The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of The English Nation v. 4
by Richard Hakluyt
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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of The English Nation v. 4

Author: Richard Hakluyt

Release Date: March, 2005  [EBook #7769]
[This file was first posted on May 15, 2003]

Edition: 10

Language: English

Character set encoding: US-ASCII

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION V. 4 ***




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** Transcriber's Notes **

The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the
spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this
version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript
abbreviations have been silently expanded:

- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'
- q; = -que (in the Latin)
- y[e] = the; y[t] = that; w[t] = with

This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes
are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling
conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always
systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's
own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the
sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are
labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in
poetry, where they are moved to the nearest convenient break in the text.

** End Transcriber's Notes **

The Principal

Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,

AND

Discoveries

OF

THE ENGLISH NATION.

Collected by

RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER,

AND

Edited by

EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.

VOL. IV.

NORTH-EASTERN EUROPE, AND ADJACENT COUNTRIES.

PART III.

THE MUSCOVY COMPANY AND THE NORTH-EASTERN PASSAGE.

SECTION II.


Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries

in

NORTH-EASTERN EUROPE.

The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants
  of that company: obteined the 22. of September, Anno 1567. by M. Anthony
  Ienkinson.

One onely strengthener of all things, and God without beginning, which was
before the world, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, our onely God
in Trinitie, and maker of all things whom we worship in all things, and in
all places, the doer and fulfiller of all things, which is the perfect
knowledge giuer of the true God, our Lorde Iesus Christ, with the comforter
the holy Spirit, and thou which art the strengthener of our faith, keepe vs
together, and giue vs health to preserue our kingdome, thou giuer of all
good fruites, and helper of all Christian beleeuers.

We great lord by the grace of God, and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all
Russia, Volodimer, Mosco, Nouogrod, Cazan, Astracan, Plesco, Smolensko,
Tweria, Yougorie, Fadika, Bulgar, Sybier and others, Emperour and great
duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo, Rezan, Polotski, Rostoue,
Yereslaue, Bealozera, Oudoria, Obdorio, Condensa, and lord of many other
lands, and of all the North parts, commander and lord of Lifland.

Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene of
England, France and Ireland, hath written to vs her letters, that wee would
graunt her merchants, William Garrard, William Chester, Rowland Heyward,
Lawrence Hussie, Iohn Marsh, Anthony Ienkinson, William Rowly, and their
company of England, to come in ships into this kingdome, and those
merchants, William Garrard and his company haue required of vs that we
would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina, with all
kind of wares at wil, to our City of Mosco, and to all our castles in our
kingdomes, we for our sisters sake Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene
of England, France and Ireland, haue licenced her merchants, William
Garrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro, and
to the land of Dwina, and to all other our inheritances in the North parts,
with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco, and to all castles and townes
in our kingdome. And sir William Garrard and his company desired of vs,
that we would graunt them licence to passe to our inheritance of Cazan and
Astracan, and into our inheritance of Nouogrod the great, and to our
inheritance of Lifland to Narue and Dorpe, and to other our castles and
townes of Lifland, with all kinde of wares, and the trade to be without
custome, which request we haue graunted to sir William Garrard and his
company, and haue giuen them licence to passe to our inheritance of Cazan
and Astracan, and Nouogrod the great, and into our inheritance of Lifland,
Narue and Dorpe, and other places of our inheritance in Lifland with all
kinde of wares, to buy, barter and sell at will, without custome: and what
wares soeuer they bring out of England, or out of any other countrey,
needfull or necessary, that they shall bring all those wares needfull or
necessary to our treasury, and those wares there to be opened, and then to
take out of the same such wares as shalbe needful for our treasury, and the
rest being deliuered againe, to sell and barter at their pleasure, and to
sell none of the fine wares before they be seene of our chancellers, except
sorting clothes, and other wares not meat for our treasury: and when our
chanceller will send our treasure out of our treasury with them, they shall
take it with them, and so sell and barter it for wares meet for our
treasury, and bring it to our treasury, and they to take no other mens
wares to barter or sell with them, nor yet our people to buy or sell for
them their wares: and if those English merchants do desire to passe out of
our kingdome of Astracan to Boghar, Shamaky, Chaday, or into any other
countreys, or els go into their owne countrey, then they to take their
treasure with them, and to barter and sell it for wares necessary for our
treasury, and to bring it and deliuer it to our chancellor, and when they
come backe againe to our inheritance of Cazan and Astracan, or to any other
of our castles and townes, that then our captaine of Cazan and Astracan,
and all other our people of charge shall not holde them, but with speed let
them passe without taking custome of them or their wares, and without
opening or looking vpon them in any wise: and when they haue not our
treasure with them, that then likewise no custome shalbe taken of them nor
their wares to be seene of any man.

And likewise we haue granted them to buy and sell in all our kingdomes and
castles, with all kinde of wares: and we haue also licenced them, that when
those English merchants do desire to buy and sell with our merchants wholly
together, that they shall haue liberty so to do wholly together: and they
that do desire to sell their owne wares by retaile in their owne house,
that then they sell it in their own house by retaile to our people, and
other strangers, as they can agree: and weights and arshnids to be kept in
their house with our seale, and they themselues to barter and sell their
owne wares: and no Russe merchant in Mosco, or any other place in our
kingdome to sell for them any wares, nor to buy or barter any wares for
them, nor couler any strangers goods. And whereas those merchants of
England, sir William Garrard and his company do desire to sell their wares
at Colmogro, Dwina, Vologda, Yeraslaue, Costrum, and in Nouogrod the lower,
Cazan, Astracan, great Nouogrod, Plesko, Narue, Dorpe, and in other our
townes and castles, they shall haue their will to sell it: and of their
wares of England and Russeland no custome shalbe taken, neither they nor
their wares shalbe stayed in any place: and when they depart out of Mosco,
to aduertise our chancellor thereof, and not to giue any note or inuentory
of any kinde of their wares they cary away: and when the English merchants,
sir William Garrard and his company do come vpon the sea, and by misfortune
haue their ships cast away vpon those coasts of the North parts, then we
will their goods to be sought out with trueth, and to be deliuered to sir
William Garrard and his company, which as then shall be found in our
countrey: and if that sir William Garrards company be not in the Mosco nor
in our countrey: then we will and command that those goods of theirs shall
be layd vp in a place of safegard vntil such time as the said sir William
Garrard or his company come to demand the same: and then at their comming
we will that it shall be deliuered. And whereas heretofore we haue giuen
sir William Garrard and his company in this our kingdome of Mosco the new
castle by the church of S. Maxim behinde the market, they shal there stil
holde their house as heretofore we haue giuen them, paying no custome for
the same: and we also do licence them to keepe one Russe porter or two or
els of their owne countrey, and those porters shall dwell with them, and
not sell for them, nor barter, nor buy for them: And also I haue granted
them to buy a house at Volodga and at Colmogro, or in any other place where
they can chuse for them selues any good harbour, and there they to set vp
those houses in those places at their owne charges: and in Vologda or the
other houses to keepe two or three porters of their owne, or else two or
three Russes, and their wares to be layed vp in those houses, and to sell
their owne wares at will: and the porters without them to sell none of
their wares, neither yet to buy any for them. And our officers of Colmogro
and Dwina, and of other our castles and townes shall not looke ouer their
wares, nor take any custome thereof: neither shall those English merchants
sir William Garrard and his company be iudged by any of them. And when the
English merchants shall send from our kingdome their owne people into their
owne countrey by land ouer other kingdomes whatsoeuer they be, they may
without ware send their owne people at their pleasure. And when any matter
of law doth fall out in their trade of merchandise, then they shall be
iudged by our chancellers and law shalbe done with equitie betwixt our
people and them: and when they cannot be iudged by law, they then shal be
tried by lots, and whose lot is first taken out, he shall haue the right.
[Sidenote: Triall by lots.] And if it happen any of those merchants to haue
any matter of law in any other part of our dominions for trade of
merchants, then our captaines, iudges, and chiefe officers shall heare the
matter, and administer iustice with equity and trueth, and where law can
take no place, to be tried by lots, and his lot that is first taken out to
haue the right, and for their matters of law no custome to be payed.

[Sidenote: The riuer of Ob traffikable.] Furthermore, we for our sisters
sake Elizabeth haue granted, that none beside sir William Garrard and his
company, out of what kingdome soeuer it be, England or other, shall come in
trade of merchandise nor otherwise to Colmogro, nor to the riuer Ob, nor
within Wardhouse, nor to Petzora, nor Cola, nor Mezen, nor to the abbey of
Petchingo, nor to the island of Shallawy, nor to any mouth of the riuer of
Dwina, nor to any part of the North countrey of our coast. And if any
merchant, out of what countrey soeuer it be, doe come with ship or shippes,
busses, or any other kinde of vessell to any of our harbours, within all
our North parts, we will that then the people and goods, ship or ships,
shalbe confiscate, and forfeited to vs the Emperour and great Duke.

Giuen in our kingdome and house of Mosco, the yeere from the beginning of
the world 7076, in the moneth of September, and in the 34 yeere of our
reigne, and in our conquest of Cazan 16, and in our conquest of Astracan
15.

Perused and allowed by vs:
  Anthonie Ienkinson.
  William Rowly.
  Thomas Hawtry.
  Thomas Sowtham.
  Rafe Rutter, our translatour
       hereof of the
       Russe tongue.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter of M. Henrie Lane to M. Richard Hakluit, concerning the first
  ambassage to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth from the Russian Emperour
  anno 1567, and other notable matters incident to those places and times.

Worshipfull sir, because I finde you haue the successe and proceedings of
Osep Napea the first ambassadour of the Russian Emperour to the Maiesties
of King Philip and Queene Marie, at what time and at his returne I was
remaining in Russia, and do not finde that the perfect knowledge of the
first ambassage from thence to this our Souereigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth
is come to your hands, betweene whose Highnesse and the ambassadours I was
interpretour, I thinke good to expresse it. In August Anno 1567 arriued at
London with their retinue two especiall authorised messengers, named
Stephen Twerdico, and Theodore Pogorella, with letters and presents to her
Maiesty, at that time being at Otelands, where diuers of the chiefe
merchants of the Russian company did associate them, and I there doing my
duetie and office of interpretour, her Maiestie gaue them audience. First
they rehearsed the long stile and Maiesty of their Master, with his most
friendly and hearty commendations to her Highnesse, and then they testified
the singuler great ioy and pleasure that he conceiued to heare of her most
princely estate, dignitie and health: and lastly, they deliuered their
letters and presents. The presents sent vnto her Maiesty were Sables, both
in paires for tippets, and two timbars, to wit, two times fortie, with
Luserns and other rich furres. [Sidenote: The vse of furres wholesome,
delicate, graue and comely.] For at that time that princely ancient
ornament of furres was yet in vse. And great pitie but that it might be
renewed, especiall in Court, and among Magistrates, not onely for the
restoring of an olde worshipfull Art and Companie, but also because they be
for our climate wholesome, delicate, graue and comely: expressing dignitie,
comforting age, and of longer continuance, and better with small cost to be
preserued, then these new silks, shagges, and ragges, wherein a great part
of the wealth of the land is hastily consumed.

These ambassadours were appointed lodging and enterteinement by the
Moscouie company at their house then in Seething Lane, and were sundrie
times after permitted to be in presence. And in May 1568 tooke their leaue
at Greenwich, where they vnderstood and had the Queenes Maiesties minde,
letters and reward. [Sidenote: The trade to S. Nicholas offensiue to diuers
princes and states Eastward.] At the latter part of her talke, her
Highnesse considering that our trade to Saint Nicholas since the beginning
had bene offensiue to diuers princes, states, and merchants Eastward vsed
these speeches or the like: Who is or shall be more touched by detractours,
with flying tales and vntrue reports, then Princes and Rulers, to the
breach of loue and vnitie? your Master and I in things that passe by word
and writing, I doubt not will keepe and performe promises. If he heare the
contrary of me, let him suspend his iudgement, and not be light of credit,
and so will I. These words they termed her Maiesties golden speech: and
kneeling downe, kissed her hand, and departed.

The letters that these two messengers brought, were deliuered to me by my
Lord Treasurour, being then Secretarie, to be translated, the copies
whereof I had, but now cannot finde. The copie of the Queenes Maiesties
letter I send inclosed herewith vnto your worship. I also haue sent you a
copy of a letter written from the king of Polonia to the Queenes Maiestie,
with other letters from some of our nation and factours, declaring the
displeasure for our trafficke to the Russes from Anno 1558 to the yere
1566, especially by the way of the Narue: in which yere of 1566, hauing
generall procuration and commission from the Company, I was in the Low
countrey at Antwerpe and Amsterdam, and sometimes in company with Polacks,
Danskers, and Easterlings: and by, reason I had bene a lidger in Russia, I
could the better reply and proue, that their owne nations and the Italians
were most guiltie of the accusations written by the king of Poland.

This king Sigismundus [Footnote: Sigismund II, the last of the Jagellon
race, added Livonia to his kingdom. He reigned from 1548 to 1572. It was
after his death that the King of Poland became an elective instead of an
heritary sovereign.] (whose ambassadours very sumptuous I haue seene at
Mosco) was reported to be too milde in suffering the Moscouites. [Sidenote:
Smolensko won by the Russe.] Before our trafficke they ouerranne his great
dukedome of Lituania, and tooke Smolensco, carrying the people captiues to
Mosco. [Sidenote: Polotzko taken.] And in the yere 1563, as appeareth by
Thomas Alcocks letter, they suffered the Russe likewise in that Duchy to
take a principall city called Polotzko, with the lord and people thereof.
Likewise the said Sigismundus and the king of Sweden did not looke to the
protection of Liuonia, but lost all, except Rie and Reuel, and the Russe
made the Narue his port to trafficke, not onely to vs, but to Lubec and
others, generall. And still from those parts the Moscouites were furnished
out of Dutchland by enterlopers with all arts and artificers, and had few
or none by vs. The Italians also furnished them with engines of warre, and
taught them warrelike stratagemes, and the arte of fortification. In the
dayes of Sigismund the Russe would tant the Polacks, that they loued their
ease at home with their wiues, and to drinke, and were not at commandement
of their king. This Sigismund had to wife the daughter of Ferdinando,
Charles the fifts brother, and he died without issue. [Sidenote: Polotzko
recouered by Stephanus Batore.] Since, which time their late elected king
Stephanus Batore [Footnote: Stephen Bathore, the second Elected-King,
established the Cossacks as a militia. He died in 1586.] kept the Russe in
better order, and recouered Polotzko againe in the yere 1579. Thus with my
hearty farewell I take my leaue of your worship.

Your assured friend Henrie Lane.

       *       *       *       *       *

A Letter of the most excellent Maiestie of Queene Elizabeth, sent by
  Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella, messengers of the Emperour of
  Russia, vnto their Master the 9th of May 1568.

Imperatori Moscouitarum, &c.

ELIZABETHA &c. Literas vestrae, Maiestatis superiori anno 1567, decimo die
mensis Aprilis datas, vestri mercatores Stephanus Twerdico, et Pheodata
Pogorella, qui has nostras perferunt, nobis tradidere. Quos vestros
mercatores in omni suo apud nos et nostros obeundo negotio, ita tractari,
et libenti voluntate, et expresso nostro mandato curauimus, vt non solum
vestrae Maiestatis pro illis postulationi, sed eorundem etiam hominum
expectationi plene satisfactum esse confidamus. Id quod eo fecimus
studiosius, quod plane perspectum, probeque cognitum habeamus, nostros
omnes, qui bona cum gratia nostra, nostrarumque literarum commendatione,
istuc, sub vestro imperio negotiaturi veniunt, pari, cum vestrae Maiestatis
fauore, tum vestrorum subditorum humanitate, vbiuis acceptos esse. Quae
nostra vtrobique, et muttuae inter nos amicitiae et gratae inter nostros
beneuolentiae officia, vt crebra et perpetua existant, nos admodum
postulamus. Quem animi nostri sensnm fusius hi vestri, et opportunius suo
sermone coram declarabunt: Quibus non dubitamus, quin vestra Maiestas
amplam fidem sit tributura. Deus &c. Grenouici nono die Maij 1567.

       *       *       *       *       *

The ambassage of the right worshipfulll Master Thomas Randolfe, Esquire, to
  the Emperour of Russia, in the yeere 1568, briefly written by himselfe.

[Sidenote: In this voyage went Thomas Bannister, and Geofrey Ducket, for
their voyage into Persia.] The 22 day of Iune, in the yere of our Lord
1568, I went aboord the Harry, lying in the road at Harwich with my
company, being to the number of fortie persons or thereabout: of which the
one halfe were gentlemen, desirous to see the world.

Within one dayes sailing, we were out of the sight of land, and following
our course directly North, till we came to the North Cape, we sailed for
the space of twelue dayes with a prosperous winde, without tempest or
outrage of sea: hauing compassed the North Cape we directed our course flat
Southeast, hauing vpon our right hand Norway, Wardhouse, Lapland, all out
of sight till we came to Cape Gallant: and so sailing betweene two bayes,
the two and thirtieth day after our departure from Harwich, we cast ancre
at Saint Nicholas road. In all the time of our voyage, more then the great
number of Whales ingendering together, which we might plainly beholde, and
the Sperma Cetae, which we might see swimming vpon the sea, there was no
great thing to be woondered at. Sometimes we had calmes, wherein our
Mariners fished, and tooke good store of diuers sorts. [Sidenote: The abbey
of S. Nicholas of 20 monks.] At S. Nicholas we landed the 23 of Iuly, where
there standeth an abbey of Monks (to the number of twentie) built all of
wood: the apparell of the Monks is superstitious, in blacke hoods, as ours
haue bene. Their Church is faire, but full of painted images, tapers, and
candles. Their owne houses are low, and small roomes. They lie apart, they
eat together, and are much giuen to drunkennesse, vnlearned, write they
can, preach they doe neuer, ceremonious in their Church, and long in their
prayers.

At my first arriuall I was presented from their Prior with two great rie
loaues, fish both salt and fresh of diuers sorts, both sea fish and fresh
water, one sheepe aliue, blacke, with a white face, to be the more
gratefull vnto me, and so with many solemne words inuiting me to see their
house, they tooke their leaue.

[Sidenote: The English house at S. Nicholas.] Towne or habitation at S.
Nicholas there is none more then about foure houses neere the abbey, and
another built by the English Company for their owne vse.

This part of the countrey is most part wood, sauing here and there pasture
and arable ground, many riuers and diuers Islands vnhabited, as the most
part of the countrey is, for the coldnesse in Winter.

S. Nicholas standeth Northeast: the eleuation of the pole 64 degrees.
[Sidenote: The riuer of Dwina.] The riuer that runneth there into the sea
is called Dwina, very large, but shallow. This riuer taketh his beginning
about 700 miles within the countrey, and vpon the riuer standeth Colmogro,
and many prety villages, well situated for pasture, arable land, wood, and
water. The riuer pleasant betweene hie hils of either side inwardly.
inhabited, and in a maner a wildernesse of hie firre trees, and other wood.

[Sidenote: Colmogro.] At Colmgoro being 100 versts, which we account for
three quarters of a mile euery verst, we taried three weeks, not being
suffered to depart before the Emperour had word of our comming, who sent to
meet vs a gentleman of his house, to conuey vs, and to see vs furnished of
victuals, and all things needfull, vpon his owne charge.

The allowance of meat and drinke was for euery day two rubbles, besides the
charge of boats by water, and foure score post horses by land, with aboue
100 carts to cary my wines, and other cariage.

Colmogro is a great towne builded all of wood, not walled, but scattered
house from house. The people are rude in maners, and in apparell homely,
sauing vpon their festiuall, and marriage dayes.

The people of this town finding commodity by the English mens traffike with
them are much at their commandement, giuen much to drunkenesse, and all
other kind of abominable vices.

[Sidenote: An English house with lands at Colmogro.] In this towne the
English men haue lands of their owne, giuen them by the Emperour, and faire
houses, with offices for their commodity, very many.

Of other townes vntill I come to Vologda, I write not, because they are
much like to this, and the inhabitants not differing from them.

I was fiue whole weeks vpon the riuer of Dwina till I came to Vologda,
being drawen with men against the streame, for other passage there is none.

Vologda standeth vpon the riuer of Vologda, which commeth into Dwina. The
towne is great and long, built all of wood, as all their townes are.

In this towne the Emperour hath built a castle inuironed with a wall of
stone, and bricke, the walles faire and hie, round about. Here (as in all
other their townes) are many Churches; some built of bricke, the rest of
wood, many Monks and Nunnes in it: a towne also of great traffike, and many
rich merchants there dwelling.

From hence we passed by land towards Mosco in poste, being 500 versts
great, which are equall with our miles. In their townes we baited or lay,
being post townes.

[Sidenote: The description of the inland of Moscouie.] The countrey is very
faire, plaine and pleasant, well inhabited, corne, pasture, medowes enough,
riuers, and woods, faire and goodly.

At Yeraslaue we passed the riuer of Volga, more than a mile ouer. This
riuer taketh his beginning at Beal Ozera, and descendeth into Mare Caspium,
portable thorow of very great vessels with flat bottomes, which farre passe
any that our countrey vseth.

To saile by this riuer into Mare Caspium the English company caused a barke
to be built of 27 tunns, which there was neuer seene before: This barke
built and ready rigged to the sea with her whole furniture cost not the
company aboue one hundreth marks there.

[Footnote: His arriual at Mosco.] To Mosco we came about the end of
September, receiued by no man, not so much as our owne countreymen suffered
to meet vs, which bred suspition in me of some other course intended, then
we had hitheto found.

[Footnote: A special house at Mosco, built for Ambassadours.] We were
brought to a house built of purpose by the Emperour for Ambassadours, faire
and large, after the fashion of that countrey.

Two gentlemen were appointed to attend vpon me, the one to see vs furnished
of victuals, and that we lacked nothing of the Emperors allowance: the
other to see that we should not goe out of the house, nor suffer any man to
come vnto vs, in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to their
charge. But specially he that looked to our persons so straightly handled
vs; that we had no small cause to doubt that some euill had bene intended
vnto vs. No supplication, sute, or request could take place for our
liberty, nor yet to come to his presence.

Hauing passed ouer 17 weeks in this sort, the Emperour sendeth word that we
should be ready against Tuesday the 20 of Februarie, at eight a clocke in
the morning.

[Sidenote: Two Pristaues.] The houre being come that I should go to the
Court, the two gentlemen Pristaues (as they call them) came vnto me
apparelled more princely then before I had euer seene them. They presse vs
to depart, and mounted vpon their owne horses, and the Ambassador vpon such
a one as he had borrowed, his men marching on foot, to their great griefe.

The Ambassadour (being my selfe) was conueyed into an office where one of
the chancellors doeth vse to sit, being there accompanied with the two
foresayd gentlemen: I taried two long houres before I was sent for to the
Emperor. In the end message being brought that the Emperour was set, I was
conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires thorow a large roome, where
sate by my estimation 300 persons, all in rich attire, taken out of the
Emperors wardrobe for that day, vpon three ranks of benches, set round
about the place, rather to present a maiestie, then that they were either
of quality or honor.

[Sidenote: His admission to the Emperors presence.] At the first entry into
the chamber I with my cap gaue them the reuerence, such as I iudged, their
stately sitting, graue countenances and sumptuous apparell required, and
seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them I couered my head,
and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was, there receiued me at the
doore from my two gentlemen or gouernors, two of the Emperors counsellors,
and shewed me to the Emperor, and brought me to the middle of the chamber,
where I was willed to stand still, and to say that which I had to say. I by
my Interpretor opened my message as I receiued it from the Queene my
Mistresse, from whom I came, at whose name the Emperor stood vp, and
demanded diuers questions of her health and state: whereunto answere being
made, he gaue me his hand in token of my welcome, and caused me to sit
downe, and further asked me diuers questions.

[Sidenote: The Queenes present.] This done, I deliuered her Maiesties
present, which was a notable great Cup of siluer curiously wrought, with
verses grauen in it, expressing the histories workmanly set out in the
same.

[Sidenote: The Emperors speech to the Ambassadour.] All being sayd and done
(as appeared) to his contentment, he licenced me and my whole company to
depart, who were all in his presence, and were saluted by him with a nod of
his head, and sayd vnto me: I dine not this day openly for great affaires I
haue, but I will send thee my dinner, and giue leaue to thee and thine to
go at liberty, and augment our allowance to thee, in token of our loue and
fauor to our sister the Queene of England.

I with reuerence tooke my leaue, being conueyed by two other of greater
calling then those that brought me to the Emperors sight, who deliuered me
to the two first gentlemen, who conducted me to the office where I first
was, where came vnto me one called the Long duke, with whom I conferred a
while, and so returned to my lodging.

Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke richly apparelled,
accompanied with fiftie persons, ech of them carying a siluer dish with
meat, and couered with siluer. The duke first deliuered twenty loaues of
bread of the Emperors owne eating, hauing tasted the same, and deliuered
eury dish into my hands, and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that he
brought.

This being donel the duke and his company sate downe with me, and tooke
part of the Emperors meat, and filled themselues well of all sorts, and
went not away from me vnrewarded.

Within few nights after the Emperour had will to speake secretly with me,
and sent for me in the night by the Long duke: the place was farre off, and
the night colde; and I hauing changed my apparell into such as the Russes
do weare, found great incommoditie thereby.

[Sidenote: A second conference with the Emperor.] Hauing talked with him
aboue three houres, towards the morning I was dismissed, and so came home
to my lodging, where I remained aboue six weeks after, before I heard
againe from the Emperour, who went the next day to Slouoda, the house of
his solace. After the end of which sixe weeks, which was about the
beginning of April, the Emperour returned from Slouoda aforesayd, and sent
for me againe to make repaire vnto him. And being come, I dealt effectually
with him in the behalfe of our English merchants, and found him so
graciously inclined towards them, that I obtained at his hands my whole
demands for large priuileges in generall, together with all the rest my
particular requests. [Sidenote: Andrew Sauin Ambassadour to the Queene.]
And then he commended to my conduct into England, a noble man of his,
called Andrew Sauin, as his Ambassadour, for the better confirmation of his
priuileges granted, and other negotiations with her Maiesty. And thus being
dispatched with full contentment, the sayd Ambassadour and my selfe
departed, and imbarked at S. Nicholas about the end of Iuly, and arriued
safely at London in the moneth of September following.

       *       *       *       *       *

A copie of the priuiledges granted by the right high and mightie Prince,
  the Emperour of Russia, &c. vnto the right worshipfull fellowship of
  English merchants, for the discouerie of new trades: and hither sent by
  Thomas Randolfe esquire, her Maiesties Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour,
  and by Andrew Sauin his Ambassadour in the yere of our Lord God, 1569.

One God euerlasting and without and before the beginning, the Father, the
Sonne, and the holy Ghost, the blessed Trinitie, our onely God, maker and
preseruer of all things, replenisher of all things euery where, who by thy
goodnesse doest cause all men to loue the giuer of wisedome our onely
Mediatour, and leader of vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the onely Sonne
his word, our Lord Iesus Christ, holy and euerlasting Spirit, and now in
these our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie, and sufferest vs to
enioy our kingdome to the happy commodity of our land, and wealth of our
people, in despight of our enemies, and to our fame with our friends.

We Iohn Vasiliwich by the grace of God, great lord, Emperour, and great
duke of all Russia, Volodemer, Moscouia, Nouogrod, Emperour of Cazan,
Tuersky, Vgorsky, Permisky, Vadsky, Bulgaria, and many others, lord and
great duke of the Low countreys of Nouogrod, Chernigosky, Resansky,
Polotsky, Rastow, Veraslaue, Bealosera, Owdorsky, Condinsky, and all
Siberland, great commander of all the North parts, lord of Leifland, and
many other Northward, Southward, and Westward.

Whereas our sister Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France
and Ireland, defender of the faith, hath written vnto vs her letters for
her merchants, who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the
merchants which are of one company, and giue them free leaue to come to
traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro, and to the countrey of Dwina, and to
our great citie of Moscouia, and to all the cities in our dominions, and
thorow our countrey to Boghar, to Persia, Casbin, and Chardy, and to all
other countreys.

1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia, (for our sister
Elizabeths sake, Queene, of England) haue giuen and granted to the English
merchants, the Gouernors, Cousuls, Assistants and fellowship, sir Wil.
Garrard Knight, Rowland Haiward Alderman, Ioh. Thamworth Esquire, Iohn
Riuers Alderman, Henry Beecher Alderman, Consuls: Sir Wil. Chester Knight,
Edward Iackman Alderman, Lionel Ducket Alderman, Edward Gilbert, Laurence
Huse, Francis Walsingham, Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles, Nicholas
Wheeler, Thomas Banister, Iohn Harrison, Francis Burnham, Anthony Gamage,
Iohn Somers, Richard Wilkinson, Ioh. Sparke, Richard Barne, Robert Woolman,
Thomas Browne, Thomas Smith, Thomas Allen, Thomas More, William Bully,
Richard Yong, Thomas Atkinson, Assistants: Iohn Mersh Esquire, Geofrey
Ducket, Francis Robinson, Matthew Field, and all the rest of their company
and fellowship, and to their successours and deputies, to come with ships
and other vessels into our countery at Colmogorod, and Dwina, and to all
the North parts now being ours, or that hereafter shall at any time be in
our possession, by sea, riuer or land, euen to our great Citie of Mosco, in
all the townes of our Countrey, to Cazan and Astracan, to Nouogorod the
great, to Plesko and Leifland, Vriagorod, to Narue, and all other townes of
Leifland. 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar, Persia, Casbin,
Charday, and other Countreyes: And wheresoeuer they come there to be and
abide freely, and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale, without
custome of all people, and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer.

And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande, or any other
Countrey from Boghar, Persia, Casbin, or from any other place, and those
their wares that come by the way of Narue, or any other part into our
Dominion, to bring the same wares into our treasure, and our Treasurers to
view the same wares, and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as
shalbe needful for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need, our
Chancellour to redeliuer the same: And after the view of our Chancellours,
to barter it freely to whom they will, not selling any of their wares
needful for vs, before our Chancellour haue seene the same. And all other
grosse and heauy wares that shall be needful to our vse not being brought
to Mosco, to declare and tell our Chancellour of the same wares: And to
giue a note thereof by name, and how much they leaue there, not brought to
Mosco; and then if we neede not the said wares, the English Marchants,
their seruants and Factors, to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug
the great, and so to Colmogorod, or elsewhere at their pleasure, there to
barter and sell the same. But those wares that shalbe needfull for our
Treasurie, they shall not hide from vs in any case.

And when our Chancellours shall send our aduenture, with the said Marchants
or their Factors, they to take our aduentures with them, and to sell, and
to barter for such wares as shalbe meete for our Treasurie, and to returne
it into our Treasurie.

And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chancellour to
giue them a yeeres warning, that their ships may be prouided thereafter,
that by taking in of our wares, they leaue not their owne behind them.

And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia.

Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples
goods, nor barter nor sell it in any wise: likewise our people not to
barter for the sayd English merchants or occupy for them.

3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan, and other
places of our Dominions, then our Captaines of Casan and Astracan, and our
authorised people, quietly to let them passe, not taking any toll or
custome of their wares, nor once to make search thereof.

And when we shal send no adueture with them, yet to suffer them freely to
passe, not viewing their wares, nor taking any kinde of custome. And
whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors
ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure.

And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their
house at Mosco, which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco, they
to sell the ware to our people, either strangers as they may best vtter it,
keeping within their house, arshines, measures, and waights vnder seales.

4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free, and
without standing rent, as heretofore we did grant it the said English
Marchants, sir Wil. Garrard, and the Company, maintayning in the said house
one housekeeper a Russe, and two Russe seruants, or some of their owne
countrey men, and none other Russes besides the aforesayde. And the said
housekeepers that shall liue at their house with the English marchants
neither to buy nor sel any wares for them, but that the said marchants
themselues or their factors, shall buy, sell, and barter their owne wares:
and our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell
them in our townes, nor to buy any wares for them, neither the English
marchant to colour any Russe wares at any towne.

5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod, Dwyna,
Vologda, Yeraslaue, Castran, Nouogorod the lower, Casan, Astracan, Nouogrod
the great, Vopsko, the Narue, Vriagorod, or at any other townes, they to
sel their wares there at their pleasure: And of all wares aswell of other
countreis as of Russia, no officer or other to take any custome, neither in
any place to stay them in any wise, neither take any kinde of toll of them
for their wares whatsoeuer.

6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English
marchants: The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants
hands againe, but to giue ready money for the said wares, otherwise they to
craue the Iustice to giue right, and to execute the lawe vpon the same with
all expedition. And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile
from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse, then to shew
themselues vnto our Chancellours, whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from
Mosco, they not to shew the same wares to any our officers, nor pay no
custome nor toll in any place.

7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke, and the shippes be
brought to any port of our Dominions, we to command the said goods to be
enquired and sought out, and to be giuen to the English marchants, being
here abiding at that time in our Countrey, the factors, seruants, or
deputies, of the Company aforesayd, to whom we haue granted this our
gratious letter.

And if there happen none of the English merchants, factors, seruants, or
deputies to be in our Countreis at such time, then we wil all the said
goods to be sought out and bestowed in some conuenient place, and when any
of the Company aforewritten, bringing these our letters, shall come for
their goods, we to command their goods to be restored vnto them.

8 Likewise wee haue graunted leaue to the English merchants, their
Gouernours, Consuls, and assistants, namely, sir William Garrard knight,
Rowland Howard, and to the Companie, to builde houses at Vologda, Colmogro,
and the seaside, at Iuangorod, at Cherell, and in all other places our
Dominions, as shall be needeful for their trade. And they to keepe at the
said house one housekeeper, a Russe, and two or three men to keepe their
wares at the said houses, making sale thereof to whom they will, they,
their Factors or deputies: the said housekeeper not to buy or sell for
them.

9 Also we haue giuen and graunted to the English Marchants, their house
which they haue by your goodnesse at S. Maximes in the Zenopski, and other
their houses in the towne of Zenopski, made for the better assurance of
their goods, and all such as they shall set vp hereafter shal be of the
Opressini [Marginal note: Or chosen side.], and will make them knowen to
all them of Opressini.

10 And whereas by our goodnes we haue graunted them a Ropehouse at Vologda,
being farre from the English Merchants house, now we haue giuen them to
build a house for that vse by the said English house, and haue giuen and
graunted them (of our goodnesse) ground, one hundreth and fourescore fadome
long, and fiftie fadomes in breadth, according to their owne request.

11 Also we haue of our goodnesse giuen and graunted to the English
Merchants, leaue to buy them a house at Wichida, and there to search our
mines of yron. And where they shal happily find it, there to set vp houses
for the making of the same yron: and to make the same, of our goodnesse
haue graunted them woods; fiue or sixe miles compasse about the sayd
houses, to the making of the sayd yron, and not to exceede these bounds,
and limits: And where they shall cut the sayde wood, not to set vp any
village or farme there, bringing the artificers for making of their yron,
out of their owne Countrey, and to learne our people that arte, and so
freely occupying the said yron in these our Dominions, transporting also of
the same home into Englande, allowing for euery pound one dingo, or halfe
penie.

12 And if any of the said yron shalbe needfull for our workes, then we to
take of the said yron to our worke, vpon agreement of price, paying money
out of our Treasurie for the same: And when the said English Merchants or
Factors shal send their owne people out of our Realme into their Countrey,
ouer land through any Countrey whatsoeuer, freely to send the same with our
words.

13. Also we of our goodness haue graunted, that if any man misuse the said
English, the Factors or seruants, or the saide English Merchants; their
Factors or seruants abuse any other at Moscouie, or any other out townes
whatsoeuer within our Dominions in trade of Marchandise or otherwise, then
they to haue vpright iustice in all such matters of our counsaile the
Opressini without all let or delay: But if our Iustice may not agree the
parties, then lots to be made, and to whose lotte it shall fall, to him the
right to be giuen, and that only our counsaile at Moscouie, and none of our
Captaines, or authorised people, or officers in any other our townes, giue
iudgement vpon the said English Merchants for any thing.

14 Also, if any stranger shall haue matter of controuersie with any English
Merchant, Factor or seruant, abiding within these our Realmes, or
contrariwise any English Merchant, Factor or seruant, against any other
stranger, in all those causes our Counsaile of the Opressini, to giue them
Iustice, and to make an agreement and end betweene the parties, without all
delay: And none to deale therein, saue our Counsaile of the Opressini.

15 And if any man haue action against any English Merchant being absent,
that then in his absence it shalbe lawfull for any other Englishman at his
assignation to answere his cause.

16 If any Englishman happen to be wounded or beaten to death, or any Russe
or stranger slaine or beaten. 17 Or any stollen goods to be found in the
said English houses, then our Counsellors to cause the guiltie persons to
be sought out, and to doe right and Iustice in the cause, and the partie
that is guiltie, if he deserue punishment, to be corrected accordingly
after his offence: That the said English Merchants, factors and seruant,
sustaine thereby no hinderance or damage.

18 And whatsoeuer English Marchant, Factor, seruant, or deputie, shalbe
guilty of any fault, deseruing our displeasure, then our Counsellors to
cause the guiltie partie to goe vnder suerties, and their goods to be
sealed and kept, vntill our pleasure be further knowen, and our Counsaile
to examine their offence, and so to report it vnto vs, that we may command
what shall be done therein, and none other to be arrested or haue their
goods sealed, which are not guiltie of that offence, nor to stay or
apprehend them in any of our Dominions for the same.

19 If any English Marchant, Factor or seruant shall offend, it shalbe
lawfull for their Agent to doe iustice vpon the said partie, or to send him
home into England at his pleasure.

20 If any English Marchant, Factor or seruant, haue lent or hereafter shall
lende money to any of our people, or credite them with wares, and so depart
into any forreigne Countrey, or die before the debt be due to be payde,
then our people and Marchants to paye the sayde debt, to whom soeuer shall
be appointed to the sayd roome or charge, and the saide English Marchant,
factor, or seruant, to bring his bill of debt to our Counsell, to shewe
them what is due, and what money is owing them for any wares: and thus to
doe truly, not adding any whit to the debt, and our Counsel to command the
debt to be discharged vnto the English Marchant, factor, or seruant,
without delay.

21 And whatsoeuer English Marchant shall be arrested for debt, then our
Counsell to command the partie vnder arrest to be deliuered to the Agent:
and if he haue no suertie, to binde the Agent with him, for the better
force of the bond.

And if any Englishman be endebted, we will the Creditor not to cast him in
prison, or to deliuer him to the Sergeant, lest the officer lose him, but
to take ware in pawne of the debt.

22 Also of our goodnes, we haue granted the English Marchants to send our
Commission to all our Townes, Captaines, and authorised men, to defende and
garde the said Marchants from all theeues, robbers, and euill disposed
persons.

23 If in comming or going to and fro our dominions, the Marchants, the
factors, or seruants be spoyled on the sea, our Counsell shall send our
letters, and will them to be sought out, and where they shall finde the
goods, cause it to be restored againe, and the offender to be punished,
according to our commandement.

24 Also of our goodnes, we haue granted the saide Merchants to take vp
Brokers, Packers, Wayers, and such like labourers, as shall be needefull
for them, paying for their hier as the labourers and they shall agree.

25 We likewise of our goodnes, haue licensed the English Marchants in our
Townes of Mosco, Nouogorod the great, and Plesko, that the Coiners of the
said Townes shall melt Dollers, and coine money for them, without custome,
allowing for coales, and other necessaries, with the workemanship.

26 Also of our goodnes, we haue granted to the sayd English Merchants, to
take poste horse at needfull times, leauing with our officers a note how
many they take, and not else, in no case hindering or diminishing our
treasurie.

27 Also for our sister Queene Elizabeths sake, we of our goodnes haue
granted to the merchants within written, this our letter, and to their
successors, that no Englishman, nor any other stranger, come without the
Queenes leaue to Colmogorode, the riuer of Vob, Vasiagy, Pechora, Cola,
Mezena, Pechingo, Zeleuetskyes Island, the riuer of Shame, nor to no other
hauen of Dwina, nor to any part of the northside of Dwina, by hetherward of
Wardhouse, to any hauen, with shippe, Busse, or any other vessell, nor to
occupie in any kind of waies, but only the said English Companie, and their
successors, to whom we of our goodnes haue granted this priuiledge.

28 Also that no English Merchant, without the Queenes leaue, shall come
With any wares, to the Narue, or Vriogorod.

29 And whatsoeuer English Merchant, stranger, or other, of whatsoeuer
countrey he be, shall come with any shippe; Busse, or any other vessel, to
any of the said hauens, of the north side, to any part of Dwina, by North
the Narue, or Vriogorod, without the Queenes leaue or knowledge, not being
of the company aboue written, we to apprehende and take the same vessell
from those strangers and Merchants, the one halfe to vs the Emperour, and
great Duke, and the other halfe to the company of English Merchants.

30 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the said company of English
merchants, that no English merchants or strangers shall passe through our
dominions, to Boghar, Persia, Casbin, Charday, or other Countreys, saue
onely the company of English merchants and our owne messengers.

31 Also whatsoeuer Englishman, comming out of England or any other
Countrey, into our dominions, without the Queenes leaue, and knowledge, not
being of the sayd company, written within those our letters, mind, and
purpose, to abide in our realme, contrary to the Queenes will and pleasure,
or any way abuse himselfe, the Agent shall freely send him home, to the
Queene his Soueraigne: which if the Agent of himselfe be vnable to do, let
him pray for ayd of the captaines and officers of our townes there being,
and so send him to prison, and will the sayd captaines not to hinder the
sayd Agent from sending home such euill persons into England.

32 And if any man within our countrey runne away to any other towne or
place, the English merchants and factours, to haue free libertie to
apprehend him, and take their goods from him againe.

33 And as for our priuilege giuen to Thomas Glouer, Ralfe Rutter,
Christopher Bennet, Iohn Chappell, and their adherents, we haue commanded
the same priuileges to be taken from them.

34 Also we of our goodnesse haue granted the sayd company of English
merchants, their successours, seruants and deputies, that doe or shall
remaine at Mosco, or elsewhere within our dominions freely to keepe their
owne law: and in any wise none of ours to force them to our law or faith
against their will.

Moreouer, besides and with the company of English merchants, we permit all
strangers, to trade to our towne of Narue, Iuanogorod, and other our townes
of Liefland, as they haue done beforetime. Giuen from the beginning of the
world 7077, in the moneth of Iune 20, Indiction 12, the yere of our
lordship and reign 35, and of our Empire of Rusland 23. Cazan 17, Astracan
15.

       *       *       *       *        *

Other speciall grants by his Maiesties priuate letters at the sute of M.
  Randolfe Ambassadour.

Releasement out of prison of Fitzherbert, that was accused for writing of
letters against the Emperour.

Liberty giuen to Thomas Greene that was accused and troubled vpon suspition
of his dealing with the Ambassadour, and licence giuen to him to trafficke
as he was accustomed.

Andrew Atherton and his sureties released at the Narue and his seruant at
the Mosco, that were in trouble for sending the merchants letters into
England.

A letter granted to Thomas Southam to the Councell, for iustice against
them that stole the pearles.

His Maiesties fauor promised to the Artificers, and liuings to be appointed
them as they can best deserue.

A letter to the merchants that went into Persia, to passe freely without
impeachment in his dominions, as also letters of fauour to the great Shaugh
of Persia.

A grant vnto the company that at what time soeuer they send to the
discouery of Cataya, they shalbe licenced to repaire vnto this countrey,
and haue such conducts and guides, mariners, vessels, men and victuals as
they shall stand in need of.

It is also promised by Knez Alfanas, and Peter Gregoriwich in the Emperours
name, that if Benet Butler or any English man complaine, deface, hinder in
way of traffike or otherwise go about to discredit the worshipfull company,
and their doings, that therein they shall not be heard, and the doers to be
punished, as in such cases they shalbe iudged to haue deserued.

Certaine persons granted to be sent home into England that serued the
company, and were practisers against them in that countrey.

       *       *       *       *       *

A Commission giuen by vs Thomas Randolfe Ambassadour for the Queenes
  Maiestie in Russia, and Thomas Bannister, &c. vnto Iames Bassendine,
  Iames Woodcocke and Richard Browne, the which Bassendine, Woodcocke, and
  Browne we appoint ioyntly together, and aiders, the one of them to the
  other, in a voyage of discouery to be made (by the grace of God) by them,
  for searching of the sea, and border of the coast, from the riuer
  Pechora, to the Eastwards, as hereafter foloweth Anno 1588. The first of
  August.

In primis, when your barke with all furniture is ready, you shall at the
beginning of the yere (assoone as you possibly may) make your repaire to
the Easterne part of the riuer Pechora, where is an Island called
Dolgoieue, and from thence you shall passe to the Eastwards alongst by the
Sea coast of Hugorie, or the maine land of Pechora, and sailing alongst by
the same coast, you shall passe within seuen leagues of the Island Vaigats,
which is in the straight, almost halfe way from the coast of Heugorie, vnto
the cast of Noua Zembla, which Island Vaigats and Noua Zembla you shall
finde noted in your plat [Footnote: map], therefore you shall not need to
discouer it: but proceed on alongst the coast of Hugory, towards the riuer
Obba.

[Sidenote: Cara Reca. Naramsi Reca.] There is a Bay [Footnote: Gulf of
Kara.] betweene the sayd Vaigats, and the riuer Obba, that doth bite to the
Southwards, into the land of Hugory, in which Bay are two small riuers, the
one called Cara Reca [Footnote: River Kara.], the other Naramsy [Footnote:
Probably the River Juribei.], as in the paper of notes which are giuen to
you herewith may appeare: in the which Bay you shall not need to spend any
time for searching of it, but to direct your course to the riuer Ob (if
otherwise you be not constrained to keepe alongst the shore) and when you
come to the riuer Ob you shall not enter into it, but passe ouer vnto the
Easterne part of the mouth of the sayd riuer.

And when you are at the Easterne part of Obba Reca, you shall from thence
passe to the Eastwards, alongst by the border of the sayd coast, describing
the same in such perfect order as you can best do it. You shall not leaue
the sayd coast or border of the land, but pass alongst by it, at least in
sight of the same, vntil you haue sailed by it so farre to the Eastwards
and the time of the yeere so farre spent, that you doe thinke it time for
you to returne with your barke to Winter, which trauell may well be 300 or
400 leagues to the Eastwards of the Ob, if the Sea doe reach so farre as
our hope is it doth: but and if you finde not the said coast and sea to
trend so farre to the Eastwards, yet you shall not leaue the coast at any
time, but proceed alongst by it, as it doth lie, leauing no part of it
vnsearched, or seene, vnlesse it be some bay, or riuer, that you doe
certeinly know by the report of the people, that you shall finde in those
borders, or els some certeine tokens whereby you of your selues may iudge
it to be so. For our hope is that the said border of land and sea doth in
short space after you passe the Ob, incline East, and so the Southwards.
And therefore we would haue no part of the land of your starreboord side,
as you proceed in your discouery, to be left vndiscouered.

But and if the said Border of land do not incline so to the Eastwards as we
presuppose it, but that it doe proue to incline and trend to the
Northwards, and so ioyne with Noua Zembla, making the sea from Vaigats to
the Eastwards but a bay: yet we will that you do keepe alongst by the said
coast, and so bring vs certaine report of that forme and maner of the same
bay.

And if it doe so proue to be a bay, and that you haue passed round about
the same, and so by the trending of the land come backe vnto that part of
Noua Zembla that is against Vaigats whereas you may from that see the said
Island Vaigats, if the time of the yeere will permit you, you shall from
thence passe alongst by the said border and coast of Noua Zembla to the
Westwards, and so to search whether that part of Noua Zembla doe ioyne with
the land that Sir Hugh Willoughbie discouered in anno 53, [Footnote: There
is, of course, no such land.] and is in 72 degrees, and from that part of
Noua Zembla 120 leagues to the Westwards, as your plat doeth shew it vnto
you: and if you doe finde that land to ioyne with Noua Zembla, when you
come to it, you shall proceed further along the same coast, if the time of
the yere will permit it, and, that you doe think there will be sufficient
time for you to returne backe with your barke to Winter either at Pechora
or in Russia, at your discretion: for we refer the same to your good
iudgements, trusting that you will lose no time, that may further your
knowledge in this voyage.

Note you, it was the 20 of August, 56 yer the Serchthrift began to returne
backe from her discouerie, to Winter in Russia, and then she came from the
Island Vaigats, being forcibly driuen from thence with an Easterly winde
and yce, and so she came into the riuer Dwina, and arriued at Colmogro the
11 of September, 56. If the yce had not bene so much that yere as it was in
the Streights, on both sides of the Island Vaigats, they in the said
pinnesse would that yere haue discouered the parts that you are now sent to
seek: which thing (if it had pleased God) might haue bene done then: but
God hath reserued it for some other. Which discouerie, if it may be made by
you, it shall not only proue profitable vnto you, but it will also purchase
perpetuall fame and renowme both to you and our country. And thus not
doubting of your willing desires, and forwardnesse towards the same, we
pray God to blesse you with a lucky beginning, fortunate successe, and
happily to end the same. Amen.


Necessarie notes to be obserued, and followed in your discouerie, as
  hereafter followeth.

When your barke with all furniture and necessaries shall be in readinesse
for you to depart to the sea (if it be that you take your barke at S.
Nicholas, or any part of Dwina Reca) you shall from thence, euen as timely
in the spring as the yce will permit you, saile, and make all expedition
that may be, vnto the mouth of the riuer Pechora (as your commission doth
leade you) and as you passe by the coast all alongst (notwithstanding the
plat that sheweth you the description of the said coast, from Dwina vnto
Vaigats) yet you shall seeke by all the meanes that you can, to amend the
same plat, vsing as many obseruations, as you possibly can do: and these
notes following are to be obserued by you principally.

1 First, that you do obserue the latitude as often, and in as many places
as you may possibly do it, noting diligently the place where you do so
obserue the same.

2 Also that you doe diligently set with your compasse, how the land doth
lie from point to point, all alongst as you goe, and to vse your iudgements
how farre there may be betweene ech of them.

3 Item, that you do alwayes vse to draw the proportion and biting of the
land, aswell the lying out of the points, and headlands, vnto the which you
shall giue some apt names (at your discretion) as also the forme of the
Bayes, and to make some marke in drawing the forme, and border of the same,
where the high cliffes are, and where low land is, whether sandy hilles, or
whatsoeuer: omit not to note any thing that may be sensible and apparant to
you, which may serue to any purpose.

4 In passing along by any coast, that you keepe your lead going often
times, and sound at the least once euery glasse, and oftener if you thinke
good as occasion doth serue, and note diligently the depth with the maner
of the ground, and at euery time, how farre the same sounding may be from
the next shore to it: and how the next point or headland doth beare from
you. And in the sea after you set off from your port, you shall orderly at
the end of euery foure glasses sound, and if you finde ground, note the
depth and what ground, but if you can finde no ground, you shall also note
in what depth you could find no ground.

5 Also that you do diligently obserue the flowing, and ebbing in euery
place, and how the tides do set, which way the flood doth come, and how
much water it doth high in euery place, and what force the same tide hath
to driue a ship in an houre, as neere as you can iudge it.

6 Also that you doe seeke to obserue with the instrument which I deliuer
you herewith, according as I taught you at Rose Island, the true
platformes, and distances, in as many places as conueniently you may, for
it serueth very aptly your purpose.

7 Also that you take with you paper and ynke, and keepe a continuall
iournall or remembrance day by day, of all such things as shall fall out
worth the knowledge, not forgetting or omitting to write it, and note it,
that it may be shewed and read at your returne.

8 These orders if you shall diligently obserue, it will be easie for you to
make a plat and perfect description of your discouery, and so shall your
notes be sufficient to answere that which is looked for at your hands. But
withall you may not forget to note as many things as you can learne and
vnderstand by the report of any people whatsoeuer they be, so that it
appertaine any way to our desires. And thus the Lord God prosper your
voyage, Amen. [Footnote: Though dated 1588, this journey took place in
1578. Nothing is really known of the result of the expedition; but it has
been supposed that the English vessel, which was wrecked at the mouth of
the Ob about 1580, and whose crew was massacred by Samoyeds (_Purchas_,
iii. p. 546; _Hamel_, p. 238), was the one bearing Bassendine and his
companions.]

