at this period
to have revived, and he evidently looks to him as the transmitter of
his fame to posterity[98]:--

"I have wrote so many letters, and gone through such a scene of
public business, that I cannot attempt describing to you any part
of our proceedings in this part of the world. Scrafton, Walsh, and
Colonel Smith will furnish you with abundant matter of surprize and
astonishment. Let it suffice to say, that fortune seems determined
to accompany me to the last; every object, every sanguine wish, is
upon the point of being completely fulfilled, and I am arrived at the
pinnacle of all I covet, by affirming the Company shall, in spite of
all envy, malice, faction, and resentment, acknowledge they are become
the most opulent company in the world, by the battle of Plassey; and
Sir Hannibal Hotpot shall acknowledge the same.

"I am preparing plans in abundance for you. You shall have very exact
charts of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, and of the Mogul empire as far as
Delhi at least. A map of the Ganges likewise, and all the other rivers
of consequence."

The following letters to his cousin Harry and to his father are
pleasing proofs that his important occupations never cooled his mind
from his duties and feelings as a relation or a friend:--

"I have received[99] your letter of 22d of November, 1764, by which I
find you are all in health, though not so happy as when I was among
you. I make no doubt of once more contributing towards that happiness,
though not quite so soon as I expected, when in England, owing to the
length of our passage. I have pitched upon the beginning of December,
1766, for resigning this government; and nothing but my death shall
prevent it. General Carnac, myself, and the rest of our family, propose
coming most of the way overland; and shall, in all probability, be in
London some time in April, 1767.

"I have been seven hundred miles up the country, and have established
a firm and lasting peace, I hope, with the Great Mogul and his vizier,
Shuja Dowlah. I have seen much of his Majesty, and he has appointed
me one of his first omrahs, or nobles, of his empire, with an immense
title, not worth sixpence in England. Touching all these matters, I
must refer you to Mr. Walsh.

"I am glad you have put a stop to Stycke expenses: they became
enormous, and it will be time enough to go on with them upon my arrival
in England; but I approve greatly of your repairing Walcot, and making
it fit for Lady Clive's reception. The only concern I feel arises from
a conviction of what she must suffer from so long an absence.

"With regard to myself, I have full employment, and enjoy my health
rather better than in England, though I find I cannot bear the heat so
well as formerly, which makes me determined to quit the country as soon
as possible."

"I rejoice," he writes[100] to his father, "to hear from others,
though not from yourself, that, notwithstanding the accident which has
happened to one of your eyes, you retain both your spirits, appetite,
and health. It is impossible, without a miracle, to enjoy the blessings
of life in that perfection in our latter days as in the days of
youth; but I really think your temperance and the goodness of your
constitution will carry you through life with ease and satisfaction to
yourself to an age nearly equal to that of your aunt Judy.

"Although I enjoy better health than in England, India is by no means
agreeable to me, separated as I am from my wife, children, and dearest
relations. The length of our passage will make my absence one year more
than I intended, but this you may be assured of, that nothing shall
detain me in Bengal beyond the beginning of December, 1766; and I hope
to see you all in good health and spirits, some time in April, 1767.

"I have been seven hundred miles up the country, and have been very
conversant with His Majesty, the Great Mogul. He has made me one of the
first omrahs, or nobles, of his empire. I have concluded a peace for
the Company, which I hope will last, and obtained from the King a grant
of a revenue of 2,000,000_l._ sterling per annum for them for ever;
and, what is more, I have put them on a way of securing this immense
revenue, in such a manner that it is almost impossible to deprive the
Company of it, at least for some years to come.

"With regard to myself, I have not benefited, or added to my fortune
one farthing, nor shall I; though I might, by this time, have received
500,000_l._ sterling. What trifling emoluments I cannot avoid receiving
shall be bestowed on Maskelyne, Ingham, and Strachey, as a reward
for their services and constant attention upon my person. I am much
obliged to the Doctor for his care of my health: he is worth about
2000_l._ already. This ship, sent express, will bring the Company the
most important news they ever received; and, if they are not satisfied
with mine and the Committee's conduct, I will pronounce there is not
one grain of honour or integrity remaining in England. The reformation
I am making, in both the civil and military branches, will render
the acquisition of fortunes not so sudden, or certain, as formerly.
This, added to the shortness of my stay in India, induces me to think
Captain Sempill had better stay in England, where we may serve him by
our interest at home. Remember me in the most affectionate manner to
my mother. She has acted a great part in life. The uniformity of her
conduct with regard to her children must, at the same time it affords
her the most pleasing reflections, influence them to entertain the
highest respect and veneration for so deserving a parent. I will most
certainly write to her, and to my brothers and sisters, who have my
most affectionate wishes."

In numerous other private letters he dwells upon the same subject.][101]

       *       *       *       *       *

Much of Clive's time was devoted to examining and improving the details
and management of different branches of the public service. The
increasing expense of the military establishment had been called to
his notice by the Directors, before he went to Bengal; and he entered
with great activity into the task of devising plans for reducing its
expenditure. Besides the heavy charge for double batta, he found the
charges for buildings and fortifications exhorbitantly high, and the
work never completed. Of the surgeons' accounts, too, he repeatedly
complains as enormous; and mentions that, on investigation, it was
found that men had been charged for, as being in the hospital, months
after they were dead. These abuses he attempted firmly and assiduously
to correct; and his known experience in military matters, joined with
the particular knowledge of commissariat concerns acquired while he
served in that department, enabled him to place the whole on a better
footing.

Though less conversant with revenue matters, he applied his powerful
mind to that subject also. It was his uniform practice to promote
the most intelligent and active men to the head of each line; and
in the revenue department he seems to have been fortunate in having
the co-operation of Mr. Verelst and Mr. Sykes. His plan, in revenue
concerns was, to innovate as little as possible; to avoid all
impositions burdensome to the cultivator, however productive; and to
support the respectability and usefulness of the upper classes of
natives, by maintaining them in as easy and opulent circumstances as
was practicable. He saw the mischief of the frequent changes in the
demands made upon the ryots, and proposed to introduce the system
of leases for their protection. The revenue seems to have been very
flourishing; and the ryots in easier circumstances in his time than
they were some years afterwards. Writing to Mr. Verelst[102], he says,
"The 20th of this month we hold the punah; and, by what I can learn,
the kistabundy for next year will amount to 172 lacs, which is 12 lacs
more than this year; to which, if you add 12 lacs of rupees which
Mahommed Reza Cawn proposes cutting off from the Nabob's allowance,
being for useless horse, elephants, buffaloes, camels, &c. the
increase will be 24 lacs. If we mean to avoid giving umbrage to the
European powers, and to keep up the appearance of the present form of
government, we ought not to exact one farthing of revenue more from
the province. For my own part, I think, after we have made this year's
experiment, and, by the regular payment of the rents, find we have
not over-rated the countries, that if Bengal was let out for five,
six, or seven years, it would be for the advantage of the Company,
of individuals, and add stability to our possessions by inspiring
the inhabitants with just ideas of our justice and moderation."
Writing, a few days after[103], to Mr. Palk, he touches on the same
subject:--"Abundance of business, and a good deal of bad health arising
from the heat of the weather, hath prevented me from being so punctual
a correspondent as I promised to be when I took my leave of you at
Madras. However, I will now acknowledge the receipt, as well as return
you thanks for your last letters of the 24th March and 4th April. We
have been already near a month at this place, in order to ascertain the
revenues of Bengal for next year. Upon the whole, what with cutting
off useless expenses and unnecessary kistabundy, the Company will
receive an increase for Bengal only of 24 lacs. Here, in my opinion,
we should hold our hands. To attempt farther increase will be drawing
the knot too tight. It will neither be to the honour or advantage of
the Company. In the end, it would be impolitic: individuals who are
of good families, who have been used to live in state, and who have
been intrusted with power, must have wherewithal to support some
part of that dignity which has always been kept up in this country."
In the course of the same year, in answering the letter of a public
servant who had proposed a plan for increasing a particular branch
of the revenue, he writes[104], "The Company's revenues are already
immense; nor can I think of increasing them by the least oppressive
mode. If, however, the abuses you mention be real, and can be remedied
without distressing the ryots, they shall not escape unnoticed." He was
decidedly hostile to the plan, which had been already introduced, of
letting lands by auction; and was anxious that the ryot should labour
in his fields at ease, free from the apprehension of change.[105]

It is quite unnecessary, as it would be painful, to enter into
particulars regarding the corruption which prevailed at this time in
every rank of the service: the fact is sufficiently known. Clive's
efforts to check it made him many and powerful enemies. In a letter
to Mr. Verelst, he mentions a member of council who, he found, had
conditioned to receive 150,000 rupees from the Rajah of Burdwan: he
desires that gentleman to ascertain the facts. "It may be necessary
to have such anecdotes," says he[106], "to frighten people into
their duty to the Company, if no other use be made of them. I hear a
certain gentleman employs spies to watch all our actions, yours and
Sykes's in particular; but we may serve him as Scipio did those sent
by Hannibal, lead them at noonday through every department in which we
are concerned, and then dismiss them, telling them they may go and tell
their masters all they know." Writing, on another occasion[107], to
Verelst and Sykes, when thwarted, from corrupt motives, by a man at the
very head of affairs:--"If you think," says he, "that I am endeavouring
to stem this torrent of corruption which threatens to overwhelm the
whole settlement, and if you feel within your own breasts that pleasing
satisfaction which I enjoy from a consciousness that I am acting upon
principles of honour and integrity, I am persuaded you will support the
measures we have so zealously adopted; and we shall at last triumph
over bad hearts and bad heads."--"Our disinterested conduct," says he
to another correspondent, when concluding the treaties with the King
and Vizier[108], "must be admired and applauded by all virtuous and
good men; and if there be men base enough to disapprove of what we are
about, we may all retire to live happy, and upon the testimony of a
good conscience." He frequently, in the midst of the opposition and
annoyances to which he was exposed, seeks for consolation in this manly
and honourable strain of thinking.

No man knew the sepoy force of India better, or employed it more
successfully, than Clive; and it is interesting to ascertain his
ideas, both on its composition, and the dangers that might be supposed
eventually to attend its use. "You mention the number of sepoys as
an alarming circumstance," says he, writing, after his return to
England[109], to one of the committees of Directors, "and I allow that
the Company's chief danger arises from thence, and from the discipline.
But I am of opinion, that so long as they are regularly paid, treated
with humanity, and not flattered with promises never meant to be
performed, no danger is to be apprehended. Sepoys are the most faithful
and attached people in the universe; and being also men of reason, they
are thoroughly convinced, that they are upon a much better footing with
us than they can be with any of the natives, be their rank what it may.
Their attachment, as I have observed, is strong; but they know no other
than to those who feed and clothe them. Much of the supposed danger
is avoided by our having separated and divided our sepoys into three
brigades, so that they can never make a revolution general, nor can
they hold cabals of an alarming nature. The best additional security
I can think of, is to have each battalion composed of an equal number
of Gentoos and Mussulmen, and to encourage a rivalship of discipline
between them."--"There is one step[110]," says he, on another occasion,
"to be taken with regard to the sepoys, which, I think, will bring them
to the greatest perfection sepoys can be brought to; viz. the officers
commanding the sepoys to run in that corps only; by which means,
all the officers will understand the language, without which it is
impossible to bring the sepoys to that pitch of discipline which will
make them truly formidable." It will be recollected that at this early
period of the service, regiments were but recently formed and brigaded;
and the officers were taken for the sepoy corps from the European
infantry, and were not yet attached permanently to the former.

The fatigue, bodily and mental, which Clive underwent during the
second year of his residence in India, when engaged in counter-acting
the seditious movements of the civil and military services, had the
unfavourable effects that might have been expected on a constitution
so exhausted as his; yet the strong invitations which he then received
from the Directors to remain another year in India, and his own desire
to strengthen and confirm the government which he had saved from
anarchy, and perhaps from ruin, induced him to revolve in his mind
the possibility of complying with their request; and in some of his
letters, written in the summer of 1766, he intimates a doubt whether he
may not attempt to remain another year to complete his work.

But in the end of October he was attacked by a bilious disorder,
which, increasing in severity, rendered him, early in November,
incapable of attending to business. It is, indeed, surprising that this
attack should have been so long delayed. From the moment he arrived
in Bengal, his mind had been kept invariably on the stretch, by a
succession of painful and trying exertions. He had travelled much in
the midst of the monsoon, and in the hottest season. On one occasion,
he writes to Mr. Verelst[111], "I have not had three hours' sleep any
day or night, since I left Mootyjil," a fortnight before; and, even
during the period when he thus travelled in a burning climate[112], he
continued anxiously corresponding at every interval of his journey,
on the subject of an alarming mutiny, which threatened destruction to
all his plans of public improvement. He had difficulties to encounter
on every side, reforms to be made, in which he was obliged to depend
for success, more on the energy of his own mind, than on the support
of the service, or of his coadjutors. He had the ungracious office
of interfering at every step with the pecuniary emoluments of the
majority of his countrymen of every class. Few constitutions could
have supported the anxiety he endured. A less vigorous mind would have
sunk under the fret and annoyance of nearly two years' warfare of this
exhausting kind: his constitution only sank under the fatigue. The
strongest proof how severe his illness became, is afforded by the total
interruption of his correspondence from the 29th of November to the
27th of December, during which period no letter appears to have been
written by himself, the correspondence being entirely conducted in his
name by Mr. Strachey. It has already been remarked that his regularity
and constancy in correspondence were quite exemplary. His letters of
business were answered the moment they were received. This steady
regularity, too often despised by inferior men, was one of the means by
which he did so much. With him it was grown into a habit; but the habit
was a proof of the energy of a mind eager to accomplish, in the most
perfect way, the business in which it is engaged.

It was during this illness that the letter, already alluded to, from
the Court of Directors, arrived[113], disapproving of the Society of
Trade, but loading him with praises for his beneficial management
of their affairs, entreating him to continue in the government for
another year, and holding out the hope of ample remuneration for the
sacrifice he was invited to make. It must be acknowledged, that the
request of the Court of Directors was couched in terms sufficiently
flattering. They approve of all that he had done. "When we consider,"
say they[114], "the penetration with which your Lordship at once
discerned our true interest in every branch, the rapidity with which
you restored peace, order, and tranquillity, and the unbiassed
integrity that has governed all your actions, we must congratulate your
Lordship on being the happy instrument of such extensive blessings
to those countries; and you have our sincerest thanks for the great
and important advantages thereby obtained for the Company."--"We
have the most perfect sense of your Lordship's disinterestedness in
every part of your conduct, and we shall not fail to represent this
to the proprietors, and shall, at the same time, inform them of the
many great advantages your Lordship has obtained for the Company;
but we fear, my Lord, past experience will teach them, as it does
us, that the permanency of those advantages will depend much on your
Lordship's continuing in India till you have seen the regulations
firmly established for the conducting those important affairs. Another
year's experience, and peaceable enjoyment of our acquisitions, might
fix them on a basis that might give hopes they may be as lasting as
they are great; and there is no doubt, my Lord, but the general voice
of the proprietors, indeed, we may say, of every man who wishes well to
his country, will be to join in our request, that your Lordship will
continue another year in India. We are very sensible of the sacrifice
we ask your Lordship to make, in desiring your continuance another
year in Bengal, after the great service you have rendered the Company,
and the difficulties you have passed through in accomplishing them,
under circumstances in which your own example has been the principal
means of restraining the general rapaciousness and corruption which
had brought our affairs so near the brink of ruin. These services, my
Lord, deserve more than verbal acknowledgments; and we have no doubt
that the proprietors will concur with us in opinion, that some solid
and permanent retribution, adequate to your great merits, should crown
your Lordship's labours and success."

Clive was not insensible to the voice of praise, and still less to the
call of ambition; but no principle was stronger with him than a sense
of duty. He had truly observed, some time before, in writing to Mr.
Palk[115], "It seems I am strongly solicited to remain in India another
year, and a promise is to be made me about perpetuating my jaghire.
If I could render the Company more essential service by stopping
than returning, and the situation of affairs made such a sacrifice
necessary, I should not hesitate one moment about complying with their
request, without being tempted by the bait of a jaghire. This does not
appear to be the case at present; and, I think, all that depends on
me will be effected in the space of two or three months; and, if the
necessity of continuing another year does not appear in a stronger
light than it does at present, I shall most certainly depart in January
or February next." The letter of the Directors, just quoted, arrived on
the 8th of December, after his complaint had made an alarming progress;
and it appears, by a letter of Mr. Strachey, of the 13th, that Lord
Clive had made up his mind, as a matter of necessity, to embark for
England in about a month from that time. In a letter to his friend Mr.
Palk, of the 30th of the same month, he says, "My state of health will
not permit me more than to acknowledge the receipt of your several
favours of the 20th, 27th, and 30th of September, and 7th, 11th, and
27th of October. The discussion of political points I cannot attempt
at present, though I find myself recover daily. The Court of Directors
have been very strenuous in soliciting me to continue another year
in India. They have loaded me with compliments, and given me as much
additional power as I could have wished. But the situation of the
Company's affairs does not require that I should sacrifice another
year in this climate; and even if it did call upon me to make such a
sacrifice, it would be in vain. The very severe attack of bile that I
have been struggling with for many weeks puts it beyond a doubt, that I
could not survive, and be of use to the Company in India another year."

His constitution from his youth had been subject to nervous attacks. He
now suffered from derangement of the biliary system, which affected his
health to a degree from which it never fully recovered, and which may
be considered as having finally hastened his end. It was occasionally
attended with spasms, of which the violence endangered his life. In
the intervals of comparative ease, however, he continued to direct
the affairs of the government. He had used great exertions to improve
the civil service, on which depended the prosperity of the country.
Many of those then at the head of it, from various causes, were unfit
to have any great share in conducting the administration of public
affairs. Some were too exclusively devoted to self-interest, and were
lax in their principles. The rapid fortunes that had been made of
late years had sent home a considerable proportion of the most active
of the older servants; others had been forced to resign, or had been
dismissed for malversation in office; and many others had fallen in
the massacre of Patna. Those next in succession were in general young
men of no experience, of luxurious and dissipated habits, who, having
been brought up in a bad school, were strangers to subordination and
to the restraints of duty. Clive, sensible that to place such men near
the head of a government, was to undo all that he had done, and that
no government can be carried on without fit instruments, had asked
from the Madras Government four of its ablest civil servants[116], who
were accordingly sent, and placed in Council. This necessary act made
him unpopular, and created many and powerful enemies. But Clive was
not a man to shrink back from his course when supported by conscious
rectitude, and by a firm persuasion that he was acting for the benefit
of his employers and of the public. He supported the Madras servants
against all the combinations formed to disgust and annoy them, and at
his departure left them all high in office. By that, and similar acts
of energy, he did all that one individual could do to remedy a vicious
system; and had his plans been firmly executed by his successors, and
supported instead of being opposed and tampered with by the Court of
Directors, the history of India for the ensuing twenty years might have
afforded a brighter and more pleasing retrospect than, unfortunately,
it now does.

Clive was in particular most desirous that, after his departure, the
Select Committee, the real engine of government, should be composed
of the ablest and most upright men in the country. He left the chief
direction of affairs with perfect confidence in the hands of Mr.
Verelst, a man of honour and intelligence[117]; but he was anxious to
add to his strength by placing about him other men of talent. Among
these he was particularly desirous that Mr. Sykes, in whom he had
great confidence, should reside in Calcutta, to be near the seat of
government: but that gentleman preferred remaining in the situation he
then held as resident at Moorshedabad. Clive's remonstrances on this
occasion are very honourable to him:--"I have received your letter,"
says he[118], "urging many reasons against your residing at Calcutta,
when Mr. Verelst came to the chair. Your intention of declining the
government, I must confess, is the only one that seems to carry any
weight. Your situation I believe, is a very agreeable one, and your
conduct, I am persuaded, will bring advantage to the Company and honour
to yourself. Yet let us not forget, Sykes, the principles upon which
you and I have hitherto acted, of sacrificing private convenience to
public good. To doubt my friendship, because I cannot carry it to
such lengths, is not to know me. I have loved you as a brother; yet a
brother cannot alter my sentiments of what is right and wrong. If you
are fully convinced that your health will not permit you to live in
Calcutta, and for that reason, among others, you mean to decline the
government, there may be reasons given in abundance for remaining in
your present station; and, among the rest, that of your being the most
fit for such an employment. To conclude: this matter must be decided
by my successor, Mr. Verelst, after my departure. I have given you my
sentiments, which are consistent with my friendship for you, and my
duty to the Company."

A letter to Mr. Cartier, one of the last he wrote in India, shows
a similar anxiety for the public interest. Mr. Cartier, like Mr.
Sykes, wished to take no active share in the general concerns of the
government, but to remain, performing local duties, at an out station.
Lord Clive, who had a favourable opinion of his qualifications, had
urged him to conquer this repugnance; and Mr. Cartier finally gave his
consent. "The receipt of your friendly letter[119]," says Lord Clive,
"and your acceptance of being nominated one of the Select Committee,
with so much cordiality, has afforded me more real satisfaction
than I have felt for these many months. I can now leave India with
satisfaction to myself, because I leave it in tranquillity, and the
chief management of these important and extensive concerns in the hands
of men of honour, and approved probity and abilities.

"Be assured, my good Sir, you will not have to encounter many of
those disagreeable circumstances which you seem to apprehend in your
letter to Mr. Verelst. That unthankful task has fallen to my lot. The
Select Committee, and Committee of Inspection, have already made every
regulation for the public good which can be desired or thought of; so
that it only rests with you, gentlemen, to keep matters in the same
channel, and not to relax in your authority, or let yourselves down, by
declining to support the dignity of your station.

"A gentleman endowed, like Mr. Cartier, with a good capacity and solid
judgment, of a generous and disinterested way of thinking, cannot fail
of proving a very deserving servant to the Company, and of acquiring
honour for himself, if he will but have a little more confidence in
himself." After assuring him that, if he finds his new situation at
Calcutta agreeable, he will use his interest to have him named Mr.
Verelst's successor in the government, he continues:--"The state of my
health is such, that I cannot continue in it (the government) another
year, with any prospect of doing the Company service: indeed, I do not
think I should survive another month; I have, therefore, determined to
resign the government.

"The General, myself, and other friends, take our departure on Monday
next.

  "I remain, dear Sir,
  "Your affectionate friend, ever,
  "Clive."

Lord Clive had always intended to return home overland, and had
arranged with several of his friends to accompany him; but the state of
his health put an end to this long-cherished project.

When he was thus preparing to embark for his native country, broken as
he was in health and constitution, and numerous as the enemies were
whom his conduct had raised up against him, he might still look back
with proud and generous satisfaction on the great sacrifice which he
had made, and the splendid effects which it had produced. In the short
space of twenty months he had quelled the opposition of the civil
service, had dismissed the most culpable, and endeavoured to infuse a
better spirit into those left; by his firmness, and, perhaps, still
more by the magic influence of his name, he had subdued the dangerous
spirit of mutiny among the military officers, after it had broken
out in overt acts; had sent off the ringleaders without resistance;
had introduced new officers in their room, pardoned the less guilty,
and restored them to their rank and confidence; he had concluded an
advantageous peace with the Nabob-Vizier, by which he secured a large
contribution for the Company, to pay the expenses of the war, and
gained two provinces for the emperor, our ally; he had farther secured
for him an annual tribute out of Bengal; he had acquired for the
Company a grant of the dewannee, or rather, in reality, of the revenues
and government of the three great provinces; by means of which, and
of an agreement with the Nabob, the whole political power came into
the hands of the English, who, from that moment, were sovereigns, and
the effective arbiters of India: for the names of Nabob and Emperor,
unsupported by adequate military force, were but sounds. The Company's
debts in India had been reduced, and nearly extinguished; their large
investments provided, chiefly without drawing on home; the expenses
of the various establishments had been examined and reduced with a
liberal economy; the forces were never in a more efficient state, and
never supported at so small an expense. His perfect knowledge of every
part of the service, and his resolute determination, produced a silent
acquiescence in reductions proposed by him, which, perhaps, would have
excited the loudest murmurs had they come from any other quarter. And,
after all reductions had been made, he might justly boast that he left
the various services the best and most liberally paid in the world. He
had checked the misrule which had desolated the provinces, and imposed
fetters on the cupidity of the ruling caste, which were, unfortunately
too soon removed after his departure: he had restored the course of
justice to its original channel, and the natives to their wonted
trade and commerce. Their political power was, indeed, gone; hardly a
semblance of it remained; but the ordinary and daily aspect of society,
which had been so rudely broken in upon for four or five years, by the
interference of the English and their servants in the internal trade
and concerns of the country, was once more restored. No man but Clive
could have achieved such changes; and he derived his power to effect
them from his own energetic character, and from the glory which his
former exploits had diffused around him.

He held that the interest of England was best consulted by stopping
the career of conquest, and by confining ourselves to Bengal, Bahar,
and Orissa; rich, compact, and defensible provinces, that, by good
management, could be governed at little expense, and leave a large
surplus revenue. His policy in regard to the native princes he himself
explains. He never came into contact with the Mahrattas, the grand
disturbers of India, but was strongly urged by the Emperor Shah Aulum
to enter into an alliance with them, and accompany him to Delhi. This,
we have seen, he obstinately declined. "As I proceed up the country,"
says he in a letter[120] to Mr. Palk, "if I find the Mahrattas
discontented and disposed to be troublesome, I shall endeavour to
form an alliance with the Jauts, Rohillas, and Suja Dowla, to keep
the country on this side Delhi in tranquillity. This alliance is most
earnestly wished for by the three above-mentioned powers, and will, if
any thing can, intimidate the Mahrattas from committing ravages and
disturbances in Hindostan; for certain it is, if we should all unite
and attack their country, they could not stand one minute before us."
He had also speculated on the possibility, if necessary, of setting up
the Rajah of Nagpore (whose vakeels had waited on him at Calcutta to
ask an alliance) in opposition to the Peshwa, with whom that Prince was
then on bad terms, and in that way trusted to secure domestic peace
by dividing the force of his enemy.[121] He did not, however, provoke
hostilities; and his great military reputation probably preserved him
safe from the attacks of these freebooters, as well as from all other
foreign annoyance.

In his intercourse with the chiefs of the different European factories
in Bengal, French, Dutch, and Danish, though he never yielded the
minutest portion of the rights of his employers, he seems, from his
correspondence, to have lived on the most friendly and courteous
terms with them all, and to have conciliated them by his fairness and
urbanity. But never did he allow any consideration of private interest
to interfere with his public duty. We have already seen that, while
nearly the whole of his large fortune was in the hands of the Dutch,
he attacked and destroyed an armament of that nation, at a moment when
he might, without reproach from his Government, have abstained from
acting, and when, indeed, he hazarded the censure of his employers,
and of the British Government, by the bold and decided measure.
Another very characteristic instance of a similar nature occurs in his
correspondence. M. Vernet, the Dutch chief of Chinsura, had applied
to him to procure the release of some boats which had been stopped by
the Nabob's officers, for some informality or evasion. "I have the
honour," he says[122], "to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of
the 7th and 9th instant. In consequence of the latter, I have spoken
to Mahommed Reza Cawn, who will this day give orders for the release
of such of the Dutch boats as are furnished with your dustucks, and
contain no greater quantity of goods than are therein specified. But
should any of the boats be found laden with merchandise not mentioned
in the dustucks, you cannot but confess, from what I have already
written you, that it would be highly improper for me to interfere." He
immediately adds, "You favoured me, some time ago, with your promise
for bills for the amount of two lacs of rupees by your second ship.
I am now to request bills for one other lac, if you can conveniently
grant them." With him the separation between his public duty and
private interest was always complete: he never permitted the latter for
a moment to influence his conduct in the other.

The same urbanity and consideration which he showed to foreign
Europeans, secured to him the attachment and affection of most of the
natives of rank with whom he had occasion to treat. He behaved to them
uniformly with the deference and respect that were considered as their
due, by the usages of the country. In writing to a friend concerning
an increase which had been made to the revenues of Bengal, we have
seen[123] that he urged the necessity of stopping, that we might not
trench on the fund necessary for the support of the higher class of
native families. He was anxious that the regular gradation of ranks
should be preserved as it then was, that it should be exposed to no
sudden disruption. It would have been well if such beneficent and
politic maxims had always been acted upon in future years.

In his choice of men for public situations, he was guided by a regard
to their talents, and their capacity of being useful. Though no man
was more ready to attend to the recommendation of his friends, such
recommendation with him held but the second place, and was listened
to only in affairs of detail. All the higher offices, and such as
required superior abilities, he, like every other man who has a mind
made for command, filled from considerations of merit only. Even some
men whom he personally disliked, as for example, Colonel Richard Smith,
he constantly employed and encouraged from a sense of their useful
qualities.

Among other eminent men whom he patronised, he found Rennell, then a
lieutenant of engineers, employed in various surveys, encouraged him
to complete the general survey and map of Bengal, communicated to him
all such previous surveys as were to be found in the public offices,
furnished him with a proper establishment, gave him every assistance
in his power, and finally, young as he was, bestowed on him the office
of surveyor-general, which seems to have been created for him. Clive's
mode of treating officers in whom he could repose confidence, and his
means of securing the speedy and effectual execution of the orders he
gave, are illustrated by one of his letters[124] to Rennell. He had
ordered a general map of the provinces to be completed. "If you have
occasion for any assistants, name them, and I will order them to attend
you."

He also directed an accurate survey to be made of every mouth of the
Ganges, every channel, and every creek, ascertaining at the same time
the soundings of each; a survey which, in his instructions, he justly
remarks, was likely to afford many new and advantageous directions for
our navigation.[125] Till then, our acquaintance with the mouths of the
Ganges was very imperfect.

Among those who were introduced into the service by his interest,
may be mentioned Mr. Gladwin, one of the first of the English in
Bengal, who communicated to the public his acquirements in the
eastern languages. He had gone out as a volunteer, in which situation
he attracted the notice of Clive, who procured for him admission
into the civil service. Clive's conduct, in this instance, is very
characteristic of his friendly and energetic temper. Mr. Strachey
writes Mr. Gladwin[126],--"His Lordship directs me to assure you, that
if the recommendations he gave you, some time ago, should not procure
you an appointment in the Company's service, he will further exert his
interest in your behalf, nor desist till the point be attained."

Though a steady friend, he was not blind to the faults of those whom he
patronised; and his correspondence contains many letters, in which he
freely gives his opinions on their conduct, and his candid advice. An
extract from a letter to Mr. Middleton[127] may be given as an example.
"I have received your letter of the 19th of September," says he, "in
which you express your concern at the censure passed upon you by the
board, and imagine you may have done something to forfeit my friendship.

"To reason in this way, is to know but little of the duty of a
governor in a public station. If the board were unanimous, which
they really were, in thinking you and the other gentlemen had been
wanting in diligence and attention to the Company's business, was it
in my power to change or alter their sentiments? Or could I attempt
such a thing consistently with my duty, or the principles upon which
I have hitherto acted? The real truth of the matter is, that the
relaxation of government for some years past, has introduced so much
luxury, extravagance, independency, and indolence into Bengal, that
every effort upon our part to reclaim this settlement is looked upon
as a hardship, or an act of injustice; although it be absolutely
necessary for the salvation of the whole." After some observations on
the wrongheaded opposition which had been made by some of the younger
servants, and the danger they thereby incurred, he adds:--

"To set aside the Governor, and speak as a friend, I entertain no
doubt of the integrity of your intentions, and of your zeal for the
service; but you are naturally of an indolent, good-natured, and
hospitable disposition, which in private life may make you beloved
by all that know you; yet, in a public station, these qualities may
subject you to the greatest inconveniences. You become responsible,
not only to the public for your want of attention, but for the want of
attention of those acting under you, who will perpetually trespass on
your good nature. The indulgence shown by you to the young gentlemen
of the factory, which I myself was an eyewitness to, must have this
consequence,--of their becoming very familiar, which in your present
station they ought not to be, of being very supine and very neglectful
of the Company's business, in which your own reputation is more
immediately concerned. And I wish the mischief may only end here. After
having led so luxurious, extravagant, and independent a life, there
will be much to fear for themselves after your departure.

"The open manner in which you have expressed your sentiments and
grievances, gives me a right to send you mine in return, which I do
assure you proceeds from real friendship and regard for the interests
of those who are acting under you. Perhaps they may not be looked upon
in that light by said young men. If not, I wish future experience may
not convince them to the contrary."

Such friendly remonstrances, from a man like Lord Clive, from one who
had a right to command, should have had their effect; and, at all
events, are creditable alike to his heart and understanding.

In the same spirit, and from a firm persuasion of the noxious
effects of expensive habits in young men in the lower branches of
the service, we find him refusing dustucks for the conveyance of a
chariot and barouche to gentlemen who were only writers, as being quite
unjustifiable.

Many of the imprudent and ill-advised officers who had been engaged
in the mutinous proceedings, applied to him to be reinstated. This he
peremptorily refused, as injurious to the public service: but, from
his private letters we find that, in numerous instances, he advanced
sums from his private purse, to enable them to subsist after their
dismissal, and to convey them to their native country.

On the 16th of January, 1767, Lord Clive was well enough to attend, for
the last time, a meeting of the Select Committee. On this occasion he
laid before them a letter, in which, after mentioning that he had no
prospect of recovering health, or even of preserving life, but by an
immediate embarkation for his native country, and that this necessity
would be most painful to him, did he not leave the country in peace
and in a flourishing state, and in the hands of an upright and able
government, he proceeds to exercise his authority for continuing the
Select Committee, filled up the vacancies in its members, and laid down
regulations for its guidance. He advises them not to be anxious to
increase the revenues, especially where it could only be effected by
oppressing the landholders and tenants, for that so long as the country
remained in peace, the collections would exceed the demands. He points
out some difficulties likely to result from the state of the currency,
and strongly recommends that all Company's servants and free traders
should be recalled from the interior; as, until that was done the
natives could hardly be said to be masters of their own property: that
the orders for the abolition of their salt trade being express, must
be punctually obeyed.[128] "But, as I am of opinion," he continues,
"that the trade upon its present footing is rather beneficial than
injurious to the inhabitants of the country, and that a continuation of
this indulgence, or some equivalent, is become absolutely necessary,
and would be an honourable incitement to diligence and zeal in the
Company's service, I flatter myself the Court of Directors will be
induced to settle some plan that will prove agreeable to your wishes."

He evinced great apprehension (says Sir John Malcolm[129], speaking
of Lord Clive's farewell letter,) of the danger to which the empire
would be exposed by the revival of that spirit of corruption and
insubordination which he had, with so much difficulty, subdued. "It
has been too much the custom," he observes, "in this government to
make orders and regulations, and thence to suppose the business done.
To what end and purpose are they made, if they be not promulgated
and enforced? No regulation can be carried into execution, no order
obeyed, if you do not make rigorous examples of the disobedient. Upon
this point I rest the welfare of the Company in Bengal. The servants
are now brought to a proper sense of their duty. If you slacken the
reins of government affairs will soon revert to their former channel;
anarchy and corruption will again prevail, and, elate with a new
victory, be too headstrong for any future efforts of government.
Recall to your memories the many attempts that have been made in the
civil and military departments to overcome our authority, and to set
up a kind of independency against the Court of Directors. Reflect
also on the resolute measures we have pursued, and their wholesome
effects. Disobedience to legal power is the first step of sedition; and
palliative measures effect no cure. Every tender compliance, every
condescension on your parts, will only encourage more flagrant attacks,
and will daily increase in strength, and be at last in vain resisted.
Much of our time has been employed in correcting abuses. The important
work has been prosecuted with zeal, diligence, and disinterestedness;
and we have had the happiness to see our labours crowned with
success. I leave the country in peace. I leave the civil and military
departments under discipline and subordination: it is incumbent upon
you to keep them so. You have power, you have abilities, you have
integrity; let it not be said that you are deficient in resolution.
I repeat that you must not fail to exact the most implicit obedience
to your orders. Dismiss or suspend from the service any man who shall
dare to dispute your authority. If you deviate from the principles
upon which you have hitherto acted, and upon which you are conscious
you ought to proceed; or if you do not make a proper use of that power
with which you are invested, I shall hold myself acquitted, as I do now
protest against the consequences."

"Such," continues Sir John, "was the parting advice which Lord Clive
gave to his former colleagues: but the task of reform which he had
commenced could have been completed by his own commanding talents
alone, aided by the impression of his high personal character. It was
far too great for the strength of those on whom it devolved."

On the 23d of January he wrote an additional letter to the Select
Committee. It was for the purpose of recommending a measure which
he had omitted to mention in his letter of the 16th, but which he
considered as essentially necessary to the interest and honour of the
Company. "The people of this country," says he, "have little or no idea
of a divided power; they imagine all authority is vested in one man.
The Governor of Bengal should always be looked upon by them in this
light, as far as is consistent with the honour of the Committee and
Council. In every vacant season, therefore, I think it expedient that
he take a tour up the country, in the quality of a supervisor-general.
Frauds and oppressions of every sort being by this means laid open
to his view, will, in a great measure, be prevented, and the natives
preserve a just opinion of the importance and dignity of our president,
upon whose character and conduct much of the prosperity of the
Company's affairs in Bengal must ever depend."