       *       *       *       *       *

Certaine letters in verse, written by Master George Turberuile [Footnote:
  Born at Whitchurch about 1530; educated at New College, Oxford; supposed
  to have died about 1600. "Occasional felecity of diction, a display of
  classical allusion, and imagery taken from the customs and amusements of
  the age ate not wanting; but the warmth, the energy, and the enthusiasm
  of poetry are sought for in vain." (_Drake_, Shakespeare and his Times,
  p. 456).] out of Moscouia, which went as Secretarie thither with Master
  Tho. Randolph, her Maiesties Ambassadour to the Emperour 1568, to
  certeine friends of his in London, describing the maners of the Countrey
  and people.

To his especiall friend Master Edward Dancie. [Footnote: Probably the
grandson of Sir Thomas Moore, and son of his second daughter, Elizabeth
Dancy.]

My Dancie deare, when I recount within my brest,
My London friends, and wonted mates, and thee aboue the rest:
I feele a thousand fits of deepe and deadly woe,
To thinke that I from land to sea, from blisse to bale did go.
I left my natiue soile, full like a retchlesse man,
And vnacquainted of the coast, among the Russes ran:
A people passing rude, to vices vile inclinde,
Folke fit to be of Bacchus traine, so quaffing is the kinde.
Drinke is their whole desire, the pot is all their pride,
The sobrest head doth once a day stand needfull of a guide.
If he to banket bid his friends, he will not shrinke
On them at dinner to bestow a douzen kindes of drinke:
Such licour as they haue, and as the countrey giues,
But chiefly two, one called Kuas, whereby the Mousiket[1] liues.
Small ware and waterlike, but somewhat tart in taste,
The rest is Mead of honie made, wherewith their lips they baste.
And if he goe vnto his neighbour as a guest,
He cares for litle meate, if so his drinke be of the best.
No wonder though they vse such vile and beastly trade,
Sith with the hatchet and the hand, their chiefest gods be made.
Their Idoles haue their hearts, on God they neuer call,
Vnlesse it be (Nichola Bough)[2] that hangs against the wall.
The house that hath no god, or painted Saint within,
Is not to be resorted to, that roofe is full of sinne.
Besides their priuate gods, in open places stand
Their crosses vnto which they crooche, and blesse themselues with hand.
Deuoutly downe they ducke, with forehead to the ground,
Was neuer more deceit in ragges, and greasie garments found:
Almost the meanest man in all the countrey rides,
The woman eke, against our vse, her trotting horse bestrides.
In sundry colours they both men and women goe,
In buskins all, that money haue on buskins to bestoe.
Each woman hanging hath a ring within her eare,
Which all of ancient vse, and some of very pride doe weare.
Their gate is very braue, their countenance wise and sadde.
And yet they follow fleshy lustes, their trade of liuing badde.
It is no shame at all accompted to defile
Anothers bedde, they, make no care their follies to concile,
Is not the meanest man in all the land but hee,
To buy her painted colours doeth allow his wife a fee,
Wherewith she deckes her selfe, and dies her tawnie skinne,
She pranks and paints her smoakie face, both brow, lip, cheeke, and chinne.
Yea those that honest are, if any such there bee
Within the land, doe vse the like: a man may plainely see.
Vpon some womens cheekes the painting how it lies,
In plaister sort, for that too thicke her face the harlot dies.
But such as skilfull are, and cunning Dames indeede,
By dayly practise doe it well, yea sure they doe exceede.
They lay their colours so, as he that is full wise,
May easly be deceiu'd therein, if he doe trust his eyes.
I not a little muse, what madnesse makes them paint
Their faces, waying how they keepe the stooue by meere constraint.
For seldome when, vnlesse on Church or marriage day
A man shall see the Dames abroade, that are of best aray.
The Russie meanes to reape the profit of her pride,
And so he mewes her to be sure, she lye by no mans side.
Thus much, friend Dancie, I did meane to write to thee,
To let thee weete in Russia land, what men and women bee.
Hereafter I perhaps of other things will write
To thee and other of my friends, which I shall see with sight:
And other stuffe besides, which true report shall tell,
Meane while I end my louing lines, and bid thee now farewell.

[Footnote 1: Moudjick, a servant.]
[Footnote 2: St. Nicholas.]

To Spencer.

If I should now forget, or not remember thee,
Thou Spencer might'st a foule rebuke, and shame impute to mee,
For I to open shew did loue thee passing well,
And thou wert he at parture, whom I loathde to bid farewell.
And as I went thy friend, so I continue still,
No better proofe thou canst then this desire of true good will
I doe remember well when needes I should away,
And that the Poste would licence vs, no longer time to stay:
Thou wrongst me by the fist, and holding fast my hand,
Didst craue of me to send thee newes, and how I liked the land.
It is a sandie soile, no very fruitful vaine,
More waste and wooddie grounds there are, then closes fit for graine.
Yet graine there growing is, which they vntimely take,
And cut or eare the corne be ripe, they mowe it on a stacke:
And laying sheafe by sheafe, their haruest so they dry,
They make the greater haste, for feare the frost the corne destroy.
For in the winter time, so glarie is the ground,
As neither grasse, nor other graine, in pastures may be found.
In coms the cattell then, the sheepe, the colt, the cowe,

Fast by his bed the Mowsike then[1] a lodging doth allowe,
Whom he with fodder feeds, and holds as deere as life:
And thus they weare the winter with the Mowsike and his wife.
Seuen months the Winter dures, the glare it is so great,
As it is May before he turne his ground to sow his wheate.
The bodies eke that die vnburied lie they then,
Laid vp in coffins made of firre, as well the poorest men,
As those of greater state: the cause is lightly found,
For that in Winter time, they cannot come to breake the ground.
And wood so plenteous is, quite throughout all the land,
As rich, and poore, at time of death assurd of coffins stand.
Perhaps, thou musest much, how this may stand with reason,
That bodies dead can vncorrupt abide so long a season.
Take this for certaine trothe, as soone as heate is gone,
The force of cold the body binds as hard as any stone,
Without offence at all to any liuing thing:
And so they lye in perfect state, till next returne of Spring.
Their beasts be like to ours, as farre as I can see
For shape, and shewe, but somewhat lesse of bulke, and bone they be.
Of watrish taste, the flesh not firme, like English beefe,
And yet it seru's them very well, and is a good releefe:
Their sheep are very small, sharpe singled, handfull long;
Great store of fowle on sea and land, the moorish reedes among.
The greatnes of the store doeth make the prices lesse,
Besides in all the land they know not how good meate to dresse.
They vse neither broach nor spit, but when the stoue they heate,
They put their victuals in a pan, and so they bake their meate.
No pewter to be had, no dishes but of wood,
No use of trenchers, cups cut out of birche are very good.
They vse but wooden spoones, which hanging in a case
Eache Mowsike at his girdle ties, and thinkes it no disgrace.
With whitles two or three, the better man the moe,
The chiefest Russies in the land, with spoone and kniues doe goe.
Their houses are not huge of building, but they say,
They plant them in the loftiest ground, to shift the snow away,
Which in the Winter time, eache where full thicke doth lie:
Which makes them haue the more desire, to set their houses hie.
No stone work is in vse, their roofes of rafters bee,
One linked in another fast, their wals are all of tree.
Of masts both long, and large; with mosse put in betweene,
To keepe the force of weather out, I neuer earst haue seene
A grosse deuise so good, and on the roofe they lay
The burthen barke, to rid the raine, and sudden showres away.
In euery roome a stoue, to serue the Winter turne,
Of wood they haue sufficient store, as much as they can burne.
They haue no English glasse, of slices of a rocke.
Hight Sluda they their windows make, that English glasse doth mocke.
They cut it very thinne, and sow it with a thred
In pretie order like to panes, to serue their present need.
No other glasse, good faith doth giue a better light:
And sure the rocke is nothing rich, the cost is very slight.
The chiefest place is that, where hangs the god by it,
The owner of the house himselfe doth neuer sit,
Unlesse his better come, to whom he yealds the seat:
The stranger bending to the god, the ground with brow most beat
And in that very place which they most sacred deeme,
The stranger lies: a token that his guest he doth esteeme.
Where he is wont to haue a beares skinne for his bed,
And must, in stead of pillow, clap his saddle to his head.
In Russia other shift there is not to be had,
For where the bedding is not good, the boalsters are but bad
I mused very much, what made them so to lie,
Sith in their countrey Downe is rife, and feathers out of crie:
Vnlesse it be because the countrey is so hard,
They feare by nicenesse of a bed their bodies would be mard,
I wisht thee oft with vs, saue that I stood in feare
Thou wouldst haue loathed to haue layd thy limmes vpon a beare,
As I and Stafford did, that was my mate in bed:
And yet (we thanke the God of heauen) we both right well haue sped.
Loe thus I make an ende: none other newes to thee,
But that the countrey is too colde, the people beastly bee.
I write not all I know, I touch but here and there,
For if I should, my penne would pinch, and eke offend I feare.
Who so shall read this verse, coniecture of the rest,
And thinke by reason of our trade, that I do thinke the best.
But if no traffique were, then could I boldly pen
The hardnesse of the soile, and eke the maners of the men.
They say the Lions paw giues iudgement of the beast:
And so may you deeme of the great, by reading of the least.

[Footenote: _Suggested emendation_: Them.]

To Parker. [Footnote: Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. See an
excellent account of him and his writings in Allibone's Dictionary.]

My Parker, paper, pen, and inke were made to write,
And idle heads, that little do, haue leisure to indite:
Wherefore, respecting these, and thine assured loue,
If I would write no newes to thee, them might'st my pen reproue.
And sithence fortune thus hath shou'd my shippe on shore:
And made me seeke another Realme vnseene of me before:
The maners of the men I purpose to declare.
And other priuate points besides, which strange and geazon are.
The Russie men are round of bodies, fully fac'd,
The greatest part with bellies bigge that ouerhang the waste,
Flat headed for the most, with faces nothing faire,
But browne, by reason of the stone, and closenesse of the aire:
It is their common vse to shaue or els to sheare
Their heads, for none in all the land long lolling locks doth weare,
Vnlsse perhaps he haue his souereigne prince displeas'd,
For then he neuer cuts his haire, vntil he be appeas'd,
A certaine signe to know who in displeasure be,
For euery man that viewes his head, will say, Loe this is he.
And during all the time he lets his locks to grow,
Dares no man for his life to him a face of friendship show.
Their garments be not gay, nor handsome to the eye,
A cap aloft their heads they haue, that standeth very hie,
Which Colpack they do terme. They wears no ruffes at all;
The best haue collers set with pearle, which they Rubasca call.
Their shirts in Russie long, they worke them downe before,
And on the sleeues with coloured Silks, two inches good and more.
Aloft their shirts they weare a garment iacket wise
Hight Onoriadka, and about his burlie waste, he tyes
His portkies, which in stead of better breeches be:
Of linnen cloth that garment is, no codpiece is to see.
A paire of yarnen stocks to keepe the colde away,
Within his boots the Russie weares, the heeles they vnderlay
With clouting clamps of steele, sharpe pointed at the toes,
And ouer all a Shuba furd, and thus the Russe goes.
Well butned is the Shube, according to his state,
Some Silke, of Siluer other some: but those of poorest rate
Do weare no Shubs at all, but grosser gownes to sight,
That reacheth downe beneath the calfe, and that Armacha hight:
These are the Russies robes. The richest vse to ride
From place to place, his seruant runnes, and followes by his side.
The Cassacke beares his felt, to force away the raine:
Their bridles are not very braue, their saddles are but plaine.
No bits but snaffles all, of birch their saddles be,
Much fashioned like the Scottish seates, broad flakes to keepe the knee
From sweating of the horse, the pannels larger farre
And broader be then ours, they vse short stirrups for the warre:
For when the Russie is pursued by cruel foe,
He rides away, and suddenly betakes him to his boe,
And bends me but about in saddle as be sits,
And therewithall amids his race his following foe he hits.
Their bowes are very short, like Turkie bowes outright,
Of sinowes made with birchen barke, in cunning maner dight.
Small arrowes, cruell heads, that fell and forked bee,
Which being shot from out those bowes, a cruel way will flee.
They seldome vse to shoo their horse, vnlesse they ride
In post vpon the frozen flouds, then cause they shall not slide,
He sets a slender calke, and so he rides his way.
The horses of the countrey go good fourescore versts a day,
And all without the spurre, once pricke them and they skippe,
But goe not forward on their way, the Russie hath his whippe
To rappe him on the ribbes, for though all booted bee,
Yet shall you not a paire of spurres in all the countrey see.
The common game is chesse, almost the simplest will
Both giue a checke and eke a mate, by practise comes their skill.
Againe they dice as fast, the poorest rogues of all
Will sit them downe in open field, and there to gaming fall
Their dice are very small, in fashion like to those
Which we doe vse, he takes them vp, and ouer thumbe he throwes
Not shaking them a whit, they cast suspiciously,
And yet I deeme them voyd of art that dicing most apply.
At play when Siluer lacks, goes saddle, horse and all,
And eche thing els worth Siluer walkes, although the price be small.
Because thou louest to play friend Parker other while,
I wish thee there the weary day with dicing to beguile.
But thou weart better farre at home, I wist it well,
And wouldest be loath among such lowts so long a time to dwell.
Then iudge of vs thy friends, what kinde of life, we had,
That neere the frozen pole to waste our weary dayes were glad.
In such a sauage soile, weere lawes do beare no sway,
But all is at the king his will, to saue or else to slay.
And that sans cause, God wot, if so his minde be such.
But what meane I with Kings to deale? we ought no Saints to touch.
Conceiue the rest your selfe, and deeme what liues they lead,
Where lust is Lawe, and Subiects liue continually in dread.
And where the best estates haue none assurance good
Of lands, of liues, nor nothing falles vnto the next of blood.
But all of custome doeth vnto the prince redowne,
And all the whole reuenue comes vnto the King his crowne.
Good faith I see thee muse at what I tell thee now,
But true it is, no choice, but all at princes pleasure bow.
So Tarquine ruled Rome as thou remembrest well,
And what his fortune was at last, I know thy selfe canst tell.
Where will in Common weale doth beare the onely sway,
And lust is Lawe, the prince and Realme must needs in time decay.
The strangenesse of the place is such for sundry things I see,
As if I woulde I cannot write ech priuate point to thee.
The colde is rare, the people rude, the prince so full of pride,
The Realme so stored with Monks and nunnes, and priests on euery side:
The maners are so Turkie like, the men so full of guile,
The women wanton, Temples stuft with idols that defile
The Seats that sacred ought to be, the customes are so quaint,
As if I would describe the whole, I feare my pen would faint.
In summe, I say I neuer saw a prince that so did raigne,
Nor people so beset with Saints, yet all but vile and vaine.
Wilde Irish are as ciuill as the Russies in their kinde,
Hard choice which is the best of both, ech bloody, rude and blinde.
If thou bee wise, as wise thou art, and wilt be ruld by me,
Liue still at home, and couet not those barbarous coasts to see.
No good befalles a man that seeks, and findes no better place,
No ciuill customes to be learned, where God bestowes no grace.
And truely ill they do deserue to be belou'd of God,
That neither loue nor stand in awe of his assured rod:
Which though be long, yet plagues at last the vile and beastly sort.
Of sinnill wights, that all in vice do place their chiefest sport.

A dieu friend Parker, if thou list, to know the Russes well,
To Sigismundus booke repaire, who all the trueth can tell:
For he long earst in message went vnto that sauage King.
Sent by the Pole, and true report in ech respect did bring,
To him I recommend my selfe; to ease my penne of paine,
And now at last do wish thee well, and bid farewell againe.

       *       *       *       *       *

The fourth voyage into Persia, made by M. Arthur Edwards Agent, Iohn
  Sparke, Laurence Chapman, Christopher Faucet, and Richard Pingle, in the
  yeere 1568. declared in this letter written from Casbin in Persia by the
  foresaide Laurence Chapman to a worshipfull merchant of the companie of
  Russia in London. Anno Domini 1569. Aprill 28.

[Sidenote: Their arriuall at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568.] Worshipfull
sir, my duetie alwayes remembred, and your prosperous health, and good
successe in all your affaires wished, to the glory of God, and your owne
hearts desire, &c. May it please you to vnderstand that your Agent M.
Arthur Edwards and we departed from Yeraslaue in Iuly 1568. and the 14. of
August arriued at our port called Bilbil, with your ship the Grace of God,
and the goods in her in good safetie, God bee thanked for it, finding there
neither the people so ready to ayd vs for the bringing of her in, and
vnlading of the goods, nor yet so obedient to the Shaughs priuilege, as the
worshipfull company haue bene informed. Our goods brought vpon land, we
were compelled to open and sel as they would set the price, or otherwise it
would haue bene worse for vs. [Sidenote: Prince Erasbec.] Being so
satisfied to their contentment, we were speedily aided with camels by the
prince Erasbec Sultan his appointment, to carry our goods to Shamaki, to
which place we attained the first of September, finding it so throughly
furnished with maner of commodities by occasion of our late comming, and by
such as came before vs, that no man would aske to buy any one piece of
karsie of vs, and lying then the space of one whole moneth before your
Agent Arthur Edwards would disperse vs abroade with the goods, such as came
out of Russia afterwardes, had brought their goods to that and other
places, and spoyled those sayles wee might haue made, being sent abroad in
time conuenient, being no little hinderance to the worshipfull, as also
great griefe vnto vs to see. To conclude, through our dayly calling vpon
him, he bent himselfe for Casbin, taking with him the greatest summe of the
goods, and two of the worshipfuls seruants, to witte, Iohn Sparke and my
selfe, to helpe and procure the better sale for the same: [Sidenote:
Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle.] and leauing at Shamaki Christopher
Faucet and Richard Pingle with three hundred and fiftie pieces of karsies
in their handes, supposed to be solde there or in Arrash before hee should
be able to make his return from Casbin, which, so farre foorth as I can
vnderstand, lie for the greatest part vnsolde. And being vpon our way, at a
certaine towne called Ardouil, we chanced to barter nine pieces of karsies
with those merchants for fourescore and foure batemans of cynamom, selling
the karsies at one hundred and fiftie shawghs the piece.

And being at that present not farre from Teueris, called the principal
place in this countrey for vttering of cloth or karsies, by much intreatie
I perswaded your Agent to send thither to prooue what might be done, and
receiuing from him foure and fiftie pieces of karsies, as also his
commission for the sale of the same, I proceeded on that voyage my selfe,
and one Tolmach in company with me, finding in that place great store of
broad cloth and karsies brought thither, some part by the Turkes who be
resident there, some by the Armenians, who fetch them at Aleppo, and some
by the townesmen, who trauell vnto Venice and there buy them, so that no
man offered me one penie more then a hundred and fourtie shawghs for a
karsie: and hauing special commission and charge from your Agent not to
stay there aboue the space of seuen dayes after my arriuall there, but to
repaire to Casbin with all speed, and furthermore, hauing regard to keepe
vp the price of the worshipfuls commodities, according to their desire, I
found meanes to barter them away for spices, such as were there to be had,
neither in goodnesse nor yet in price to my content: [Sidenote: Warre
against the Portingals at Ormuz.] neuerthelesse, considering the colde
sales which were there, as well for your karsies, as also the hot newes,
that Ormuz way was shut up by occasion that the Indians do warre against
them, which is true in deed: and againe the desire that the worshipfull
hath to haue such commodities bought, I thought it necessary to buy them,
the prices and weight whereof appeareth at large by my accompt sent to the
worshipfull, and is, as I thinke, the whole summe of spices bought at this
time.

[Sidenote: The gouernour of Grozin his Merchant.] It chanced me in that
place to meet with the gouernours merchant of Grozin, who was not a litle
desirous to bargen with me for a hundred pieces of karsies for his master
called Leuontie, and offering me so good bands for the paiment of the money
or silke to the merchants contentment vpon the deliuery of them, as in any
place within all this countrey is to be had: and offering me besides his
owne letter in the behalfe of his master, that no custome should be
demanded for the same, and the obtaining also at his masters hand as large
a priuilege for the worshipful to trauel into all parts of his dominion, as
the Shaugh had giuen them, and hearing good report made of him by the
Armenians also, and that he was a Christian, I was much more the willing to
bargen with him, and sold him a hundred pieces for a hundred and threescore
shawghs a piece, to be paid to the merchant in Grozin either in money or
silke to his contentment, within three dayes after the deliuerie of the
karsies there, hauing a band of him made by the Metropolitanes owne hand,
for the performance of the same, which is as sure as any here is to be
deuised: and vpon the same I sent my Tolmach from me backe to Shamaki, with
such goods as I bought at Teueris, and to the end hee might cause the
worshipfuls seruants there to see this bargen accomplished. [Sidenote: The
generall inconsistencie in the merchants and dealers of those parts.] At
whose arriuall there, as I do perceiue, the Captaine would not accomplish
his bargen to take them, but saith, hee hath no need of them; such is the
constancie of all men in the countrey, with whomsoeuer you shal bargen. If
the ware be bought, and they doe mislike it afterwards, they will bring it
againe, and compel you to deliuer the money for it againe, regarding the
Shawghs letters, which manifesteth the contrary, as a straw in the winde:
by meanes whereof, the worshipfull may know whether all be true that hath
bene written of this countrey people or not.

I am informed by all the brokers in Teueris, that the way once open to
Ormuz, from whence commeth no such store of spices as the worshipfull doeth
looke for, that here will bee put a way in Teueris, some for money, and
other some for barter, to the number of three hundred or foure hundred
pieces of karsies, being in coulers and goodnesse to the examples here sent
you, the rest of the karsies to make them vp a thousand, and broad clothes
to the summe of a hundred, bee as many as will be put away yeerely in this
countrey, so farre as yet I can perceiue.

[Sidenote: The trade between the Venetians and the Armenians not easily to
be broken.] To breake the trade betwixt the Venetians and the whole company
of the Armenians it is not possible, vnlesse the worshipful will finde some
meanes to receiue of them yerely to the number of 100. catters or mules
lading, and deliuer them for the same one third part money, the rest cloth
and karsies fitted in coulers meete for this countrey: the examples, as
abouesaid, are sent vnto you.

At Amadia sixe dayes iourney from Teueris, grow abundance of galles, which
are brought vp yerely by the Venetians, and be solde there for two bistes
the Teueris bateman, which as your Agent here saith, maketh sixe pound
English weight, but I doubt it wil not so be proued. Neuerthelesse it is
supposed much good will bee done by buying of them: which might at this
present haue partly bene proued; it so be that some could do but halfe that
which hath bene written.

Touching drugges, I finde many as well at Teueris, as also in Casbin, but
the goodnesse nothing like to such as be brought into England out of other
places: and the price is so high that smal gaine will be had in buying of
them: albeit, if I had bene furnished with money, as I might haue bene, if
some would, I would haue bought some, to the ende the goodnesse of them
might haue bene seene in England. At my comming to Casbin I found no maner
of sales of any commoditie made, but all lying there whole, and newes giuen
out (as your Agent saith) that the Shaugh would buy all such commodities as
he had, and giue him silke and spices for the same: but by report the
Shaugh neuer tooke cloth into his treasurie all the dayes of his life, and
will not now begin: his whole trade is in raw silke, which he selleth
alwayes for money to the Armenians and Turkes, and such other as vse to buy
it: thus hoping of that which is not like to be had, hee hath driuen off
the time, not sending to any other places: by means whereof the worshipfuls
goods lie vnsold to this day to their great hinderance, which I for my part
am not a litle sory to see.

[Sidenote: Babylon 15 days iourney from Casbin.] Babylon is from hence
fifteene dayes tourney, whereas by true report be great store of Dates, and
sold for a bisse the batman, the commoditie fit for England, and the place
so neere vnto vs might easily haue bene knowen, if hee, whose deeds and
sayings differ much, had bene willing to the same. Casan also is but seuen
dayes iourney from hence, and a place by report, where most store of spices
be at all times to be had, ouer and aboue any place in this countrey: it
could not be granted by him to be seen and proued at this time: if this be
losse to the worshipfull, referre it to the want of one which can do that
which he speaketh in words.

To trauell in this countrey is not onely miserable and vncomfortable for
lacke of townes and villages to harbour in when night commeth, and to
refresh men with wholesome victuals in time of need, but also such
scarsitie of water, that sometime in three dayes iourney together, is not
to be found any drop fit for man or beast to drinke, besides the great
danger we stand in for robbing by these infidels, who doe account it
remission of sinnes to wash their hands in the blood of one of vs. Better
it is therefore in mine opinion to continue a beggar in England during
life, then to remaine a rich Merchant seuen yeeres in this Countrey, as
some shall well find at their comming hither.

[Sidenote: His voyage to Gilan.] By commandement of the Agent also I went
to Gilan, as well to see what harbor was there for your ship, as also to
vnderstand what commoditie is there best sold, and for what quantitie. I
found the way from hence so dangerous and troublesome, that with my pen I
am not able to note it vnto you: no man trauelleth from hence thither, but
such poore people as need constraineth to buy Rice for their reliefe to
liue vpon, and they lay not aboue twentie batmans vpon a catter, and it
lieth no lower then the skirts of the saddle, and he escapeth very hardly
that commeth there with the same.

The towne of Laighon, which was the chiefest place in all that land, haue I
seen, and Langro and Rosar also, which be now ouerrun by the Shaugh and his
power, and be so spoiled, and the people so robbed, that not one of them is
able to buy one karsie. The best commoditie there to bee bought, is raw
silke, and is sold in the Summer time for 38. shaughs the Laighon batman,
which is litle aboue 40. li. waight, and for ready money: also there is to
bee had what store of Alom you will, and sold there for one bisse the
Teueris batman.

[Sidenote: The malice of the Turkish merchants.] In these partes be many
Turkie merchants resident, which giue an outward shew, as though they were
glad of our comming hither, but secretly they be our mortall enemies,
searching by all meanes to hinder our sales, because we should the sooner
giue ouer our trade thither, which in processe of time I hope will growe to
better perfection. They wish vs to go to Hallape with the rest of our
commodities vnsold, where they say we shall haue good intertainment in
spight of the great number of Venetians which be there resident, and the
custome but two in the hundred, and our karsies to be sold presently, had
we neuer so many, for twelue duckets, which maketh of this money 165.
shaughs: but by such as know the place, market and custome, it is reported
to vs credibly to the contrary, and that such karsies as ours be, are not
sold for aboue 8. duckets there: the custome thirtie in the hundred and
more, that no place in the world so well furnished with good cloth and
karsies, and of so braue colour as that place is, supposing it to bee
craftily purposed of them, to bring vs into trouble, which God defend vs
from.

[Sidenote: The price of spices.] The price of spices be these, at this
present enhansed by reason the way is shut to Ormus, which when God shall
send open, I purpose (God willing) to see, and at my returne to aduertise
the worshipfull what benefit is there to be had in all points, so neere as
I can learne: Pepper 25. shaughs the Teueris batman: Cloues 50. shaughs,
Long pepper 25. shaughs, Maces large 50. shaughs, Ginger 24. shaughs, ready
money all, or els looke not vpon them. And the best sort of rawe silke is
sold for 60. shaughs the Teueris batman. Thus for want of further matter to
inlarge, I ende for this time, beseeching God to preserue you in continuall
health.

By your obedient seruant,

Lawrence Chapman.

       *       *       *       *       *

Notes concerning this fourth voyage into Persia, begun in the moneth of
  Iuly 1568. gathered by M. Richard Willes from the mouth of Master Arthur
  Edwards which was Agent in the same.

When he came first to the Sophies presence, at his court in Casbin,
bringing his interpreter with him, and standing farre off, the Sophie
(sitting in a seat roiall with a great number of his noble men about him)
bad him come neere, and that thrise, vntill he came so neere him that he
might haue touched him with his hand. Then the first demand that he asked
him was, from what countrey he came: he answered, that he came from
England. Then asked hee of his noble men, who knew any such countrey? But
when Edwards saw that none of them had any intelligence of that name, he
named Inghilterra, as the Italians call England. [Sidenote: Londro,
London.] Then one of the noble men said Londro, meaning thereby London,
which name is better knowen in far countries out of Christendom, then is
the name of England. When Edwards heard him name Londro, he said that that
was the name of the chiefe citie of England, as was Teueris of the chiefe
city of Persia. He asked him many things more, as of the realme of England,
maruelling that it should be an Island of so great riches and power, as
Edwards declared vnto him: of the riches and abundance of our merchandize
he further vnderstood by our traffike in Moscouia and other countreis. He
demanded also many thinges of the Queenes maiestie, and of the customes and
lawes of the realme: saying oftentimes in his owne language, Bara colla,
(that is to say) Well sayd. He asked also many things of King Philip, and
of his wars against the Turke at Malta. Then he demanded of him what was
the chiefe cause of his resort into his realme. And being certified that it
was for the trade of merchandize he asked what kind of merchandize he could
bring thither. Such (sayd hee) as the Venetian merchants do, which dwelling
in our country in the city of Londro send to Venice, and from thence into
Turkie by Halepo and Tripoli in Syria, from whence, as by the second and
third hands, with great charges of many customs and other things thereunto
pertaining, they are at the length brought into your countrey and cities of
Persia. What merchandize are those? sayd the Sophie. Edwards answered, that
they were great abundance of fine karsies, of broad clothes of all sorts
and colours, as skariets, violets, and other of the finest cloth of all the
world. [Sidenote: The Venetians traffike in England.] Also, that the
Venetians brought out of England not onely such clothes ready made, but
furthermore great plenty of fine wooll to mingle with their wools, of which
they could not otherwise make fine cloth: affirming that there went out of
England yeerly that waies, aboue two hundredth thousand karsies, and as
many broad clothes, beside fine wooll and other merchandize, beside also
the great abundance of like clothes, the which were caried into Spaine,
Barbarie, and diuers other countries. The Sophie then asked him by what
means such merchandize might be brought into Persia. Right wel sir (said
he) by the way of Moscouia, with more safetie and in much shorter time then
the Venetians can bring them: first from England to Venice, and from thence
into Persia by the way of Turkie. And therefore if it shall please your
maiestie to grant vs free passage into all your dominions, with such
priuiledges as may appertaine to the safegard of our liues, goods and
merchandize, we will furnish your countries with all such merchandize and
other commodities, in shorter time, and better cheape then you may haue the
same at the Turks hands. This talke and much more was between the Sophie
and Edwards for the space of two houres: all which things liked him so
well, that shortly after he granted to the sayd Arthur Edwards other
priuiledges for the trade of merchandize into Persia, all written in Azure
and gold letters, and deliuered vnto the lord keeper of the Sophie his
great seale. The lord keeper was named Coche Califay, who sayd that when
the Shaugh (that is the king or prince) did sit to seale any letters, that
last priuiledge should be sealed and deliuered to Laurence Chapman. In this
priuiledge is one principall article for seruants or merchants: That if the
Agent do perceiue that vpon their naughtie doings, they would become
Bursormen, that then the Agent wheresoeuer he shall find any such seruant
or seruants, to take them and put them in prison, and no person to keepe
them or maintaine them. This article was granted in respect of a custome
among the Persians, being Mahumetans, whose maner is friendly to receiue
and wel entertaine, both with gifts and liuing, all such Christians, as
forsaking their religion, wil become of the religion of the Persians.
Insomuch that before this priuiledge was granted, there was great occasion
of naughty seruants to deceiue and rob their masters, that vnder the colour
of professing that religion, they might liue among them in such safetie,
that you might haue no lawe agaynst them, either to punish them or to
recouer your goods at their hands, or elsewhere. For before the Sophie
(whom they say to be a maruelous wise and gracious prince) seemed to fauour
our nation, and to grant them such priuiledges, the people abused them very
much, and so hated them, that they would not touch them, but reuiled them,
calling them Cafars and Gawars, which is, infidels or misbeleeuers. But
after they saw how greatly the prince fauoured them, they had them
afterward in great reuerence, and would kisse their hands and vse them very
friendly. For before they tooke it for no wrong to rob them, defraud them,
beare false witnesse against them, and such merchandizes as they had bought
or sold, make them take it againe, and change it as often as them listed.
And if any stranger by chance had killed one of them, they would haue the
life, of two for one slaine, and for the debts of any stranger would take
the goods of any other of the same nation, with many other such like
abuses, in maner vnknowen to the prince, before the complaints of our men
made vnto him for reformation of such abuses: which were the cause that no
merchant strangers of contrary religion durst come into his dominions with
their commodities, which might be greatly to the profite of him and his
subiects.


The Articles of the second priuiledge deliuered to Laurence Chapman, which
  are to be annexed vnto the former priuiledge.

10 Item, that the merchants haue free libertie, as in their first
priuiledge, to goe: vnto Gilan, and all other places of his dominions, now
or hereafter when occasion shall be giuen.

11 Item, if by misfortune any of their ships should breake, or fall vpon
any part of his dominions on the sea coast, his subiects to helpe with all
speed to saue the goods and to be deliuered to any of the sayd merchants
that liueth: or otherwise to be kept in safetie vntil any of them come to
demaund them.

12 Item, if any of the said merchants depart this life in any citie or
towne, or on the high way, his gouernours there to see their goods safely
kept, and to be deliuered to any other of them that shall demand them.

13 Item, the said merchants to take such camel-men as they themselues wil,
being countrey people, and that no Kissell Bash do let or hinder them. And
the said owners of the camels to bee bound to answere them such goods as
they shal receiue at their hands, and the camel-men to stand to the losses
of their camels or horses.

14 Item more, that the sayd Cariers do demaund no more of them, then their
agreement was to pay them.

15 Item more, if they be at a price with any Cariers, and haue giuen
earnest, the camel-men to see they keepe their promise.

16 Item, if any of the said merchants be in feare to trauel to giue them
one or more to go with them and see them in safetie with their goods, to
the place they will goe vnto.

17 Item, in all places, to say, in all cities, townes or villages on the
high way, his subiects to giue them honest roume, and victuals for their
money.

18 Item, the sayd merchants may in any place, where they shall thinke best,
build or buy any house or houses to their owne vses. And no person to
molest or trouble them, and to stand in any Carauan where they will, or
shal thinke good.

The commodities which the merchants may haue by this trade into Persia are
thought to bee great, and may in time perhaps be greater then the Portugals
trade into the East Indies, forasmuch as by the way of Persia into England,
the returne may be made euery yeere once: whereas the Portugals make the
returne from Calecut but once in two yeers, by a long and dangerous voiage
all by sea: for where as the citie and Island of Ormus, lying in the gulfe
of Persia, is the most famous Mart towne of all East India, whither all the
merchandises of India are brought, the same may in shorter time and more
safelie be brought by land and riuers through Persia, euen vnto the Caspian
sea, and from thence by the countreis of Russia or Moscouia by riuers, euen
vnto the citie of Yeraslaue, and from thence by land 180. miles to Vologda,
and from thence againe all by water euen vnto England.

The merchandises which he had out of Persia for the returne of wares are
silke of all sortes of colours, both raw and wrought. Also all maner of
spices and drugs, pearles, and precious stones, likewise carpets of diuers
sortes, with diuers other rich merchandises. It was told me of them that
came last from Persia, that here is more silke brought into some one city
of Persia, then is of cloth brought into the city of London. Also that one
village of Armenia named Gilgat doeth carie yeerely fiue hundred, and
sometime a thousand mules laden with silke to Halepo in Soria of Turkie,
being 4. dayes iourney from Tripoli, where the Venetians haue their
continuall abiding, and send from thence silks which they returne for
English karsies and other clothes into all partes of Christendome.


The maner how the Christians become Busormen, and forsake their religion.

I haue here noted before that if any Christian wil become a Busornan, that
is, one that hath forsaken his faith, and be a Mahometan of their religion,
they giue him many gifts and sometimes also a liuing. The maner is, that
when the deuill is entred into his heart to forsake his faith, he resorteth
to the Soltan or gouenour of the towne, to whom hee maketh protestation of
his diuelish purpose. The gouernour appointeth him a horse, and one to ride
before him on another horse, bearing a sword in his hand, and the Busorman
bearing an arrow in his hand, and rideth in the citie, cursing his father
and mother: and if euer after he returne to his owne religion, he is
guiltie of death, as is signified by the sword borne before him. A yong
man, a seruant of one of our merchants, because he would not abide the
correction of his master for his faults, was minded to forsake his faith.
But (as God would) he fell suddenly sicke and died, before he gaue himself
to the deuill. If he had become a Busorman, he had greatly troubled the
merchants: for if he then would haue said that halfe their goods had bene
his, they would haue giuen credite vnto him. For the auoiding of which
inconuenience, it was granted in the priuiledges, that no Busorman, &c. as
there appeareth.

In Persia in diuers places oxen and kine beare the tents and houshold
stuffe of the poore men of the countrey, which haue neither camels nor
horses.


Of the tree which beareth Bombasin cotton, or Gossampine.

In Persia is great abundance of Bombasin cotton, and very fine: this
groweth on a certaine litle tree or brier, not past the height of a mans
waste or litle more: the tree hath a slender stalke like vnto a brier, or
to a carnation gillifloure, with very many branches, bearing on euery
branch a fruit or rather a cod, growing in round forme, containing in it
the cotton: and when this bud or cod commeth to the bignes of a walnut, it
openeth and sheweth foorth the cotton, which groweth still in bignes vntill
it be like a fleece of wooll as big as a mans fist, and beginneth, to be
loose, and then they gather it as it were the ripe fruite. The seeds of
these trees are as big as peason, and are blacke, and somewhat flat, and
not round; they sowe them in plowed ground, where they grow in the fields
in great abundance in many countries in Persia, and diuers other regions.


The writing of the Persians.

Arthur Edwards shewed me a letter of the Sophie, written in their letters
backward, subsigned with the hands both of the Sophy and his Secretarie.
The Sophies subscription was onely one word (his name I suppose was Shaugh)
written in golden letters vpon red paper. The whole letter was also written
on the same piece of red paper, being long and narow, about the length of a
foote, and not past three inches broad. The priuate signet of the Sophie
was a round printed marke about the bignes of a roial, onely printed vpon
the same paper without any waxe or other seale, the letters seem so
mishapen and disordered, that a man would thinke it were somewhat scribled
in maner at aduentures. Yet they say that almost euery letter with his
pricke or circumflexe signifieth a whole word. Insomuch that in a piece of
paper as big as a mans hand their writing doeth containe as much as doeth
ours almost in a sheet of paper.

       *       *       *       *       *

The fift voiage into Persia made by M. Thomas Banister, and master Geofrey
  Ducket, Agents for the Moscouie companie, began from England in the yeere
  1568, and continuing to the yeere 1574 following. Written by P. I. from
  the mouth of M. Lionel Plumtree.

Vpon the 3. day of Iuly 1568, they embarked themselues at Yeraslaue, being
accompanied with Lionel Plumtree, and some 12. English men more, in a Barke
called the Thomas Bonauenture of the burden of 70. tunnes, taking also
along with them of Russes to the number of 40. for their vse and
imploiments. [Sidenote: The English Barke assaulted neere Astracan by the
Nagaian Tartars.] It fell out in the way, before they came to Astracan by
40. miles, that the Nagaian Tartars, being a kind of thieuish and cruel
people, made an assault vpon them with 18. boates of theirs, each of them
being armed, some with swords, some with speares, and some others with
bowes and arrowes, and the whole number of them they discouered to be about
300. men. They for their parts, although they could haue wished a quiet
voyage and iourney without blowes and violence, yet not willing to be
spoiled with such Barbarians as they were, began to defend themselues
against their assault, by meanes whereof a very terrible and fierce fight
folowed and continued hot and sharpe for two houres, wherein our men so wel
plaied their parts with their caliuers, that they forced the Tartars to
flee with the losse of 120 of them, as they were afterwards enformed by a
Russe prisoner, which escaped from the Nagaians, and came to them to
Astracan, at which towne they arriued the 20. of August.

[Sidenote: Astracan besieged by 70000 Turks and Tartars.] In this towne of
Astracan they were somewhat hindered of their iourney, and staied the space
of sixe weekes by reason of a great army of 70000. Turkes and Tartars which
came thither vpon the instigation of the great Turke, hoping either to haue
surprised it suddenly or by continuance of siege to win the same. But in
the end by reason that the winter approched, as also, because they had
receiued newes of a great expedition, which the Emperour of Russia was in
prouiding for the defence of the said place, they were constrained to raise
their siege, and to leaue the town as they found it.

Vpon their departure our men had opportunitie to proceed on their voyage,
and vsing the occasion, they left Astracan, and came to Bilbil towards the
end of October: from whence they went to Shauaran, where (as they lodged in
their tentes) they were greatly molested with strange troopes of sholcaues
or foxes, which were so busie with them that they tooke their meate and
victuals out of their lodgings, and deuoured to the bare bones in one night
a mighty wilde Bore that was sent vnto them for a present from the gouenour
of the countrey.

Hauing staied here some three or foure daies in prouiding of cariages and
other necessaries for their iourney, they departed thence and came to
Shamaky, which is foure dayes iourney from the aforesayd Shauaran. In this
towne of Shamaky their whole company spent out the Winter, and from thence
in April folowing they tooke their iourney towards Ardouil a place of great
account and much esteemed, by reason of the sepulchres of the Emperours of
Persia, which for the most part lie there buried, and so is growen to bee a
place of their superstitious deuotion. In this towne of Ardouil they
soiourned the space of 5. or 6. moneths, finding some traffiques and sales,
but to no purpose, the towne being more inhabited and frequented with
gentlemen and noblemen then merchants.

The difference of religion bred great broiles in this towne whiles they
remained there: for the brother sought the destruction of the brother, and
the neerest kinsmen rose vp one against another, insomuch that one of their
company Lionel Plumtree hath seene in one day sometimes 14 slaine in a
garboile. And he being further desirous to see their maner of fight, or
rather somewhat more curious to behold, then mistrustful of their blowes,
was like to haue borne a share in their bloodie tragedie, being twise
wounded with their shot and arrowes, although not to the death.

At this towne the Shah Thomas sent a messenger for our men to come to his
presence at Casbin, to whom Thomas Banister failed not to goe, although
master Ducket lay very sicke at Ardouil, and in such case that they almost
despaired of his recouerie. Hee being come to the Shaugh was receiued and
entertained of him with great fauour and speciall countenance, and had the
most part of all his requests granted him, this onely excepted, that
whereas he entreated a priuiledge or sufferance to transport and cary
through his dominions certaine horses into India, the Shaugh seemed both to
yeeld thereunto, and yet did not altogether denie it, but referred it to
some further time. As for the point of traffique, he could not make that
motion or request that was not so soone granted as it was preferred: and
the Shaugh himselfe bought there of him many karsies, and made him as good
paiment as any man could wish, and oftentimes would send his mony for the
wares before the wares were deliuered, that he might be the surer of this
honourable intended dealing.

One thing somewhat strange I thought good in this place to remember, that
whereas hee purposed to send a great summe of money to Mecca in Arabia, for
an offering to Mahomet their prophet, hee would not send any money or coyne
of his owne, but sent to the English merchants to exchange his coyne for
theirs, according to the value of it, yeelding this reason for the same,
that the money of the merchants was gotten by good meanes, and with good
consciences, and was therefore woorthie to be made for an oblation to their
holy prophet, but his owne money was rather gotten by fraud, oppression and
vnhonest meanes, and therefore was not fit to serue for so holie a vse.

After sixe moneths spent in Casbin the sayde Thomas Banister departed
towards the great citie of Taruis, where being arriued, he found M. Ducket
well recouered of his sicknesse, whom he had left ill at Ardouil.

At this Citie the foresayd Master Ducket made sales of the English
commodities, remaining there to that purpose the space of two yeeres and a
halfe. And besides other kindes of merchandises of that countrey, he bought
great stores of gals which grow in great abundance at a place within one
dayes iourney of the aforesayd Taruis.

After this Thomas Banister departed from Tauris, and went to Shamaky to
giue order for the transporting of those commodities which were bought for
England. And hauing dispatched them away, he went there hence to Arrash, a
towne foure dayes iourney with camels from Shamaky for the buying of rawe
silke. [Sidenote: The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman.] But
there by reason of the vnwholesomnesse of the aire, and corruption of the
waters in the hole time of the yeere, he with Lawrence Chapman and some
other English men vnhappily died: which being knowen of M. Ducket, he
immediately came from Taruis to Arrash, to take possession of the goods,
for otherwise by the custome of the countrey, if there had bene no merchant
or other friend of his to enter vpon that which he left, all had fallen
into the Shaughs hands, which goods notwithstanding could not bee recouered
from the officers, which had seized and sealed vp the same, vntill M.
Ducket had bene in person with the Shaugh, and had procured his order for
the deliuerie thereof.

[Sidenote: Humfrey Greensell burnt at Ormus.] Lionel Plumtree, in the meane
time that M. Ducket was at Casbin in sute for goods, vpon the perswasion of
certaine Bogharians, made prouision for a iourney to Cathaia, with cariages
and commodities, and hauing all things ready, departed secretly with a
Carauan: but being gone forwards on his way sixe dayes iourny, some fifty
horsemen by the procurement of Humfrey Greensell (who afterwards being at
Ormus in the East Indies, was there cruelly burnt in the Inquisition by the
Portingals) were sent after him in poste from Sultan Erasbec, the Shaughs
lieutenant, to fetch him backe againe, not suffering him to passe on so
perillous and dangerous a iourney for feare of diuers inconueinces that
might follow.

After this M. Ducket returned from Casbin to Shamaky againe, and
immediately made preparation for a iourney to Cassan, being about foure
dayes iourney from Shamaky, and caried with him foure mules laden with
mony.

In the way of his trauel he passed through Persepolis, sometime the roiall
seate of the Emperors of Persia, but now ruined and defaced, whereof
remaine to be seene at this day two gates onely that are distant one from
the other the space of 12 miles, and some few pinnacles in the mountains
and conueiances for fresh water.

The foresaid Cassan is a towne that consisteth altogether of merchandise,
and the best trade of all the land is there, being greatly frequented by
the merchants of India.

Here our men bought great store of al maner of wrought silkes, and some
spices, and good store of Turkie stones.

The towne is much to be commended for the ciuil and good gouernment that is
there vsed. An idle person is not suffred to liue amongst them.

The child that is but fine yeeres old is set to some labour. No ill rule,
disorder or riote by gaming or otherwise, is there permitted. Playing at
Dice or Cards is by the law present death.

At this Cashan they remained about the space of tenne weekes, and then came
down againe to Shamaky, and after some time spent in diuers places of the
countrey for buying of rawe silke and other commodities, they came at last
to Shauaran againe, where their ship was in harbour and then they shipt all
their goods and embarked themselues also, setting sayle the eight day of
May, in the yeere 1573. intending to fetch Astracan. By reason of the
varietie of the windes and dangerous flats of the Caspian sea, they beat it
vp and downe some 20. dayes. And the 28. day riding at anker vpon the
flats, certaine Russe Cassaks, which are outlawes or banished men, hauing
intelligence of their being there, and of the great wealth that they had
with them, came to them with diuers boates vnder the colour of friendship,
and entered their ship, but immediately they tooke their hatchets and slew
diuers of the Russes that were of the ship vpon the hatches: Whereupon
master Ducket, Lionell Plumtree, William Smith, the master, a man of
singular valure, and Amos Riall being vnder the Spardecke did so well
behaue themselues, that they skowred the hatches, and slew 14 of the
Cassaks gunners, and hurt and wounded about 30 more; being of them al in
number 150. at the least, armed with caliuers and other weapons fit for so
villanous a purpose.

[Sidenote: The English ship taken by the Cassaks.] M. Ducket
notwithstanding and the rest aforesaid receiued diuers wounds from the
enemie, and were so hurt, and withall so oppressed with the multitude and
force of them, that they were at last constrained to make an agreement with
the Cassaks by rendring the ship into their hands, hauing receiued first
their othes sworne by their crucifixes, not to do any further harme to
their persons.

Thus the shippe being taken, and all the English grieuously hurt, the
Cassaks immediately discharged the ship of them, putting them all into the
ship boate with two or three Persian targets full of horse flesh and swines
flesh, without further victuals or reliefe: they being in that case, made
the best hast they could to get to Astracan: and being come to the towne,
master Ducket made great sute to the captaine to haue men and boates set
out for the rescuing and recouering of the ship if it were possible: who
immediately sent out his sonne with fortie boates and fiue hundred men to
pursue the Pirats, and by good hap came to the place where they rid at
anker with the ship, but by reason of their foolishnes in striking vp their
drums before they were come neere them, the Cassaks discouering the boats,
cut their gables and put out to sea, whereupon the boats not being able to
folow them, returned againe to Astracan. After which, 60 boats more were
sent out to pursue them againe the second time: and that second army came
to a place where they found many of these Cassaks and slew them, and found
out the places where they had hid certaine parcels of their goods in the
earth in the chests of the ship: all which they recouered againe for the
English merchants, to the value of 5000 li. of 30 or 40 thousand pound, but
all the rest the Cassaks in the ship had caried away.

In the same place they found further diuers of the Cassaks which the
Englishmen had slaine, buried in the earth, and wrapt some in fortie or
fiftie yards of Sattin and Taffataes, and some in Turkie carpets cut and
spoiled by those villanous Pirats, of whom afterwards as many as could be
taken, by the Persians who entirely loued the English merchants, were put
to most cruell torments in all places according to their deserts.

But our men being thus spoyled of their goods, and wounded in their bodies,
remained about two moneths at Astracan for their better recouerie: and
hauing gotten some reasonable strength, they then prouided boates and went
vp the riuer of Volga to Cazan, with such goods as they had recouered from
the Cassaks. [Sidenote: Ice in the beginning of October.] From Cazan they
went towards Yeraslaue, but in the way the ice intercepted them about the
beginning of October, where suddenly in the night they were taken with a
cruell and vehement frost, and therewithall the waters so congeled, that
their boates were crushed and cut in sunder with the ice, whereby they
sustained both a further danger of life and losse of goods: but as much as
they could preserue with much adoe, they conueyed ouer land in sleds to
Vologda, and from thence sent much of it to Saint Nicholas to be laden in
the ships for England.

But Master Ducket, Lionel Plumtree and Amos Riall went with some parcels to
the Mosko, and there sold certaine quantities of it to the Emperour, who
pitying the mightie losse that they had sustained by his owne rebellious
people and subiects, bought himselfe as much as hee liked, and payed
present money for the same. [Sidenote: 1574.] So that Winter being spent
out in Mosko, and such wares prouided by them as serued for England, they
departed to Saint Nicholas, and there embarked in the moneth of August: and
hauing endured a very terrible passage in nine weekes and three dayes, with
some hardnesse of victuals, contrary and furious windes, and other sea
accidents, they arriued at London in the moneth of October, one thousand
fiue hundred seuentie and foure, and so make an ende of an vnfortunate
voyage: which if it had pleased God to prosper, that all things had come
home as safely as they were carefully prouided, and painfully laboured for,
it had proued the richest voiage and most profitable returne of commoditie,
that had euer bene vndertaken by English merchants, who, notwithstanding
all misfortunes, lost nothing of their principall aduenture, but onely the
interest and gaine that might haue risen by the vse of their stocke in the
meane time.

       *       *       *       *       *

Further obseruations concerning the state of Persia, taken in the foresayd
  fift voyage into those partes, and written by M. Geffery Ducket, one of
  the Agents emploied in the same.

Shamaky is the fairest towne in all Media, and the chiefest commoditie of
that countrey is rawe silke, and the greatest plentie thereof is at a towne
three dayes iourney from Shamaky called Arash: [Sidenote: Grosin or
Georgia.] and within 3. dayes iourney of Arash is a countrey named Grosin,
whose inhabitants are Christians, and are thought to be they which are
otherwise called Georgians: there is also much silke to be sold. The chief
towne of that countrey is called Zegham, from whence is caried yeerely into
Persia, an incredible quantitie of Hasell nuts, all of one sort and
goodnesse, and as good and thin shaled as are our Filberds. Of these are
caried yeerely the quantitie of 4000. Camels laden.


Of the name of the Sophy of Persia, and why he is called the Shaugh, and of
  other customes.

The king of Persia (whom here, we call the great Sophy) is not there so
called, but is called the Shaugh. It were there dangerous to cal him by the
name of Sophy, because that Sophy in the Persian tongue, is a begger, and
it were as much as to call him. The great begger. He lieth at a towne
called Casbin, which is situate in a goodly fertile valley of 3. or 4.
daies iourney in length. The towne is but euil builded, and for the most
part all of bricke, not hardened with fire, but only dried at the sunne, as
is the most part of the building of all Persia. The king hath not come out
of the compasse of his owne house in 33. or 34. yeeres, whereof the cause
is not knowen, but as they say, it is vpon a superstition of certaine
prophesies to which they are greatly addicted: he is now about 80. yeeres
of age, and very lusty. And to keepe him the more lusty, he hath 4. wiues
alwayes, and about 300. concubines, and once in the yeere he hath all the
faire maidens and wiues that may be found a great way about brought vnto
him, whom he diligently peruseth, feeling them in all parts, taking such as
he liketh, and putting away some of them which he hath kept before, and
with them that he putteth away, he gratifieth some such as hath done him
the best seruice. And if hee chance to take any mans wife, her husband is
very glad thereof, and in recompense of her, oftentimes he giueth the
husband one of his old store, whom he thankfully receiueth.

[Sidenote: How strangers are used.] If any stranger being a Christian shall
come before him, he must put on a new paire of shooes made in that
countrey, and from the place where be entreth, there is digged as it were a
causey all the way, vntil he come to the place where he shal talke with the
king who standeth alwayes aboue in a gallerie, when he talketh with any
strangers: and when the stranger is departed, then is the causey cast
downe, and the ground made euen againe.


Of the religion of the Persians.

Their religion is all one with the Turkes, sauing that they differ who was
the right successor of Mahumet. The Turkes say that it was one Homer and
his sonne Vsman. But the Persians say that it was one Mortus Ali, which
they would prooue in this maner. They say there was a counsell called to
decide the matter who should be the successor: and after they had called
vpon Mahumet to reueale vnto them his will and pleasure therein, there came
among them a little Lizard, who declared that it was Mahumets pleasure that
Mortus Ali should be his successor. [Sidenote: A goodly and well grounded
religion.] This Mortus Ali was a valiant man and slew Homer the Turkes
prophet. He had a sword that hee fought withall, with the which hee
conquered all his enemies, and killed as many as he stroke. When Mortus Ali
died, there came a holy prophet, who gaue them warning that shortly there
would come a white Camell, vpon the which he charged them to lay the body
and sword of Mortus Ali, and to suffer the Camel to cary it whither he
would. The which being performed, the said white camell caried the sword
and body of Mortus Ali taken vp into heauen, for whose return they haue
long looked in Persia. And for this cause the king alwayes keepeth a horse
ready sadled for him, and also of late kept for him one of his owne
daughters to be his wife, but she died in the yere of our Lord, 1573. And
they say furthermore, that if he come not shortly, they shalbe of our
beliefe: much like the Iewes, looking for their Messias to come and reigne
among them like a worldly king for euer, and deliuer them from the
captiuitie which they are now in among the Christians, Turkes, and
Gentiles.

The Shaugh or king of Persia is nothing in strength and power comparable
vnto the Turke: for although he hath a great Dominion, yet is it nothing to
be compared with the Turks: neither hath he any great Ordinance or gunnes,
or harquebusses. Notwithstanding his eldest sonne Ismael about 25. yeeres
past, fought a great battell with the Turke, and slew of his armie about an
hundred thousand men: who after his returne was by his father cast into
prison, and there continueth vntil this day: for his father the Shaugh had
him in suspicion that he would haue put him downe, and haue taken the
regiment vnto himselfe.

[Sidenote: Their opinion of Christ.] Their opinion of Christ is, that he
was an holy man and a great Prophet, but not like vnto Mahumet: saying,
that Mahumet was the last prophet by whom all things were finished, and was
therefore the greatest. To prooue that Christ was not Gods sonne, they say
that God had neuer wife, and therefore could haue no sonne or children.
They go on pilgrimage from the furthest part of Persia vnto Mecha in
Arabia, and by the way they visite also the sepulchre of Christ at
Ierusalem, which they now call Couch Kaly.

The most part of spices which commeth into Persia is brought from the
Island of Ormus, situate in the gulfe of Persia called Sinus Persicus,
betweene the maine land of Persia and Arabia, &c. The Portingals touch at
Ormus both in their voyage to East India and homeward againe, and from
thence bring all such spices as are occupied in Persia and the regions
thereabout: for of pepper, they bring very small quantitie, and that at a
very deare price.

The Turkes oftentimes bring pepper from Mecha in Arabia, which they sell as
good cheape as that which is brought from Ormus. Silkes are brought from no
place, but are wrought all in their owne countrey. Ormus is within two
miles of the maine land of Persia, and the Portingals fetch their fresh
water there, for the which they pay tribute to the Shaugh or king of
Persia.

[Sidenote: Their money.] Within Persia they haue neither gold nor siluer
mines, yet haue they coined money both of gold and siluer, and also other
small moneys of copper. There is brought into Persia an incredible summe of
Dutch dollars, which for the most part are there imploied in raw silke.

[Sidenote: Their bookes and learning.] They haue few bookes and lesse
learning, and are for the most part very brutish in al kind of good
sciences, sauing in some kind of silke works, and in such things as
pertaine to the furniture of horses, in the which they are passing good.

[Sidenote: Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason.] Their lawes
are as in their religion, wicked and detestable. And if any man offend the
prince, he punisheth it extremely, not onely in the person that offendeth,
but also in his children, and in as many as are of his kin. Theft and
murther are often punished, yet none otherwise then pleaseth him that is
ruler in the place where the offence is committed, and as the partie
offending is able to make friends, or with money to redeeme his offence.

[Sidenote: Dissention for religion.] There is oftentimes great mutinie
among the people in great Townes which of Mortus Ali his sonnes was
greatest: insomuch that sometimes in the towne two or three thousand people
are together by the eares for the same, as I haue seene in the towne of
Shamaky and Ardouil, and also in the great City of Tiueris, where I haue
seene a man comming from fighting, in a brauerie bringing in his hand foure
or fiue mens heads, carying them by the haire of the head: for although
they shaue their heads most commonly twise a weeke, yet leaue they a tuft
of haire vpon their heads about 2. foote long. I haue enquired why they
leaue the tuft of haire vpon their heads. They answered that thereby they
may easiler be carried vp into heauen when they are dead.

[Sidenote: Their priests and preaching. Their Lent.] For their religion
they haue certairie priests who are apparelled like vnto other men. They
vse euery morning and afternoone to go vp to the tops of their churches,
and tell there a great tale of Mahumet and Mortus Ali: and other preaching
haue they none. Their Lent is after Christmas, not in abstinence from flesh
onely, but from all meats and drinks, vntill the day be off the side, but
then they eate somtimes the whole night. And although it be against their
religion to drinke wine, yet at night they will take great excesses thereof
and be drunken. Their Lent beginneth at the new Moone, and they do not
enter into it vntill they haue seene the same: neither yet doeth their Lent
end, vntill they haue seen the next new Moone, although the same (through
close weather) should not be seen in long time.

[Sidenote: Their saints and holy men. Pilgrimage.] They haue among them
certaine holy men whom they call Setes, counted holy for that they or any
of their ancestors haue been on pilgrimage at Mecha in Arabia, for
whosoeuer goeth thither on pilgrimage to visite the sepulchre of Mahumet,
both he and all his posteritie are euer after called Setes, and counted for
holy men, and haue no lesse opinion of themselues. And if a man contrary
one of these, he will say that he is a Saint, and therefore ought to be
beleeued, and that hee cannot lie, although he lie neuer so shamefully.
Thus a man may be too holy, and no pride is greater then spirituall pride
of a mind puffed vp with his own opinion of holinesse. These Setes do vse
to shaue their heads all ouer, sauing on the sides a litle aboue the
temples, the which they leaue vnshauen, and vse to braid the same as women
do their haire, and to weare it as long as it will grow.

[Sidenote: Their praier and worshipping of God and Mahumet.] Euery morning
they vse to worship God, Mahumet, and Mortus Ali, and in praying turne
themselues toward the South, because Mecha lieth that way from them. When
they be in trauell on the way, many of them will (as soone as the Sunne
riseth) light from their horses, turning themselues to the South, and will
lay their gownes before them, with their swords and beads, and so standing
vpright worship to the South: and many times in their prayers kneele downe,
and kisse their beads, or somwhat els that lieth before them.

[Sidenote: Washing and outward clenlinesse.] The men or women doe neuer goe
to make water, but they vse to take with them a pot with a spout, and after
they haue made water, they flash some water vpon their priuy parts, and
thus doe the women as well as the men: and this is a matter of great
religion among them, and in making of water the men do cowre downe as well
as the women.

[Sidenote: Their swearing.] When they earnestly affirme a matter, they will
sweare by God, Mahumet, or Mortus Ali, and sometimes by all at ones: as
thus in their owne language, saying, Olla, Mahumet, Ali. But if he will
sweare by the Shaughs head, in saying Shaugham basshe, you may then beleeue
him if you will.

[Sidenote: The king's magnificence.] The Shaugh keepeth a great
magnificence in his court: and although sometimes in a moneth or six weekes
none of his nobilitie or counsaile can see him, yet goe they daily to the
court, and tary there a certaine time vntil they haue knowen his pleasure
whether hee will commaund them any thing or not. [Sidenote: Pursuiuants.]
Hee is watched euery night with a thousand of his men, which are called his
Curshes, who are they that hee vseth to send into the Countreis about his
greatest affaires. When he sendeth any of them (if it be to the greatest of
any of his nobilitie) he will obey them, although the messenger should beat
any of them to death.

[Sidenote: The kings company with his wiues and concubines.] The Shaugh
occupieth himselle alwayes two dayes in the weeke in his Bathstoue, and
when he is disposed to goe thither, he taketh with him fiue or sixe of his
concubines, more or lesse, and one day they consume in washing, rubbing,
and bathing him, and the other day in paring his nailes, and other matters.
The greatest part of his life hee spendeth amongst his wiues and
concubines. Hee hath now reigned about fiftie and foure yeeres, and is
therefore counted a very holy man, as they euer esteeme their kings, if
they haue reigned fiftie yeeres or more: for they measure the fauour of God
by a mans prosperitie, or his displeasure by a mans misfortune or
aduersitie. The great Turk hath this Shaugh in great reuerence, because he
hath reigned king so long time.

[Sidenote: The succession of the kingdom.] I haue sayd before that hee hath
foure wiues, and as many: concubines as him listeth: and if he chance to
haue any children by any of his concubines, and be minded that any of those
children shall inherite after him, then when one of his wiues dieth, the
concubine whom hee so fauoureth, hee maketh one of his wiues, and the
childe whom he so loueth best, he ordaineth to bee king after him.

[Sidenote: Circumcision.] What I heard of the maner of their mariages, for
offending of honest consciences and chaste ears, I may not commit to
writing: their fasting I haue declared before. They vse circumcision vnto
children of seuen yeeres of age, as do the Turkes.

[Sidenote: Their houses, and maner of eating.] Their houses (as I haue
sayd) are for the most part made of bricke, not burned but only dried in
the Sunne: In their houses they haue but litle furniture of houshold
stuffe, except it be their carpets and some copper worke: for all their
kettles and dishes wherein they eate, are of copper. They eate on the
ground, sitting on carpets crosse legged as do Tailors. There is no man so
simple but he sitteth on a carpet better or worse, and the whole house or
roume wherein he sitteth is wholy couered with carpets. Their houses are
all with flat roofes couered with earth: and in the Sommer time they lie
vpon them all night.

[Sidenote: Bondmen and bondwomen.] They haue many bond seruants both men
and women. Bondmen and bondwomen, is one of the best kind of merchandise
that any man may bring. When they buy any maydes or yong women, they yse to
fede them in all partes, as with vs men doe horses: when one hath bought a
yong woman, if he like her, be will keepe her for his owne vse as long as
him listeth, and then selleth her to an other, who doth the like with her.
So that one woman is sometimes sold in the space of foure or fiue yeeres,
twelue, or twentie times. If a man keepe a bondwoman for his owne vse, and
if hee find her to be false to him, and giue her body to any other, he may
kill her if he will.

[Sidenote: Women bought and sold, and let to hire.] When a merchant or
traueller commeth to any towne where he entendeth to tary any time, he
hireth a woman, or sometimes 2. or 3. during his abode there. And when he
commeth to an other towne, he doeth the like in the same also: for there
they vse to put out their women to hire, as wee do here hackney horses.

[Sidenote: Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground.] There is a very
great riuer which runneth through the plaine of Iauat, which falleth into
the Caspian sea, by a towne called Bachu, neere vnto which towne is a
strange thing to behold. For there issueth out of the ground a marueilous
quantitie of oile, which oile they fetch from the uttermost bounds of all
Persia: it serueth all the countrey to burn in their houses.

This oyle is blacke, and is called Nefte: [Footnote: These springs are
still in existence.] they vse to cary it throughout all the Countrey vpon
kine and asses, of which you shall oftentimes meet with foure or fiue
hundred in a company. [Sidenote: Oleum Petroleum.] There is also by the
said towne of Bachu another kind of oyle which is white and very precious:
and is supposed to be the same that here is called Petroleum. There is also
not far from Shamaky, a thing like vnto tarre, and issueth out of the
ground, [Footnote: These springs are still in existence.] whereof we haue
made the proofe, that in our ships it serueth well in the stead of tarre.

[Sidenote: Two sorts of kine.] In Persia are kine of two sorts: the one
like vnto ours in these partes: the other are marueilous euill fauoured,
with great bones and very leane, and but litle haire vpon them: their milke
is walowish sweete: they are like vnto them which are spoken of in the
Scripture, which in the dreame of Pharao signified the seuen deare yeeres:
for a leaner or more euill fauoured beast can no man see.

[Sidenote: Foxes in great plenty.] In the countrey of Shiruan (sometime
called Media) if you chance to lie in the fields neere vnto any village, as
the twilight beginneth, you shall haue about you two or three hundred
foxes, which make a marueilous wawling or howling: and if you looke not
well to your victuals, it shal scape them hardly but they will haue part
with you.

The Caspian sea doeth neither ebbe nor flowe, except sometimes by rages of
wind it swelleth vp very high: the water is very salt. Howbeit, the
quantitie of water that falleth out of the great riuer of Volga maketh the
water fresh at the least twentie leagues into the sea. The Caspian sea is
marueilous full of fish, but no kind of monstrous fish, as farre as I could
vnderstand, yet hath it sundry sortes of fishes which are not in these
parts of the world.

The mutton there is good, and the sheepe great, hauing very great rumpes
with much fat vpon them.

Rice and mutton Is their chiefe victual.

       *       *       *       *       *

The copy of a letter sent to the Emperour of Moscouie, by Christopher
  Hodsdon and William Burrough, Anno 1570.

MOst mightie Empefour, &c. Whereas Sir William Garrard and his felowship
the company of English merchants, this last Winter sent hither to the Narue
three ships laden with merchandise, which was left here, and with it
Christopher Hodsdon one of the sayd felowship, and their chiefe doer in
this place, who when hee came first hither, and vntil such time as hee had
dispatched those ships from hence, was in hope of goods to lade twelue or
thirteene sails of good ships, against this shipping, wherefore he wrote
vnto the sayd Sir William Garrard and his companie to send hither this
spring the sayd number of thirteene ships. And because that in their
comming hither wee found the Freebooters on the sea, and supposing this
yeere that they, would be very strong, he therefore gaue the said sir
William and his companie aduise to furnish the sayd number of ships so
strongly, as they should bee able to withstand the force of the
Freebooters: whereupon they haue according to his aduice sent this yeere
thirteene good ships together well furnished with men and munition, and all
other necessaries for the warres, of which 13. ships William Burrough one
of the said felowship is captaine generall, vnto whom there was giuen in
charge, that if hee met with any the Danske Freebooters, or whatsoeuer
robbers and theeues that are enimies to to your highnesse, he should doe
his best to apprehend and take them. [Sidenote: Fiue ships of Freebooters
taken.] It so hapned that the tenth day of this moneth the sayd William
with his fleete, met with sixe ships of the Freebooters neere vnto an
Island called Tuttee, which is about 50. versts from Narue vnto which
Freebooters he with his fleete gaue chase, and took of them the Admirall,
wherein were left but three men, the rest were fled to shore in their boats
amongst the woods vpon Tuttee, on which he set fire and burned her. He also
tooke foure more of those ships which are now here, and one ship escaped
him: out of, which foure ships some of the men fled in their boates and so
escaped, others were slaine in fight, and some of them when they saw they
could not escape, cast themselues willingly into the Sea and were drowned.
So that in these fiue ships were left but 83. men.

The said Wil. Borough when he came hither to Narue, finding here Chistopber
Hodsdon aforenamed, both the said Christopher and William together, in the
name of sir William Garrard and the rest of their whole companie and
felowship, did present vnto your highnesse of those Freebooters taken by
our ships 82. men, which we deliuered here vnto Knez Voiuoda, the 13. of
this moneth. One man of those Freebooters we haue kept by vs, whose name is
Haunce Snarke a captaine. And the cause why we haue done it is this: When
wee should haue deliuered him with the rest of his felowes vnto the
Voiuodaes officers, there were of our Englishmen more then 50. which fell
on their knees vnto vs, requesting that he might be reserued in the ship,
and caried back into England: and the cause why they so earnestly intreated
for him, is, that some of those our Englishmen had bene taken with
Freebooters, and by his meanes had their liues saued with great fauour
besides, which they found at his hands. Wherefore if it please your
highnesse to permit it, we will cary him home with vs into England, wherin
we request your maiesties fauour: notwithstanding what you command of him
shalbe obserued.

Wee haue also sent our seruant to your highnesse with such bestellings and
writings as wee found in those shippes: whereby your Maiestie may see by
whom, and in what order they were set out, and what they pretended, which
writings wee haue commended vnto Knez Yoriue your Maiesties Voiuoda at
Plesco, by our seruant. And haue requested his futherance for the safe
deliuerie of them to your maiesties hands: which writings when you haue
perused we desire that they may be returned vnto vs by this our seruant, as
speedily as may bee: for these ships which we now haue here will be soone
dispatched from hence, for that we haue not goods to lade aboue the halfe
of them. And the cause is, we haue this winter (by your maiesties order)
bene kept from traffiquing to the companies great losse. But hoping your
maiestie will hereafter haue consideration thereof, and that we may haue
free libertie to trafique in all partes of your maiesties Countries,
according to the priuledge giuen vnto vs, we pray for your maiesties
health, with prosperous successe to the pleasure of God. From Narue the 15
of Iuly, Anno 1570.

Your Maiesties most humble and obedient,

Christopher Hodsdon. William Borough.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henrie Lane, touching the burning of the
  Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar, written in Rose Island the 5. day of
  August, 1571.

Master Lane I haue me commended vnto you. The 27. of Iuly I arriued here
with the Magdalene, and the same day and houre did the Swalow and Harry
arriue here also. At our comming I found Master Proctor here, by whom we
vnderstand very heauie newes. [Sidenote: the citie of Mosco burnt by the
Crimme. Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco.] The Mosco is burnt
euerie sticke by the Crimme the 24, day of May last, and an innumerable
number of people: and in the English house was smothered Thomas Southam,
Tofild, Wauerly, Greenes wife and children, two children of Rafe, and more
to the number of 25. persons were stifeled in our Beere seller: and yet in
the same seller was Rafe, his wife, Iohn Browne, and Iohn Clarke preserued,
which was wonderfull. [Sidenote: M. Glouer and M. Rowley preserued.] And
there went into that seller master Glouer and master Rowley also: but
because the heate was so great, they came foorth againe with much perill,
so that a boy at their heeles was taken with the fire, yet they escaped
blindfold into another seller, and there, as Gods will was, they were
preserued. The Emperour fled out of the field, and many of his people were
caried away by the Crimme Tartar: to wit, all the yong people, the old they
would not meddle with, but let them alone, and so with exceeding much
spoile and infinite prisoners, they returned home againe. What with the
Crimme on the one side, and his crueltie on the other, he hath but few
people left. Commend me to mistresse Lane your wife, and to M. Locke, and
to all friends.

Yours to command, Richard Vscombe.

       *       *       *       *       *

A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie Ienkinson, Ambassadour from the
  Queens most excellent Maiestie, to the Emperour of Russia, from the time
  of his ariuall there, being the 26. of Iuly 1571, vntill his departure
  from thence the 23. of Iuly 1572.

The said 26. day I arriued with the two good ships called the Swalow and
the Harry in safetie, at the Baie of S. Nicholas in Russia aforesayd, and
landed at Rose Island, from whence immediately I sent away my interpreter
Daniel Siluester in post towards the Court, being then at the Mosco,
whereby his maiestie might as well bee aduertised of my arriual in his
Dominions, as also to knowe his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse.
And remaining at the sayd Island two or three dayes, to haue conference
with your Agent about your affaires, I did well perceiue by the words of
the sayd Agent and others your seruants, that I was entred into great
perill and danger of my life: for they reported to mee that they heard said
at the Mosco, that the princes displeasure was such against me, that if
euer I came into his country againe. I should loose my head, with other
words of discouragement. Whereat I was not a little dismaid, not knowing
whether it were best for me to proceed forwards, or to returne home againe
with the ships for the safeguard of my life. But calling to mind mine
innocencie and good meaning, and knowing my selfe not to haue offended his
Maiestie any maner of wayes either in word or deed, or by making former
promises not performed, heretofore by mine enemies falsely surmised: and
being desirous to come to the triall thereof, whereby to iustifie my true
dealings, and to reprooue my sayd enemies, as well here as there, who haue
not ceased of late by untrue reports to impute the cause of the sayd
Emperours displeasure towards you to proceed of my dealings, and promises
made to him at my last being with him (although by his letters to the
Queenes Maiestie, and by his owne words to me the contrary doeth appeare) I
determined with my selfe rather to put my life into his hands, and by the
prouidence of God to prosecute the charge committed unto me, then to
returne home in vaine, discouraged with the words of such, who had rather
that I had taried at home, then to be sent ouer with such credite, whereby
I might sift put their euil doings, the onely cause of your losse.

Wherefore, leauing the said ships the nine and twentieth day of the month,
I departed from the seaside, and the first of August arriued at Colmogro,
where I remaided attending the returne of my said messenger with order from
his Maiestie.

But all the Countrey being sore visited by the hand of God with the plague,
passage in euery place was shut up, that none might passe in paine of
death: My Messenger being eight hundreth miles upon his way, was stayed,
and kept at a towne called Shasco, and might not bee suffered to goe any
further, neither yet to returne backe againe, or sende unto me: by meanes
whereof in the space of foure moneths, I could neither heare nor know what
was become of him, in which time my said messenger found meanes to
aduertise the Gouernour of the Citie of Vologda, as well of his stay, as of
the cause of his comming thither, who sent him word that it was not
possible to passe any neerer the Prince without further order from his
Maiestie, who was gone to the warres against the Swethens, and that he
would aduertise his highnesse so soone as he might conueniently. And so my
said messenger was forced to remaine there still without answere. During
which time of his stay through the great death (as aforesaid) I found
meanes to send another messenger, with a guide by an vnknowen way through
wildernesse a thousand miles about, thinking that way he should passe
without let: but it prooued contrary, for likewise hee being passed a great
part of his iourney, fell into the handes of a watch, and escaped very
hardly, that hee and his guide with their horses had not bene burnt,
according to the lawe prouided for such as would seeke to passe by indirect
wayes, and many haue felt the smart thereof which had not wherewith to buy
out the paine: neither could that messenger returne backe vnto me.

And thus was I kept without answere or order from his Maiestie, and
remained at the saide Colmogro, vntil the 18. of Ianuary following, neither
hauing a gentleman to safegard me, nor lodging appointed me, nor allowance
of victuals according to the Countrey fashion for Ambassadours, which
argued his grieuous displeasure towards our nation. And the people of the
Countrey perceiuing the same, vsed towards mee and my company some
discourtesies: but about the 28. day aforesaid, the plague ceased, and the
passages being opened, there came order from his Maiestie that I should
haue poste horses, and bee suffered to depart from Colmogro to goe to a
Citie called Peraslaue neere to the Court, his Maiestie being newly
returned from the said warres. And I arriued at the said Peraslaue the 3.
of February, where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman, hauing then
a house appointed me and allowance of victuals, but so straightly kept,
that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me, nor I to
them. And the 14. of March folowing, I was sent for to the Court, and being
within three miles of the same, a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had
charge of me, to returne backe againe with me to the said Peraslaue, and to
remaine there vntil his Maiesties further pleasure, wherewith I was much
dismayed, and marueiled what that sudden change ment, and the rather,
because it was a troublesome time, and his Maiestie much disquieted through
the ill success of his affaires, (as I did vnderstand.) And the twentieth
of the same, I was sent for again to the Court, and the 23. I came before
his Maiestie, who caused mee to kisse his hand and gaue gratious audience
vnto my Oration, gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties
princely letters, and her present, in the presence of all this nobilitie.
After I had finished my Oration, too long here to rehearse, and deliuered
her highnesse letters, and present (as aforesaid) the Emperour sitting in
royall estate stood up and said, How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister? is
she in health? to whom I answered, God doth bless her Maiestie with health,
and peace, and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord, her louing brother. Then
his Maiestie sitting downe againe, commanded all his nobilitie and others
to depart, and auoyde the chamber, sauing the chiefe Secretarie, and one of
the Counsell, and willing me to approach neere vnto him with my
Interpretor, said vnto me these words.

Anthony, the last time thou wast with vs heere, wee did commit vnto thee
our trustie and secret Message, to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiesties
herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home, and did expect thy comming vnto
vs againe at the time we appointed, with a full answere of the same from
her highnesse. And in the meane time there came vnto us at seuerall times
three messengers, the one called Manly, the other George Middleton, and
Edward Goodman, by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires: to
whom wee sent our messengers to know whether thou Anthony, were returned
home in safetie, and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe: but those
messengers could tell vs nothing, and did miscall, and abuse with euil
words, both our messenger and thee, wherewith wee were much offended. And
vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to
be searched, with whom were found many letters, wherein was written much
against our Princely estate, and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull
things done, whereat we were much grieued, and would suffer none of those
rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs: and shortly after wee were
infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way
of Dwina, Ambassadour from the Queene, and we sent a Gentleman to meete and
conduct him to our Citie of Mosco, at which time wee looked that thou
shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe. And the said Thomas being arriued
at our said Citie, wee sent vnto him diuers times, that hee should come and
conferre with our Counsell: whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his
comming, looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto
thee. But hee refused to come to our said Counsell: wherefore, and for that
our saide Citie was visited with plague, the saide Thomas was the longer
kept from our presence. Which being ceased, foorthwith wee gaue him accesse
and audience, but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires, and
nothing touching ours. Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard,
for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures: But first Princes
affaires are to be established, and then Merchants. After this the said
Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda, and wee dealt with him
about our Princely affaires, whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie
and vs might bee established for euer, and matters were agreed and
concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs, and thereupon wee sent our
Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same: but our Ambassadour
returned vnto vs againe, without finishing our said affaires, contrary to
our expectation, and the Agreement betwixt vs, and your said Ambassadour.

This when his Maiestie had made a long discourse, I humbly beseeched his
highnesse to heare me graciously, and to giue me leaue to speake without
offence, and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake.
Which he graunted, and these were my words.

Most noble and famous Prince, the message which thy highnesse did sende by
me vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and
secret affaires, immediately, and so soone as I came home, I did declare
both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe, word for
word, as thou Lord diddest commaund mee. Which her highnesse did willingly
heare and accept, and being mindefull thereof, and willing to answere the
same, the next shipping after, her Maiestie did sende vnto thee, Lord, her
highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe, whose approoued wisedome and
fidetitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen, and therefore thought meete to
bee sent to so worthy a Prince, who had Commission not onely to treate with
thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires, but also of those thy Princely and
secret affaires committed vnto me. And the cause (most gracious Prince)
that I was not sent againe, was, for that I was imployed in seruice vpon
the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at
such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes, to come into
thy Maiesties Countrey, otherwise I had bene sent. And whereas thy Maiestie
saith, that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the
matters of his Legation, hee did (Lord) therein according to his
Commission: which was: First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe, which
order is commonly vsed among all Princes, when they send their Ambassadours
about matters of great waight. And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that
hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time, and promised the
same should be perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie: Whereupon (Lord) than
diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England, for answere thereof: It
may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand, that as the saide Thomas Randolfe
doeth confesse, that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse, and
Counsell diuers times about princely affaires: euen so hee denieth that
euer hee did agree, conclude, or make any promise in any condition or
order, as is alleaged, otherwise then it should please the Queene her
Maiestie to like of at his returne home, which hee did iustifie to thy
Highnes Ambassador his face in England. Wherefore, most mighty Prince, it
doth well appeare, that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy
Maiestie or els thy princely minde, and the true meaning of the Queenes
highnes her Ambassador, for want of a good Interpreter, was not well
vnderstood: and how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did receiue thy
highnes commendations, and letters sent by thy Maiesties Ambassador, and
how gratiously shee gaue him audience sundry times, vsing him with such
honour in all points for thy sake, Lord, her louing brother, as the like
was neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme, and how honourably with
full answere in all things, her Maiestie dismissed him, when hee had
finished all thy princely affaires (as it seemed) to his owne contentation,
it may well appeare by a true certificate lately sent with her highnes
letter unto thee Lord, by her messenger Robert Beast, and her Maiestie did
suppose that thy Ambassador would haue made report accordingly, and that by
him thy highnes would haue bene satisfied in all things: otherwise she
would haue sent her Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee Lord againe.
[Sidenote: Andrea Sauin Ambassadour from the Emperour.] But now her highnes
perceiuing that thy Maiestie is not fully satisfied in thy Princely
affaires, neither by Thomas Randolfe, her highnes Ambassador, nor by thine
owne Ambassador Andrea Sauin, nor yet by her Maiesties letter sent by the
said Andrea: and also vnderstanding thy great griefe and displeasure
towards Sir William Garrard, and his company, merchants tracking in thy
Maiesties dominions, hath thought good to send mee at this present vnto
thee Lord Emperor, and great duke; as wel with her highnes ful mind,
touching thy princely affaires, as also to know the iust cause of thy
Maiesties said displeasure towards the said company of merchants; and hath
commanded me to answere to all things in their behalfe, and according to
their true meanings. For her highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation
to proceede rather vpon the euill, and vntrue reports of thy late
Ambassador in England, and of such wicked persons of our nation resident
here in thy highnes dominions, rebels to her Maiestie, and their Countrey,
then of any iust deserts of the said merchants, who neuer willingly
deserued thy highnesse displeasure, but rather fauour in all their doings
and meanings. And since the first time of their traffiking in thy Maiesties
dominions, which is now nineteene yeres, the said merchants haue bene, and
are alwayes ready and willing truely to serue thy highnesse of all things
meete for thy Treasurie, in time of peace and of warre in despite of all
thy enemies: although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stoppe
the sound, and the way to the Narue, and haue brought, and do bring from
time to time such commoditie to thee, Lord, as her Maiestie doeth not
suffer to be transported foorth of her Realme to no other prince of the
world. And what great losses the said sir William Garrard, with his company
hath sustained of late yeeres in this trade, as well by shipwracke, as by
false seruants it is manifestly knowen: and what seruice the said companies
Ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies, two yeeres past in going
to the Narue, when they fought with the King of Poles shippes Freebooters,
and burnt the same and slew the people, and as many as were taken aliue
deliuered vnto thy Capaine at the Narue, I trust thy highnesse doth not
forget. Wherefore most mighty prince, the premises considered, the Queene
her most excellent Maiestie thy louing sister, doeth request thy highnes to
restore the said sir William Garrard with his company into thy princely
fauour againe, with their priuiledges for free traffique with thy
accustomed goodnes and iustice, to be ministred vnto them throughout all
thy Maiesties dominions, as aforetime: and that the same may be signified
by thy Princely letters, directed to thy officers in all places, and thy
highnesse commaundement or restraint to the contrary notwithstanding. And
further that it will please thy Maiestie, not to giue credite to false
reports, and vntrue suggestions of such as are enemies, and such as neither
would haue mutuall amitie to continue betwixt your Maiesties, nor yet
entercourse betwixt your countries. And such rebels of our nation, as Ralfe
Rutter, and others which lye lurking here in thy highnes dominions, seeking
to sowe dissentions betwixt your Maiesties by false surmises, spending away
their masters goods riotously, and will not come home to giue vp their
accompts, aduancing them selues to be merchants, and able to serue the
highnes of all things fit for thy treasure, whereas indeed they by of no
credite, nor able of themselues to do thy Maiestie any seruice at all: the
Queenes highnes request is, that it would please thy Maiestie to commaund
that such persons may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home, least by
their remayning here, and hauing practises and friendship with such as be
not thy highnesse friendes, their euil doing might be a cause hereafter to
withdraw thy goodnes from sir William Garrard and his company, who haue
true meaning in all their doings, and are ready to serue thy highnesse at
all times, vsing many other words to the aduancement of your credits, and
the disgracing of your enemies, and so I ended for that time.

Then sayd his Maiestie, We haue heard you, and will consider of all things
further when wee haue read the Queene our sisters letters: to whom I
answered, that I supposed his Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand
her highnesse full minde to his contentation, and what wanted in writing I
had credite to accomplish in word. Wherewith his maiestie seemed to be wel
pleased, and commaunded me to sit downe. And after pawsing a while, his
maiestie said these words vnto me, It is now a time which we spend in
fasting, and praying, being the weeke before Easter, and for that we will
shortly depart from hence, towards our borders of Nouogrod, wee can not
giue you answere, nor your dispatch here, but you shall goe from hence, and
tary vs vpon the way, where wee will shortly come, and then you shall knowe
our pleasure, and haue your dispatch. And so I was dismissed to my lodging,
and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from his Maiestie, with
great store of drinkes, of diuers sorts, and the next day following, being
the foure and twentieth of March aforesayde, the chiefe Secretary to his
Maiesty, sent vnto mee a Gentleman, to signifie vnto mee, that the
Emperours Maiesties pleasure was, I should immediately depart towards a
Citie, called Otwer, three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda, and
there to tary his highnes comming vnto a place called Staryts, threescore
miles from the sayd Otwer.

Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretary, requesting him to
further, and shew his fauour vnto our saide merchants in their sutes, which
they should haue occasion to moue in my absence: who sent me word againe,
that they should be wel assured of his friendship, and furtherance in all
their sutes. And forthwith post horses were sent me, with a Gentleman to
conduct me. And so departing from the said Sloboda, I arriued at the said
Otwer, the 28. of March aforesaid, where I remained til the eight of May
folowing. Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie, to the sayd
Staryts, where I arriued the tenth of the same, and the twelfth of the same
I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary, who at our meeting said
vnto me these words.

Our Lord Emperor, and great Duke, hath not onely perused the Queene her
highnes letters sent by you, and thereby doeth perceiue her minde, as well
touching their princely affaires, as also her earnest request in the
merchants behalfe, but also hath well pondered your words. And therefore
his Maiesties pleasure is, that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue
to moue in the merchants behalfe, or otherwise, for that tomorrowe you
shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes, and shall haue full answere in
all things, with your dispatch away.

Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters I gaue him in
writing certaine briefe articles of requests, which I had drawen out ready,
as foloweth:

1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is, that it would please the
Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure
fallen vpon Sir William Garrard, and his company, who neuer deserued the
same to their knowledge.

2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and
vntrue reports, by such as seeke to sowe dissension, and breake friendship
betwixt the Queenes highnesse, and his Maiestie.

3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William
Garrard, with his company into his fauour againe, and to restore them to
their former priuiledges and liberties, for free traffike in, and through,
and out of al his Maiesties dominions, in as ample maner as aforetime,
according to his princely letters of priuiledge, and accustomed goodnes.

4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt, that the said company of
merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects, as well for money owing
vnto them, as other their griefes and iniuries, throughout al his dominions
suffred since the time of his displeasure, during which time, the merchants
were forced by seuere iustice to answer to al mens demands, but theirs
could not be heard.

5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand, that much debts are owing to the
said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie, whereof part are in durance, and
some executed, and the said merchants know not howe to be paide, and
answered the same, except his highnes pitie their case, and commaund some
order to be taken therein.

6 Also, it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants
may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing, and due vnto
them by his Maiestie, for wares, as well English as Shamaki, taken into his
highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places, the long forbearing
whereof hath bene, and is great hinderance to the said company of
merchants.

7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand, that at this present
time there are in Persia of English Merchants, Thomas Banister, and Geffrey
Ducket, with their company, and goods, ready to come into his Maiesties
countrey of Astracan, and would haue come the last yeere, but that the
ship, with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them, were
stayed at Astracan by his highnes Captaine there, to the great hinderance
of the said merchants. Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct
his princely letters vnto his Captaines, and rulers, both at Astracan and
Cazan, not onely to suffer our people, as well merchants as mariners,
quietly and freely to passe and repasse with their shippes, barkes, or
other vessels downe the riuer Volga, and ouer the Mare Caspium, to fetch
the sayd English merchants, with their company and goods, out of the sayd
Persia, into his Maiesties dominions, but also that it would please his
highnes streightly to command, that when the sayd Thomas Banister, and
Geffrey Ducket, with their charge, shal arriue at the sayd Astracan, his
Maiesties Captaine there, and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga,
shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants, as they may be safely
conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes, and other their enemies.

8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand, that lately our merchants
comming from Shamaki haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers, both at
Astracan and Cazan, at both which places they were forced to pay custome
for their wares, although they solde no part thereof, but brought the same
into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda: and the sayd Customers did not only
exact, and take much more custome than was due by his Maiesties lawes, but
also for want of present money, tooke wares much exceeding their exacted
custome, and doe keepe the same as a pawne. It may therefore please his
highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers, to signifie
vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English
merchants, as also to command them to send the said merchants their said
goods so detained, vp to the Mosco, they paying such custome for the same
as shall be by his Maiestie appointed.

9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant, that sir William
Garrard with his companie may establish their trade for merchandise at
Colmogro in Dwina, and that such wares as shal be brought out of our
Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon, and receiued by his
officers there: and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants
may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro, by meanes whereof
the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges, in
transporting their goods so farre, and into so many places of his
dominions, may sell the same better cheape, to the benefite of his
Maiesties subiects.

10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes, that the whole trade likewise
from Persia, Boghar, and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium,
might be established at Astracan, the ancient marte towne in times past,
which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty, and
subiects, as I am well able to prooue, if it will please his highnesse to
appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein.

11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie, immediatly after the burning
of the mosco, to command that the said English merchants should giue in a
note into his Treasury, for their losses sustained by the said fire, which
was done by William Rowly, then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and
his company, and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said
fire did amount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue: It may please his
highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the
same, and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his
Maiestie, towards their said losses.

12 Also it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie, at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his
Maiesties Ambassadour, did not onely pardon and forgiue Thomas Glouer his
great and grieuous offences towards her highnesse committed, onely for his
Maiesties sake, but also commanded sir William Garrard with his company, to
deale fauourably with the said Glouer in his accompts, to whom he was
indebted greatly, and being their seruant, detained their goods in his
hands a long time: whereupon the said sir William Garrard with his company
counted with the said Glouer, and ended all things euen to his saide
contentation, and was found to bee debter to the said company 4000. rubbles
and aboue, and bound himselfe both by his solemne othe, and his
hand-writing, to pay the same immediately after his returne into Russia
with the said Andrea Sauin, vnto Nicholas Proctor chiefe Agent there, for
the said company of merchants. But although it is now two yeeres past,
since the said agreement, and that the said Nicholas hath diuers and sundry
times requested the said money of the said Thomas, yet will he not pay the
same debt, but maketh delay from time to time, alleadging that his Maiestie
oweth him a great summe of money, without the payment whereof he cannot be
able to pay the said merchants his due debt long forborne, to their great
hinderance. In consideration of the premisses. It may please his highnesse
to giue order that the said Glouer may be payd, and that he may discharge
his debt to the said company of merchants, and the rather for that hee
found such mercie and fauour in England, onely for his Maiesties sake.

13 Also forasmuch as Ralfe Rutter a rebell to the Queenes Maiestie, and an
enemie to his Countrey, and to sir William Garrard and his company, hath of
long time remained here, liuing of the spoyles and goods of the said
merchants, which he wrongfully detained in his handes, riotously spending
the same, during the time that he was their seruant, and would not come
home when he was sent for, and also for that the Queenes Maiestie doth
vnderstand, that the saide Ralfe, with other his adherents, doe seeke by
all false meanes to sowe dissension, and breake amitie betwixt their
Maiesties, and to ouerthrowe the trade of the said merchants: Her highnes
request is, that the said Ralfe with his complices may be deliuered vnto
me, to be caried home, and none other of her Maiesties subiects, not being
of the socitie of the said sir William Garrard and his company, to be
suffered to traffike within his highnes dominions, but to be deliuered to
their Agent to bee sent home: for that the said merchants with great
charges and losses, both by shipwracke, and riotous seruants, did first
finde out this trade, and haue continued the same these 19. yeeres, to
their great hinderance.

14 Also whereas diuers masters and artificers of our Nation are here in his
Maiesties seruice, and do finde themselues grieued that they cannot haue
licence to depart home into their natiue Countrey at their will and
pleasure: the Queenes Maiesties request is according to her highnes writing
in that behalfe, that not onely it will please his Maiestie to permit and
suffer such artificers here resident in the seruice of his highnes to haue
free libertie to depart and go home with me, if they request the same, but
also all other the like which shall come hereafter to serue his Maiesty, to
haue free libertie to depart likewise, without any let or stay.

15 Also it may please his Maiesty to vnderstand that during the time of my
long being at Colmogro, attending his highnesse pleasure for my farther
accesse, I with my company haue not onely bene ill vsed and intreated
there, and likewise the merchants there, by one Besson Myssereuy his
Maiesties chiefe officer, who hath dishonoured me, and smitten my people,
and oweth the saide merchants much money, and will not pay them: but also
the saide Besson hath spoken wordes of dishonour against the Queenes
Maiestie. Wherefore it may please his highnesse to send downe with me to
Colmogro, a Gentleman, as well chiefly to search foorth his euil behauiour
towards her Maiestie, as towards me her highnesse Ambassador, and to punish
him accordingly: and also that it would please his Maiestie to sende downe
his letter of iustice by vertue whereof the said Besson may be forced to
pay all such money as he oweth to the sayd merchants, without delay.

16 Also that it would please his highnesse to understand, that sir William
Garrard with his company vnderstanding of the great dearth in his Maiesties
dominions, by licence of the Queens Maiestie (not otherwise permitted) hath
sent certaine ships laden with corne into his highnesse Countrey of Dwyna,
rather for the reliefe of his Maiesties subiects then for any gaine: yet
the good will of the said merchants lightly regarded, they were forbidden
to sel the said corne, to their great discouragement hereafter to send any
more. Wherefore it may please his highnesse, to tender the good will of the
said merchants, as well in sending the saide corne, as in all other things,
ready to serue his Maiestie, and to direct his letters to his officers of
Dwina, to suffer the saide merchants with their company, to sell the said
corne by measure great or small at their pleasure, without paying custome.

These articles being deliuered to the chiefe Secretary, as aforesayde, and
our talke ended for that time. I departed to my lodging, accompanied with
certaine Gentlemen. The next day being the 13. of May aforesaid. I had
warning earely in the morning, to prepare my selfe to be at the Court,
betwixt the houres of 10. and 11. of the clocke, where I should haue
accesse unto the presence of the Prince, as well to receiue answere of all
things, as to bee dismissed to goe home. At which houres I was sent for to
the Court, and brought into the Chamber of presence, where his Maiestie did
sit apparelled most sumptuously, with a riche Crowne vpon his head,
garnisned with many precious stones, his eldest sonne sitting by him and
many of his Nobilitie about him: and after my duetie done, his highnesse
commanded me to approach very neere vnto him, and sayde vnto me these
words.

Anthony: the Queen our louing sister her letters wee haue caused to be
translated, and doe well vnderstand the same, and of, all things as well
therein contained, as by worde of mouth by you to vs declared wee haue well
considered, and doe perceiue that our secret message vnto you committed,
was done truely according to our minde (although wee were aduertised to the
contrary) and nowe wee are by you fully satisfied. [Sidenote: The causes of
the Emperors displeasure.] And when wee did sende our Ambassadour into
England, about those our great and waightie affaires to conclude the same
with the Queene our sister, our Ambassadour coulde ende nothing for want of
such assurance as was requisite in princely affaires, according to the
maner of all Countreys, but was dismissed vnto vs againe, with letters of
small effect, touching the same, and no Ambassadour sent with him from the
Queene: which caused vs to thinke that our princely affaires were set
aside, and little regarded, wherewith we were at that time much grieued:
for the which cause, and for the euil behauiour of your merchants, resident
in our dominions (who haue diuers wayes transgressed and broken our laws,
liuing wilfully in all their doings) we did lay our heauie displeasure vpon
them, and did take away from them their priuiledge, commaunding that the
same throughout all our dominions should be voyd, and of none effect: and
thereupon did write to the Queene our sister touching our griefes. And nowe
her highnesse hath sent vnto vs againe, you her Ambassadour, with her
louing letters and full minde, which we doe thankefully receiue, and are
thereby fully satisfied. And for that our princely, and secret affaires
were not finished to our contentation at our time appointed according to
our expectation, we doe now leaue of all these matters, and set them aside
for the time, because our minde is nowe otherwise changed, but hereafter
when occasion shall mooue vs to the like, wee will then talke of those
matters againe. And for that it hath pleased the Queene, our louing sister
to send vnto vs at this present, and doeth desire to continue in friendship
with vs for euer (which we doe gratefully accept, and willingly agree to
the same) wee of our goodnesse for her highnesse sake, will not onely from
hencefoorth put away, and forget all our displeasure towards the same Sir
William Garrard and his company (as though they had neuer offended vs) but
also will restore them to their priuiledges, and liberties, in, and
throughout all our dominions, and will signifie the same by our letter, in
all Townes and Cities, where the said merchants do traffique, as we will
showe them fauor as aforetime, if they do not deserue the contrary. And if
the Queene our sister had not sent thee Anthony vnto vs at this present,
God knoweth what we should haue done to the said merchants, or whether
would haue called back our indignation.

Then I humbly beseeched his Maiestie, to let me know the particular
offences committed by the said merchants, and the offendors names, to the
intent I might make report thereof vnto the Queenes Maiestie, my mistres,
accordingly, that the said offendors might receiue iust punishment for
their deserts: but he said, I should not know them, because he had cleerely
remitted al offences: and further, that it was not princely to forgiue, and
after to accuse the parties, whereby her Maiesties displeasure might fall
vpon them at home. Notwithstanding I did after vnderstand some part
thereof, by other means.

Then his Maiestie proceeding in talke said: As touching the articles of
request, concerning the merchants affaires which you did yesterday deliuer
vnto our Secretary, we haue not onely read the same our selfe, but also
haue appointed our said Secretary to declare vnto you our minde, and
answere to the same. And for that we are now vpon our iourney towards our
borders, and will depart from hence shortly, we will dismisse you to the
Queene our louing sister, your mistres, with our letters & full mind by
word of mouth, touching all your requests, & will send a gentleman one of
our houshold with you to safe conduct you to your ships: and of our goodnes
will giue you victuals, boates, men, and post horses, so many as you shall
neede. And therewith his Maiestie standing vp, and putting off his cappe,
said vnto me these words, Doe our hearty commendations unto our louing
sister, Queene Elizabeth, vnto whom we wish long life, with happie
successe: and therewith his highnes extended his hand to me to kisse, and
commanded his sunne, sitting by him, to send the like commendations, which
he did, whose hand likewise I kissed. And then his Maiestie caused me to
sit downe, and commaunded wine and drinkes of diuers sorts to be brought,
whereof he gaue me to drinke with his owne hand, and so after I departed.

Then the next day, being the 14. of May aforesaid, I was sent for to come
to the chief Secretary, & one other of the counsel with him, who at our
meeting said vnto me these words; We a appointed by the Emperor his
maiesty, to giue you answere from his Highness, touching your requests
deliuered in writing, which his Maiestie himselfe hath perused & answered
as followeth.

1 To the first request it is answered, that all his Maiesties griefes and
displeasure (now put away from the merchants) did grow, because the Queenes
Maiestie did not accomplish and ende with his Ambassador, his secrete and
waighty affaires, according to his expectation, and the promise made by
Thomas Randolph, at his being here: and also of the ill behauiour of your
merchants resident here in our Countrey, as his Maiestie did himselfe
yesterday declare vnto you.

2 To the second, his Maiesty willeth you to vnderstand that he hath not,
nor will not hereafter be moued to breake friendship with the Queenes
Maiesty, without good and iust cause.

3 To the third, you are answered by the Emperors Maiestie himselfe, that
his great goodnes and fauour againe vnto the merchants shall be restored,
and the same to be knowen by his gratious letters of priuilege now againe
granted.

4 To the fourth, his Maiesty hath commanded, that your merchants here
resident shall exhibite, and put in writing vnto me his Maiesties
Secretarie, all their griefes and complaints, as well for debts, as other
iniuries offred them since the time of his Highnes displeasure, and they
shall haue iustice truly ministred throughout all his Maiesties Dominions
without delay.

5 To the fifth, his maiesty doth not know of any debts due vnto the
merchants, by any of his Noblemen, as is alleaged: and whether it be true
or no, he knoweth not: the trueth whereof must be tried out, and thereupon
answere to be giuen: and hereafter his maiestie would not haue the
merchants to trust his people with too much.

6 To the sixth, it is answered, that his maiesty hath commanded search to
be made what money is owing to the marchants, for wares receiued into his
treasury, as in the article: (the most of the bookes of accompt being burnt
in the Musco) and such as is due, and found meete to be paid, shall be paid
forthwith to the marchants, their factors or seruants, which shall come for
the same. And for paiment of the rest, his maiesties further pleasure shall
be signified hereafter.

7 To the 7 his Maiesties answers is, that letters shall be written
forthwith to his captaines of Astracan, and Cazan, and other his officers,
vpon the riuer Volga, to whom it appertaineth, not onely to suffer your
people, both marchants, and mariners, to passe with their ships, or barkes,
from Astracan, ouer the Mare Caspium, to fetche Thomas Banister and Geofry
Ducket, with their company, and goods out of Persia, but also when they
shall arriue within his Maiesties dominions, to aide and assist them, and
see them safely conducted vp the riuer Volga, from danger of enemies.

8 To the eight, his maiestie hath commanded letters to be written to the
customers, both of Astracan and Cazan, to make restitution to the English
merchants of their goods so deteined by them for custome, and to take
custome for the same, according to his maiesties letters of priuilege.

9 10 To the ninth and tenth articles, his Maiestie will consider of those
matters, and hereafter will signifie his princely pleasure therein.

11 To the eleuenth, as touching an inuentorie giuen into the, treasury what
goods the merchants had burnt in the Mosco, in their houses there, his
Maiesties pleasure was to vnderstand the same, to the intent he might know
the losses of all strangers at that present, but not to make restitution,
for that it was Gods doing, and not the Emperours.

12 To the twelfth, concerning Thomas Glouer, his Maiestie was enformed by
his Ambassador of the Queenes great mercy and clemencie towards the said
Thomas, for his sake, which his Highnes receiued in good part, but what
agreement or dealings was betwixt the said sir William Garrard and his
company, and the said Glouer, or what he doth owe vnto the said merchants,
his Maiestie doth not know. And as for the money which the said Thomas
saith is owing vnto him by the Emperour, his Maiesties pleasure is, that so
much as shall be found due, and growing vpon wares deliuered vnto the
treasurie, out of the time of his Maiesties displeasure, shall be paid
forthwith to the said Thomas, and the rest is forfeited vnto his Maiestie,
and taken for a fine, as appertaining to Rutter and Bennet, accompted
traitors vnto his Highnes, during the time of his displeasure.

13 To the thirteenth article, concerning Rutter to deliuered vnto you, to
be caried home, the answere was, that as his Maiestie will not detaine any
English man in his countrey, that is willing to go home, according to the
Queenes request: euen so will he not force any to depart, that is willing
to tary with him. Yet his Highnes, to satisfie the Queenes Maiesties
request, is contented at this present to send the said Ralfe Rutter home
with you, and hath commanded that a letter shall be written vnto his chiefe
officer at the Mosco, to send the said Rutter away with speed, that he may
be with you at Vologda, by the fine of May, without faile: and touching the
rest of your request in the said article, his Maiesties pleasure shall be
signified in the letters of priuilege, granted to the said merchants.

14 To the fourteenth, touching artificers, his Maiestie will accomplish all
the Queenes Highnes request in that behalfe, and now at this present doth
licence such and so many to depart to their natiue countrey as are willing
to goe.