Lord Clive finally embarked for England in the Britannia, in the end
of January, 1767. In the East all his endeavours had been crowned with
brilliant success. His operations, from the moment he appeared on
that theatre till he quitted it, formed a great era in the history of
England, of India, and of the world. The rapidity and ease with which
the richest provinces in India were subjugated, threw a new light on
the nature of the intercourse between Europe and Asia. The veil which
Bussy had in part lifted up, he removed. Men, who till now had appeared
in the humble garb of merchants and suitors, henceforward assumed the
reins of government, and took their place in the direction of nations
and of states where they had lately been strangers. The power of the
East was once more, as in the days of Alexander, brought into collision
with that of the West, and once more quailed before it. The grand
secret of oriental splendour and weakness was confirmed; and Clive had
sufficient greatness of mind to forego the tempting occasion of being
the conqueror of the Mogul empire, and to content himself with a more
moderate and less brilliant, but to his country, infinitely more useful
triumph. He had the rare, and, in a successful soldier and conqueror,
almost unparalleled magnanimity, to place his ambition under the
guidance of his judgment and his duty.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 66: Letter to Major Stibbert, Bankepore, dated 27th
September, 1766.]

[Footnote 67: Dated 4th October, 1765.]

[Footnote 68: He afterwards saw reason to estimate a Colonel's share at
7000_l._]

[Footnote 69: Here, unfortunately, Sir John Malcolm's labours close.
A few extracts, marked out by him, afterwards occur, where they are
pointed out.]

[Footnote 70: End of 1762.]

[Footnote 71: Vansittart's Narrative, vol. ii. p. 164-170.]

[Footnote 72: 10th July, 1763.]

[Footnote 73: 24th April, 1764.]

[Footnote 74: 18th May, 1764.]

[Footnote 75: Verelst's View, p. 113.]

[Footnote 76: 30th March, 1772.]

[Footnote 77: Letter of Directors, 1st June, 1764.]

[Footnote 78: This tax was not on the real value, but on a reduced
estimate: and paid before it was carried into the country.]

[Footnote 79: Had the plan been allowed to proceed, the renunciation of
trade would have been compulsory.]

[Footnote 80: 14th December, 1765.]

[Footnote 81: Dated 23d November, 1765.]

[Footnote 82: Letter to Select Committee of Bengal, 17th May, 1766.
Fourth Report of Secret Committee, App. No. 45.]

[Footnote 83: 17th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 84: See Fourth Report of Select Committee of the House of
Commons, App. No. 58.]

[Footnote 85: Fourth Report of Select Committee, App. No. 61.]

[Footnote 86: 15th December, 1769.]

[Footnote 87: Dated 28th August, 1767. Fourth Report of Select
Committee, App. No. 59.]

[Footnote 88: Letter dated Bath, 14th November, 1767.]

[Footnote 89: See Clive's speech, 30th March, 1772, which contains an
unanswerable defence of his conduct.]

[Footnote 90: See Verelst's View, p. 84.; App. p. 239.; and Sir James
Steuart's Principles of Money applied to the present State of the Coin
of Bengal, Works, vol. v.]

[Footnote 91: 11th July, 1765.]

[Footnote 92: 3d August, 1765.]

[Footnote 93: 12th August, 1765.]

[Footnote 94: Letter to Court of Directors, 30th September, 1765.]

[Footnote 95: The illustrious, the chosen of the kingdom, arranger of
the state, firm in war.]

[Footnote 96: The few pages that follow, enclosed between brackets,
contain the last fragment of the Memoir written by Sir John Malcolm.]

[Footnote 97: Dated Calcutta, 25th September, 1765.]

[Footnote 98: Calcutta, 29th September, 1765.]

[Footnote 99: Letter to Harry Clive, Esq., dated Calcutta, 25th
September, 1765.]

[Footnote 100: 24th September, 1765.]

[Footnote 101: Vide note on p. 129.]

[Footnote 102: Mootejyl, 19th April, 1766.]

[Footnote 103: Mootejyl, 25th April, 1766.]

[Footnote 104: Letter to Mr. Blomer, Dinagepore, 22d September, 1766.]

[Footnote 105: There can be little doubt that the ryot was in Bengal,
as in other parts of India, in reality a proprietor of the land: a
circumstance which afterwards, in making the permanent settlement, on
English or Mussulman ideas, was unfortunately overlooked. See Colonel
Briggs's valuable and too little known work, on the Land Tax in India.
Lond. 1830. 8vo.]

[Footnote 106: Letter, 29th December, 1765.]

[Footnote 107: 8th July, 1765.]

[Footnote 108: 10th August, 1765.]

[Footnote 109: 28th August, 1767.]

[Footnote 110: Letter to Colonel Smith, 23d August, 1765.]

[Footnote 111: 21st May, 1766.]

[Footnote 112: Mr. Campbell, writing to Mr. Strachey, who accompanied
Lord Clive in his rapid journey to Benares the preceding year, gives
a lively idea of the speed of the travellers. "You complain of my
silence, but without reason. There are four or five letters on their
way to you. But how should the dawks, or the devil himself, overtake
you travelling at such a rate? Besides, you are everywhere and nowhere,
sometimes travelling by land, sometimes by water. How, or where, am I
to address you? The facetious Dean Swift tells Lord Peterborough that
the ministry were obliged to write _at_ him, not _to_ him. I must do
the same. Like his Lordship, you are in perpetual motion. You are now
at Benares: a week hence you will be at Allahabad; a month more will
carry you to Delhi. From thence I expect you will shape your course
north-east towards China, and give us the slip, by taking your passage
to Europe from Canton." Letter, August 10, 1765.]

[Footnote 113: 8th December, 1766.]

[Footnote 114: Letter of the Court of Directors to Lord Clive, 17th
May, 1766, pars. 2. and 11.; Third Report of Select Committee; App.,
No. 74.]

[Footnote 115: 17th October, 1766.]

[Footnote 116: Messrs. Russell, Rumbold, Aldersey, and Kelsall.]

[Footnote 117: Mr. Campbell, in a letter to Mr. Strachey, 18th August,
1765, gives an instance of Mr. Verelst's good temper. "Mr. Verelst
is eternally losing by water what he gains by land. While he was at
dinner with me yesterday, advice was brought that a vessel of his,
worth 14,000 rupees, had foundered at sea. But he is callous to such
accidents as would make me run mad. He called for a glass of wine, and
said he would get up the loss. This is true philosophy."]

[Footnote 118: 2d October, 1766.]

[Footnote 119: 22d January, 1767.]

[Footnote 120: 25th April, 1766.]

[Footnote 121: Letter to Mr. Palk, 8th September, 1766.]

[Footnote 122: 11th November, 1766.]

[Footnote 123: Letter to Mr. Palk, 25th April, 1766, already quoted.]

[Footnote 124: 4th October, 1765.]

[Footnote 125: Letter to Captain Keble, Master Attendant, 28th April,
1766.]

[Footnote 126: 26th April, 1766.]

[Footnote 127: Letter to Samuel Middleton, Esq., 4th October, 1766.]

[Footnote 128: Lord Clive having, on this occasion, resigned the shares
in the salt trade, to which by the scheme the governor was entitled,
a commission of 1-1/8 per cent. on the revenues was assigned as an
equivalent, to commence 1st September, 1766, and to end 1st September,
1767, the term of the salt society's privilege.]

[Footnote 129: Malcolm's Political India, vol. ii. p. 32.]




CHAP. XVII.


Lord Clive landed at Portsmouth on the 14th of July, 1767, and reached
London on the following day. Though the sea-voyage probably preserved
his life, it still left his constitution very much shattered; and, on
his arrival in London, his physicians immediately recommended that
he should repair to Bath, for the purpose of drinking the waters. He
remained in town, therefore, only a few days to be presented to their
Majesties, to whom he had brought letters and presents from the Nabob
of Arcot; and, in the first days of August, he set out for Bath, taking
in his way Wotton, the seat of his friend Mr. George Grenville. His
disorder was a severe bilious complaint, attended with spasms, loss
of appetite, and indigestion; a continuation or consequence of that
derangement of the liver from which he had already suffered so much in
Bengal.

On his arrival, he was warmly welcomed, not only by his family and
numerous private friends, but by the men most distinguished for
rank and talent in England, and by the Court of Directors, who owed
him so much. While conducting the affairs of his country with such
distinguished honour and success in India, he had not been forgotten
in Europe, where his name occupied a high rank among those of the
illustrious men, who had raised the fame of England to so high an
eminence at that glorious period. His statue, with those of Admiral
Sir George Pocock, and of General Lawrence, had been placed in the
India House.[130] The first part of Orme's "History of the Military
Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan," had appeared in
1763, and had spread the renown of the hero of the story wherever the
English language is read. When Clive, during his second government, had
enlarged so much his own fame, and the fame and power of his country,
he felt a natural desire that the elegant historian should continue his
work, and commemorate these great events; and accordingly he furnished
him with all the materials that he possessed for aiding his progress.
"What think you," says he, with a just pride, in a letter to Orme, "of
closing the third volume of your history with an account of the King
(of Delhi's) being at last placed in a situation of affluence and
grandeur, the Vizier Sujah-u-Dowlah being obliged to sue for peace,
which was granted upon very honourable terms, and the Company being
in possession of the revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, amounting
to 4,000,000_l._ sterling per annum, and the country in a state of
perfect tranquillity?"[131] The subject was a fine one, every way
worthy of the historian's talents; and the proposed enlargement would
have given a suitable close and unity to his former labours. But Orme
did not delight in bold and rapid sketches; and the perhaps excessive
detail in which he indulged in his most interesting historical work,
prevented him from at all entering on the history of these memorable
transactions; so that, at the close of his third volume, he had not
advanced beyond the year 1760, the time when Clive left the country
after his first government. At the same time, it is not to be supposed
that Clive escaped a large share of that envy, and of the consequent
abuse, that generally attend the triumph of a fortunate commander. The
many enemies whom he had made, filled the public papers, to a more than
ordinary degree, with acrimonious attacks; and scattered pamphlets,
full of misstatements and personalities, which affected his sensitive
mind more than they deserved.

Though Lord Clive now filled so large a space in the eyes of his
countrymen and of foreign nations, he was yet only in his forty-second
year; an age at which he might still have looked forward to a long
career of public service and of glory. It is much to be regretted
that, circumstanced as he was, in possession of an ample fortune,
with his talents in their fullest vigour, and with one of the first
reputations of the age, he did not confine himself to the high ground
on which he stood, and shun being once more forced into the dark, and
unsatisfactory circle of Leadenhall Street politics. He was, however,
unfortunately pressed by too many immediate interests, both of his own
and of his friends, to suffer him to adopt a course which would have
contributed so much to his future peace. He had spent his whole life
in Indian affairs, which naturally, in his estimation, had a peculiar
importance; and perhaps his active mind could not at once break off the
ties which had so long attached him to the Company and its concerns.

He found, on his return, the affairs of the East India Company
considerably more complicated than he had left them. The two parties of
Mr. Rous and Mr. Sulivan still divided the Directors; but the accounts
of the great accession of wealth acquired for the Company in Bengal had
excited the cupidity of the British Government, which, impoverished
by the expenses of a war carried on in every quarter of the globe,
eagerly looked for a partial relief to the treasures that were to flow
into England from her Eastern dominions. The same expectation naturally
roused the Proprietors of India Stock, who insisted on enjoying the
benefit of the happy change in the most obvious way, by an increase
of their dividend. To embroil still more these adverse interests,
the servants of the Company, who had resigned or been dismissed, in
consequence of their malversation in office, returned to England,
breathing revenge against the man whose honest vigour had stopped them
in their career; and having employed, in the purchase of Company's
stock, a part of the great wealth which they had accumulated, were
able, by throwing their interest into the scale, to influence the
proceedings of the Court of Proprietors, and, therefore, ultimately
that of the Directors.

Three years before, Lord Clive had left England, immediately after
gaining a victory over Mr. Sulivan and his party. But as that gentleman
had long managed the Company's affairs, was widely connected, and
still retained many friends, the new Directors had by no means an easy
part to act. For the first year, Mr. Sulivan's interest continued to
be so strong among the Directors, that Mr. Rous, the new Chairman,
sometimes found it difficult even to muster a sufficient number to
sign his ordinary letters. In the election of 1765, Mr. Boulton was
chosen Chairman; and the stability of the party in office seeming to
increase, considerable defection, as is usual in such cases, took place
from the ranks of their opponents. They also carried the election in
the following year (1766) completely, when Mr. Dudley was elected
Chairman. Still, however, the party of Sulivan continued to be strong;
and when Lord Chatham's ministry was formed, in July, 1766, Sulivan
was understood to be favoured by them, through the interest of Lord
Shelburne, who was his friend.

We have seen the alarming aspect of the Company's affairs, when Clive
was induced[132] to forego the comforts of home, and once more to
visit Bengal, for the purpose of retrieving them. He had not been long
absent when the drooping hopes of the Proprietors having revived, they
demanded an increase of the dividend. Clive, ever sanguine, was of
opinion that they ought to have been indulged; but the difficulties
were considerable. "Believe the word of a Director," says Mr. Scrafton,
writing[133] to him, before the news of his great success had reached
England; "Believe the word of a Director, that the Company must have
many lacs, before they can increase their dividend. Consider, my Lord,
what a vast sum of their capital has been locked up without interest
in Mahommed Ali's debt, the vast fortifications, the fatal Manilla
expedition, and the sum locked up in the support of French prisoners,
for which no instalments are yet settled, all form prodigious
deductions, which a year's revenue of the whole province of Bengal will
barely replace; not to mention the dreadful breach in the Company's
capital before the battle of Plassey." And Mr. Dudley, at a still later
period, acknowledges[134] that the Company had contracted several
hundred thousand pounds of debt at home during the war, for which
demands were urgent.

But when the news reached England of the re-establishment of the
Company's affairs, and of the great advantages that had been gained
for them by the various treaties concluded by Clive, the joy of the
Proprietors was extreme; the price of stock rose, and there was a
general and more clamorous demand for an increase of dividend. During
the war in India, it had been reduced from 8 to 6 per cent. The more
prosperous state of affairs seemed now to justify a considerable
increase.

On this point, unfortunately, the Directors and Proprietors differed.
While the Directors, as managers of the general stock, and intimately
acquainted with the difficulties amidst which they were placed, looked
to the clearing off of their burdens, and, the better to effect this
object, had, not very wisely, attempted to conceal the expected extent
of the new revenues, the Proprietors, who, by various channels, had
gained information, probably exaggerated, of the recent addition to
the Company's means, clamoured for an instant rise of dividend. The
Directors saw that the change which had taken place in the Company's
affairs in Bengal, however favourable, could not at once operate in
Europe. The immediate demands on the Company were great, while a
considerable period of time was requisite to allow the capital sent
from Bengal to China, and elsewhere to be invested in goods, returned
to England, sold, and the proceeds realised. The Company might be in
great affluence abroad, and bankrupt at home. Demands to the amount
of 2,600,000_l._ became payable between Michaelmas and Midsummer
(1766), while only 2,000,000_l._ were available to discharge them. It
was therefore necessary to borrow in order to pay even the ordinary
dividends.

The Court of Directors did not show much ability in extricating
themselves from the dilemma in which they were placed. Had they
fully weighed the difficulties of their situation, and the necessity
there was, even for the sake of the prosperous management of the
Company's funds, and the payment of its lawful creditors, that the
Court of Proprietors should be conciliated and unanimity preserved,
they would themselves, without concealing their difficulties, have
proposed some moderate increase of the annual dividend, and have held
out the prospect of a farther rise at some future and not very distant
period. Instead of acting on some such plan of politic conciliation,
they shunned meeting the Proprietors, and exerted every endeavour to
continue the low dividend then payable, so very disproportioned to the
price to which stock had now risen. Their situation was delicate, but
their conduct was injudicious, as they were liable to be overruled by
the Court of Proprietors in any contest with whom they must inevitably
fail.

A party of considerable strength had lately sprung up in the Court
of Proprietors. We have seen that when, on Lord Clive's arrival in
Bengal, an investigation had been commenced into the transactions that
attended the death of Meer Jaffier and the accession of Nujm-u-Dowla,
and particularly as to the large sums of money paid to the members of
Council on that occasion. Mr. John Johnstone, the most active agent
in these proceedings, had resigned the service, and so placed himself,
for the time, beyond the reach of the Company; and that some other
members of the Council had afterwards been dismissed. They, with many
of lower rank in the civil and military services who had resigned or
been discharged, in consequence of Lord Clive's inquiries and reforms,
had, as already mentioned, purchased a large amount of India stock,
the better to enable them to wreak their revenge on the man who had
obstructed their plans of wealth.

The Court of Directors, desirous of punishing the infraction of their
orders, and of supporting Lord Clive in his exertions to fulfil
their instructions, directed a case to be laid before the Attorney
and Solicitor-General, and the Company's law-officers, who gave an
unanimous opinion, that the orders of the Company for the execution of
the covenants against accepting presents, having been received and laid
before the board, prior to the death of Meer Jaffier, the delay in the
execution, for purposes the object of which was so evident, could form
no justification; that the covenants were binding in equity, and that
suits ought to be brought for restitution of the pretended presents.
In consequence of this opinion, bills were filed at the instance
of the East India Company against Mr. Johnstone, and the other
members of Council in England; and orders were sent to India to adopt
corresponding measures against such as were still in that country.

Mr. Johnstone, who was not only a man of family, but of uncommon
resolution and considerable talent, was strongly supported by several
large proprietors of stock. When the time approached that his answers
were to be given in, his brother, Mr. William Johnstone, afterwards Sir
William Pulteney, waited on the Chairman, Mr. Dudley, and delivered a
copy of a motion intended to be made at the General Court to be held
the next day, recommending to the Court of Directors to confirm the
presents received by the Company's servants in Bengal, before the 9th
of May, 1765, when the covenants were presented to them to be signed,
and to countermand all prosecutions against them. The Chairman was
at the same time informed, that, if this motion was rejected, the
conduct of Lord Clive should be called in question. Mr. Dudley replied,
that they were welcome to exhibit any charge against Lord Clive, but
that the prosecutions could not be withdrawn. Next day, however, the
opposition, probably finding that they had not strength enough to
carry their motion, did not bring it forward; and Mr. Pulteney himself
seconded a motion for adjournment.

But the determined resistance of the Directors to any increase of
dividend gave their enemies great advantages over them in the Court
of Proprietors. The Directors had themselves caused a motion for an
increase of 2 per cent. to be brought forward in June, 1766, when
they succeeded in getting it negatived; and thus, in consequence of
particular rules, which regulated the Court's proceedings, gained
some time. But this delay did not check the determination of the
party in opposition, which daily gained strength. Lord Holland, and
several other great proprietors, joined it, and Mr. Johnstone and his
friends threw all their weight into the scale. Only two days before
the Quarterly Court, in September[135], the party split 125,000_l._
stock into shares, and, by their exertions, succeeded in carrying the
dividend to 10 per cent., in opposition to the expressed wish and
advice of the Court of Directors. But a consequence of this difference
of opinion between the Courts was, that this declared increase of
dividend had no influence in raising the price of their stock.

At this period, party animosity ran very high, and produced its usual
effects of mutual abuse and recrimination. The opposition started a
paper, called the India Examiner, which the Directors answered in the
India Observer.

Although it was on occasion of the vote for this increase of dividend
that the Government began to intermeddle in the affairs of the Company,
it may be most convenient, before attending to the proceedings of the
Ministry, to conclude the narrative of the contest of the Directors
with the Court of Proprietors.[136]

Mr. Johnstone and his friends had trusted to be relieved from the
prosecutions instituted against them, by exerting their influence to
effect a change of Directors. In April, 1767, however, their efforts
for that purpose again failed: the elections were still favourable
to the old Directors, and Mr. Rous was again chosen Chairman. Lord
Clive was then on his passage home. Mr. Johnstone's party, seeing that
nothing was to be looked for from the Directors, adopted the resolution
of attempting to work on the Proprietors, who were still, in general,
discontented on the subject of the dividends. At the General Court,
therefore, held on the 6th of May following, Mr. Pulteney moved, that
the dividend should be raised to 12-1/2 per cent.; a proposition which
met with very general concurrence. Mr. Pulteney having thus secured
the good-will of the Proprietors, Mr. Franks then moved to dismiss
the prosecutions which had been instituted against Mr. Johnstone and
other persons, for their alleged unwarrantable receipt of money in
Bengal. The Chairman in vain proposed that the opinion of the lawyers
should be read: the Court, displeased with the Directors, and elated
with the measure they had carried against them, with the assistance
of Mr. Johnstone and his friends, refused to hear it. Seeing them
so determined, and so strong, no opposition was attempted by the
Directors, nor even a ballot demanded. The motion of indemnity was
carried without farther examination; a great victory to the accused
members of Council, and a severe blow on the authority of the Court of
Directors and of the Indian governments. It declared indemnity abroad
to all who at home had powerful friends connected with the India House;
an intimation that was not long disregarded.[137]

The Ministry, in the meanwhile, had begun to take a share in the
proceedings of the Company, which for a long time before had not been
usual. The reported advantages of the trade, and the great fortunes
suddenly amassed and brought home, had excited in the country no small
envy, and some desire to share in these advantages; while the repeated
revolutions in India, the circumstances attending them, with the
rapacity and extortions which had distinguished the progress of the
inland trade, had, when known, produced general murmurs throughout the
nation. When the news arrived of the successful negotiations of Lord
Clive, and of the immense territorial advantages said to be acquired
for the Company, the question was raised, to whom belonged these
dominions, the government of which was apparently so little suited
to the system of a trading company; and the financial difficulties
which the Ministers so strongly felt, led them to consider in what way
the nation could be admitted to share in them. This was particularly
observable after the formation of Lord Chatham's administration.[138]

It has been already mentioned, that Lord Clive shared in that excessive
admiration of Mr. Pitt, which, during his first administration, and for
some years after, may be said to have been felt by the whole people of
England. Lord Clive, in his own politics, had, as we have seen, most
attached himself to the Right Hon. George Grenville, a man of great
knowledge of business, and of much talent and worth, the leader of one
great portion of the Whig interest; but who, at this period, was on
indifferent terms with his illustrious though overbearing friend. On
the great question of the right to territorial acquisitions, Mr. Pitt
was disposed to consider them as under the control of the state; but
he was not insensible to the difficulties, legal and political, which
the question involved, from the nature of the territories themselves,
situated in the dominions of an ancient and independent empire; from
the influence which such acquisitions, especially from the patronage
they afforded, must have on the British constitution, and the minor
difficulties of detail attending any change of local management. We
have seen that Lord Clive was strongly persuaded of the paramount
rights of the state, and had communicated his opinion to Mr. Pitt. Mr.
Walsh, who took an active share in the management of his affairs in
England, was anxious to have the approbation, or, at least, the opinion
of the great commoner on recent events in India. He, in consequence,
had occasional interviews with him, the circumstances of which he
communicated in his letters to his friend; and though Mr. Pitt, who
always entertained the highest opinion of Lord Clive's merits, appears
to have cautiously avoided committing himself by any decided opinion,
yet, as the letters relate to persons on every account so remarkable,
no apology seems necessary for introducing them.

The first of these notices occurs in a letter of Mr. Walsh, written
after the news had arrived of Lord Clive's negotiation with the
Vizier, and of the subsequent peace, and its advantages to the Company,
especially in the possession of the dewannee, which really made them
rulers of Bengal. "I am very sorry," says Mr. Walsh, "you did not write
a few lines to Mr. Pitt, to conciliate him to your negotiations: he
has left us for Pynsent, where he is doing great things. I spoke a
few words to him, just as he left the House of Commons, telling him
you had, in great measure, carried into execution what I had once the
honour of laying before him; to which he answered, that he had heard
of the great things you had done; that you had acquired great honour;
but that they were too vast: it was some time he had been dissatisfied
with our proceedings there: however, he was very glad to hear that Lord
Clive was well, and that he had not gone up to Delhi. This was all
that passed between us, whilst he was getting on his great coat."--"I
should be very sorry," he continues, "to have been adverse to you or
your regulations, therefore mention this that due attention may be
paid to him. One word from him would go far in making or unmaking the
Company; and it is the uncertainty of the public, how far the Company
may be supported by the Government, that makes their stock so low,
notwithstanding the late events. The renewal of their charter is a
serious object; the effecting it may possibly be reserved for you." It
gives a grand idea of Mr. Pitt's reputation, and of his influence on
the public mind, to consider, that, when this interview took place, he
was merely a private member of Parliament, holding no office.

In the interval between this letter of May, and the following of
November, Mr. Pitt had come into office with Lord Camden, Lord
Shelburne, the Earl of Northington, and Charles Townsend, and had been
raised to the peerage. There was some reason to think that the new
Ministry were disposed to take part with that portion of the Court of
Directors that was hostile to Lord Clive. Lord Shelburne in particular,
who was supposed to have much influence with the Premier, had always
favoured Sulivan. "Soon after the new administration was formed," says
Mr. Walsh[139], "the Chairman and Deputy Chairman were sent for to the
Cabinet Council, and were acquainted that, as the affairs of the India
Company were likely to be taken into consideration by Parliament, it
would be proper for them to be prepared. An intimation of the kind
could not fail to alarm, and affect the stock greatly.

"The Quarterly Court being over, I made an excursion to Bath, where
Lord Chatham, Lord Camden, and Lord Northington were assembled. My
private motive for this journey was to discover their disposition
towards the Company; and, by means of my intimacy with Lord Camden,
to endeavour to put you on a good footing with Lord Chatham, who,
there was some reason to apprehend, was not the best disposed either
towards you, the present direction, or the Company. I recollected Lord
Chatham's discourse to me about your acquisitions being too vast; and
saw Shelburne, Barré, and the enemies of the present direction in the
highest employs. Lord Camden immediately removed any apprehensions as
to any thing hostile being intended against the Company. I told him
that I was ignorant whether the Directors had given the Administration
full information concerning the affairs of Bengal: but, whatever their
conduct might have been in that respect, I, as acting for Lord Clive,
should use no kind of reserve with the Administration; that Lord Clive,
though a zealous servant of the Company, ever considered his duty to
his country to be the first and greatest obligation upon him; that he
had formerly submitted to Lord Chatham's consideration, whether the
Bengal acquisitions were an object for the state or the Company; and
that, though the Company had in a manner been left to pursue their
own measures in that respect, yet it was reasonable that, in such
great prosperity as theirs, they should contribute liberally to the
exigencies of the state; that your friends would readily concur in
such a measure, and that I wished for an opportunity of assuring Lord
Chatham of this; but as I knew him, particularly in his present ill
state of health, to be inaccessible, I requested his Lordship to report
it to him. He advised my writing a note to see Lord Chatham, which I
accordingly did, and was admitted, though it was then a favour, as I
understood, he had only granted to Lord Camden.

"I should have mentioned that, before I left town, I waited on General
Conway[140]; made him the same offer of information; gave him a state
of the revenues, and pointed out to him some of the means by which the
commerce of the Company might be greatly advanced. He appeared quite
unacquainted with these affairs, but very desirous to be informed.

"It was the 11th of last month that I saw Lord Chatham. I told him
the occasion of my visit in almost the same words I had used to Lord
Camden; in answer to which, after complimenting me on the purity, as
he styled it, of my intentions, and of the liberal way in which I
had considered this matter, he told me that all _matters of fact_
relating to India would be very acceptable to him, though he did not
wish to receive _propositions_ on that head, as the affair was of too
extensive and too difficult a nature for Ministers to determine; that
they could not undertake to decide between the State and the Company,
what was precisely proper for each; that the consideration must of
necessity come into Parliament; that by the means of so many gentlemen
coming from different parts of the kingdom, and turning the subject
different ways in their minds, many new lights might be gathered; that
the Crown had nothing to do in the affair, and that its ministers could
only interfere in preventing unreasonableness and oppressions on one
side or the other; and that the Company, in all cases, must subsist.
On my giving him the state of the revenues, he seemed much surprised
at the smallness of the amount, saying that Holwell and common report
had made it much larger. He spoke very handsomely of you; said that he
heard with concern of the virulent publications against you; that it
was incumbent on the Company to support you strongly, and likewise to
reward you. I mentioned how greatly the Company's commerce might be
extended with the assistance of Government; hinted the necessity there
was of excluding foreigners from being stockholders and sharing in our
benefits; and concluded with observing that every thing I had heard
from him gave me the highest satisfaction, except the impracticability
that he intimated of any arrangement between the Administration and the
Directors before the meeting of Parliament.

"This is the substance of my conversation with this great man, who is
certainly not only the most vigorous, but the most comprehensive and
judicious, minister this kingdom ever had. I hope, in consequence of
what I before wrote you, that you have taken some steps to conciliate
and attach him. He has a greatness in himself, which makes him feel and
assert the great actions of others.

"I put your public letters into the hands of Lord Camden, who,
doubtless, showed them to Lord Chatham. Both one and the other, I am
certain, are well satisfied with the confidence. Mr. Grenville has had
all the papers laid before him, and part of them, particularly those
relative to the conduct of the servants, have been communicated to
others."

From these letters, it is evident that Lord Chatham had been yet able
to form no plan on the vast subject of Indian affairs; that he was
disposed to let matters take their course for some time longer through
the intervention of the Company, and that the recent extension of
their dominions probably rather embarrassed him; that he was alive, as
he had always been, to Lord Clive's splendid merits, and an advocate
for the rewards the gratitude of the country ought to bestow. At the
same time he was cautiously guarded not to commit himself by any
opinions, but rather disposed to gain time and watch what the progress
of events might produce. It could hardly fail to gratify him to see
all parties contending for his favour, and laying the information they
possessed, and a tender of their services, at his feet.

Lord Chatham's administration was formed in the last days of July,
and it was in September that the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the
Company were sent for to the Council, and informed that it was likely
that the affairs of the Company would be taken into consideration when
the Parliament met. The same notice was soon after communicated in
writing.

The Directors, thus put upon their guard, looked eagerly to what was to
follow. The movement began in the House of Commons, where Mr. Beckford
gave notice of a motion for an inquiry into the affairs of the East
India Company[141]; and in the course of his speech, adverting to the
burdens laid on the landed interest, and to the rich acquisitions of
the Company in the East, congratulated his brother landholders that
they should no longer be hewers of wood and drawers of water. The very
exaggerated statements of the revenues of Bengal, published by Mr.
Holwell and others, had induced the public to look to them for at least
a partial relief from their burdens. The Ministers, however, cautiously
concealed their intentions, if they had any, and proposed nothing.
Lord Chatham was constantly confined by the gout, remained chiefly in
the country, and showed himself but little; and his colleagues did not
venture, in his absence, to propose any important measure. Matters went
on languidly. Indeed, the symptoms of disunion very soon became visible
in the motley cabinet which had been formed, and was supported chiefly
by Lord Chatham's great name.

His opinions on the Indian question were veiled in impenetrable
mystery. Committees were, however, appointed to examine into the
state of the Company, and votes were passed that copies of their
charters, their treaties with native princes, statements of their
Indian revenues, and their correspondence with their servants in India,
should be laid before the Committees. On a motion for printing these
papers[142], the Directors being alarmed, presented a petition showing
the dangers and inconveniences likely to result from making public some
part of the papers, especially the private correspondence; when, after
a warm debate, that part of the order was discharged. Almost every
person of eminence who had been in India, or connected with it, was,
however, examined on oath before the House of Lords.

These inquiries inevitably led to the important question of the
Company's right to their territorial acquisitions, which a strong party
insisted must belong to the Crown. "The Crown," says Mr. Dudley[143],
the Chairman of the Directors, "claims a right to all the Company's
acquisitions, possessions, and revenues that have been obtained by
conquest, which the Cabinet Council, with Lord Chatham at their head,
say is the case with respect to every thing we have got from the King,
the Nabobs, or other princes of the country for some years past, both
at Bengal and Madras."--"We have been, and still are under the dilemma
of studying the wants of the Administration, for they themselves
will not open their mouths to utter one syllable. They seem to me to
determine in their own minds that the right is in the Crown; and,
therefore, if the Company have a desire to preserve a share in it,
they must acknowledge that right, and pay largely for it." In the
numerous debates on Indian affairs that took place in the course of
the session, Mr. Beckford, Colonel Barré, and Mr. Nugent pressed upon
the Company, while Mr. George Grenville and Mr. Charles Yorke strongly
supported its rights, and pleaded the injustice of making any demands
upon it in consequence of its conquests, as long as the term of its
charter was unexpired. The lawyers were, in general, in favour of the
Company; but neither the Ministry nor the Directors wished the dry
question of law to be decided: neither party were altogether prepared
for its consequences; both rather wished for a compromise, as more
favourable to their present ease and their future views. Sir Matthew
Fetherstonehaugh, a considerable proprietor of India stock, in a letter
to Lord Clive[144], describes some of these debates. "In a question
like this," says he, "about the right of property and the forfeiture of
a charter, one would have thought that the opinion of almost all the
lawyers in the house might have been attended to; but they were called
by Colonel Barré 'a sort of _heavy artillery_, which did very little
execution;' for which the Master of the Rolls called him, instead of
the _honourable_ gentleman, the _valiant_ gentleman. Mr. Grenville,
on both days, defended the Company's rights with a force that was
unanswerable, always declaring that, if the Company wanted the renewal
of their term, or any other favour from the public, they should be made
to pay for it in the best bargain which could be made for the public;
but protesting against extorting money from them by the terror and
threats of parliamentary power."--"But the finest piece of oratory was
Mr. Burke's (late secretary to Lord Rockingham). After pointing out
the ill effects which so violent a measure might have on the public
credit; 'but, perhaps,' said he, 'this house is not the place where our
reasons can be of any avail. The great person who is to determine on
this question, may be a being far above our view; one so immeasurably
high, that the greatest abilities (pointing to Mr. Townshend), or the
most amiable dispositions that are to be found in this house (pointing
to Mr. Conway), may not gain access to him; a being before whom
'thrones, dominations, princedoms, virtues, powers' (waving his hand
all this time over the treasury bench, which he sat behind), 'all veil
their faces with their wings. But though our _arguments_ may not reach
him, possibly our _prayers_ may.' He then apostrophised into a solemn
prayer to the Great Minister above, that rules and governs over all
to have mercy upon us, and not to destroy the work of his own hands;
to have mercy on the public credit, of which he had made so free and
large a use:--'Doom not to perdition that vast public debt, a mass
of 70,000,000_l._ of which thou hast employed in rearing a pedestal
for thy own statue.' Here Augustus Harvey called him to order to the
regret of many." After a long series of debates, the Directors were
finally frightened into a temporary compromise, agreeing to pay to the
Government 400,000_l._, by half-yearly payments, for one year; and an
act to that effect passed the house[145], and soon after received the
royal assent.[146] A similar agreement was renewed the year after.

It was some time before that the vote of the Court of Proprietors
raising the dividend to 12-1/2 per cent. had been passed[147]; on which
occasion a message from the Ministry had been read to the General
Court, recommending that no augmentation should take place till their
affairs, then under the view of Parliament, were considered. The Court
having proceeded nevertheless, a bill was introduced, by which this
order was rescinded, and the Company prevented from dividing more than
10 per cent. before the next meeting of Parliament.

While these various proceedings were in progress, a measure was
proposed that much more immediately concerned Lord Clive's interests.
During the discussions that had recently taken place in Parliament,
however much the public mind had been excited and disgusted by the
reported behaviour of the Company's servants in Bengal, all parties
had concurred in loudly praising his conduct and services. When the
news of his distinguished success in restoring the Company's affairs
reached England, and when the negotiations between the Directors and
the Government had begun, many of his friends considered that the
proper time had arrived for proposing that some suitable reward should
be conferred upon him for his extraordinary services; and accordingly,
to prevent his interests from being injured by any subsequent agreement
that might be made in the negotiation then depending, a motion was
made at a General Court of Proprietors[148], "That it is the opinion
of this Court, that the important services rendered to the Company by
Lord Clive merit a grateful acknowledgment and return; and that a grant
to his Lordship, and his personal representatives, of an additional
term in the jaghire of ten years, commencing from the determination of
his Lordship's present right therein, would be a proper acknowledgment
and return for such important services: and that it be recommended to
the Court of Directors, that, upon any future propositions being made,
either to Parliament, or to His Majesty's Ministers, this resolution of
the General Court be humbly represented."

On this motion being made, Mr. George Dempster, who was one of the
leaders of the opposition to the Directors, moved an adjournment, which
was negatived by 243 to 170. The main question was then put; when a
ballot was demanded by Sir George Colebrooke in favour of it, and by
Mr. Dempster in opposition; when Sir George Colebrooke's question was
carried by 456 to 264.

The Proprietors having now formed themselves into a general court, Mr.
Dempster moved to reconsider the question concerning the additional
term of ten years proposed to be granted to Lord Clive in his jaghire,
and which was to be considered on the 24th of March. This motion, after
some opposition, was finally carried.

On the appointed day, a ballot having taken place, the original motion
was carried by 361 to 332. The majority of 29 was small; but some
misunderstanding had, unluckily, taken place among the friends of Lord
Clive.

Mr. Dudley, then Chairman, in writing next day[149] to Lord Clive,
observes, "The question which relates to your Lordship's jaghire might
have been carried by a much greater majority, had the question been
otherwise stated, and would, at the same time, have answered every
purpose intended by it: but Mr. Walsh did not consult any of the
Directors in forming it, nor could he be prevailed upon to alter it."
Mr. Scrafton, then a Director, was also of opinion that Mr. Walsh, in
his zeal to serve Lord Clive's interests, precipitated the question too
much, bringing on his motion soon after the news of the acquisitions in
Bengal had arrived, without giving time to see the effect of the great
things that had been done. Mr. Walsh, on the other hand (perhaps alive
to the uncertain operation of public gratitude), eager to accomplish
what he had undertaken, and brooking no delay, charges the conduct
of Lord Clive's friends, and especially of the Directors, with being
hesitating and timid, so as to have thrown a damp upon the matter, and
to have rendered doubtful the success of a proposition which would
otherwise have received a pretty general concurrence. Lord Clive
certainly thought that their conduct was at least lukewarm.

Such was the state of affairs when he arrived in England. Of the
singular success of his management of the Company's concerns there was
but one opinion; and the last months of his residence in India had
added extremely to the reputation which he had previously acquired.
It seemed indispensably requisite, therefore, that the Directors
should redeem the promises which, at the time of his setting out, and
afterwards in their public letters[150], they had made to him. About
two months after his return a General Court was held, when the grant
of the jaghire for ten years additional, which had been recommended
at the previous meeting, was conferred on him by an unanimous vote.
His irreconcileable enemies were probably led to decline appearing in
opposition to the grant, by the certainty that their efforts would be
fruitless.

This affair of the jaghire unluckily tended to alienate Lord Clive
more than ever from his friends in the Direction. In truth, their aims
were quite opposite. It was Clive's interest, when asking the reward
of his services, that the revenues, and other acquisitions gained for
the Company, should be published to their full extent: the Directors,
fighting against a rise of dividend, were anxious to conceal their
amount, and to represent them in as moderate a light as possible. The
matter was most essentially important to Lord Clive's interests, and
he was at no time very patient of contradiction. They had all along
endeavoured to prevent the matter from being brought forward. He felt
this conduct very sensibly, and did not conceal his resentment. While
he used considerable exertions to secure an ascendency in the Court of
Proprietors, he silently left the Court of Directors to follow their
own opinions. This gave rise to many reports and groundless surmises.
Writing, soon after, to Mr. Scrafton, his very sincere friend, who
had differed in opinion from Mr. Walsh as to the management of this
affair, he says[151], "I received both your letters at a time when I
was too much indisposed to answer them. Neither am I inclined to answer
that last part of them at all which relates to a difference in opinion
between two friends, both equally hearty and zealous in every thing
that concerns my honour and interest. Let it suffice to say, that I
never entertained the least doubt of your regard and friendship for
me. You are liable to an error of judgment as well as my friend W.;
which has been the case sometimes with both of you.--However, I cannot
avoid being much surprised at the behaviour of many of the Directors,
who, either from jealousy or misrepresentation, or some worse cause,
have entertained the injurious opinion that I mean to overthrow them,
and be a Director myself. The being a Director may be an object to the
Directors, but not to Lord Clive. With regard to overthrowing them I
have the interest of the Company too much at heart to attempt any thing
of that nature, even if they should behave towards me in the manner
which I hear some of them have threatened to do. In short, there are a
few individuals whom I never looked upon as my friends, or friends of
the Company. Such cannot expect any countenance from me. You have often
heard me express myself on that subject."

Mr. Scrafton, before receiving this letter, had written to Lord
Clive[152], then at Walcot; and, after congratulating him on the
resolution of the General Court on the subject of the jaghire, and
wishing him long life to enjoy the prolonged period, proceeds to
mention some reports which had reached the Directors, that he had
in conversation expressed a wish that the Court were purged of the
Chairman, and of many others of the Directors. Mr. Scrafton continues:
"I suppose it a very impertinent misrepresentation of something that
may have dropped from your Lordship in an unreserved conversation, for
I would not wish you really to entertain such a design; for, whatever
defects they may have, certainly the present Directors have the merit
of having very steadily supported your Lordship while abroad, and are
entirely disposed to pay the utmost attention to your advice at home."
After pointing out the great evils that would arise from a change of
system, the certain consequence of a change of Directors, he continues:
"If your Lordship conceives any resentment on the conduct of the
Directors respecting the jaghire, you will act from misrepresentation.
One or two were cold on the subject, by believing themselves the
objects of your resentment, in consequence of Wh--'s story; but the
general sense was, 'We cannot, as Directors, recommend so large a
grant: the fate the question met with before proves that many thought
it too much; but we will give our votes for it.' To conclude, my Lord,
I really think it for your own honour, and for the interest of the
Company, to support the present set."

This attempt at a justification of the Directors roused Lord Clive, in
spite of the state of severe suffering under which he then laboured.
"I received your letter," says he in answer[153], "and return you many
thanks for your congratulations about the jaghire. However, you will
scarce believe me when I tell you that I was, before it was confirmed,
and am at this time, very indifferent about it. My wish was to have it
brought to a conclusion at any rate; for I could not avoid observing
all parties at work to suspend coming to a conclusion; and many were
at greater pains, from rank infernal jealousy and envy, to conceal and
lessen my services, in order to lessen my influence: but, I thank God,
I am now an independent man, what I was determined to be at all events.

"I cannot but take notice of one paragraph of your letter; _that
the Directors thought the grant too large, and therefore would not
recommend it_: I am therefore the more obliged to the Proprietors, who
were all of a different way of thinking.

"I am obliged to you for your advice about my conduct towards the
Directors, because I am persuaded you mean me well; but know, Scrafton,
I have a judgment of my own, which has seldom failed me, in cases of
much greater consequence than what you recommend. As to the support
which, you say, was given to my government, when abroad, by the
Directors, they could not have done otherwise, without suffering in
their reputation, and perhaps quitting the Direction. In return, let
me ask, whose interest contributed to make them Directors, and keep
them so? My conduct wanted no support, it supported itself, because it
was disinterested, and tended to nothing but the public good. From the
beginning it put all mankind at defiance, as it does at this hour: and
had the Court of Directors thought fit to make my conduct more public
than they have done, all impartial and disinterested men must have
done me justice. However, that remains for myself to make known, when
convenient and proper.

"After having said thus much, I must tell you (though by your writing
you seem to give credit to the report), that what Whately is said to
have told Wedderburn is absolutely false, as is every thing else said
to have been communicated by Mr. Grenville to Mr. Wedderburn; and I can
attribute these mean suspicions of the Directors to nothing but their
envy and jealousy. However, as I have often said before, and say now,
there is nothing the Directors can do shall make me lose sight of the
Company's true interest. Upon principle, I would always stand by the
East India Company: I am now farther bound by the ties of gratitude.
This is the ground upon which I now stand, and upon which I will risk
my reputation. No little, partial considerations shall ever bias me."

For three years previous to this time, Lord Clive's mind had been
kept painfully on the stretch. He had been compelled, almost singly,
to combat a whole settlement, and especially the highest portion of
it, in arms against him, eager to thwart and defeat his plans of
reform; he had borne the whole weight of the resentment of the officers
of the army, whom he subdued by his force of mind and unrivalled
reputation; he had paid off a large portion of the Company's debt; had
added an immense sum to their revenue, and had supplied them with an
unparalleled investment; he had left their possessions in the East, as
he believed, rich and flourishing, and in peace, and had returned with
ruined health and a broken constitution. In all his trials, and in very
painful circumstances, under which most men would have sunk, he had
supported himself by the strong consciousness that he was doing his
duty, and meriting the applause of his employers and of the world. It
is not surprising, that when he thought himself deserted, and believed
that he was the object of the jealousy and slight of the very persons
whom he had so illustriously served, his disappointment and resentment
should be extreme, and that his sensitive and exasperated mind should
almost doubt the existence of human gratitude. But this feeling of
disappointment never mingled itself with that of his attachment to the
Company itself, as at this very moment, when he was giving vent to the
feeling of his wrongs, we find him communicating to the Directors and
their committees, with the utmost detail and clearness, his opinions on
the whole concerns of the Company, civil, military, and political, in
various letters of great length. He did, indeed, feel very acutely some
appearances of what he thought want of due respect and consideration
on the part of the Directors, in their mode of addressing him; but the
whole powers of his mind and experience continued, as much as ever, at
the service of the East India Company.

When the business of the jaghire was arranged, Lord Clive set out to
visit some of the friends from whom he had been so long separated.
In the last days of September, he had, at Birmingham, a very violent
attack of bilious cholera, attended with excruciating pain. As soon
as he was able he moved to Walcot, and spent the month of October
chiefly there and at Styche, in the bosom of his family, and surrounded
by his friends. At the latter place, he had another severe attack of
the same complaint, attended with very painful symptoms; and it would
appear, that he continued freely to indulge in the use of opium, as he
had done while in Bengal, to moderate the violence of the paroxysms.
His physicians at this time advised his return to Bath, as affording
the best hope of promoting the restoration of his health; and he
accordingly removed thither in November.

His views of affairs, both in England and India, with some particulars
regarding himself, he communicated about this time in a letter to his
friend Mr. Verelst. He had doubts whether that gentleman, upright,
amiable, and intelligent as he was, possessed sufficient firmness
for the difficult situation in which he was placed; and his advice
is directed chiefly to encourage him in a bold and decided conduct,
the only course by which it was possible to correct the deep-rooted
abuses that prevailed in the service. "As my friendship for you,"
he writes[154] "is too warm and sincere to admit of any reserve, I
shall make no apology for the freedom with which I intend, at all
times, to communicate to you my sentiments upon the proceedings of
your government, wherein your honour and reputation are so deeply
concerned." After mentioning his own share in securing the confirmation
of Mr. Verelst in his office, he proceeds: "But exclusive of the part
I take in your success on my account, my regard and affection for you
lead me to reflect, that the reputation as well as private satisfaction
of your future life in England, must grow out of the honour which
you may, and I trust will, acquire by a resolute and unspotted
administration of the Company's affairs in Bengal. Your integrity and
the goodness of your heart must be acknowledged by all who know you;
and it is with pleasure I observe, that you have set out with a due
attention to other necessary and public qualifications. Continue in
the full exertion of that steadiness and resolution with which you
began your government. Your judgment is sound. Set a just value, then,
upon every opinion of your own, and always entertain a prudent degree
of suspicion of the advice of any man who can possibly be biassed by
self-interested motives. Before I touch upon particulars, permit me to
urge, in general, the necessity there is for you and the whole Council
and Committee to join in holding the military under due subordination
and subjection. The dangerous consequences which may ensue from the
least relaxation of command over a body so numerous as the English
officers, should ever be thought of with horror, and the good effects
of maintaining an inflexible authority cannot be too often recollected,
in the instance of the late association.

"I am glad to find that you are upon your guard against the pride and
ambition of the Colonel, who, if there be any merit in the conduct
of the military officers, will certainly claim the whole to himself,
and write the world to that purpose. His last, I should say his first
dispute, whether the Governor or the Commanding Officer of the troops
ought to have the title of Commander-in-Chief, was such an open and
audacious attack upon the dignity of your office, that I am surprised
you let it pass unnoticed. Had a minute been made of it, he would
infallibly have been dismissed the service.

"It is with great concern I observe that you have consented to the
increase of the military establishment, by the raising of four
regiments of horse, which will be an exorbitant, and yet useless,
expense. General Carnac knows, as I do, that black cavalry, instead of
being serviceable, are very detrimental to us. I am also sorry, that
you have augmented the artillery. One independent company at Calcutta,
in time of peace, will answer every purpose. To have more, either there
or at Ghyrotty, is only sacrificing the lives of so many men, without
service. The Directors, I fear, will reprimand you on these matters,
for they seem much inclined to lessen even the establishment I made for
Bengal.

"The sooner you confine the whole of our force within the boundary of
the Caramnassa the better. The Abdally's invasion of Bengal must be a
mere bugbear. So long a march is next to impossible; and therefore I
think he will never attempt it. The Mahratta is the only power we have
to manage, as invasions from them must retard our revenues, though they
cannot endanger our possessions.

"You certainly did well in persevering not to restore the Monghyr
officers; and I hope you have obliged all, except the young lads, to
embark for England.

"You will have heard, that all our letters and proceedings have been
laid before both Houses of Parliament, and publicly read. Not only the
Directors, but every man of consequence from Bengal, have been examined
upon oath before the House of Lords; so that thousands of people are
now well acquainted with the revenues, forces, and politics of India,
and of Bengal in particular. Permit me here again, my friend, to remind
you of the conspicuous situation you are placed in. Consider well the
great expectations which this nation entertains of extricating itself
out of its present difficulties, by the skill and conduct of the
Governor of Bengal. You must therefore exert yourself to the utmost to
fulfil its hopes; for, as I have already observed, hereupon depends,
whether you will be a very respectable character, or not, upon your
return to England.

"With regard to myself, my health has been very indifferent ever since
my arrival; but I am now following a regimen which has done me much
service, and will, I hope, recover me entirely. I have met with the
most gracious reception from the King and Queen, and a very respectful
and honourable one from the Court of Directors; nor is there any doubt
of my getting an English Peerage, whenever I make application for
that purpose, which, I understand, is always the custom: but the very
unsettled Administration, and my private notions, will not admit of my
applying at present. Hereafter, in all probability, the thing will come
to pass.

"With regard to the Directors, I tell you frankly, that no one can
entertain a worse opinion of many of them than I do. They have neither
abilities nor resolution to manage such important concerns as are now
under their care. Of this the world in general seem very sensible; and
yet what to do I protest I know not. An attempt to reform may throw
matters into greater confusion.

"You see my jaghire is at last continued to me and my representatives
for ten years after the expiration of my present right. I am more
obliged to the Proprietors for this grant than to the Directors,
who threw a great deal of cold water upon it. Indeed, their whole
conduct towards me and my associates in Committee has shown weakness,
or something worse; for they have upon all occasions endeavoured to
lessen the acquisitions we have obtained for them, and kept every thing
that might contribute to our reputation as secret as possible; and, if
Parliament had not brought our transactions to light, mankind would
have been ignorant of what has been done. In short, they appear very
envious and jealous of my influence, and give ear to every idle story
of my being hostile towards them. Every thing looks as if we were not
upon good terms. They have even asked my opinion upon their affairs
in such a mean, sneaking manner, that I have informed one of them,
unless I am applied to in form, and unless more attention be paid to my
advice, I shall decline giving any whatsoever. Thus stand matters at
present; but how long they may remain so I know not, nor what changes
may happen at the next election.

"From the manner in which I carried the extension of the jaghire, I
conclude the Directors will pay more attention to my opinions than
they lately did; but it will be rather through fear than inclination.
They desired, and I consented to a conference with them, and intended
going to London from Shropshire on purpose; but my health has obliged
me to come to Bath, where I daily expect a deputation to consult on
many important points which the gentlemen cannot themselves readily
determine upon."

His hopes of the efficacy of the Bath waters for removing his
complaints were soon disappointed. Not experiencing that benefit from
them which he had expected, his physicians recommended his leaving
England for a season, and trying the air of the south of France. In
the beginning of January, 1768, he removed from Bath to Berkeley
Square; and on the 17th of that month, Mr. Strachey, in a letter to
Mr. Verelst, written to recommend a young man, to whom Lord Clive had
promised a letter, observes, "Knowing this state of the case, I think
myself bound to acquaint you with it, for the physicians have wisely
prohibited Lord Clive from all attention to business. He is to-day much
better than when I wrote you t'other day; but we are taught not to
expect his recovery without the assistance of the south of France."

But the activity of Lord Clive's mind was not easily restrained by
bodily suffering. Even during this period he wrote several important
letters to the Court of Directors, and to their Committees of
Correspondence and Treasury, chiefly on their military affairs. On
the 19th, he writes his friend Call at Madras: "I have suffered so
much ever since my arrival in England, that I have not been able to
interfere so much with public affairs as I could wish; and the bilious
disorder is at last arrived at such a height, that there seems no other
remedy but that of going to the south without delay; and in two hours I
hope to be getting into my carriage for that purpose.

"With regard to the present Court of Directors, I can only say they
are universally despised and hated; will certainly be hard pushed next
April, and, if I and my friends do not support them, must fall. Their
ignorance and obstinacy are beyond conception.

"I write the Nabob Mahommed Ali by this conveyance. The Queen received
his presents in the most gracious manner from my hands. I was in
private with her Majesty in her closet near an hour; and the chief
part of the time was taken up about the Nabob and his prosperity. The
Queen has promised me to write to him in the most gracious manner, and
assured me at the same time of her disposition to render the Nabob any
service in her power.

"We shall come very strong into Parliament this year--seven without
opposition, probably one more; Lord Clive, Shrewsbury; Richard Clive,
Montgomery; William and George Clive, Bishop's Castle; John Walsh,
Worcester; Henry Strachey, Pontefract; and Edmund Maskelyne, probably
either for Whitechurch or Cricklade.

"As things were too far advanced in favour of Dupré before my arrival,
I take it for granted we shall see you next year, when I shall be glad
to receive you with open arms, and assist you with all my interest in
your parliamentary or any other views whatever; for, although I suffer
excruciating torments from the nature of my disorder, yet, if we may
credit the faculty, there is no danger of loss of life."

He set out, accompanied by Lady Clive and a small party, consisting of
her relation, Mrs. Latham, Mr. Maskelyne, her brother, Mr. Strachey and
Mr. Ingham. The change seems instantly to have produced a beneficial
effect; and he had not long left England when we find, from the letters
of his friends, that his improved state of health and freedom from pain
enabled him to diminish the quantity of opium he had previously been
obliged to use.

A few days after his arrival in Paris, he wrote Mr. Verelst as
follows[155]:--"I am certain it will give you infinite pleasure to
hear of my safe arrival at this place, and of my recovery beyond what
either my friends or myself could have imagined or expected in so short
a time. The remedy, I believe, was found out before I left England;
but the travelling and climate have undoubtedly done me much good. In
short, by the time I have spent a few months in the south of France,
and drank the waters of Spa, I doubt not of enjoying a better state of
health than I have done for some years.

"I cannot but acknowledge that my recovery gives me a more particular
pleasure from the prospect I have of exerting myself in favour of the
Company next winter, a time very critical for them indeed, since it
will then be finally determined upon what footing they are to be in
future; whether a part, or the whole, or none of the power be lodged
in them hereafter. Let me tell you in secret, that I have the King's
command to lay before him my ideas of the Company's affairs both at
home and abroad, with a promise of his countenance and protection in
every thing I might attempt for the good of the nation and the Company.
Mr. Grenville also, who, I think, must be minister at last, paid me a
visit at Berkeley Square, two days before I left London, and did me
the honour to say, that, in his opinion, it was the duty of the Court
of Directors to let no steps whatever be taken, either at home or
abroad, without my advice; and to assure me that either in ministry or
out of it, he would preach that doctrine in the House of Commons."
In the sequel of this letter he advises the Governor to attempt to
send home a million, or even two, of gold, and enters at great length
into the impolicy of the Directors in their intentions to change the
arrangements which he had made regarding the salt trade. His opinions
on the latter subject are always clear and consistent; and he was
strongly impressed with a conviction of the soundness of the advice
which he uniformly offered on this very important point. The former
advice proves, as does his whole correspondence, his undoubting belief,
that Bengal, if its affairs were wisely and economically administered,
would always afford a large available surplus. He complains justly,
as many circumstanced like himself have since done, of the general
ignorance that prevailed on Indian affairs. "It is certain," says he,
writing about this time to a friend[156], "that both the Directors
and Parliament are superlatively ignorant of our affairs abroad,
notwithstanding the great lights received in the late inquiries; yet
still they remain in the dark, and comprehend nothing about it. If
my constitution would have admitted of my attending Parliament and
General Courts, I am vain enough to think my knowledge and influence
would have set things to rights. However, it is certain my own
interest, my gratitude and affection for the Company, will not allow
me to be silent; and if my constitution will not permit me to speak, I
will most certainly write."

From Paris he proceeded to Lyons, and thence to Montpelier, where
he resided for some time. Finding his health extremely improved, he
returned to Paris, whence it would appear that he visited the Spa; and,
in spite of the remonstrances of his physicians, who advised him to
pass the winter on the Continent, returned to England, probably in the
end of August or beginning of September.

During his absence the Parliament had been dissolved, and a general
election had taken place, by the return of several members to which
his political influence was considerably increased. He was at this
time annoyed, for a moment, by a pamphlet which Sir Robert Fletcher
published, regarding the proceedings on his court-martial, and was
inclined to answer it; a resolution from which he was, with difficulty,
diverted by the representations of his friends; who assured him, that
Sir Robert's pamphlet had produced no unfavourable effect; as every
military officer was of opinion, from Sir Robert's own statements,
that he had been leniently dealt with.

Soon after his return to England, he had taken his place in Parliament
for Shrewsbury; and he delivered his opinions in the House with
considerable effect on Indian affairs, to which he confined himself.
He also occasionally took a part in the proceedings of the Court of
Proprietors. At this crisis, the terms of the agreement negotiated
between the Government and East India Company became the subject of
discussion; and the conditions were agitated by the adverse parties
with uncommon heat in the General Courts. Lord Clive's temper, keen and
impatient of controul, was but ill suited for such a warfare. He soon
felt this, and wrote from Bath, where he had gone for his health, to
communicate on the subject with his constant and valuable friend, Mr.
Grenville, who gave him the soundest advice.

  "Wotton, Dec. 29, 1768.

  "My dear Lord,

"I am much obliged to you for the honour of your letter of the 24th of
this month, which I received, together with the minutes of the last
General Meeting of the East India Company, by the last post. I think
that you are extremely in the right in your determination not to leave
the care of your health during this short vacation, in order to attend
at the next meeting for the consideration of the proposals from the
Court of Directors to the Treasury, with the Treasury's answer, and the
resolution of the Directors thereupon, which, you tell me, is postponed
to the 4th of January next. The account which you have sent to me of
what passed at the last Court, is of itself a sufficient reason, in my
opinion, for your declining to attend at the next, whilst things are in
the state of uncertainty and irregularity in which they appear to me;
and, therefore, even if your health would allow it (the establishment
of which must be with me and all your friends superior to any other
consideration), yet I should not advise you to interfere in these
questions till they come nearer to an issue. If these disputes shall be
carried to greater lengths, your opinion will necessarily have still
greater weight, both within doors and without: if, on the contrary,
they shall all be agreed and settled before the next meeting, I do not
see that your interposition will be attended with any credit to you,
or advantage to the public. If this great question is to be brought
before the Parliament, with every thing in a state of uncertainty,
as it was last year, as you truly observe that it may be necessary
for you to take some part there, it seems to me that it would be more
desirable for you to keep yourself at liberty in that case, and not
to pledge yourself beforehand to no purpose, at a General Court.
These, my dear Lord, are my sentiments upon the general situation;
which as you desired to know them, I have given to you with the utmost
freedom. As to the particular proposals, I wish to reserve them till we
meet, when we may consider them at large; whereas, at present, it is
impossible for me, on many accounts, to enter into the discussion of
them. I sincerely hope that the Bath waters may be attended with every
benefit to you which you can desire from them; or, what is more, which
your friends can desire for you. Mrs. Grenville joins with me in these
wishes, as well as in presenting our respects to Lady Clive, and our
best compliments to Mr. Strachey. I am, my dear Lord, with the most
perfect regard and esteem,

  "Your most affectionate friend
  "and most faithful humble servant,

  "George Grenville."

Mr. Grenville reverts to this subject in a future letter, in which,
at the entreaty of a friend, he earnestly solicits Lord Clive not to
interpose his negative on the proposition for restoring Sir Robert
Fletcher to the Company's service. "Since I began this letter[157],"
says he, "which I intended to have sent by the last post, but was
prevented by an accidental illness, which, I hope, is now over, I have
had an account of the bad news which has been received from the East
Indies. This answers so exactly to what you foretold in the House of
Commons, that it leaves those without excuse who have totally neglected
all the means you then pointed out to obviate the evil consequences
which are likely to attend their present situation. This event too is,
I think, a fresh argument to confirm you in your former disposition,
not to interpose in any private disputes, but to keep yourself in the
honourable state of a public man, only contributing his advice and
assistance when asked, to preserve to this country that great empire
which he had so great a share in acquiring. These, my dear Lord, are
my sentiments; and whether they are well founded or not, I am sure you
will excuse my troubling you with them from the motive of it, which is
the sincere regard I bear to you."

Lord Chatham having resigned his office of Privy Seal in October, 1768,
and a reconciliation having taken place between him and Lord Temple,
as well as between Mr. George Grenville and the Rockingham party, the
opposition soon became very powerful, and united the principal talents
of the country. Parties ran high, and the debates were often stormy.
Lord Clive aided with all his influence his friend Mr. Grenville, to
whom, both from public principle and private feeling, he was strongly
attached. In one of the many political changes which took place at this
time, Mr. Wedderburn was in danger of being deprived of a seat in the
House; and from the following letter of Mr. Grenville, it appears that
Lord Clive stepped forward in the handsomest manner to preserve to his
party the benefit of that gentleman's great and useful talents.

  "Bolton Street, May 10, 1769.

  "My dear Lord,

"I have this moment received the honour of your letter, whilst Mr.
Wedderburn was with me, to whom I have executed your commission. He
is extremely sensible of this great mark of your Lordship's esteem
and regard, and still more so of the very honourable manner in which
you have made the proposition for rechoosing him into Parliament,
which he desires me to assure your Lordship shall certainly remain a
secret with him, till you give him leave to disclose it, though, as
the offer which you made when this extraordinary measure of forcing
him out of Parliament was first talked of, is already known to five or
six different persons, that secret is not so entire as I now wish it
was; however, I hope it will not get out, so as to be attended with the
least inconvenience to you. If any thing could give me a higher opinion
of your character and conduct than that which I entertained before, it
would be your behaviour upon this occasion, which I am fully persuaded,
as soon as it is proper to be known, the world will see with the same
sentiments of approbation, though not with the same feelings of your
constant friendship and kindness, which fill the mind of,

  "My dear Lord,
  "Your Lordship's most affectionate
  "and most devoted humble servant,
  "George Grenville."

Mr. Grenville's health had already began to decline, and soon after
rapidly failed. His last exertion in the House, that of carrying
through the Act which goes under his name for regulating the
proceedings in the House of Commons in contested elections, was of
itself a great public service. It was passed in April, 1770, and he
died on the 13th of November following. This event was communicated to
Lord Clive, then at Bath, by Mr. Wedderburn, in the following letter,
which is also interesting in other respects:--

  "My dear Lord,

"The misfortune we dreaded has at last happened. I could not prevail
upon myself to send you the first account of it, knowing from my own
experience how much you would feel upon such an occasion. I had it
immediately in my view for three days together, and yet I was shocked
with the event that I had expected.

"I am not able to send you any distinct account of the opening of the
Parliament, for I have not yet been in the House of Commons; and if
people would impute my absence to its true cause, a real indifference
to all that passes there at present, I should continue for some time
in the same ignorance. Mr. Woodfall has done me the honour of making
me refuse an office that never was offered to me. If it had, your
Lordship will do me the justice to believe, that you would not have
received the first intimation of it from a newspaper. Whatever part I
may take in this conjuncture, will never be decided without the fullest
communication with you; and I am persuaded your Lordship's sentiments
upon the present unfortunate occasion are so similar to those I feel,
that no circumstance is likely to make us think differently. It is
possible, I believe, even in these times, for a man to acquire some
degree of credit without being enlisted in any party; and, if it is,
the situation, I am sure, is more eligible than any other that either
a Court or an Opposition have to bestow.

"If Bath agrees with your Lordship, as I trust it does, I should not
wish to see you in town; but I very much wish that it were in my power
to make you a visit at Bath: I should then have the pleasure of hearing
your sentiments upon the present state of affairs, which I assure you,
without any sort of compliment, but in the plainest sincerity, will
always have more weight with me than perhaps you will wish them to
have; and I should likewise have the good fortune to escape hearing the
sentiments of people who, in this town, have no other employment than
to speculate for their neighbours."

  "Lincoln's Inn Fields,
  "14th November, 1770."

Lord Clive's answer is equally creditable to his heart and
understanding;

  "Bath, 18th November, 1770.

  "Dear Sir,

"If the receipt of your very obliging and confidential letter had not
roused me, I doubt much whether I should have prevailed upon myself to
put pen to paper, though there is something within that tells me, I
shall at last overcome a disorder so very distressing both to the mind
(and to the body). Although the waters agree with me better than any
place I have yet tried, yet by my feelings, a journey abroad I fear
must be undertaken, before I can obtain a perfect recovery of my health.

"Mr. Grenville's death, though long expected, could not but affect
me very severely. Gratitude first bound me to him: a more intimate
connection afterwards gave an opportunity of admiring his abilities,
and respecting his worth and integrity. The dissolution of our
valuable friend has shipwrecked all our hopes for the present; and
my indisposition hath not only made me indifferent [to the world of
politics[158]], but to the world in general. What effect returning
health may have, I cannot answer for; but if I can judge for myself in
my present situation, I wish to support that independency which will be
approved of by my friends in particular, and by the public in general.
My sentiments are the same as yours, with regard to our conduct in the
present times.

"Your delicacy towards me serves only to convince me of the propriety
of my conduct in leaving you the absolute master of your own conduct in
Parliament, free from all control but that of your own judgment, and I
am happy in this opportunity"--(_defect in the MS._)

"Your great and uncommon abilities must sooner or latter place you
in one of the first posts of this kingdom; and you may be assured no
man on earth wishes to see your honour and your independency firmly
established in this kingdom, more than,

  "Dear Sir,
  "Your affectionate friend,
  "and obedient servant,
  "Clive."

Mr. Grenville's death was felt by Lord Clive as a great and almost
irreparable loss. That statesman was the person in public life to
whom he had always most closely attached himself. Mr. Grenville's
great political experience, his honourable disposition, his warm
and unvarying friendship, made Lord Clive ever ready to listen to
his advice, and in general willing to follow it. On his death, the
party, which had been kept together chiefly by his personal influence,
separated, some accepting office with the Minister, among whom was
Mr. Wedderburn, who was made Solicitor-General; others joining the
Rockingham party, then in opposition. For some time Lord Clive seems
to have avoided taking a decided part in public affairs, though his
parliamentary interest, independent of the weight of his personal
character, would have made him a valuable acquisition to any party.
Perhaps, before definitively making up his mind, he wished to ascertain
the line that each was disposed to take in Indian affairs. He was thus
thrown adrift on the sea of politics. That he belonged to no party
bound in honour to support and do him justice, and so was occasionally
exposed to the hostility of all, was perhaps one of the greatest of
evils to one who had so many bitter enemies as Lord Clive, and was one
of the misfortunes which he owed to the death of his excellent friend
Mr. Grenville.

His time was not wholly occupied by public business. He gave up much
of it to the numerous friends who were warmly attached to him, and he
did not neglect his private concerns. He had purchased several noble
estates in different parts of the country, and in the choice of them
was not inattentive to the object of increasing his parliamentary
influence. On these properties he had several mansion houses, though
Walcot continued to be his favourite residence. He purchased from the
Duchess of Newcastle, the noble property of Claremont, and made several
changes on that magnificent place: at Bath he acquired the lease of
Lord Chatham's house. In London, he still had his house in Berkeley
Square. The old family seat of Styche, now much improved, was generally
occupied by some of his relations. He indulged the natural liberality
of his disposition by living in a style of considerable splendour, and
he laid the foundation of a choice collection of paintings, by the
purchase of several master-pieces of the Italian schools.

Though only in his forty-sixth year, his friends were already fast
falling around him. He had lost two sisters while he was absent in
India. In May, 1771, he had to lament the death of his aged father, as
he had of his sister, the Honourable Mrs Sempill, before the year was
done.

The occupations which engaged him in public life, whether in Parliament
or at the India House, were not of a nature to fill or satisfy a mind
like his. He lived at a period when there was a rapid succession of
administrations, produced more by intrigue and party arrangements
than by any grand national object. There was much indecision, and a
remarkable want of any commanding talent in all the various ministries
that were formed. Clive, accustomed to an almost unlimited command
over many provinces, often sickened almost as much at the inadequate
and temporising measures of Parliament, as at the quarrels of the
Directors, or the petty but exhausting intrigues of the India House;
and in many parts of his correspondence vents his longings for the
ease and quiet of a country life; longings perfectly sincere and
natural, but the indulgence of which, to one of his ardent and restless
character, so long accustomed to the agitations of public business,
would probably have failed to bring the happiness which he anticipated.

Affairs in India had in the mean time taken a very unfavourable turn.
Even during the three years of the government of Mr. Verelst, a man of
good judgment, of industry, and the purest intentions, a deficiency of
funds was severely felt. This was not so much from a decline in the
revenues, though Lord Clive had perhaps estimated them beyond their
real amount, as from various other causes. The civil, military, and
commercial expenses were daily increasing, when the steady hand that
had checked their natural tendency to excess was removed. Immense sums
were spent on building forts, barracks, &c.: the system of overcharge,
and waste, from design or carelessness, again pervaded every branch
of the service: the pay of the whole superior officers, civil and
military, which had formerly been chiefly defrayed by the Salt Society,
now fell directly on the revenues. The whole course of commerce, which
had been disordered for some years, was disordered still more by the
immense investments raised for the Company, not as formerly in exchange
for bullion or silver imported from Europe, but from the revenues of
the country itself, and with all the disadvantageous circumstances
attending a political monopoly; for, while the exportation of bullion
to China continued, even the sums formerly brought by foreigners had
ceased; as the English, who had large private fortunes to remit home,
supplied them liberally with funds in India, in exchange for bills on
Europe, which prevented for a time the importation of the precious
metals as merchandise. Clive's last act had been to withdraw the
Europeans from out-stations, and to limit their interference with the
internal trade; a measure which, however exceptionable it would be in a
country where equal law existed, had become absolutely necessary where
European delinquency had no adequate check, and where the grossest
injustice could be practised by white traders and their agents, on the
timid and defenceless natives. Soon after the Company had abolished
the Salt Society, professedly on the general principle of hostility to
monopolies, and to restore the trade to the natives, they published the
order declaring the trade open to all, whether natives or Europeans; an
act by which, contrary to their intentions, they in reality restored a
more grievous and exceptionable monopoly than that which had existed
before. Besides all this, the unfortunate and ill-conducted war on the
Coromandel Coast, made it necessary to send large sums from Bengal to
that quarter.

There is, perhaps, no instance in history of a country that has
continued, for any considerable length of time, to send a very large
proportion of its revenues, as a regular tribute, out of its own
territory. The difficulty is to get a country, however rich, to be
able to supply the expenses of its own government. This, even in the
most favourable circumstances, is no easy task. A bold, active, and
resolute ruler, like Frederick of Prussia, or Lord Clive, may, by the
force of personal character, reduce expenses, for a given time, within
the narrowest bounds; but the natural tendency of a prosperous country
is, to contrive means of consuming on the spot, by indulgences, which
come to be considered as necessaries, and by corresponding salaries or
allowances, the whole sum that is raised by taxation. A country like
Bengal, in which the European, so far as the native was concerned, was
subject to the influence of no public opinion, and so far as regarded
his own countrymen, to a very imperfect one, was not likely to form an
exception to this rule. The golden dreams, in which all parties had
indulged from the wealth of the country, were rudely disturbed, though
none were quite sure of the exact causes.

We have already seen that an agreement, for one year, was concluded
between the Government and the Directors, in 1767, and renewed in the
ensuing year, by which the Company became bound to pay 400,000_l._ in
each of these years to the Government. When the agreement was about to
expire, the Directors were again strongly pressed by the Government,
and after some negotiation a bargain was concluded, by which the
Company agreed to pay to the public the sum of 400,000_l._ annually,
for five years longer; besides undertaking to export a certain value of
British goods: they were to be at liberty to increase their dividend,
during that time, to 12-1/2 per cent., the increase not to exceed 1
per cent. in any one year. If the Company were under the necessity of
reducing their dividend, an equal proportion was to be deducted from
the annual payment to Government; and if their dividends were reduced
to 6 per cent., the payment to the public was to cease altogether.
Provision was also made for the case of a large surplus, and its
appropriation prescribed.

This agreement was violently opposed in every step of its progress.
Among others, Lord Clive, we have seen, was decidedly hostile to it,
and used every exertion, not only with the Directors, and in the
Court of Proprietors, but in his place in Parliament, to prevent its
being concluded. He was of opinion that the Directors sacrificed
the interests of the Company to their fears, and that the Ministers
extorted unreasonable concessions from their weakness. Writing to
his brother-in-law, the Hon. Colonel Sempill, while the Act was in
progress, he says[159], "My journey to the south of France and the Spa
waters has restored me to more health than I have enjoyed for some
years; and I think, in a very short time, I shall be tired of the
bustle going on in this busy world, and seek for ease in a retired
country life. The newspapers will make known to you the distracted
state of affairs in almost every part of the extended empire of Great
Britain. It is no wonder that our East India affairs should partake of
the same confusion. Administration, and the Directors, seem to think
of nothing but the present moment. The one seems resolved to strip the
Company of all they can; and the other to submit to any thing, rather
than risk their stations, power, and authority at the next general
election."--"Parliamentary concerns have embroiled me more than is good
for my health, and already I begin to grow tired of them."