15 To the 15, touching Besson Messeriuey, the Emperors maiestie is much
offended with him, and will send down a gentleman with you to inquire of
his ill behauior, as wel for speaking of vndecent words against the Queens
maiestie as you haue alleaged, as also against you, and the merchants for
his outrages mentioned in the article, and the said Besson being found
guilty, to be imprisoned and punished by seuere iustice accordingly, and
after to put in sureties to answere the Emperors high displeasure, or els
to be brought vp like a prisoner by the said gentleman to answere his
offences before his Maiestie. And his highnes doth request that the Queenes
highnes would doe the like vpon Middleton and Manlie her messengers sent
thither two yeeres past, and of all others for their ill behauiour towards
his maiestie, as may appeare by letters sent by Daniel Siluester from his
highnes, least by the bad demeanor of such lewd persons, the amity and
friendship betwixt their maiesties might be diminished.

16 To the 16 and last article, touching the corne brought into the Emperors
dominions by the merchants, his maiestie doth greatly commend them for so
wel doing, and hath commanded to giue you a letter forthwith in their
behalf, directed to his officers of Duina, to suffer the said merchants to
selle their corne, by measure great or small at their pleasure without
custome.

Thus I receiued a full answere from his Maiestie by his chiefe Secretarie
and one other of his counsel, to the 16 articles afore rehearsed, by me
exhibited in writing touching your affaires, with his letter also sent by
me to the Queenes maiesty. Which being done, I requested that the new
letters of priuilege granted by his highnes vnto you might be forthwith
dispatched to the intent I might carie the same with me. Also I requested
that such money due to you, which it had pleased his maiesty to command to
be payd, might be deliuered to me in your behalfe.

Touching the letters of priuilege, the Secretary answered me, it is not
possible you can haue them with you, for they must be first written and
shewed vnto the Emperor, and then three to be written of one tenour
according to your request, which cannot bee done with speede, for that his
maiesties pleasure is, you shall depart this night before him, who
remooueth himselfe to morrow toward Nouogrod: but without faile the sayd
letters shall be dispatched vpon the way, and sent after you with speede to
Colmogro. And as touching the money which you require, it cannot be paid
here because we haue not the bookes of accounts, for want whereof we know
not what to paie: wherefore the best is that you send one of the merchants
after the Emperor to Nouogrod, and let him repaire vnto me there, and
without faile I will paie all such money as shall be appointed by his
maiestie to be paid after the bookes seene.

But forasmuch as there was none of your seruants with me at that present
(although I had earnestly written vnto your Agent Nicholas Proctor by
Richard Pringle one of your owne seruants, one moneth before my comming to
Starites, where I had my dispatch, that he should not faile to come
himselfe, or send one of your seruants to mee hither, to follow all such
sutes as I should commence in your behalfs, which he neglected to doe to
your great hinderance) I requested the said Secretarie that I might leaue
Daniel my interpreter with him, aswell for the receipt of money, as for the
speedy dispatch of the letters of priuiledge, but it would not be granted
in any wise that I should leaue any of mine owne companie behind me, and
thereupon I did take my leaue with full dispatch, and departed to my
lodging, and foorthwith there came vnto me a gentleman who had charge as
wel to conduct me and prouide boates, men, post horses and victuals all the
way to the sea side, being a thousand and three hundred miles, as also to
doe iustice of the sayd Bessen, as aforesaid. And he said vnto me, the
Emperours pleasure is, that you shall presently depart from hence, and I am
appointed to goe with you. And that night I departed from the said
Starites, being the fourteenth of May aforesayd. And passing a great part
of my iourney, I arriued at the citie of Vologda the last of the sayd May,
where I remained fiue daies as well expecting a messenger to bring vnto me
the new letters of priuiledge, as the comming of Rutter, whom the Emperours
Maiestie himselfe commanded before my face should bee sent vnto me without
faile, and I did see the letters written to the chiefe officers at the
Mosco for the same. Neuerthe lesse the said Rutter did not come, neither
could I heare of him after, nor know the sudden cause of his stay contrary
to the princes owne word and meaning, as I suppose. But I could not help
the matter being farre from the prince, neither could I tell how to haue
redresse, because by absence I could not complaine. Notwithstanding I vsed
my indeuour, and sent a messenger Iohn Norton one of your seruants from
Vologda to Nouogrod, where the court then lay, expressely with letters, as
well to aduertise his maiestie that the sayd Rutter was not sent vnto me
according to his highnes commandement and order, as also about the dispatch
of the said letters of priuiledge and receit of your money, with straight
charge that he should in any wise returne vnto me againe before the
departing of the ships. And the first day of Iune I departed from the said
Vologda by water towards Colmogro, where I arriued the 21 of Iune
aforesaid, and remained there vntil the 23 of Iuly, looking for the said
Iohn Norton to haue returned vnto me in al that time, which had respite
fully enough in that space both to go to the court to dispatch his busines,
and to haue returned againe vnto me, but he came not, for it was otherwise
determined before his going, as I did after vnderstand, and can more at
large by worde of mouth declare vnto your worships the occasion thereof.

Neuerthelesse, I am well assured before this time your Agent hath receiued
into his hands the sayd letters of priuiledges, and shall haue dispatch
with expedition in all things touching your affaires, according to his
maiesties grant by me obtained, and as he hath written to the Queenes
maiestie at this present, wishing that as now by my going the Emperour hath
withdrawen his grieuous displeasure from you, and restored you againe into
his fauour, so your Agent and others your seruants there resident may
behaue, and endeuour themselues to keepe and augment the same, whose euill
doings haue bene the onely occasion of his indignation now remitted.

       *       *       *       *       *

The names of such countries as I Anthony Ienkinson haue trauelled vnto,
  from the second of October 1546, at which time I made my first voyage out
  of England, vntill the yeere of our Lord 1572, when I returned last out
  of Russia.

First, I passed into Flanders, and trauelled through all the base
countries, and from thence through Germanie, passing ouer the Alpes I
trauelled into Italy, and from thence made my iourney through the Piemont
into France, throughout all which realme I haue throughly iournied.

I haue also trauelled through the kingdomes of Spaine and Portingal, I haue
sailed through the Leuant seas euery way, and haue bene in all the chiefe
Islands within the same sea, as Rhodes, Malta, Sicilia, Cyprus, Candie, and
diuers others.

I haue bene in many partes of Grecia, Morea, Archaia, and where the olde
citie of Corinth stoode.

I haue trauelled through a great part of Turkie, Syria, and diuers others
countries in Asia minor.

I haue passed ouer the mountaines of Libanus to Damasco, and trauelled
through Samaria, Galile, Philistine or Palestine, vnto Ierusalem, and so
through all the Holy land.

I haue bene in diuers places of Affrica, as Algiers, Cola, Hona, Tripolis,
the gollet within the gulfe of Tunis.

I haue sailed farre Northward within the Mare glaciale, where we haue had
continuall day, and sight of the Sunne ten weekes together, and that
nauigation was in Norway, Lapland, Samogitia, and other very strange
places.

I haue trauelled through all the ample dominions of the Emperour of Russia
and Moscouia, which extende from the North sea, and the confines of Norway,
and Lapland euen to the Mare Caspium.

I haue bene in diuers countries neere about the Caspian sea, Gentiles, and
Mahometans, as Cazan, Cremia, Rezan, Cheremisi, Mordouiti, Vachin, Nagaia,
with diuers others of strange customes and religions.

I haue sailed ouer the Caspian sea, and discouered all the regions
thereabout adiacent, as Chircassi, Comul, Shascal, Shiruim, with many
others.

I haue trauelled 40 daies iourney beyond the said sea, towards the Oriental
India, and Cathaia, through diuers deserts and wildernesses, and passed
through 5 kingdomes of the Tartars, and all the land of Turkeman and
Zagatay, and so to the great citie of Boghar in Bactria; not without great
perils and dangers sundry times.

After all this, in An. 1562, I passed againe ouer the Caspian sea another
way, and landed in Armenia, at a citie called Derbent, built by Alexander
the great, and from thence trauelled through Media, Parthia, Hircania, into
Persia to the court of the great Sophie called Shaw Tamasso, vnto whom I
deliuered letters from the Queenes Maiestie, and remained in his court 8
moneths, and returning homeward, passed through diuers other countries.
Finally I made two voyages more after that out of England into Russia, the
one in the yeere 1566, and the other in the yeere 1571. And thus being
weary and growing old, I am content to take my rest in mine owne house,
chiefly comforting my selfe, in that my seruice hath been honourably
accepted and rewarded of her maiestie and the rest by whom I haue bene
imploied.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter of Iames Alday to the Worshipfull M. Michael Lock, Agent in London
  for the Moscouie company, touching a trade to be established in Lappia,
  written 1575.

I haue in remembrance (worshipful Sir) the talke we had when I was with
you, as touching the trade in Lappia: [Sidenote: He maruelleth the company
do not conferre with him of Lappia.] And certeinly I haue something
marueiled that in all this time the right wor. your societie haue not giuen
order that some little conference (by you, or with some other) might haue
bin had with me touching those parts, considering they know (as I thinke)
that I remained there one whole yere and more, by which meanes reason would
that I should haue learned something. But the cause why they haue not
desired to conferre with me (as I iudge) resteth onely in one of these 4
cases, that is to say, either they thinke themselues so throughly certified
of that trade, as more neede not be spoken thereof, or that they haue no
lust more to deale that waies, or that they hold mee so vntrusty to them
that they dare not open their minds, for feare or doubt, I should beare
more affection to others then to them, and so discouer their secrets: or
els they think me of so simple vnderstanding, that I am not worthy to be
spoken with in these matters. To which 4 cases I answere as followeth:
[Sidenote: 5 English men wintered in Lappia.] First, if they think
themselues so throughly certified as more need not to be spoken: certeinly
I something maruel by whom it should be: for in the winter past there lay
but 5 English persons there, viz. Christopher Colt, Roger Leche, Adam
Tunstal cooper, one lad, and I: for Henry Cocknedge was the whole winter at
Mosco. [Sidenote: Christopher Colt a simple merchant.] And of these
persons, as touching Colt, I think him (if I may without offence speake my
conscience) the most simple person that was there, (as touching the
vnderstanding of a marchant) although indeed he tooke vpon him very much to
his owne harme and others I doubt, for he vsed himselfe not like a
marchant, neither shewed diligence like a worthy seruant or factor, but lay
still in a den al the whole winter, hauing wares lying vpon his hand, which
he would not imploy to any vse: although sundry waies there were that he
might haue put his wares in ready money with gaine, and no great aduenture,
which money would haue bin more acceptable to the poore Lappes and
fishermen at the spring, than any kind of wares: [Sidenote: Good trade in
winter in Lappia.] but his fond head did as he that had the talent in the
Gospel, and yet he had counsel to the contrary which he disdained, so that
men perceiuing his captious head, left not only to counsell him, but also
some, in as much as they might, kept him from knowledge of the trade that
might be in that country, the winter time, which is better peraduenture
then most men think of. Wherefore if Colt haue written or said any thing
touching those countries, it is doubtful whether it toucheth the effect or
not, considering he lay still all the winter without trial of any matter.
[Sidenote: Henry Cocknedge, honest but ignorant.] And for Henry Cocknedge
assuredly speaking so much as I do perfectly know, I must needs say that he
is a very honest young man, and right careful of his business, and in that
respect worthy to be praised. But yet he being absent in the winter other
then by hearesay he could not learne, so that his instructions may be
something doubtful. [Sidenote: Roger Leche expert of Lappia.] And like as
of the lad nothing can be learned, so am I sure that Tunstal the Cooper
hath not yet beene spoken with, so that those of parts certeine knowledge
cannot as yet be learned, except by Roger Leche, of whom I confesse
knowledge may be had, for indeed there is no English man liuing that hath
like knowledge in those countries as he hath, nor that is able to do so
much with the people as he may: he in the winter trauailed one waies and
other nere 300 miles: he of a litle made somthing, and learned not only the
maners, conditions and customs of the people, but also he learned of al
kind of commodities in those regions how they may be bought at the most
aduantage, that gaine may be made of them: So that I confesse, if he hath
giuen intelligence to the right Wor. company, then haue they no neede to
speake with me or any other for to learne of those countries (except it be
to heare mine opinion) which in truth I wil alwaies open unto them. But the
effect of the beneficial secrets of that countrey is to be inquired of him,
& in mine opinion worthy to be learned, except, as in the second case, they
list no more to deale that waies. [Sidenote: If the companie do not enter
into the trade of Lappia, others will preuent them.] To which I answere,
that if they deal not that waies, & that with speede they seeke not to
preuent others that mean to deale there, although not English men, let them
then not thinke long to haue any profitable trade in Russia: for the
greater part of that benefit wil be wiped from them, or 5 yeere to an end,
as I will shew good reason, if I be demanded the question. [Sidenote: The
trade of Vedagoba.] Therefore if they will maintaine the Russia trade with
aduantage, then ought they to looke to this in time, so may they keepe the
Russia trade as it is, and likewise make a trade in Lappia more profitable
then that, and therefore this is to bee considered, rather then to
prohibite Englishmen from the trade of Vedagoba. For if they looke not to
this, and that in time, they may be likened (if it might be without offence
spoken) to two dogs that striue for the bone whiles the third run away with
it: and yet mean I not otherwise, but in such order, as not Englishmen
only, but also Hollanders, Brabanders, & others may be iustly and vtterly
put from the trade in Lappia, and the company to keepe the whole trades to
themselues without interruption of any, to their great benefit, which I
wish from the bottome of my heart, as euer I wished wealth to mine owne
person: And thereby hold me excused in the third case I write of.
[Sidenote: He can say somewhat though not much.] And for the fourth as
touching my iudgment, as I confesse it is not very deepe, so I thanke God I
am not vtterly without vnderstanding (although I be poore) and therefore
peraduenture holden out of reputation, yet God doth distribute his gifts as
it pleaseth him. I haue seen wise men poore in my time, & foolish men rich,
and some men haue more knowledge then they can vtter by speech, which,
fault was once obiected against me by a learned man of this realme: but
surely how weak soeuer my vtterance is, my meaning is faithful and true,
and I wish in my heart to your laudable company al the gaine that may be,
or els I pray God to confound me as a false dissembler. [Sidenote: 1183
barrels of oyle bough by others. Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander.] It
greeueth me to see how of late they haue bin brought to great charges,
beating the bush, as the old terme is, & other men taking the birds: this
last yere hauing in Lappia 2 ships, as I am partly informed, they both
brought not much aboue 300 barrels of traine oile, yet am I sure there was
bought besides them of the Russes, Corels, & Lappes, 1183 barrels, besides
27 barrels Colt sold to Iacob the Hollander, at two barrels for one
Northerne dozen. And yet there is a greater inconuenience springing, which
if it take a little deeper roote it will be (I feare) too hard to be pulled
up, which for loue & good will (God is my witnes) I write of, wishing as to
my deare friends that they should looke to it in time, if they meane to
keepe the trade of Russia or Lappia. And thus loue hath compelled me to
write this aduertisement, which I wish to be accepted in as good part, as I
with good will haue written it.

       *       *       *       *       *

The request of an honest merchant to a friend of his, to be aduised and
  directed in the course of killing the Whale, as followeth. An. 1575.

I pray you pleasure me in getting me perfect information of the matter
hereunder specified.

For the prouision and furniture for a shippe of 200 tunnes, to catch the
Whale fish in Russia, passing from England. How many men to furnish the
ship.

How many fishermen skilful to catch the Whale, & how many other officers
and Coopers.

How many boats, and what fashion, and how many men in each boate.

What wages of such skilful men and other officers, as we shall neede out of
Biskay.

How many harping irons, speares, cordes, axes, hatchets, kniues, and other
implements for the fishing, and what sort and greatnes of them.

How many kettles, the greatnesse and maner of them, and what mettall, and
whether they bee set on triuets or on furnaces for boiling of the traine
oyle, and others.

What quantitie of caske, and what sort of caske, and what number of hoopes
and twigges, and how much thereof to be staued for the traine.

What quantitie of victuals, and what kinde of victuals for the men in all
the ship for 4 moneths time.

For the common mariners and officers to gouerne the ship, we shall not need
any out of Biskaie, but onely men skilful in the catching of the Whale, and
ordering of the oile, and one Cooper skilful to set vp the staued caske.

Also what other matters are requisite to be knowen, and done for the said
voyage to catch the Whale, not here noted nor remembred.



These requests were thus answered, which may serue as directions for all
  such as shall intend the same voyage, or the like for the Whale.

A proportion for the setting forth of a ship of 200 tunne, for the killing
  of the Whale.

There must be 55 men who departing for Wardhouse in the moneth of April,
must bee furnished with 4 kintals and a halfe of bread for euery man.

250 hogsheds to put the bread in.

150 hogsheds of Cidar.

6 kintals of oile.

8 kintals of bacon.

6 hogsheds of beefe.

100 quarters of salt.

150 pound of candles.

8 quarters of beanes and pease.

Saltfish & herring, a quantitie conuenient.

4 tunnes of wines.

Half a quarter of mustard seed, and a querne.

A grindstone.

800 empty shaken hogsheds.

350 bundles of hoopes, and 6 quintalines.

800 paire of heds for the hogsheds.

10 Estachas called roxes for harping irons.

10 pieces of Arporieras.

3 pieces of Baibens for the Iauelines small.

2 tackles to turne the Whales.

A halser of 27 fadom long to turne the Whales.

15 great Iauelines.

18 small Iauelins.

50 harping irons.

9 machicos to cut the Whale withal.

2 doozen of machetos to minch the Whale.

2 great hookes to turne the Whale.

3 paire of Can hookes.

6 hookes for staues.

3 dozen of staues for the harping irons.

6 pullies to turne the Whale with.

10 great baskets.

10 lampes of iron to carie light.

5 kettles of 150 li. the piece, and 6 ladles.

1000 of nailes for the pinnases.

560 of nailes of Carabelie for the houses, and the Wharfe.

18 axes and hatchets to cleaue wood.

12 pieces of lines, and 6 dozen of hookes.

2 beetles of Rosemarie.

4 dozen of oares for the pinnases.

6 lanternes.

500 of Tesia.

Item, gunpouder & matches for harquebushes as shalbe needfull.

Item, there must be carried from hence 5 pinnases, fiue men to strike with
harping irons, two cutters of Whale, 5 coopers, & a purser or two.



A note of certaine other necessarie things belonging to the Whalefishing,
  receiued of master W. Burrough.

A sufficient number of pullies for tackle for the Whale.

A dozen of great baskets.

4 furnaces to melt the Whale in.

6 ladles of copper.

A thousand of nailes to mend the pinnases.

500 great nailes of spikes to make their house.

3 paire of bootes great and strong, for them that shall cut the Whale.

8 calue skins to make aprons or barbecans.

       *       *       *       *       *

The deposition of M. William Burrough to certaine Interrogatories ministred
  vnto him concerning the Narue, Kegor, &c. to what king or prince they doe
  appertaine and are subiect, made the 23 of Iune, 1576.

These articles seeme to haue bene ministred vpon the quarel between
  Alderman Bond the elder, and the Moscouie company, for his trade to the
  Narue without their consent.

[Sidenote: The first Interrogatorie.] First, whether the villages or townes
vulgarely called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the portes of the
same townes, as well at the time of the grant of the letters of priuilege
by the Emperour to our merchants, as also in the yeeres of our Lord, 1566,
1567, 1568, 1569, 1570, 1571, 1572, 1573, 1574, and 1575 respectiuely were
(as presently they be) of the iurisdicition, and subiect to the mightie
prince the Emperour of Russia: and whether the saide Emperour of Russia, by
all the time aforesaide, was chiefe lord and gouernour respectiuely of the
said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had, and reputed: and whether the said
townes and places, and either of them be situated towards the North and
Northeast or Northwest, and between the North and the East point: and be
the same places whereunto by force of the said priuilege, it is forbidden
to any other subiect to haue traffike, sauing to the societie aforesaid.

[Sidenote: The deponents answer.] To this Interrogatorie the deponent
saith, that it is true that the villages, townes and places vulgarly called
the Narue, Kegor, Peshingo and Cola, and the portes thereof, at the time of
the grant of the said priuilege (as he iudgeth) were reputed respectiuely
to be vnder the iurisdiction, and subiect to the Emperour of Russia, and so
from the time of the said grant, vnto the yeere, 1566, and that in the
yeeres of our Lord, 1566, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, and 1575.
respectiuely they were (as presently they be) of the iurisdiction, and
subiect vnto the mighty prince the Emperour of Russia, and the same
Emperour of Russia, by all the time aforesaide, was chiefe gouernour
respectiuely of the said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had and reputed.
And that all the said places are situated from London Northwards, between
the East and the North, and within the grant of the letters patents, and
priuileges of the said companie of merchants for the discouery of new
trades, and the same places whereunto by force of the said letters patents,
it is forbidden to any other subiect to haue traffike sauing to the
societie aforesaid.

Notwithstanding the Deponent saith, that he hath heard it credibly reported
by diuers, that the king of Denmarke of late yeeres, or euery yeere once,
hath had one of his subiects or more by him selfe, or with his guide a
Lappian, that hath at the places Cola, Kegor, and diuers other places in
Lappia, taken of the Lappies certain tribute or head pence, which the said
Lappie haue willingly giuen to winne fauour of the saide prince, and to
liue quietly by his subiects, the people of Finmarke which border vpon
their countrey whereof, Wardhouse is the strongest hold, and bordereth
neere vnto them. Hee hath also hearde that in the time of peace betweene
the saide Emperour of Russia, and the kings of Sweden, there was yeerely
for the king of Sweden one or more that came into Lappia vnto diuers
places, in maner as the king of Denmarkes seruant vseth to doe, and did
demaund of them some tribute or duetie which they willingly paide: but
since the late warres betweene the saide Emperour and king of Sweden, hee
hath not heard of any thing that hath bene paide by them to the king of
Sweden: such is the simplicitie of this people the Lappies, that they would
rather giue tribute to all those that border vpon their countrey, then by
denying it haue their ill willes.

But the trueth is, as this Deponent saith, that the saide mightie prince
the Emperour of Russia is the chiefe lord and gouernour of the saide
countrey of Lappia, his lawes and orders are obserued by them, hee takes
toll and custome &c. of them. They are infidels, but if any of them become
Christians it is after the Russe law. If there happen any controuersie
betweene those people, such as cannot be ended amongst themselues, or by
the Emperours deputies in that countrey, they repaire to the Mosko as their
highest Court, and there haue it ended. [Sidenote: Pechingo abbey.]
Betweene the place specified Kegor, and the confines of Finmarke aforesaide
in Lappia, is the monasterie Pechingo, which are monkes, and vse the Russe
lawe, the chiefe or head of that abbey is alwayes appointed by the cleargie
in Mosko.

Also in the yeere of our Lord 1557, the said Deponent was at the place
Kegor, in the moneth of Iune, the 29 day being S. Peters day, at which time
was a great assembly of people at a mart there, the Russes, Kerils and
Lappians on the one side subiects to the said mighty prince the Emperour of
Russia, and the Norwegians or Norses and people of Finmarke subiects to the
King of Denmarke on the other part, they did barter and exchange fish for
other commodities. The deputie for the Russe had the chief gouernment of
the said Mart, and tooke toll of those people that were subiect to his
master, and the captaine of Wardhouse had then the gouernment of the people
subiect to his master the king of Denmark. He saith also, that betweene the
abbey Pechingo, and the abbey of S. Nicholas in Russia, vpon the border of
the said coast of Lappia, he hath bene vpon the shore at diuers places,
where fresh riuers fall into the Sea, where are commonly taken fresh
salmon, all which places he doth know for certaine, that they were farmed
out to the subiects of the said Emperour, and he the said Emperour receiued
yeerely the rent for them. And further he saith that it hath bene forther
credibly reported vnto him, that there is not any such riuer or creek of
fresh water which falleth out of the said countrey of Lappia into the sea,
between the said abbey Pechingo, and the bay of S. Nicholas, but they are
all and euery of them farmed out, and the Emperour receiueth the rent for
them.

[Sidenote: The second Interrogatorie.] Item, whether as well before, as
also within the memorie of men, till the time of the graunt of the said
letters patents any of the English merchants (sauing the merchants of the
said societie) subiects of this realme of England, haue commonly exercised
or frequented businesse or trade in the said villages or townes called the
Narue, Kegor, Pechingo, and Cola, or in any of them, or in any ports or
territories of the said Emperour of Russia.

[Sidenote: The deponents answer.] To this Interrogatorie the Deponent
answereth, that the subiects of this realme before the graunt of the said
letters patent did not commonly exercise, neither frequent or trade to any
of the said places called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo or Cola, or to any of
them.

       *       *       *       *       *

Certaine reasons to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue aforesaide, by
  way through Sweden.

The merchandise of the Narue are gross wares, viz. flaxe, hempe, waxe,
tallow and hides.

The traffique at that place standeth vpon the agreement and liking of the
Emperour of Russia, with the king of Sweden: for all these merchandises
that are brought thither come from Plescoue, Nouogrod, and other parts of
the Emperours dominions.

For transporting those merchandises from Narue to Stockholm, or what other
place shall be thought conuenient in Sweden, it must be in vessels of those
countries, which wilbe of smal force to resist Freebooters, or any other
that shall make quarrel or offer violence against them.

When the goods are brought into Sweden, they must be discharged, and new
laden into smaller vessels, to cary the same by riuer or lake a part of the
way, and againe to be vnladen and transported by land to Newles.

So as the ordinary charges for transporting of goods from Narue to Newles
by way as aforesaid, besides the spoile by so often lading and vnlading,
cariage by land, and the dangers of the seas, pirats, &c. will be such as
when it shalbe so brought to Newles it wil be as deare to the merchants in
that place as it shall be worth to be sold in London, wherefore the trade
that wayes cannot be profitable to our nation.

Moreouer, when the goods shall be in Newles, it may bee thought doubtfull
to bring it thence quietly without disliking or forcible resistance of the
king of Denmarke, forasmuch as he maketh quarrell, and alleageth damage
vnto him in his tolles of the Sound by our trade to S. Nicholas, how much
more will he now doe by this way, and with how much greater aduantage may
he performe it? The danger that may grow in our trade to Russia, by way of
S. Nicholas, through the displeasure that the Emperour may conceiue by our
trade with the Sweden to Narue is also to be considered.

       *       *       *      *       *

A remembrance of aduise giuen to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola
  abouesaid. 1578.

Whereas you require my counsell after what order the voyage for Cola is to
be set forth, I answere that I know no better way then hath bene heretofore
vsed, which is after this maner. First of all we haue hired the ship by the
great, giuing so much for the wearing of the tackle and the hull of the
shippe, as the ship may be in bignesse: and if shee bee about the burden of
a hundred tunnes, we pay fourescore pound, and so after that rate: and
thereunto we doe vicual the ship our selues, and doe ship all our men our
selues, shipping no more men, nor giuing them more wages then we should doe
if they went of a merchants voyage, for it hath bene a great helpe to our
voiage hitherto, to haue our men to fish with one boate, & costing vs no
more charges then it should do, if our men should lie and doe nothing
sauing the charges of salt, & of lines, which is treble paid for againe.
For this last yere past our men killed with one boat betwixt 9. or 10.
thousand fish, which yeelded to vs in money with the oile that came of it,
about 15. or 16. score pounds, which is a great helpe to a voyage. And
besides all this, our ship did take in so much pile and other commodities
as we bestowed 100. whole clothes in. But because, as I doe suppose, it is
not the vse of London to take ships to fraight after that order before
prescribed, neither I think that the mariners wil take such paines as our
men will: Therefore my counsell is, if you thinke good, to freight some
ship of Hul or Newcastle, for I am sure that you may haue them there better
cheap to freight, then here at London. Besides al this, one may haue such
men as will take paines for their merchants. [Sidenote: Hull the best
market of England for sale of fish.] And furthermore when it shal please
God that the ship shal returne to come to discharge at Hull, which will be
the most for your profit for the sales of all such like commoditie as comes
from that place, as for fish, oyle, and Salmon chiefly, hee that will seeke
a better market for the sales then at Hull, he must seeke it out of
England, for the like is not in England. This is the best way that I can
deuise, and most for your profite, and if you will, I will also set you
downe all the commodities that are necessarie for such a voyage, and which
way also that the Hollanders may within two or three yeeres be forced to
leaue off the trade of Cola which may easily be done. For if my abilitie
were to my will, I would vse the matter so that they should either leaue
off the trade, or els cary light ships with them home againe.

       *       *       *       *       *

A dedicatorie Epistle vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, written by
  Master William Burrough late Comptroller of Her Highnesse nauie, and
  annexed vnto his exact and notable mappe of Russia, briefly containing
  (amongst other matters) his great trauailes, obseruations, and
  experiments both by sea and land, especially in those Northeastern parts.

To the most high and renowmed Princesse ELIZABETH by the grace of God
  Queene of England, France and Ireland, &c.

My minde earnestly bent to the knowledge of nauigation and, Hydrographie
from my youth (most excellent my dread Soueraigne) hath eftsoones beene
moued by diligent studie to search out the chiefest points to them
belonging: and not therewith sufficed hath also sought by experience in
diuers discoueries and other voyages and trauailes to practise the same. I
was in the first voyage for discouerie of the partes of Russia, which begun
in anno 1553. (being then sixteene yeeres of age) also in the yeere 1556.
in the voyage when the coastes of Samoed and Noua Zemble, with the
straightes of Vaigatz were found out: and in the yeere 1557, when the coast
of Lappia, and the bay of S. Nicholas were more perfectly discouered. Since
which time, by my continuall practise in the voyages made yeerely to S.
Nicholas in Russia, or to the Narue, and to some other countreys also by
Sea: as likewise in passing from S. Nicholas to Mosco, and from Mosco to
Narue, and from thence backe againe to S. Nicholas by land, in the yeeres
1574. and 1575. (being then Agent in those countries for the companie of
English merchants for discoueries of new trades) setting downe alwayes with
great care and diligence, true obseruations and notes of al those
countreys, Islands, coasts of the sea, and other things requisite to the
arts of Nauigation and Hydrographie; and with like diligence gathering
exact notes and descriptions of the wayes, riuers, cities, townes, &c. as I
passed by Land: I finde my selfe sufficiently furnished to giue report vnto
your Maiesty, and to make description of those North parts of the world in
forme and maner of euery leagues distance that I haue passed and seene in
al those my trauels. The places herein described, which I haue not seene
and tried my selfe, I haue set downe by the best authorities that I could
finde, and therein may erre with the learned Gerardus Mercator, Abraham
Ortelius, and the rest: but for the maine part which is from Rochel in
France hither to London, and from hence Eastward to Narue by sea, and from
thence to Mosco and to S. Nicholas by land: also from hence Northwards and
Northeastwards by Sea to Saint Nicholas, and to the straight of Vaigatz
(first crauing humbly your highnesse pardon) I dare boldly affirme (and
that I trust without suspect of arrogancie, since truely I may say it) I
haue here set it open to the view, with such exactnesse and trueth, and so
placed euery thing aright in true latitude and longitude, (accompting the
longitudes from the Meridian of London, which I place in 21 degrees) as
till this time no man hath done the like: neither is any man able by
learning onely, except he trauaileth as I haue done. For as it may be
truely saide of Nauigation and Hydrographie, that no man can be cunning in
the one which wanteth conuenient knowledge in the other: and as neither of
them can be had without the helpes of Astronomie and Cosmographie, much
lesse without these two grounds of all artes, Arithmetike and Geometrie: so
none of the best learned in those sciences Mathematicall, without
conuenient practise at the sea can make iust proofe of the profite in them:
so necessarily dependeth art and reason vpon practise and experience.
Albeit there are diuers both learned and vnlearned, litle or nothing
experienced, which in talke of nauigation will enter deeply and speake much
of and against errours vsed therein, when they cannot reforme them. Such
also haue written thereof, pretending singular great knowledge therein, and
would so be accompted of, though in very deede not worthy the name of good
and sufficient pilots. To whom I thinke it shall not be amisse in defence
of rules builded vpon reason, and in practise allowed, thus much to say for
answere. It is so, that there are rules vsed in nauigation which are not
perfectly true: among which the streight lines in sea-cardes, representing
the 32. points of the compasse or windes are hot holden to be the least,
but noted of such talkers for principall, to condemne the occupiers thereof
for ignorant: yet hath the famous and learned Gerardus Mercator vsed them
in his uniuersal mappe. But such as condemne them for false, and speake
most against their vse cannot giue other that should serue for nauigation
to better purpose and effect. Experience (one of the keyes of knowledge)
hath taught mee to say it. Wherein with my abilitie, together with some
part of my studie, I am rather moued (in this my plot) to make some triall
vnto your maiestie: for that I perceiue that such attempts of newe
discoueries (whereunto this noble Island is most aptly situated) are by
your royall maintenance so willingly furthered: beseeching your highnesse
so to accept of these my trauailes, as a pledge of my well willing to my
countrey, and of my loyall seruice to your maiestie, whose healthfull
happie life and reigne God continue which is Almightie. Amen.

Your Maiesties most humble subiect

William Burrough.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophi of Persia,
  sent by Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, and Peter
  Gerard appointed Agents for the Moscouie companie, in their sixt voyage
  to Persia, begun in the yeere 1579.

To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of Persia, King of Shiruan,
  Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great Gouernour of the Indies.

Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith &c. To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of
Persia, King of Shiruan, Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great gouernour euen
vnto the Indies, sendeth greeting. Most noble and inuincible Prince, it is
now tenne yeeres since, [Footnote: 1568.] or thereabouts, wherein (after
the honourable ambassade of the noble man Anthony Ienkenson our well
beloued subiect, to your most noble and inuincible father performed) we
laboured to bring to passe by Thomas Bannister and Gefferey Ducket
merchants our subiects, that throughout all the kingdomes subiect to his
empire, free power might be giuen to Will. Garrard, Thomas Ofley, William
Chester, knights, Rowland Haiward, Lionel Ducket, William Allen, Thomas
Bannister, Gefferey Ducket, Lawrence Chapman, Merchants, and vnto their
societie, to enter into his lands and countreys at al times when they would
and could, there to exercise and vse their trade of merchandise, and from
thence likewise after exchange or sale made of those wares, which they
should bring with them with his like good leaue and fauour, to carie from
thence those things wherwith his dominions do abound and with vs be scant.
Which our petition the most noble prince your father took so thankfully and
in such good part, that he not onely graunted franke and commodious leaue,
as was desired: but the same he would to bee unto them most free and
beneficiall, and to haue continuance for many yeeres and times. The
benefite of the which his wonderfull liberality, our subiects did enioy
with such humanitie and freedome as there could be no greater, till the
time that by reason of wars more and more increasing in those parts, by the
which our subiects were to make their iourney into Persia, they were
debarred and shut from that voyage and traffique. The which traffique the
said societie being eftsoones desirous to renew to the weale and commoditie
of both our dominions they haue now sent into Persia their factors and
Agents Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, Peter Gerrard
merchants, with their associats, whom we beseech your inuincible maiesty to
entertaine with that fauour wherewith your father did imbrace Tho.
Bannister & Geffrey Ducket, and to enfranchise their whole societie with
that freedome, that neither they through any their misdemeanours towards
your subiects, may thereof seeme vnworthy (as we hope they will not)
neither we our selues otherwise enioy them, then with the perpetuall
remembrance of your good affection towards vs, and with the like fauourable
inclination of our part towards you. The matter itself and tract of time
shall sufficiently proue the foresaid maner of traffike vnprofitable to
neither of vs. For so hath one God the chiefe gouernour of all things
disposed of our affaires on earth, that ech one should need other. And as
for our people and subiects of the English nation, in verie deed your
maiesty shal find them made and fashioned so pliant to the perfourmance of
all dueties of humanity, that it can neuer repent you to haue graunted them
this franke traffic, nor shame vs to haue obteined it for them at your
hands. That therefore it may please your maiesty to yeeld vnto them this at
our request, most earnestly we beseech you. And we (as it wel beseemeth a
prince) if euer hereafter we may, wil show our selfe not to bee vnmindful
of so great a benefit. We wish your maiesty wel and prosperously to fare.
Giuen at our palace of Westminster the 10. day of Iune, in the yere of our
Lord 1579. and of our reigne the 21.

       *       *       *       *       *

Aduertisements and reports of the 6. voyage into the parts of Persia and
  Media, for the companie of English merchants for the discouerie of new
  trades, in the yeeres 1579. 1580. and 1581. gathered out of sundrie
  letters written by Christopher Burrough, seruant to the saide companie,
  and sent to his vncle Master William Burrough.

First it is to be vnderstood, that the ships for the voiage to S. Nicholas
in Russia, in which the factors and merchandise for the Persian voiage were
transported, departed from Grauesend the 19. of Iune, 1579. which arriued
at S. Nicholas in Russia the 22. of Iuly, where the factors and merchants
landed, and the merchandise were discharged and laden into doshnikes, that
is, barkes of the countrey, to be caried from thence vp by riuer vnto
Vologda. And the 25. day of the said Iulie, the doshnikes departed from
Rose Island by S. Nicholas vp the riuer Dwina, Peremene, that is to say, in
poste, by continual sailing, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men,
which came to Colmogro the 27. day, and departed the 29. of Iulie vp the
said riuer Dwyna, and came to Vstyoug (which is at the head of the riuer
Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the 9. of August, where they stayed but a
small time, prouiding some victuals, and shifting certaine of their
cassacks or barkmen, and so departed thence the same day vp the riuer
Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more then halfe the
way from Vstioug) the 15. day, where they shifted some of their cassaks,
and departed thence the same day, and came to the citie Vologda the 19. of
August, where they landed their goods, and staied at that place till the
30. of the same. [Sidenote: Yeraslaue.] Hauing prouided at Vologda,
Telegas, or wagons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence
with the same by land towards Yeraslaue the said 30. of August at eight of
the clocke in the morning, and came to the East side of the riuer Volga
ouer against Yeraslaue, with 25. Telegas laden with the said goods the
seuenth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone. Then the three
stroogs or barks prouided to transport the saide goods to Astracan (where
they should meete the ship that should carie the same from thence into
Persia) came ouer from Yeraslaue vnto the same side of the riuer Volga, and
there tooke in the said goods. And hauing prepared the said barks ready
with all necessary furniture they departed with them from Yeraslaue downe
the riuer of Volga on the 14. day of September at nine of the clocke in the
morning, and they arriued at Niznouogrod the 17. day at three of the clocke
aftenoone, where they shewed the Emperors letters to passe free without
paying any custome, and taried there about three houres to prouide
necessaries, and then departing, arriued at Cazan (or neere the same towne)
on the 22. of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone, where (through
contrary windes, and for prouiding new cassaks in the places of some that
there went from them) they remained till the 26. day, at what time they
departed thence about two of the clocke after noone, and arriued at
Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55.
degrees 22. minutes, the 28. day at ten in the forenoone, where they
ankered, and remained about 3. houres, and departing thence came to Oueak,
which is on the Crim side (on the Westerne side of Volga) the fift of
October about fiue of the clocke in the morning. [Sidenote: Great store of
Licoris.] This is accounted halfe the way between Cazan and Astracan: and
heere there groweth great store of Licoris: the soile is very fruitfull;
they found there apple trees, and cherrie trees. The latitude of Oueak is
51. degrees 30. minutes. At this place had bene a very faire stone castle
called by the name Oueak, and adioining to the same was a towne called by
the Russes, Sodom: this towne and part of the castle (by report of the
Russes) was swalowed into the earth by the iustice of God, for the
wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same. There remaineth at this
day to be seen a part of the ruines of the castle, and certaine tombs,
wherein as it seemeth haue bin laid noble personages: for vpon a tombe
stone might be perceiued the forme of a horse and a man sitting on it with
a bow in his hand, and arrowes girt to his side: there was a piece of a
scutchion also vpon one of the stones, which had characters grauen on it,
whereof some part had beene consumed with the weather, and the rest left
vnperfect: by the forme of them that remained, we iudged them to be
characters of Armenia: and other characters were grauen also vpon another
tombe stone. [Sidenote: Perauolok.] Nowe they departed from Oueak the said
fift of October at fiue of the clocke after noone, and came to Perauolok
the 10. day about eleuen or twelue of the clocke that night, making, no
abode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This worde Perauolok in the
Russe tongue doeth signifie a narrow straight or necke of land betweene two
waters, and it is so called by them, because from the riuer Volga, at that
place, to the riuer Don or Tanais, is counted thirty versts, or as much as
a man may well trauell on foote in one day. And seuen versts beneath, vpon
an Island called Tsaritsna the Emperour of Russe hath fiftie gunners all
the summer time to keepe watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. Between
this place and Astracan are fiue other Carawools or watches.

1 The first is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Perauolok 120
versts.

2 The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first 50 versts.

3 The third called Polooy Carowool, is 120 versts distant from the second.

4 The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is 50 versts distant from the third.

5 The fift named Ichkebre, is 30 versts distant from the fourth, and from
Ichkebre to Astracan is 30 versts.

[Sidenote: Astracan.] The 16 of October they arriued at Astracan, with
their three stroogs in saftie about nine of the clock in the morning, where
they found the ship prouided for the Persia voyage in good order and
readinesse. [Sidenote: Peter Garrard.] The 17 day the foure principal
factors of the company, Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Talbois,
and Peter Garrard, were inuited to dine with the chiefe diake or secretary
of Astracan (Vasili Pheodorouich Shelepin) who declared vnto them the
troubles that were in Media and Persia: and how the Turke with helpe of the
Crims had conquered, and did possesse the greatest part of Media: also he
laid before them that Winter was at hand, and if they should put out with
their ship to the sea, they should bee constrained to take what hazards
might happen them by wintring in the parts of Media, or els where, for
backe againe to that place there was no hope for them to returne: whereupon
the said factors determined to stay there all Winter to learne farther of
the state of those countreis.

[Sidenote: Ice at Astracan for foure moneths.] The 19 of Nouember the winde
being Northerly, there was a great frost, and much ice in the riuer: the
next day being the 20 of Nouember the ice stood in the riuer, and so
continued vntill Easter day.

The 22 December departed this life Iohn Moore the gunner of the ship.

[Sidenote: Anno 1580.] Thursday the 7 of Ianuary betweene 8. and 9. of the
clocke at night there appeared a crosse proceeding from the moone, with two
galles at the South and North end thereof.

The 6. of Ianuary being Twelfe day (which they call Chreshenia) the Russes
of Astracan brake a hole in the ice vpon the riuer Volga, and hallowed the
water with great solemnity according to the maner of their countrey, at
which time all the souldiers of the towne shot off their smal pieces vpon
the ice, and likewise to gratifie the captaine of the castel being a Duke,
whose name is Pheodor Michalouich Troiocouria, who stood hard by the ship,
beholding them as they were on the riuer, was shot off all the ordinance of
our ship being 15. pieces, viz. 2. faulcons, 2. faulconers, 4. fowlers, 4.
fowlers chambers, and 3. other small pieces made for the stroogs to shoote
hailestones, and afterwards the great ordinance of the castle was shot off.

On the 31. of Ianuary there happened a great eclipse of the moone, which
began about 12 of the clock at night, and continued before she was cleare
an houre and a halfe by estimation, which ended the first of February about
halfe an houre past one in the morning: she was wholly darkned by the space
of halfe an houre.

The 26. of February the towne of Nagay Tartars, called the Yourt, which is
within 3. quarters of a mile of the castle of Astracan, by casualty was set
on fire about 10. of the clock at night, and continued burning til
midnight, whereby one halfe of it was burnt, and much cattell destroyed.
The Nagayes that inhabite that towne, are the Emperour of Russia his
vassals: It is supposed there are of them inhabiting that place of men,
women, and children, the number of seuen thousand. That night the Allarum
was made in the castle and towne of Astracan. The captaine thereof had all
his souldiers in very good order and readinesse, being of them in number
two thousand gunners and cassaks, that is to say, a thousand gunners which
are accounted meere souldiers, and are not put to any other seruice then
the vse of their pieces, watch, &c. as souldiers which alwaies keepe the
castle, and the cassaks also vsing their pieces, do keepe the towne, and
are commonly set to all kind of labours.

The 7. of March 1580. the Nagayes and Crims came before Astracan to the
number of one thousand foure hundred horsemen, which incamped round about,
but the nearest of them were two Russe versts and a halfe off from the
castle and town: some of them lay on the Crims side of Volga, and some on
the Nagay side, but none of them came vpon the Island that Astracan
standeth on. [Sidenote: Astracan situate vpon an Island.] It was said that
two of the prince of the Crims his sonnes were amongst them. They sent a
messenger on the eight day to the captain of Astracan, to signifie that
they would come and visit him: who answered, he was ready to receiue them:
and taking a great shot or bullet in his hand, willed the messenger to tel
them that they should not want of that geare, so long as it would last. The
ninth day newes was brought that the Crims determined to assault the towne
or castle, and were making of fagots of reede, to bring with them for that
purpose. The tenth day two Russes that were captiues, and two of the
Tartars bondmen ranne away from the Nagayes, and came into Astracan. The
same day word was brought to the Duke of two Nagayes which were seene at
Gostine house, supposed to be spies, but were gone againe from thence
before they were suspected. This Gostine house is a place a little without
the towne where the Tisiks (or Persian merchants) do vsually remaine with
their merchandize. The 11. day the said Nagayes, and one more with them,
came againe to that house earely in the morning, where they were taken by
the Russes, and brought to the captaine of the castle, and being examined,
confessed that their coming was onely to seeke two of their bondmen that
were runne from them: whereupon their bondmen were deliuered to them: which
fauour the said captaine comonly sheweth if they be not Russies, and they
were set at libertie. The 13. day they brake vp their camps, and marched to
the Northwards into the countrey of Nagay.

[Sidenote: The variation of the compass in Astracan was 13. deg. 40.
minutes.] The 16. of April the variation of the compasse obserued in
Astracan was 13. deg. 40. min. from North to West. This spring there came
newes to Astracan that the queene of Persia (the king being blind) had bene
with a great army against the Turks that were left to possesse Media, and
had giuen them a great ouerthrow: yet notwithstanding Derbent, and the
greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turks. The
factors of the company consulting vpon their affayres, determined to leaue
at Astracan the one halfe of their goods with Arthur Edwards, and with the
other halfe the other three factors would proceed in the ship on their
proposed voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might be done there:
where, if they could not find safe traffike, they determined to proceed to
the coast of Gilan, which is a prouince nere the Caspian sea bordering,
vpon Persia: and thereupon appointed the said goods to be laden aboord the
ship, and tooke into her also some merchandize of Tisiks or Persian.

The 29. of April Amos Rial, and Anthony Marsh, the companies' seruants were
sent from Astracan by the said factors, vp the riuer Volga to Yeraslaue,
with letters of aduise to be sent for England, and had order for staying
the goods in Russia that should come that yeere out of England for
mainteining the trade purposed for Persia, vntill further triall were made
what might be done in those parts.

[Sidenote: May.] The first day of May in the morning, hauing the shippe in
readinesse to depart, the factors inuited the duke Pheodor Micalouich
Proicoorow, and the principall secretary Vasili Pheodorouich Shelepin, with
other of the chiefes about the duke to a banket aboord the ship, where they
were interteined to their good liking, and at their departure was shot off
all the ordinance of the ship, and about nine of the clocke at night the
same day they weyed anker, and departed, with their ship from Astracan, and
being but little winde, towed her with the boat about three versts, and
then ankered, hauing with them a pauos or lighter to helpe them at the
flats. The second day at foure of the clocke in the morning they weyed and
plyed downe the riuer Volga toward the Caspian sea. [Sidenote: Vchoog.] The
seuenth of May in the morning they passed by a tree that standeth on the
left hand of the riuer as they went downe, which is called Mahomet Agatch,
or Mahomets tree, and about three versts further, that is to say, to the
Southwards of the said tree is a place called Vchoog, that is too say, the
Russe weare: (but Ochoog is the name of a weare in the Tartar tongue) where
are certain cotages, and the Emperour hath lying at that place certaine
gunners to gard his fishermen that keepe the weare. This Vchoog is counted
from Astracan 60. versts: they proceeded downe the said riuer without
staying at the Vchoog. [Sidenote: Shoald water.] The ninth and tenth dayes
they met with shoald water, and were forced to lighten their ship by the
pauos: the 11. day they sent backe to the Vchoog for an other pauos: This
day by mischance the shippe was bilged on the grapnell of the pauos,
whereby the company had sustained great losses, if the chiefest part of
their goods had not bene layde into the pauos: for notwithstanding their
pumping with 3. pumps, heauing out water with buckets, and all the best
shifts they could make, the shippe was halfe full of water ere the leake
could be found and stopt The 12. day the pauos came to them from the
Vchoog, whereby they lighted the shippe of all the goods. [Sidenote:
Flats.] The 13. day in the morning there came to them a small boat, sent by
the captaine of Astracan, to learne whether the shippe were at sea cleare
of the flats. The 15. day by great industry and trauell they got their ship
cleere off the shoals and flats, wherewith they had beene troubled from the
ninth day vntill then: they were forced to passe their shippe in three foot
water or lesse. [Sidenote: Chetera Bougori.] The 16. day they came to the
Chetera Bougori, or Island of Foure Hillocks, which are counted forty
versts from Vchoog, and are the furthest land towards the sea. [Sidenote:
The Caspian Sea.] The 17. day they bare off into the sea, and being about
twelue versts from the Foure hillocks, riding in fiue foot and a halfe
water about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone, they tooke their goods
out of the pauoses into the shippe, and filled their shippe with all things
necessary. [Sidenote: 45. degrees 20. minutes. The first obseruation in the
Caspian Sea.] The 18. day in the morning about seuen of the clock, the
pauoses being discharged departed away towards Astracan, the winde then at
Southeast, they rode still with the shippe, and obseruing the eleuation of
the pole at that place, found it to be 45. degrees 20. minutes. The 19.
day, the wind Southeast, they rode still. The 20. day the winde at
Northwest they set saile about one of the clocke in the morning, and stered
thence South by West, and Southsouthwest about 3. leagues, and then ankered
in 6. foot and a halfe water, about nine of the clocke before noone, at
which time it fell calme: the eleuation of the pole at that place 45.
degrees 13. minuts. The 21. hauing the winde at Northwest, they set saile,
and stered thence South by West, and South vntil eleuen of the clocke, and
had then nine foote water: and at noone they obserued the latitude, and
found it to be 44. degrees 47. minuts: then had they three fathoms and a
halfe water, being cleare of the flats. It is counted from the Foure
hillocks to the sea about fiftie versts. [Sidenote: Brackish water farre
within the sea.] From the said noonetide vntil foure of the clocke they
sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe: then had they fiue fathoms
and a halfe and brackish water: from that till twelue at night they sayled
South by East halfe a league, East tenne leagues: then had they eleuen
fathome, and the water salter. From that till the 22. day three of the
clocke in the morning they sayled three and fifty leagues, then had they
sixtene fathome water: [Sidenote: 43. degrees 15. minuts.] from thence they
sayled vntil noone South and by West seuen leagues and a halfe, the
latitude then obserued 43. degrees 15. minuts, the depth then eight and
twentie fathoms, and shallow ground: from that vntill eight of the clocke
at night, they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe, then had they
three and fortie fathoms shallow ground. From thence till the 23, foure a
clocke in the morning, they sayled Southsouthwest three leagues and a
halfe: then could they get no ground in two and fiftie fathoms deepe. From
thence vntil noone they sayled South nine leagues, then the latitude
obserued was 42. degrees 20. minuts. [Sidenote: 41. degrees 32. minuts.]
From that till the 24. day at noone they sayled South by West seuenteen
leagues and a halfe, then the latitude obserued was 41. degrees 32 minuts.
From noone till seuen of the clocke at night, they sailed Southsouthwest
foure leagues, then had they perfect sight of high land or hilles, which
were almost couered with snow, and the mids of them were West from the
ship, being then about twelue leagues from the nearest land: they sounded
but could finde no ground in two hundred fathoms. [Sidenote: 40. degrees
54. minuts.] From thence they sayled Southwest vntil midnight: about three
leagues from thence till the 25. day foure of the clocke in the morning,
they sayled West three leagues, being then litle winde, and neere the land,
they tooke in their sayles, and lay hulling: at noone the latitude
obserued, was 40. degrees 54. minuts: they sounded but could get no ground
in two hundred fathoms. At four of the clocke in the afternoone, the winde
Northwest, they set their sailes, and from thence till the 26. day at noone
they sailed East southeast foure leagues. From thence they sailed till
eight of the clocke at night Southwest three leagues, the winde then at
North. From thence they sailed vntill the 27. day two of the clocke in the
morning, Westsouthwest eight leagues, the winde blowing at North very much.
From the sayd two til foure of the clocke they sailed South by West one
league: then being day light, they saw the land plaine, which was not past
three leagues from them, being very high ragged land. [Sidenote: Bilbill.]
There were certaine rocks that lay farre off into the sea, about fiue
leagues from the same land, (which are called Barmake Tash) they sayled
betweene those rocks, and the land, and about fiue of the clocke they
passed by the port Bilbill, where they should haue put in but could not:
and bearing longst the shoare about two of the clocke afternoone, they came
to Bildih in the countrey of Media or Sheruan, against which place they
ankered in 9. foot water. Presently after they were at anker, there came
aboord of them a boat, wherein were seuen or eight persons, two Turks, the
rest Persians, the Turkes vassals, which bade them welcome, and seemed to
be glad of their arriuall, who told the factors that the Turke had
conquered all Media, or the countrey Sheruan, and how that the Turks Basha
remained in Derbent with a garrison of Turkes, and that Shamaky was wholly
spoyled, and had few or no inhabitants left in it. [Sidenote: Bachu port.]
The factours then being desirous to come to the speech of the Basha, sent
one of the Tisikes (or merchants that, went ouer with them from Astracan,
passingers) and one of the companies seruants Robert Golding, with those
souldiours, to the captaine of Bachu, which place standeth hard by the sea,
to certifie him of their arriuall, and what commodities they had brought,
and to desire friendshippe to haue quiet and safe traffike for the same.
Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they road, about a dayes iourney, on
foote easily to be trauelled, which may be sixe leagues, the next way ouer
land; it is a walled towne, and strongly fortified. When the sayd messenger
came to the captaine of Bachu, the said captaine gaue him very friendly
entertainment, and after he vnderstood what they were that were come in the
shippe, and what they had brought, he seemed to reioyce much thereat: who
gaue the said Golding liccence to depart backe the next day, being the
eight and twentieth day: and promised that he would himselfe come to the
shippe the next day following: with which answere the said Golding returned
and came to the ship the sayd eight and twentieth day about nine of the
clocke at night. The nine and twentieth day in the morning the factours
caused a tent to be set vp at shoare neare the shippe, against the comming
of the sayd captaine: who came thither about three of the clock after
noone, and brought about thirtie souldiers, that attended on him in shirts
of male, and some of them had gauntlets of siluer, others of steele, and
very faire. The factors met him at their tent, and after very friendly
salutations passed betweene them, they gaue him for a present a garment of
cloth of veluet, and another of scarlet, who accepted the offer gratefully.
After they had talked together by their interpretors, as well of the state
of the voyage and cause of their coming thither, as also learned of the
sayde captaine the state of that countrey, the factours made request vnto
him, that he would helpe them to the speech of the Basha, who answered that
their demand was reasonable, and that he would willingly shew them therein
what pleasure he could, and sayd, because the way to Derbent, where the
Basha remayned, was dangerous, he would send thither and certifie him of
their arriuall, and what commodities they had brought, and such commodities
as they would desire to exchange or barter the same for he would procure
the said Basha to prouide for them: and therefore willed the factors to
consult together, and certifie him what they most desired, and what
quantity they would haue prouided: so whilest the factors were consulting
together thereupon the captaine talked with a Tisike merchant that came
ouer in the ship with them from Astracan, which Tisike, among other matters
in talke, certified the captaine, that the night before, the factors and
their company were determined to haue returned backe againe to Astracan,
and that they were about to wey their ankers, which indeed was true,
[Sidenote: Thomas Hudson of Limehouse, maister of the English barke.] but
the maister of the barke Thomas Hudson of Limehouse perswaded them that the
wind was not good for them to depart, &c. When the factors came againe to
talke with the captaine, they desired to goe to the Basha, and that he
would safely conduct them thither: he granted their requests willingly,
desiring them to goe with him to a village hard by, and there to abide with
him that night, and the next day they should go to Bachu, and from thence
to proceede on their iourney to Derbent. They were vnwilling to go that
night with him, because their prouision for the way was not in readinesse,
but requested that they might stay til the morning. [Sidenote: M.
Christopher Burrough.] Thereupon the captaine sayd it was reported vnto
him, that they ment the night before to haue gone away: and if it should so
happen, he were in great danger of losing his head: for which cause he
requested to haue some one for a pledge: wherefore M. Garrard one of the
factors offered himselfe to go, who, because he could not speake the Russe
tongue tooke with him Christopher Burrough, and a Russe interpretour: that
night they road from the seaside, to a village about ten miles off, where
at supper time the captaine had much talke with M. Garrard of our countrey,
demanding where about it did lie, what countreys were neare vnto it, and
with whom we had traffike, for by the Russe name of our countrey he could
not coniecture who we should be: but when by the situation he perceiued we
were Englishmen, he demanded if our prince were a mayden Queene: which when
he was certified of, then (quoth he) your land is called Enghilterra, is it
not? answere was made, it was so: whereof he was very glad, when he knew
the certainety. He made very much of them, placing M. Garrard next to
himselfe, and Christopher Burrough, with the Russie interpretour for the
Turkie tongue hard by. There was a Gillan merchant with him at that
present, of whom he seemed to make great account: him he placed next to
himselfe on the other side, and his gentlemen sate round about him talking
together. Their sitting is vpon the heeles, or crosse legged.