He had ceased to attend the General Courts, and did not even ballot
upon any question, except that regarding the agreement with
Government, which he opposed; but which, after three efforts, the
combined force of the Administration and the Directors carried by a
majority of 40; 290 for, 250 against.

Writing to Mr. Claud Russell[160], in Bengal, he takes a comprehensive
and sound view of national concerns at the turbulent period which
immediately preceded the American war. "To describe the situation of
our affairs at home," says he, "would require a much abler pen and
more time than I am at present master of. We are drawing very fast
towards a dangerous crisis, from which we can only be extricated by
some first-rate genius, and where to find that genius does not appear
at present. Our wide and extended possessions are become too great for
the mother country, or for our abilities, to manage. America is making
great strides towards independency; so is Ireland. The East Indies
also, I think, cannot remain long to us, if our present constitution be
not altered. A Direction for a year only, and that time entirely taken
up in securing Directors for the year to come, cannot long maintain
that authority which is requisite for the managing and governing such
extensive, populous, rich, and powerful kingdoms as the East India
Company are at present possessed of. So far are our Ministers from
thinking of some plan for securing this great and national object, that
they think of nothing but the present moment, and of squeezing from the
Company every shilling they have to spare, and even more than they can
well spare, consistent with their present circumstances. I have drawn
out my thoughts on this important subject, but I dare not trust them to
so divided, weak, and selfish an Administration. If Lord Chatham and
Mr. Grenville should appear once more at the head of affairs (of which
there is some prospect), they are the only men capable, in my opinion,
of embracing such ideas, which you know are extensive ones.

"Mr. Sulivan," he continues, "still entertains hopes of being a
Director, and Mr. Vansittart of being Governor of Bengal; to which
ambitious views I shall give every opposition in my power. For, if
I could admit, which is far from the case, that both are every way
qualified for the stations they are aspiring at, yet, I know their
connections to be such, that they must attempt the overthrow of that
system which hitherto has been attended with so much advantage to
the nation and the Company. The efforts which have been made are
great, yet I am confident they will fail in their designs, if the
Directors remain united among themselves, which, at present, there is
a great probability of, notwithstanding the divisions and dissensions
which have lately arisen among them, about the propositions made
to Government. I myself am strongly against them, as they stand at
present; because I think neither the welfare of the public, nor of the
Company, have been consulted, and that the Directors have committed
themselves too much to administration, from an apprehension of a
Parliamentary inquiry, and from a dread of being again examined at the
bar of the House of Commons.

"My best wishes are offered for your speedy return to your native
country with health and independency, without which there can be no
happiness in this life; and the sooner that event happens, the more
pleasure it will afford,

  "Yours, &c."

He writes in the same style to several of his friends, and from many
of his letters it appears, that the occasional disappointment suffered
by a mind so ardent as his, and so little accustomed to be thwarted,
had turned his thoughts strongly to retirement. "The conduct of the
Directors, in committing themselves in the manner they have done to
Administration," he observes in a letter to Mr. Sykes[161], "is
unworthy of them, and contrary to their duty as Directors. In my
conduct, I have taken up the great line of future advantage, both
to the nation and to the Company. I spoke long upon the subject in
the House of Commons, and with some applause, but all to no purpose;
the necessities of the state, and present gain, weighed down and
overpowered all argument."--"In my opinion, the sooner you return to
England the better. I know that your fortune is more than sufficient,
and that it has been honourably acquired. Come, then, and partake with
us in country retirement; and when you want to amuse yourself in town
and serve your country, be as we are, a member of Parliament. What can
I say more than that I am, &c."

"To tell you the truth," says he, in a letter of the same date, to Sir
Robert Barker, "after the next general election, I find myself very
much disposed to withdraw myself from all public concerns whatever. My
own happiness and that of my family is the only object I have in view,
and that can only be obtained by retirement from the bustle and noise
of a busy, debauched, and half-ruined nation."

In the April election which followed, Mr. Sulivan's party renewed their
efforts to recover their seats and influence in the Direction. Immense
efforts had long been making for that purpose. Many of their friends
had purchased largely of India stock, and divided what they possessed,
for the purpose of making new votes. The ships' husbands, as they are
called, a body of great wealth and influence at the India House, who
had quarrelled with the Directors, split 150,000_l._ of stock against
them. Lord Shelburne was said to have split 100,000_l._ of stock to
support his friend Sulivan. The Directors had alienated many of the
Proprietors by opposing the increase of dividend, and they had violent
differences among themselves, so that two of them refused to concur
in the proposed House List. The consequence was, that Mr. Sulivan and
his friends, who were also supported by the ministry, were brought
into the Direction, and a very important change of system followed.
The friendship that had long subsisted between Lord Clive and Mr.
Vansittart, had been first shaken by the revolution effected in Bengal
under Mr. Vansittart's government, when Meer Jaffier, whom Lord Clive
had placed on the musnud, and protected, was dethroned: the coolness
that followed was increased by Mr. Vansittart's connection with Mr.
Sulivan, whom he joined in the politics of the India House; and an
open rupture, the particulars of which it is unnecessary to detail,
followed, soon after Lord Clive's return to England. Vansittart's great
object was to return to Bengal as Governor, or even as Governor-General
of India. The restoration of his friends to power was favourable to
these views; and the two parties, each of which was able to impede the
other, but not entirely to carry its own objects, found it expedient to
come to a compromise. The state of India absolutely required that the
public affairs there should be placed on a better footing. Instead of
sending out an individual, it was finally arranged that a commission of
supervisors should be appointed, with very ample powers to investigate
on the spot into every department of affairs, and the conduct of
the public officers; to suspend, if necessary, even the presidents
and councils, and to frame regulations adapted to the exigency of
circumstances. To this important trust Mr. Vansittart, Colonel Forde,
and Mr. Scrafton, all of whom had distinguished themselves in the
country, were appointed; the first by the influence of Mr. Sulivan,
the two last by that of Lord Clive. It is well known that the Aurora
frigate, in which they sailed, was never heard of after leaving the
Cape of Good Hope, and is supposed to have foundered at sea. Lord
Clive, writing to Mr. Verelst, in the end of this year, alludes to
these transactions; "The public papers," says he[162], "and your
friends, will explain to you the India politics. The severe blow given
the old Directors last year, by the admission of Sulivan and so many of
his party, has been the occasion of all that has happened; and we were
obliged to compound with Vansittart for his being Supervisor jointly
with Scrafton and Forde, to prevent his going out Governor to Bengal,
or Governor-General, which was the thing aimed at. Mr. Vansittart
received all the support which Ministry, the Court, and Princess
Dowager could give, and was very near succeeding in his ambitious
designs. When you arrive in England," he continues, "you will find me
at Claremont, a delightful place, about fourteen miles from London, and
in your way from Portsmouth, if you land at that place."

The same views are contained in his letter of the 15th of February,
1770, to Mr. Kelsall.

  "Dear Sir,

"I have received your letter, dated Dacca, January, 1769, and should
have given you my sentiments upon the contents, if the appointment
of Supervisors with such great powers had not made all reply useless
and unnecessary. These gentlemen will, I hope, take into their most
serious consideration, the state of the Company's affairs in every
part of India, and apply proper remedies to every evil. I do not at
all envy them their appointment, being certain they will find it a
very difficult task to answer the expectations of the public, without
disgusting and disobliging individuals. If they can find the happy
expedient of doing strict justice to the Company, and of giving
satisfaction to the civil, military, and free merchants, they will have
found out an art that I was not master of during my last residence in
India.

"I will not trouble you with the situation of affairs in England.
Anarchy and confusion seem to have pervaded every part of the British
empire. In vain can we expect our affairs shall flourish abroad, when
all is going to ruin at home. The Directors are so divided among
themselves, and so much taken up in struggling for power at every
general election, that they have quite lost sight of the Company's
interest, which is daily sacrificed to their own views, and the views
of particular Proprietors, to answer their purposes."--

"With regard to myself, having struggled long enough against the tide
to very little purpose, I am determined the approaching election shall
put an end to my activity, in support of any set of men whatever. It
is beyond my power to do the Company any farther service; and the
disposition to ease and retirement gains ground upon me daily. The best
and soundest advice I can give you is, to return to England rather
with a moderate competency, while you have youth and constitution to
enjoy it, than by staying longer, lose that youth, and sacrifice that
constitution, which no riches can possibly compensate for. Hoping soon
to see you in England, I am,

  "Dear Sir,
  "Your sincere friend and affectionate kinsman,
  "Clive."

The elections of April, 1770 and 1771, in which Mr. Sulivan's party was
still powerfully supported, had not a tendency to recall Lord Clive's
mind from his plan of retreat;--"The loss of the Supervisors," says
he, writing to Mr. Henry Moore, Chief of Bussorah[163], "since the
last advices from India, is looked upon as certain. I hope the same
Providence, which has so often manifested itself in our favour in the
East, will continue to watch over us, and extricate us from the almost
insurmountable difficulties in which we seem to be involved. It is not
unlikely but a new commission may take place; but where the Directors
will find men every way qualified to execute such a task, is hard
to say." In the conclusion he adds, "I am come to the resolution of
withdrawing myself entirely from India affairs, and spending the rest
of my days in ease and retirement." These were the natural longings
for retreat, and aspirations after repose, of a great and active mind,
fatigued with petty exertions, and disappointed in its endeavours to be
useful; but it was a repose which Clive was not destined to enjoy.

Meanwhile, the derangements in the various branches of the Company's
affairs abroad continued to increase. No one felt more strongly than
Lord Clive the evils that resulted from them, or was more aware of
the extreme difficulty of applying a remedy; but at the same time
his experience taught him, that by a judicious management much might
be effected. The chief sources of expense arose from a jealousy of
Sujah-u-Dowlah's designs, and from the ill-conducted war against Hyder
Ali. In a letter to Sir Robert Barker, written at a time when there was
a very general alarm, which produced a great fall of India stock, he
gives very distinctly his ideas of the leading principles of our Indian
policy;--"Both the Directors and the nation[164]," says he, "are more
apprehensive of the consequence of a rupture with Sujah Dowlah than I
confess I am, even from your accounts of the state of affairs in that
part of the world.

"All the efforts of that ambitious prince must prove vain against
our numbers, revenues, and discipline. His sepoys, when they come to
action, will never stand against ours, headed by English officers;
and, if he trusts to his infantry alone, the loss of a battle will be
ruin. But if he makes war upon us in Bengal with them, he may distress
us for a time, and lessen both our investments and revenues, which is
the greatest detriment the nation and Company can suffer. At present,
however, I both wish and hope, he has no views to the southward, but
that he bends his thoughts towards Delhi, and wishes to have the King
with him. So do I too, if the King's consent could be obtained for that
purpose. I was always apprehensive the King would endeavour to embark
us, by some means or other, in his extensive views of going to Delhi,
and reducing to obedience by our means all Hindostan. This is a plan
I have always opposed; and, to tell you the truth, I wish our troops
were all in Bengal, and that no other object employed our attention,
but that of defending ourselves when attacked. I wish the King was
gone to Delhi or any where, so as we had nothing more to do with him;
or that he could be prevailed upon to spend the rest of his days and
money quietly at Patna. I think the wisest scheme we could pursue would
be, to take no open part with these Hindostan princes, but privately
promote their quarrelling to all eternity."

His letter to General Joseph Smith on the war in the Carnatic, is too
creditable to that gallant officer to be omitted.

  "Berkeley Square, 9th March, 1770.

  "Dear Sir,

"I have received, and am much obliged to you for your accurate and
circumstantial letter of the 15th of June, 1769.[165] Our misfortunes,
and I may add, our mismanagements on the coast, have been great indeed:
but it is some satisfaction to me to find, that your conduct has been
such as all who know you had reason to expect; and that, whoever may
have been to blame, no impeachment can be laid against you. I need not
enter into reflections upon the fundamental errors of the war. For the
honour of the nation and the Company, I wish they could be for ever
buried in oblivion, or at least remembered only by ourselves, to warn
us upon any future occasion. The measure of sending field-deputies has
justly been condemned by every body. Gentlemen in the civil service
may be very properly employed out of the presidency in the collection
of the revenues; but nothing can be more absurd and pernicious than
sending them to a camp, where they can only embarrass or obstruct plans
and operations which they do not understand. I sincerely wish that the
peace, however ingloriously made, may continue: but this is merely a
wish, and by no means my expectation. I am with great regard, &c."

The difficulties in Bengal went on increasing. Mr. Cartier's mild
but feeble government, which began in January 1770, was marked by
one of those horrible famines which afflict a populous country like
Bengal, dependent chiefly on its agriculture, above all others. One
third of the natives are computed to have perished by sickness and
famine. The revenues and trade of the country, which were suffering
before, were still more disordered by this new calamity. The expense
of establishments, instead of diminishing, increased; and instead of
a surplus revenue to be remitted home, the extent of bills which had
been drawn on the Court of Directors in England, during the latter
part of Mr. Verelst's Government, was prodigiously increased. On Mr.
Cartier's resignation, it was necessary to think of some able successor
to meet the difficulties that were so sensibly felt. Mr. Hastings was
finally pitched upon. We have seen that that gentleman had served for
some time in an important situation under Lord Clive. He was in Council
during Vansittart's administration, and his minutes evince the extent
of his information and talents. He accompanied Mr. Vansittart home, and
had remained in England about four years, when the pressure of narrow
circumstances again forced him to think of the East.

Mr. Sykes, in a letter to Lord Clive, dated Calcutta, 28th of March,
1768, observes, "Your Lordship knows my regard for Mr. Hastings, and
the intimacy which we have maintained during so many years."--"I have
now brought his affairs nearly to a conclusion, and sorry I am to say,
they turn out more to the credit of his moderation than knowledge
of the world. He is almost literally worth nothing, and must return
to India, or want bread. I therefore make it my earnest request to
your Lordship, that, even if you cannot consistently promote his
reappointment to the Company's service, you will at least not give any
opposition thereto." At this time parties ran very high between the
Directors and the party of Sulivan and Vansittart, to which Hastings
had attached himself. Lord Clive did not, however reject this appeal
to his generosity, in behalf of a man for whom he had always felt
a kindness; "Mr. Hastings' connection with Vansittart," says he in
reply[166], "subjects him to many inconveniences. The opposition given
the Directors this year, prevented my obtaining his return to Bengal in
Council. Indeed he is so great a dupe to Vansittart's politics, that I
think it would be improper that he should go to Bengal in any station,
and I am endeavouring to get him out to Madras, high in Council there,
in which I believe I shall succeed." In the course of the following
year, Mr. Hastings was accordingly sent to Madras, second in Council,
and there distinguished himself by his zeal and intelligence. The loss
of Vansittart in the Aurora, probably took away the chief objection to
his removal to Calcutta; and the disturbed state of public affairs,
requiring the presence of a man of the first ability, to restore
them to order, and to regain the public confidence, he was actively
recommended by Lord Clive, as the man in India the best fitted for
the charge. In 1771, he was accordingly appointed Governor of Bengal.
The letter which Lord Clive addressed to him on this occasion is too
remarkable to be omitted, not only as it concerns the two perhaps,
most eminent men who ever held that high office, and throws so much
light on the character of both, but as it overflows with the soundest
practical wisdom. It is difficult to calculate what effect the
influence of the very superior men whom he proposed as a Council, might
have had on the future fortunes and history of India. But neither the
Directors nor the Ministers were sufficiently advanced in their views
of Indian policy, or possessed sufficient expansion of mind to adopt
a measure in which the expense of employing first-rate men was as
nothing, compared with the results that might have been anticipated.

  "Berkeley Square, 1st August, 1771.

  "Dear Sir,

"The despatch of the Lapwing gives me an early opportunity of
congratulating with you on your removal to Bengal; and as my zeal for
the service actuated me to take the share I did in your appointment,
the same principle prevails upon me to offer you a few of my ideas upon
the important Government in which you now preside.

"Two or three months ago, when the plan of Supervisors was renewed,
Sir George Colebrooke and Mr. Purling desired my opinion. My advice
was, that, as the prosperity of the Company was now become a matter
of very serious national concern, it behoved them to show that,
in appointments of this nature, they were guided, not by the view
of particular friends, but merely by that zeal which the duty of
their station demanded, for preserving and rendering permanent our
possessions in India; and that, therefore, they should turn their
thoughts towards men who stood high in public character and reputation.
I proposed Mr. Wedderburn, Mr. Cornwall, and Sir Jeffrey Amherst,
together with you, as Governor, and one of the Council; and that these
five should be invested with all the powers civil and military. Sir
Jeffrey Amherst, however, declined. As to the two former, they might
be prevailed upon; but the Directors do not seem ready to embrace any
great comprehensive plan of supervisorship, so as to make it an object
for men of such consequence. My last proposition was, that the Company
should revert to the plan of my Government, viz. that a Committee of
five should be appointed out of the best and ablest men in Bengal, of
whom the Governor should be the head; and this, I imagine, will be
adopted.

"The situation of affairs requires that you should be very circumspect
and active. You are appointed Governor at a very critical time, when
things are suspected to be almost at the worst, and when a general
apprehension prevails of the mismanagement of the Company's affairs.
The last parliamentary inquiry has thrown the whole state of India
before the public, and every man sees clearly, that as matters are
now conducted abroad, the Company will not long be able to pay the
400,000_l._ to Government. The late dreadful famine, or a war, either
with Sujah-u-Dowlah, or the Mahrattas, will plunge us into still
deeper distress. A discontented nation and disappointed Minister will
then call to account a weak and pusillanimous Court of Directors, who
will turn the blow from themselves upon their agents abroad; and the
consequences must be ruinous both to the Company and the servants.
In this situation you see the necessity of exerting yourself in
time, provided the Directors give you proper powers, without which,
I confess, you can do nothing; for self-interest or ignorance will
obstruct every plan you can form for the public good.

"You are upon the spot, and will learn my conduct from disinterested
persons; and I wish your government to be attended, as mine was, with
success to the Company, and with the consciousness of having discharged
every duty with firmness and fidelity. Be impartial and just to the
public, regardless of the interest of individuals, where the honour of
the nation, and the real advantage of the Company are at stake, and
resolute in carrying into execution your determination, which I hope
will at all times be rather founded upon your own opinion than that of
others.

"The business of politics and finance being so extensive, the Committee
should not be embarrassed with private concerns. They ought not,
therefore, to be allowed to trade. But their emoluments ought to be so
large as to render trade unnecessary to the attainment of a competent
fortune. For this purpose I am confident the salt will prove very
sufficient. The Society should be formed upon an improvement of the
plan which was not perfected in my time. The price to the natives was
too great, and so was the advantage to the servants. Reduce both, and I
am persuaded there will be no complaint of oppression on the one hand,
or want of emolument on the other.

"The Company's servants should all have a subsistence, but every idea
of raising a fortune, till they are entitled to it by some years'
service, ought to be suppressed. If a general system of economy
could be introduced, it would be happy for individuals as well as
for the public. The expenses of the Company in Bengal are hardly to
be supported. Great savings, I am certain, may be made. Bills for
fortifications, cantonments, contracts, &c. must be abolished, together
with every extravagant charge for travelling, diet, parade, and pomp,
of subordinates. In short, by economy alone the Company may yet
preserve its credit and affluence.

"With regard to political measures, they are to be taken according to
the occasion. When danger arises, every precaution must be made use of,
but at the same time you must be prepared to meet and encounter it.
This you must do with cheerfulness and confidence, never entertaining a
thought of miscarrying, till the misfortune actually happens; and even
then you are not to despair, but be constantly contriving and carrying
into execution schemes for retrieving affairs; always flattering
yourself with an opinion that time and perseverance will get the better
of every thing.

"From the little knowledge I have of you I am convinced that you
have not only abilities and personal resolution, but integrity, and
moderation with regard to riches; but I thought I discovered in you
a diffidence in your own judgment, and too great an easiness of
disposition[167], which may subject you insensibly to be _led_, where
you ought to _guide_. Another evil which may arise from it is, that you
may pay too great an attention to the reports of the natives, and be
inclined to look upon things in the worst, instead of the best, light.
A proper confidence in yourself, and never-failing hope of success,
will be a bar to this and every other ill that your situation is liable
to; and, as I am sure that you are not wanting in abilities for the
great office of Governor, I must add that an opportunity is now given
you of making yourself one of the most distinguished characters of this
country.

"I perceive I have been very free in delivering my sentiments; but to
make an apology were to contradict the opinion I profess to have of
your understanding, and to doubt whether you would receive this as a
token of my esteem."

"It is, perhaps, unnecessary to add, that this letter, which I have
written in the fullest confidence, should be kept entirely to yourself.
If a reciprocal communication of our sentiments on India affairs be
agreeable to you, you may depend upon my continuing the correspondence
in such manner as to show that I am, with the sincerest wishes for your
honour and success,

  "Dear Sir,

  "Your very faithful humble servant,

  "Clive."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 130: These statues were executed by Scheemaker, and placed,
Pocock's in the centre, over the Chairman's seat, Clive's on the right
hand, in an advanced and speaking attitude, and Lawrence's on the left.
The statues are larger than life, and in the Roman costume.]

[Footnote 131: Clive's letter to Orme, 29th September, 1765.]

[Footnote 132: 1764.]

[Footnote 133: 9th December, 1765.]

[Footnote 134: Letter to Lord Clive, 17th May, 1766.]

[Footnote 135: 26th September, 1766.]

[Footnote 136: 6th May, 1767.]

[Footnote 137: The preceding narrative is chiefly extracted from notes
of Sir Henry Strachey on the subject.]

[Footnote 138: 30th July, 1766.]

[Footnote 139: Letter, 22d November, 1766.]

[Footnote 140: Also a member of the Administration.]

[Footnote 141: 25th November, 1766.]

[Footnote 142: 4th March, 1767.]

[Footnote 143: Letter to Lord Clive, 4th March, 1767.]

[Footnote 144: 30th December, 1766.]

[Footnote 145: 12th June.]

[Footnote 146: 29th June, 1767.]

[Footnote 147: 6th May.]

[Footnote 148: 18th March, 1767.]

[Footnote 149: 25th March, 1767.]

[Footnote 150: 23d September, 1767.]

[Footnote 151: Letter, 2d October.]

[Footnote 152: Letter, dated Thursday, apparently 1st October.]

[Footnote 153: Letter, dated Walcot, 6th October, 1767.]

[Footnote 154: Letter to Harry Verelst, Esq., dated Bath, 7th November,
1767.]

[Footnote 155: Paris, 9th February, 1768.]

[Footnote 156: Letter to Mr. Beecher, dated Montpelier, 3d March, 1768.]

[Footnote 157: Letter, dated Wotton, 28th May, 1769.]

[Footnote 158: Defect in the MS.]

[Footnote 159: Letter, dated 10th February, 1769.]

[Footnote 160: 10th February, 1769.]

[Footnote 161: 5th March, 1769.]

[Footnote 162: 22d December, 1769.]

[Footnote 163: 8th April, 1771.]

[Footnote 164: 5th March, 1769.]

[Footnote 165: This letter fills forty-eight pages, and is a very
curious and valuable document in Indian history.]

[Footnote 166: 12th November, 1768.]

[Footnote 167: Clive, in many of his letters, warns those who were
placed in offices of trust against that easy good-nature which can find
its proper place only in private life. Writing to Sir Robert Barker,
one of the friends whom he most valued (8th October, 1766), in answer
to a letter which contained some remonstrances on certain opinions
which he was said to have expressed, he remarks, "The part I have acted
towards you ought to have precluded every suspicion injurious to the
sufficiency of your abilities, or to the integrity of your conduct,
and shown that my doubts (if they can be so called) of your not at
all times acting up to your character and station, could only proceed
from the knowledge I have of your great good-nature and mildness of
disposition,--qualities which though amiable in private life, have ever
some ascendency over the dictates of reason, and will sometimes, in
public life, enervate even the principle and spring of action."]




CHAP. XVIII.


While Lord Clive was every day more and more desirous of disengaging
himself from the vexatious and unsatisfactory annoyances of Leadenhall
Street politics, yet unwilling to forsake altogether the means which
they afforded him of promoting the interest of his friends, and of
influencing beneficially the government of our Indian empire, as to
the fate of which it was impossible that he could be indifferent, the
progress of events drew him once more conspicuously forward on the
stage of public life, and desperate attempts were made to ruin at once
his fortune and his reputation. It was his fate to suffer, not for
his vices or errors, but for his virtues. His upright and honourable
discharge of his painful duties, during his second government of
Bengal, was at the root of all the persecutions which he afterwards
endured. The men whom he made his enemies, by a firm yet temperate
exercise of authority, resolved, if they could not justify their own
conduct, to embitter, to the utmost of their power, the feelings of
the statesman who had disturbed them in the career of unlawful gain.
They had attempted to injure him in the courts at the India House. The
changes in public affairs now enabled them to point an attack against
him on a larger theatre, in the British Parliament.

We have seen that the rumours of the boundless wealth of India, the
extent of the provinces conquered, and the amount of the revenue
acquired, had raised the question to whom those conquests belonged,--to
the trading company that had made them, or to the country and sovereign
under whose auspices they were made? and that, to prevent the decision
of this question, for which neither party was perfectly prepared, a
compromise had been entered into between Government and the Directors,
in 1767, and afterwards renewed. But disasters and mismanagement in
India and at home had, in the course of a few years, reduced the
Company's affairs to such distress that, far from being able to pay the
sum stipulated, it became very problematical if they would be able to
discharge their ordinary debts. The Directors were willing to throw the
blame on their servants abroad, whom they charged for acting contrary
to their orders; while they, on their part, defended themselves as
they best could from the imputations cast upon them. Reports of
oppression in India were widely circulated; and the private fortunes
rapidly accumulated, that were every day brought home from that country
(fortunes large in themselves and exaggerated by report), were held by
many sufficiently to prove the truth of the charges.

The British Ministry, at that moment, contained no man of extraordinary
talent, and its members were averse to any extensive views of civil
polity: besides, they had their hands too full of American affairs, and
of internecine quarrels, which ran very high, to leave them any wish to
launch into the wide ocean of Indian concerns, of which, in common with
all the rest of the nation, they were profoundly ignorant. At the same
time, the progress of events made it necessary that something should be
attempted. So early as May, 1771, the Ministers, who were aware that
from no individual could so much and so sound information and advice be
received as from Lord Clive, had shown a desire to confer with him. As
he had always been a steady supporter of the politics of Mr. Grenville,
who had long been in opposition, he was not then in habits of personal
communication with any of the leading members of the Government.
To obviate this difficulty recourse was had to Mr. Wedderburn, the
Solicitor-General and Lord Clive's personal friend, who wrote him a
letter[168], in which he observes, "There are no public news in town.
We had a little mobbing last night[169], but not to any great excess.
My neighbour, the Speaker, had his windows mauled exceedingly; but, by
great good fortune, the gentlemen were so busy with his that they left
mine untouched.

"Lord Rochford[170], a few days ago, desired that I would ask your
Lordship if you would allow him to talk over Indian affairs with
you. He says that it is his duty to bestow more attention than has
hitherto been employed upon an object of the utmost consequence to
the nation, and that he wishes to improve or to form his ideas from
your conversation. I told him it was uncertain when you would return
to town; but I was persuaded, your zeal for the public service would
incline you to assist Government with your advice, whenever that
subject was taken into serious consideration. I believe the answer was
such as your Lordship would have wished me to make; and I must do him
the justice to say, he held a very proper language upon the subject of
India, and seemed to feel the importance of it."

Lord Clive, in his answer[171], observes, "I am happy to find Lord
Rochford thinks so justly of the importance of our possessions in the
East Indies; and yet in these times of (discord) and confusion, much,
I fear, cannot be expected from his laudable endeavours to benefit the
public by securing and improving our acquisitions in those parts. When
I returned to England in the year 1767, my thoughts were much taken
up with the flattering prospect of assisting Government to complete a
work which I had only begun; and I intimated as much to the King in a
private audience which I was honoured with soon after my arrival; but
a tedious and severe illness prevented me from carrying my ideas into
execution, and afforded me leisure for reflection. The result was, that
I soon perceived that unless a settled administration, possessed of
both resolution and power adequate to the object, undertook thoroughly
to engage Parliament in the business, no material advantage could be
obtained for the nation by any light I could give. After my recovery,
I had many conversations with Mr. Grenville upon the subject, who, to
the last, was of the same way of thinking. Mr. Strachey has, with
the materials I have furnished him, undertaken that task; but I think
he cannot complete the work in less than eighteen months. You are
acquainted with my design of going to the Spa, and spending the next
winter in Italy. I can only be in London a few days at the latter end
of July. If that time should be convenient to Lord Rochford, and he
will signify his pleasure by a few lines, I shall be ready to pay my
respects to his Lordship, and give him all the verbal information in my
power."

A severe return of ill health seems to have prevented Lord Clive from
visiting the Spa, and, probably, from meeting Lord Rochford. But the
continuation of unfavourable reports from India, and the approaching
meeting of Parliament, made the Ministers more desirous than ever
of some communication of opinions with him. The Solicitor-General
accordingly wrote his Lordship the following letter:--

  "My dear Lord,

"I have been confined to the house since my arrival in town, by a
cold, till this morning, that I was obliged to go to Lord North's. As
soon as the business which brought me to him was finished, he began
upon the subject of the East Indies; to which, he said, the attention
of Administration was now very seriously turned. He seemed to feel
strongly the necessity of taking some steps immediately for the
preservation of so important an object, and the difficulty of forming
any proper measure for that purpose. From the tenor of the conversation
it appeared to me that no idea had as yet presented itself that could
be the foundation of any plan; and he expressed the strongest wish to
receive that instruction upon the subject which your Lordship alone can
give him. I took it upon me to say that your Lordship had never given
any Administration reason to think that you would decline doing that
service to the public, but that you had never been called upon; nor
had it ever appeared to be an object of real attention to Government.
He seemed very desirous that I should acquaint you how much it was now
become the object of their most earnest attention, and that it would
give him the utmost satisfaction to be able to form his own ideas upon
yours. I did not undertake the commission with so much frankness as
I should have done, if it had been only to go from Downing Street to
Berkeley Square; and this evening I received the enclosed letter, which
I was desired to convey to your Lordship.

"From Lord North's I went to Lord Rochford, who took up the same
subject, and, as his manner is, with more eagerness than the other.
He desired me to tell your Lordship, that he had employed himself
in forming a _Précis_ of the Indian affairs, which he wished to
communicate to you; that he was convinced you thought alike with him as
to the evils that now subsist, and that you knew, much better than he
could, what were the proper remedies for them.

"I have related to you, as shortly as I could, the purport of two
pretty long conversations, to which I can add very little of my own
observation, having scarcely seen any body till this morning; except
that I understand a great many plans are forming by different people
upon this subject, which, it is generally supposed, must, in some
manner, be taken up this winter. I heard of no specific proposition
that had been mentioned to Government, in either of my conversations,
except the old one of a Triennial Direction, which, to be sure, by
itself, will not mend the matter very much. It is now certain, what you
always supposed, that the Duc de Choiseuil had determined[172] to begin
his attack in the East Indies, and the blow would have been struck at
Bengal.

"It might seem odd if I omitted to say to your Lordship, upon the
former part of my letter, that I am very much persuaded, both the
ministers I have seen, and particularly the last, will pursue any plan
you point out. I have had other conversations with him formerly, upon
the general state of Indian affairs, and his ideas seem to coincide
very much with yours. Lord North seems to be quite open upon the
subject, and as he has no prejudice to bias him, I should form the same
conclusion with regard to him.

  "Lincoln's Inn Fields,
  29th Oct. 1771."

On the 14th of November Mr. Wedderburn writes to Lord Clive: "I
delivered your Lordship's letter to L.N., who seemed to be extremely
happy by the manner in which you received his application. From the
inquiries which he made about your engagements in the country, I
imagine he is very desirous of seeing you in town. But that matter
rests more properly with him, and I only said I was very sure you
would be very ill pleased to be brought up to no purpose. The other
Lord is in the country this week, but returns on Monday next. I should
conjecture that his ideas are more forward upon the affairs of the
East than your correspondent's. I am told that the Directors have
compromised the affair of the tea-duties with the Treasury; but they
have not done me the honour to acquaint me upon what terms, though
in the outset of the business, I had some share in bringing about an
agreement for the Company. There seems to be a good deal of ill-humour
at present against the Directors, which they may feel the effects of,
if the alarm at the present state of affairs in India is not quieted
soon."

The party then in power among the Directors was hostile to Lord Clive,
who for several years, chiefly by the weight of his personal influence,
had excluded them from office. Mr. Sulivan, who was their leader, and
some others, bore him the most rancorous personal animosity. It is not
improbable that they had heard of the communication thus opened between
Lord Clive and the Ministers, and that considering it as pregnant
with consequences prejudicial to their own interests, they resolved
to take some decided step to palsy the effects of his authority in
the discussions that were approaching. Perhaps the slight paid to Mr.
Wedderburn, and alluded to in the foregoing extract, may be traced
to his intimacy with Lord Clive, or even to his supposed agency in
bringing about a meeting with the Ministers.

However that may be, just a fortnight before the meeting of Parliament,
Lord Clive, without having had any previous communication made to him
on the part of the Directors, received a dry official letter[173] from
the Company's Secretary, informing him that the Court of Directors
had lately received several papers containing charges respecting the
management of the Company's affairs in Bengal, wherein his Lordship was
made a party; enclosing copies of them, and acquainting his Lordship,
that if he had any observations to make, the Court of Directors would
be glad to receive them as expeditiously as might be convenient for his
Lordship.

Lord Clive, on perusing these charges, which were anonymous, at
once perceived the purpose for which they were thus seasonably made
and communicated. In his answer, which he addressed to the Court of
Directors, he remarks,--"You have not been pleased to inform me from
whom you received these papers, to what end they were laid before you,
what resolution you have come to concerning them, nor for what purpose
you expect my observations upon them.

"I shall, however, observe to you, that upon the public records of
the Company, where the whole of my conduct is stated, you may find a
sufficient confutation of the charges which you have transmitted to
me; and I cannot but suppose, that if any part of my conduct had been
injurious to the service, contradictory to my engagements with the
Company, or even mysterious to you, four years and a half since my
arrival in England would not have elapsed before your duty would have
impelled you to call me to account."

The charges were those which he afterwards enumerated and repelled in
his speech in the House of Commons on the 30th of March following.

The resolution of Ministers to call the public attention to Indian
affairs was sufficiently indicated in the Speech from the Throne[174],
in which the affairs of the East India Company were plainly alluded
to. "The concerns of this country," his Majesty was made to say, "are
so various and extensive, as to require the most vigilant and active
attention; and some of them, as well from remoteness of place as from
other circumstances, are so peculiarly liable to abuses and exposed to
danger, that the interposition of the Legislature for their protection
may become necessary. If in any such instances, either for supplying
defects or remedying abuses, you shall find it requisite to provide
any new laws, you may depend upon my ready concurrence in whatever may
best contribute to the attainment of these salutary ends." Mr. Vane,
who seconded the Address in the House of Commons, insisted that the
malversation of the East India Company's servants called loudly for
interposition; that new laws and regulations were become necessary;
that at present the Company had not sufficient powers over their
servants to enforce obedience to their orders, or to prevent them from
accumulating enormous fortunes at the expense of their masters; and
that their exorbitances in other respects might, in their consequences,
occasion the entire loss of those distant dominions to Great Britain.
The subject was not, however, immediately taken up by any Member, and
some time passed without any further reference to that part of his
Majesty's Speech.

But it was not dropped. On the 30th March, Mr. Sulivan, who was then
Deputy Chairman of the Court of Directors, moved for leave to bring
in a bill "for the better regulation of the affairs of the East India
Company, and of their servants in India, and for the due administration
of justice in Bengal." He said that the object of the bill was to
restrain the Governor and Council from all trade; and to establish a
proper mode of administering justice, by extending the authority of
the Court of Justice at Calcutta over all Bengal. It was alleged by
those who supported the motion, that the bad state of our affairs in
India was owing to the little power which the Court of Directors had
to punish their servants, either for disobedience of orders, or for
malpractices in the country; that the power of trading that had been
granted to the Governors, when we had mere factories on the sea-coast,
was no longer suitable to their duties, now that they were called
upon to govern our wide and important dominions; that their interests
and duties had become inconsistent; and that the system for the
administration of public justice in Bengal was quite insufficient for
its objects: and, in the course of the debates, many reflections were
cast out, and charges made or insinuated, against former Governors of
the country. On the other hand, it was contended that inquiry should
precede legislation; that the House was not in possession of facts to
guide it aright; that inquiry would probably show that the evils were
too deep-seated to be remedied by the proposed bill; and, especially,
that the Court of Directors, and the General Courts of Proprietors,
were themselves much to blame for many of the evils complained of;
that the sending out a few persons, learned in the laws of England, as
judges, to such a country, was quite inadequate to the end in view;
above all, as it was not yet determined by what laws the inhabitants
were to be governed.[175]

Many of the most important changes in the bill had long before been
suggested by Lord Clive to the Company. But he disapproved of others of
its details, and still more of the arguments by which it was supported.
He had long been an object of attack and hostility to those by whom the
bill was introduced. The late communication from the Court of Directors
left him no doubts of their feelings; and, as he saw himself not
obscurely aimed at, both in the motion and in the speeches in support
of it, he took occasion to enter into a long justification of his
conduct from the charges that had been recently brought against him.
These charges were known to the public; and he wished to take the most
public and solemn mode of answering them.

"It is with great diffidence," said he, "that I attempt to speak to
this House; but I find myself so particularly called upon, that I must
make the attempt, though I should expose myself in so doing. With what
confidence can I venture to give my sentiments upon a subject of such
national consequence, who myself stand charged with having been the
cause of the present melancholy situation of the Company's affairs
in Bengal? This House can have no reliance on my opinion, whilst such
an impression remains unremoved. The House will, therefore, give me
leave to remove this impression, and to endeavour to restore myself to
that favourable opinion which, I flatter myself, they entertained of
my conduct before these charges were exhibited against me. Nor do I
wish to lay my conduct before the members of this House only; I speak,
likewise, to my country in general, upon whom I put myself, not only
without reluctance, but with alacrity."

After mentioning the critical and dangerous situation of the Company's
affairs, when in 1764 he was called upon, by a General Court, to leave
his family and the enjoyment of wealth and ease, to take upon himself
the management of their affairs in a distant and unhealthy climate
(an undertaking in which he engaged from a point of honour, and from
a principle of gratitude), he observes, that on his arrival in Bengal
he found his powers disputed by the Council; that in the discharge of
his difficult duty three paths lay before him: the first, to take the
government as he found it, and carry it on upon the same principles;
by which he might have returned to England with an immense fortune,
but condemned by justice and honour: the second, to have given up the
commonwealth, and to have left Bengal without an effort to save it.
"The third path," says he, "was intricate. Dangers and difficulties
were on every side. But I resolved to pursue it. In short, I was
determined to do my duty to the public, although I should incur the
odium of the whole settlement. The welfare of the Company required a
vigorous exertion, and I took the resolution of cleansing the Augean
stable.

"It was this conduct," he exclaims, with truth and boldness, "which
has occasioned the public papers to teem with scurrility and abuse
against me, ever since my return to England. It was that conduct which
occasioned these charges. It was that conduct which enables me now
to lay my hand upon my heart, and most solemnly to declare to this
House, to the gallery, and to the whole world at large, that I never,
in a single instance, lost sight of what I thought the honour and
true interest of my country and the Company; that I was never guilty
of any acts of violence or oppression, unless the bringing offenders
to justice can be deemed so; that as to extortion, such an idea never
entered into my mind; that I did not suffer those under me to commit
acts of violence, oppression, or extortion; that my influence was never
employed for the advantage of any man, contrary to the strictest
principles of honour and justice; and that, so far from reaping any
benefit myself from the expedition, I returned to England many thousand
pounds out of pocket,--a fact of which this House will presently be
convinced."

He then entered into a detail of the charges themselves, and of
the strange way in which they had been communicated to him by the
Directors. The charges, it appears, were four. The first was, a
monopoly of cotton. "Trade," says he, "was not my profession. My line
has been military and political. I owe all I have in the world to my
having been at the head of an army; and as to cotton, I know no more
about it than the Pope of Rome."

The second charge was for a monopoly of diamonds. He observes, that at
that period there were only two ways by which a servant of the Company
could, with propriety, remit his fortune to England; by bills on the
Company, or by diamonds: that, in consequence of his own successful
endeavours, the Company's treasury was so rich, that it did not receive
money for such bills: that he, therefore, sent an agent into a distant
and independent country to purchase diamonds, that he might be able to
remit the amount of his jaghire. "These diamonds," says he, "were not
sent home clandestinely. I caused them to be registered; I paid the
duties upon them; and these remittances, upon the whole, turned out 3
per cent. worse than bills of exchange upon the Company. This is all I
know of a monopoly of diamonds."

The third charge was, frauds in the exchange, and in the gold coinage.
This, he said, was a subject very much out of his sphere, as he was
totally unacquainted with the proportion of alloy and the mixture of
metals. That the Select Committee was apprehensive of the country being
drained of silver, and, knowing that there was much gold in different
quarters, hoped to make it circulate as coin. "Hence the establishment
of the gold currency," he continues. "Whether it answered our purpose
or not, I cannot say, as I did not remain in Bengal long enough to
experience the effect of it; but this I know, that the assay and
mint-master, by whose judgment we were guided, was a very able and a
very honest man, and has, I understand, given a full and satisfactory
explanation of his plan to the Court of Directors. With regard to
myself, I shall only assert, that I did not receive a farthing
advantage from it, and that I never sent a single rupee or gold mohur
to be coined in my life.

"The fourth charge has this extraordinary title, 'A monopoly of salt,
betle-nut, and tobacco, and other commodities, which occasioned the
late famine.' How a monopoly of salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, in the
years 1765 and 1766 could occasion a want of rain and scarcity of
rice in the year 1770, is past my comprehension. I confess I cannot
answer that part of this article; and as to the _other commodities_,
as they have not been specified, I cannot say any thing to them." He
then entered into an explanation regarding the monopoly of salt, its
origin, objects, and effects, and defended his conduct and that of the
Select Committee in every circumstance, ascribing the opposition which
their measures met with to ignorance, prejudice, and mistaken views.
He contended that, in the circumstances of the country, it was the
only fund left for adequately paying the higher servants; that it was
faithfully and judiciously applied to that purpose; and that it was
attended with no injury or increase of taxation to the people, who,
by the plan of the society, were to receive it at as moderate a rate
as they had ever done in former times. Finally, he showed that he had
strictly conformed to a resolution made before leaving England,--not
to return in any degree enriched by his expedition to India; and
for that purpose had exhibited the state of his whole receipts as
Governor, including his share in the Society of Trade, as well as his
expenditure; by which it appeared, that of the proceeds one portion
was divided among Mr. Maskelyne, Mr. Strachey, and Mr. Ingham, three
gentlemen who had accompanied him to India, the two latter his private
secretary and family surgeon; and all the residue applied in part
payment of his necessary expenses as Governor; and that, so far from
returning home with any pecuniary benefits, he had really incurred a
loss of 5,816_l._ 16_s._ 9_d._

As insinuations had been used regarding his conduct in acquiring the
property which he had devoted to establish a fund for relief of the
Company's disabled officers and soldiers, and their widows,--a subject
which, he remarks, he would have been ashamed to touch on, as carrying
with it an appearance of vanity, were not his honour and reputation
so much at stake,--he proceeded to show, that, by the opinions of the
first lawyers in England, and, among others, of the Speaker of the
House, his acceptance of the legacy of Meer Jaffier in no respect
interfered with any of his covenants or engagements; that the amount
was his own sole and indisputable property; and that the Court of
Directors acknowledged, confirmed, and acted upon that right: in
short, that the donation which he had made for improving the Company's
military service, so far from being an object of blame, was a free gift
of upwards of 70,000_l._ out of his private purse.

Having thus triumphantly concluded his defence against the charges
that referred more immediately to himself, he expressed a fear of
encroaching on the patience of the House, in what he had to say on
the important business more immediately before them; but was loudly
called upon to go on. He then took a view of the general accusations
brought against the Company's servants; accusations in which the Court
of Directors had loudly joined. The justice of many of these he did
not deny, but argued that the offences arose in general less from the
characters of the individuals, to which they had been ascribed, than
from the unfortunate circumstances of their situation, which exposed
them to temptations that it was nearly impossible for human nature to
resist: that a change of system was the remedy, and that that must
proceed from the Court of Directors and the Government: that in the
richest country in the world, where the power of the English had become
absolute, where no inferior approached his superior but with a present
in his hand, where there was not an officer commanding his Majesty's
fleet, nor an officer commanding his Majesty's army, nor a Governor,
nor a member of Council, nor any other person, civil or military, in
such a station as to have connection with the country Government, who
had not received presents, it was not to be expected that the inferior
officers should be more scrupulous. The abuses to which, in a country
containing fifteen millions of inhabitants, a revenue of 4,000,000_l._,
and trade in proportion, such a practice gave rise, he described in
the liveliest terms; as well as the artifices by which the wily native
gradually draws on the inexperienced and unthinking youth, on his
first arrival in the country, till he gets him in his power: and to
the natives, protected by such men, he ascribes the acts of violence
and oppression that had been committed; not to the masters, who were
for the most part ignorant of them. He reminded the House that as to
the conduct of these young men, on whom the Directors were desirous of
shifting the blame, neither their parents nor the Directors themselves
were guiltless. "The advantages arising from the Company's service,"
said he, "are now very generally known, and the great object of every
man is to get his son appointed a writer to Bengal, which is usually
at the age of sixteen. His parents and relations represent to him how
certain he is of making a fortune; that my Lord Such-a-one and my Lord
Such-a-one acquired so much money in such a time, and Mr. Such-a-one
and Mr. Such-a-one so much in such a time. Thus are their principles
corrupted at their very setting out; and, as they generally go a good
many together, they inflame one another's expectations to such a
degree, in the course of the voyage, that they fix upon a period for
their return, before their arrival." After describing the career of
luxury and extravagance into which they are seduced by their artful
banyan[176], who takes advantage of the influence he acquires to commit
acts of violence and oppression, he adds, "Hence Sir, arises the
clamour against the English gentlemen in India. But look at them in a
retired situation, when returned to England, when they are no longer
nabobs and sovereigns of the East: see if there be any thing tyrannical
in their dispositions towards their inferiors; see if they are not good
and humane masters. Are they not charitable? Are they not benevolent?
Are they not generous? Are they not hospitable? If they are, thus far,
not contemptible members of society, and if in all their dealings
between man and man their conduct is strictly honourable, ... may we
not conclude, that if they have erred, it has been because they were
men placed in situations subject to little or no control?...

"But if the servants of the Company are to be loaded with the demerit
of every misfortune in India, let them also have the merit they are
entitled to. The Court of Directors, surely, will not claim the merit
of those advantages which the nation and the Company are at present in
possession of. The officers of the navy and army have had great share
in the execution; but the Company's servants were the Cabinet Council
who planned every thing, and to them also may be ascribed some part of
the merit of our great acquisitions."

After having shown that the system was more to blame than the men, that
much of the defect of regulation and control which rendered abuses
inevitable in India was owing to the very persons who were loudest in
their complaints, he next turned the attention of the House to the
state of India itself; a country which, he affirmed, yielded a clear
produce to the public and to individuals of between two and three
millions sterling per annum. He asked what could be substituted for
this, were it lost; and pointed to the dangers it actually ran, during
a recent difference with the French Court. But it was certain, that our
affairs in Bengal were in a very deplorable condition. This he ascribed
to mismanagement. The public trade he showed, from official returns,
to have more than doubled since the acquisition of the dewannee; while
the inland trade, upon which the happiness and prosperity of the people
must chiefly depend, had, by a change of system, and under pretence of
freedom of trade, been thrown into total confusion, as the Company's
servants and their agents had in reality taken it into their own hands,
and, by trading not only as merchants but as sovereigns, had taken
the bread out of the mouth of thousands of native merchants, whom
they reduced to beggary. By official returns he proved that, since
the acquisition of the dewannee, the revenues had suffered but a very
inconsiderable decrease; while in every year since he left Bengal
there had been a rapid increase in the military and civil charges,
which threatened to consume the whole of the collections, and leave
no surplus whatever. "Here," says he truly, "lies the danger. The
evil is not so much in the revenues falling short, as in the expenses
increasing. The best means of raising the revenues is to reduce the
civil and military charges.... It is not the simple pay of officers
and men upon the civil and military establishment which occasions
our enormous expense, but the contingent bills of contractors,
commissaries, engineers, &c., out of which, I am sure, great savings
might be made.... Every man now, who is permitted to make a bill, makes
a fortune. These intolerable expenses have alarmed the Directors, and
persuaded them to come to Parliament for assistance. And, if I mistake
not, they will soon go to the Administration and tell them they cannot
pay the 400,000_l._, and that they must lower the dividends to the
Proprietors."

The distressed state of the Company's affairs he attributed to four
causes:--a relaxation of Government in his successors; great neglect on
the part of his Majesty's Administration; notorious misconduct on the
part of the Directors; and the violent and outrageous proceedings of
General Courts, including contested elections.

While he bestowed the highest and most merited praise on Mr. Verelst's
honour, worth, and disinterestedness, he asserts that the too great
tenderness of his disposition had made him govern with too lenient a
hand; that he himself, by his farewell letter to the Select Committee,
had done all in his power to guard him against this error, and to
prompt him to vigorous measures. But he adds, that had his successor
kept the tightest rein, he could not have done much service to the
Company, as neither he nor any man could have long guarded against the
mischiefs occasioned by the Directors themselves, when they took away
the powers of the Select Committee.

Nor was the Administration itself free from blame. When the Company had
acquired an empire more extensive than any kingdom in Europe, France
and Russia excepted, with 4,000,000_l._ of gross revenue, and trade in
proportion, it might have been expected that such acquisitions would
have invited the most serious attention of Ministers, and that some
plan would have been devised, in concert with the Court of Directors,
adequate to the occasion. Did they take it into consideration? "No,
they did not."--"They thought of nothing but the present time,
regardless of the future; they said, 'Let us get what we can to-day;
let to-morrow take care for itself:' they thought of nothing but the
immediate division of the loaves and fishes: nay, so anxious were they
to lay their hands upon some immediate advantage, that they actually
went so far as to influence a parcel of temporary proprietors to bully
the Directors into their terms. It was their duty, Sir, to have called
upon the Directors for a plan; and if a plan in consequence had not
been laid before them, it would then have become their duty, with
the aid and assistance of Parliament, to have formed one themselves.
If Administration had done their duty, we should not now have had
a speech from the throne intimating the necessity of Parliamentary
interposition, to save our possessions in India from impending ruin."

He next proceeded to animadvert on the misconduct of the Directors, who
after having, in the highest terms, applauded the conduct of the Select
Committee, who had extricated their affairs from anarchy and confusion,
and raised them to a degree of prosperity never before enjoyed nor
anticipated, had counteracted the beneficial effects of their exertions
by dropping the prosecutions against those gentlemen whose conduct the
Committee had censured: that from that instant they destroyed their
own power; their servants abroad looked upon all covenants as so many
sheets of blank paper; and then began that relaxation of Government
so much complained of, and so much to be dreaded. That this step they
followed up by destroying the powers of the Committee, by dividing
them between the Committee and Council. The natural consequence was
an uninterrupted series of disputes, to the detriment of the service.
That not content with this, the Court restored almost every civil and
military transgressor who had been dismissed. "And now," continued
his Lordship, "as a condemnation of their own conduct, and a tacit
confession of their own weakness, they come to Parliament with a bill
of regulations, in which is inserted a clause to put such practices as
much as possible out of their power for the future."

He lastly censured the violent proceedings of General Courts, as
concurring with the acts of the Directors, in removing all dread of
responsibility from their servants abroad. He argued, that the whole of
these evils were aggravated by the system of annual elections; that one
half of the year was employed by the Directors in freeing themselves
from the obligations contracted by their last election; and the second
half wasted in incurring new obligations, and securing their election
for the next year, by daily sacrifices of some interest of the Company.
The orders sent out had, in consequence of the unsettled state of the
Direction, been so fluctuating, that the servants (who say the truth
have generally understood the interest of the Company much better
than the Directors,) in many instances followed their own opinion, in
opposition to theirs.

He concluded a speech of singular power and intelligence by observing,
that it was not his intention to trouble the House, at that time, with
the remedies for these evils. He chose rather to defer them till the
bill came into the House.[177]

He was followed by Governor Johnstone, who opposed the bill on
the reasonable ground that an examination of facts should precede
legislation, and that it was necessary to hear evidence before forming
any conclusion on subjects so important. He entered into an examination
of the defence which Lord Clive had just made of his conduct. In
regard to the two first charges, he acknowledged that they originated
in the clumsy manner in which business was done at the India House;
that the first was meant to be confined to particular members of
the Council; and that the second was not meant as a charge, but as
illustrating another point. He contended, however, in vehement terms,
that in regard to the fourth charge, that of the Salt Company, his
Lordship had violated his duty, and disobeyed the strong and repeated
orders of the Court of Directors, and that the monopoly had been
attended with the most injurious consequences to the country; that
as to the proportion of the profits which came to him as Governor,
it was no excuse for receiving them to allege, that they had been
distributed among his friends and dependants. In regard to the gold
coinage, he urged that it was not enough that Lord Clive had derived
no benefit from it (though indeed, as Governor, he had received a per
centage on the coinage); that it was a duty of his station to become
acquainted with principles so important to the prosperity of those he
governed; that his receipt of the per centage of one and an eighth on
the revenues, in lieu of the advantages resulting from his share in the
Society of Trade, however sanctioned by the Directors, was illegal. He
next attacked the legacy of Meer Jaffier, the basis of the celebrated
bounty, and declared his opinion that the foundation of the large
establishments and increased expenditure which, since Lord Clive left
India, had brought the Company's affairs to the verge of ruin, had been
laid during his government, and under his advice. Nearly the whole
of the speech was an attack on Lord Clive, on the same subjects, and
conveyed in the same violent language to which he had already so often
given vent during the contests in the Court of Proprietors.[178]

Leave was given to introduce the bill.

Nearly three months had elapsed since the allusion to India in the
Royal Speech, and Ministers, during that time, had shown no disposition
to take the matter into their own hands, as such a reference seemed
to promise. They were not prepared for a measure of such importance,
embarrassed, as they were, with other nearer business. By the allusions
in the speech, they, perhaps, wished to show that they had not lost
sight of a subject which occupied so much of the public attention;
but, with nothing to propose, were willing to let it lie over till it
received its first impulse from some other quarter. This impulse it
very soon did receive.

On the day of bringing in Mr. Sulivan's bill[179], Colonel Burgoyne
made a motion, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into
the nature, state, and condition of the East India Company, and
of the British affairs in the East Indies. Burgoyne was a man not
without talent, of showy parts, bold, vain, well-meaning, a political
adventurer. He was not connected with the Ministry, but thought the
opportunity a favourable one to bring himself into notice, by taking
the lead in a question of great national consequence. In his speech
introducing the motion, he represented, with much judgment, the
inconsistency of giving a vote on the bill which was that day to be
presented, without first examining the state of the country to which it
referred; and that no facts were before the House to enable it to come
to a sound judgment: he professed perfect impartiality and independence
of all parties, and disavowed any hostility to the Company or its
servants: he disclaimed all wish to throw the Company's affairs into
the hands of the Crown; but argued that facts sufficiently notorious
had occurred to justify and demand an inquiry into the rights of the
Company, and the mode in which they had been exercised, especially as
the fate of fifteen millions of people was involved in the question. It
was objected to his motion, that the proceedings of a Select Committee
being private, there was little responsibility on its members; that
such a Committee would virtually be really a Government nomination;
that no plan was yet before the House, and that, therefore, the
inquiries of such a Committee must necessarily be vague and indefinite,
such as the House could not limit or control. The motion, was, however,
carried without a division; and the members, thirty-one in number,
appointed by ballot, with directions, as the session was far spent, to
sit during the summer. Mr. Sulivan's bill was dropped after the second
reading.

When the Committee met, Colonel Burgoyne, who had proposed it, was
chosen Chairman. It was expected that he would have proposed a plan;
but having none to offer, Governor Johnstone, who was a member, and
who saw all the advantages of attack which such a Committee afforded
him, addressed the Committee, and submitted to them one which, from
different motives, was agreed to by all. By some (says Mr. Strachey,
himself a member of the Committee) it was readily adopted, because
they saw that it tended to an inquiry into the conduct of individuals
who had amassed great wealth in India, and particularly of Lord Clive,
whose high reputation, as well as riches, had rendered him the most
exalted object of envy. By Lord Clive himself, who was also a member
of the Committee, the plan was readily adopted, because it was not
fitting for him to oppose an inquiry into a conduct that had been so
long the subject of ill-grounded invective. By the few personal friends
of his Lordship it was readily adopted, because they were convinced
that his character would receive additional lustre from the scrutiny,
and that the attack levelled at his fame would tend only to establish
his reputation in the minds of all mankind. Others acquiesced in it,
because some plan was necessary, and it was the only one proposed.

It was not long before the hostile feelings of several members of the
Committee to Lord Clive became manifest. The order originally proposed
was soon departed from, and the inquiry pointedly turned against
him, with many symptoms of personal animosity. The first and second
reports,--the former containing examinations of witnesses, regarding
the circumstances attending the revolutions of 1757 and 1760, the
presents then given, and the grant of Lord Clive's jaghire,--the latter
relating to the grievances connected with the inland trade in the time
of Mr. Verelst,--were hurried on, and presented on the 26th of May
following, just before the rising of the session, and printed in the
Journals of the House.

Governor Johnstone took a leading part in their proceedings, and his
views gave a particular turn to their labours, and that by no means
favourable to Lord Clive. His plan seemed to be to show, that it had
long been the custom to receive presents in India; that large presents
had been received by Lord Clive, at the revolution in 1757, and by
Mr. Vansittart and others in that of 1760; and that, therefore, the
sums received by his brother, Mr. John Johnstone, on the accession of
the young prince in 1765, stood on equally good grounds. The argument
was, in one respect, at least, defective; for while, in the first
instances, there existed no prohibition against receiving presents, in
the last case, the Council had lying before them, covenants with the
Company expressly restraining them from the receipt of presents, which
covenants they had put aside, to avail themselves of the opportunity
afforded by their own wrong, of enriching themselves by illicit
advantages.

The publication of these examinations, of course, increased the
ferment, which had begun to prevail on the subject of Indian affairs,
and they were much talked of and discussed during the recess of
Parliament that followed. Things had long been retrograding in India.
So far back as May, 1769, the disastrous news from Madras, of Hyder's
success, had produced a fall of 60 per cent. in the price of India
stock. This the Directors had treated as an evil speedily to be
removed. But that event was closely followed by news of a famine in
Bengal in the following year; while trade declined, difficulties of
every kind increased, and the debt of Calcutta was rapidly rising.
Still, however, the Directors went on, in hopes of a favourable
change, and from year to year, while their means diminished, the rate
of dividend was increased; till, in 1770, it had reached 12 per cent.
The extent of the bills from Bengal had excited alarm even then; but
in the face of them, the Directors, at the first quarterly court in
1771, communicated their opinion, that the dividend should be raised
a quarter per cent. for the ensuing half year; thus completing the
12-1/2 per cent., the highest annual dividend that by the act was
allowed to be drawn in the most prosperous circumstances. Their return
to power they had owed to the assistance of the party which demanded
a rise of dividend, and they were resolved to retain its support by
a perseverance in their favourite object. Lord Clive had opposed
the whole course of conduct of the Directors, their contract with
Government, and the system which they pursued, both at home and abroad;
though with little other effect than that of drawing on himself their
active hostility. The inquiries in Parliament, however, had weakened
the power of the Directors. The state of the Company's affairs could
not now be permanently concealed. They found difficulties thickening
around them. They were divided among themselves. Their expenses abroad
threatened, not only to swallow up all the revenue of the country, but
to burden them in both countries with an intolerable load of debt. By
their recent engagements with Government they had given ministers a
right to interfere in their concerns, and, in fact, placed themselves
in their power. They contrived, however, to procrastinate, and to avoid
any crisis, until the Parliament had risen.

A few days after the session was concluded[180], a grand installation
of the Knights of the Bath took place[181], when Lord Clive was
installed as a knight of the order, having been appointed several years
before. In September the same year, upon the death of the Earl of
Powis, lord-lieutenant of the county of Salop, he considered himself,
from the extent of his property in the county, and the importance of
his public services, as entitled to succeed him in the office. At the
same time he felt some difficulty, being resolved that, situated as
matters were, he would ask nothing of Ministers that could subject
him to the appearance of courting their favour. Some of his friends
advised him at once to ask a private audience of His Majesty, and
to explain his claims without intervention. But this his good sense
forbade; for Ministers, if they had not encouraged, had at least shown
no disapprobation of the personal manner in which the proceedings of
the Select Committee had been directed; and he justly considered it as
dangerous to run the risk of making his Sovereign and the Ministers,
who, at this period, had gained a decided ascendency over all the
different parties in the country, his declared enemies. "I cannot be
of your opinion," says he, writing on this subject to his friend Mr.
Strachey[182], "because I think that things are not yet ripe for an
open rupture. Until my conduct in Parliament is decided upon, I do not
desire the King and his Ministers to be my declared enemies. In such a
situation I should certainly not meet with much applause from the House
for my conduct in the East Indies; and I wish at least that the members
of the House, when they come to decide, may have no other motive for an
unfavourable decision but envy; that, indeed, is too strongly implanted
in the human breast to be removed." It soon appeared, however, that
Lord Rochford had mentioned his name to his Majesty, who received
it favourably; and a friend writes him that he believes that Lord
North had really formed no plan on the subject (as Lord Clive seems
to have apprehended), and would be very happy to have an opportunity
of offering him the lieutenancy. "If it appears," says his friend,
"that success is clear, you will only have to take the steps which
the decorums of bestowing favours require; princes and ladies never
are supposed to offer, but to grant, their favours, and expect to be
asked what they have determined to give." Lord Clive, in conclusion,
writes to Mr. Strachey; "I expect W. here in a day or two; and if he
brings me a favourable account, I shall lose no time in going to town
and demanding a private audience, that I may explain myself fully to
his Majesty. I will not receive the lieutenancy through the channel
of a minister." In this resolution, the result of a natural feeling
of resentment, he probably relaxed; and his nomination of course took
place, at least formally, on the recommendation of Lord North. Writing,
on the 9th of October, to Mr. Strachey, he says, "Dear Strachey, I
have the pleasure to inform you that I kissed the King's hand to-day,
upon being appointed Lieutenant of the county of Salop. Afterwards I
had a private audience, when I pushed the matter ably and well, to
that degree as I could perceive the King was very much affected. The
answer was favourable, but not determined; but I think it would be
imprudent to treat more on the subject in a letter, and must therefore
defer farther explanation until I have the pleasure of seeing you. The
King talked upon Indian affairs for near half an hour; and I had an
opportunity of mentioning your services and abilities."

He had also an interview with Lord North; and that amiable man and
good-natured minister seems to have succeeded in appeasing, to a
certain degree, his irritated feelings. "Lord North," says he[183],
"when I saw him, seemed industriously to avoid entering upon the
subject of India affairs; and I do verily believe, from sheer
indolence of temper, he wishes to leave every thing to Providence
and the Directors; and that he means nothing more by the meeting of
Parliament[184], than to enable the Company to find money to discharge
the demands that are at present made upon them. However, it behoves me
to be prepared for every thing; for which purpose, you will perhaps
say, I have been building castles in the air. Enclosed I send you a
sketch of my ideas, which, I flatter myself, might be carried into
execution by an able, steady, and upright minister. I don't wish to
take you from your other business unnecessarily, but I wish you would
take this sketch in hand, and methodise it. I would have you dwell
fully and strongly upon the present situation of our affairs in India,
and show, beyond a possibility of refutation, the approaching ruin
of our possessions in the East, if vigorous measures be not speedily
pursued. Your own experience and knowledge, added to my sentiments,
expressed both in my speech and in the political paper laid before
Lord North, will enable you to make a great progress in this matter;
and upon my arrival in town what is wanting may be supplied. I will
not patiently stand by, and see a great empire, acquired by great
abilities, perseverance, and resolution, lost by ignorance and
indolence. If Administration should think proper to see our affairs
abroad in the same light as I do, _'tis well_. If not, I shall have
done my duty. Quem Deus vult perdere, prius dementat, may with a
vengeance be applied to the Court of Directors appointing M(onckton)
and five of their own body Supervisors. Private letters from India give
a most dreadful account of the luxury, dissipation, and extravagance of
Bengal."

It should seem that the plan here mentioned was afterwards prepared
and presented to Lord North. It is dated the 24th of November, two
days before the opening of Parliament. It embraces the whole system of
Indian Government at home and abroad, and must have been a valuable
contribution[185] at a moment when Parliament was called, for the
express purpose of considering the state of the Company's concerns.

In December, the same year, he was appointed Lord Lieutenant of
Montgomeryshire.

Meanwhile, the Parliament had hardly risen for the summer, when the
difficulties in the Company's affairs which have been alluded to,
became too great to be concealed. Though the Directors had long
suffered inconvenience from the want of funds, the first unsurmountable
difficulty in the means of discharging the demands on them was said to
be observed by their cashier in the beginning of July, 1772. This he
communicated to Mr. Sulivan; a Committee of Treasury was called, and
there was laid before them an estimate of the probable receipts and
payments for the months of July, August, September, and October, when
it appeared that they could command only 954,200_l._, to meet demands
amounting to 2,247,200_l._, leaving a deficiency of 1,293,000_l._ On
the 15th of July it was resolved to apply to the Bank for a loan of
400,000_l._ for two months, which was granted; and, on the 29th of
July, a further loan of 300,000_l._ was asked, but only 200,000_l._
received. At a Committee of Treasury, held on the 11th of August
1772, the Chairman and Deputy Chairman acquainted the Members, that
they had waited on Lord North to present to his Lordship the state
of the Company's affairs, and had represented that the sum of near
1,000,000_l._ sterling would be necessary to be borrowed to carry on
the circulation of the Company's affairs, and that of this million
about 500,000_l._ would be left undischarged in the month of March
following, when the whole produce of the September sale would probably
be received.[186] The first Lord of the Treasury is said to have
received their proposals with dryness and reserve, and referred them
to Parliament for satisfaction. They had once more recourse to the
plan of appointing supervisors, with full powers for the regulation of
their affairs abroad; and after various delays, six gentlemen[187] were
named, who agreed to accept the difficult and invidious office.

Ministers, in these circumstances, and when called upon to sanction
a loan of such an amount, could not avoid taking a direct share in
the affairs of the Company. The Parliament was called before the
holidays, for the express purpose of adopting some efficient measures
to recover their affairs from the confusion into which they had fallen.
His Majesty, in his speech from the throne, on the 26th of November,
observed, "When I received information of the difficulties in which
the Company appears to be involved, I determined to give you an early
opportunity of informing yourselves fully of the true state of their
affairs, and of making such provisions for the common benefit and
security of all the various interests concerned as you shall find best
adapted to the exigencies of the case."

The necessity of some remedy was sufficiently plain; but there was
a deficiency of knowledge and of facts. The Minister now clearly
perceived, from the line of inquiry into which the Select Committee had
deviated, and the temper of some of the members, that their labours,
whatever other effects they might have, were not likely to afford such
information as would enable Parliament, in the present exigency, to
regulate or even to understand the Company's affairs. Lord North,
the same day on which the Address was voted, after adverting to the
distressed situation of the Company, a distress which he ascribed
chiefly to the complicated union of civil and political power with
their commercial affairs, expressed his conviction that, embarrassed
as they were for the moment, they were still in full health, and, with
a temporary assistance, fully able to meet and discharge all their
engagements; that, by the measure which he had to propose, their secret
and confidential transactions would be known but to a few, so that
no unfair advantage could be taken. He concluded by moving that, for
the better ascertaining the real condition of the Company's affairs,
a Committee of Secresy be appointed to inquire into the state of the
East India Company; and for that purpose to inspect the books and
accounts of the said Company, and to report to the House what they
find material therein, in respect to the debts, credits, and effects
of the Company; as also to the management and present situation of the
Company's affairs, together with their observations thereupon. It was
also referred to them to report their opinion of the steps taken by the
Company of sending out Supervisors.

In the debate that ensued, Colonel Burgoyne thought it necessary to
vindicate the late Committee from the aspersions which he imagined
had been thrown on it by insinuations that the present embarrassed
state of the Company's affairs was in any degree to be attributed
to the mode of inquiry that it had adopted: he expatiated largely
on what the Committee had done, and with much warmth affirmed, from
his own knowledge, that their inquiries would disclose such a scene
of iniquity, rapine, and injustice, such unheard-of cruelties, such
violations of every rule of morality, religion, and good government,
as were never before discovered; that in the whole investigation he
could not find a sound spot whereon to lay his finger, it being all
one mass of the most unheard-of villanies, and the most notorious
corruption. That, if the proposed Committee was intended to supersede
former inquiry, he could look upon it in no other light than a design
to protect the guilty, and serve the purpose of stockjobbing. Lord
North said, that he did not mean to impede the revival of the Select
Committee. His motion was agreed to, and a Committee of thirteen
appointed. The Select Committee of last year was also continued.

In a few days the new appointed Secret Committee, in consequence of the
reference made to them, gave in a Special Report, recommending that
a Bill should be brought in to restrain the Company, for a limited
time, from sending out Supervisors. The rapidity with which this
recommendation was produced, drew from Mr. Burke the observation, that
"Ministers, finding that the Select Committee of last year, a lawful
wife publicly avowed, was barren, and had produced nothing, had taken
a neat little snug one, which they called a Secret Committee, and
that this was her first-born. Indeed," added he, "from the singular
expedition of this extraordinary delivery, I am apt to think she was
pregnant before wedlock." The Bill, when introduced, was violently
opposed, as oppressive and unconstitutional; and supported on the
grounds of the mixed nature of the Company, which was not merely a
trading corporation, but a political body, an union of the merchant
and magistrate; and that the appointment of Supervisors was really
an interference with the Parliament, which was busily engaged in
investigating the abuses, that the commission professed to be intended
to correct. The East India Company were heard against it by Counsel.
Mr. Burke opposed the Bill with his usual exuberance of reason and wit:
he said, that the arguments of the Counsel must have left conviction
on the mind of every gentleman who retained the least regard to
national faith. He ridiculed the inefficiency of the two Committees
then sitting. "One (the Select Committee) has been so slow in their
motions, that the Company have given up, long since, all hopes of
redress from them; and the other, (the Secret) has gone on altogether
so rapidly, that they do not know where they will stop. Like the fly of
a jack, the latter has gone, hey-go-mad! the other, like the ponderous
lead at the other end; and in that manner, Sir, have roasted the East
India Company." He charged the Minister with supineness, who, though
himself the cause of the ruin of the Company, had done nothing, but
came to the House to ask them to do what was his business. That, in
1767, an inquiry into the affairs of the Company was set on foot; that
Parliament sat day after day for forty-one days, and broke up without
doing any thing at all. "It was near about that period," he continued,
"that a discovery was made that the India Company had obtained an
acquisition of great wealth. It seems, Sir, that a lady of great
fortune in India, who had been ungenerously dealt with by her stewards,
was unlucky enough to engage the attention of Parliament, who, perhaps
envious of the booty being divided without their having any share, paid
their addresses to the lady, but whether to her person or fortune you
must determine; for, Sir, they were very eager to embrace her; they
pretended to rescue her from the rapacity of her stewards, yet, as
soon as they touched the very good fortune of 400,000_l._ per annum,
they left the lady to destruction. In this manner, Sir, the last
Parliament acted; and, after pretending to redress the grievances
of the Company, got up, after forty-one days' painful and laborious
sitting, without coming to any conclusion at all. What has the Select
Committee of this Parliament been, but a mock inquiry?" Sir William
Meredith, who was a Member of that Committee, retorted Mr. Burke's
comparison not unhappily. "He compares the two Committees," said he,
"to a jack; the Secret one is like the flier of a jack, the other like
the weight. I agree with him in the simile, but draw a very different
conclusion. Sir, between the heavy ponderous weight at one end, and
the quick motion of the flier, the dish is prepared, and rendered fit
for digestion." In the course of the debate, Lord Clive observed, "I
will trespass upon the indulgence of the House but a few moments. I
am sorry, Sir, to find the India Company contending with Parliament,
because, whenever their rights to territorial possessions are examined
into, they will be disputed, and the Crown become the actual possessor
of them. No man, Sir, has been more liberally rewarded by the Company
than I have been; and though the learned sages of the law have very
ably argued the cause of their clients, yet, Sir, I feel myself
influenced by motives which they cannot feel, gratitude and interest;
and Sir, if ever I should be forgetful of the one, which God forbid,
the other would teach me to attend to the affairs of the Company. Sir,
I consider the interests of the nation and the Company as inseparable;
and, with respect to the Supervisors, I was and continue to be against
it; but at the same time, I consider this Bill as an exertion, indeed,
of parliamentary authority, yet extremely necessary; and I could wish
that the Company had met this House half way, instead of petitioning,
and quarrelling with the mouth that is to feed them. With respect to
the gentlemen nominated for the supervision, they are themselves the
best judges, whether their abilities and integrity are equal to the
important service in which they were to engage. Had they, Sir, known
the East Indies as well as I do, they would shudder at the bare idea of
such a perplexing and difficult service. The most rigid integrity, with
the greatest disinterestedness,--the greatest abilities with resolution
and perseverance,--must be united in the man or men who undertake to
reform the accumulating evils which exist in Bengal, and which threaten
to involve the nation and the Company in one common ruin." The Bill
was carried by a large majority, and finally passed both Houses.