Supper being brought in, he requested them to eate. After their potage
(which was made of rice) was done, and likewise their boyled meat, there
came in platters of rice sodden thicke, and hony mingled with all: after
all which, came a sheepe roasted whole, which was brought in a tray, and
set before the captaine: he called one of his seruitors, who cut it in
pieces, and laying thereof vpon diuers platters, set the same before the
captaine: then the captaine gaue to M. Garrard and his company one platter,
and to his gentlemen another, and to them which could not well reach he
cast meat from the platters which were before him. Diuers questions he had
with M. Garrard and Christopher Burrough at supper time, about their diet,
inquiring whether they eat fish or flesh voluntarily or by order. Their
drinke in those partes is nothing but water. After supper (walking in the
garden) the captaine demanded of M. Garrard, whether the vse was in England
to lie in the house or in the garden, and which he had best liking of: he
answered, where it pleased him, but their vse was to lie in houses:
whereupon the captaine caused beds to be sent into the house for them, and
caused his kinsman to attend on them in the night, if they chanced to want
anything: he hinselfe with his gentlemen and souldiers lying in the garden.

In the morning very early he sent horse for the rest of the company which
should go to Derbent, sending by them that went tenne sheepe for the
shippe. In that village there was a stoue, into which the captaine went in
the morning, requesting M. Garrard to go also to the same to wash himselfe,
which he did. Shortly after their comming out of the Stoue, whilest they
were at breakfast, M. Turnbull, M. Tailboyes, and Thomas Hudson the M. of
the shippe, came thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they
went to Bachu: but Christopher Burrough returned to the ship, for that he
had hurt his leg, and could not well endure that trauell. And from Bachu
they proceeded towards Derbent, as it was by the captaine promised, being
accompanied on their way for their safe conduct, with a gentleman, and
certaine souldiers, which had the captaine of Bachu his letters to the
Basha of Derbent, very friendly written in their behalfe. [Sidenote: The
receiuing of the English into Derbent.] In their iourney to Derbent they
forsooke the ordinarie wayes, being very dangerous, and trauelled thorow
woods till they came almost to the towne of Derbent: and then the gentleman
road before with the captaines letters to the Basha, to certifie him of the
English merchants comming, who receiuing the letters and vnderstanding the
matter, was very glad of the newes, and sent forth to receiue them certaine
souldiours gunners, who met them about two miles out of the towne, saluting
them with great reuerence, and afterwardes road before them: then againe
met them other souldiours, somewhat neerer the castle, which likewise
hauing done their salutations road before them, and then came foorth noble
men, captaines, and gentlemen, to receiue them into the castle and towne.
As they entered the castle, there was a shot of twentie pieces of great
ordinance, and the Basha sent M. Turnbull a very faire horse with furniture
to mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred markes, and so they were
conueyed to his presence: who after he had talked with them, sent for a
coate of cloth of golde, and caused it to be put on M. Turnbulles backe and
then willed them all to depart, and take their ease, for that they were
wearie of their iourney, and on the morrow he would talke further with
them. The next day when the factors came againe to the presence of the
Basha according to his appointment, they requested him that he would grant
them his priuilege, whereby they might traffike safely in any part and
place of his countrey, offering him, that if it pleased his Maiestie to
haue any of the commodities that they had brought, and to write his mind
thereof to the captaine of Bachu, it should be deliuered him accordingly.
The Bashaes answer was, that he would willingly giue them his priuilege:
yet for that he regarded their safetie, hauing come so farre, and knowing
the state of his countrey to be troublesome, he would haue them to bring
their commodity thither, and there to make sale of it, promising he would
prouide such commodities as they needed, and that he would be a defence
vnto them, so that, they should not be iniured by any: wherupon the factors
sent Thomas Hudson backe for the ship to bring her to Derbent, and the
Basha sent a gentleman with him to the captaine of Bachu, to certifie him
what was determined, which message being done, the captaine of Bachu, and
the Bashaes messenger, accompanied with a doozen souldiours, went from
Bachu with Thomas Hudson, and came to the ship at Bildih the 11 day of
Iune. [Sidenote: The latitude of Bildih 40. deg. 25. min. The variation of
the compas 10. deg. 40. min.] After the captaine and his men had beene
aboord and seene the ship, they all departed presently, but the gentleman,
messenger from the Basha, with three other Turks, remained aboord, and
continued in the ship till she came to Derbent: the latitude of Bildih by
diuers obseruations is 40. degrees 25 minuts: the variation of the compasse
10. degrees 40 minuts from North to West. After the returne of Thomas
Hudson backe to Bildih, they were constrayned to remaine there with the
shippe through contrary windes vntill the 16. day of Iune foure of the
clocke in the morning, at which time they weyed anker, set saile and
departed thence towards Derbent, and arriued at anker against Derbent East
and by South from the sayd castle in foure fathome and a halfe water, the
22. day of Iune at ten of the clocke in the morning: then they tooke vp
their ordinance, which before they had stowed in hold for easing the shippe
in her rowling. In the afternoone the Basha came downe to the waterside
against the shippe, and hauing the said ordinance placed, and charged, it
was all shotte off to gratifie him: and presently after his departure
backe, he permitted the factors to come aboord the shippe. The 29. day
their goodes were vnladen and carried to the Bashaes garden, where he made
choyce of such things as he liked, taking for custome of euery fiue and
twenty karsies, or whatsoeuer, one, or after the rate of foure for the
hundred. The factors after his choyce made, determined to send a part of
the rest of the goods to Bachu, for the speedier making sale thereof, for
which cause they obteyned the Bashaes letter to the captaine of Bachu,
written very fauourably in their behoofe: and thereupon was laden and sent
in a small boat of that countrey in merchandize, to the value (very neere)
of one thousand pound sterling: videlicet, one hundred pieces of karsies,
seuen broad clothes, two barrels of cochenelio, two barrels of tinne, foure
barrels of shaffe. There went with the same of the companies seruants
William Wincle, Robert Golding, and Richard Relfe, with two Russies,
whereof one was an interpretor, besides foure barkemen. They departed from
Dertent with the saide barke the 19. of Iuly, and arriued at Bildih the 25.
day: their passage and carriage of their goods to Bachu was chargeable,
although their sales when they came thither were small: they had great
friendship shewed them of the captaine of Bachu, as well for the Bashaes
letter, as also for the factors sakes, who had dealt friendly with him, as
before is declared. Robert Golding desirous to vnderstand what might be
done at Shamaky, which is a dayes iourney from Bachu, went thither, from
whence returning, he was set on by theeues, and was shot into the knee with
an arrow, who had very hardly escaped with his life and goods, but that by
good hap he killed one of the theeues horses with his caliuer, and shot a
Turke thorow both cheeks with a dag. [Sidenote: Zere Island.] On the sixt
day of August the factors being aduertised at Derbent that their ship was
so rotten and weake, that it was doubtfull she would not cary them backe to
Astracan, did thereupon agree and bargen at that place with an Armenian,
whose name was Iacob, for a barke called a Busse, being of burden about 35.
tunnes which came that yere from Astracan, and was at that instant riding
at an island called Zere, about three or foure leagues beyond or to the
Eastwardes of Bildih, which barke for their more safety, they ment to haue
with them in their return to Astracan, and thereupon wrote vnto Wincoll and
the rest at Bachu, that they should receiue the same Busse, and lade in her
their goods at Bildih to be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their
first boate, which was obserued by them accordingly. [Sidenote: The English
suffer shipwracke.] When all their goods were laden aboord the sayd Busse
at Bildih, and being ready to haue departed thence for Derbent, there arose
a great storme with the winde out of the sea, by force whereof the cables
and halsers were broken, and their vessell put a shoare, and broken to
pieces against the rockes: euery of them that were in her saued their
liues, and part of the goods. But there was a Carobia or cheste, wherein
were dollars, and golde, which they had receiued for the commodities, of
the company, which they sold at Bachu, which at the taking out of the
Busse, fell by the Barkes side into the water amongst the rockes, and so
was lost. The packes of cloth which they could not well take out of the
Busse were also lost, other things that were more profitable they saued.

The 18. of August, the Factors receiued from the Basha 500. Batmans of raw
silke, parcell of the bargaine made with him, who bade them come the next
day for the rest of the bargaine.

The 19. day the Factors went to the Basha according to his appointment, but
that day they could not speake with him, but it was deliuered them as from
him, that they should looke and consider whether any thing were due vnto
him or not, which grieued the Factors: and thereupon M. Turnebull answered,
that their heads and all that they had were at the Bashaes pleasure: But
then it was answered there was no such matter in it: but that they should
cast vp their reckonings, to see how it stood betweene them. The 20. day
they cast vp their reckonings. The 21. they went to haue spoken with the
Basha, but were denied audience.

[Sidenote: Arthur Edwards died at Astracan.] The 22. day they heard newes
by a Busse that came from Astracan, that Arthur Edwards (whom the Factors
left at Astracan with the moietie of the goods) was dead, who departed this
life [Footnote: Left blank in Original.] of ...

[Sidenote: September.] The 23. day the Factors receiued more from the Bacha
500. Batmans of silke. The 4. of September newes was brought to Derbent,
that Golding comming from Shamaky was set on by theeues (Turkes) and had
hurt one of them.

The 5. Tobias Atkins the gunners boy died of the fluxe, who was buried the
6. day 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of Derbent, where the
Armenian Christians do vsually bury their dead. About the 20 of September
newes came to Derbent, that the Busse which they had bought of Iacob the
Armenian as before, was cast away at Bildih, but they receiued no certaine
newes in writing from any of our people.

The 26. of September was laden aboord the ship 40. bales of silke. From the
26. til the 2. of October, they tooke into the ship, bread, water, and
other necessary prouision for their sea store: the said 2. day of October,
the Factors were commanded vpon the suddaine to auoide their house, and get
them with their prouision out of the towne: Whereupon they were constrained
to remoue and carry their things to the sea side against the ship, and
remained there all the night. The cause of this sudden auoyding them out of
the towne (as afterwards they perceiued) was for that the Basha had
receiued newes of a supplie with treasure that the Turke had sent, which
was then neare at hand comming toward him.

The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the
ship: and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of
him, vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants, &c. which
they had sent to Bachu, making accompt to leaue them behinde in the
Countrey: who caused their names to be written, and promised they should
want nothing, nor be iniured of any. After this leaue taken, the Factors
went aboord purposing presently to haue set saile and departed towards
Astracan, the winde seruing well for that purpose at South Southeast:
[Sidenote: The Armenian village.] And as they were readie to set saile,
there came against the ship a man, who weued: whereupon the boate was sent
a shoare to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll, with his
writing tables, wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mishap of
the losse of the Busse, and that they were comming from Bildih towardes
Derbent, they, and such things as they saued with a small boate, forced to
put a shoare in a place by the sea side called the Armenian village: Where
upon the Factors caused the shippe to stay, hoping that with the Southerly
winde that then blew, they would come from the place they were at to the
ship, but if they could not come with that winde, they ment to saile with
the shippe, with the next wind that would serue them, against the place
where they were, and take them in, if they could: which stay and losse of
those Southerly windes, was a cause of great troubles, that they
afterwardes sustained through yce, &c. entering the Volga as shalbe
declared.

The 4. day the winde South Southeast, the shippe rode still: This day
Christopher Burrow was sent to shore to Derbent to prouide some necessaries
for the voyage, and with him a Tisike or two, which should goe in the
shippe passengers to Astracan. [Sidenote: The Turke his treasure sent to
Derbent.] And being on shoare he saw there the comming in of the Turkes
treasure, being accompanied with 200. souldiers, and one hundreth pioners,
besides Captaines and Gentlemen: the Basha with his captaines and souldiers
very gallantly apparelled and furnished went out from Derbent about three
or foure miles, to meete the said treasure, and receiued the same with
great ioy and triumph. Treasure was the chiefe thing they needed, for not
long before the souldiers were readie to breake into the Court against the
Basha for their pay: there was a great mutinie amongst them, because hee
had long differed and not payed them their due. The treasure came in seuen
wagons, and with it were brought tenne pieces of brasse.

In the parts of Media where they were, there was no commoditie to be bought
of any value, but raw silke, neither was that to be had but at the Bashaes
hands: who shortly after their comming thither taxed the Countrey for that
commoditie. His dealing with our Merchants as it was not with equitie in
all points according to his bargaine, so it was not extreme ill. Of the
commodities they carried hee tooke the chiefest part, for which he gaue but
a small price in respect of the value it was there worth, and because he
had prouided such quantitie of commoditie for them, which otherwise they
could not haue had, the Countrey being so troublesome, and trauaile by land
so dangerous, he vsed them at his pleasure.

The newes that was reported vnto them at Astracan touching the warres
betweene the Turkes and Persians differed litle from the truth: for the
Turkes armie with the aide of the Crims, (being in number by the
information of two Spaniards that serued in those wars, about 200000)
inuaded and conquered the Countrey of Media in Anno 1577. [Sidenote: Osman
Basha.] When the great Turke vnderstood of the conquest, he appointed Osman
Basha (the said Basha, and now Captaine of Derbent) gouernour of the whole
Countrey, who settled himselfe in Shamaky the chiefe Citie of Media, and
principall place of traffike, vnto whom was sent from the great Turke, in
signification of the grateful acceptation of his seruice and the great
conquest, a sword of great value.

After the said Basha had brought the Countrey in order to his liking, and
placed garrisons where he thought conuenient, the armie was dissolued and
sent backe; when the Persians vnderstood that the Turkes armie was
dissolued and returned, they gathered a power together, and with the Queene
of their Countrey as chiefe, they entred the Countrey of Media, and
ouerranne the same with fire and sword, destroying whatsoeuer they found,
as well people, cattell, as whatsoeuer els, that might be commodious to the
Turkes. And after they had so ouerrunne the Countrey, they came to Shamaky,
where the said Basha Lieutenant generall of the great Turke was settled,
and besieged it: whereupon the Basha seeing hee could not long indure to
withstande them, fled thence to Derbent where he now remaineth.

[Sidenote: Derbent built by Alexander the great.] Derbent is a strong
Castle which was built by Alexander the great, the situation whereof is
such that the Persians being without ordinance, are not able to winne it
but by famine. When the Turkes were fled from Shamaky, the Persians entred
the same and spoyled it, leauing therein neither liuing creature nor any
commoditie, and so returned backe into Persia, and setled themselues about
Teueris, where there grewe some question among them for the kingdome.
Afterwards the Persians hauing intelligence of an armie from the Turke
comming into Media, gathered themselues together in a great armie and
encountring the said Turkes, set vpon them on the sudden, and vanquished
them, putting them all to the sword. This ouerthrow of the Turkes grieued
the Basha of Derbent, and made him to haue the more care for his own
safetie. Moreouer, newes was brought vnto him that the Kisel Bashaes, (that
is to say the nobles and Gentlemen of Persia) were minded to set vpon him,
and that neere vnto Bachu there lay an army ready to besiege it. Whereupon
the Basha oftentimes would ride about the Castle of Derbent viewing the
same, and the springs that did come to it, and where he saw any cause of
reformation it was amended.

[Sidenote: The latitude of Derbent 41. deg. 52. min. The variation of the
compasse.] The latitude of Derbent (by diuers obseruations exactly there
made) is 41. deg 52. min. The variation of the Compasse at that place about
11. degrees from North to West. From Derbent to Bildih by land 46. leagues.
From Shamaky to Bachu about 10. leagues which may be 30. miles. From Bachu
to Bildih fiue or sixe leagues by land, but by water about 12. leagues.
From the Castle Derbent Eastwards, there reach two stone wals to the border
of the Caspian sea, which is distant one English mile. Those walls are 9.
foote thicke, and 28. or 30. foote high, and the space betweene them is
160. Geometricall paces, that is 800. foot. There are yet to be perceiued
of the ruine of those wals, which do now extend, into the sea about halfe a
mile: also from the castle Westward into the land, they did perceiue the
ruines of a stone wall to extend, which wal, as it is reported, did passe
from thence to Pontus Euxinus, and was built by Alexander the great when
the Castle Derbent was made.

The 5 of October about noone the winde Northnortheast they wayed ancre, and
set saile from Derbent, being alongst the coast to the Southwards to seeke
their men: but as they had sailed about foure leagues the winde scanted
Easterly, so that they were forced to ancre in three fathom water.

The 6 day they wayed ancre, and bare further off into the sea, where they
ancred in seuen fathom water, the ship being very leake, and so rotten
abaft the maine mast, that a man with his nailes might scrape thorow her
side.

The 7 day about 7 of the clocke in the morning, they set saile, the winde
Southwest. They considered the time of the yere was far spent, the ship
weake, leake and rotten, and therefore determining not to tarry any longer
for Wincoll and his fellowes, but to leaue them behinde, bent themselues
directly towards Astracan: and sailing Northnortheast vntill midnight about
16 leagues, the winde then came to the Northnorthwest, and blew much, a
very storme, which caused them to take in their sailes, sauing the fore
corse, with which they were forced to steere before the sea, South by West,
and Southsouthwest. And on the 8 day about two of the clocke in the morning
their great boat sunke at the ships sterne, which they were forced to cut
from the ship to their great griefe and discomfort: for in her they hoped
to saue their liues if the ship should haue miscaried. [Sidenote: Nezauoo.]
About 10 of the clocke before noone they had sight of the land about 5
leagues to the South of Derbent, and bare longst the coast to the
Southeastwards vnto Nezauoo, where they came at ancre in three fathoms, and
black oze, good ancre holde, whereof they were glad, as also that the winde
was shifted to the Northwest, and but a meane gale. Wincoll and the rest of
his fellowes being in the Armenian village, which is about 18 versts to the
Westwards of Nezauoo, the place where against they rode at ancre, saw the
ship as she passed by that place, and sent a man in the night following
alongst the coast after her, who came against the ship where she rode, and
with a firebrand in the top of a tree made signes, which was perceiued by
them in the shippe, whereupon they hoisted out their skiffe, and sent her
ashore to learne what was meant by the fire: which returned a letter from
Wincoll, wherein he wrote that they were with such goods as they had at the
Armenian village, and prayed that there they might with the same goods be
taken into the ships. The 9 day it was litle winde, they wayed and bare a
little farther off into the sea towards the said village, and ancred. The
10 day they sent their skiffe to the Armenian village to fetch those men
and the goods they had, with order that if the winde serued, that they
could not returne to fetch the ship, they of the ship promised to come for
them, against the said village. This day it was calme.

The 11 day the winde Northwest they rode still. The 12 day the winde
Southeast they wayed ancre, and bare against and nere to the Armenian
village where they ancred, and then the skiffe came aboord and tolde them
that our people at shore were like to be spoiled of the Tartars, were it
not that the gunners defended them: then was the skiffe sent backe againe
to charge them at any hand they should hasten aboord the ship whatsoeuer it
cost them. Whereupon, all the company came aboord the same day sauing
Richard Relfe and two Russes, but as soone as the skiffe was returned
aboord the ship, the winde blew at Southeast, and the sea was growen, so as
they were forced to take in their skiffe into the ship, and rode stil till
the 13 day, [Sidenote: Two Spaniards deliuered by our Englishmen.] and then
being faire weather, early in the morning the skiffe was hoisted out of the
ship, and sent to shore to fetch the said Relfe and the two Russes, which
were ready at the shore side, and with them two Spaniards that were taken
captiues at the Goletta in Barbary, which serued the Turke as souldiers.
Those Spaniards (of Christian charity) they brought also aboord the ship to
redeeme them from their captiuity, which were brought ouer into England,
and set free and at liberty here in London, in September 1581. The winde
this day at Northnortheast, faire weather. The 14 day they sent the skiffe
to shore, and filled fresh water. The 15 day they rode still, being litle
winde and fog. The 16 day the winde Eastsoutheast, they wayed ancre and set
saile, bearing Northwards towards Astracan, and the same night they ancred
in ten fathoms water, about fiue miles from the shore of the Shalkaules
countrey, which place is eight leagues Northnorthwest from Derbent. The 17
day the winde at North very stormy, they rode still all that day and night.
The 18 the winde all Southeast about one of the clocke afternoone, they
wayed ancre, and sailed thence till foure of the clocke Northnortheast sixe
leagues, then they might see the land Northwest about tenne leagues from
the winde Southeast: from thence they sailed til midnight Northnortheast
twelue leagues. From thence till the 19 day seuen a clocke in the morning
they sailed Northnortheast eight leagues: the winde then Eastsoutheast, a
faire gale, they sounded and had 17 fathoms, and sand, being (as the Master
iudged) about the head of Shetley: from thence till 12 of the clocke at
noone they sailed North 5 leagues, the winde then at East a faire gale,
they sounded and had 5 fathoms. From thence till eight of the clocke at
night, they sailed North 7 leagues, the winde then at Northeast with small
raine, they tooke in their sailes, and ancred in 3 fathoms water and soft
oze, where they rode still all night, and the 20 day and night the winde
Northeast, as before with small raine.

The 21 day the winde Northwest, they likewise rode still. The 22 day about
3 of the clocke in the afternoone, they wayed ancre, the winde
Westnorthwest, and sailed from thence till sixe of the clocke at night
North 4 leagues, then they ancred in 2 fathoms and a halfe soft oze, the
winde at West a small breath.

The 23 day about 7 of the clocke in the morning, they wayed ancre, and set
saile, being litle winde Easterly, and sailed till 2 of the clocke after
noone Northwest in with the shore about sixe leagues, and then ancred in 6
foot water, hauing perfect sight of the low land (sand hilles) being about
3 miles from the nerest land. This place of the land that they were
against, they perceiued to be to the Westwards of the 4 Islands (called in
the Russe tongue Chetera Bougori) and they found it afterwards by due
proofe, to be about 50 versts, or 30 English miles to the Southwest, or
Southwest by South, from the sayd Chetera Bougori.

The 24 day the winde at East, and by South, a Sea winde called Gillauar,
caused them to ride still. The 25 day they thought good to send in their
skiffe Robert Golding, and certaine Russes, to row him alongst Northwards
by the shore, to seeke the foure Islands, and so to passe vnto the Vchooge,
and there to land the sayd Robert Golding to proceed to Astracan, to
deliuer Amos Riall a letter, wherein he was required to prouide Pauoses to
meet the shippe at the sayd Islands, and the skiffe with the Russes were
appointed to returne from the Vchooge with victuals to the shippe, which
skiffe departed from the shippe about nine of the clocke in the forenoone.
The 26, 27, 28, and 29 dayes, the windes Easterly and Northeast, they rode
still with their ship. The 30 day the winde Southeast, they wayed, and set
saile to the Northeastwards: but the ship fell so on the side to the
shorewards, that they were forced eftsoones to take in their saile, and
ancre againe, from whence they neuer remoued her. [Sidenote: A strange
accident of prouision for their reliefe.] That day they shared their bread:
but in their want God sent them two couies of partridges, that came from
the shore, and lighted in and about their ships, whereby they were
comforted, and one that lay sicke, of whose life was small hope, recouered
his health.

[Sidenote: Nouember.] The 4 of Nouember the skiffe returned to the ship
with some victuals, and certified that the foure Islands were about 60
versts from them to the Northeastwards. When Robert Golding came to
Astracan, and deliuered there the Factors letters to Amos Rial, the duke,
captaine of that place, was done to vnderstand of the ships arriuall, and
of the state they were in, and their request for Pauoses, who was very glad
to heare of their safe returne, and appointed to be sent with all speed two
Pauoses and a Stroog, with gunners to gard and defend them. With the which
Stroog and Pauoses, Amos Riall went downe to the Chetera Bougori, or 4.
Islands aforesayd, where he stayed with those barks, according to the
Factors appointment. The 5 day they purposed to send from the ship their
skiffe with the carpenter, and 4 Russes to row him to the 4 Bougories, to
request Amos Riall to come from thence with the Pauoses to the shippe with
all possible speed. The skiffe with those men departed from the ship in the
morning, and within one houre they met with a small boat with Russes rowing
towards the ship, which came from the Ouchooge with a wilde swine and other
victuals, to sell: with the same boat the skiffe returned backe to the ship
after the Russes had receiued and were satisfied for the victuals they
brought: the same day they returned with their boat backe toward the
Ouchooge, and with them in the same boat was sent the Carpenter of the
shippe to the Chetera Bougori, which were in their way, to declare vnto
Amos Riall the message before appointed him. From the 5 vntill the 9 day
the ship rode still with contrary winds Easterly. The same 9 day came to
the shippe certaine Russes in a small boat, which brought with them some
victuals sent by Amos Riall, and declared that he with the Pauoses and
Stroog had remained at the Chetera Bougori fiue dayes, expecting the
comming thither of the ship. The 10 day being doubtfull of the Pauoses
comming, they sent Thomas Hudson Master of the ship in the skiffe (and with
her went the foresayd skiffe boat) towards the Chetera Bougori to the
Pauoses to bring word whether they would come to the ship or not, the wind
then at Northeast with fogge. The 11 day the winde Northerly with fogge,
the ship rode still. The 12 day Amos Riall, Christopher Fawcet, and a new
gunner came to the ship, and with them the M. Thomas Hudson returned; but
the Stroog with the gunners remained at the Chetera Bougori; and from
thence (when it begun to freese) returned to Astracan. Amos Riall declared
that he sent the carpenter backe from the Chetera Bougori in a small boat
on the 10 day, and marueiled that he was not come to the shippe (but in the
fogge the day before as afterwards they learned) missed the shippe, and
ouershot her, and afterwards returning backe, he found the ship at ancre,
and nothing in her but the Russes that were left to keepe her, and then he
departed thence, and went to the Vchooge, and there stayed. Presently vpon
the comming of the Pauoses to the ship they vsed as much speed as might be,
to get the goods out of the shippe into them, and after the goods were
laden in, they tooke in also of the shippes ordinance, furniture and
prouiston, as much as they could.

[Sidenote: Ice the 13 of Nouember in the mouth of the riuer of Volga.] The
13 day in the morning Amos Riall was sent away in a small boat towards
Astracan, to prouide victuals and cariages to relieue and helpe them, who
could passe no further then the foure Islands, but was there ouertaken with
yce, and forced to leaue his boat, and from thence passed poste to
Astracan, finding at the Vchooge the Carpenter returned from his ill
iourney, very ill handled, with the extremitie of the colde. The same day
they departed also in those lighters with the goods towards the Chetera
Kougori, leauing the ship at once, and in her two Russes, which with three
more that went in the Pauoses, to prouide victuals for themselues and the
rest, and therewith promised to returne backe to the ship with all speed,
had offered to undertake for twenty rubbles in money to cary the ship into
some harborow, where she might safely winter, or els to keepe her where she
rode all winter which was promised to be giuen them if they did it: and the
same day when with those lighters they had gotten sight of the foure
Islands being about eight versts Southwest from them, the winde then at
Northeast, did freese the sea so as they could not row, guide, stirre or
remoue the saide lighters, but as the wind and yce did force them.
[Sidenote: The 16 day.] And so they continued driuing with the yce,
Southeast into the sea by the space of forty houres, and then being the
sixteenth day the yce stood. Whiles they droue with the yce, the dangers
which they incurred were great: for oftentimes when the yce with the force
of winde did breake, pieces of it were tossed and driuen one vpon another.
with great force, terrible to beholde, and the same happened at sometimes
so neere vnto the lighters, that they expected it would haue ouerwhelmed
them to their vtter destruction: but God who had presented them from many
perils before, did also saue and deliuer them then.

Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the yce, when it
was firme and strong, they tooke out all their goods, being fourty and
eight bales or packes of raw silke, &c. layde it on the yce, and couered
the same with such prouisions as they had. [Sidenote: Trauaile upon the
yce.] Then for want of victuals, &c they agreed to leaue all the goods
there vpon the yce, and to go to the shore: and thereupon brake vp their
Chests and Carobias, wherewith, and with such other things as they could
get, they made sleddes for euery of them to draw vpon the yce, whereon they
layed their clothes to keepe them warme, and such victuals as they had, and
such other things as they might conueniently cary, and so they departed
from the sayd goods and Pauoses very earely about one of the clocke in the
morning, and trauailing on the yce, directed their way North, as neere as
they could iudge, and the same day about two of the clocke in the
afternoone, [Sidenote: Chetera Babbas.] they had sight of the Chetera
Babbas (foure hillocks of Islands so called) vnto the same they directed
themselues, and there remained that night.

The goods and Pauoses which they left on the yce they iudged to be from
those Chetera Babbas about 20 versts.

And the next morning departed thence Eastwards, and came to the Chetera
Bougories (or foure Islands before spoken of) before noone (the distance
betweene those places is about 15 versts) where they remained all that
night, departing thence towards Astracan: the next morning very early they
lost their way through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them,
taking too much towards the left hand (contrary to the opinion of M.
Hudson) whereby wandering upon the yce foure dayes, not knowing whether
they were entred into the Crimme Tartars land or not, at length it fortuned
they met with a way that had bene trauailed, which crost backwards towards
the sea: that way they tooke, and following the same, within two dayes
trauaile it brought them to a place called Crasnoyare (that is to say in
the English tongue) Red cliffe, which diuers of the company knew.

[Sidenote: The English ship cut in pieces with yce] There they remained
that night, hauing nothing to eat but one loafe of bread, which they
happened to finde with the two Russes that were left in the ship to keepe
her all the Winter (as is aforesaid) whom they chanced to meet going
towards Astracan, about fiue miles before they came to the sayd Crasnoyare,
who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the yce, and that
they had hard scaping with their liues.

In the morning they departed early from Crasnoyare towards the Ouchooge and
about nine of the clocke before noone, being within 10 versts of the
Vchooge, they met Amos Riall, with the carpenter, which he found at
Ouchooge, and a gunner newly come out of England, and also 65 horses with
so many Cassaks to guide them, and 50 gunners for gard, which brought
prouision of vituals, &c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to
Astracan. The meeting of that company was much ioy vnto them.

[Sidenote: December] The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall and the sayd
company to fetch the goods, Thomas Hudson the Master, Tobias Paris his
Mate, and so they the sayd Factors and their company marched on to the
Vchooge, where they refreshed themselues that day, and the night following.
And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan, where they arriued the last
day of Nouember. These that went for the goods after their departure from
the Factors trauelled the same day vntil they came within 10 versts of the
Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The next morning by the
breake of day they departed thence, and before noone were at the Chetera
Babas, where they stayed all night; but presently departed thence Thomas
Hudson with the Carpenter and gunner to seeke where the goods lay: who
found the same, and the next day they returned backe to their company at
the Chetera Babbas, and declared vnto them in what sort they had found the
sayd goods.

The 3 day early in the morning they departed all from the 4 Babbas towards
the said goods, and the same day did lade all the goods they could find
vpon the said sleds, and with all conuenient speed returned backe towards
Astracan. And when they came to the Chetera Bougori, where they rested the
night, in the morning very early before the breake of day, they were
assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartars horsemen, which came
showting and hallowing with a great noise, but our people were so inuironed
with the sleds, that they durst not enter vpon them, but ranne by, and shot
their arrows amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was a
Russe, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, they shewed
themselues a good distance off from our men, being a very great troop of
them, but did not assault them any more. [Sidenote: Their returne to
Astracan.] The same day our men with those cariages, departed from thence
towards Astracan, where they arriued in safety the 4 December, about 3 of
the clocke in the afternoone, where our people greatly reioyced of their
great good happe to haue escaped so many hard euents, troubles and
miseries, as they did in that voyage, and had great cause therefore to
praise the Almighty, who had so mercifully preserued and deliuered them.
They remained the winter at Astracan, where they found great fauour and
friendship of the duke, captaine, and other chiefe officers of that place:
but that Winter there happened no great matter worth the noting.

[Sidenote: The breaking vp of the yce.] [Sidenote: Morgan Hubblethorne dier
sent into Persia.] In the spring of the yeere 1581, about the mids of
March, the yce was broken vp, and cleare gone before Astracan, and the
ninth of Aprill, hauing all the goods that were returned from the parts of
Media, laden into a Stroog, the Factors, William Turnebull, Matthew
Tailboyes, Giles Crow, Christopher Burrough, Michael Lane, Laurence Prouse
gunner, Randolfe Foxe, Tho. Hudson, Tobias Parris, Morgan Hubblethorne, the
dier, Rich, the Surgean, Rob. Golding, Ioh. Smith, Edw. Reding carpenter,
and William Perrin gunner hauing also 40 Russes, whereof 36 were Cassacks
to row, the rest merchants passengers, departed from Astracan with the sayd
Stroog and goods vp the Volga towards Yeraslaue. They left behinde them at
Astracan, with the English goods and merchandise there remaining, Amos
Riall, W. Wincoll, and Richard Relfe, and appointed them to sell and barter
the same, or so much thereof as they could to the Tisiks, if there came any
thither that spring, and to others as they might, and the rest with such as
they should take in exchange to returne vp to Yeraslaue that Summer, when
the Emperors carriage should passe vp the Volga. The 21 day they came with
their Stroog to the Perauolok, but made no stay at that place: for they had
beene much troubled with yce in their comming from Astracan. [Sidenote:
May.] The 3 of May about noone they came to Oueak, and from thence
proceeding vp the riuer, on the 17 day William Turnebull departed from the
Stroog in a small boat, and went before towards Tetusha to prouide
victuals, and send downe to the Stroog, from which place they were then
about 230 versts. The 23 day they met a boat with victuals, which William
Turnebull sent from Tetusha, and the same day they arriued with their
Stroog at Tetusha, where they stayed all night, and the next morning
betimes departed thence, but W. Turnebull was gone in the small boat before
to Cazan, to prouide necessaries from thence, and to make way for their
dispatch. The 26 day they arriued with their Stroog at Cazan, where they
remained till the fourth of Iune: the Factors sent Giles Crow from Cazan to
the Mosco, with their letters the 30 of May. The 4 day of Iune they
departed from Cazan with their Stroog, and arriued at Yeraslaue the 22 day
about 5 of the clocke in the morning.

The 23. day they prouided Telegos, to carry the goods to Vologda. The 24.
day hauing the goods laden vpon Telegos, they departed with the same
towards Vologda, and remained there fiue versts from Yeraslaue.

The 29 day they came to Vologda, with all their goods in safety, and good
order. The same 29. William Turnbull and Peter Garrard departed from
Vologda post by water towards Colmogro, the third of Iuly, hauing their
goods laden in a small doshnik, they departed with the same from Vologda
towards Rose Island by S. Nicholas; where they arriued in safety the 16 of
Iuly, and found there the Agents of Russia, and in the rode the ships sent
out from England, almost laden ready to depart.

The 25 day departed for England (out of the rode of S. Nicholas) the ship
Elizabeth.

The 26 day departed thence the Thomas Allen and Mary Susan, and in the
Thomas Allen went William Turnbul, Matthew Tailboys, Thomas Hudson, and
others. The goods returned of the Persia voyage were laden into the ship,
William and Iohn, whereof was Master, William Bigat, and in her with the
same goods came Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris.

The 11 of August, the same ship being laden and despatched departed from
the rode of S. Nicholas, and with her in company another of the companies
fraighted ships, called the Tomasin, whereof was M. Christopher Hall. In
their returne homewards they had some foule weather, and were separated at
the sea, the William and Iohn put into Newcastle the 24 of September: from
whence the sayd Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris came to London by land, and
brought newes of the arriual of the ship.

The 25 of September both the sayd ships arriued at the port of London in
safety, and ankered before Limehouse and Wapping, where they were
discharged, 1581.

       *       *       *       *       *

Obseruations of the latitudes and meridian altitudes of diuers places in
  Russia, from the North to the South: Anno 1581.


Michael Archangel.
    Meridian altitude obserued at Michael the Archangel, 42. degrees, 30.
    minuts.
    The true latitude, 64. degrees, 54. minuts.

The English house in Colmogro.
    The English house in Colmogro, in latitude, 64. d. 25. m.
    The meridian altitude there obserued, the 29. of Iuly, 42. d. 15. m.

Recola.
    Meridian altitude the 30 of Iuly, 41. d. 40. m.
    Declination 16. d. 6. m.
    64. d. 20. m.

Yeegris.
    Meridian 4 of August, 41. d. 50. m.
    Declination Northerly, 14. d. 49. m.
    62. d. 59. m.

Towlma.
    Meridian altitude, the 15 of August, 40. d. 45. m.
    Declination Northerly, 11. d. 2. m.
    60. d. 17. m.

Vologda.
    Meridian altitude, the 20 of August, 40. d.
    Declination Northerly, 9. d. 17. m.
    59. d. 17. m.

Vologda.
    Meridian altitude, 21 of August, 39. d. 36. m.
    Declination, 8. d. 56. m.
    59. d. 20. m.

Yeraslaue.
    Latitude, by gesse, 57. d. 50. m.

Swyoskagorod.
    Meridian altitude, 21. September, 31. d.
    Declination, 2. d. 56. m.
    56. d. 4. m.

Ouslona Monastery.
    Meridian altitude, 23. September, 30. d. 26. m.
    Declination, 2. d. 56. m.
    55. d. 51. m.

Tetuskagorod.
    Meridian altitude, 28. September, 28. d. 28. m.
    Declination, 5. d. 35. m.
    55. d. 22. m.

Oueek.
    Meridian altitude, 5. October, 30. d. 12. m.
    Declination, 8. d. 18. m.
    51. d. 30. m.

Astracan:
    Astracan meridian altitude, 22. October, 29. d. 36. m.
    Declination, 14. d. 16. m.
    46. d. 10. m.

Astracan:
    Meridian altitude, 1 of Nouember, 26. d. 35. m.
    Declination, 17. d. 16. m.
    46. d. 9. m.

       *       *       *       *       *

Certaine directions giuen by M. Richard Hackluit of the Middle Temple, to
  M. Morgan Hubblethorne, Dier, sent into Persia, 1579.

1. For that England hath the best cloth and wool in the world, and for that
the clothes of the realme haue no good vent, if good dying be not added:
therfore it is much to be wished that the dying of forren countreyes were
seene, to the end that the arte of dying may be brought into the Realme in
greatest excellency: for thereof will follow honour to the Realme, and
great and ample vent of our clothes: and of the vent of clothes, will
follow the setting of our poore on worke, in all degrees of labour in
clothing and dying: for which cause most principally you are sent ouer at
the charge of the city: and therfore for the satisfying the lords, and of
the expectation of the merchants and of your company, it behooues you to
haue care to returne home with more knowledge then you caried out.

2. The great dearth of clothes is a great let in the ample vent of clothes,
and the price of a cloth, for a fifth, sixth and seuenth part riseth by the
colour and dying: and therefore to deuise to die as good colours with the
one halfe of the present price were to the great commodity of the Realme,
by sauing of great treasure in time to come. And therefore you must haue
great care to haue knowledge of the materials of all the countreys that you
shall passe thorow, that they may be vsed in dying, be they hearbs, weeds,
barks, gummes, earths, or what els soeuer.

3 In Persia you shall finde carpets of course thrummed wooll, the best of
the world, and excellently coloured: those cities and townes you must
repaire to, and you must vse meanes to learne all the order of the dying of
those thrummes, which are so died as neither raine, wine, nor yet vineger
can staine: and if you may attaine to that cunning, you shall not need to
feare dying of cloth: For if the colour holde in yarne and thrumme, it will
holde much better in cloth.

4 For that in Persia they haue great colouring of silks, it behooues you to
learne that also, for that cloth dying and silke dying haue a certaine
affinity, and your merchants mind to bring much raw silke into the Realme,
and therefore it is more requisit you learne the same.

5 In Persia there are that staine linnen cloth: it is not amisse you learne
it if you can: it hath bene an olde trade in England, whereof some
excellent clothes yet remaine: but the arte is now lost, and not to be
found in the Realme.

6 They haue a cunning in Persia to make in buskins of Spanish leather
flowers of many kindes, in most liuely colours, and these the Courtiers do
weare there: to learne which arte were no harme.

7 If any Dier of China, or of the East parts of the world, be to be found
in Persia, acquaint yourselfe with him, and learne what you may of him.

8 You shall finde Anile there, if you can procure the herbe that it is made
of, either by seed or by plant, to cary into England, you may doe well to
endeuour to enrich your countrey with the same: but withall learne you the
making of the Anile, and if you can get the herbe, you may send the same
dry into England, for possibly it groweth here already.

9 Returne home with you all the materials and substances that they die
withall in Russia, and also in Persia, that your company may see all.

10 In some litle pot in your lodging, I wish you to make daily trials in
your arte, as you shall from time to time learne ought among them.

11 Set downe in writing whatsoeuer you shall learne from day to day, lest
you should forget, or lest God should call you to his mercy: and by ech
returne I wish you to send in writing whatsoeuer you haue learned, or at
the least keepe the same safe in your coffer, that come death or life your
countrey may ioyne the thing that you goe for, and not lose the charge, and
trauell bestowed in this case.

12 Learne you there to fixe and make sure the colour to be giuen by logge
wood: so shall we not need to buy woad so deare, to the enriching of our
enemies.

13 Enquire of the price of leckar, and all other things belonging to dying.

14 In any wise set downe in writing a true note from whence euery of them
doe come, and where, and in what countrey ech of them doth grow, I meane
where the naturall place of ech of them is, as how neere to such a city, or
to such a sea, or to such a portable riuer in Russia, Persia, or elsewhere.

15 If before you returne you could procure a singular good workeman in the
arte of Turkish carpet making, you should bring the arte into this Realme,
and also thereby increase worke to your company.

       *       *       *       *       *

Commission giuen by sir Rowland Hayward knight, and George Barrie, Aldermen
  and gouernours of the company of English Merchants, for discouery of new
  trades, vnto Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman, for a voyage by them to be
  made, for discouery of Cathay, 1580. in forme following.

In the name of God Almightie, and euerlasting. Amen. This writing for
commission Tripartite, made the twentieth day of May Anno Dom. 1580. and in
the 22. yeere of the reigne of our Souereigne Lady Elizabeth by the grace
of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c.
Betweene sir Rowland Hayward knight, and George Barne, Aldermen of the
Citie of London and Gouernours of the company of English Merchants, for
discouery of new trades, for the behoofe, and in the name of the said
company, on the first partie, and Arthur Pet of Ratcliffe, in the Countie
Middlesex, Captaine, Master, and chiefe ruler of the good barke, called the
George of London, of the burthen of 40. tunnes, or thereabouts, on the
second partie, and Charles Iackman of the Popler, in the said Countie of
Middlesex, Captaine, Master and ruler of the good barke, called the William
of London, of the burthen of 20. tunnes, or thereabouts, (which barkes are
now riding at anker in the riuer of Thames against Limehouse) on the third
partie: witnesseth, that the said Gouernours, and company haue hired the
saide Arthur Pet, to serue in the said barke, called the George, with nine
men and a boy: [Sidenote: Burroughs streits.] And likewise the said Charles
Iackman, to serue in the said barke, called the William, with fiue men and
a boy, for a voyage by them to be made by Gods grace, for search and
discoueries of a passage by sea from hence by Boroughs streights, and the
Island Vaigats, Eastwards to the countreis or dominions of the mightie
Prince, the Emperour of Cathay, and in the same vnto the Cities of Cambalu
and Quinsay, or to either of them.

The which passage (vpon authoritie of writers, and great reason) is
conceiued to bee from the Vaigats Eastwards, according to the description
in plat of spirall lines, made by master William Burrough, whereof either
of the saide Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman, haue one deliuered vnto them,
and also one other sailing carde, and a blanke plat for either of them. But
if it should not be in all points, according to that description, yet we
hope that the continent or firme land of Asia doth not stretch it selfe so
farre Northwards, but that there may be found a sea passeable by it,
betweene the latitude of 70. and 80. degrees. And therefore we haue
appointed you with these two barkes to make triall of the same: wishing you
both to ioyne in friendship together, as most deere friends and brothers,
to all purposes and effects, to the furtherance and orderly performing of
the same voyage. And likewise order your companies, that they of the one
barke may haue such loue and care, to helpe and succour them of the other,
as most deere friends and brothers would doe: so as it may appeare, that
though they be two barkes, and two companies, (which is so appointed for
your greater comfort and assurance) yet that you are wholy of one minde,
and bend your selues to the vttermost of your powers, to performe the thing
that you are both employed for.

Doe you obserue good order in your dayly seruice, and pray vnto God, so
shall you prosper the better.

We would haue you to meete often together, to talke, conferre, consult, and
agree how, and by what meanes, you may best performe this purposed voyage,
according to our intents. And at such meeting we thinke it requisite, that
you call vnto you your mates, and also Nicholas Chanceler, (whom wee doe
appoint as merchant, to keepe accompt of the merchandise you shall buy or
sell, barter or change) to the ende that whatsoeuer God should dispose of
either of you, yet they may haue some instructions and knowledge howe to
deale in your place, or places. And of all your assemblies and
consultations together, and the substance of matter you shal at euery time
agree vpon we would haue you to note them in the paper bookes that wee giue
you for that purpose, vnto each barke one. We do appoint Arthur Pet in the
George, as Admiral, to weare the flagge in the maine top, and Charles
Iackman in the William, as Viceadmirall. For good orders to be taken for
your good and orderly keeping of company together, which we wish may be
such, as you should neuer lose sight the one of the other, except by both
your consents, to discouer about an Island, or in some riuer, when and
where you may certainly appoint to meete together againe, we referre the
same to your discretions.

And now for your good direction, in this voyage, we would haue you with the
next good winde and weather, that God shall send thereunto meete and
conuenient, after the 22. day of this present moneth of May, saile from
this riuer of Thames, to the coast of Finmarke, to the North Cape there, or
to the Wardhouse, and from thence direct your course to haue sight of
Willoughbies land, and from it passe alongst to the Noua Zembla, keeping
the same landes alwayes in your sight on your larboordsides (if
conueniently you may) to the ende you may discouer, whether the same
Willoughbies land be continent and firme land with Noua Zembla, or not:
notwithstanding we would not haue you to entangle your selues in any Bay,
or otherwise, so that it might hinder your speedy proceeding to the Island
Vaigats.

[Sidenote: The land of Samoeda.] And when you come to Vaigats, we would
haue you to get sight of the maine land of Samoeda, which is ouer against
the South part of the same Island, and from thence with Gods permission, to
passe Eastwards alongst the same coast, keeping it alwayes in your sight
(if conueniently you may) vntill you come to the mouth of the riuer Ob, and
when you come vnto it, passe ouer the said riuers mouth vnto the border
land, on the Eastside of the same (without any stay to bee made for
searching inwardly in the same riuer) and being in sight of the same
Easterly land, doe you in Gods name proceed alongst by it, from thence
Eastwards, keeping the same alwayes on your starboord side in sight, if you
may, and follow the tract of it, whether it incline Southerly or Northerly
(as at times it may do both) vntill you come to, the Countrey of Cathay, or
the dominion of that mightie Emperour.

And if God prosper your voyage with such good successe, that you may
attaine to the same, doe you seeke by all meanes you can to arriue to the
Cities Cambalu, and Quinsay, or to the one of them. But if it happen that
you cannot conueniently come to either of those places, or shalbe driuen to
remaine and winter in some other port or place of his dominion, do you
seeke by all meanes possible to winne fauour and liking of the people, by
gifts and friendly demeanes towards them, and not to offer violence, or do
wrong to any people or nation whatsoeuer, but therein to be innocent as
doues, yet wilie as serpents, to auoid mischiefe, and defend you from hurt.
[Sidenote: The Queenes letters.] And when you shall haue gotten friendship
through your discreete ordering of your selues, towards the people, doe you
learne of them what you can of their Prince, and shewe them one of the
Queenes Maiesties, letters, which she sendeth with you (by either of you
one, made of one substance and effect, for ech of you particularly) written
in Latine, whereunto her Maiestie hath subscribed, and caused her signet
seale to be set, the effect of the same letters you haue also written in
English, for your own vnderstanding thereof.