It would seem as if the Court of Directors had resolved, that
whenever their affairs came before Parliament, they should, as far
as depended on them, contrive to find Lord Clive employment in his
private concerns. When the bill of last session was to be proposed,
certain heavy charges had been brought up against him, and hung out
as a terror. When the present session was about to open, and much
attention expected to be paid to Indian affairs, Lord Clive, on the
4th November, received an intimation from the Court of Directors, that
they had taken the opinions of counsel relative to the loss sustained
by the Company from the payment of the balances due to the renters of
salt-pans in Bengal, out of their treasury; the commission received by
him upon the revenues of Bengal, after his departure thence; and the
interest due on sums paid for duties on salt, betle-nut, and tobacco;
and were advised that he, and the rest of the gentlemen concerned in
the payment of these balances, were liable to make good the same; that
they were accountable for interest on the duties on salt, &c., and that
his Lordship was not entitled to the commission on the revenues; and
therefore calling upon him to make good those demands, but expressing
an earnest wish for an amicable adjustment, to save the expense and
disagreeable circumstances of a suit in equity. After many delays
in procuring even a statement of the amount of the demands thus
intended to be made on him, his Lordship agreed to refer the whole to
arbitrators, as they desired, and named on his side Mr. Madocks, an
eminent counsel; when the Directors insisted that the referees should
be merchant arbitrators; Lord Clive, with every appearance of reason,
contended that the differences between them consisted of questions of
law and government; and that, had they been commercial, a lawyer was
not an improper arbitrator: in short, that they were receding from
their own proposal; which gave reason to suspect that what they had in
view was, not a decision, but a lawsuit. His Lordship judged correctly,
for the Directors ordered a suit to be instituted.[188]

Early in the year 1773, the Court of Directors, seeing the Company's
concerns more and more burthened on every side, and having no means of
answering the demands upon them, were compelled to apply to Government
for a loan of 1,500,000_l._, for four years. This measure placed them,
if possible, more completely than ever in the hands of the Ministry;
and the Parliament, for the next four months, was entirely occupied
with a series of motions, reports, and petitions, connected with their
affairs. The debates of that period, which are very important, belong
rather to the history of the East India Company and of the times,
than to the Memoirs of Lord Clive. In the line of his politics being
decidedly opposed to the measures of the Directors, which he considered
as fatal to the prosperity of the Company, and being of opinion that
their territorial acquisitions must be held as being acquired for the
State, he generally voted with the Minister, but without joining his
party.

It was in the course of this important session that a desperate blow
was aimed at Lord Clive's honour and fortune. India affairs, though not
in general very popular, or much attended to, engaged, at that time,
a large share of the public attention. Violent discussions were going
on in the Court of Proprietors, and in the Court of Directors, which
were not only at war with each other, but divided within themselves:
the East India Company complained loudly of the Ministry, which did
not fail to recriminate; two Parliamentary Committees (the Select
Committee, and the Committee of Secresy,) were sitting at the same
time on the Company's affairs, and often occupied with nearly the same
questions; petitions from the Company, the City of London, and the
Proprietors, were daily presented to Parliament on Indian affairs;
the events of the preceding fifteen years were reviewed, and brought
before the public, by men influenced by every sentiment of public good
and personal animosity; and many were violently agitated by all the
passions that the love of gain, the fear of ruin, ambition, honour,
public spirit, or private malevolence, can put in motion.

When, in this general turmoil, the acts of almost every man who had
filled any conspicuous situation in India were passed in review, and
commented on with all the virulence of party spirit, it is not to be
imagined that one who had acted so eminent a part in the events of
the East, and who had taken so active a share in those at home, as
Lord Clive had done, should escape without reproach. No man, from his
situation, had made more enemies; and they were not only powerful and
rich, but able and persevering. The combined force of so many passions
in angry commotion, and seeking for vent in one direction or another,
seemed all at once to be turned against him. It appeared as if he were
singled out as the political scape-goat of Indian criminality, to bear
the crimes of others as well as his own faults.

The first attack came from the Select Committee, which had directed
its attention much more to inquiries into particular historical
facts, and charges of a personal nature, than to those general views
which could enable Parliament, situated as it was, and pressed by the
exigencies and clamours of a sinking Company, to legislate speedily,
and with proper information. Lord Clive, in a letter of the 25th March,
1773, to General Wedderburn (the brother of the Solicitor-General),
who then commanded at Bombay, and who, in the November following, fell
at the siege of Broach, universally beloved and lamented, gives his
opinion of the situation of affairs, and of the proceedings of the
Committees, as they appeared to him, while things were still going on
and unconcluded. "I know not what to say," he observes, "in my defence,
for having thus long neglected to answer your several letters, so full
in themselves of matter and of the situation of affairs, both at Bombay
and upon the Continent. The real truth is, that the Parliamentary
appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the state, nature,
and condition of the Company's affairs, and which hitherto hath been
chiefly an inquiry into the conduct of your very humble servant, took
up so much of my time and attention that I could not bring myself to
think upon any other subject. This session the inquiry has been resumed
by another Committee, called the Secret Committee, with much more
serious attention, and with much greater abilities; so that I think a
remedy may at last be applied to the many increasing evils in every
part of India, if Government will stand forth, and do what they ought
to do upon the occasion. No man is more capable than your brother of
communicating to you what is at present in agitation, and what are most
likely to be the consequences. For my part, I have ever been of opinion
that all reformation abroad, until a thorough reformation takes place
at home, can only be temporary, and must in the end prove futile. If
we cannot have an able, honest, and independent Court of Directors at
home, and a Governor and Council-General abroad of the same stamp,
there is no salvation for the Company, and we shall at last be drove to
the dreadful alternative of either seeing the whole of our possessions
fall into the hands of Government, or of our inveterate enemies the
French; and if the Proprietors have not virtue enough among them to
make a proper choice, Parliament must do it for them; and I hope the
choice will be such as may do honour to their country, and real service
to the Company."

After the appointment of the Secret Committee, the attendance of the
members of the Select Committee began to relax. Some became tired of
the business, and others stayed away, disliking the personal and
inquisitorial turn latterly given to their proceedings. Nearly a year,
accordingly, intervenes between the dates of their second and third
reports. It seems that Colonel Burgoyne, Governor Johnstone, Mr.
Ongley, and Mr. Strachey, continued regular in their attendance; but it
was with much difficulty, even during the sitting of Parliament, that
seven members could be collected, without which the Committee could
not sit. Still, however, the Chairman persevered; and various reports,
several of them containing matter of great importance, were finally
prepared.

The Secret Committee had been chiefly named by the Ministry. It had
in its number several men of business, who, not being prompted by any
personal resentments, and desirous of avoiding the reproaches thrown
upon the first Committee, proceeded to scrutinise the actual state of
the Company's concerns, so as to afford to the House data, so much
required for coming to a conclusion regarding the real condition and
solvency of the Company, and the general management of its affairs
at home and abroad. The Minister was anxious, from the labours of
the two, to be able to discover some principles for the guidance of
the Company's affairs, and to enable the Government to satisfy the
country. The questions had become very complicated, and numerous
individuals were implicated. The Attorney-General, Thurlow, undertook
to peruse the papers during the Easter holidays, and to lay before the
Minister the propositions that might result from them. A consultation,
to which were called the chief ministerial members who had taken an
active part in India affairs, was afterwards held at the Minister's
house. The Solicitor-General, Wedderburn, who was known to be Lord
Clive's personal friend, was not invited. The proposition made by the
Attorney-General, after considering the papers, is said to have been,
that Parliament should confiscate to the public all the sums acquired
by English public servants in the East Indies, under the denomination
of presents from the Indian Princes, as having been obtained by the
military force of this country, and, therefore, belonging to the
State. This sweeping proposition, which confounded different times
and circumstances, startled the meeting. Some of them observed, that
no distinction was made between presents received before and after
they were prohibited; that some had been received as the reward of
signal meritorious services, and enjoyed for a long series of years,
without any claim having been made upon them either by the State or
the Company; and that, even as to those for whom such favourable
distinctions could not be made, to deprive them, to their ruin, of
property that had been long and quietly enjoyed, would be considered
as harsh and revolting. The surly lawyer declared that, upon mature
consideration, he had not been able to form any other proposition, and
the consultation broke up.[189] It seems, however, to have been on this
proposition, that Colonel Burgoyne grounded his subsequent motion.

It is obvious that committees constituted like the two in question,
however industrious, and however impartial, must, from their
composition, be liable to occasional errors; and before proceeding
farther, it may be remarked that, in the course of their proceedings,
several such did accordingly occur. The India House, from which their
principal materials were to be derived, was under an influence most
hostile to Lord Clive and his interests; and official men best know
how easy it is to give a particular turn or colour even to official
documents or accounts. Lord North, in his speech of March 23, 1773,
remarked, that persons concerned in keeping the Company's accounts
were such expert arithmeticians, that they were acquainted with the
twofold manner of ciphering; in consequence of which it was apparent
that there was such a thing as a twofold method of stating accounts.
And Mr. Sulivan himself[190], in the same debate, acknowledged that the
statement made by the Secret and Select Committees, of the state of the
Company's affairs, was in several respects erroneous. One of the most
glaring errors of fact is to be found in the Third Report of the Select
Committee, where Lord Clive is represented as having got his jaghire at
the period of the revolution in favour of Meer Jaffier[191], though in
reality it was not granted for two years afterwards; a very important
difference. Another instance may be given. The Secret Committee, in one
of their Reports, stated that Lord Clive and his Council had paid away
a large sum of money to individuals, under the head of Donation-money,
in direct contradiction to an express order of the Court of Directors
issued long before. On the publication of this statement, Lord Clive
at once showed that it was erroneous; and that the order had been sent
by the Falmouth, which was wrecked, and the packet lost; and that a
duplicate did not reach Bengal till a considerable time after the
payment had been made. These facts it accidentally happened that he was
able to prove from the records of the India House. But assertions,
even where unfounded, do not always admit of being disproved so
satisfactorily, or even at all.

From this and some other articles misreported in a similar way, the
partiality of the Secret Committee seemed liable to suspicion. From
this imputation they were, however, exculpated by Mr. Jenkinson,
afterwards Lord Liverpool, a member of the Committee, who informed the
House, that, as the Committee had found it impossible themselves to
search for facts among the vast mass of papers at the India House, they
had been under the necessity of confiding in the diligence and accuracy
of the clerks in the several departments; and that, for the matter then
in debate, they had trusted to Mr. Samuel Wilks, the examiner of India
correspondence, who appeared to them to be a man of extreme caution and
industry.

The error in question was one that might have escaped Mr. Wilks
quite unintentionally; but it is to be feared that all the errors
or misrepresentations were not of the same description: and the
circumstances to be stated, may prove what unseen yet formidable
difficulties Lord Clive and all who were opposed to the Directors had
to contend with, where the effect of a passing, incorrect assertion
contained in a single line, was often not to be destroyed, if at all,
by long and painful representations of the real circumstances.

On the 3d of May, when Lord North moved for leave to bring in his
Bill for the better management of the East India Company, Lord Clive
solicited the indulgence of the House, while he explained a few
facts which had been partially stated in the Reports of the Select
Committee. While he defended his own character, he did not spare Lord
North nor the Court of Directors. He complained in particular of the
mean and dishonest artifices which had been resorted to by some of
the Directors to blast his honest fame, and that through the agency
of the Committee then sitting. That one gentleman, a member of that
House, who had long been the principal manager of the affairs of the
East India Company[192], had on the seventh day of November last, in a
private conversation with Mr. Hoole, the Auditor-General, told him that
he wished for his assistance in a matter that would be particularly
serviceable, and desired that he would draw up a complete state of the
civil and military charges of Bengal, and likewise the revenues from
the time of Lord Clive's arrival in Bengal in 1765; and directed him to
refer to all the letters, plans, or regulations of Lord Clive, noting
how far the charges, revenues, &c. agreed with them; to trace out the
causes of any increase or decrease; to draw up the whole historically
and progressively, making all the accounts _his own_; and, as Mr.
Sulivan expressed himself, _to mark the man_; concluding that he wished
to show that all the distresses of the Company arose from _him_. Lord
Clive reminded the House with what caution materials drawn up in such
a spirit, and issuing from such a source, were to be received; and how
easily, by the effect of so powerful an engine, any man's reputation
could be destroyed.

Mr. Sulivan rose in his own vindication, and acknowledged the
circumstance to be true; but said, that as Lord Clive had taken
occasion in the House, last session, to impute the distresses of
the Company to the Directors, he thought he, as a Director, was
justified in endeavouring to turn the tables, and lay the blame upon
his Lordship, which he had been in hopes of doing fairly, with the
assistance of Mr. Hoole. He then expatiated upon the enmity which
had long been maintained against him by Lord Clive; and to show
that it had not been reciprocal, he would now, he said, divulge a
circumstance highly injurious to the noble Lord's honour, and which
he had industriously concealed from the Secret Committee: this was
the suppression of sixteen months' correspondence which had passed
during his first government of Bengal, and which, though repeatedly
called for by the Directors, had never been produced: that it was
believed that the letters so suppressed might set the business of the
jaghire in a different light from any in which it had yet appeared.
Lord Clive, immediately rising, stated the facts. The correspondence
with Indian Princes is always carried on by the Governor only; and
translations are kept in books transmitted to the Directors from time
to time. Some portion of it, written in the year 1759, by some accident
had been neglected to be sent home. In 1763, when Lord Clive filed a
bill against the Company for recovering his jaghire, the Directors
(suspecting that the missing letters might contain something of
importance, and had therefore been withheld) called on him to produce
them, as it was presumed that he had retained copies for himself of
his correspondence. In answer, he acquainted the Court that he had
delivered the sections in question to Mr. Campbell, a Scotch author,
in the year 1760, in order to prepare a memorial concerning the Dutch
affairs to be laid before Mr. Pitt, then Secretary of State: that since
then he had not seen them, though he had in vain made every inquiry
after them; but that, from his own knowledge, he could affirm they did
not contain any thing that could affect the matter in dispute between
him and the Company.

To this statement Mr. Sulivan, of course, might give only such credit
as he was disposed; but, as it happened, some account of the debate
having appeared in the public newspapers, Dr. Campbell wrote to inform
Lord Clive that he had found the sections mentioned by Mr. Sulivan,
and was ready to deliver them to his Lordship's order. They were
accordingly recovered next day, and immediately sent to the Court of
Directors, and were found not to have the smallest reference to the
jaghire.

But though Lord Clive had it in his power to meet and answer thus
speedily these reflections upon his character, it is very evident that
this good fortune was partly owing to accident; and that, in many
similar instances, the most honourable and the most cautious of men
might have found it altogether impossible to explain, at the moment,
or at all, charges thus brought against them, at the distance of many
years, when the minute circumstances had dropped from their memory,
when documents had been mislaid or lost, or witnesses had fallen under
the stroke of death. Several persons, whose acts were alluded to in
the various reports, complained bitterly of this, as well as that the
injury was not known till it had become in some measure irreparable by
publication.

At length the storm which had so long been gathering against Lord
Clive in the Select Committee, burst upon his head. The Committee
had taken a historical view of the whole incidents, military and
political, that had occurred in Bengal for seventeen years before;
and Lord Clive and most of the chief agents who had been engaged in
them had been repeatedly examined. Colonel Burgoyne, who, on the 8th
and 21st of April, had brought up the Third and Fourth Reports of the
Committee, called the attention of the House to them on the 10th of
May[193], and, after alluding to the disagreeable situation in which
he was placed, declared that the Reports contained an account of crimes
shocking to human nature; that all the disasters that had befallen
the Company and their affairs in the East could be traced back to the
dethronement of Suraj-u-Dowlah, and the establishment of Meer Jaffier;
a revolution, he said, effected by the blackest perfidy. He dwelt upon
the circumstances of that event, in which Lord Clive took the leading
part; the fictitious treaty by which Omichund was induced to desert
his master; the forging, as he alleged, of Admiral Watson's name to
that treaty, when the Admiral himself refused to subscribe it; the
subsequent agreement with Meer Jaffier, and the immense sums received
by the Select Committee of Calcutta, and others of the principal
agents, under the name of presents or donations, but which, being, as
he asserted, extorted by the influence of military force, did, like
all acquisitions by treaty with foreign powers, of right belong to the
State. He also attacked the proceedings of General Caillaud and others;
and after expatiating on the enormities which the Reports had brought
to light, he concluded by moving the following resolutions:--"1. That
all acquisitions made under the influence of a military force, or
by treaty with foreign Princes, do of right belong to the State. 2.
That to appropriate acquisitions so made to the private emolument of
persons entrusted with any civil or military power of the State, is
illegal. 3. That very great sums of money and other valuable property
have been acquired in Bengal, from Princes and others of that country,
by persons entrusted with the military and civil powers of the State,
by means of such powers, which sums of money and valuable property have
been appropriated to the private use of such persons."

Colonel Burgoyne intimated to the House that, if these resolutions
met with their approbation, he would not stop there, but would follow
them up with vigour; and that his object was to compel such as had
acquired sums of money in the way alluded to, to make full and complete
restitution to the public.

The motion was seconded by Sir William Meredith; who said that there
were only two possible ways to bring about a reformation in the East
Indies,--the one by law, the other by example. That as to law, he
could not comprehend how it was practicable to enforce laws made at
such a distance: that the constitution of the present government
of Bengal was defined to be a union of the sovereign and merchant;
and that Mr. Vansittart explained what was the law by which these
merchant-sovereigns exercised their supreme power: their rule of
selling was to take as much as they pleased, while the rule by which
they bought was to pay as little as they pleased. That the evils
complained of were to be corrected not by law only, but by example; and
deplored the stain brought upon the British name by the transactions
which the Reports before the House disclosed.

Mr. Wedderburn answered, at considerable length, the principal
assertions of the speakers that preceded him; and showed the
incompetency of the evidence on which some of the facts rested, and
the erroneous and unjust conclusions that had been drawn from others,
so far as concerned Lord Clive. As to the forgery of Admiral Watson's
name to the treaty with Omichund (he continued), it would be needless
to analyse it, because the noble Lord has declared that, had it been
necessary, he himself readily would have done it, and certainly done
right in politics, to take that or any other means to destroy in an
enemy so great a tyrant. He concluded by saying, that the resolutions
before the House were founded in envy and illiberal principles; they
were narrow, pointed at individuals, and neglecting future reformation,
which ought to be the grand object of the inquiry; and above all, that
there was in the Reports an indecision and defect of evidence that must
render every thing done on their authority arbitrary and illegal. Mr.
Attorney-General Thurlow defended the resolutions, and answered Mr.
Wedderburn's speech.

In the course of the debate Lord Clive rose, and defended himself with
great dignity and force. He pointed out the mistakes in matters of
fact in the Reports, and in the speeches founded on them. He took a
review of his own public life and services, and especially of that part
of them that had been brought into question. He claimed the rewards
and the honours bestowed on him as justly his due; lamented the abuse
that had been made of the public press, and the mode resorted to of
slandering the character of all orders of men without distinction: that
for his part, he had been called villain, scoundrel, thief, murderer,
assassin, &c.; but that he need not complain, as even Majesty itself
had not escaped this implacable fury. What he regretted was the cause
of virtue and public spirit, which must inevitably suffer, if this
abuse was permitted to go unpunished; since the greatest inducement to
men of superior talent to stand forth and distinguish themselves in
their country's cause, was the hope of fair fame and just applause.
Having explained the circumstances of the revolution, so far as he
was concerned, and defended the legality of all the presents he had
received, both in point of law and of justice, and alluded to the
honours he had received for the very acts now questioned, he concluded
by saying, "If the record of my services at the India House, if the
defence I have twice made in this House, and if the approbation I have
already met with, is not an answer to the attack that has been made
upon me, I certainly can make none."

The two first resolutions passed without a division; and the third was
also carried, though after some opposition.

Encouraged by this success, Colonel Burgoyne, on the 17th of May,
prepared to bring home these general propositions to the individuals
concerned; and, in the first place, pointed his charges against Lord
Clive. He began by making some remarks on the invidious situation in
which he was placed by the conscientious discharge of his duty. "The
task of a public accuser was never a pleasing, but was sometimes a
necessary one. Envy and malignity were the vices of little minds, and
he disclaimed them. The House, in its movements, had only followed
the cry of the public. Instances of rapacity and injustice had
occurred in our Eastern possessions, that were known to all the world;
an inordinate desire of wealth had had full play, and had led to
transactions which had stigmatised those immediately concerned in them,
and affected even the British name. That it was the duty of the House,
as guardians of the nation's honour, to apply a remedy; and as the vice
had been general, so must the punishment. It was a case in which no
partial or limited censure would suffice to remove the evil, or to wipe
off the stain from the country. The whole system on which the agents in
the various revolutions had been remunerated, or rather had remunerated
themselves, was most exceptionable and illegal. The first principle
that he would lay down was, that it was impossible that any civil or
military servant, in treating with a foreign Prince or State, could
lawfully bargain for, or acquire, property for himself. This principle
had uniformly been departed from in all the transactions which had
been laid before the House. It would be necessary to point out who
the persons were who had so acquired property, and the particular
circumstances under which it had been acquired. Death had removed some
of these persons, and their case would therefore be a matter of future
consideration. That it was proper to consider the state of India at
the time when the money was received. A mighty change had just taken
place in that country, and in the Company's affairs. In the year 1757,
when the English ascendancy was established, the Company was raised,
as by the power of magic, from the situation of merchants to that of
sovereign Princes, and, in their delirium, they at once forgot their
charters; while their servants, become ministers, and rulers of the
Governors of provinces and Princes, looked with contempt on the slow
returns of trade and merchandise, since they saw before them a shorter
and surer way to opulence. What was the consequence? The power thus
placed in their hands was not tenderly employed. Revolution followed
revolution; and, at each successive change, the treasures of the
Prince were lavished to glut the rapacity of the agents by whom it
was effected. At last, when the whole treasures of the Princes were
exhausted, they did not stop short, but took possession of the country
itself, at the same time that they retained the name of the puppet
whom they set up, only to confound all ideas of right and justice.
In the revolution of 1757, effected by Lord Clive, great stress had
been laid on its necessity; but every succeeding revolution had been
sustained on the same ground,--a ground that never would be wanting.
It appeared that, by the treaty with Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Company were
confirmed in all the privileges they had formerly enjoyed; the Company
had their factories restored; and to individuals who had suffered, a
compensation was made. Surely, in such circumstances, the Nabob had
a right to expect to be able to preserve a state of neutrality among
the different nations who had factories in his dominions; yet, on the
breaking out of the war with France, it was thought proper to violate
the treaty just concluded, by attacking Chandernagore. The Select
Committee were not unanimous on this point. Becher was for neutrality,
Drake had no opinion at all. The violent counsels of Clive prevailed.
It was argued, that having gone so far we must go farther; that having
established ourselves by force, we had made the Nabob our enemy, and
that in consequence he must always be ready to join our enemies; and
some circumstances of his conduct, said to indicate a hostile feeling,
were pointed out. But, in fact, when we broke with him, and hurled him
from his high eminence, Suraj-u-Dowlah had been guilty of no overt act
of hostility; all that was alleged, were various suspicions that he
_meant_ to break the treaty." He detailed the circumstances attending
the deposition of Meer Jaffier; the various sums received by Lord
Clive, amounting to 2,080,000 rupees, or 234,000_l._ sterling; and
contended that they were received contrary to justice and right.

He acknowledged that, in the Dutch affair, Lord Clive had shown perfect
magnanimity and disinterestedness.

"Soon after this first revolution was effected, the fortunes of those
concerned in it being made, we had an importation of Nabobs,--a
circumstance which only whetted the rapacity of those who were still
on the scene of action. There were now new men, a new Council to be
satisfied, and the principles of the revolution of 1757 were not
forgotten. It was discovered that there was a necessity for another
revolution; and accordingly, in 1760, Meer Cossim was placed in the
seat of Meer Jaffier. But Cossim was an able tyrant, who was soon found
to be too intelligent to serve the purpose of a mere tool, and it
became necessary to restore Jaffier. With Cossim, indeed, there was no
stipulation for rewards. Mr. Vansittart was then Governor. Twenty lacs
of rupees were offered to the Council for their favour and countenance.
But no; the Company's servants put by them the proffered treasure, as
Cæsar put by the crown. The Nabob was, however, given to understand,
that after their masters the Company were satisfied, the servants would
have no objection to receive what was offered. It was difficult to
treat seriously this mighty difference between taking money before and
after a treaty. The consequences are but too obvious, and amount to the
same thing.

"In the case of the Nabob Najm-Dowlah which followed, the succession
was a regular one, and the deputation which was sent on the occasion,
headed by Mr. John Johnstone, acted with fidelity in establishing the
proper heir; but they improved a regular accession to the purpose of
a revolution, and enriched themselves and the other Members of the
Council by presents and donations received in the course of this common
discharge of an ordinary duty. "I won't," said he, "colour and conceal
the conduct of the Council. They are unjustifiable. They knew of the
existence of the covenants prohibiting them from receiving presents,
at the very time when they bargained for and received them. I have
no acquaintance with any of them. I owe them neither partiality nor
grudge. I am, indeed, happy and proud to be esteemed the friend of
Governor Johnstone, the relative of one whose name has been mixed in
these transactions; but that has no influence on my judgment. At the
same time it is not possible to overlook the mode in which evidence was
procured in India, on this last subject, under the influence of Lord
Clive, by persecution not to be equalled in Portugal. The witnesses
were brought up under military guard: little pains were taken to
contradict facts, when they were known to be false. The result of these
inquiries is embodied in the infamous letter of September, 1765[194],
a composition which disgraces the ablest pen by the direction in which
it was employed.

"Into the question relating to the money received from the Begum[195]
I shall not enter, as the Report is not yet on the table. But from the
documents before the House, it will appear that the total amount of the
presents and donations received by Lord Clive was 2,000,000 of rupees,
exclusive of the jaghire. My object is, that restitution of this sum
should be made to the Company and the sufferers. If any man can say
that these sums were received according to the correct definition of
presents, I shall be exceedingly surprized. Such is not the light in
which I hold them.

"Let it be remembered, that the revolution of 1757 was the foundation
and the model of all the subsequent revolutions. Our vindictive justice
must go back to the origin of the evil. It is in many mouths, the
hardship of taking up a subject after such a time, and of wresting
from a man a fortune valiantly obtained and generously dispensed. If
time is to sanctify such offences, we should bring in a statute of
limitation of robbery. Let it not be said, that the magnitude of the
offence, and the wealth and dignity of the offender, are to be deemed a
sufficient justification.

"No public notice was given to the Company of the receipt of these
sums. But it is said that there is no instance of reporting to the
Company private donations, though they were always understood to be
received; and it is said that Lord Clive's were known to the Court.
If so, I shall be glad to hear only a letter saying so.--But they
acquiesced when they were known. That I deny. A Court of Proprietors
passed, in 1760, a positive order to institute a minute inquiry about
these presents. It is said that he had rendered great and important
services to the Company and his country. No doubt, services should be
duly weighed, and national rewards bestowed on national services, and
that amply. I wish to see the names of Lawrence, Draper, Monson, and
of many other eminent men, who have rescued us from more than _Indian_
armies, honoured with due estimation; and far be it from me to deny
to Lord Clive the meed of praise that is due to him. But in coming to
a judgment on the grave and serious charges now before the House, all
partiality and all prejudice in a man's favour should be laid aside:
an act of national justice is called for; it is not to be influenced by
wealth or connections, and will be given if a particle of that vital
fire that first invigorated this constitution still remains. Imitate
the first example of antiquity, and strike, like Manlius, when the
justice of the State requires it.

"I wish not to plunder or impoverish Lord Clive, or the subjects of
this motion. I am willing they should remain in possession of such
rewards as a generous State would give. What I ask is, a Bill for
the satisfaction of sufferers out of the private estates of persons
who received sums of money unwarrantably. Such satisfaction ought to
be made to the Company, and applied to the discharge of their debts.
Leave something to them of their overgrown fortunes, but let it be
upon European principles; let it be arranged on the principles of the
better times of our history. Where were jaghires and private donations
in the time of King William, to whom our liberties owe so much? In the
Act to be passed, let the monies go, as they should originally have
done, to the State. I have no desire, no wish, that after satisfaction
has been made, any odium should remain against the accused. I have
offered them an opportunity of bringing their characters from under
the cloud which has surrounded them, and of justifying themselves to
the world." He concluded by moving, "That it appears to this House,
that the Right Hon. Robert Lord Clive, Baron of Plassey in the kingdom
of Ireland, about the time of the deposition of Suraj-u-Dowlah, and
the establishment of Meer Jaffier on the musmud, through the influence
of the powers with which he was entrusted as a member of the Select
Committee and Commander-in-chief of the British forces, did obtain and
possess himself of 2 lacs of rupees as Commander-in-chief, a farther
sum of 2 lacs and 80,000 rupees as member of the Select Committee, and
a farther sum of 16 lacs or more under the denomination of a private
donation; which sums, amounting together to 20 lacs and 80,000 rupees,
were of the value, in English money, of 234,000_l._; and that, in so
doing, the said Robert Lord Clive abused the power with which he was
entrusted, to the evil example of the servants of the public, and to
the dishonour and detriment of the State."[196]

These resolutions were seconded by Sir Wm. Meredith, who combated the
notion of the supposed hardship of bringing up such charges, after
a period of sixteen years, and contended that length of time could
not improve the title to wealth so acquired. As to presents, he
denied that covenants alone made the receiving of them a crime, or
that where there were no covenants they were legal: that it had been
found, indeed, that presents had been taken, after the receipt of the
covenants, by Mr. Johnstone and others, in circumstances which had been
investigated and published by Lord Clive; but that it did not appear
that the ill-blood excited by such disclosure had had the slightest
influence on the conduct of his brother, the Governor, who had carried
on the investigation before the Committee with perfect exactness: that
it could not be overlooked, that the evidence against that gentleman
had been taken in a most illegal manner, the witnesses being under
restraint: that Lord Clive's supposed generosity in not plundering
Moorshedabad was nugatory; that he entered it not as a conqueror,
but as an ally: nor would the assertion, that there was no criminal
intention in receiving the presents, acquit him; that would only affect
the _extent_ of the consequences. Colonel Burgoyne's original motion
was to be kept in mind, and that he was content to leave him all
that his merit deserved. Others had fought against European enemies,
he against wretched Indians,--a circumstance not to be forgotten in
estimating the comparative merit of officers.

Mr. Wedderburn (then Solicitor-General) strenuously opposed the
motion. He said that the House was in danger of being led blindly and
inconsiderately, from misdirected feelings, to commit a grand injustice
towards one of the most illustrious men of his country. With respect
to presents, on which the burthen of the accusation lay, he argued,
that there were some, indeed many, situations, wherein the receipt
of presents was justifiable upon every principle of disinterested
integrity: and such, he contended, they were in the present instance,
where a great capital had been saved from the horrors of pillage, or
military contribution; and where signal services had been rendered to
a sovereign Prince, who had adopted only the ordinary means of showing
his gratitude: they were justifiable both from the extraordinary
circumstances of the case, and from the known customs and usages of
the country. He largely expatiated on the deep obligations under which
the nation lay to Lord Clive; and affirmed, that for the Parliament to
accuse a man of delinquency, upon the necessarily partial report of a
Select Committee, would be to accuse him without competent evidence,
and to be guilty of an act of flagrant injustice.

Mr. Richard Fuller, one of the Committee, took a similar view of the
case; and while he doubted the competency of the kind of evidence,
declared that the latter part of the Committee's report was undoubtedly
not true.

Lord North said that he was determined to attend to every part of
the evidence, and to judge of its effect; that any abuse of public
authority was of pernicious example; and that the glory which
surrounded such presents, did not, if they were illegal, render them
less culpable. The high example would in its effects be only the more
pernicious;--"Jupiter hoc faxit; ego homuncio non faciam."

Lord Clive, in the course of the debate, made a long defence of his
conduct[197]: "Sir, after rendering my country the service which I
think I may, without any degree of vanity, claim the merit of; and
after having nearly exhausted a life full of employment, for the public
welfare and the particular benefit of the East India Company, I little
thought that such transactions would have agitated the minds of my
countrymen in proceedings like the present, tending to deprive me not
only of my property and the fortune which I have fairly acquired,
but of that which I hold more dear to me--my honour and reputation."
He in the first place solicited the patient indulgence of the House,
while he corrected some facts which had been erroneously stated. He
then went through the reports of the Committees, on which the charges
were founded, and examined the different passages that concerned him.
He justified himself in regard to all his acts, civil and political;
and maintained that his whole conduct had been not only open and
undisguised, but perfectly legal, and above all blame. On the principal
charges, he read extracts of the Nabob's letter to him as President of
the Select Committee, of the Committee's letter to the Directors, and
finally of the Directors' letter containing their full approbation of
his proceedings. He entered minutely into the circumstances of each
charge, and observed that, trained in the school of war and politics
as he had been for twenty years, he was now improving in the school
of philosophy, and, if patience was a virtue, he had no doubt of soon
being very virtuous indeed. He said that the present charges arose
out of the wretched state of the Company's affairs; the Directors and
Government would willingly shift the blame from themselves. He enlarged
on the misconduct of the Directors; and arraigned the unpardonable
remissness of former administrations, in neglecting the affairs of
India; that mismanagement abroad was founded on mismanagement at home.
He pointed out the malevolence and artifice of his enemies, and the low
and insidious means by which he had been assailed; that when he went
out to India the last time, he had promised not to add a shilling to
his fortune, directly or indirectly, and this engagement, he declared
to God, he had religiously observed.

He complimented Lord North ironically on his vast abilities displayed
in the bargain which he had driven with the Company: that he was the
lion, the Company the jackal, or lion's provider: that he had already
seized on three quarters of its prey; and no doubt the lion, next time
that it returned hungry to its den, would seize the remaining quarter
also. That he stood there an independent man, and would give Government
every honourable assistance, where he thought them right; but further
he would not go: that as to the Company, he lamented their situation:
they had been long tampered with by quacks till, reduced to an absolute
consumption, they had thrown themselves on Parliament, the only
physician who could effect a cure. He said, that for two years past
the Directors had kept the affairs of the Company a secret, while they
feasted at taverns, and employed a man[198], whom they allowed 400_l._
a year, to think for them: that meanwhile their expenses in India were
increasing extravagantly beyond what they were when he left it. He
complained that the malevolence employed against him, reduced him to
the necessity of being the herald of his own fame. "I have served my
country and the Company faithfully; and had it been my fortune to be
employed by the Crown, I should not have been in the situation I am
in at present; I should have been differently rewarded: no retrospect
would have been had to sixteen years past, and I should not have
been forced to plead for what is dearer than life--my reputation.
My situation, Sir, has not been an easy one for these twelve months
past; and though my conscience never could accuse me, yet I felt for
my friends, who were involved in the same censure as myself. Sir, not
a stone has been left unturned, where the least probability could
arise of discovering something of a criminal nature against me. The
two Committees, Sir, seem to have bent the whole of their inquiries to
the conduct of their humble servant, the Baron of Plassey, and I have
been examined by the Select Committee more like a sheep-stealer than a
member of this House. I am sure, Sir, if I had any sore places about
me, they would have been found; they have probed to the bottom: no
lenient plasters have been applied to heal: no, Sir, they were all of
the blister kind, prepared with Spanish flies and other provocatives.
The public records have been ransacked for proofs against me; and the
late Deputy Chairman of the India Company, a worthy member of this
House, has been very assiduous, indeed so assiduous in my affairs, that
really, Sir, it appears that he has entirely neglected his own. As for
punishments, which have been spoken of as necessary, I have a plan to
propose which I think may be of great use. The three Jacobite heads
which were lately upon Temple Bar have tumbled down, but the poles
remain; and as there is no probability of the heads being replaced,
for Jacobitism seems at an end, (at least some people have strangely
altered their opinions of late years,) there can be no farther occasion
for them on that score: now, I would propose that the heads of three
East Indians be stuck up in their stead, _in terrorem_, and that my
head, by way of pre-eminence, be put in the middle; and as his Majesty
has given me a title to supporters, I cannot pitch upon more proper
ones than the heads of the late Chairman and Deputy to be placed one on
each side, on the other two poles."