The same her Maiesties letters you shall procure to deliuer vnto the same
mightie Prince, or Gouernour, with some present to be giuen, such as you
shall thinke meete and conuenient, vsing your selues in all points
according to the effect of the same letters, and procure againe from the
same Prince, his letters accordingly.

And if God so prosper your voyage, that you may this Summer passe the
Streights, and compasse about the Northernmost land of Asia, vnto the
country of Cathay, or dominion of that mightie Prince, and wintering in it,
may obtaine from him his letters of priuiledge against the next yeeres
spring, you may then after your first setting foorth, search and discouer
somewhat further then you had discouered before your wintering, so farre as
you shall thinke conuenient with regard had, and alwayes prouided, that you
may returne home hither, to giue vs aduise of your proceedings the same
Summer, or before the sharpenes or extremitie of winter ouertake you.

And if it happen you cannot this summer attaine to the border of Cathay,
and yet find the land beyond the Ob, to stretch it selfe Easterly, with the
sea adioyning vnto it nauigable, doe you then proceed on your discouery (as
before said) alongst the same continent, so farre as you can this summer,
hauing care in the trauel to finde out some conuenient harborow and place,
where you may winter: and when you thinke it conuenient, put your selfe to
wintering, where if you happen to finde people, you shall deale with them,
as we haue before aduised you to do with the people of Cathay, &c. And if
you can learne that they haue a prince or chiefe gouernour, do you procure
to deliuer vnto the same Prince or gouernour one of the Queenes Maiesties
letters, as before said, and seeke to obtaine againe his letters
accordingly. If you so happen to winter and obtaine letters of priuiledge,
finding the countrey and people, with the commodities to bee such, that by
vsing trade thither with the people, and for the commodities, it may be
beneficial vnto vs (as we hope you may) the same wil be some good liking
vnto vs: notwithstanding we would haue you the next summer (by the grace of
God) at your first setting out of your wintering harborough, proceed
alongest that tract of land to Cathay, if you see likelihood to passe it
(for that is the Countrey that we chiefly desire to discouer) and seeing
you are fully victualed for two yeres and vpwards, which you may very wel
make to serue you for two yeres and a halfe, though you finde no other
help, you may therefore be the bolder to aduenture in proceeding vpon your
discouery: which if you do, we doubt not, but you shall atchieue the
Countrey of Cathay, and deliuer to the prince there, one of her Maiesties
letters, bringing from thence the same princes letters answerable: and so
in the yeere of our lord 1582. returne home with good newes, and glad
tidings, not onely vnto vs the aduenturers in this voyage, but also to our
whole Countrey and nation, which God graunt you do, Amen.

But if it happen that the land of Asia, from beyond the riuer Ob, extend it
selfe Northwards to 80. degrees, or neerer the poole, whereby you find it
to leade you into that extremitie, that small or no hope may be looked for,
to saile that way to Cathay, doe you notwithstanding followe the tract of
the same land, as farre as you can discouer this Summer, hauing care to
finde out by the way a conuenient place for you to Winter in, the which (if
you may discouer the same lande of Asia this Summer to extend it selfe to
80. degrees of latitude, and vpwards or to 85. degrees) we wish then that
the same your wintering place may be in the riuer of Ob, or as neere the
same riuer as you can, and finding in such wintering place, people, be they
Samoeds, Yowgorians, or Molgomzes, &c. doe you gently entreat with them as
aforesaide, [Sidenote: The Queenes letters.] and if you can learne that
they haue a prince or chiefe gouernour amongst them, doe you deliuer him
one of her Maiesties letters, and procure thereof an answere accordingly:
do you procure to barter and exchange with the people, of the merchandise
and commodities that you shall cary with you, for such commodities as you
shall finde them to haue, &c.

[Sidenote: The Citie of Siberia.] If you so happen to winter, we would haue
you the next Summer to discouer into the riuer Ob, so farre as conueniently
you may: And if you shall finde the same riuer (which is reported to be
wide or broad) to be also nauigable and pleasant for you, to trauell farre
into, happely you may come to the citie Siberia, or to some other towne or
place habited vpon or neere the border of it, and thereby haue liking to
winter out the second winter: vse you therein your discretions.

[Sidenote: Willoughbies land.] But if you finde the said riuer Ob to be
sholde, or not such as you may conueniently trauell in with your barkes, do
you then the next summer return backe through Buroughs streights: And from
that part of Noua Zembla, adioyning to the same streights, doe you come
alongst the tract of that coast Westwards, keeping it on the starbord side,
and the same alwayes in sight, if conueniently you may, vntil you come to
Willoughbies land, if outwards bound you shall not happen to discouer and
trie whether the said Willoughbies land ioyne continent with the same Noua
Zembla, or not. But if you shall then proue them to be one firme and
continent, you may from Noua Zembla direct your course vnto the said
Willoughbies land, as you shall thinke good, and as you may most
conueniently: and from Willoughbies land you shall proceed Westwards
alongst the tract of it, (though it incline Northerly) euen so farre as you
may or can trauell, hauing regard that in conuenient time you may returne
home hither to London for wintering.

And for your orderly passing in this voyage, and making obseruations in the
same, we referre you to the instructions giuen by M. William Burrough,
whereof one copie is annexed vnto the first part of this Indenture, vnder
our seale, for you Arthur Pet, another copie of it is annexed to the second
part of this Indenture, vnder our seale also, for you Charles Iackman, and
a third copy thereof is annexed vnto the third part of this Indenture,
remaining with vs the saide companie, sealed and subscribed by you the said
Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman.

And to the obseruing of all things contained in this Commission (so neere
as God will permit me grace thereunto) I the said Arthur Pet doe couenant
by these presents to performe them, and euery part and parcell thereof. And
I the said Charles Iackman doe for my part likewise couenant by these
presents to performe the same, and euery part thereof, so neere as God will
giue me grace thereunto.

And in witnes thereof these Indentures were sealed and deliuered
accordingly, the day and yeere first aboue written. Thus the Lorde God
Almightie sende you a prosperous voyage, with happie successe and safe
returne, Amen.

       *       *       *       *       *

Instructions and notes very necessary and needfull to be obserued in the
  purposed voyage for discouery of Cathay Eastwards, by Arthur Pet, and
  Charles Iackman: giuen by M. William Burrough. 1580.

When you come to Orfordnesse, if the winde doe serue you to goe a seabord
the sands, doe you set off from thence, and note the time diligently of
your being against the said Nesse, turning then your glasse, whereby you
intende to keepe your continuall watch, and apoint such course as you shal
thinke good, according as the wind serueth you: And from that time forwards
continually (if your ship be lose, vnder saile, a hull or trie) do you at
the end of euery 4 glasses at the least (except calme) sound with your
dipsin lead, and note diligently what depth you finde, and also the ground.
But if it happen by swiftnes of the shippes way, or otherwise, that you
cannot get ground, yet note what depth you did proue, and could finde no
ground (this note is to be obserued all your voyage, as well outwards as
homewards.). But when you come vpon any coast, or doe finde any sholde
banke in the sea, you are then to vse your leade oftener, as you shal
thinke it requisite, noting diligently the order of your depth, and the
deeping and sholding. And so likewise doe you note the depth into
harboroughs, riuers, &c.

[Sidenote: How to note downe in his Iornall of the voyage, his dead
reckoning, and other obseruations.] And in keeping your dead reckoning, it
is very necessary that you doe note at the ende of euery foure glasses,
what way the shippe hath made (by your best proofes to be vsed) and howe
her way hath bene through the water, considering withall for the sagge
[Footnote: i.e., Current.] of the sea, to leewards, accordingly as you
shall finde it growen: and also to note the depth, and what things worth
the noting happened in that time, with also the winde vpon what point you
finde it then, and of what force or strength it is, and what sailes you
beare.

But if you should omit to note those things at the end of euery foure
glasses, I would not haue you to let it slip any longer time, then to note
it diligently at the end of euery watch, or eight glasses at the farthest.

Doe you diligently obserue the latitude as often, and in as many places as
you may possible, and also the variation of the Compasse (especially when
you may bee at shoare vpon any land) noting the same obseruations truely,
and the place and places where, and the time and times when you do the
same.

[Sidenote: For noting the shape and view of the land at first discouery,
&c.] When you come to haue sight of any coast or land whatsoeuer, doe you
presently set the same with your sailing Compasse, howe it beares off you,
noting your iudgement how farre you thinke it from you, drawing also the
forme of it in your booke, howe it appeares vnto you, noting diligently how
the highest or notablest part thereof beareth off you, and the extreames
also in sight of the same land at both ends, distinguishing them by
letters, A. B. C. &c. Afterwards when you haue sailed 1. 2. 3. or 4.
glasses (at the most) noting diligently what way your barke hath made, and
vpon what point of the Compasse, do you againe set that first land seene,
or the parts thereof, that you first obserued, if you can well perceiue or
discerne them, and likewise such other notable points or signes, vpon the
land that you may then see, and could not perceiue at the first time,
distinguishing it also by letters from the other, and drawing in your booke
the shape of the same land, as it appeareth vnto you, and so the third
time; &c.

And also in passing alongst by any and euery coast, doe you drawe the maner
of biting in of euery Bay, and entrance of euery harborow or riuers mouth,
with the lying out of euery point, or headland, (vnto the which you may
giue apt names at your pleasure) and make some marke in drawing the forme
and border of the same, where the high cliffs are, and where lowe land is,
whether sande, hils, or woods, or whatsoeuer, not omitting to note any
thing that may be sensible and apparant to you, which may serue to any good
purpose. If you carefully with great heede and diligence, note the
obseruations in your booke, as aforesaid, and afterwards make demonstration
thereof in your plat, you shall thereby perceiue howe farre the land you
first sawe, or the parts thereof obserued, was then from you, and
consequently of all the rest: and also how farre the one part was from the
other, and vpon what course or point of the Compasse the one lieth from the
other.

[Sidenote: For obseruing of tides and curants.] And when you come vpon any
coast where you find floods and ebs, doe you diligently note the time of
the highest and lowest water in euery place, and the slake or still water
of full sea, and lowe water, and also which way the flood doeth runne, how
the tides doe set, how much water it hieth, and what force the tide hath to
driue a ship in one houre, or in the whole tide, as neere as you can iudge
it, and what difference in time you finde betwene the running of the flood,
and the ebbe. And if you finde vpon any coast the currant to runne alwayes
one way, doe you also note the same duely, how it setteth in euery place,
and obserue what force it hath to driue a ship in one houre, &c.

[Sidenote: To take the plateformes of places within compasse of view vpon
land.] Item, as often, and when as you may conueniently come vpon any land,
to make obseruation for the latitude and variation, &c. doe you also (if
you may) with your instrument, for trying of distances, obserue the
platforme [Footenote: i.e., survey the place.] of the place, and of as many
things (worth the noting) as you may then conueniently see from time to
time. These orders if you diligently obserue, you may thereby perfectly set
downe in the plats, that I haue giuen you your whole trauell, and
description of your discouery, which is a thing that will be chiefly
expected at your hands. But withall you may not forget to note as much as
you can learne, vnderstand or perceiue of the maner of the soile, or
fruitfulnesse of euery place and countrey you shall come in, and of the
maner, shape, attire and disposition of the people, and of the commodities
they haue, and what they most couet and desire of the commodities you see,
and to offer them all courtesie and friendship you may or can, to winne
their loue and fauour towardes you, not doing or offering them any wrong or
hurt. And though you should be offered wrong at their handes, yet not to
reuenge the same lightly, but by all meanes possible seeke to winne them,
yet alwayes dealing wisely and with such circumspection that you keepe your
selues out of their dangers.

Thus I beseech God almightie to blesse you, and prosper your voyage with
good and happie successe, and send you safely to returne home againe, to
the great ioy and reioycing of the aduenturers with you, and all your
friends and our whole countrey, Amen.

       *       *       *       *       *

Certaine briefe aduises giuen by Master Dee, to Arthur Pet, and Charles
  Iackman, to bee obserued in their Northeasterne discouerie, Anno 1580.

If we reckon from Wardhouse to Colgoieue Island 400. miles for almost 20.
degrees difference onely of longitude very neere East and West, and about
the latitude of 70. degrees and two thirde parts: From Colgoieue to Vaigats
200. miles for 10. degrees difference onely in longitude, at 70. degrees of
latitude also: From Vaigats to the promontorie Tabin 60. degrees difference
of longitude (the whole course, or shortest distance being East and West)
in the latitude likewise of 70. degrees, maketh 1200. miles: then is summa
totalis from Wardhouse to Tabin 600. leagues, or 1800. English miles.
Therefore allowing in a discouery voiage for one day with another but 50.
English miles; it is euident that from Wardhouse to Tabin, the course may
bee sailed easily in sixe and thirtie dayes; but by Gods helpe it may be
finished in much shorter time, both by helpe of winde prosperous, and light
continuall for the time requisit thereunto.

[Sidenote: M. Dee gaue them a Chart of his owne making, which here refers
them vnto.] When you are past Tabin, or come to the longitude of 142.
degrees, as your chart sheweth, or two, three, foure, or fiue degrees
further Easterly, it is probable you shall finde the land on your right
hand runne much Southerly and Eastward, [Footenote: Had he said forty
degrees, he would have made a remarkable guess.] in which course you are
like either to fall into the mouth of the famous riuer Oechardes,
[Footenote: The Oechardes is probably the Hoang Ho, and Cambalu may then be
Pekin.] or some other, which yet I coniecture to passe by the renowmed
Citie of Cambalu, and the mouth to be in latitude about 50. or 52. degrees,
and within 300. or 400. miles of Cambalu it selfe, being in the latitude of
45. degrees Southerly of the saide riuers mouth, or els that you shal trend
about the very Northerne and most Easterly point of all Asia, passing by
the prouince Ania, and then to the latitude of 46. degrees, keeping still
the land in view on your right hand (as neere as you may with safetie) you
may enter into Quinsay [Footnote: Query, Canton?] hauen, being the chiefe
citie in the Northern China, as I terme it for distinctions sake, from the
other better knowen.

And in or about either or both of these two warme places, you may to great
good purpose bee occupied the whole winter, after your arriuall in those
quarters, as sometime by sea, sometime in notable fresh riuers, sometime in
discreet view and noting downe the situation of the Cities within land, &c.
and euer assaying to come by some charts or maps of the countrey, made and
printed in Cathay or China, and by some of their bookes likewise for
language, &c. You may also haue opportunitie to saile ouer to to Iapan
Island, where you shall finde Christian men Iesuits of many countreys of
Christendome some, and perhaps some Englishmen, at whose handes you may
haue great instruction and aduise for your affaires in hand.

      *       *       *       *       *

Notes in writing, besides more priuie by mouth, that were giuen by M.
  Richard Hakluyt of Eiton in the Countie of Hereford, Esquire, Anno 1580:
  to M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles Iackman, sent by the Merchants of the
  Moscouie companie for the discouery of the Northeast straight, not
  altogether vnfit for some other enterprise of discouery, hereafter to be
  taken in hand.

What respect of Islands is to be had and why.

Whereas the Portingals haue in their course to their Indies in the
Southeast certaine ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way, to
diuers great purposes: so you are to see what Islands, and what ports you
had neede to haue by the way in your course to the Northeast. For which
cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to note all
the Islands, and to set them downe in plat, to two ends: that is to say,
That we may deuise to take the benefit by them, And also foresee how by
them the Sauages or ciuill Princes may in any sort annoy vs in our purposed
trade that way.

And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go, be no
Christians, it were good that the masse of our commodities were alwayes in
our owne disposition, and not at the will of others. Therefore it were good
that we did seeke out some small Island in the Scithian sea, where we might
plant, fortefie, and staple safely, from whence (as time should serue) wee
might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them,
or without venturing our whole masse in the bowels of their countrey.

And to which Island (if neede were, and if wee should thinke so good) wee
might allure the Northeast nauie, the nauie of Cambalu to resort with their
commodities to vs there planted, and stapling there.

And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our
course, and so standing, as that the nauie of Cambalu, or other those
parties might conueniently saile vnto without their dislike in respect of
distance, then would it fal out well. For so, besides lesse danger and more
safetie, our ships might there vnlade and lade againe, and returne the
selfe same summer to the ports of England or of Norway.

And if such an Island may be for the stapling of our commodities, to the
which they of Cambalu would not saile, yet we might hauing ships there,
imploy them in passing betweene Cambalu and that stapling place.


Respect of hauens and harborowes.

And if no such Islands may bee found in the Scithian sea toward the firme
of Asia, then are you to search out the ports that be about Noua Zembla,
all along the tract of that land, to the end you may winter there the first
yeere, if you be let by contrary winds, and to the end that if we may in
short time come vnto Cambalu, and vnlade and set saile againe for returne
without venturing there at Cambalu, that you may on your way come as farre
in returne as a port about Noua Zembla: that the summer following, you may
the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities,
and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners: if you cannot goe forward
and backe in one selfe same Summer.

And touching the tract of the land of Noua Zembla, toward the East out of
the circle Arcticke in the mote temperate Zone, you are to haue regard: for
if you finde the soyle planted with people, it is like that in time an
ample vent of our warme woollen clothes may be found. [Sidenote: A good
consideration.] And if there be no people at all there to be found, then
you shall specially note what plentie of whales, and of other fish is to he
found there, to the ende we may turne out newe found land fishing or Island
fishing, or our whalefishing that way, for the ayde and comfort of our newe
trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia.


Respect of fish and certaine other things.

And if the aire may be found vpon that tract temperate, and the soile
yeelding wood, water, land and grasse, and the seas fish, then we may plant
on that maine the offals of our people, as the Portingals do in Brasill,
and so they may in our fishing in our passage, and diuers wayes yeelde
commoditie to England by harbouring and victualling vs.

And it may be, that the inland there may yeeld masts, pitch, tarre, hempe,
and all things for the Nauie, as plentifully as Eastland doth.


The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants.

To note the Islands, whether they be hie land or low land, mountaine, or
flat, grauelly, clay, chalkie, or of what sorte, woody or not woody, with
springs and riuers or not, and what wilde beastes they haue in the same.

And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to build
withall, as stone free or rough, and stone to make lime withall,
and wood or coale to burne the same withall.

To note the goodnesse or badnesse of the hauens and harborowes in the
Islands.


If a straight be found, what is to be done, and what great importance it
may be of.

And if there be a straight in the passage into the Scithian seas, the same
is specially and with great regard to be noted, especially if the same
straight be narrow and to be kept. I say it is to be noted as a thing that
doeth much import: for what prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same; and
shall possesse the same, as the king of Denmarke doeth possesse the
straight of Denmarke, he onely shall haue the trade out of these regions
into the Northeast parts of the world for himselfe, and for his priuate
profit, or for his subiects onely, or to enioy wonderfull benefit of the
toll of the same, like as the king of Denmarke doth enioy of his straights
by suffring the merchants of other Princes to passe that way. If any such
straight be found, the eleuation, the high or lowe land, the hauens neere,
the length of the straights, and all other such circumstances are to be set
downe for many purposes: and al the Mariners in the voyage are to be sworne
to keepe close all such things, that other Princes preuent vs not of the
same, after our returns vpon the disclosing of the Mariners, if any such
thing should hap.


Which way the Sauage may bee made able to purchase our cloth and other
their wants.

If you find any Island or maine land populous, and that the same people
hath need of cloth, then are you to deuise what commodities they haue to
purchase the same withall.

If they be poore, then are you to consider of the soile, and how by any
possibilitie the same may be made to inrich them, that hereafter they may
haue something to purchase the cloth withall.

If you enter into any maine by portable riuer, and shall find any great
woods, you are to note what kind of timber they be of, that we may know
whether they are for pitch, tarre, mastes, dealeboord, clapboord, or for
building of ships or houses, for so, if the people haue no vse of them,
they may be brought perhaps to vse.


Not to venture the losse of any one man.

You must haue great care to preserue your people, since your number is so
small, and not to venture any one man in any wise.


To bring home besides merchandize certaine trifles.

Bring home with you (if you may) from Cambalu or other ciuil place, one or
other yong man, although you leaue one for him.

Also the fruites of the Countreys if they will not of themselues dure, drie
them and so preserue them.

And bring with you the kernels of peares and apples, and the stones of such
stonefruits as you shall find there.

Also the seeds of all strange herbs and flowers, for such seeds of fruits
and herbs comming from another part of the world, and so far off, will
delight the fansie of many for the strangenesse, and for that the same may
grow, and continue the delight long time.

If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay, to bring thence the mappe of that
countrey, for so shall you haue the perfect description, which is to great
purpose.

To bring thence some old printed booke, to see whether they haue had print
there before it was deuised in Europe as some write.


To note their force by sea and by land.

If you arriue in Cambalu or Quinsay, to take a speciall view of their
Nauie, and to note the force, greatnesse, maner of building of them, the
sailes, the tackles, the ankers, the furniture of them, with ordinance,
armour, and munition.

Also, to note the force of the wals and bulwarks of their cities, their
ordonance, and whether they haue any caliuers, and what powder and shot.

To note what armour they haue.

What swords.

What pikes, halberds and bils.

What horses of force, and what light horses they haue.

And so throughout to note the force of the Countrey both by sea and by
land.


Things to be marked to make coniectures by.

To take speciall note of their buildings, and of the ornaments of their
houses within.

Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture, and of the substance
that the same is made of, of which a Merchant may make a gesse as well of
their commoditie, as also of their wants.

To note their Shoppes and Warehouses, and with what commodities they
abound, the price also.

To see their Shambles, and to view all such things as are brought into the
Markets, for so you shall soone see the commodities, and the maner of the
people of the inland, and so giue a gesse of many things.

To note their fields of graine, and their trees of fruite, and how they
abound or not abound in one and other, and what plenty or scarsitie of fish
they haue.


Things to be caried with you, whereof more or lesse is to bee caried for a
  shew of our commodities to be made.

Karsies of all orient colours, specially of stamell, broadcloth of orient
colours also.

Frizadoes, Motlies, Bristow friezes, Spanish blankets, Baies of al colours,
specially with Stamel, Worsteds, Carels, Saies, Woadmols, Flanels, Rash,
&c.

Felts of diuers colours.

Taffeta hats.

Deepe caps for Mariners coloured in Stamel, whereof if ample bent may be
found, it would turne to an infinite commoditie of the common poore people
by knitting.

Quilted caps of Leuant taffeta of diuers colours, for the night.

Knit stocks of silke of orient colours.

Knit stocks of Iersie yarne of orient colours, whereof if ample vent might
folow the poore multitude should be set in worke.

Stocks of karsie of diuers colours for men and for women.

Garters of silke of seuerall kinds, and of colours diuers.

Girdles of Buffe and all other leather, with gilt and vngilt buckles,
specially waste girdles, waste girdles of veluet.

Gloues of all sorts knit, and of leather.

Gloues perfumed.

Points of all sorts of silke, threed, and leather, of all maner of colours.

Shooes of Spanish leather of diuers colours, of diuers length, cut and
vncut.

Shooes of other leather.

Veluet shooes and pantophles.

These shooes and pantophles to be sent this time, rather for a shew then
for any other cause.

Purses knit, and of leather.

Nightcaps knit, and other.

A garnish of pewter for a shew of a vent of that English commoditie,
bottles, flagons, spoones, &c. of that mettall.

Glasses of English making.

Venice glasses.

Looking glasses for women, great and faire.

Small dials, a few for proofe, although there they will not hold the order
they do here.

Spectacles of the common sort.

Others of Christall trimmed with siluer, and other wise.

Hower glasses.

Combes of Iuorie.

Combes of boxe.

Combes of horne.

Linnen of diuers sorts.

Handkerchiefs with silke of seuerall colours wrought.

Glazen eyes to ride with against dust.

Kniues in sheaths both single and double, of good edge.

Needles great and small of euery kind.

Buttons greater and smaller, with moulds of leather and not of wood, and
such as be durable of double silke, and that of sundry colours.

Boxes with weights for gold, and of euery kind of the coine of gold, good
and bad, to shew that the people here vse weight and measure, which is a
certaine shew of wisedom, and of certaine gouernment setled here.

All the seuerall siluer coynes of our English monies, to be caried with
you, to be shewed to the gouernours at Cambalu, which is a thing that shall
in silence speake to wise men more then you imagine.

Locks and keyes, hinges, bolts, haspes, &c. great and small of excellent
workemanship, whereof if vent may be, hereafter we shall set our subiects
in worke, which you must haue in great regard. For in finding ample vent of
any thing that is to be wrought in this realme, is more woorth to our
people besides the gaine of the merchant, then Christchurch, Bridewell, the
Sauoy, and all the Hospitals of England.


For banketting on shipboord persons of credite.

First, the sweetest perfumes to set vnder hatches to make the place sweet
against their comming aboord, if you arriue at Cambalu, Quinsey, or in any
such great citie, and not among Sauages.

Marmelade.

Figs barrelled.

Sucket

Raisins of the sunne.

Comfets of diuers kinds made of purpose by him that is most excellent, that
shal not dissolue.

Prunes damaske.

Dried Peares.

Smalnuts.

Walnuts.

Almonds.

Oliues to make them taste their wine.

The apple Iohn that dureth two yeres to make shew of our fruits.

Hullocke.

Sacke.

Vials of good sweet waters, and casting bottels of glasses to besprinkle
the ghests withall, after their comming aboord.

Suger to vse with their wine if they will.

The sweet oyle of Zante, and excellent French vineger, and a fine kind of
Bisket stieped in the same do make a banketting dish, and a little Sugar
cast in it cooleth and comforteth, and refresheth the spirits of man.

Cynamon water/Imperiall water: is to be had with you to make a shew of by
taste, and also to comfort your sicke in the voyage.

With these and such like, you may banket where you arriue the greater and
best persons.

Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes, or small vials of
sweet waters you may gratifie by way of gift, or you may make a merchandize
of them.


The Mappe of England and of London.

Take with you the mappe of England set out in faire colours, one of the
biggest sort I meane, to make shew of your countrey from whence you come.

And also the large Mappe of London to make shew of your Citie. And let the
riuer be drawen full of Ships of all sorts, to make the more shew of your
great trade and traffike in trade of merchandize.


Ortelius booke of Mappes.

If you take Ortelius booke of Mappes with you to marke all these Regions,
it were not amisse: and if need were to present the same to the great Can,
for it would be to a Prince of marueilous account.


The booke of the attire of all Nations.

Such a booke caried with you and bestowed in gift would be much esteemed,
as I perswade my selfe.


Bookes.

If any man will lend you the new Herball and such Bookes as make shew of
herbes, plants, trees, fishes, foules and beasts of these regions, it may
much delight the great Can, and the nobilitie, and also their merchants to
haue the view of them: for all things in these partes so much differing
from the things of those regions, since they may not be here to see them,
by meane of the distance, yet to see those things in a shadow, by this
meane will delight them.


The booke of Rates.

Take with you the booke of Rates, to the end you may pricke all those
commodities there specified, that you shall chance to find in Cambalu, in
Quinsey, or in any part of the East, where you shall chance to be.


Parchment.

Rowles of Parchment, for that we may vent much without hurt to the Realme,
and it lieth in small roume.


Glew.

To carie Glew, for that we haue plenty and want vent.


Red Oker for Painters.

To seeke vent because we haue great mines of it, and haue no vent.


Sope of both kindes.

To try what vent it may haue, for that we make of both kinds, and may
perhaps make more.


Saffron.

To try what vent you may haue of Saffron, because this realme yeelds the
best of the world, and for the tillage and other labours may set the poore
greatly in worke to their reliefe.


Aquauitae.

By new deuises wonderful quantities may be made here, and therefore to
seeke the vent.


Blacke Conies skins.

To try the vent at Cambalu, for that it lieth towards the North, and for
that we abound with the commoditie, and may spare it.


Threed of all colours.

The vent may set our people in worke.


Copper Spurres and Hawkes bels.

To see the vent for it may set our people in worke.


A note and Caueat for the Merchant.

That before you offer your commodities to sale, you indeuour to learne what
commodities the countrey there hath. For if you bring thither veluet,
taffeta, spice, or any such commoditie that you your selfe desire to lade
your selfe home with, you must not sell yours deare, least hereafter you
purchase theirs not so cheape as you would.


Seeds for sale.

Carie with you for that purpose all sorts of garden seeds, as wel of sweete
strawing herbs, and of flowers, as also of pot herbes and all sorts for
roots, &c.


Lead of the first melting.

Lead of the second melting of the slags.

To make triall of the vent of Lead of all kinds.


English iron, and wier of iron and copper.

To try the sale of the same.

Brimstone.

To try the vent of the same, because we abound with it made in the Realme.



Antimonie a Minerall.

To see whether they haue any ample vse there for it, for that we may lade
whole nauies of it, and haue no vse of it vnlesse it be for some small
portion in founding of bels, or a litle that the Alcumists vse: of this you
may haue two sortes at the Apothecaries.

Tinder boxes with Steele, Flint & Matches and Tinder, the Matches to be
made of Iuniper to auoid the offence of Brimstone.

To trie and make the better sale of Brimstone by shewing the vse.

Candles of Waxe to light.


A painted Bellowes.

For that perhaps they haue not the vse of them.


A pot of cast iron.

To try the sale, for that it is a naturall commoditie of this Realme.


All maner of edge tools.

To be sold there or to the lesse ciuil people by the way where you shall
touch.


What I would haue you there to remember.

To note specially what excellent dying they vse in these regions, and
therefore to note their garments and ornaments of houses: and to see their
Die houses and the Materials & Simples that they vse about the same, and to
bring musters and shewes of the colours and of the materials, for that it
may serue this clothing realme to great purpose.


To take with you for your owne vse.

All maner of engines to take fish and foule.


To take with you those things that be in perfection of goodnesse.

For as the goodnesse now at the first may make your commodities
in credite in time to come: so false and Sophisticate
commodities shall draw you and all your commodities into
contempt and ill opinion.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter of Gerardus Mercator, written to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford,
  touching the intended discouery of the Northeast passage, An. 1580.

Literae tuae (vir humanissime) 19. Iunij demum mihi redditae fuerunt:
vehementer dolui visis illis tantam, non modo temporis, sed multo magis
tempestiuae instructionis iacturam factam esse. Optassem Arthurum Pet de
quibusdam non leuibus ante suum discessum praemonitum fuisse. Expeditissima
sane per Orientem in Cathaium est nauigatio: et saepe miratus sum, eam
foeliciter inchoatam, desertam fuisse, velis in occidentem translatis,
postquam plus quam dimidium itineris vestri iam notum haberent. [Sidenote:
Ingens sinus post Insulam Vaigats et Nouam Zemblam.] Nam post Insulam
Vaigats et Noua Zembla continuo ingens sequitur Sinus, quem ab ortu Tabin
immane promontorium complectitur. In hunc medium maxima illabuntur flumina,
quae vniuersam Regionem Sericam perluentia vtque existimo in intima
continentis vsque magnis nauigijs peruia, facillimam rationem exhibent
quaslibet merces ex Cataio, Mangi, Mien, caeteriseque circumfusis regnis
contrahendi, atque in Angliam deportandi. Caeterum cum non temere cam
nauigationem intermissam crederem, opinabar ab Imperatore Russorum et
Moscouiae obstaculum aliquod interiectum fuisse. Quod si vero cum illius
gratia vlterior illac nauigatio detur, suaderem profecto non primum Tabin
promontorium quaerere, atque explorare, sed Sinum hunc atque flumina, in
ijsque portum aliquem commodissimum, stationemque Anglicis Mercatoribus
deligere, ex quo deinceps maiore opportunitate, minoribusque periculis
Tabin promontorium, et totius Cathai circumnauigatio indagari posset.
[Sidenote: Tabin promontorium ingens.] Esse autem ingens in Septentrionem
excurrens promontorium Tabin, non ex Plinio tantum, verum et alijs
scriptoribus, et tabulis aliquot (licet rudius depictis) certum habeo.
Polum etiam Magnetis haud longe vltra Tabin situm esse, certis Magnetis
obseruationibus didici: circa quem et Tabin plurimos esse scopulos,
difficilemque et periculosam nauigationibus existimo: difficiliorem tamen
ad Cathaium accessum fore opinor, ea pua nunc via in Occidentem tentatur.
Propinquior enim fiet haec nauigatio polo Magnetis quam altera, ad quem
propius accedere non puto tutum esse. [Sidenote: Quo propius ad polum
acceditur, eo directorium Nauiticum magis a Septentrione deuiat.] Quia vero
Magnes alium quam Mundi polum habet, quo ex omni parte, respicit: quo
propius ad eum acceditur, eo directorium illud Nauticum magnetis virtute
imbutum, magis a Septentrione deuiat, nunc in Occidentem, nunc in Orientem,
prout quis vel orientalior, vel occidentalior est illo Meridiano qui per
vtrumque polum Magnetis, et Mundi ducitur, Mirabilis est haec varietas, et
quae nauigantem plurimum fallere potest, nisi hanc Magnetis inconstantiam
norit, et ad poli, eleuationem per instrumenta subinde respiciat. In hac re
si non sit instructus D. Arthurus, aut ea sit dexteritate, vt deprehenso
errore eum inuenire et castigare possit timeo ne deuias faciat ambages,
tempus ilium fallat, et semiperacto negotio, a gelu praeoccupetur: Aiunt
enim Sinum illum fortius quotannis congelari. Quod si contingat: hoc quod
consultius mihi visum fuit, proximum illi erit refugium, vt in eo sinu,
ijsque fluminibus quae dixi, portum quaerat et per Legatum aliquem, cum magno
Cham nomine Serenissimae Reginae, notitiam, amicitiamque contrahat: quam
opinor Maximo orbis Imperatori gratam, imo gratissimam fore propter
remotissima commercia. [Sidenote: Bautisus et Oechardus maxima flumina in
hunc Sinum illabuntur.] Opinor ab ostijs Bautisi et Oechardi fluminum
maximorum, vsque ad Cambalu Regiam summam Chami, non vltra 300. milliaria
Germanica esse, et iter sumendum per Ezinam vrbem regni Tangut, quae 100.
tantum milliarijs Germanicis ab ostijs distare videtur, et paret Magno
Cham.

[Sidenote: Postulata Mercatoris de quibus certior fieri cupit.] Valde
optarem cognoscere, quam alte communiter exurgat aestus maris in eo Moscouiae
portu quem vestri pro statione habent, et in alijs versus orientem locis
vsque ad Tabin. Item, an mare in hoc districtu semper in vnam partem,
videlicet Orientem, aut Occidentem fluat, an vero pro ratione aestuum fluat
et refluat, in medio inquam canali, hoc est, an ibi, sex horis in occasum,
et iterum sex in ortum fluat, an vero semper hi eandem partem: aliae enim
speculationes non parum vtiles hinc dependent. Idem optarem a D. Frobiscero
in occidentem obseruari. Quod ad sinum Merosro, et Canadam, ac Nouam
Franciam attinet, ea in meis tabulis desumpta sum ex quadam Tabula marina,
quae a quodam sacerdote ex earum ditionum Naucleri peritissimi Galli
descriptione excerpta fuit, et illustrissimo Principi Georgio ab Austria
episcopo Leodiensi oblata. Non dubito, quin quantum ad littorum situm
attinet et poli eleuationem, ad veritatem ea quam proxime accedant. Habebat
enim ea tabula praeter scalam graduum latitudinis per medium sui extensam,
aliam praeterea praticularem Nouae Franciae littoribus adiunctam, qua
deprauatae latitudines, occasione, erroris Magnetis ibi commissae,
castigarentur. Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis itinerarium per omnem Asiam,
Affricam, et Septentrionem, olim mihi Amicus Antuerpiae ab alio mutuo
acceptum communicauit, eo vsus sum, et reddidi: post multos annos eundem ab
amico repetij et reminisci ille non potuit a quo accepisset. Gulielmi
Tripolitani et Ioannis de plano Carpini scripta non vidi, tantum excerpta
ex illis quaedam in alijs scriptis libris inueni. Abilfadae Epitome gaudeo
verti, vtinam cito habeamus.

Haec (mi Domine) tuis repondenda putaui: si quid est aliud quod a me
desideres, libentissime tibi communicabo: hoc vicissim amanter a tua
humanitate petens, vt quae ex vtriusque nauigationis cursu obseruata
nancisci poteris, mihi communices, penes me pro tuo arbitrio manebunt
omnia, et quaecunque inde collegero, fideliter ad te perscribam, si forte ad
pulcherrimum, vtilissimumque orbi Christiano hoc nauigationis institutum
aliquid opis et consilij adferre possint. Bene vale, vir doctissime.
Duisburgi in Cliuia. 28. Iulij 1580.

[Sidenote: Dulce mare inter Nouam Zemblam et Tabin suspicatur.] Redeunte
Arthuro, quaeso discas ab illo quae optaui, et num aticubi in suo itinere,
dulce mare, aut parum salsum inuenerit: suspicor enim mare inter Noua
Zembla, et Tabin dulce esse.

T.H. paratissimus quantus quantus sum,

Gerardus Mercator.


The same in English.

Sir I receiued your letters the 19. of Iune: it grieued me much that vpon
the sight of them the time being spent, I could not giue any conuenient
instructions: I wish Arthur Pet had bene informed before his departure of
some special points. The voyage to Cathaio by the East, is doutlesse very
easie and short, and I haue oftentimes marueiled, that being so happily
begun, it hath bene left of, and the course changed into the West, after
that more then halfe of your voiage was discouered. For beyond the Island
of Vaigats and Noua Zeembla, there foloweth presently a great Baie, which
on the left side is inclosed with the mightie promontorie Tabin. [Sidenote:
A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats, whereinto mighty riuers descend.] Into the
mids hereof there fall great riuers, which passing through the whole
countrey of Serica, and being as I thinke nauigable with great vessels into
the heart of the continent, may be an easie means whereby to traffique for
all maner of merchandize, and transport them out of Cathaio, Mangi, Mien,
and other kingdoms thereabouts into England. But considering with my selfe
that that nauigation was not intermitted, but vpon great occasion, I
thought that the Emperor of Russia and Moscouie had hindered the proceeding
thereof. [Sidenote: The best course to be taken in discoueries.] If so be
that with his grace and fauour a furthur nauigation may be made, I would
counsell them certainly not first to seeke out the promontorie Tabin, but
to search this baie and riuers aforesayd, and in them to picke and chuse
out some conuenient port and harborough for the English merchants, from
whence afterward with more opportunitie and lesse perill, the promontorie
Tabin and all the coast of Cathaio may bee discouered. And that there is
such a huge promontorie called Tabin, I am certainly perswaded not onely
out of Plinie, but also other writers, and some Maps (though somewhat
rudely drawen:) and that the Pole of the Loadstone is not farre beyond
Tabin, I haue learned by the certaine obseruations of the Loadstone: about
which pole and Tabin I thinke there are very many rockes, and very hard and
dangerous sailing: and yet a more hard and difficile passage I think it to
bee this way which is now attempted by the West, for it is neerer to the
pole of the Loadstone, to the which I thinke it not safe to approach. And
because the Loadstone hath another pole then that of the world, to the
which from all parts it hath a respect, the neerer you come vnto it, the
more the needle of the Compasse doeth varie from the North, sometimes to
the West, and sometimes to the East, according as a man is to the Eastward
or to the Westward of that Meridian, that passeth by both the poles of the
Magnes and the World.

This is a strange alteration and very apt to deceiue the Sailer, vnlesse
hee know the vnconstancie and variation of the Compasse, and take the
eleuation of the pole sometimes with his instruments. If master Arthur be
not well prouided in this behalfe, or of such dexteritie, that perceiuing
the errour he be not able to correct the same, I feare lest in wandering vp
and downe he lose his time, and be ouertaken with the ice in the midst of
the enterprise. For that gulfe, as they say, is frozen euery yere very
hard. Which if it be so, the best counsel I could giue for their best
safetie, were to seeke some harborough in that baie, and those riuers
whereof I haue spoken, and by some Ambassador to make friendship and
acquaintance with the great Can, in name of the Queenes maiestie, which I
beleeue will be gratefull to the mightiest Emperour in the world, yea most
excellent for the length of the traffique, and great distance of the
places. [Sidenote: The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from
Cambalu.] I thinke from the mouthes of the mighty riuers Bautisus and
Oechardus to Cambalu the chiefest seat of the prince the Can, there are not
past 300. Germaine miles, and to passe by Ezina a citie of the kingdom of
Tangut, which seemeth to be but 100. Germaine miles from the mouthes of the
sayd riuers, and is subiect to the great Can.

I would gladly know how high the sea doeth flowe commonly in the port of
Moscouia where your men do harborow, and in other Easterly places vnto
Tabin. [Sidenote: Vpon the obseruations of the tides depend great
speculations.] And also whether the sea in this streight do flow alwaies
one way to the East or to the West, or whether it do ebbe and flow
according to the matter of the tides in the middle of the chanel, that is
to say, whether it flow there sixe houres into the West, and as many backe
againe to the East, for hereupon depend other speculations of importance. I
would wish M. Frobisher to obserue the same Westwards. Concerning the gulfe
of Merosro and Canada, and new France which are in my mappes, they were
taken out of a certaine sea card drawn by a certaine priest out of the
description of a Frenchman, a Pilot very skilfull in those partes, and
presented to the worthy Prince George of Austria, bishop of Liege: for the
trending of the coast, and the eleuation of the pole, I doubt not but they
are very neere the trueth: For the Charte had beside a scale of degrees of
latitude passing through the middest of it, another particularly annexed to
the coast of New France, wherewith the errour of the latitudes committed by
reason of the variation of the compasse might be corrected. The historie of
the voyage of Iacobus Cnoyen Buschoducensis throughout al Asia, Affrica,
and the North, was lent me in time past by a friend of mine at Antwerpe.
After I had vsed it, I restored it againe: after many yeeres I required it
againe of my friend, but hee had forgotten of whom hee had borrowed it. The
writings of Gulielmus Tripolitanus, and Ioannes de Plano Carpini I neuer
saw: onely I found certaine pieces of them in other written hand bookes. I
am glad the Epitomie of Abilfada is translated, I would we might haue it
shortly.

Thus much Sir I thought good to answere your letters: if there bee anything
els that you would require of me, I will most willingly communicate it with
you, crauing this likewise of your curtesie, that whatsoeuer obseruations
of both these voyages shall come to your hands, you would impart them to
me, they shall all remaine with mee according to your discretion and
pleasure, and whatsoeuer I gather of them, I will faithfully signifie vnto
you by letter if happily they may yeeld any helpe or light vnto this most
excellent enterprise of nauigation, and most profitable to our Christian
common wealth. Fare, you well most learned friend. At Duisburg in
Cliueland, 28. of Iulie, the yeere, 1580.

At Arthur his returne I pray you learne of him the things I haue requested,
and whether any where in his voiage, he found the sea fresh, or not very
salt: for I suppose the Sea betweene Noua Zembla and Tabin to be fresh.

Yours wholly to my power to be commanded.

Gerardus Mercator.

       *       *       *       *       *

The discouerie made by M. Arthur Pet and M. Charles Iackman, of the
  Northeast parts, beyond the Island of Vaigatz, with two Barkes: the one
  called the George, the other the William, in the yeere 1580. Written by
  Hugh Smith.

[Sidenote: May.] Upon Monday the 30. of May, we departed from Harwich in
the afternoone, the winde being at South, and to the Eastward. The ebbe
being spent, we could not double the pole, and therefore were constrained
to put in againe vntill next day in the morning, being the last of May:
which day wee wayed our ankers about 3. a clocke in the morning, the wind
being West southwest. The same day we passed Orfordnesse at an East Sunne,
and Stamford at a West Sunne, and Yarmouth at a West northwest sunne, and
so to Winterton, where we did anker al night: it was then calme, and the
flood was come.

[Sidenote: Iune.] The next day being the first of Iune, we set saile at 3.
a clocke in the morning, and set our course North, the wind at the
Southwest, and at Southsouthwest.

The 10. day about one of the clocke in the afternoone, wee put into Norway
to a place where one of the headlands of the sound is called Bottel: the
other headland is called Moile. [Sidenote: Kene an Island of Norway.] There
is also an Island called Kene. Here I did find the pole to be eleuated 62.
deg. it doeth flowe there South, and it hieth 7. or 8. foote, not aboue.

The 11. day in the morning the winde came to the South and to the
Southeast: the same daye at sixe in the afternoone we set saile, and bare
along the coast: it was very foule weather with raine and fogge.

[Sidenote: The North cape doubled.] The 22. day the wind being at West, we
did hall the coast East northeast, and East. The same day at 6. in the
morning we did double the north cape. About 3. in the afternoone wee past
Skites bearenesse, and hald along the coast East, and East southeast, and
all the same night wee halled Southeast, and Southeast by East.

[Sidenote: Wardhouse.] The 23. day about 3. in the morning we came to
Wardhouse, the wind at the Northwest The cause of our comming in was to
seeke the William, whose companie we lost the 6. day of this moneth, and to
send letters into England. About one of the clock in the after noone the
William also came into Wardhouse to vs in good safetie, and all her company
in good health.

The 24. the wind came to the East Northeast. This day the William was hald
a ground, because she was somewhat leake, and to mend her steerage. This
night about 12. of the clocke she did hale a flote againe.

The 25. day the wind was at East northeast.

The 26. day the Toby of Harwich departed from Wardhouse for London, Thomas
Greene being master, to whom we deliuered our letters.

The 27. day the wind was at South southeast, and the 28. also.

The 29. day about 6. in the afternoone, the wind came to the West northwest
for the space of one houre, and presently to the East againe, and so was
variable all the same night.

The 30. about sixe in the morning, the winde came to East southeast, and
continued so all the same day.

[Sidenote: Iuly.] The first of Iuly about 5. in the afternoone, the wind
was at Northnorthwest: and about 7. of the clocke we set saile from
Wardhouse East and by South.

The second day about 5. in the morning, the wind was East, and East
Southeast, and we did lie to the shorewards. And about 10. in the morning
the wind came to South southeast, and we laid it to the Eastward: sometime
we lay East by South, some time East southeast, and sometimes East by
North. [Sidenote: Willoughbies land.] About 5. in the afternoone we bare
with the William, who was willing to goe with Kegor, because we thought her
to be out of trie, and sailed very ill, where we might mend her steerage:
whereupon Master Pet not willing to go into harborough said to Master
Iackman, that if he thought himselfe not able to keepe the sea, he should
doe as he thought best, and that he in the meanetime would beare with
Willoughbies land, for that it was a parcel of our direction, and would
meete him at Veroue Ostroue, or Vaigats, and so we set our course East
northeast, the winde being at Southeast.

[Sidenote: 50. leagues from Kegor.] The 3 day the winde at Southeast we
found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 46. minuts. The same night at 12.
of the clocke we sounded, but had no ground, in 120. fathoms, being fifty
leagues from the one side by our reckoning East northeast from Kegor.

The 4. day all the morning was calme. This day we found the pole to be
eleuated 71. degrees 38. minutes. This day at 9. in the afternoone the wind
at Northeast with a gentle gale, we hald along Southeast by East.

The 5. day the wind at Northwest, we hald East and East by South: this day
we saw land, but we could not make it, the wind being Northerly, so that we
could not come neere to it.

The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone, the wind at North northwest, we
halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale: this day we met with
ice. About 6. in the arternoone it became calme: we with saile and oares
laide it to the Northeast part, hoping that way to cleare vs of it: for
that way we did see the head part of it, as we thought. Which done, about
12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it. We did think it to be ice
of the bay of Saint Nicholas, but it was not as we found afterwards.

[Sidenote: A site of perfect land.] The seuenth day we met with more yce at
the East part of the other yce: we halde along a weather the yce to finde
some ende thereof by east northeast. This day there appeared more land
North from vs being perfect land: the ice was betweene vs and it, so that
we could not come neerer to it.

The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some
way through it, wee continued in it all the same day and all the night
following, the winde by the North and Northwest. Wee were constrained to
goe many pointes of our compasse, but we went most an Easterly course.

The eight day the winde at North northwest, we continued our course, and at
fiue in the morning we sounded, and had 90. fadoms red oze. This day at
foure in the afternoone we sounded againe, and had 84. fadoms oze, as
before. At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice, and
hald along Southeast by South: we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night,
and had 43. fathom sandy oze.

The 9. day at 2. in the morning, we sounded againe, and had 45. fadoms,
then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast, and so we ran
with it the space of 2. houres, and then perceiuing it was but fogge, we
hald along Southeast.

[Sidenote: 70. deg. 3. min.] This day at 2 in the afternoone we sounded and
had fiftie fadams blacke oze. Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes.
At 10. a clocke at night we sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms black oze.

The tenth day the wind being at North northwest, we haled East and by
North, which course we set, because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee
did see land, and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze. All this
day there was a great fogge, so that wee durst not beare with the land to
make it, and so we kept an outwardly course. [Sidenote: An Island.] This
day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land, wherewith we halled, and then
it grew calme: we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze: and then we sent
our boat a land to sound and proue the land. The same night we came with
our ship within an Island, where we rode all the same night. The same night
wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water.

[Sidenote: The maine land.] The 11. day the wind came to the East
southeast: this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards, we saw a very
faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3.
branches with an Island in the midst.

The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast. [Sidenote: Barebay.] This day
about 11. a clocke in the morning, there came a great white beare down to
the water side, and tooke the water of his owne accord, we chased him with
our boate, but for all that we could doe, he gote to land and escaped from
vs, where we named the bay Barebay. This day at 7. in the after noone we
set saile, for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly, and
with saile and oares we gate the sea. All the night it was calme with
fogge.

The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with
fog, and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice, which at
the first shewed like land. This ice did vs much trouble, and the
more because of the fog, which continued vntill the 14. day 12.
of the clocke.

The 14. day in the morning we were so inibayed with ice, yet we were
constrained to come out as we went in, which was by great good fortune, or
rather by the goodnesse of God, otherwise it had bene impossible, and at
12. of the clock we were cleere of it, the wind being at South and South by
West. [Sidenote: 70. deg. 26. min.] The same day we found the pole to be
eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes: [Sidenote: The supposed maine of Noua
Zembla.] we lay along the coast Northwest, thinking it to be an Island, but
finding no end in rowing so long, we supposed it to be the maine of Noua
Xembla. [Footnote: They were really in the Gulf of Petchora.] About 2. in
the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice, which wee
could not doe vpon that boorde, so that we cast about againe and lay West
along vnder the ice. About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the
greatest part thereof. About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice
Southeast of us, and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time.

The 15. day about 3. in the morning, the winde was at South southwest: wee
cast about and lay to the Eastwards: the winde did Wester, so that wee lay
South southwest with a flawne sheete, and so we ranne all the same day.
About 8. in the after noone we sounded, and had 23. fadoms small grey sand.
This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe, and had 29. fadoms
sand, as afore.

The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast, where we
found 18. fadoms red sand, then we hald along Northeast. [Sidenote: Many
ouerfals.] In these soundings wee had many ouerfals. This day at 10. of the
clocke we met with more ice, which was very great, so that we coulde not
tell which way to get cleere of it. Then the winde came to the South
Southeast, so that we lay to the Northwards. We thought that way to cleere
our selues of it, but that way we had more ice. About 6. in the afternoone,
the wind came to the East. Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30
fadoms black oze. This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg. 40.
minutes, and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand.

The 17. day at 3. in the morning, we had 12. fadoms. At 9. we had 8. and 7.
all this day we ran South and South by West, at the depth aforesaid, red
sand, being but shallow water. At eight in the aftemoone, the winde with a
showre and thunder came to the Southwest, and then we ranne East Northeast.
[Sidenote: The bay of Pechora.] At 12. at night it came to the South and by
East, and all this was in the bay of Pechora.

The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the headland of the bay,
where wee founde two Islands. There are also ouerfals of water or tides. We
went betweene the maine and the Island, next to the head, where we had
about 2. fadoms and a halfe. We found the pole eleuated 69. deg. 13.
minutes. [Sidenote: They had sight of Vaigatz.] This day we had sight of
Vaigatz: the land of the maine of Pechora did trend Southeast, we hald East
southeast, and had 10. fadoms oze all the same day vntill 4. in the after
noone, then being calme, we ankered in 10. fadoms all the same night.

The 19. day at two in the morning we set saile, and ran South and South
southwest all the same day at 8. 7. and 6. fadoms, this was off the South
part of Vaigatz, this part of the land lieth North and South. This day at
4. in the afternoone we found shallow water sometime 4. fadoms, sometime 3.
and 2. and a halfe, and one fadome and a halfe: there we ankered and sent
our boate away to sound, and all to leeward we had 4 foote and 3. foote,
and 2. foot, there was not water for the boate betweene Vaigatz and the
other side: finding no more water, there was no other way but to goe backe
as we came in, hauing the wind Northwest, so at twelue at night we set
saile.

The 20. day we plied to the Northwards, and got deepe water againe 6. and
7. fadoms.

The 21. day the winde by the Northwest, we hald along the coast North and
North northwest, we had 8. and 9. and 10. fadoms.

The 22. day the winde came to the Southwest, we bare along the coast of
Vaygatz, as we found it to lie North and by West, and North northwest, and
North. [Sidenote: An Island hauing store of wood and water.] The winde
blewe very much with great fogge, we lacking Water and wood bare within an
Island where wee founde great store of wood and water, there were three or
foure goodly sounds. Vnder two points there was a crosse set vp, and a man
buried at the foote of it. Vpon the said crosse Master Pet did graue his
name with the date of our Lorde, and likewise vpon a stone at the foote of
the crosse, and so did I also, to the end that if the William did chaunce
to come thither, they might haue knowledge that wee had bene there. At
eight in the afternoone the winde came to the North northwest, we set saile
and turned out of the Bay. The same night the winde came to the West, so
that wee lay North along the land.

[Sidenote: 6. faire islands.] The 23. day at fiue in the morning, the wind
came to the Southwest, a Sea boord we sawe a great number of faire Islands,
to the number of sixe: a sea boord of these Islands, there are many great
ouerfals, as great streames or tides: we halde Northeast and East northeast
as the land did trend. At eight aforenoone the winde came to the Southeast
with very much wind, raine and fogge, and very great store of ice a sea
boorde: so we lay to the Southwest to attaine to one of the Islands to
harbour vs if the weather did so extremely continue and to take in our
boate, thinking it meete so to doe, and not to towe her in such weather.
About twelue of the clocke it became very calme vpon the sudden, and came
vp to the West Northwest, and Northwest by West, and then we tooke in our
boate, and this done, there came downe so much winde, as we were not able
to steere afore it, with corse and bonnets of each, we hald South with the
land, for so the land did trend. This day all the afternoone we sailed
vnder a great land of ice, we sailed betweene the land and it, being not
able to crosse it. About twelue at night we found the ice to stretch into
the land, that we could not get cleare to the Eastward, so we laide it to
the shore, and there we founde it cleare hard aboord the shore, and we
found also a very faire Island which makes a very good harbour, and within
are 12. fadoms.

[Sidenote: An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues] This Island
is to the Eastwards of Vaigatz 4 or 5. leagues. This land of the maine doth
trend Southeast, and Southeast by East. It is a very faire coast, and euen
and plaine, and not full of mountaines nor rocks: you haue but shallow
water of 6. or 7. fadoms, about a league from the shore, all this morning
we hailed East southeast This day we found the pole to be eleuated 69.
degrees 14. minutes. About 12 a clocke we were constrained to put into the
ice to seeke some way to get to the Northwards of it, hoping to haue some
cleare passage that way, but there was nothing but whole ice. About nine in
the afternoone we had sight of the William, and when wee sawe her, there
was a great land of ice betweene her and vs, so that we could not come one
to the other, but as we came neere to her, we sounded our trumpet and shot
off two muskets, and she put out her flag vpon her foretopmaste in token
that she did see vs: all this time wee did shorten our sailes, and went
with our foresaile and mainetopsaile, seeking the best way through the
broken ice, she making away the best that she could to follow vs, we put
out our flagge to answere her again with the like: thus we continued all
the aftemoone till about 12. a clocke at night, and then we moored our ship
to a piece of ice to tarie for the William.

[Sidenote: The Willaim and the George meete againe.] The 25. day about fiue
in the morning, the William came to vs, being both glad of our meeting. The
William had her sterne post broken, that the rudder did hang clean besides
the sterne, so that she could in no wise port her helme, with all hands she
did lighten her sterne and trimme her head, and when we had brought her
forward all that we could, wee brought a cable vnder her sterne, and with
our capstaine did wind vp her sterne, and so we made it as wel as the place
would giue vs leaue, and in the ende wee brought her to steere againe. Wee
acknowledge this our meeting to be a great benefits of God for our mutuall
comfort and so gaue his Maiestie thanks for it. All the night after we
tooke our rest being made fast vpon a piece of ice: the wind was at the
West Northwest, but we were so inclosed with ice that we coulde not tell
which way to passe. Windes wee haue had at will, but ice and fogge too much
against our willes, if it had pleased the Lod God otherwise.

The 26. day the wind was at West Northwest: we set saile to the
Northwardes, to seeke if we could finde any way cleare to passe to the
Eastward, but the further we went that way, the more and thicker was the
ice, so that we coulde goe no further. So about foure in the afternoon we
were constrained to moare vpon another piece of ice. I thinke we sailed in
all a league this day, here we had 15. fadoms oze, and this oze is all the
chanell ouer. All the same day after foure of the clocke, and all the night
we tarried there, being without all good hope, but rather in despaire. This
day Master Iugman did see land East Northeast from vs, as he did thinke,
whether it were land or no, I cannot tell well, but it was very like land:
but the fogges haue many times deceiued vs. [Footnote: And did so again in
this instance.]

The 27. day the winde was at Northwest. This day at nine in the morning we
set saile to seeke the shore. Further into the ice we could not goe, and at
seuen in the afternoone we moared to a piece of ice, and the William with
vs, here we had 14. fathoms oze. At three in the aftemoone we warpt from
one ice to another. At nine in the afternoone we moared againe to a piece
of ice vntill the next day. All this night it did snow with much wind,
being at West Northwest, and at Northwest, and by West.

The 28. day the winde came to the Southwest, and Southsouthwest: this day
was a very faire day. [Sidenote: Their returne.] At one in the afternoone
master Pet and master Iackman did conferre together what was best to be
done considering that the windes were good for vs, and we not able to passe
for ice, they did agree to seeke to the land againe, and so to Vaygatz, and
there to conferre further. At 3. in the afternoone we did warpe from one
piece of ice to another to get from them if it were possible: here were
pieces of ice so great, that we could not see beyond them out of the toppe.
Thus we warped vnlil 9. in the afternoone, and then we moared both our
shippes to a great and high piece of ice, vntil the next morning.

[Sidenote: The currant runneth with the winde.] The nine and twenty day the
winde came to the Southwest, wee set saile at fiue in the morning to plie
into the shore if it were possible, we made many turnes among the ice to
small purpose, for with the winde doeth the currant runne. This day by
misfortune a piece of ice stroke of our greepe afore at two afternoone, yet
for all this we turned to doe our best. The William being incumbred with
ice, and perceiuing that shee did litle good, tooke in all her sailes, and
made her selfe fast to a piece of ice, and about foure in the afternoone
she set saile to followe vs. We were afraide that shee had taken some hurt,
but she was well. At seuen afore noone we tooke in all our sailes to tarie
for the William, and made our shippe fast to a piece of ice: the William
before she came to vs tooke in all her sailes, and moared to another piece
of ice, and thus we continued vntill the next morning.

The 30. day the winde at Southeast, and by South, and at 9. in the morning
we set saile, and sooner would haue done if the William had bene by vs, but
we did tary for her to know whether all was well with her: But as soone as
we made saile, she did the like. All this day we did our best to seeke our
way as the ice would giue vs leaue, sometime we lay South, sometime West,
and sometime East, and thus we continued vntill eight at night, and then
being calme, wee made our ship fast to a picce of ice, and went to supper.
In the meane time the wind with a faire gentle gale came vp to the East,
and East and by South, but there came downe a showre of raine with it,
which continued the space of one houre: Which being done, it became calme
againe, so that wee could doe no good all that night, but tooke our rest
vntill the next day.

The 31. the winde being at Southwest, we set saile to turne to windeward at
three a clock in the morning. In this turning we did litle good, for the
currant would not giue vs leaue. For as the winde is, so is the currant. We
did our best vntill ten of the clock, and then perceiuing that we did no
good, and being inclosed with ice, wee made our ships fast to a piece of
ice: All this day the William lay still, and did as much good as we that
did labour all the forenoone. Thus we took our rest all the same day.

In the afternoone we set saile, the winde being at South and by East, we
lay to the Westwards, as Southwest and Southwest and by South, and sometime
to the Westward as wee might. Thus we continued vntil 9. at night, and then
we could go no further for ice: so we with the William were constrained to
make our ship fast to a piece of ice al the same night This day we found
the pole eleuated 69. degrees 20. minutes, and here we had 17. fathoms oze.

[Sidenote: August.]The first day of August was verie calme in the morning,
the winde beeing at West Northwest. About twelue the winde came to the
West, and continued so all the same night with great fogge.

The second day the winde was at Southwest all day with rayne and fogge. All
this day wee were inclosed with ice, so that we were forced to lye still.
Here we had one and twentie fathoms oze. At sixe in the afternoone the
winde was at West with very much foule weather, and so continued all the
same night.

The third day the winde was at West, and West by North, and West Northwest,
this day we lay still inclosed with yce, the weather being darke with
fogge: thus abiding the Lords leasure, we continued with patience. And
sounding we found 21. fathoms.

The fourth day we lay still inclosed with ice, the winde being at West
Northwest, this ice did euery day increase vpon vs, yet putting our trust
in God, we hoped to be deliuered out of it in good time.

The fift day all the morning it rained with very much wind, being at South
Southeast: about 3. in the afternoone we set sayle, and presently it became
calme for the space of one houre, then the wind came to the North
Northeast. and here we had 33. fathoms: thus we made way among the yce
Southwest, and Southsouthwest, and West, as we might finde our way for the
space of 3. houres: [Sidenote: A whole land of yce.] then we met with a
whole land of yce, so that we could go no further: here we moared our ship
to tarie for a further opening. Here we found 45. fathoms oze, and all the
night was very darke with fogge.

The sixt day hauing no opening of the yce wee lay still, the winde being at
West, and West by South: here we had sixty three fathoms oze: all the same
night the winde was at the West Northwest.

The 7. day the winde was at West, and West and by North all day. And all
this day we lay still being inclosed with yce, that we could not stirre,
labouring onely to defend the yce as it came vpon vs. Here we had 68.
fathoms oze.

The 8. day was very faire and calme but foggy. This day towards night there
was litle winde by the South Southwest: then the yce began a litle to open,
and here we had 70. fathoms oze: all the night was foggy.

The 9. day the winde was at Northwest, and by West all the afternoone we
lay still because of the yce, which did still inclose vs. [Sidenote: 70.
degr. 4. min.] This day we found the pole eleuated seuenty degrees, 4.
minutes, we had 63. fathoms oze: this night was a very fayre night, but it
freezed: in the morning we had much adoe to goe through the same:
[Sidenote: Frost.] and we were in doubt that if it should haue freezed so
much the night following, we should hardly haue passed out of it. This
night there was one star that appeared to vs. [Marginal note: The appearing
of the starres, signe of Winter.]

The tenth day the winde was at East Northeast with very small gale. Wee
with saile and oares made way through the yce: about fiue in the morning we
set saile: sometime we laye Southwest, and sometime South, and sometime
West, as wee might best finde the way. About three in the afternoone the
gale began to fresh: about six in the afternoone the winde was at Northeast
with fogge. [Sidenote: Much snow.] Here we had eighty eight fathoms: we
bare saile all the same night, and it snowed very much.

The eleuenth day we were much troubled with yce, and by great force we made
our way through it, which we thought a thing impossible: but extremity doth
cause men to doe much, and in the weaknesse of man Gods strength most
appeareth. This day we had 95. fathoms. At three in the afternoone the
winde came to the Southwest, we were forced to make our shippe faste to a
piece of yce, for we were inclosed with it, and taried the Lordes leasure.
This night we had 97. fathoms.

The 12. day the wind was at the Southeast not very much but in a maner
calme: at a 11. of the clocke the winde came to the West Southwest: all the
day was very darke with snowe and fogge. At 6. in the afternoone we set
saile the winde being at the North Northeast: all this night we bare away
Southwest, and Southsouthwest, as well and as neere as the yce would giue
vs leaue: all this night we found the yce somewhat fauourable to vs, more
then it was before, wherupon we stood in good hope to get out of it.

The 13. day at 7. in the morning the winde was at the Northeast, and
Northeast and by East: all this day we were much troubled with the yce, for
with a blow against a piece of yce we brake the stocke of our ancre, and
many other great blowes we had against the yce, that it was marueilous that
the ship was able to abide them: the side of our boate was broken with our
ship which did recule back, the boate being betwixt a great piece of yce,
and the ship, and it perished the head of our rudder. [Sidenote: great
store of snowe.] This day was a very hard day with vs: at night we found
much broken yce, and all this night it blewe very much winde, so that we
lay in drift with the yce, and our drift was South, for the winde was at
North all this night, and we had great store of snowe.

The 14. day in the morning wee made our shippe fast to a piece of yce, and
let her driue with it. In the meane time wee mended our boate and our
steerage; all this day the winde continued Northerly, and here wee had
threescore and two fathoms. Thus we lay a drift all the same night.

The 15. day we set saile at 6. in the morning, the winde being at
Northeast. At 9. aforenoon we entred into a clear Sea without yce, whereof
wee were most glad, and not without great cause, and gaue God the praise.
We had 19. fathoms water, and ranne in Southwest all the morning vntill we
came to 14. fathoms, and thence we halted West, til we came to 10. fathoms,
and then we went Northwest, for so the land doeth trend. At 12. of the
clocke we had sight of the land, which we might haue had sooner, but it was
darke and foggie all the same day: for when wee had sight of the lande, wee
were not passing three leagues from it. [Sidenote: 69 degrees 49 minutes.]
This day we had the pole eleuated 69 degrees 49 minutes. All day we ran
along the coast in ten and nine fadoms, pepered sand. It is a very goodly
coast and a bolde, and faire soundings off it, without sandes or rocks.

[They are thwart against Vaigatz.] The 16 day the winde was at East: this
day we were troubled againe with ice, but we made great shift with it: for
we gotte betweene the shoare and it. This day at twelue of the clocke we
were thwart of the Southeast part of Vaigats, all along which part there
was great store of yce, so that we stood in doubt of passage, yet by much
adoe we got betwixt the shoare and it: about 6 in the afternoone was found
a great white beare vpon a piece of ice: all this day in the afternoone it
was darke with fogge. And all the night we haled North and North by West,
and sometime North and by East, for so doth the land trend;

[Sidenote: Sands.] The 17 day in the morning we haled West, for so doth the
land lie. The wind was at Southeast, and it was very darke with fogge, and
in running along the shoare we fell a ground, but God be praised without
hurt, for wee came presently off againe. [Sidenote: The Islands.] The
William came to an anker to stay for vs, and sent some of their men to help
vs, but before they came we were vnder saile, and as we came, to the
William we did stowe our boates, and made saile, we went within some of the
Islands, and haled Westsouthwest.

About two of the clocke in the atfternoone, we set our course Southwest and
by South: so we ranne Southwest vntill twelue at night, the wind came to
the Northnortheast, and then we haled West.

The 18 day at 6 in the morning we had 16 fadoms red sand: at 6 in the
morning 13 fadoms. At 10. 14 fadoms, and we haled Westnorthwest. At 12 a
clock the winde came to the East, and East by South, we haled West and by
North all the same day and night. At 6 in the afternoone we had 17 fadoms
red sand.

The 19 day the wind was at Eastnortheast: at 6 in the morning wee had 19
fadoms red sand: at 12 of the clock the wind blew North and North by East,
we had 17 fadoms of water, at 3 in the afternoone 15.

The 20 day the wind was at Northeast, and Northnortheast: at 7 in the
morning we had 30 fadomes blacke oze: at twelue of the clocke we were vpon
the suddaine in shoale water, among great sands and could find no way out.
By sounding and seeking about, we came aground, and so did the William, but
we had no hurt, for the wind was off the shoare, and the same night it was
calme: all night we did our best, but we could not haue her afloat.
[Sidenote: Shoales off Colgoyeue.] These shoales doe lie off Colgoyeue; it
is very flat a great way off, and it doth not high aboue 2 or 3 foote
water: it floweth Northeast and Southwest.

The 21 day the wind was at Southwest, and being very faire weather we did
lighten our ships as much as was possible for vs to doe, by reason of the
place. The same high water, by the helpe of God, we got both a floate, and
the wind being at the Southwest did help vs, for it caused it to flow the
more water.

This day we found the pole to be eleuated 68 degrees 40 min. In the
afternoone we both set saile to seeke way to get out of these sands, our
boate a head sounding, hauing 6, 7, and 8 fadomes all within the sand which
was without vs. We bare to the Southward, and the William bare more to the
Eastwards, and night being at hand the wind came to the Southeast,
whereupon we layd it to the Southwards, lying Southwest, and South and by
West, and ran to 19, and 12 and 14 fadoms and presently we had sixe fadoms,
which was off the sands head, which we were a ground vpon the day before.
Then we cast about to the Eastwards for deepe water, which we presently
had, as 10, 15, and 20 and so to 23 fadoms.

[Sidenote: They lost the William here.] The 22 day at eight in the morning,
we cast about to the Southward; and this day in the morning we saw the
William vnder our lee as far as we could see her, and with a great fogge we
lost the sight of her, and since we haue not seene her. Thus we ranne til
we came to thirtie fadomes black oze, which we had at twelue of the clocke,
and at three in the afternoone we had twenty and three fadoms and then we
ranne Westnorthwest, and West by North, all the same night following.

The 23 day we had at 6 in the morning 27 fadoms, at 8 a clocke 28 fadoms,
at 9 the winde being at East Southeast, we haled Westnorthwest: [Sidenote:
The land of Hungry.] this day we had sight of the land of Hugri side. At
twelue of the clocke we had two fadoms sand. [Sidenote: The bay of
Morzouets.] This day we ranne West and by North, and came to fiue fadoms
off the bay of Morzouets. Then we layd it to the Northwards so that we lay
Northnortheast off. The wind after came to the North, and North by East,
and we lay East and East by North, then we layd it to the Westward againe:
and thus we lay till we came to fortie fadoms, and then we went Northwest
till wee came to fourteene fadoms, and so to tenne fadoms. Then we cast
about to the Eastwards and lay East, and East by North all the same night.

The 24 day at 8 in the morning we had 32 fadoms. We ran Northwest till we
came to 11 fadoms, then we lay to the Northwards till 12 at night, and then
we came to forty fadoms, then the wind at Northeast we lay to the
Westwards, and haled Northeast along.

The 25 at 4 in the morning we had 37 fadoms, wee ranne Northwest, the winde
at Northnortheast very much.

The 26 day we ran with the same winde, and found the pole to be eleuated 70
deg. 40 min.

The 27 at 7 in the morning we saw land, which we made to be Kegor, then we
haled Northwest, and North by West to double the North Cape.

The 28 day at 3 in the morning we ran Northwest, and so all day. At night
the wind came to the Southwest, and we ran Northwest all that night.

[Sidenote: The towne of Hungon.] The 29 day we put into a sound called
Tane, and the towne is called Hungon: we came to an ancre at 5 in the
afternoone, at 25 fadoms very faire sand. This sound is very large and
good, and the same night we got water aboard.

The 30 day in the morning the winde at Northeast, and but litle, we set
saile, and with our boate on head we got the sea about 12 of the clocke:
the wind with a faire gale came to the East Southeast, and all this day and
night we ran West Northwest.

[Sidenote: They double the North Cape in their return.] The 31 day at 12 of
the clocke we doubled the North Cape, the wind being at Eastsoutheast, we
haled West all the same day, and at night we ran Westsouthwest.

The 1 day of September the wind was at Northeast with very much fogge: all
this day we ran Westsouthwest: at 2 in the afternoone the wind came North.

The second day at 3 in the morning we doubled Fowlnesse, and the wind was
this day variable at all parts of the Compasse. In the aftemoone we made
but little way: at 6 a clocke the wind came to the Southwest, and we went
Northwest. [Sidenote: Fowlenesse.] At 9 in the night there came downe so
much winde by the Westsouthwest, that we were faine to lay it a hull, we
haled it to Northwards for the space of 2 houres, and then we layd her head
to the Southwards, and at the breake of day we saw land, which is very
high, and is called by the men of the countrey Foulenesse. It is within ful
of small Islands, and without full of rocks very farre out, and within the
rockes you haue fayre sand at 20 fadoms.

The 3 day in the morning we bare with the sound aforesaid: Within it is but
shoale water, 4 5 and 3 fadoms, sandie ground, the land is very high, and
the Church that is seene is called Helike Kirke. It doeth high here not
aboue S or 9 foote.

[Sidenote: Lowfoote.] The 12 day at 3 in the afternoone, we put into a
sound by Lowfoote, where it doeth flowe Southwest, and by South, and doth
high 7 or 8 foote water.

The 13 day much wind at West: we had a ledge of rocks in the wind of vs,
but the road was reasonable good for all Southerly and Westerly winds. We
had the maine land in the winde of vs: this day was stormie with raine.

[Sidenote: The sound of Romesal.] The 23 day at foure of the clocke in the
afternoone we put into Norway, into a sound called Romesal, where it
floweth Southsoutheast, and doth high 8 foote water: this place is full of
low Islands, and many good sounds without the high mountaine land. Here is
great store of wood growing, as firre, birch, oke, and hasell: all this
night the wind was at the South, very much winde, with raine and fogge.

The 28 day in the morning the wind being at Eastnortheast we set saile at 8
of the clocke, and haled out of the bay Westsouthwest, and Southwest,
hauing a goodly gale vntill one of the clocke, and then the wind came to
Southeast, and to the South with raine and fogge, and very much winde: at
sixe of the clocke we came into a very good rode, where we did ride all the
same night in good safetie.

The 29 day we put into a good sound, the wind by the Southwest: at three in
the afternoone there came downe very much wind by the South, and all night
with vehement blastes, and raine.

The 30 day all day the wind was at Westsouthwest. And in this sound the
pole is eleuated 63 deg. 10 min.

The first day of October the winde was at South with very much winde, and
vehement blastes.

The 7 day we set saile: for from the first of this moneth untill this 7
day, we had very foule weather, but specailly the fourth day when the wind
was so great, that our cables brake with the very storme, and I do not
think that it is possible that any more wind then that was should blow: for
after the breaking of our cable, we did driue a league, before our ankers
would take any hold: but God be thanked the storme began to slacke,
otherwise we had bene in ill case.

The 7. at night we came to an anker vntil the next day, which was the 8.
day of the moneth, when as the winde grew great againe, with raine,
whereupon we set saile and returned into the sound againe: and at our first
comming to an anker, presently there blew so much winde, that although our
best anker was out, yet the extremitie of the storm droue vs vpon a ledge
of rocks, and did bruse our ship in such sort, that we were constrained to
lighten her to saue her, and by this meanes (by the helpe of God) we got
off our ship and stopped our leakes, and moored her in good safetie abiding
for a wind. We rid from this day by reason of contrary winds, with fogge
and raine vntill the 24 day, which day in the morning the winde came to the
Northeast, and at 8 of the clocke we set saile. [Sidenote: Moore sound.]
This sound is called Moore sound, where it higheth about 5 foote water, and
floweth Southsoutheast. The next day being the 25 day we put into a sound
which is called Vlta sound, where was a ship of the king of Denmark put
into another sound there by, being 2 leagues to the southwards of vs, that
came out of Island: the wind was contrary for vs at Southsouthwest.

The 12 day of Nouember we set saile the wind being at the East Southeast,
and past through the sound where the kings ship did lie: which sound is
called Sloure sound. But as we did open the sound, we found the wind at the
Southwest, so that we could doe no good, so that we moared our ship
betweene 2. Islands vntil the 18 day, and then the weather being faire and
calme, we set saile, and went to sea hoping to find a faire wind, but in
the sea we found the wind at the Southwest, and Southsouthwest, so that we
were constrained to returne into the same sound.

The next day being the 19 the kings ship came out also, because she saw vs
put to sea, and came as farre out as we, and moared where we did moare
afore: And at our returne back againe, we moared our ship in an vtter sound
called Scorpe sound, because the kings ship was without victuals, and we
did not greatly desire her company, although they desired ours. In this
sound the pole is eleuated 62 deg. 47 min. Thus we lay stil for a wind
vntil the 1 of December, which day we set saile at 6 a clocke in the
morning, and at four in the afternoon we laid it to the inwards.

The 9 day we had sight of the coast of Scotland which was Buquhamnesse.

The 10 day we were open off the Frith.

The 11 day at 4 in the morning we were thwart of Barwike: at 6 we were
thwart of Bamburch: the same day at 10 at night we were shot as farre as
Hollyfoote. Then the wind came to the South and Southeast, so that we lay
vntill the next day in the morning, and then we were constrained to put
with Tinmouth. The same day at night wee haled aground to stoppe a leake,
which we found to be in the skarfe afore. The wind continued by the
Southeast and Southsoutheast vntill the 20 day, and then we set saile about
12 at night, bearing along the coast.

The 22 day by reason of a Southeast wind, we thought we should haue bene
put into Humber, but the wind came to the West, so that we haled Southeast:
and at 3 in the afternoone we haled a sea boord the sands, and had shoale
water off, Lymery and Owry, and were in 4 fadomes off them. The next day we
haled as we might to sease Orfordnesse.

The 24 day we came thwart of the Nase, about 8 in the morning.

The 25 day being the Natiuity of Christ, we came to an anker betweene Old
hauen and Tilberie hope. The same day we turned as high as Porshet.

The 26 day we turned as high as Ratcliffe, and praised God for our safe
returne. And thus I ende, 1580.

[The William with Charles Iackman arriued at a port in Norway betweene
Tronden and Rostock in October 1580, and there did winter: And from thence
departed againe in February following, and went in company of a ship of the
King of Denmarke toward Island: and since that time he was neuer heard of.]

       *       *       *       *       *

Instructions made by the company of English, merchants for discouery of new
  trades, vnto Richard Gibs, William Biggat, Iohn Backhouse, William
  Freeman, Iohn Haly, and Iames Woodcock, &c. masters of the 9. ships and
  one barke that we had freighted for a voiage with them to be made (by the
  grace of God) from hence to S. Nicholas in Russia, and backe againe:
  which ships being now in the riuer of Thames are presently ready to
  depart vpon the said voyage, with the next apt winds that may serue
  thereunto: and with this Fleet afterwards was ioned M. Christopher
  Carlisle with the Tyger. The 1 off Iune 1582.

Forasmuch as the number of shippes which we purpose to send in this fleete
together for Saint Nicholas in Russia is greater then at any time
heretofore wee haue sent thither, as also for that some speeches are giuen
out that you shall be met withall by such as with force and violence will
assault you as enemies, to the end that good order may be established among
you for keeping together in company, and vniting your forces, as well for
the better direction to be had in your nauigation, as also for your more
safety and strength against the enemie, we haue thought good to appoint
among you an Admirall and Viceadmirall, and that all of you and eueryone
particularly shall be bound in the summe of one hundred pounds to keepe
company together.

2 Because the Salomon is the biggest ship, best appointed, and of greatest
force to defend or offend the enemie, we doe therefore appoint that ship
Admirall, which shall weare the flag in the maine top.

3 The Thomas Allen being a good ship and well appointed, and for that the
master of her is the ancientest master of the Fleete that hath taken charge
that way, we doe appoint the same ship to be Viceadmirall, and to weare the
flag in the foretop.

4 And for that the master of the Prudence is of great experience and
knowledge in that voyage, we doe appoint that he with the master of the
Admirall and Viceadmirall shall conferre, consult and agree vpon the
courses and directions that shall be vsed in this voyage, and it shall be
lawfull vnto the master of the Admirall, with the consent of M. Gibs, and
M. Biggat, or one of them to make his courses and directions from time to
time during the whole voyage, and all the fleete are to follow and obserue
the same without straying or breaking of company at any time vpon the
penaltie before specified.

5 The appointing of the ships for Admiral and Viceadmiral, and those men to
consult and agree vpon the courses and directions of the voyage, as
aforesaid, hath bene done by the consents and with the liking of you all,
and therefore doubt not but that you will all carefully and willingly
obserue the premisses.

6 Item, we haue thought good to put in mind, that at such times as you may
conueniently from time to time, you do assemble and meete together, to
consider, consult, and determine vpon such articles as you shall think
necessary to be propounded touching your best safetie and defence against
all forces that may be offered you in this voyage, as well outwards bound,
and while you shall remaine in the roade and bay of S. Nicholas, as also
homewardes hound, and that which you shall agree vpon, or that which most
of you shal consent vnto, cause it to be set down in writing for record,
which may serue for an acte amongst your selues to binde you all to obserue
the same.

7 We haue appointed Iames Woodcock in the smal barke to attend vpon you,
and to receiue his directions from you. You are therefore to remember well
what conference and talke hath bene had with you here before your going
touching the sayd barke, to what purposes she may best serue, and the maner
how to imploy her, and thereupon to giue your order and direction vnto him,
as the time and place shall require.

[Sidenote: Berozoua Vstia.] 8 Item, if you shall vnderstand as you are
outwards bound, that the enemie is gone before you to S. Nicholas, remember
what aduice hath bene giuen you for your stay at Berozoua Vstia, till you
haue by espials viewed and vnderstood the forces, and the manner of their
abode at that place.

9 And if in the sea either outwards or homewards, or in the time of your
abode at anker at Saint Nicholas, you shall be assaulted by force of any,
as enemie whatsoeuer, you are to defend your selues with such forces as you
may or can: trust not too farre, neither giue place to inconuenience.

10 You will not forget what conference we had touching your passing
outwards bound by Wardhouse, to view and vnderstand what you can at that
place, and to shew your selues, to see if there be any there that haue a
mind to speake with you, for that we thinke it better then, and thereabout,
then afterwards or els where.

11 While you shall remaine in the road at S. Nicholas, be circumspect and
carefull to haue your ships in readinesse and in good order alwaies, and
vpon all suddens. The greatest danger vnto you in that place will be while
you shall shift your ships: therefore you are to consider of it, but the
fittest time for you to doe the same, will bee when the winde is Southerly
off the shore, or calme, and at such time you may the better doe it without
danger. You must take such order among you, that your companies may be
alwaies willing and ready to help one the other, and appoint among your
selues such ships to shift first, and such after, in such sort and forme as
you shall thinke best and most conuenient. And while they shall be in
discharging, shifting, and lading, let the rest of your companies which
haue not then to doe in lading or discharging, helpe those ships that shall
haue labour to doe, as well for carying the barkes from ships to the
shoare, or from shore to the shippe: with your boates, as also for any
other helpe that they shall haue need of.

12 Remember what hath bene said vnto you touching the moring of your ships,
&c. for vsing aduantage against the enemie, if you shall be assaulted in
that place.

13 See that you serue God, abolish swearing and gaming, be carefull of fire
and candles, &c.

14 You are to consult and agree among your selues vpon signes, tokens, and
good orders for the better keeping of company together, and also the maner
how and by what meanes, rescue, ayde, or helpe may be giuen by one to the
other in fight, if you happen to come to it.

Thus we pray God to send you a prosperous voyage and safe returne.

       *       *       *       *       *

The opinion of Master William Burrough sent to a friend, requiring his
  iudgment for the fittest time of the departure of our ships towards S.
  Nicholas in Russia.

Whereas you request me to perswade the company not to send their shippes
from hence before the fine of May, I do not thinke the same so good a
course for them to obserue; for you know that the sooner wee sende them
hence, the sooner we may looke for their returne. [Sidenote: The Russian
fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May.] If wee sende them in
the beginning of May, then may they be at Saint Nicholas by the fine of the
same moneth: and by that time the greatest parte of your lading of
necessitie must bee downe, especially the flaxe: but if it should fall out
so lateward a breaking vp of the riuer of Duyna, that by the ende of May
the goods cannot be brought to Saint Nicholas, yet this is alwayes to be
accounted for certaine, that before our ships can come thither, the goods
may be brought downe to that place: and if through ice the shippes be kept
backe any time, the losse and charge of that time toucheth not the companie
at all, but the owners of the shippes, and yet will the Owners put that in
aduenture, rather than tarie longer time before their going hence.

Now seeing by sending our shippes hence in the beginning of May, their
arriuall at S. Nicholas may be at the ende of the same moneth, and
remaining thirtie dayes there, they may bee laden and come thence by the
last of Iune, and returne home hither by the 10 of August with commodities
to serue the market then, it cannot bee denied but we should reape thereby
great commoditie.

But it may he obiected, that if all our shippes be sent then to returne as
aforesaid, you shall not be able to send vs in so much cordage, Waxe and
Oyles, as otherwise you should doe if they remained a moneth longer,
neither could you by that time perfect your accounts to be sent in them as
you would doe.

For answere thereunto this is my meaning: though I wish the greatest part
of our shipping to go as aforesaid, yet would I haue one good ship or two
at the most well furnished in al points that should depart alwaies from
hence, betweene the beginning and the 10 day of Iune: and the same to be
conditioned withall to remaine at S. Nicholas from the first arriuall there
vntill the middest of August, or to be despatched thence sooner, at the
will and liking of our factors for the same: by this order these
commodities following may ensue.

1 You may haue our commodities there timely to send vp the riuer before it
waxe shallow, to be dispersed in the countrey at your pleasure.

2 The greatest part of our goods may be returned thither timely to serue
the first markets.

3 Our late ships remaining so long here may serue to good purpose, for
returning answere of such letters as may he sent ouer land, and receiued
here before their departure.

4 Their remaining so late with you shal satisfie your desire for perfecting
your accounts, and may bring such cordage, Waxe, Oile, and other
commodities, as you can prouide before that time: and chiefly may serue vs
in stead to bring home our goods that may be sent vs from Persia.

Now seeing it may be so many wayes commodious to the commpany to obserue
this order, without any charge vnto them, I wish that you put to your
helping hand to further the same.

       *       *       *       *       *

A copie of the Commission giuen to Sir Ierome Bowes, authorizing him her
  Maiesties Ambassadour vnto the Emperour of Russia, Anno 1583.

ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, et Hyberniae Regina, fidei
defensatrix, &c. Vniuersis et singulis praesentes literas visuris et
inspecturis, salutem. Cum Serenissimus Princeps, Ioannes Basilius, Rex, et
magnus Dux Russiae, Volodimerae, Moscouiae, et Nouogrodiae, Rex Cazani, et
Astracani, Dominus Plescoae, et magnus Dux Smolenscoae, Tueri, Vgori; Permiae,
Valeae, Bolharae, et aliarum ditionum: Dominus et magnus Dux Nouogrodiae in
inferiori regione Chernigae, Rezanae, Poletscoae, Ratsauie, Yeraslaue,
Bealozeri, Liflandiae, Oudori, et Condensae, et gubernator in tota prouincia
Siberiae, et partium Septentrionalium, et aliarum, frater, et Amicus
charissimus, Nobilem virum, Feodor Andrewich Spisemski, nuper ad nos
ablegauerit, ad certa quaedam negotia nobiscum agenda, quae honorem vtrinque
nostrum quam proxime attingunt, quaeque recte definiri concludique nequeunt
nisi Ambassiatorem aliquem et oratorem ad praefatum serenissimum principem
amandauerimus: Hinc est, quod nos de fidelitate, industria, prouida
circumspectione, et satis magno rerum vsu, praedilecti nobis famuli nostri,
Hieronimi Bowes Militis, ex nobilibus domesticis nostris vnius, plurimum
confidentes, praefatum Hieronimum Bowes Militem, nostrum verum et
indubitatum Ambassiatorem, Oratorem, et Commissarium specialem facimus, et
constituimus per praesentes. Dantes, et concedentes eidem Hieronimo Bowes
Militi oratori nostro tenore praesentium, authoritatem, et mandatum, tam
generale, quam speciate, ita quod specialitas non deroget generalitati, nec
e contra generalitas specialitati, nomine nostro, et pro nobis, cum praefato
serenissimo principe, eiusque consiliarijs, et deputatis quibuscunque de
praefatis negotijs et eorum singulis, tractandi, conferendi, concludendi
appunctuandique, prout praefato Oratori nostro aequum, et ex honore nostro
videbitur: Nec non de, et super huiusmodi tractatis, conclusis,
appunctuatisque, caeterisque omnibus et singulis, praemissa quouismodo
concernentibus, literas, et instrumenta valida et efficacia, nomine nostro,
et pro nobis tradendi, literasque et instrumenta consimilis vigoris et
effectus, ex altera parte petendi, et confici, et sigillari debite
procurandi, et recipiendi, et generaliter omnia, et singula praemissa
qualitercunque concernentia, faciendi, exercendi, et expediendi, in, et
eodem modo, sicut nos ipsi faceremus, et facere possemus, si essemus
praesentes, etiamsi talia sint, quae de se mandatum exigant magis speciale;
promittentes bona fide, et in verbo Regio, omnia et singula, quae per
praedictum Ambassiatorem, et oratorem nostrum appunctuata, promissa.
conuenta, concordata, et conclusa fuerint in hac parte, nos rata et grata,
et firma habituras et obseruaturas, et superinde literas nostras patentes
confirmatorias, et approbatortias in forma valida, et autentica, prout opus
fuerit, daturas. In cuius rei testimonium, his praesentibus manu nostra
signatis, magnum sigillum nostrum regni nostri Angleiae apponi fecimus. Datae
e Regia nostra Grenwici quinto die mensis Iunij, Anno Dom. 1583. Regni vero
nostri vicessimo quinto.


The same in English.

Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, &c. to al and singular, to whom these presents shal
come to be seen and red, greeting. Whereas the most excellent prince Iohn
Basiliwich king, and great duke of all Russia, Volodomer, Moscouie, and
Nouogrod, king of Cazan and Astracan, lord of Plesco, and great duke of
Smolensco, of Tuer, Vgor, and Permia, Valca, Bolhar and others, lord great
duke of Nouogrod in the low country, of Cherniga, Rezan, Polotsco, Rostoue,
Yeraslaue, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudor, and Condensa, and gouernour of al
the land of Siberia, and of the North parts and other, our most deare
brother and friend, did of late send vnto vs one Feodor Andrewich
Spisemsky, a noble man of his, to deale with vs in certaine speciall
businesses, respecting very neerely the honour of either of vs, and being
such as without the speeding of some Ambassadour of ours to the aforesaid
most excellent prince, cannot be sufficiently determined and concluded: For
this cause we hauing great confidence in the fidelitie, industrie,
prouident circumspection and conuenient experience of our welbeloued
seruant Ierome Bowes, knight, & gentleman of qualitie of our householde, do
by these presents make and constitute the foresaid Ierome Bowes knight our
true and undoubted Ambassadour, Orator and special commisioner, giuing and
graunting to the same Ierome Bowes knight, our Orator, by the vertue of
these presents authoritie and commandment, as wel general as special, so
that the special shall not preiudice the generall, nor on the other side
the general the special to, intreat, conferre, conclude, and appoint in our
name, and for us with the foresaid most excellent prince and his
counsellers and deputies whatsoeuer, concerning the foresaid businesses,
and ech of them, according as it shall seeme good, and for our honour to
our foresaid Orator, as also of and vpon such things intreated, concluded
and appointed, as in all and singular other things, any maner of way
concerning the premisses, to deliuer in our name and for vs, sufficient and
effectual letters and instruments and to require letters and instruments,
of the like validitie and effect of the other part, and to procure them
lawfully to bee made and sealed and then to receiue them, and generally to
doe, execute, and dispatch al and singular other things concerning the
premisses, in, and after the same maner, as we our selues would and might
do if we were present, although they be such things as may seeme of
themselues to require a more speciall commandement: promising in good faith
and in the word of a prince, that we will hold and obserue all and singular
the things which by our Ambassador aforesayd shall be appointed, promised,
agreed, accorded and concluded in this behalfe; as lawfull, gratefull, and
firme, and thereupon as need shall require, will giue our letters patents,
confirmatory and approbatory, in forme effectuall and autenticall. In
witnesse whereof, we haue caused our great seale of our kingdome of England
to be put to these presents, and signed them with our owne hand.

Giuen at our pallace of Greenewich the fourth day of Iune, in the yeere of
our Lord 1583, and of our reigne the fiue and twentieth.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter sent from her Highnesse to the sayd great Duke of Russia, by sir
  Hierome Bowes aforesayd, her Maiesties Ambassadour.

Serenissimo Principo ac Domino, Ioanni Basilio, Dei gratia Regi et magno
  Duci totius Russiae, Volodomene, &c. Regi Cazani, &c. Domino Plescoae, &c.
  Domino et magno Duci Nouogrodiae &c. et Gubernatori in tota Prouincia
  Siberiae; &c. Fratri et amico nostro charissimo.

ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae, et Hiberniae Regina, fidei
defensatrix, &c. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino, Ioanni Basilio, eadem Dei
gratia Regi et magno Duci totius Russiae, Volodomerae, Moscouiae, et
Nouogrodiae, Regi Cazani et Astracani, Domino Plescoae; et magno Duci
Smolenscoae, Tueri, Vgori, Permiae, Viatskae, Bolharae, et aliarum ditionum,
Domino et magno Duci Nouogrodiae in inferiori regione, Chernigae, Rezanae,
Polotscoae, Rostouae, Iaroslauae, Bealozeri, Liflandiae, Oudori et Condensae, et
Gubernatori in tota prouincia Siberiae, et partium Septentrionalium, et
aliarum, fratri, et amico suo charissimo, Salutem.

Serenissime princeps; frater et amice charissime, ex ijs que nobiscum egit
S. V. illustris legatus, intelleximus, quam grate vobis faceremus satis, si
legatum aliquem cum mandatis instructum, ad S. V. ablegaremus. In quo certe
quidem instituto adeo nobis ex animo placuit, quod est honeste postulatum,
vt non nisi praestita re, possemus nobis quoquo modo satisfacere. Atque cum
id haberemus apud nos decretum, nobis non incommode incurrit in mentem et
oculos Hieronimus Bowes miles, ex nobilibus nostris Domesticis, plurimum
nobis dilectus, quem, inpraesentiarum ad S. V. ablegamus, cuius prudentiae et
fidei, totum hoc quicquid est, quod ad Serenitatum mutuo nostrarum
dignitatem omandam pertinere posse arbitramur, commisimus. In quo munere
perfungendo, quin omnem curam et diligentiam sit collaturus, neutiquam
dubitamus: a S. autem V. rogamus, velit ei eam fidem habere in ijs
persequendis quae habet a nobis in mandatis, quam nobis habendam putaret, si
essemus praesentes. Praeterea, cum nobis multum charus sit Robertus Iacobus
medicus, quem superiori [Marginal note: 1582.] anno, ad S. V. misimus,
rogamus vt eum eo loco S. V. habeat, quo virum probatissimum, et singulari
quam plurimarum virtutum laude ornatum habendum esse, boni principes
censent. Quem a nobis neutiquam ablegauissemus, nisi amicitiae nostrae, et
studio gratificandi S. V. plurimum tribuissemus. In qua dum voluntate
manemus erga S. V. non nisi optime de bonis vestris meritis in praefatum
Iacobum nobis pollicemur. Et Deum Opt. Max. precamur, vt S. V. saluam
conseruet, et incolumem. Datae e Regia nostra Grenouici 19 die mensis Iunij,
Anno Domini 1583, regni vero nostri vicessimo quinto.

S. vestra bona soror.


The same in English.

Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, France, and Ireland,
defender of the faith &c. to the most excellent Prince and Lord, Iohn
Basiliwich, by the same grace of God, King and great Duke of all Russia,
Volodomer, Moscouie, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of
Plesco, and great Duke of Smolensco, of Tuer, Vgor, and Permie, Viatsca,
Bolhar, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the lowe countrey,
of Cherniga, Rezan, Polotsko, Rostoue, Iaroslaue, Bealozera, Lifland,
Oudor, Obdor, and Condensa, and Gouernour of all the land of Siberia, and
of the North, parts and others, her dearest brother and friend,
Salutations.

Most excellent Prince, most deare brother and friend, by those things which
the worthy ambassador of your excellency declared vnto vs, we haue
vnderstood how kindly it would be taken, if we should send to your
excellency an ambassador from vs, with commandement and instructions. In
which matter your honourable request hath so much pleased vs, that we could
not any maner of way satisfie our selues, except we performed the same. And
hauing purposed with our selfe so to doe, we thought of, and remembred
Ierome Bowes Knight, a gentleman of qualitie of our householde, a man very
much beloued of vs, whom at this present we send vnto your Maiesty, and to
whose wisdome and faithfulnesse we haue committed all, whatsoeuer we take
to apperteine to the aduancement of both our honors indifferently. In the
discharge of which seruice, we doubt not but that all care and diligence
shall be vsed on his part, so that we intreat your Maiesty to giue him
credence in the prosecuting of those things which he hath from vs in
commandement, no lesse then to our selfe, if we were present. [Sidenote:
Doctor Iacob.] And whereas Robert Iacob doctor of physicke is a man very
deare vuto vs, whom, the last yere we sent vnto your excellency, we desire
that he may haue that fauor and estimation with you, which good, princes
thinke a most honest and vertuous man woorthy of: for had we not caried
great respect to our mutual friendship, and indeuour to gratifie your
Maiestie, we should in no case haue parted with him. And seeing we continue
still the same, good will towards your excellency, we doe euen promise to
our selfe your honourable kindnesses towards him: and we pray the almightie
God to preserue your Maiesty in good, safetie and health. Giuen at our
pallace of Greenewich the 19 day of Iune, in the yere of our Lord 1583, and
of our reigne the fiue and twentieth.

Your Maiesties good sister.

       *       *       *       *       *

A briefe discourse of the voyage of Sir Ierome Bowes knight, her Maiesties
  ambassadour to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperour of Moscouia, in the yeere
  1583.

[Sidenote: Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky the Emperors ambassadour.] The
Emperour of Russia that then liued, by name Iuan Vasiliwich, hauing
deliberately considered how necessary it were for the strengthening of his
estate, and that a sure commerce and entercourse of merchants should be
againe renued betweene him and her sacred Maiesty of England, with such
further immunities and priuileges for the honor and vtility of both their
dominions, and subiects of the same, as with mutuall treatie of persons
interposed on both sides, might be asserted vnto: sent ouer into this
realme, in the yeere of our Lord 1582, as his ambassadour for that purpose,
an ancient discreet gentleman of his householde called Pheodor Andreuich
Phisemsky, accompanied with one of his Secretaries, for his better
assistance in that expedition: and besides his many other directions,
whereof part were to be deliuered by word of mouth, and the rest set downe
in a letter vnder the Emperours signature, addressed to her Maiesty: he had
in speciall charge to sollicit her Maiesty to send ouer with him to his
maister an ambassador from her, to treat and contract of such affaires of
importance as concerned both the realmes, which was the principall end of
his imployments hither. Whereupon her Maiesty very graciously inclining to
the Emperors motion, and at the humble sute of the English merchants
trading those countreys being caried with the same princely respects, to
satisfie his demands in that behalfe, made choice of sir Ierome Bowes, a
gentleman of her Court, ordinarily attending vpon her Maiesties person,
towards whom was apparantly expressed her princely opinion and fauor by the
credit of this negociation.

After he had receiued his commission, with other speciall letters to the
Emperor, with all other instructions apperteining to his charge, and that
the sayd Russe ambassadour was licenced to returne home to his maister,
being honorably entertained and rewarded, the English ambassador being
attended upon with forty persons at the least, very honourably furnished,
whereof many were gentlemen, and one M. Humfrey Cole a learned preacher,
tooke his leaue of her Maiesty at the Court at Greenwich the eighteenth of
Iune, and with the other ambassadour, with their seuerall companies,
embarked themselues at Harwich the two and twentieth of the same, and after
a stormy voyage at the Sea, they arriued both in safety in the road of S.
Nicholas the three and twentieth of Iuly next following.

The Russe ambassador lodged himselfe at the abbey of S. Nicholas: and the
English ambassador was lodged and well intertained by the English
merchants, at their house at S. Nicholas, standing in an Island called Rose
Island.

The Russe ambassador hauing reposed himselfe one whole day, took his leaue
of the English ambassador, and departed towards Mosco.

The English ambassadour abode yet at S. Nicholas four or fiue dayes, when
hauing made prouision of boats, and meanes to that purpose, he went forward
vpon his iourney; towards Mosco, to a towne called Colmogro, about foure
score miles distant from S. Nicholas.

[Sidenote: The Hollanders intrude into our trade.] You must here vnderstand
that before the English ambassadors going into Russia, there were diuers
strangers, but especially certaine Dutch merchants, who had intruded
themselues to trade into those countreys. Notwithstanding a priuilege of
the sole trade thither was long before granted to the English merchants.
These Dutch men had already so handled the matter, as they had by
chargeable meanes woone three of the chiefest counsellors to the Emperour
to be their assured friends, namely, Mekita Romanouich, Bodan Belskoy, and
Andrew Shalkan the chancellor: for besides dayly gifts that they bestowed
vpon them all, they tooke so much money of theirs at interest at fiue and
twenty vpon the hundred, as they payed to some one of them fiue thousand
marks yeerely for the vse of his money, and the English merchants at that
time had not one friend in Court.

The ambassador hauing now spent fiue weeks at S. Nicholas, and at Colmogro,
there came to him then a gentleman sent from the Emperor to enterteine him,
and had in charge to conduct him vp the riuers towards Mosco, and to
deliuer him prouision of all kinde of victuals necessary.

This gentleman being a follower of Shalkan the chancellor, was by him (as
it seemed) foisted into that seruice of purpose, as afterward appeared by
the course he tooke, to offer discourtesies, and occasions of mislike to
the ambassador: for you must vnderstand that the chancellor and the other
two great counsellors (spoken of as friends to the Dutchmen) had a purpose
to oppose themselues directly against her Maiesties ambassage, especially
in that point, for the barring of all strangers from trading into the
Emperors countrey.

This gentleman conducted the English ambassador a thousand miles vp the
riuers of Dwina and Soughana, to a citie called Vologda, where receiued him
another gentleman sent from the Emperor, a man of better countenance then
the other, who presented the ambassador from the Emperor with two faire
geldings well furnished after their maner.

At a citie called Yeraslaue vpon the riuer Volga there met the ambassador a
duke well accompanied, sent from the Emperor, who presented him from the
Emperor a coach and ten geldings tor the more easie conueying of him to
Mosco, from whence this citie was distant fiue hundred miles.

Two miles on this side Mosco there met the ambassador foure gentlemen of
good account, accompanied with two hundred horse: who after a little
salutation, not familiar, without imbracing, tolde him that they had to say
to him from the Emperor, and would haue had him light on foot to haue heard
it, notwithstanding themselues would still haue sit on horsebacke: which
the ambassador soone refused to doe, and so they stood long vpon termes,
whether both parties should light or not: which afterwards agreed vpon,
there was yet great nicenesse whose foot should not be first on ground.

Their message being deliuered, and after hauing embraced ech other, they
conducted the sayd ambassador to his lodging at Mosco, a house builded of
purpose for him, themselues being placed in the next house to it, as
appointed to furnish him of all prouisions, and to be vsed by him vpon all
other occasions.

The ambassador hauing beene some dayes in Mosco, and hauing in all that
time bene very honorably vsed from the Emperor (for such was his will)
though some of his chiefest counsellors (as is sayd) had another purpose,
and did often times cunningly put it in vse: He was sent for to Court, and
was accompanied thither with about forty gentlemen honorably mounted, and
sumptuously arayed, and in his passage from his lodging to the court, were
set in a ward fiue or sixe thousand shot, that were of the Emperors gard.
At the entry into the court there met him four noble men apparelled in
cloth of gold and rich furres, their caps embroidred with pearle and stone,
who conducted him towards the Emperor; till he was met with foure others of
greater degree then they, who guided him yet further towards the Emperor,
in which passage there stood along the walles, and sate vpon benches and
formes in row, seuen or eight hundred persons, said to be noblemen and
gentlemen, all apparelled in garments of coloured satins and cloth of
golde.

These foure noblemen accompanied him to the Emperors chamber doore, where
met him the Emperors herald, whose office is there held great: and with him
all the great officers of the Emperors chamber, who all conducted him to
the place where the Emperor safe in his state, hauing three crownes
standing by him, viz. of Moscouia, Cazan and Astrakan, and also by him 4
yoong noblemen of about twenty yeres of age, of ech side, twaine, costly
apparelled in white, holding vpon their shoulders ech of them a brode axe,
much like to a Galloglas axe of Ireland, thin and very sharpe, the steale
or handle not past halfe a yard long, and there sate about the chamber vpon
benches and other low seats, aboue an hundred noblemen richly apparrelled
in cloth of golde.