He next examined the regulations proposed by Ministers for India,
and the measures of the Directors; and asserted that they had
improvidently, in a country peculiarly liable to temptation, abolished
all the lawful rewards of the service, and left the country at the
mercy of a handful of boys. He proceeded to examine the question of
presents. He had always recommended, approved of, and enforced the
covenants against them. He considered these covenants as indispensable
in the present state of the country, when we were its rulers; but even
then, to render them efficient, the public servants must have within
their view the prospect of an honourable and attainable independence.
Wealth and weakness can never safely be placed beside poverty and
power. As for presents in themselves, he was firmly of opinion that,
in honourable cases, it was not improper to receive them: that they
were only improper in dishonourable cases: that presents had been
allowed to be received from the earliest days of the Company; they had
been received uninterruptedly for the space of a hundred and fifty
years, and by men who sat in the Direction; they were a lawful part
of the social system of the East. "In the early part of my life,"
he continued, "my labours were without emolument or laurels; and I
hope the House cannot think that I ought not to be rewarded for my
services to my country in the latter part of it. When I was first
employed by the Company, their affairs abroad were in a condition
much to be lamented. Misfortunes attended them in every part of their
settlements, and the Nabobs looked with a jealous eye upon the small
privileges and possessions they then enjoyed; though small, in danger
everyday of being wrested from them. Their fears and weakness were
surrounded by dangers on every side. In this critical situation it
pleased God to make me the instrument of their deliverance." He drew
a rapid and bold sketch of his transactions in India, in particular
of his proceedings in regard to Suraj-u-Dowlah and Omichund: he
asserted that the former was dethroned for his breach of faith, and
as a necessary and lawful measure of self defence; that the latter
was only entangled in the toils of intrigue and treachery woven by
himself: that Admiral Watson expressed his thorough approbation of the
proceedings in the revolution, and the means by which it was obtained;
and he read the letter signed by him in conjunction with the Committee
to that effect: that, great as his fortune was, it bore no proportion
to what he might have made it: that not a sixpence was received from
the inhabitants of Moorshedabad, who came to offer contributions to
deliver them from being plundered by a victorious army: that his
jaghire was not received in 1757, at the time of the revolution, as
had been erroneously represented; it was not received till 1759, two
years after. He described his attack on the Dutch armament, which he
destroyed, as well as their army, and that at a time when most of his
property was in the hands of the Dutch Company; a fact that showed
no want of zeal for the honour and interest of the service, even at
the imminent risk of ruin to his own fortune. He enumerated the marks
of honour which he had received: he read the letters of the Court of
Directors in approbation of the revolution, and of his conduct in it.
"These, Sir," he exclaimed, "are surely sufficient certificates of my
behaviour, and of the proceedings of that revolution; and, whatever
the House may think of them, will remain an everlasting approbation of
my conduct from those persons who alone employed me, and whose servant
I was. A late Minister (Lord Chatham), whose abilities have been an
honour to his country, and whom this House will ever revere, will, I am
sure, come to your bar, and not only tell you how highly he thought of
my services at the time, but also what his opinion is now."

He adverted to his second government, undertaken at the express desire
of the Company; the toils and difficulties he had to encounter,
and which he overcame; and the thanks and congratulations solemnly
lavished upon him, in a special audience appointed for the express
purpose, at Leadenhall Street, on his return. "These, Sir," said he,
"were circumstances, certainly, that gave me a full satisfaction, and
a ground to think that my conduct in every instance was approved of.
After such certificates as these, Sir, am I to be brought here like a
criminal, and the very best parts of my conduct construed into crimes
against the state? Is this the reward that is now held out to persons
who have performed such important services to their country? If it
is, Sir, the future consequences that will attend the execution of
any important trust committed to the persons who have the care of it,
will be fatal indeed; and I am sure the Noble Lord upon the Treasury
Bench, whose great humanity I revere, would never have consented to
the resolution that passed the other night, if he had thought on the
dreadful consequences that would attend them. Sir, I cannot say that
I either sit or rest easy when I find, by that extensive resolution,
that all I have in the world is confiscated, and that no one will take
my security for a shilling. These, Sir, are dreadful apprehensions to
remain under; and I cannot look upon myself but as a bankrupt. I have
not any thing left that I can call my own, except my paternal fortune
of 500_l._ per annum, and which has been in the family for ages past.
But upon this I am content to live; and perhaps I shall find more real
content of mind and happiness than in the trembling affluence of an
unsettled fortune. But, Sir, I must make one more observation,--that
if the definition of the honourable gentleman (Colonel Burgoyne) and
of this House, that the state, as expressed in these resolutions, is,
_quoad hoc_, the Company, then, Sir, every farthing I enjoy is granted
to me. But to be called upon, after sixteen years have elapsed, to
account for my conduct in this manner, and, after an uninterrupted
enjoyment of my property, to be questioned, and considered as obtaining
it unwarrantably, is hard indeed! and a treatment I should not think
the British Senate capable of. But, if such should be the case, I
have a conscious innocence within me that tells me my conduct is
irreproachable. _Frangas, non flectes._ My enemies may take from me
what I have; they may, as they think, make me poor, but I will be
happy! I mean not this as my defence, though I have done for the
present. My defence will be heard at that bar; but, before I sit down,
I have one request to make to the House,--that, when they come to
decide upon my honour, they will not forget their own."

After some debate, the farther consideration of the motion was
deferred, and it was ordered that evidence should be heard at the bar.

On the 21st of May, on the motion of Colonel Burgoyne, certain
witnesses were examined. Lord Clive's evidence before the Committee was
read; on which his Lordship made a short speech, concluding with the
words, "Take my fortune, but save my honour," and immediately retired
from the House.

The three propositions which had been carried by Colonel Burgoyne, on
the 10th of May, though plainly, and by direct inference, affecting,
and even aimed at, Lord Clive, had, however, been couched in loose
general terms. Certain principles being given, and the existence of
some abuses not disputed, certain consequences inevitably followed.
The House was sensible, from the Reports, and from other sources, that
great enormities had been committed in India; and, desirous to show
its disapprobation and censure, willingly suffered itself to be led to
acquiesce in these resolutions. But when, leaving generalities, Colonel
Burgoyne called upon them to mark an individual as being concerned
in, and indeed as the guilty leader in these offences, the ground was
changed. They were brought back from generalities to special facts and
to individuals, and found the necessity of proceeding cautiously in
their conclusions. The generous feelings which in the one case had
combated in favour of the motions, were now silent, or even enlisted
on the side of the accused. A careful and cautious examination of
facts and of character was necessary; and inquiry showed that the
evidence was loose and defective, for the most part _exparte_, and
often depending on circumstances of time, country, or situation that
changed its nature. The man attacked was one of the most illustrious
of his age, who by his exalted talents had raised himself, early in
life, to the highest rank in his nation; whose gallant deeds in the
field of battle every Englishman had admired and gloried in; who had
retrieved the falling fortunes of his country, and, by his military
achievements and his political talents, had added to its dominion a
large empire, one of the richest in the world, which that country had
not thrown from her with disdain, as gained by illegal or unjustifiable
means, but cherished as one of her noblest possessions, the richest
jewel in the British crown; that wealth which he had gained, he had
enjoyed with honour and dignity, unchallenged for sixteen years,
though now it was to be wrenched from him by the application of rules
which had no existence in the country in which it was acquired.
Doubts began to arise, whether a grand injustice was not about to be
inflicted by England on one of the greatest and noblest of her sons:
the circumstances of personal excitement under which the evidence had
been collected could not be overlooked; and the more carefully the
application of that evidence was made to the case, on the principles
of general justice and universal policy, the more did it appear that
there was a danger of making the British Parliament the instrument of
flagrant injustice and ingratitude.

When the question itself came on, and the direct charges brought
against Lord Clive were before the House, Mr. Stanley moved that the
words, "And in so doing, the said Robert Lord Clive abused the powers
with which he was intrusted, to the evil example of the servants of
the public, and to the dishonour and detriment of the State," should
be omitted; and was seconded by Mr. Richard Fuller, who carried his
amendment farther back into the body of the motion, and proposed that
the words, "through the influence of the powers with which he was
intrusted, as a Member of the Select Committee, and Commander-in-chief
of the British forces," should also be omitted. A very warm and
long debate ensued between those who supported the original motion,
and those who were in favour of the amendment, expressive of mere
undisputed facts, which left the motion in this form: "That it
appears to this House, that the Right Honourable Robert Lord Clive,
Baron of Plassey in the kingdom of Ireland, about the time of the
deposition of Suraj-u-Dowlah, and the establishment of Meer Jaffier
on the musnud, did obtain and possess himself of 2 lacs of rupees as
Commander-in-chief, a further sum of 2 lacs and 80,000 rupees as Member
of the Select Committee, and a further sum of 16 lacs or more under
the denomination of a private donation; which sums, amounting together
to 20 lacs and 80,000 rupees, were of the value, in English money, of
234,000_l._" And the motion, in this form, was finally carried, on a
division of 155 to 95.[199]

It was then moved, "That Lord Clive did, in so doing, abuse the powers
with which he was intrusted, to the evil example of the servants of the
public;" but the motion was rejected without a division.

A motion was finally made, about five in the morning, "That Robert Lord
Clive did, at the same time, render great and meritorious services to
his country;" which passed unanimously.[200]

Such was the termination of these Parliamentary proceedings, so far
as regarded Lord Clive. It may be proper to remark, that in the
meanwhile various bills regarding India affairs were pushed forward.
The plan proposed and carried through by the Government, at that
important crisis, though it was intended to be a final settlement of
the constitution of the Company's government, and though it contained
many changes, and some very beneficial regulations, was still only
a palliative. A loan of 1,400,000_l._ was granted to relieve the
Company from their immediate difficulties; the Company's dividend
being restrained to 6 per cent. until it was repaid, and to 7 per
cent. until their bond debt was reduced to 1,500,000_l._ The public
was not to participate in the profits of the Company till this latter
event, when three fourths of the net surplus profits of the Company
at home, above the sum of 8 per cent. on their capital stock, was to
be paid into the Exchequer for the use of the public, the remaining
fourth to be set aside for reducing the Company's debt, and other
purposes specified: the territorial acquisitions to remain with the
Company for six years more: the Court of Directors were in future to be
elected for four years, six members going out annually: no Proprietor
was to vote at the election who had not possessed his stock for twelve
months, and the qualification was to be 1000_l._ instead of 500_l._:
a new Court of Justice was established at Calcutta, consisting of a
Chief Justice and three Puisne Judges; and a superiority given to the
Presidency of Bengal over the others. The Council was to consist of a
Governor-General and four Members, to be named in the first instance by
Parliament; and, in pursuance of the act, Mr. Hastings was appointed
Governor-General, with General Clavering, Colonel Monson, Mr. Barwell,
and Mr. Francis in Council.

It is clear that these enactments were quite insufficient to remedy the
evils complained of; and India was accordingly doomed for several years
more to pay the penalty of this timid and inefficient legislation.
The truth is, that the Ministry were conscious that their knowledge
of Indian affairs was extremely imperfect; and that the task of
legislation for a distant empire, if not beyond their powers, at least
required more leisure than they were able or disposed to pay to it. The
spirit of the times, too, was adverse to bold or extensive legislation,
and delighted more in temporary expedients and palliatives. America
could hardly have remained much longer united to Britain; but this
temper, common to many successive administrations, had much influence
on the time and manner of the separation.

The complimentary resolution, passed unanimously by the House, closed
the Parliamentary proceedings in which Lord Clive was personally
concerned. In a letter to Mr. Hastings, the new Governor-General,
written some months afterwards, he alludes to them. "All the Reports
of the Committees are published," says he[201], "and will of course
be transmitted to you. A few envious and resentful individuals turned
the whole attack upon me, and aimed at the ruin of my fortune and
reputation. But the justice of the House of Commons defeated their
intentions, and, by a great majority, passed a vote that I had rendered
great and essential services to this country. The next session will
show whether any other individuals are to be attacked; but I am of
opinion the Parliament will rest satisfied with the late act, and
leave the rest to the Governor and Council. I congratulate you on the
distinction you are honoured with, in being the first Governor-General;
and hope your colleagues will be unanimous in acting for the public
good." But it is not surprising that the harassing persecution which he
had sustained, and the ignoble charges brought and insinuated against
him, should have made a deep and gloomy impression on his lofty mind.
It has been remarked that, "Although, throughout this inquiry, Lord
Clive displayed the greatest firmness and magnanimity, his mind never
recovered its proper equilibrium. Wedded to glory, and pluming himself
upon those actions which had elevated him to an unparalleled degree
of fame, and unexampled grandeur of fortune, he could ill brook the
necessity of defence, and felt as an ignominy the task of pleading
for his character and property. He, upon whose pleasure had so often
depended the fate of sovereigns and of states, who might with truth
be styled 'the setter up and puller down of kings,' sickened at the
recollection of that ingratitude which degraded him to the position of
a culprit."[202]

Few men have ever endured so severe and piercing a scrutiny into all
their words and actions; and his situation has, in one respect, been
different from that of most other great men, who were only subjects.
He had been in some measure placed in the situation of an absolute
sovereign. He not only held the military command, but directed, with
more power than is enjoyed by most sovereign princes, the civil,
financial, and political measures that emanate from supreme authority.
He not only executed, but planned, and was the source as well as the
instrument of action. He had to answer for wars undertaken, treaties
made and broken, and severities exercised. He was not so much in the
situation of a Marlborough or a Wellington, receiving certain orders,
and following his judgment in executing them, as of a sovereign
prince--a Frederic, a Bonaparte, an Alexander, who could act with
nearly despotic authority in the execution of their designs. They,
privileged by their rank, could only be called upon to answer at the
tribunal of posterity. But, from his situation, a private man, a
subject, and the servant of a trading company, his accusers blended
together his different characters. There is always something, in the
slightest accusation of delinquency in pecuniary matters, which is
revolting to a generous mind. This his enemies saw, and attempted to
fix on the most liberal of men; trusting that, however complete the
justification, some taint of the accusation would remain. It was not
enough to him that he had been acquitted and applauded; he brooded over
the indignity of having been accused. Nor was the public ingratitude,
from which he suffered, the less grievous, that it was common to him
with the great men of every age; although proudly conscious of his own
integrity, and of the solid glory of his achievements and labours, he
felt that he could trust his fame to distant countries and future times.

And distant countries had already begun to do justice to his great
actions. A few days after the rising of Parliament, he received the
following letter from Mr. Wedderburn, which the reader will not be
displeased to see entire:--

  "My dear Lord,

"Mr. Stuart informs me, that he has sent your Lordship a letter he
received from the gentleman[203] who has the care of the Duke of
Hamilton at Geneva, expressing the desire that Voltaire has to be
informed of the affairs of the East Indies, and to celebrate the great
actions that have been done there.

"I took the precaution of desiring Mr. Clive to load his trunk with
the most important papers that are printed on that subject; but it has
occurred to me, that he would deliver them with a better effect if
they were introduced by a few lines from your Lordship, or, at least,
a written message to the old gentleman. I don't know whether Mr. King
is at Walcot: he would be delighted to have an occasion of addressing
his favourite author on this subject. Lady Clive, I am afraid, will
scruple at a correspondence with so free a writer; but, whatever
mischief his works may do for a better state, in this world they are
very entertaining: and that justice, which is everywhere your due to
fame, will have a very good effect in England, coming from the pen of a
Frenchman, writing at the foot of the Alps.

"I have seen no creature but lawyers for a fortnight past, and I know
no news. Robert desires I would make his apology to your Lordship, for
suffering himself to be seduced by me, to give me one day at Mitcham,
which I am sure you will forgive. Mrs. W. joins me in compliments to
Lady Clive and Miss Ducarrel; and I am,

  "My dear Lord,
  "Yours most sincerely,
  "Al. Wedderburn.

  "Lincoln's Inn Fields,
  "9th July, 1773."

The result of this application from the most celebrated writer of the
age does not appear. Several letters to Lord Clive, written from
different parts of Europe, from foreigners, the posterity of the
present age, some of them from persons quite unknown to him, show how
widely his fame had spread over the Continent.

Immediately on the rising of Parliament in June, the state of his
health carried him to Bath. After a short residence there and at
Walcot, he was advised again to visit the Continent. While in London he
was consulted by Ministers; and, though he believed that he had cause
to complain of the conduct of Lord North in the late transactions,
he was still willing, when called upon, to give him his opinion on
Indian concerns. Indeed, during the whole course of his life, he was
ever most ready and forward to communicate freely the full stores of
his experience and reflection, not only to the Court of Directors,
but to every administration that he imagined to be disposed to avail
themselves of them. He had, in the preceding year, imparted to the
Ministry his plan for improving the management of the Company's
affairs, both in India and Europe; and by a letter of Lord North's
to his Lordship, of the 9th of November this year, soliciting his
interest in favour of Mr. Manship, in an India House election, it
appears that Lord Clive had met him just before at Bushy Park, and
given his sentiments in conversation on the important question of the
instructions proper to be given to the Governor-General and Council of
Bengal, who had been recently appointed by the Act of Parliament.

The fatigues of two anxious and exhausting sessions had not improved
his health, so shattered before. How long he remained abroad does not
appear. During the subsequent session, as all attempts to fix upon
him any act of criminality during his first government of Bengal had
totally failed, some feeble and malignant efforts were made, through
the public papers, to throw suspicion on his conduct during his last
administration there. But they were too miserable to be persisted in,
or to produce any effect; and were only the last dregs of enmity,
meant, perhaps, less to answer their apparent object than to vex and
harass the sensitive feelings of a noble mind.[204]

During the remainder of 1773, and in the following year, which was the
last of his life, he seems to have very much relaxed in the frequency
of his epistolary correspondence. But it is a characteristic of his
native warmth of attachment, and steady regard for his friends, that a
great proportion of the letters written during that period consists of
recommendatory letters. Some of them contain instances of very earnest
and active exertions in behalf of those whom he befriended. He seems,
in particular, to have used great exertions to procure the government
of Bombay for General Carnac; and one letter, written only six weeks
before his death, is addressed to Lord North, to forward the interest
of his friend Mr. Strachey.

Though the ministers of the Company which he had so nobly served, had
requited his services with persecution and ingratitude, the injury
that most deeply wounds the most generous spirit, he had many sources
of happiness around him. He was happy in his family; he had a numerous
circle of friends warmly attached to him; he had a princely fortune and
generosity to use it. He enjoyed a reputation of the highest class as
a soldier and a statesman. His political influence was considerable;
he was still little beyond the middle period of active life. But
his residence in India, and the fatigues, mental and bodily, which
he had undergone there, had long since ruined his constitution. He
suffered from a derangement of the liver, the fatal disease of warm
countries, which exposed him to frequent and violent attacks of bile.
But above all, he had been subject to excruciating attacks of pain
from gall-stones, attended with severe spasms, both before he left
India and since his return. To moderate these, he had long called in
the dangerous aid of opium; a remedy which, while it alleviates the
present suffering, is generally followed by corresponding depression of
spirits, and requires to be used in constantly increasing quantities.
He had been driven to the use of this drug when first in India, and
probably had never abandoned it, as a few days after his last return
to Bengal, writing to Mr. Billers[207], the chief at Patna, he asks
him to procure for him five or six pounds of the purest opium that
could be got: "As this medicine," continues he, "is entirely for my
own use, and I find great difficulty in procuring any other than what
has been adulterated, I depend on your judgment in purchasing some
that is perfectly good and genuine." When he first went to France, we
have seen that he had been able in some measure to reduce the quantity
which he had been in the habit of using during his previous illness.
In November, 1774, when in Berkeley Square, he had a violent return
of his complaint. On the 21st and 22d he endured extreme agony, and
had recourse, for relief, to powerful doses of laudanum. Though he
had perfect command of his faculties, he testified much impatience
under his sufferings. It is probable that the excessive acuteness
of the paroxysms of pain, arising from the gall-stones, combined
with the effects of the medicine which he had used, acting on his
feverish irritability, led to the melancholy event which ensued. The
feelings of disappointed hope, and wounded dignity, which had long
haunted his haughty soul, were but little calculated to soothe him at
such a moment. He expired on the 22d of November, soon after he had
completed his forty-ninth year, and was buried in his native parish of
Moreton-Say.

Lord Clive was one of those extraordinary men who give a character to
the period and country in which they live. His name cannot be erased
from the history of India, nor from that of Britain. Born in the rank
of a private gentleman, and launched out early in life into the wide
sea of Indian adventure, he soon far outstript all his competitors in
the race of fortune and fame. He was trained in the best of schools,
a state of danger, of suffering, and activity. He could not be said
to have any master in the art of war; he was, to adopt the language
of the great Chatham, "a heaven-born general;" and it was by the
boldness and novelty of his measures, the impetuosity of his onset,
and the imperturbable obstinacy of his defence, that he confounded
his enemies, and changed the hesitating troops under his command into
a band of heroes. He left nothing to chance: he foresaw and provided
for every thing. Victory seemed to attend him wherever he turned,
and no enterprise was too arduous where he was the leader. The same
success and the same renown which distinguished him in the Carnatic,
attended him in Bengal. From the date of the battle of Plassey, his
reputation in that country was established; and all his negotiations
with the native princes were from that day forward concluded more by
the influence of his great name, than by the energy of his determined
character.

But impetuous and ardent as was the tone of his mind, it is a
remarkable part of his praise that he never suffered it to forsake
the control of moderation; that he was always able to check and
restrain it, and with a keen and cool glance to draw the line between
the romantic and the useful, between the dictates of an intoxicating
success, and that grand but practicable scheme of conquest and policy,
which could give security and permanence to what had been achieved.
After he had subdued the rich provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa,
and had become, in fact, the arbiter of India, a wide scope was opened
for his ambition. He was strongly urged by the Emperor of Hindostan
to march to Delhi to restore him to the capital and throne of his
ancestors. No project could be more alluring to a bold and ambitious
man like Clive; and he saw and acknowledged that it was perfectly
within his power. But it was anticipating the events of forty years.
His well regulated mind perceived that great and flattering as was the
glory of such a transaction, and high as it would raise his name, it
would be contrary to sound policy and hurtful to his country. In the
very midst of his career of victory he took every occasion to inculcate
moderation. He pointed out that Bengal and its dependent provinces, we
were able to govern, and could defend by a small well disciplined army,
leaving a surplus revenue such as hardly any other country on earth
could yield; but that the moment we passed its frontiers and engaged in
the contests of the native princes, our very success would be ruinous
to our finances; and our armies and other establishments, which must
be indefinitely enlarged, would more than swallow up all the produce
both of our revenue and our trade. Succeeding events have strikingly
confirmed the dictates of his foresight.

Those who would lessen his fame, by representing him as victorious only
over Indian armies, forget, that he had the same success against the
French and the Dutch, perhaps at that time the two most enlightened and
bravest nations in Europe. But it was not at the head of armies alone
that his talents were conspicuous. He was a remarkable man in all the
circumstances of life. The truth is, that he always carried about with
him the instrument of his success,--a fearless mind, acting on a sober
and dispassionate view of human character, and directed to its object
with undoubting confidence and unflinching resolution. Aided by his
countrymen and by European discipline, he had performed much in the
field against native armies. But his success was the same when he stood
almost single against his countrymen, and against the soldiers whom
he had led to victory. On his last return to Bengal, he found a whole
settlement, from the chiefs and leading men, down to the last imported
boy, combined to thwart and oppose him. The Governor, the Council, the
heads of factories, the leading men in the civil service, were all
hostile. Even of the few who had accompanied him as auxiliaries to the
East, some tottered. The strongest of human motives, the love of power,
the love of reputation, the love of money, were enlisted against him.
But he had come determined to perform a great and arduous duty to his
country, or to die in the exertion. So he often expresses himself. And
though opposed by those who should have aided him, he commenced the
odious and invidious work of reform, guided by perfect justice, but
with undeviating firmness, and himself exhibiting the most conspicuous
proofs of disinterestedness and devotion to his trust. In the course
of eighteen months, by the use of unwilling and hostile instruments,
supported by his own powerful genius, which spread a secret awe
around him, he subdued the civil combination which had threatened to
obstruct all the measures of Government, and to confirm and increase
the evil effect of the vicious system that had previously prevailed, so
destructive to the internal peace of the country, and to the beneficial
management of its civil, its mercantile, and financial concerns.[208]
The same commanding spirit was equally discernible in the bold front
with which he met the demands of the army in mutiny. He did not seek
to appease them by artful concessions, by holding out hopes, that at
a future time their claims might be listened to. He came attended by
a firm sense of right, an invincible mind, and by the lustre of his
life of glory. He spoke to them only of duty and of submission, and he
did not speak in vain. He punished the guilty; he pardoned those who
had been misled. He may be said to have triumphed over the very engine
of his own fame. Had a sceptic desired an irrefragable proof of the
influence of individual superiority of mind, he could have devised none
more decisive than those two instances in the life of this illustrious
man.

It was an almost necessary consequence of the ardour of his
temperament, that he was impatient of opposition. The measures of his
government were in general all his own. He did not brook interference,
and the ascendancy which he gained over all about him, seldom exposed
him to it. In such cases he was often, not merely resolute, but
stern. He had in a remarkable degree, what is an uniform attendant on
successful talent, the faculty of distinguishing and employing men
of merit. During his whole career, his friends were the most eminent
men in the country, or within his reach; and what is an honourable
distinction, and throws a strong light on his character, they will be
found to be the most distinguished, not only for abilities, but for
virtue.

So much has already been said of the charges brought against him,
on the ground of the presents which he received, that it is hardly
necessary to revert to the subject. The accusation is very abhorrent
to the lofty and generous character of the man. It has been remarked,
that one remarkable feature of his acquisitions is, that they were all
of the same description, either his share of prize-money, or of what
stood in lieu of it, or gifts bestowed by the prince as a reward for
eminent services: for the service first, of raising him to the throne,
and next, of securing him in it. All his acquisitions were directly
from the state or the prince. These, it may be asserted, were only the
natural result of the customs and notions of the time and country;
and certainly not more than the Nabob would have bestowed, or been
expected to bestow, on any one of his own subjects who had rendered
him a similar service. And when we consider the rewards voted by the
British Parliament to illustrious public servants, who, having received
the pay, the emoluments, the rank, and honours of the service, had no
claim on the public purse, but public gratitude, we shall probably be
disposed to allow, that the gratifications bestowed on Lord Clive, in
lieu of all these, as they were perfectly in unison with the usages
of the country where they were granted, were neither immoderate nor
ill-timed, but such as the situation fully justified.

"Lord Clive's second appointment to India," says Sir John Malcolm[209],
"though called for by the Proprietors and the public, was warmly
opposed by a considerable party in the Direction; and his enemies in
that body, recruiting their strength from all whom he had disgraced
or punished, subsequently obtained a majority. Neither their efforts,
however, nor the combined talent which was arrayed against him in
Parliament, could daunt his courage; and he defended his own character
with a manliness and eloquence that gave him a complete triumph over
all his opponents.

"The character of Lord Clive is associated with the rise of our power
in India, and in that view merits much of our attention. Whether we
consider his military or political career; the knowledge he displayed
of the natives of India, their institutions and government; his efforts
to introduce order and principle into what was shapeless and without
system; the promptness and courage with which he quelled a mutinous and
insubordinate spirit in the military and civil officers of government;
his use of victory, the efforts he made and recommended to consolidate
the strength, and to improve the administration of our empire in the
East; we are equally astonished at the extraordinary extent of the
powers of his mind. Nevertheless, no man was ever more violently
assailed and calumniated by his cotemporaries. When events, over which
he had no control, disappointed those hopes which his successes had
raised, his opponents took advantage of the change in the public mind,
to reproach him with results, which were chiefly to be attributed to
their own factions and mismanagement. The prejudices excited by their
efforts have been continued by orators and authors, who, treating
Indian subjects without reference to those local circumstances and
considerations which peculiarly embarrass them, have pleased and
satisfied general and uninformed men, by reducing the most complex
points of policy to an easy abstract question. The necessity under
which those who exercise power in India act, the comparative dangers
they have to encounter or avoid, the means they have of executing one
plan, or the want of means for another, the feelings and character of
princes, and of nations, which they may flatter or offend, are to such
persons matters of little consequence. Their conclusions are drawn from
simpler sources, and they reject, as prejudiced and polluted, that
minute information and local experience, which, if admitted, might
destroy their favourite theories, or cast a doubt upon the validity of
those fixed rules and principles by which they consider that the wisdom
of every measure ought to be tried and decided.

"With these persons the scene of Indian warfare and policy is degraded
to a low level, and the actors reduced to insignificance when compared
with those who appear upon the stage in the _western_ hemisphere.
Nothing in India, if we refer to such authorities, is upon a great
scale, except the errors and crimes of British rulers, to the actions
of all of whom they apply a standard framed for a wholly different
state of society and government. According to such self-constituted
judges, the claim of Lord Clive to the admiration of posterity is very
equivocal. But his fame will rise the more the particulars of his
eventful life are made known. These will prove that his qualities as a
statesman almost surpassed those he displayed as a military commander."

If the opinion of those whom he governed can have any weight in
forming our judgment, it is certain that by the natives of India, no
incurious observers of character, and who felt the influence of his
virtues or defects, he was held in the highest respect and reverence.
They admired his success in war, and during his government enjoyed
all the ease and security, which it is the first object of government
to bestow. Every attempt at oppression or injustice he checked with
inexorable firmness. There were indeed complaints heard, but they were
the complaints, not of natives who suffered, but of his countrymen,
whom his vigour restrained within the limits of justice and right.

His habits in the field were those of a soldier, and simple. Fond of
rapid marches and bold attacks, he was an enemy to those incumbrances
of needless baggage which so often impede the operations of armies.
He shared in the hardships of his soldiers, and was much among them.
He trusted for respect, even among the natives of the East, who are
supposed to worship pomp, not to parade, but to the splendour diffused
around him by his exploits and his renown. The translator of the Seir
Mutaqherin, himself a Frenchman, draws a lively contrast between his
habits, and those of the justly celebrated Bussy, who, probably on
system, adopted a different course. "M. de Bussy," says he, "always
wore embroidered clothes, or brocade, with an embroidered hat; and, in
days of ceremony, embroidered shoes of black velvet. He was seen in
an immense tent, full sufficient for six hundred men, of about thirty
feet in elevation; at one end of this tent he sat on an arm-chair,
embroidered with the king's arms, placed upon an elevation, which last
was covered by a crimson carpet of embroidered velvet: at his right,
but upon back chairs only, sat a dozen of his officers. Over against
him, his French guard on horseback, and behind these, his Turkish
guards; his table, always in plate, was served with three, often with
four services. To this French magnificence he added all the parade
and pageant of Hindoostany manners and customs, a numerous set of
tents, a pish-qhana; always on an elephant himself, as were all his
officers. He was preceded by chopdars on horseback, and by a set of
musicians, singing his feats of chivalry, with always two head-chopdars
reciting his eulogium. Colonel Clive always wore his regimentals in
the field, was always on horseback, and never rode in a palanquin; he
had a plentiful table, but no ways delicate, and never more than two
services. He used to march mostly at the head of the column, with his
aid-de-camps, or was hunting at the right and left. He never wore silks
but in town."[210]

It is to be regretted that, after his return to England, he was induced
to enter into the disputes of the India House. They could hardly, in
any case, have proved satisfactory; and they certainly, in their
consequences, served to embitter his life. Yet it may be said that
it was difficult for one who had acted so distinguished a part in
the affairs of the Company, at once to renounce all active concern
in them; and that he had a natural desire, both to assist in some
degree in the management of affairs which he was so well qualified to
direct, and to promote, by his influence, the interest of his friends.
The parliamentary influence which he acquired must have been very
considerable. It would seem that it extended, in different degrees,
to Shropshire, Montgomery, Radnor, Monmouth, Shrewsbury, Worcester,
Bishops-Castle, Ludlow, Pontefract, to Clare in Ireland, and probably
to several other places.

In his politics, though a warm admirer of Lord Chatham, he was a steady
adherent of his friend Mr. George Grenville, and of moderate Whig
principles. He seldom spoke in the House, except on Indian affairs,
and especially in justification of his own conduct. From the few
specimens of his speeches that have been preserved, it would appear
that they were full of matter, closely argumentative, bold, manly, and
energetic. He seems to have acquired more ease in the management and
expression of his ideas than could have been expected from one whose
previous pursuits had been so different: his power lay in strong facts
and decided principles, plainly but vigorously expressed. Mr. Beaufoy
informs us, that "when the attack upon his conduct had called into
action the powers of his mind, his eloquence was such as has not been
often surpassed."[211] One who knew him, speaking of the same period,
says, "Not long after this event I was fortunate enough to meet the
great Lord Chatham at the chase, near Bonnet, and to hear him declare
that Lord Clive's speech on that subject was one of the most finished
pieces of eloquence he had ever heard in the House of Commons." It was
the natural eloquence of a powerful mind thrown into motion by unworthy
accusations, of a man who was master of his subject, eager to persuade,
and who used the simplest words to express the strongest ideas.

In private life he was much beloved, and possessed the warm affection
of a wide circle of friends, many of whom had been deeply indebted to
his generosity; for no man ever employed a princely fortune with more
liberality. He was steady in his attachments, and seldom lost a friend;
Mr. Vansittart, who was sore harassed between his friendship for Clive
and his connection with Mr. Sulivan, is perhaps the only instance
of consequence. As he was a steady friend, he was a resolute enemy,
but without vindictiveness. His gift of 70,000_l._ for the support of
officers and men invalided in the Company's service in India, must rank
among the noblest of living benefactions.

"His person," we are told, "was of the largest of the middle size; his
countenance inclined to sadness, and the heaviness of his brow imparted
an unpleasing expression to his features. It was a heaviness that
arose, not from the prevalence of the unsocial passions (for of these
few men had a smaller share), but from a natural fulness in the flesh
above the eyelid. His words were few, and his manner among strangers
was reserved. Yet it won the confidence of men, and gained admission
to the heart. Among his intimate friends he had great pleasantry and
jocoseness, and on some occasions was too open."[212]

By his wife, Margaret Maskelyne, he left Edward, the present Earl of
Powis, born March 7. 1754; Rebecca, born September 15. 1760; Charlotte,
born January 15. 1762; Margaret, born August 15. 1763, and Robert, born
August 31. 1769.

At the time of his death he was Lord Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum
of the counties of Salop and of Montgomery, Major-General in the East
Indies, and representative in Parliament for the town of Shrewsbury.
He was a member of the Royal Society, and had been honoured with the
degree of Doctor of Laws.

India has produced many illustrious men both in his time and since; but
none of them has yet obscured or equalled the fame of Clive.

Before concluding, it may be proper to say a few words as to his views
of Indian policy; and it is not to be forgotten, that whatever he
undertook during his residence in India, he effected. It is much to
be regretted, that his health drove him out of the country, when he
had nearly made up his mind to remain there another year; a period,
short as it was, in which he might have done much to consolidate and
give effect to the system which he had established. The state of
the European population, eager to be rich, and fretting under every
restraint placed on their cupidity, required a hand as firm and steady
as his to keep it in check. It has, indeed, been affirmed, that he
had no capacity for a comprehensive scheme, including any moderate
anticipation of the future. This assertion seems to have been hazarded
on very inadequate grounds. He made many communications at various
times to the Ministry and to the Court of Directors. These, though
chiefly confined to the local and temporary objects for which they
were asked, to plans for remedying defects in the civil or military
establishments, as they were felt, show no deficiency in comprehensive
views, but are full of the deepest observation. It may be safely
affirmed, that the views of no statesman of the times (if we except
Burke, who is an exception to every thing,) contain more political and
practical foresight directed to Indian affairs. And a proof of this
is, that many of the plans which he at that early period proposed,
have since been gradually adopted. He did not conceal his opinion
either from his friends or in Parliament, that he saw no public body
either in England or India duly competent to the administration of our
concerns in the East. He early came to a conclusion that "the charters
granted for the guidance of a limited company of merchants, could not
be adequate to the government of an extensive empire."[213] At the same
time, he justly regarded the British Ministry, the Court of Directors,
and the Court of Proprietors, as all of them profoundly ignorant of
Indian concerns, and as being, from their composition, devised for
totally different objects, very unfit to direct them. These elements,
however, could not be got rid of, and it was evident that any plan
proposed must include them as a portion of it. He always contended,
that the first step towards an improved management of our concerns
in India must be a reform at home, in the constitution of the Court
of Directors and Court of Proprietors. He proposed some changes, not
because they were sufficient, but because they were practicable, and
suggested that the Directors, instead of being changed annually, should
remain in office for several years; and that the business, instead of
coming on in the first instance before all, should be arranged in small
Committees. He suggested, that two of the Directors should be appointed
by the Crown, an idea in which we see the germ of the Board of Control.
In India, he saw that Councils of sixteen equals, were hot-beds
of dissension, rendered the satisfactory transaction of business
impossible, and responsibility null, by diffusing it. He conceived,
that a Council of not more than five persons was infinitely preferable;
that the Government of Bengal should, in cases of exigency, have the
power of issuing orders to the Governments of the other Presidencies;
and that in certain cases the President should have the power, on his
own responsibility, of acting contrary to the opinion of his Council:
the higher classes of English, those concerned in the government,
and at the head of departments, he wished to restrain from trade
altogether, and to pay them ample allowances; to this purpose he would
have devoted the proceeds of the Salt-tax, for such in reality, under
another name, were the gains of the Society of Trade: if their large
salaries did not make them honest, they at least left no pretence for
dishonesty, and turned more strongly against them the moral feelings of
their judges: the Company's civil servants he did not wish to employ
in the lower details of the financial or judicial establishments: he
was earnestly bent on changing as little of the native institutions
as possible; to do at least no harm; to govern India by Indians; to
leave things as they were till we saw our way, reserving for the
English only the reins of government, the general superintendence,
a controlling and directing power, and the command of the military
force. The system which he found, and under which, as all Europeans
then on the spot agreed, the country had reached a degree of prosperity
hardly to be equalled elsewhere in the East, he wished to retain. In
regard to the revenue, a matter of so much practical consequence to
the happiness of every country, he held that the taxes were not to be
extended beyond the state in which we found them, without the greatest
caution; he suggested that Government should grant leases of land, to
prevent the exactions to which the ryots were exposed in the laying on
of the annual impost. To the natives he wished to leave the internal
trade, confining the English to the foreign import and export trade,
as formerly: he was anxious that the natives should have the entire
management of their own concerns, undisturbed as far as possible by the
intrusion of Europeans, whose misconduct, which in many instances had
been carried to a grievous excess, there was at that time no judicial
or political machinery for keeping in order. He did not, however, adopt
the wild idea of introducing English laws into a country for which they
had never been framed. With more wisdom than has even yet been shown by
the Legislature, he recommended that the Company should be authorised
to send out an Attorney-General with some able lawyers, (not certainly,
however, the most proper persons, especially if a majority,) to new
model and regulate the Courts of Justice, and that, with the assistance
of the Governor-General and Council, they should form a system of
regulations proper for our settlements, pointing out the defects that
existed, as well as the proper remedies. He concluded with perfect
truth, "that the attempt to introduce the English laws throughout our
possessions in India would be absurd and impracticable." He foresaw,
from the spirit of the times, that expense was the rock on which the
Government was likely to split, and used every means in his power to
raise barriers against it. It was partly this which made him recommend
that we should confine ourselves to a rich but limited territory, a
small army, and few but well-paid English servants, and not plunge
into the wide sea of Indian politics. He foretold, that if every thing
was to be done directly by Company's servants, and if the expenses of
fortifications and cantonments continued on the extravagant scale then
in operation, the revenues of India, far from affording a surplus to be
conveyed to England, would not long suffice even to support our various
establishments on the spot. His predictions were soon verified; though
there was but an inconsiderable change in the amount of the actual
revenue, yet the expenses of the army, of buildings, fortifications,
commissariat of every department, joined to the ill-conducted wars at
Madras, had, in the course of a few years, increased so much, that the
large free produce which he had left was totally absorbed. Indeed,
such is the natural course of human affairs; and the only question
is, whether even an energy like his, could have rendered possessions
so distant permanently productive. He saw the means of defending our
possessions against the native powers, by well-timed attention to
their operations; but the French, a more formidable enemy, had only
recently lost their Indian possessions, and he looked forward to more
imminent danger from their designs, especially if by their means the
resistance, then only threatened in America, became successful: for
that America, he observes, will sooner or latter become independent,
there can be no question[214]: an observation which, in 1772, when both
the Government and the nation looked upon any resistance to be made by
the Americans as futile, evinced no common sagacity.

To examine the various plans which he furnished, both in India
and Europe, for the improvement of the Company's affairs and
establishments, as well as for the conduct of their external relations,
though to one who traced the progress of Indian policy it might be no
unimportant employment, would occupy more time than could be afforded
in a Memoir like this. The materials are sufficiently ample. Lord
Clive, even when on the worst terms with the managing servants of the
Company, uniformly felt a strong attachment and warm gratitude to the
body itself, to which his early feelings had bound him; and he was
always ready to pour out his knowledge for its benefit. It was a
subject in which he was at home, and he felt a laudable pleasure in the
hopes of benefiting his early patrons, and the nations he had conquered
and ruled, by the matured fruits of his observation and experience.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 168: Dated 9th May, 1771.]

[Footnote 169: This was on the illumination in consequence of the
release from the Tower of the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver, who had
been committed to custody for imprisoning a Serjeant-at-arms of the
House of Commons.]

[Footnote 170: Then Secretary of State.]

[Footnote 171: 12th May.]

[Footnote 172: This was when a rupture was expected between the Courts
of St. James's and Versailles.]

[Footnote 173: Dated 7th January, 1772.]

[Footnote 174: 21st January, 1772.]

[Footnote 175: Almon's Debates, for 1772, p. 360.; Annual Register,
1772.]

[Footnote 176: A native trader, and agent.]

[Footnote 177: Lord Clive's speech is given in Almon's Debates, and was
published separately.]

[Footnote 178: Almon's Debates.]

[Footnote 179: 13th April.]

[Footnote 180: 10th June.]

[Footnote 181: 15th June.]

[Footnote 182: Walcot, 20th September, 1772.]

[Footnote 183: Letter to Mr. Strachey, dated Walcot, 7th November,
1772.]

[Footnote 184: The Parliament had been summoned to meet before the
Christmas holidays, for the despatch of business.]

[Footnote 185: An abstract of it may be found in the Historical View of
Plans for the Government of British India, Lond. 1793, 4to., pp. 55-70.]

[Footnote 186: Seventh Report of the Committee of Secresy, 1773, pp.
51, 52. The historical articles of the Annual Register for 1772 and
1773 are ably written, and show a great acquaintance with Indian
affairs and the feelings of parties. Mill's History gives a good
abstract of these proceedings.]

[Footnote 187: Lieutenant-General the Hon. ---- Monckton; George
Cuming, Wm. Devaynes, Peter Lascelles, Daniel Wier, and Edward Wheler,
Esquires.]

[Footnote 188: 2d February, 1773.]

[Footnote 189: Mr. Strachey's paper.]

[Footnote 190: Almon's Debates, 1773.]

[Footnote 191: Third Report of the Select Committee, p. 19.]

[Footnote 192: Mr. Sulivan.]

[Footnote 193: A gentleman who was present, on the 3d of May, at the
debate already mentioned, in writing to a friend, observes: "Lord
Clive's speech was certainly a very able one, but it was not calculated
to conciliate matters. He laid about him on all sides: he reprehended
the Court of Directors, past and present: the Court of Proprietors, the
citizens of London, the country gentlemen of England, the servants of
the Company abroad, the Secret and Select Committees, the Opposition,
the Minister and Ministry. He paid a compliment to the King. He
declared he would support Government, where he could do it honourably.
He offended the Opposition, without gaining the Minister. I suspected
so then,--I am now convinced of it." Of the debate of the 10th he says,
"I was in the House all this day, and had the mortification to hear the
transactions in India, for these last sixteen years, treated, without
distinction, as a disgrace to this nation; but without the smallest
idea of restoring to the injured natives of India the territories and
revenues said to have been so unjustly acquired."]

[Footnote 194: The letter of 30th of September, 1765, from the Select
Committee to the Court of Directors, in which par. 5-13. contain the
details of the delinquency of Mr. Johnstone, the Governor, and Council.]

[Footnote 195: The question relating to Meer Jaffier's legacy, the
subject of the Fifth Report of the Select Committee.]

[Footnote 196: This report of Colonel Burgoyne's speech is from the
notes in pencil of a member who was present.]

[Footnote 197: It is to be regretted that no correct report of Lord
Clive's speech has been preserved. The notes now given, chiefly from
Almon's Debates, have the air of being made up of fragments of speeches
delivered at different times at this crisis. Some assistance has been
derived from a letter of Archibald Sarton, Esq., who was present.]

[Footnote 198: Mr. Samuel Wilks.]

[Footnote 199: "On this point," says a well-informed writer in the
Annual Register (1773, p. 107.), "the grand struggle was made. Those
who speculate, observed an extraordinary division of those who, on all
other occasions, acted together. The Minister declared in favour of
the words of censure on Lord Clive, and divided in the minority. The
Attorney-General was a principal in the attack; the Solicitor-General
managed the defence. The courtiers went different ways. The most
considerable part of the opposition supported Lord Clive, though he had
joined administration and supported them in their proceedings against
the Company."]

[Footnote 200: There is a very great confusion in the Parliamentary
Reports regarding the proceedings connected with the attack on Lord
Clive. Reports were then published only surreptitiously, and were often
incorrect. The dates of the different debates are given differently in
different publications; and speeches are referred to wrong occasions,
or several mixed up together. This is the case even with Almon's
Debates, in which what is given as Lord Clive's speech of 3d May, 1773,
contains portions, evidently inaccurate, of his speeches on that and
future days.]

[Footnote 201: 14th October, 1773.]

[Footnote 202: Adolphus's History of England, vol. ii. p. 25. _note._]

[Footnote 203: Dr. John Moore.]

[Footnote 204: These attempts had the effect of making known some
instances of Lord Clive's disinterested conduct. The following is an
extract of a letter from Mr. Sage to Captain Archibald Swinton (March,
1774), who had written to inquire into the truth of some of these
allegations:--"In contradiction of the imputation on Lord Clive, of
having accepted of presents when he was last in India, I declare that I
never heard of his receiving any, beyond the congratulatory khilats or
dresses[205]; and I remember, when I was Chief at Benares, that Bulwaut
Sing, when he went to meet Lord Clive at Chupprah, carried with him two
very fine diamonds, in order to present them to his Lordship, which I
know he brought back again, and declared that Lord Clive had refused to
accept them." Letter in _Swinton MSS._

The testimony of another gentleman, who believed that he had some
reason to complain of Lord Clive, and who acknowledges that he was,
at the time, prejudiced against him, directly contradicts a similar
report. "It will be easily believed," says he, in a letter written
after Lord Clive's death, "that Lord Clive, who had been sent to India
to reform abuses, had left many enemies in Bengal, who sedulously
circulated reports unfavourable to him; among the rest, that he had
amassed immense wealth, when he was occupied in making the political
arrangements with the Mogul and his ministers. Although mortified and
disappointed at what I considered his Lordship's neglect of me, in
justice to him and to myself, I must be allowed to say, that after
the most diligent inquiries into Lord Clive's negotiations at that
time, both with the Mogul and Sujah-u-Dowlah, so far from having made
any addition to his fortune at that period, he had refused to accept
the present even of a diamond ring. In consequence of some dispute
between the Vizier and his deputy, Sir Robert Barker was directed, by
the government of Calcutta, to pay Sujah-u-Dowlah a visit at Fiezabad,
in which I, of course, accompanied him.[206] It may be supposed that
I availed myself of such an opportunity of endeavouring to ascertain
the truth or falsehood of the above-mentioned reports. And I do not
hesitate to declare, most solemnly, that Sujah-u-Dowlah himself
personally assured me, that it was true he had offered him a large
sum of money, together with a casket of valuable jewels; but with
great politeness, yet without a moment's hesitation, the offer had
been peremptorily refused."--"Few men, under similar circumstances,"
continues the narrator, "would have refused to have added at least half
a million to his fortune. At the instant this information was received,
it is possible some little puerile resentment was still lurking in
my mind against his Lordship; but, from that time, I have always
strenuously contradicted all such groundless reports, and, to the best
of my feeble abilities, have done justice to his character." These
extracts are not given to do honour to Lord Clive's character; but,
when an accusation is made, an answer is looked for, and it is enough
if it wipes off a stain. Lord Clive, during his last residence in
India, was under a covenant to receive no presents, and that engagement
he faithfully fulfilled. In doing so, he merely acted as an honest
man. But his upright discharge of his duty, in enforcing the same rule
against others, converted into enemies numbers who, by his honour and
vigilance, were prevented from benefiting by a custom, that from a
change of circumstances had become an intolerable abuse.]

[Footnote 205: These were all allowed for in his accounts as Governor,
which he had presented to the Company.]

[Footnote 206: As Persian Interpreter.]

[Footnote 207: 15th May, 1765.]

[Footnote 208: It is painful to perceive that a writer so intelligent,
so industrious, and so anxious to be impartial, as Mr. Mill, should
have conceived what, in several instances, seem to be unjust prejudices
against Lord Clive. Thus, he blames him for superseding the Council by
the Select Committee. But it is clear that if Lord Clive had allowed
his acts to be controlled by the Council, as it was constituted, "the
sixteen Governors," he could have effected nothing. All that he did was
in spite of them. The majority seem to have been thoroughly corrupt.
It was only by means of the Select Committee, which he animated with
his own spirit, that any redress of grievances was possible. Lord Clive
always saw and wrote that these unwieldy Councils were totally unfit
for the government of the country; and every successive legislature
has sanctioned his opinion, by reducing their numbers more and more. A
large executive council and a large representative body, nobody knows
better than Mr. M., are totally different things. If the one is a
blessing, the other is a nuisance.]

[Footnote 209: Political India, vol. ii. p. 29-32.]

[Footnote 210: Seir Mutaqherin, vol. iii. p. 150. _Note._]

[Footnote 211: Biog. Britannica, 2d edit., _art._ Clive.]

[Footnote 212: Biog. Brit., ut supra.]

[Footnote 213: Historical Views, &c. p. 57.]

[Footnote 214: Historical View of Plans, &c. p. 62.]




  APPENDIX.

  AGREEMENT

  BETWEEN

  THE EAST INDIA COMPANY

  AND THE

  RIGHT HON. LORD CLIVE,

  RESPECTING

  THE FUND

  ESTABLISHED FOR RELIEF OF THE HONOURABLE
  COMPANY'S MILITARY,

  _Dated April 6. 1770_:

  TOGETHER WITH

  GENERAL REGULATIONS

  FOR

  TRANSACTING THE BUSINESS OF THE SAID FUND,

  AND

  INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE PENSIONERS.


 [NOTES TO AGREEMENT
  see TN at end of book]

[Sidenote A: The eight lacks to bear 8 per cent. interest.]

[Sidenote B: Interest to be paid in London.]

[Sidenote C: Court of Directors and their successors to be perpetual
trustees.]

[Sidenote D: The trust to commence from the 29th of September, 1769.]

[Sidenote E: To be for relief and maintenance of European officers
and soldiers, invalids or superannuated, their widows, or widows of
officers and soldiers dying in the service.]

[Sidenote F: Commissioned, staff, or warrant officers, to have half the
ordinary stated pay they were entitled to whilst in service.]

[Sidenote G: Serjeants, corporals, and private men, the like pay as the
Chelsea pensioners of the same degrees.]

[Sidenote H: Widows of officers and soldiers, one fourth of the
ordinary stated pay their husbands enjoyed whilst in service.]

[Sidenote I: To be paid yearly and every year during their natural
lives.]

[Sidenote J: Widows to be admitted on such testimonials only as the
Court of Directors shall approve.]

[Sidenote K: To continue during widowhood, and no longer.]

[Sidenote L: No officer or soldier to be admitted, unless disabled by
wounds, or rendered incapable by age or other accidents. The Directors
to be judges.]

[Sidenote M: Officers and soldiers must produce a certificate from
their commanding officer, of their being invalids and unfit for service
in India; and an approbation of such certificate from the Governor
and Council. The Court may admit petitioners in the Company's service
residing in England, if they shall judge them fit objects.]

[Sidenote N: A colonel must swear he is not possessed of, or
entitled to, real and personal estate to the value of 4,000_l._; a
lieutenant-colonel, of 3,000_l._; a major, of 2,500_l._; a captain, of
2,000_l._; a lieutenant, of 1,000_l._; and an ensign of 750_l._]

[Sidenote O: Widows must lay before the Court satisfactory evidence
that their respective husbands did not die worth the sums above
specified.]

[Sidenote [P]: To be entitled from the times of their arrival in
England.]

[Sidenote [Q]: All disputes or doubts concerning qualifications of
petitioners, distribution, or times of payment, to be decided by the
Court of Directors only.]

[Sidenote [R]: Interest on the eight lacks due 29th September 1769,
value 24,128_l._, to be erected into capital, and to carry 8 per cent.
interest from that time.]

[Sidenote [S]: The contingent fund is to be appropriated for all
incident expenses of carrying the fund into execution, and for such
objects of charity belonging to the military, their widows or families,
as the Court shall think fit.]

[Sidenote T: If the Company should lose or part with their territorial
possessions in Bengal, so that Lord Clive's jaghire should cease before
the term agreed upon, or if the Company should cease to maintain a
military force in India before 1784, in either case the five lacks to
be restored to Lord Clive or his executors, but chargeable with the
proportion of all the pensions assigned on the eight lacks generally.]

[Sidenote U: If the Company employ no military force in India after
1784, the interest of the eight lacks to be applied for relief of
officers and seamen, invalids or superannuated, and the widows of such
of them as shall die in their service, during widowhood only.]

[Sidenote V: If after 1784, the Company shall cease to employ either
troops or shipping, they shall repay Lord Clive, or his executors, the
five lacks chargeable with the pensions that may then be upon them.]

AGREEMENT

BETWEEN THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE RIGHT HON. LORD CLIVE.
(see transcribers note at end of book)

[Preamble.]

This Indenture, made the 6th day of April, in the tenth year of the
reign of our sovereign Lord George the Third, by the grace of God, of
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, and
in the year of our Lord 1770; between the United Company of Merchants
of England trading to the East Indies, of the one part, and the Right
Honourable Robert Lord Clive, Baron of Plassey, in the kingdom of
Ireland, and Knight of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, of the
other part. Whereas Meer Mahomed Jaffier Cawn, deceased, late Nabob
of the kingdom or province of Bengal, did before his death, in the
presence of three witnesses, (to wit) Najim al Dowla, his son, Lady
Begam, his wife, and Meha Rajah Nuncomar, according to the form and
manner of testamentary acts used in that country, bequeath unto the
said Robert Lord Clive, out of the monies and effects which the said
nabob had in his possession, the sum of three lacks of rupees, 50,000
rupees in money, 50,000 rupees in jewels, and one lack in gold mohurs,
in all five lacks of rupees, as by the contents of the said bequest,
contained in three certificates, made by the aforesaid witnesses, in
the Persian language, and the translations thereof into the English
language, now in the custody of the said Company, may more fully
appear: And whereas, at the time of the said Meer Jaffier's death, the
said Robert Lord Clive was at sea, on his voyage from England to India,
and after his arrival in the province of Bengal, Najim al Dowla, eldest
son of the said Meer Jaffier, did, agreeably to the commands of his
said father, pay to the said Robert Lord Clive the said five lacks of
sicca rupees, of the value of 62,833_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ sterling, which
the said Robert Lord Clive paid into the said East India Company's
treasury at Calcutta, at different times, in the year of our Lord 1766,
and thereupon notes were signed to his Lordship for the same five lacks
of sicca rupees, carrying interest after the rate of 8_l._ per cent.
per annum sterling, until paid: And whereas the said Robert Lord Clive,
being zealous for the prosperity of the said Company, the security of
their territories and territorial revenues in India belonging to them,
and their trade and commerce, which greatly depend on the bravery
and conduct of the said Company's troops, and considering that the
establishment of a provision for such of the officers and private men
employed in the Company's service as should be disabled by age, war,
or disease contracted during their service, would tend to induce fit
persons to enter into the said service, and encourage the bravery of
the soldiery employed therein, hath proposed to the Court of Directors
of the said United Company to appropriate the interest of the said
five lacks of rupees for the support of a certain number of officers,
non-commission officers, and private men, in the service of the said
Company, who from wounds, length of service, or diseases contracted
during their service, were unable or unfit to serve any longer, and
whose fortunes might be too scanty to afford the officers a decent,
and the private men a comfortable, subsistence in their native country;
and also to make some provision for the widows of such officers and
private men, as should have been entitled to the said bounty, or whose
husbands should have lost their lives in the said United Company's
service: And whereas Syf-ul Dowla, the present Nabob of Bengal
aforesaid, hath given to the said United Company the sum of three lacks
of rupees, as an addition to the above-mentioned fund: And whereas the
said three lacks of rupees were carried to account in the said United
Company's treasury, in the month of April, 1767, and the said Company's
note for the said three lacks of sicca rupees, amounting to the sum of
37,700_l._ sterling, carrying interest after the rate of 8_l._ by the
hundred by the year, was issued from the said Company's treasury at
Calcutta, payable to the said Robert Lord Clive: And whereas the said
Robert Lord Clive hath also proposed that the said Court of Directors,
and their successors, shall be perpetual trustees of the said fund of
five lacks of rupees, as well as of the said three lacks of rupees,
for the due application and appropriation of the interest and produce
thereof, which said trust the said Court of Directors have consented
and agreed to accept of: And whereas it has been agreed by and between
the said Robert Lord Clive and the said Court of Directors, that the
said eight lacks of rupees shall, from the 29th day of September,
which was in the year of our Lord 1766, carry interest at and after
the said rate of 8_l._ by the hundred by the year, upon and subject to
the several trusts, conditions, agreements, and provisoes herein-after
mentioned: And whereas the said Robert Lord Clive, in pursuance of
the said agreement, hath delivered up the said cash notes for five
lacks, and three lacks of rupees, to the said Court of Directors, to
be cancelled: Now this Indenture witnesseth, that for the better and
more effectually carrying the aforesaid agreement into execution, it
is hereby mutually covenanted, concluded, declared, and agreed, by and
between the said Robert Lord Clive and the said United Company,[A] that
the said eight lacks of rupees shall remain in the hands or treasury
of the said United Company, who shall yearly, and every year, at their
house or office in Leadenhall Street, London,[B] or in any other house
or place where the business of the said Company shall be transacted and
carried on, pay and allow the sum of 8042_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ of lawful
money of Great Britain, for and in lieu of interest of the said eight
lacks of rupees, being after the rate of 8_l._ by the hundred by the
year, to such persons, in such proportions, and for such purposes,
as are herein-after mentioned of and concerning the same. And it is
further covenanted, concluded, and agreed upon, between the said
parties, that [C]the Court of Directors of the said United Company,
and their successors, shall be perpetual trustees, subject to the
agreements and provisoes herein-after contained, of the said fund of
eight lacks of rupees, for the due application and appropriation of the
interest and produce thereof, from the 29th day of September[D] last
past, to and amongst, and for the relief and maintenance of European
officers and soldiers,[E] who shall become invalids or superannuated
in the said United Company's service, and of their widows, and also
the widows of such officers and soldiers as shall die in the said
United Company's service, in the shares, dividends, and proportions
following; (that is to say,) to all commissioned and staff or warrant
officers,[F] one moiety or half part of the ordinary stated pay they
were respectively entitled to whilst in commission or service; to all
serjeants, corporals, and private men,[G] the like pay as is allowed
and payable to the out-pensioners, of the same ranks or degrees,
belonging to Chelsea Hospital; and to the several widows[H] of all
such officers and soldiers, one quarter or fourth part of the ordinary
stated pay their respective husbands were entitled to when in the
said United Company's service, yearly and every year, during their
several and respective natural lives.[I] But it is declared, that the
provisions hereby intended for such widows shall be paid upon such
certificates and testimonials[J] only as the Court of Directors for
the time being shall think reasonable or necessary to entitle them
thereunto, and shall be payable during their respective widowhoods, but
no longer;[K] and in case of their intermarriages, then such provision
shall from thenceforth cease. Provided always, and it is hereby further
concluded and agreed upon, by and between the said parties, that no
officer or soldier is to be or shall be entitled to any bounty or
provision, under or by virtue of these presents, unless he shall, in
the judgment of the Court of Directors of the said United Company for
the time being,[L] be found disabled by wounds, or rendered incapable
by age or other accidents, and unless he shall produce a certificate
from and under the hand of[M] his commanding officer of his being an
invalid, and rendered incapable of further service in India, together
with an approbation of such certificate by the Governor and Council of
the Presidency where such officer shall have served; but nevertheless,
if any officer or soldier in the said Company's service, residing
or being in England, shall apply to the said Court of Directors
to be admitted to the said bounty or provision, the said Court of
Directors shall admit such officer or soldier thereunto, if they shall
adjudge him to be a proper object of such bounty. Provided also, and
it is hereby further concluded and agreed upon, that the bounty or
provision hereby intended for and in favour of the said officers, is
only to extend to such of them as shall be obliged, through any of
the misfortunes above-mentioned, to return to England in indigent
circumstances; and that all and every such officers applying for such
bounty shall, previous to their becoming entitled thereto, according
to their several ranks or commissions, make oath in the most solemn
manner, before the Governor and Council, to the purport and effect
following; (that is to say,) [N]a colonel shall swear that he, or any
person or persons in trust for him, is or are not seised or possessed
of or entitled unto any real and personal estate, to the amount in
value together of 4,000_l._; a lieutenant-colonel, to the amount in
value of 3,000_l._; a major, to the amount in value of 2,500_l._; a
captain, to the amount in value of 2,000_l._; a lieutenant, to the
amount in value of 1,000_l._; and an ensign or cornet, to the amount
in value of 750_l._ And in case of the death of any officer of the
ranks above mentioned in the said United Company's service, the[O]
widow of every such officer, before she shall be admitted to partake
of the said bounty or pension, shall produce and lay before the Court
of Directors of the said United Company such evidence as to them shall
seem reasonable, that her husband, under whom she derives such claim,
did not die seised or possessed of real and personal estate to the
amount herein-before specified, according to his respective rank in the
said service. Provided nevertheless, and it is further concluded and
agreed upon, that the several persons applying for the benefit of the
said fund or bounty shall be admitted and become entitled thereto,[P]
according to the times of their respective arrivals in England; and in
case [Q]any disputes or differences shall happen or arise, touching or
concerning the qualifications of persons claiming right to pensions
under these presents, or the distribution thereof, or the times of
their being respectively entitled thereto, such differences or disputes
shall, from time to time, be decided and adjusted by the Court of
Directors of the said United Company, and not otherwise.[R] And whereas
the interest due from the said United Company upon the said cash notes
herein-before mentioned amounted, on the 29th day of September last, to
the sum of 24,128_l._, now it is hereby further concluded and agreed,
by and between the said parties to these presents, that the said sum
of 24,128_l._ shall remain in the hands of the said United Company in
India, and shall be deemed and considered as capital, and shall carry
interest from the said 29th day of September last, at and after the
rate of 8_l._ by the hundred by the year, which [S]interest or yearly
produce thereof shall be from time to time paid, disposed of, and
distributed by the Court of Directors of the said United Company for
the time being, in the first place, for the discharging all incident
charges and expenses attending carrying into execution the fund hereby
established, and subject thereto, unto and amongst such objects of
charity, belonging to the said United Company's military service, or
the widows or families of such objects, as the said Court of Directors
shall in their discretion think fit. Provided also, and the said United
Company do hereby covenant, promise, and agree, to and with the said
Robert Lord Clive, his executors, administrators, and assigns, that in
case the said United Company shall at any time hereafter, by any means
whatsoever,[T] otherwise than by the fate of war, be dispossessed or
deprived of, or part with their territorial possessions in Bengal, and
the revenues arising thereby, so that the jaghire granted unto and now
enjoyed by the said Robert Lord Clive shall, during the term agreed
upon between the said United Company and the said Robert Lord Clive
for the continuation thereof, cease to be paid unto his said Lordship,
or his assigns, or in case the said United Company shall, at any time
before the year of our Lord 1784, [U]cease to employ and maintain in
their immediate pay and service a military force in the East Indies,
then and in either of the said cases, the said United Company shall
and will forthwith pay unto the said Robert Lord Clive, his executors,
administrators, or assigns, at their treasury in Calcutta aforesaid,
the full sum of five lacks of sicca rupees, to and for his and
their own proper use and benefit, but subject nevertheless with the
interest of the aforesaid three lacks of rupees, in the proportion the
said respective sums bear to each other, to the payment of all such
pensions and annuities, as shall, at the time either of the aforesaid
contingencies shall happen, be payable out of or chargeable upon the
said trust fund, which said pensions and annuities it is hereby fully
understood and agreed, shall continue to be paid and payable out of
the interest of the said eight lacks of rupees, or such part thereof
as shall be wanting and necessary, during the lives of the several
persons then entitled thereto. And it is hereby further concluded and
agreed upon, between the said parties to these presents, that in case,
at any time after the commencement of the said year of our Lord 1784,
it shall so happen that the said United Company shall have no military
force in their actual pay or service in the East Indies, that then and
in such case the interest and produce of the said trust fund of eight
lacks of rupees shall from thenceforth, from time to time, be applied,
paid, and distributed towards the support, relief, and provision of
marine officers and seamen who shall become invalids or superannuated
in the said United Company's service, and the widows of such of them
as shall die in the said service, during their respective widowhoods
only, in such shares and proportions, in manner and form, as, in case
such event shall happen, shall be concluded and agreed upon between
the said United Company and the said Robert Lord Clive, or his legal
representative or representatives. And lastly, it is hereby expressly
stipulated and agreed, and the said United Company do hereby covenant
with the said Robert Lord Clive, his executors, administrators, and
assigns, that in case it shall happen that the said United Company,
after the commencement of the said year of our Lord 1784,[V] shall
cease to employ a military force in their actual pay and service in the
East Indies, and also ships for carrying on their trade and commerce,
then and in such case, as soon as the said event shall happen, the said
United Company shall and will pay unto the said Robert Lord Clive, his
executors, administrators, or assigns, for his and their own use, at
their treasury in Calcutta aforesaid, the full sum of five lacks of
sicca rupees, but subject nevertheless with the interest of the said
three lacks of rupees, in the proportion the said sums bear to each
other, to the payment of all such pensions and annuities, for the lives
of the persons then entitled thereto only, as shall, at the time such
event shall happen, be payable out of or chargeable upon the said
trust fund, according to the true intent and meaning of these presents.
In witness whereof the said United Company have hereunto affixed their
common seal, and the said Robert Lord Clive hath set his hand and seal,
the day and year first above written.

  (Company's Seal.)      (L.S.) CLIVE.

Sealed and delivered, being first duly stamped, by the within-named
Robert Lord Clive, in the presence of

  Richard Holt,

  Thomas Morton.




GENERAL REGULATIONS

FOR TRANSACTING THE BUSINESS OF THE MILITARY FUND.


  At a Court of Directors of the East India Company,

  _14th January, 1824_.

The Court having had under their consideration the regulations
established for transacting the business of the Military Fund;
resolved, That the following regulations be now established, and that,
for the future, the paymaster do govern himself thereby in conducting
the business of the fund.

1. That every petitioning officer and soldier shall produce a
certificate from his commanding officer of his being an invalid, and
rendered incapable of further service in India, together with an
approbation of such certificate by the Governor and Council of the
Presidency where such officer or soldier shall have served.

2. That every commissioned officer shall previously make oath before
the Governor and Council, _viz._ a colonel, that he, or any person in
trust for him, is not possessed of or entitled to real and personal
estate to the value of 4,000_l._; a lieutenant-colonel, of 3,000_l._;
a major, of 2,500_l._; a captain, of 2,000_l._; a lieutenant, of
1,000_l._; and an ensign, of 750_l._; and shall furnish a declaration,
acknowledging themselves to be acquainted with the resolution of the
Court of Directors, which precludes all officers who are admitted
pensioners on the military fund from returning again to the service.

3. That all commissioned officers and widows of commissioned officers,
admitted on the Fund, shall receive pensions at the rates of infantry
pay, according to the respective ranks of the parties.

4. That all non-commissioned officers and privates shall be paid
according to the rates allowed by resolution of court of the 14th
April, 1819.

5. That all officers shall be entitled from the periods up to which
they may have been paid in India, or from the date of their pay on
furlough ceasing; and all non-commissioned officers and privates, from
the times of their respective debarkations in England.

6. That commissioned officers and their widows shall be paid their
pensions in arrears, and shall receive them at the Company's office in
London only, either in person or by power of attorney, half-yearly, at
Midsummer and at Christmas.

7. That non-commissioned officers and private men shall, immediately
upon admission, be paid in advance, for the remaining number of days of
the current half year; and at the expiration thereof, every succeeding
half year in advance.

8. That non-commissioned officers and private men residing within
twenty-five miles of London, shall be paid at the Company's office in
London, and not otherwise.

9. That such non-commissioned officers and private men as reside at
a greater distance from London, or in Scotland or Ireland, be made
at such times, by such persons, and in such manner, as the Court of
Directors shall from time to time find convenient, in person, and not
otherwise.

10. That non-commissioned officers and private men shall receive on
admission a certificate thereof, signed by the paymaster of this
fund, containing a description of such pensioner, his age, and other
particulars; which certificate the pensioner shall exhibit to the
persons directed to pay them each time of payment, and no pension shall
be paid unless this certificate is produced by the pensioner.

11. That country pensioners shall receive in advance for the first
half year, from Midsummer or Christmas next ensuing the date of their
admission, on producing the above certificate only to the persons
appointed to pay them; but in the months of October, or April after
receiving such first half-yearly payment, every pensioner shall make
two affidavits, of the same tenor and date, before a magistrate,
conformably to the printed instructions he shall receive from the
paymaster of the fund; one of which affidavits must be transmitted to
the said paymaster in London, in the months of October and April in
each year, the other, together with the pensioner's certificate of
admission, must be exhibited to the person that shall be empowered to
pay him.

12. That no pensioner shall be paid in the country, unless the
above-mentioned affidavit has been timely received by the paymaster of
this fund in London.

13. That if a pensioner does not claim his pension in person, or
transmit an affidavit for three half years, he shall be considered as
dead; but if such pensioner shall afterwards furnish satisfactory proof
of his identity to the Court of Directors, he shall be again placed
on the pension list, and be allowed arrears for two years, but for no
longer period.

14. That widows of commissioned officers must lay before the Court
such evidence as to them shall seem reasonable, that their husbands,
under whom they derive their claim, did not die possessed of real and
personal estate to the amount specified in Regulation the second,
according to their respective ranks in the service; and further, that
they had not, at the period of their marriage, property settled upon
them by their husbands, which, together with the property left by the
husband, would exclude them from the benefit of the fund.

15. That widows of commissioned officers be paid in person, or by power
of attorney, at the Company's office in London only.

16. That the widows of officers and soldiers, provided it appears they
were married previous to their husbands becoming pensioners on this
fund, shall receive the pension at the rates fixed by the deed when
this fund was originally instituted.

17. That widows of non-commissioned officers and private men shall
prove their marriage to the satisfaction of the Court of Directors.

18. That widows of non-commissioned officers and private men, residing
within twenty-five miles of London, shall be paid at the Company's
office in London only; and those who live at a greater distance shall
be paid in the same manner, and upon the same half-yearly affidavits,
as the men; and, in either case, they shall receive in person, and not
otherwise.

19. That pensions granted to widows shall continue during their
widowhood, and no longer.

20. That the pensions of commissioned officers and their widows shall
be paid net, without any fee or deduction whatever.

21. That the pensions of such non-commissioned officers and their
widows as receive in person in London, shall be paid net, without any
fee or deduction whatever.

22. That such of the non-commissioned officers and private men, and
such of their widows as are paid in the country, shall each time allow
one shilling to the person that pays them, for his trouble.

23. That in cases of insanity, satisfactory proof be made thereof to
the Court of Directors, and the pension paid to a churchwarden, in
behalf of the parish, towards the pensioner's subsistence.

24. That no pensioner, on their first admission to this fund, shall be
allowed to receive arrears of pension for more than two years back from
the date of their application.




INSTRUCTIONS

FOR THE PENSIONERS ON THE FUND ESTABLISHED FOR RELIEF OF THE HONOURABLE
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S MILITARY, ETC.


All non-commissioned officers and private soldiers admitted pensioners
on the above fund, residing within twenty-five miles of London, must
receive in person at the Company's office there; and such as live
at a greater distance from London than twenty-five miles, as well
as those in Scotland and Ireland, are hereby required and directed,
that early in the months of April and October, every year, they do
apply themselves to one of his Majesty's justices of peace in the
neighbourhood where they reside, and make two affidavits of the
following tenor, and of one date (which affidavits the Court of
Directors of the East India Company request the said magistrate to sign
and date), _viz._:--

"---------------- came before me, one of his Majesty's justices of the
peace for the county of --------, and made oath, that he was admitted
a pensioner on the Military Fund of the Honourable East India Company
the ---- day of -------- 18--; was then aged about -------- years, and
was discharged for ----------------, and now lives in the parish of
--------, in the county of --------.

  "_Sworn before me_,
  _this_ ---- _day of_ --------, 18--."

One of the two affidavits, drawn according to the above form, sworn
before, dated, and attested by a magistrate, is to be sent by the
general post, directed (until further orders) "To the Paymaster of the
Honourable East-India Company's Military Fund, at the East-India House,
London;" the other affidavit, of the same tenor and date, the pensioner
must keep, to show, together with his certificate of admission, signed
by the paymaster, to the person who shall be empowered to pay him in
the country.

The above-mentioned affidavits must be made and transmitted to London
in April and in October, so as to be received by the Company's
paymaster full two months before the 24th of June and the 25th of
December respectively. They must be drawn on one piece of paper, big
enough to fold up in the form of a letter, and the above direction
wrote on the back thereof, to avoid unnecessary expense of postage.

No pensioner will be paid unless the above-mentioned affidavit has
been timely received, twice a year, by the paymaster of this fund in
London; nor unless the other affidavit of the same date, as well as the
certificate of admission, are produced by the pensioner every time of
payment.

All pensioners are to take particular notice, that neither the whole
nor any part of their pension money will be paid at any time, nor under
any pretence whatever, to any other person or persons than themselves
only; consequently they cannot commission or empower any one to receive
for them; and no receipts, acknowledgments, or assignments for money
any pensioner may borrow on his pension will be discharged, or paid any
regard to, by the paymaster of this fund. But proper care will be taken
that the pensioners themselves shall be regularly paid twice a year,
in whatever part of England, Scotland, or Ireland they may reside,
provided they duly observe the orders and directions contained in the
instructions.

Every pensioner who receives in the country, is to allow one shilling,
each time of payment, to the person he is paid by.




ERRATUM.

The portrait of Lord Clive is by Dance, R.A., and not by Sir Joshua
Reynolds, as is erroneously stated in some of the impressions.


THE END.

  LONDON:
  Printed by A. SPOTTISWOODE,
  New-Street. Square.

TRANSCRIBERS NOTE:
In an attempt to make the legal agreement between the Company and Clive
more readable we have stripped out the sidenotes to the agreement and
listed them at the beginning with links to the appropriate area of
the agreement.








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