The ambassador being thus brought to the Emperor to kisse his hand, after
some complements and inquirie of her Maiesties health, he willed him goe
sit downe in a place prouided for that purpose, nigh ten pases distant from
him, from whence he would haue had him to haue sent him her Maiesties
letters and present, which the ambassadour thinking not reasonable stept
forward towards the Emperor: in which passage the chancellor came to meet
him, and would haue taken his letters: to whom the ambassador sayd, that
her Maiesty had directed no letters to him, and so went on, and deliuered
them himselfe to the Emperors owne hands.

And after hauing thus deliuered her Maiesties letters and what he had els
to say at that time, he was conducted to the Councell chamber, where hauing
had conference with the councell of matters of his ambassage, he was soone
after sent for againe to the Emperour, where he dined in his presence at a
side table, nere vnto him, and all his company at another boord, where also
dined at other tables in the same place, all the chiefe noble men that were
about the Court, to the number of an hundred. And in the time of this
dinner, the Emperor vsed many fauors to the ambassadour and about the midst
of dinner (standing vp) dranke a great carouse to the health of the Queene
his good sister, and sent him a great bowle full of Rhenish wine and sugar
to pledge him.

The ambassadour after this, was often called to Court, where he had
conference both with the Emperour and his councell of the matters in
question, touching both ambassages, which diuers times raised many iarres:
and in the end, after sundry meetings, the Emperour finding himself not
satisfied to his liking, for that the ambassadour had not power by his
commission to yeeld to euery thing that he thought fit, as a man whose will
was seldom wonted to be gainsayd, let loose his passion, and with a sterne
and angry countenance tolde him that he did not reckon the Queene of
England to be his fellow: for there are (quoth he) that are her betters.

The ambassadour greatly misliking these speeches, and being very vnwilling
(how dangerous soeuer it might prooue to his owne person) to giue way to
the Emperor, to derogate ought from the honour and greatness of her
Maiesty: and finding also that to subiect himselfe to the angrie humour and
disposition of the Emperour was not the means to winne ought at his hands,
with like courage and countenance to answere his, tolde him that the Queene
his Mistresse was as great a prince as any was in Christendome, equall to
him that thought himselfe the greatest, well able to defend herselfe
against his malice, whosoeuer, and wanted no means to offend any that
either shee had or should haue cause to be enemy vnto. Yea (quoth he) How
sayest thou to the French king, and the king of Spaine? Mary (quoth the
ambassadour) I holde the Queene my Mistresse as great as any of them both.
Then what sayest thou (quoth hee) to the Emperour of Germany?

Such is the greatnesse of the Queene my Mistresse (quoth the Ambassadour)
as the King, her father had (not long since) the Emperor in his pay, in his
warres against France.

This answer misliked the Emperor yet so much more, as that he tolde the
Ambassadour, that were he not an ambassador, he would throw him out of the
doores. Whereunto he answered that he might doe his will, for he was now
fast within his countrey: but he had a Mistresse who (he doubted not) would
be reuenged of any iniury that should be done vnto him. Whereupon the
Emperour in great sudden bade him get him home. And he with no more
reuerence then such vsage required, saluted the Emperor and went his way.

All this notwithstanding, the ambassadour was not much sooner out of the
chamber, and the Emperours cholar somewhat setled, but he deliuered to his
councell that stood about him many commendations in the fauor of the
Ambassador, for that he would not indure one ill word to be spoken against
his mistresse, and there withall wished himselfe to haue such a seruant.

The Ambassadour had not beene much more then one houre in his lodgings, but
the Emperour imagining (as it seemed) by the extraordinary behauiour of the
ambassador (for he wanted not wit to iudge) that he had found what was the
Emperors case, sent his principall secretary vnto him, to tell him, that
notwithstanding what had past, yet for the great loue that he bare to the
Queene his sister, he should very shortly be called againe to Court, and
haue a resolution of all the matters in question: and this secretary was
now further content to impart, and sayd to the ambassadour that the
Empereur was fully resolued to send a greater, noble man vnto him in
ambassage to the Queene his sister, then euer he yet at any time sent out
of his countrey: and that he determined also to send to the Queene a
present woorth three thousand pounds, and to gratifie himselfe at his
departure with a gift that should be woorth a thousand pounds: and tolde
him also that the next day the Emperour would send a great noble man vnto
him, to conferre with him of certaine abuses done him by Shalkan the
chancellor, and his ministers.

And so the day following he sent Bodan Belskoy the chiefest counceller that
he had, a man most in credit with him: this man examined all matters
wherewith the ambassador had found himselfe grieued, and supplied him, with
what hee wanted, and righted him in all things wherein hee had beene
wronged.

Not long after the returne of this noble man, the Emperor caused to be set
downe in his owne presence, a new and much larger allowance of diet for the
ambassador then he had had before, and shortly after sent the same to the
ambassadour by his principall Secretarie Sauio Frollo. This diet was so
great, as the ambassadour oftentimes sought to haue it lessened, but the
Emperour would not by any means.

The scroule of the new diet was this:

One bushel of fine meale for three dayes.
One bushel of wheate meale for a day and a halfe.
Two liue geese for one day.
Twenty hennes for the day.
Seuen sheepe for a day.
One oxe for three dayes.
One side of pork for a day.
Seuentie egges for a day.
Ten pound of butter.
Seuenty peny white loaues of bread.
Twelue peny loaues of bread.
One veather or gallon of vinegar.
Two veathers of salt cabiges.
One pecke of onions.
Ten pound of salt.
On altine, or sixe peny woorth of waxe candles.
Two altines of tallow candles.
One fourth part of a veather of cherrie mead.
As much of Malynouomead.
Halfe a veather of burnt wine.
One veather of sodden mead called Obarni.
Three veathers of sweet mead.
Ten veathers of white mead.
Fifteene veathers of ordinary mead.
Foure veathers of sweet beere.
Fiftene veathers of beere.
Halfe a pound of pepper.
Three sollitincks or ounces of saffron.
One sollitincke of mase.
One sollitincke of nutmegs.
Two sollitincks of cloues.
Three sollitincks of sinamon.

Prouender.

One bushell of oats.
One load of hay.
One load of straw.

Now he began so much to discouer his purpose and affections towards her
Maiesty and her countrey, as he sent to the ambassador, intreating him that
his preacher [Marginal note: M. Cole.], and doctor Iacob his English
physician, might set downe the points of the religion in vse in England,
which the Ambassadour caused to be done accordingly, and sent them vnto
him, who seemed so well to like them, as he caused them (with much good
allowance) to be publikely read before diuers of his councell, and many
others of his nobility.

Now he drew hotly againe in question to marry, some kinsewoman of her
Maiesties, and that he would send againe into England, to haue some one of
them to wife, and if her Maiestie would not vpon his next Ambassage send
him such a one as he required, himselfe would then goe into England, and
cary his treasure with him, and marry one of them there.

Here you must vnderstand that the yeere before this ambassage, he had sent
to her Maiesty by his ambassador to haue had the lady Mary Hastings in
marriage, which intreaty by meanes of her inability of body, by occasion of
much sicknesse, or perhaps, of no great liking either of herselfe or
friends, or both, tooke no place.

The ambassador was now so farre growen into the Emperors fauor, and his
affection so great to England, as those great councellors that were the
Ambassadors great enemies before, were now desirous of some publike
courtesies at his hands for their aduantage to the Emperour: neither durst
they, now any more interpose themselues twixt the Emperour and him: for not
long before this, the Emperor for abusing the ambassador, had (to shew his
fauour towards him) beaten Shalkan the chanceller very grieuously, and had
sent him word, that he would not leaue one of his race aliue.

Now whilest the ambassador was thus strongly possest of the Emperours
fauor, he imployed himselfe in all he might, not onely for the speedy
dispatch of the negociation he had in hand, but laboured also by all the
good means he might, further to benefit his country and countreymen, and so
not long after wanne at the Emperours hands not onely all those things he
had in commission to treat for by his instructions, but also some other of
good and great importance, for the benefit of the merchants.


Priuate sutes obteined of the Emperor by the ambassador.

Leaue for Richard Fransham an English man and apothecary to the Emperour,
his wife, and children to come home into England, and to bring with him all
such goods as he had gotten there.

He obteined like leaue for Richard Elmes an English man one of the
Emperours surgions.

He also got leaue for Iane Ricards the widow of Doctor Bomelius a Dutchman,
and physician to the Emperour, who, for treason practised with the king of
Pole against the sayd Emperour, was rosted to death at the city of Mosco,
in the yere 1579.


These following he obteined for the behoofe of the merchants.

He procured for the merchants promise of recompence for certaine goods
taken from their factors by robbery vpon the Volga.

He obtained likewise the payment of fiue hundred marks, which was payd for
ten yeeres before his going into Russia (into the Emperors receit) for a
rent of a house that they had at Vologda.

He also got granted for them the repayment of fifteene hundred marks, which
had bene exacted of them the two last yeres before his comming thither.

He got also for them order for the repayment of an olde and desperate debt
of three thousand marks, a debt so desperate, as foure yeeres left out of
their accounts, and by the opinion of them all, not thought fit to be dealt
with, for too much offending the Emperour, or impeaching his other
businesse, which was thought at least otherwise sufficient, and was
therefore left out of his instructions from her Maiesty.

He obteined that all strangers were forbidden to trade any more into
Russia, and that the passage and trade to all the Emperors Northern coasts
and countries, from the Wardhouse to the riuer of Ob should be onely free
to the English nation.

Lastly, of a great desire he had to do the merchants good, without motion
either of themselues here, or their Agents there, or any other of them, he
obteined of the Emperour the abatement of all their custome which they had
long before payd, and agreed still to continue, which custome the Dutchmen
and strangers being remooued, as now it was agreed, amounted to two
thousand pounds yerely.

All these were granted, some already payd before his comming from Mosco,
the olde priuilege ratified, newly written, signed and sealed, and was to
be deliuered to the ambassadour at his next comming to Court, before when
the Emperor fell sicke of a surfet, and so died.

After whose death the case was woondrously altered with the ambassador: for
whereas both, in his owne conceit, and in all mens opinion els, he was in
great forwardnes to haue growen a great man with the Emperor, what for the
loue he bare to her Maiesty, and the particular liking he had of himselfe,
he now fell into the hands of his great enemies, Mekita Romanouich and
Andre Shalkan the chanceller, who, after the death of the Emperour, tooke
the speciall gouernment upon themselues, and so presently caused the
Ambassadour to be shut vp a close prisoner in his owne house, for the space
of nine weeks, and was so straightly guarded and badly vsed by those that
attended him, as he dayly suspected some further mischiefe to haue
followed: for in this time there grew a great vprore in Mosco of nigh
twenty thousand persons, which remembring that his enemies reigned,
somewhat amazed the ambassadour, but yet afterwards the matter fell out
against that great counsellor Bodan Belskoy, whom I noted before to be a
speciall man in the old Emperors fauor: who was now notwithstanding so
outragiously assaulted, as that he was forced to seeke the Emperors chamber
for his safety, and was afterwards sent away to Cazan, a place he had in
gouernment, fiue hundred miles from Mosco, where he hath remained euer
since, and neuer as yet called againe to court, at which time the
ambassador expected some such like measure, and prepared himselfe aswell as
he could, for his defence: yet happily after this, was sent for to court,
to haue his dispatch, and to take his leaue of the Emperor: whither being
conducted (not after the woonted maner) and brought to the councell
chamber, came to him onely Shalkan the chanceller and a brother of his, who
without more adoe, tolde him for the summe of his dispatch, that this
Emperour would not treat of further amity with the Queene his mistresse,
then such as was betweene his late father and her, before his comming
thither: and would not heare any reply to be made by the ambassadour, but
presently caused both himselfe and all his company to be disarmed of their
weapons; and go towards the Emperor. In which passage there were such
outrages offered him as had he not vsed more patience then his disposition
afforded him, or the occasion required, he had not in likelihood escaped
with life, but yet at length was brought to the presence of the Emperour
who sayd nothing to him, but what the chancellor had already done, but
offered him a letter to carry to her Maiesty, which the ambassadour (for
that he knew it conteined nothing that did concerne his ambassage) refused
till he saw his danger grow too great: neither would the Emperour suffer
the ambassadour to reply ought, nor well he could, for they had now of
purpose taken away his interpretor, being yet vnwilling (as it seemed, and
suspecting the ambassadours purpose) that the Emperor and other should know
how dishonourably he had beene handled: [Sidenote: The great friendship of
L. Boris Pheodorouich.] for there, was at that time, in that presence a
noble braue gentleman, one Boris Pheodorouich Godenoe, brother to the
Emperor that now is, who yet after the death or the Emperour did alwayes
vse the ambassadour most honorably, and would very willingly haue done him
much more kindnesse, but his authority was not yet, till the coronation of
the Emperor: but notwithstanding he sent often vnto him, not long before
his departure, and accompanied his many honourable fauours with a present
of two faire pieces of cloth of golde, and a tymber of very good sables:
and desired that as there was kindnesse and brotherhood twixt the Emperor
and her Maiesty, so there might be loue and brotherhood twixt him and the
Ambassadour. Sauing from this man, there was now no more fauour left for
the ambassadour in Moscouia: for the chanceller Shalkan had now sent him
word that the English Emperor was dead: he had now nothing offered him but
dangers and disgraces too many, and a hasty dispatch from the Mosco, that
he might not tary the coronation of the new Emperour: offences many in his
preparation for his long iourney, onely one meane gentleman appointed to
accompany him to the sea side, expecting daily in his passage some sudden
reuenge to be done vpon him, for so he understood it was threatned before
his comming from the Mosco, and therefore with resolution prouided by all
the meanes he might, by himselfe and his seruants for his defence (for now
was his danger knowen such, as the English merchants did altogether leaue
him, although he commanded them in her Maiesties name to accompany him)
that if any such thing should happen to be offered him, as many of them as
he could that should offer to execute it, should die with him for company:
which being perceiued was thought to make his passage the safer. So
afterward being driuen to disgest many iniuries by the way, at length he
recouered S. Nicholas, where remembring his vnfortunate losse of the old
Emperor and his ill vsage since then at the Mosco, he being forced to take
a bare letter for the summe of his dispatch, conteyning nothing of that he
came for, and the poore and disgraceful present sent him (in the name of
the Emperour) in respect of that that was meant him by the old Emperor,
knowing all these to be done in disgrace of her Maiestie and himselfe,
determined now to be discharged of some part of them in such sort as he
could, and so prouiding as he might to preuent his danger, in getting to
his shippe, furnishing and placing his men to answere any assault that
should be offered him, after he had bidden farewell to the vncourteous
gentleman that brought him thither, by three or foure of the valiantest and
discreetest men he had, he sent to be deliuered him or left at his lodging,
his maisters weake letter, and worsse present, and so afterwards happily
(though hardly) recouered his ship in safetie, although presently
afterwards, there was great hurly burly after him, to force him to receiue
the same againe, but failed of their purpose. So came the ambassadour from
S. Nicholas the twelfth day of August, and arriued at Grauesend the twelfth
of September following, and attended her Maiestie at the court at Otelands,
where, after hauing kist her Maiesties hands, and deliuered some part of
the successe of his ambassage, he presented her an Elke or Loshe, the Red
deere of the countrey, and also a brace of Raine deare, Buck and Doe, both
bearing very huge hornes: they in her Maiesties presence drew a sled and a
man vpon it, after the maner of the Samoeds, a people that inhabite in the
Northeast from Russia and were that yeere come ouer the sea in the winter
season vpon the yce, in their sleds, drawen with these deere into Russia,
where the ambassadour bought of them seuenteene, whereof he brought nine
aliue into Kent.

       *       *       *       *       *

The maner of the preferring of sutes in Russia, by the example of our
  English merchants bill, exhibited to the Emperour.

Iohn Basiliwich, Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, the English
merchants, William sonne of Thomas, with his company sue vnto.

Lord, in the 7082. yeere of the worlds creation, thy Maiesties treasurer,
named Gregorie Mekitowich Borozden, tooke of vs for thy vse 12. poods of
loafe sugar, prised at 8. robles the pood, which sugar was sent to the
Sloboda [Marginal note: The Emperours house of recreation.]. More, the sayd
Gregorie treasurer, tooke of vs for thy Maiestie 200. reames of paper,
prised at 20. altines the reame, for all which the money hath not bene payd
which amounteth to 216. robles.

And in the 84. yeere thy diake Stephan Lighachdo tooke of vs for thy
Maiesty copper plates, for the summe of 1032. robles and one fourth part
vnpayd for.

Also in the said 84. yeere thy Maiesties diakes called Iuan Blasghoy, and
Iuan Sobakin tooke of us for thy vse, sundry commodities and haue not payd
630. robles, the rest of the money due for the said goods.

In the 83. yeere thy Maiesties treasurer Peter Gholauen tooke of vs for thy
Maiestie, cloth of sundry sorts, and hath not payd of the money due
therefore 538 robles.

In the 88. yere, thy diakes Andrea Shalkan, and Istomay Yeuskoy tooke of vs
lead for thy Maiestie, to the value of 267. robles and a halfe not payd.

And in the same yeere thy Maiesties diak Boris Gregoriwich had for thy vse
15. broad cloths of diuerse sorts, prised at 210. robles, whereof 90.
robles are vnpayd.

Also in the said 88. yere thy diak Andrea Shalkan tooke from vs 1000.
robles for thee (Lord) in ready money, yet we know not whether by thy
Maiesties appointment.

And also in the 89. yeere (Lord) thy diak Andrea Shalkan tooke from vs for
thy Maiesty 500. robles, we know not whether by thy Maiesties order or no,
because that thy authorized people do yeerely take away from vs, neither do
they giue vs right in any cause.

All the mony (Lord) which is not payd vs out of thy Maiesties treasury for
our commodities or wares, with the money taken from vs by Andrea Shalkan,
is 4273. robles 25. altines.

Right noble king and Lord, shew thy mercy, and cause the money to be payd
vs which is owing for our goods, as also that which has beene taken from
vs: extend thy fauor, King and Lord.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter of M. Henrie Lane to the worshipfull M. William Sanderson,
  conteining a briefe discourse of that which passed in the the Northeast
  discouery for the space of three and thirtie yeres.

Master Sanderson, as you lately requested mee, so haue I sought, and though
I cannot finde things that heretofore I kept in writing and lent out to
others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old letters to content one
that meaneth to pleasure many, I haue briefly and as truely as I may,
drawen out as foloweth: the rough hewing may be planed at your leasure, or
as pleaseth him that shall take the paines.

First the honorable attempt to discouer by sea Northeast and Northwest
named for Cathay, being chiefly procured by priuiledge from king Edward the
sixt, and other his nobilitie, by and at the cost and sute of M. Sebastian
Cabota, then gouernor for discoueries with sir Andrew Iudde, sir George
Barnes, sir William Garrard, M. Anthonie Hussie, and a companie of
merchants, was in the last yeere of his Maiesties reigne 1553. [Sidenote:
Anno 1553 M. William Burrough was then yong, and with his brother in this
first voyage.] The generall charge whereof was committed to one sir Hugh
Willoughbie knight, a goodly Gentleman, accompanied with sufficient number
of Pilots, Maisters, Merchants and Mariners, hauing three shippes well
furnished, to wit, The Bona Speranca, the Edward Bonaduenture, and the
Confidentia. The Edward Bonaduenture, Richard Chanceller being Pilot, and
Steuen Burrough Maister, hauing discouered Wardhouse vpon the coast of
Finmark, by storme or fogge departed from the rest, found the bay of S.
Nicholas now the chiefe port for Russia, there wintred in safetie, and had
ayde of the people at a village called Newnox. [Sidenote: Newnox is from
the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35. miles.]

The other two shippes attempting further Northwards (as appeared by
pamphlets found after written by Sir Hugh Willoughbie) were in September
encountered with such extreame colde, that they put backe to seeke a
wintring place: and missing the saide baye fell vpon a desert coast in
Lappia, entring into a Riuer immediately frozen vp, since discouered, named
Arzina Reca, distant East from, a Russian Monastery of Monkes called
Pechingho, from whence they neuer returned, but all to the number of 70.
persons perished, which was for want of experience to haue made caues and
stoues. [Sidenote: Note.] These were found with the shippes the next Summer
Anno 1554. by Russe fishermen: and in Anno 1555. the place sent vnto by
English merchants as hereafter appeareth.

[Sidenote: Anno 1554.] Anno 1554. the sayd shippe Edward Bonaduenture
(although robbed homewards by Flemings) returned with her company to
London, shewing and setting foorth their entertainments and discouery of
the countreys euen to the citie of Mosco, from whence they brought a
priuilege written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes seale, the other
two shippes looked for and vnknowen to them where they were.

[Sidenote: Anno 1555.] An. 1555. the said company of Merchants for
discouerie vpon a new supply, sent thither againe with two ships, to wit,
the Edward Bonaduenture, and another bearing the name of the King and
Queene, Philip and Marie, [Sidenote: The King and Queenes letters.] whose
Maiesties by their letters to the said Moscouite, recommended sundry their
subiects then passing, whereof certaine, to wit, Richard Chanceller, George
Killingworth, Henry Lane, and Arthur Edwards, after their arriuall at the
Bay, and passing vp Dwina to Vologda went first to Mosco, where, vpon
knowledge of the said letters, they with their traine had speciall
entertainment, with houses and diet appointed, and shortly permitted to the
princes presence, they were with gentlemen brought through the citie of
Mosco, to the castle and palace, replenished with numbers of people, and
some gunners. They entred sundry roomes, furnished in shew with ancient
graue personages, all in long garments of sundry colours, golde, tissue,
baldekin, and violet, as our vestments and copes haue bene in England,
sutable with caps, iewels, and chaines. These were found to be no
countries, but ancient Moscouites, inhabitants, and other their merchants
of credite, as the maner is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and
Treasurie, waiting and wearing this apparell for the time, and so to
restore it.

Then entring into the presence, being a large roome floored with carpets,
were men of more estate, and richer shew, in number aboue an hundred set
square: who after the said English men came in, doing reuerence, they all
stood vp, the prince onely sitting, and yet rising at any occasion, when
our King and Queenes names were read or spoken. Then after speeches by
interpretation, our men kissing his hande, and bidden to dinner, were
stayed in another roome, and at dinner brought through, where might be
seene massie siluer and gilt plate, some like and as bigge as kilderkins,
and washbowles, and entring the dining place, being the greater roome, the
prince was set bare headed, his crowne and and rich cappe standing vpon a
pinnacle by. Not farre distant sate his Metropolitane, with diuers other of
his kindred, and chiefe Tartarian Captaines: none sate ouer against him, or
any, at other tables, their backes towards him: which tables all furnished
with ghests set, there was for the Englishmen, named by the Russes, Ghosti
Carabelski, to wit, strangers or merchants by ship, a table in the middest
of the roome, where they were set direct against the prince: and then began
the seruice, brought in by a number of his yoong Lordes and Gentlemen, in
such rich attire, as is aboue specified: and still from the Princes table
(notwithstanding their owne furniture) they had his whole messes set ouer
all in massie fine golde, deliuered euery time from him by name to them, by
their seuerall Christian names, as they sate, viz. Richard, George, Henry,
Arthur. [Sidenote: M. Killingworths beard of a marueilous length.] Likewise
bread and sundry drinkes of purified mead, made of fine white and clarified
honie. At their rising, the prince called them to his table, to receiue
each one a cup from his hand to drinke, and tooke in his hand Master George
Killingworths beard, which reached ouer the table, and pleasantly deliuered
it the Metropolitane, who seeming to blesse it, sayd in Russe, this is Gods
gift. As in deede at that time it was not onely thicke, broad, and yellow
coloured, but in length fiue foot and two inches of assize. Then taking
leaue, being night, they were accompanied and followed with a number,
carying pots of drinke, and dishes of meat dressed, to our lodging.

This yeere the two shippes, with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughbie,
and his people, were sent vnto by Master Killingworth, (which remained
there in Mosco Agent almost two yeeres) and much of the goods and victuals
were recouered and saued.

[Sidenote: Anno 1556.] Anno 1556. The company sent two ships for Russia,
with extraordinary masters and saylers to bring home the two ships, which
were frozen in Lappia, in the riuer of Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent
this yeere from England sailing from Lapland to the Bay of S. Nicholas,
tooke in lading with passengers, to wit, a Russe ambassador, named Ioseph
Napea, and some of his men shipped with Richard Chanceller in the Edward.
But so it fell out that the two which came from Lappia, with all their new
Masters and Mariners, neuer were heard of, but in foule weather, and
wrought seas, after their two yeeres wintring in Lapland, became, as is
supposed, vnstanch, and sunke, wherein were drowned also diuers Russes
merchants, and seruants of the ambassadour. A third shippe the Edward
aforesayd, falling on the North part of Scotland, vpon a rocke was also
lost, and Master Chanceller, with diuers other, drowned. The sayd Russe
ambassadour hardly escaping, with other his men, mariners, and some goods
saued, were sent for into Scotland, from the King, Queene, and Merchants
(the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And then, as
in the chronicles appeareth, honorably enterteined and receiued at London.

This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a pinnesse, named the
Serchthrift, to discouer the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to
Wardhouse, and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas. There was in her Master and
Pilot, Stephen Burrough, with his brother William, and eight other. Their
discouery was beyond the Bay, towarde the Samoeds, people dwelling neare
the riuer of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats,
first by them put into the Carde or Mappe. In that place they threw snowe
out of their said pinnesse, with shouels in August, by which extremitie,
and lacke of time, they came backe to Russia, and wintred at Colmogro.

[Sidenote: Anno 1557.] Anno 1557. The company with foure good ships, sent
backe the said Russe ambassadour, and in company with him, sent as an
Agent, for further discouery, Master Anthony Ienkinson, who afterward anno
1558, with great fauour of the prince of Moscouia, and his letters passed
the riuer Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seeke Cathay by land, was by many
troupes and companies of vnciuil Tartarians encountred, and in danger:
[Sidenote: Boghar voyage. 1560.] but keeping company with merchants of
Bactria, of Boghar, and Vrgeme, trauelling with camels, he with his
company, went to Boghar, and no further: whose entertainment of the king is
to be had of master Ienkinson, which returned anno 1559. to Moscouie.
[Sidenote: The first trade to the Narue. 1560.] And in anno 1560. he with
Henry Lane, came home into England: which yeere was the first safe returne,
without losse or shipwracke, or dead fraight, and burnings. And at this
time was the first traffike to the Narue in Liuonia, which confines with
Lituania, and all the dominions of Russia: and the markets, faires,
commodities, great townes and riuers, were sent vnto by dyuers seruants:
the reports were taken by Henry Lane, Agent, and deliuered to the companie,
1561. The trade to Rie, and Reuel, of old time hath bene long since
frequented by our English nation, but this trade to the Narue was hitherto
concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers.

Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony Ienkinson went Agent into Russia; who
the next yeere after, passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan, and ouer
the Caspian sea, arriued in Persia, and opened the trade thither.

[Sidenote: Alcock slaine in Persia. Bannister died in Media. Edwards died
at Astracan.] Also betweene the yeeres 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after
Master Ienkinsons, were made by Thomas Alcock, Arthur Edwards, Master
Thomas Banister, and Master Geffrey Ducket, whose returne (if spoyle neere
Volga had not preuented by rouing theeues) had altogether salued and
recouered the companies (called the olde companies) great losse, charges,
and damages: but the saying is true, By vnitie small things grow great, and
by contention great things become small. This may be vnderstood best by the
company. The forwardnesse of some few, euill doing of some vniust factors,
was cause of muche of the euill successe.

Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and died in the voyage at Astcacan.
About which matters, are to be remembred the voyages of Master Thomas
Randolph Esquire, Ambassador, anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes, anno
1583. both tending and treating for further discoueries, freedomes, and
priuileges, wherewith I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their paines and
aduentures this way (as diuers do now adayes other wayes) as worthy
Gentlemen sent from princes, to doe their countrey good, I put them in your
memorie, with my hearty farewell. From S. Margarets neere Dartforth in
Kent.

Yours Henry Lane.

       *       *       *       *       *

The most solemne, and magnificent coronation of Pheodor [Marginal note: Or
  Theodor.] Iuanowich, Emperour of Russia &c. the tenth of Iune, in the
  yeere 1584; seene and obserued by Master Ierome Horsey gentleman, and
  seruant to her Maiesty, a man of great trauell, and long experience in
  those parts: wherewith is also ioyned the course of his iourney ouer land
  from Mosco to Emden.

[Sidenote: The death of Iuan Vasiliwich, 1584. Apr. 18.] When the old
Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich died, (being about the eighteenth of Aprill, 1584.
after our computation) in the citie of Mosco, hauing raigned 54 yeeres,
there was some tumult and vprore among some of the nobilitie, and
cominaltie, which notwithstanding was quickly pacified. [Sidenote: L. Boris
adopted as the Emperors third sonne.] Immediately the same night, the
Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua, Knez Iuan Pheodorowich, Mesthis
Slafsky, Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky, Mekita Romanowich and Bodan Iacoulewich
Belskoy, being all noble men, and chiefest in the Emperors Will, especially
the Lord Boris, whom he adopted as his third sonne, and was brother to the
Empresse, who was a man very wel liked of al estates, as no lesse worthy
for his valure and wisdome: all these were appointed to dispose, and settle
his sonne Pheodor Iuanowich, hauing one sworne another, and all the
nobilitie, and officers whosoeuer. In the morning the dead Emperor was layd
into the Church of Michael the Archangel, into a hewen sepulcre, very
richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose: and present
Proclamation was made, (Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich of all Russia, &c.).
Throughout all the citie of Mosco was great watch and ward, with souldiers,
and gunners, good orders established, and officers placed to subdue the
tumulters, and mainteine quietnes: to see what speede and policie was in
this case vsed was a thing worth the beholding. This being done in Mosco,
great men of birth and accompt were also presently sent to the bordering
Townes, as Smolensko, Vobsko, Kasan, Nouogorod &c. with fresh garrison, and
the old sent vp. As vpon the 4. of May a parliament was held, wherein were
assembled, the Metropolitane, Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, and chiefe
clergie men, and all the nobility whatsoeuer: where many matters were
determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended to a new reformation
in the gouernment: but especially the terme, and time was agreed vpon for
the solempnizing of the new Emperors coronation. [Sidenote: The old
Empresse, her father, and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets.] In the meane
time the Empresse, wife to the old Emperor, was with her child the Emperors
sonne, Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich, of one yeres age or there abouts,
sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, and that kindred, being 5.
Brothers, to a towne called Ouglets, which was giuen ynto her, and the
young Prince her sonne, with all the lands belonging to it in the shire,
with officers of all sortes appointed, hauing allowance of apparell,
iewels, diet, horse &c. in ample maner belonging to the estate of a
princesse. [Sidenote: The day of Pheodor his coronation.] The time of
mourning after their vse being expired, called Sorachyn, or fortie orderlie
dayes, the day of the solemnizing of this coronation, with great
preparations, was come, being vpon the 10. day of Iune, 1584: and that day
then Sunday; he being of the age of 25. yeres: at which time, Master Ierome
Horsey was orderly sent for, and placed in a fit roome to see all the
solemnitie. The Emperor comming out of his Pallace, there went before him,
the Metropolitan, Archbishops, Bishops, and chiefest Monkes, and Clergie
men, with very rich Copes, and Priestes garments vpon them, carying
pictures of our Ladie &c. with the Emperours Angell, banners, censers, and
many other such ceremonious things, singing all the way. The Emperour with
his nobilitie in order entred the Church named Blaueshina, or Blessednes,
where prayers, and seruice were vsed, according to the maner of their
Church: that done, they went thence to the Church, called Michael the
Archangell, and there also vsed the like prayers, and seruice: and from
thence to our Lady Church, Prechista, being their Cathedrall Church. In the
middest thereof was a chaire of maiestie placed, wherein his Auncestors
vsed to sit at such extraordinarie times: his robes were then changed, and
most rich and vnualuable garments put on him: being placed in this Princely
seate, his nobility standing round about him in their degres, his imperiall
Crowne was set vpon his head by the Metropolitane, his Scepter globe in his
right hand, his sword of Iustice in his left of great riches: his 6.
Crownes also, by which he holdeth his kingdomes were set before him, and
the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand: then the
Metropolitan read openly a booke of a small volume, with exhortations to
the Emperour to minister true iustice, to inioy with tranquilitie the
Crowne of his auncestors, which God had giuen him, and vsed these words
following.

Through the will of the almighty and without beginning God, which was
before this world, whom we glorifie in the Trinitie, one onely God, the
Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all
in all euery where, fulfiller of all things, by which will, and working, he
both liueth, and giueth life to man: that our only God which enspireth
euery one of vs his only children with his word to discerne God through our
Lord Iesus Christ, and the holy quickning spirit of life, now in these
perilous times establish vs to keep the right Scepter, and suffer vs to
raigne of our selues to the good profit of the land, to the subduing of the
people, together with the enemies, and the maintenance of vertue. And so
the Metropolitan blessed and layd his crosse vpon him. After this, he was
taken out of his chaire of Maiestie, hauing vpon him an vpper robe adorned
with precious stones of all sorts, orient pearles of great quantitie, but
alwayes augmented in riches: it was in waight two hundred pounds, the
traine, and parts thereof borne vp by 6. Dukes, his chiefe imperiall Crowne
vpon his head very precious: his staffe imperiall in his right hand of an
vnicornes horne of three foot and a halfe in length beset with rich stones,
bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperour in An. 1581, and cost
him 7000. Markes sterling. This Iewel M. Horsey kept sometimes, before the
Emperor had it. His scepter globe was caried before him by the prince Boris
Pheodorowich, his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearles was caried
before him by a Duke: his 6. Crownes also were caried by Demetrius
Iuanowich Godonoua, the Emperors vncle, Mekita Romanowich the Emperors
vncle, Stephan Vasiliwich, Gregory Vasiliwich, Iuan Vasiliwich brothers of
the blood royal. Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Church doore,
and the people cried, God saue our Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of al Russia,
His horse was there ready most richly adorned, with a couering of
imbrodered pearle, and precious stones, saddle, and all furniture agreeable
to it, reported to be worth 300000. markes sterling.

There was a bridge made of 150. fadome in length, three maner of waies,
three foote aboue ground and two fadome broad, for him to goe from one
Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of the
people, which were in number infinite, and some at that time pressed to
death with the throng. As the Emperour returned out of the Churches, they
were spred vnder foot with cloth of gold, the porches of the Church with
red veluet, the bridges with scarlet, and stammell cloth from one church to
another: and as soone as the Emperor was passed by, the cloth of gold,
veluet and scarlet was cut, and taken of those that could come by it, euery
man desirous to haue a piece, to reserue it for a monument: siluer and gold
coyne, then mynted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantitie.
The lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously, and richly attired, with his
garments decked with great orient pearle, beset with al sorts of precious
stones. In like rich maner were appareled all the family of the Godonouaes
in their degrees, with the rest of the princes, and nobilitie, whereof one
named Knez Iuan Michalowich Glynsky, whose robe, horse, and furniture, was
in register found worth one hundred thousand markes sterling, being of
great antiquitie. The Empresse being in her pallace, was placed in her
chaire of Maiesty also before a great open window: most precious, and rich
were her robes, and shining to behold, with rich stones, and orient pearle
beset, her crowne was placed vpon her head, accompanied with her
Princesses, and Ladies of estate: then cried out the people, God preserue
our noble Empresse Irenia. After all this the Emperour came into the
Parliament house which was richly decked: there he was placed in his royall
seat adorned as before: his 6. crownes were set before him vpon a table;
the basin, and ewer royall of gold held by his knight of gard with his men
standing two on each, side in white apparell of cloth of siluer, called
Kindry, with scepters, and battle axes of gold in their hands: the Princes,
and nobilitie were all placed according to their degrees, all in their rich
roabs.

The Emperour after a short oration, permitted euery man in order to kisse
his hande: which being done, he remoued to a princely seate prepared for
him at the table: where he was serued by his nobles in very princely order.
The three out roomes being very great, and large were beset with plate of
golde, and siluer round, from the ground vp to the vaults one vpon the
other: among which plate were many barrels of siluer, and golde: this
solemnitie, and triumph lasted a whole weeke, wherein many royall pastimes
were shewed and vsed: after which the chiefest men of the nobilitie were
elected to their places of office, and dignitie, as the Prince Boris
Pheodorowich was made chiefe Counseller to the Emperor, Master of the
horse, had the charge of his person, Liuetenant of the Empire, and Warlike
engins, Gouernor or Liuetenant of the Empire of Cazan, and Astracan and
others: to this dignitie were by Parliament, and gift of the Emperor giuen
him many reuenues, and rich lands, as there was giuen him, and his for euer
to inherite a prouince called Vaga, of 300. English miles in length, and
250. in bredth, with many townes and great villages populous and wealthy,
his yeerely reuenue out of that prouince, is 35. thousand markes sterling,
being not the 5. part of his yerely reuenue. Further, he and his house be
of such authoritie, and power, that in 40. days warning they are able to
bring into the fielde 100. thousand Souldiers well furnished.

The conclusion of the Emperors Coronation was a peale of ordinance, called
a peale royall two miles without the citie, being 170. great pieces of
brasse of all sorts, as faire as any can be made, these pieces were all
discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose: 20. thousand
hargubusers standing in 8. rankes two miles in length, appareled all in
veluet, coloured silke and stammels, discharged their shot also twise ouer
in good order: and so the Emperor accompanied with all his princes and
nobles, at the least 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his
pallace. This royall coronation would aske much time, and many leaues of
paper to be described particularly as it was performed: it shal suffice, to
vnderstahd that the like magnificence was neuer seen in Russia.

The coronation, and other triumphes ended, al the nobilitie, officers, and
merchants according to an accustomed order euery one in his place, and
degree brought rich presents vnto the Emperor, wishing him long life, and
ioy in his kingdome.

[Sidenote: Iohn de Wale.] The same time also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid,
remayning as seruant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, was
called for to the Emperor, as he sate in his imperiall seat, and then also
a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco, (who gaue him
selfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect) called Iohn de Wale, was in
like sort called for. Some of the nobilitie would haue preferred this
subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queene of
England, whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree, saying, he would
haue his legges cut off by the knees, before he would yeeld to such an
indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiesty of England, to
bring the Emperor a present, in course after the King of Spaines subiect,
or any other whatsoeuer. The Emperor, and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich
perceiuing the controuersie, sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Iuanowich
Galauyn, and Vasili Shalkan, both of the Counsell, to them, who deliuered
the Emperor backe, Master Horseys speech: whereupon he was first in order
(as good reason) admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalfe of the
English merchants trading thither, a present wishing him ioy, and long to
raigne in tranquilitie, and so kissed the Emperors hand, he accepting the
present with good liking, and auouching, that for his sisters sake Queene
Elizabeth of England, he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants, in as
ample maner as euer his father had ben: and being dismissed, he had the
same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats, with 3. carts laden
with al sorts of drinks very bountifully. After him was the foresayd
subiect of the Spanish king admitted with his present, whom the Emperor
willed to be no lesse faithfull and seruiceable vnto him, then the Queene
of Englands subiects were and had bene, and then the king of Spaines
subiects should receiue fauour accordingly.

All these things thus in order performed, praises were sung in all the
churches. The Emperor and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many
principal Churches in the Citie, and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke
themselues to a progresse in order of procession, to a famous monasterie
called Sergius and the Trinitie 60. miles distant from the Citie of Mosco,
accompanied with a huge armie of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, mounted
vpon goodly horses with furniture accordingly.

The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foot all the way,
accompanied with her princesses and ladies, no small number: her guard and
gunners were in number 20000, her chiefe counseller or attendant, was a
noble man of the blood Roial her vncle of great authoritie called Demetri
Iuanowich Godonoua. All this progresse ended, both the Emperor and Empresse
returned to Mosco: shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince
Boris Pheodorowich, sent a power into the land of Siberia, where all the
rich Sables and Furres are gotten. This power conquered in one yeere and a
halfe, 1000. miles. [Sidenote: Chare Siberski prince of Siberia taken
prisoner and brought to Mosco.] In the performance of this warre, there was
taken prisoner the Emperor of the countrey called Chare Sibersky, and with
him many other dukes and noble men, which were brought to Mosko with a
guard of souldiers and gunners, who were receiued into the citie in very
honorable maner, and do there remaine to this day.

Hereupon the corrupt officers, Iudges, Iustices, captains and lieutenants
through the whole kingdom were remooued, and more honest men substituted in
their places, with expresse commandement, vnder seuere punishment to
surcease their old bribing and extortion which they had vsed in the old
Emperors time, and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons:
and to the end that this might be the better done, their lands and yeerly
stipends were augmented: the great taskes, customes, and duties, which were
before layd vpon the people in the old Emperors time, were now abated, and
some wholy remitted, and no punishments commanded to be vsed, without
sufficient and due proofe, although the crime were capitall, deseruing
death: many Dukes and noble men of great houses, that were vnder
displeasure, and imprisoned 20. yeeres by the old Emperor, were now set at
libertie and restored to their lands: all prisoners were set at libertie
and their trespasses forgiuen. In summe, a great alteration vniuersally in
the gouernment folowed, and yet all was done quietly, ciuilly, peaceably,
without trouble to the Prince, or offence to the Subiect: and this bred
great assurance and honour to the kingdom, and all was accomplished by the
wisedom especially of Irenia the Empresse.

[Sidenote: Sophet Keri Alli king of the Crimmes arriual at Mosco.] These
things being reported and caried to the eares of the kings and princes that
were borderers vpon Russia, they grew so fearefull and terrible to them,
that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crimme Tartar or great Can
himselfe, named Sophet Keri Alli, came out of his owne countrey to the
Emperor of Russia, accompanied with a great number of his nobilitie well
horsed, although to them that were Christians they seemed rude, yet they
were personable men, and valiant: their comming was gratefull to the
Emperor, and their entertainment was honourable, the Tartar prince hauing
brought with him his wiues also, receiued of the Russe Emperor
entertainment, and princely welcome according to their estates.

Not long after, 1200. Polish gentlemen, valiant Souldiors, and proper men
came to Mosko offring their seruice to the Emperor, who were all
entertained: and in like sort many Chirkasses, and people of other nations
came and offred seruice. And assoone as the report of this new created
Emperor was spred ouer other kingdoms of Europe, there were sent to him
sundry Ambassadors to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his kingdom: thither
came Ambassadors from the Turke, from the Persian, the Bogharian, the
Crimme, the Georgian, and many other Tartar princes. There came also
Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine, the Pole, the Swethen, the Dane,
&c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his
attempts.

[Sidenote: The new Emperor Pheodore Iuanowich his letters and requests to
the Queene.] It fell out not long after, that the Emperor was desirous to
send a message to the most excellent Queene of England, for which seruice
he thought no man fitter then M. Ierome Horsey, supposing that one of the
Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her. The
summe of which message was, that the Emperor desired a continuance of that
league, friendship, amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene
his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects, with other priuate
affaires besides, which are not to be made common.

[Sidenote: M. Horseis voiage from Mosco to England ouerland.] Master Horsey
hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperor, prouided for his
iourney ouer land, and departed from Mosco the fift day of September,
thence vnto Otuer, to Torshook, to great Nouogrod, to Vobsky, and thence to
Nyhouse in Liuonia, to Wenden, and so to Riga: (where he was beset, an
brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil, but yet suffred to
passe in the end:) From thence to Mito, to Golden, and Libou in Curland, to
Memel, to Koningsburgh in Prussia, to Elbing, to Dantzike, to Stetine in
Pomerland, to Rostock, to Lubeck, to Hamborough, to Breme, to Emden, and by
sea to London. Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court, and hauing
deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour, and gracious acceptance,
he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Russia, with other
letters from her maiestie to the Emperor, and prince Boris Pheodorowich,
answering the Emperors letters, and withall requesting the fauour and
friendship, which his father had yeelded to the English merchants: and
hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London
themselues of that company, to deale in their behalfe. [Sidenote: 1586.]
Being thus dispatched from London by sea, he arriued in Mosco the 20. of
April 1586. and was very honourably welcommed. And for the merchants
behoofe, obtained all his requests, being therein specially fauoured by the
noble prince Boris Pheodorowich, who alwayes affected M. Horsey with
speciall liking, And hauing obtained priuiledges for the merchants, he was
recommended from the Emperor againe, to the Queene of England his
mistresse, by whom the prince Boris, in token of his honorable and good
opinion of the Queens maiestie, sent her highnesse a roiall present of
Sables, Luzarns, cloth of gold and other rich things. So that the companie
of English merchants, next to their thankfulnes to her maiestie, are to
account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit, who obtained for them
those priuileges, which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted.

The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor, because it was very
honorable, I thought good to record. He was freely allowed post horses for
him and his seruants, victuals and all other necessaries for his long
iourney; at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda, which is
by land fiue hundred miles, he receiued the like free and bountifull
allowances, at the Emperors charge. New victuall and prouision were giuen
him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the Kings officers, being one
thousand miles in length. When he came to the new castle called Archangel,
he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the
Emperors commission into the Castle, gunners being set in rankes, after
their vse, where he was sumptuously feasted: from thence hee was dispatched
with bountifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes boat, with one hundred
men to rowe him, and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him,
with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners. Comming to the road where the
English, Dutch, and French ships rode, the gunners discharged, and the
ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance, and so he was
brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island.

And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the
Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey, there were the next day
sent him for his further prouision vpon the sea by a gentleman and a
captaine the things following.

  16. liue oxen.
  70. sheepe.
  600. hens.
  25. flitches of Bacon.
  80. bushels of meale.
  600. loaues of bread.
  2000. egs.
  10. geese.
  2. cranes.
  2. Swans
  65. gallons of mead.
  40. gallons of Aquauitae.
  60. gallons of beere.
  3. yong beares.
  4. hawkes.
  Store of onions and garlike.
  10. fresh salmons.
  A wild bore.

All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors, and
another of prince Boris Pheodorowich, and were recalled in order by Iohn
Frese seruant to M. Horsey, together with an honorable present and reward
from the prince Boris, sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman: which
present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold, and a faire paire of
Sables. This gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning
those partes, which hereafter (God willing) at more conuenient time and
laisure shall come to light.

       *       *       *       *       *

Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the
  English Merchants word for word, obtained by M. Ierome Horsey. 1586.

Through the wil of the almightie, and without beginning God, which was
before this world, whom we glorifie in the Trinitie, one only God the
father, the sonne, and the holy ghost, maker of all things, worker of all
in all euery where, fulfiller of all things, by which will and working, he
both loueth and giueth life to man, That our onely God, which inspireth
euery one of vs his onely children with his word, to descerne God through
our Lord Iesus Christ, and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these
perilous times, Establish vs to keep the right Scepter, and suffer vs of
our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land, and to the subduing
of the people, together with the enemies, and to the maintenance of virtue.

We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn, the great Lord, Emperor, king and great
prince of all Russia, of Volodemeria, Moscouia and Nouogrod, king of Cazan,
king of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great prince of Smolensko, of Tuer,
Yougoria, Permia, Viatsko, of Bolghar and others, lord and great prince of
the land of the lower Nouogrod, Chernigo, Rezan, Polotsko, Rostow.
Yeraslaue, the White lake, Liefland, Oudor, Condensa, and Ruler of all
Siberia, and all the Northside, and lord of many other countries.

I haue gratified the merchants of England, to wit, sir Rowland Haiward, and
Richard Martin Aldermen, sir George Barnes, Thomas Smith, esquire, Ierome
Horsey, Richard Saltonstall, with their fellowes.

I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land
of Dwina, with all kind of commodities to trade freely, and vnto our
kingdom andd the citie of Mosco, and to all the cities of our empire of
Moscouia.

And the English merchants sir Rowland Haiward and his societie desired vs,
that we would gratifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia, and into
our heritage of great Nouogrod and Plesko, and into all parts of our
kingdom, to buy and sell with their wares without custome.

Therefore we for our sisters sake Queene Elizabeth, and also because that
they allege that they had great losse and hinderance by the venture of the
sea, and otherwise, haue gratified the said English merchants sir Rowland
Haiward and his societie, freely to come into our kingdom of Moscouia, and
into al our dominions with al kind of commodities, to trade, and traffique
freely, and at their pleasure with al kind of their commodities: also I
haue commanded not to take any maner of custome for their goods, nor other
customs whatsoeuer: That is to say, neither for passing by any place by
water, nor for lanching, neither for passing through any place by land,
neither for the vessels or boats, nor for their heads, nor for passing ouer
bridges, nor for ferying ouer at any place, neither for acknowledgment at
any place where they shall come, nor any maner of custome or dutie, by what
name soeuer.

Only they shall not bring with them into our dominions, neither recarie out
of our dominions, or father any other mens goods but their owne, neither
sell them nor barter them away for them.

Also our natural people shall not buy and sell for them, or from them,
neither shal they retaine or keepe any of our naturall subiects goods, or
pawnes by them to colour them.

Also they shall not send any of their Russe seruants about into any citie
to ingrosse, or buy vp commodities, but into what citie they themselues
shal come, they shal buy and sel, and shal sel their owne commodities and
not ours.

And when they shal come into our inheritance of great Nouogrod and Plesko,
and through all our dominions with their commodities, then our noblemen,
and captains, and euery one of our officers shall suffer them to depart
according to this our letter, and shall take no custom at all of them, for
any of their commodities, neither for passing through or passing by, nor
for passage ouer any bridges, nor shall take of them any other dutie
whatsoeuer name they haue.

Also into what places of our dominion, or when they shal happen to come,
and to proceed to buy or sell, and wheresoeuer they shall passe through
with goods not buying of any commodities, neither will sell their owne,
then in those cities and townes they shall take no maner of custome or
dutie of them accordingly as before.

And I haue gratified them and giuen them free leaue to traffique throughout
all the dominions of our kingdom in all cities with their goods, to buy and
sell all maner of commodities, without any dutie or custome whatsoeuer.

And the English merchants where they are desirous to buy or sell, or barter
their wares with our merchants, whole wares for wares, they shall sell
their commodies whole, and not by retaile: That is to say, neither by small
weight nor by the yard, to sell or barter in their owne houses, and they
shal sel and barter their wares wholly, Cloth by the packe, and by the
whole Cloth, and Damaske and veluet by the piece and not by the yard, and
al maner of commodities that are to be sold by weight, not to sell by the
small weights, as by the pound and ounce, but by whole sale: also they
shall sel wines by the pipe: and by the gallon, quart or stoope they shal
not sell.

And they shall buy, sell and exchange their owne commodities themselues,
and the Russe merchants shall not make sales or exchange for them or from
them any of their commodities, neither shal they themselues conuey or cary
through any other mans goods at no place instead of their owne: and which
of the English merchants will at any time sell his commodities at Colmogro
or Vologda or Yeraslaue, they may, and of their commodities throughout all
our cities and dominions, our noblemen, captains, and euery of our officers
shall take no maner of custome, according as it is written in this our
gracious letter: and throughout all our dominions and cities they shal hire
carriers and vessels with men to labour, at their owne charge, to transport
their goods.

So likewise, whensoeuer the English merchants are disposed to depart out of
our kingdom into any other countrey or into their owne land, if our
pleasure be, they shall take our goods with them from our Treasurie, and
shall sell them, and exchange them for such commoditie as is commodious for
our kingdom, and shall deliuer it into our Treasurie, and with those our
commodities, our Noblemen and captains, and euery of our officers shall let
them passe through all our cities also without custome according to these
our letters.

Also whensoeuer the English merchants shall haue sold their own goods and
bought themselues commodities, and wil depart out of Mosco, then they shal
manifest themselues to our chiefe Secretarie Andrew Sholkaloue, in the
office where the Ambassadors are alwayes dispatched.

And if the English merchants comming, haue had any mischance by the sea,
insomuch that the ship be broken, or if that ship do come to any part of
our country: then we will cause the goods to be sought out in true Iustice,
and to be giuen to the English people, which at that time shall bee here
resident in our countrey: and if so be that it so fell out that at that
time there be no Englishmen within our realme: then wil we cause these
goods to be laid vp in a place together, and when the people of England
shall come into our realme, then we will command all those goods to be
deliuered to the sayd English people.

Also we haue gratified all the English merchants with the house of one Vrie
here in the Mosco right ouer against S. Maximes church behind the market,
and they shal dwel in the same house according as before time, and they
shall keepe one alwayes in the house to keepe it, either a Russe, or one of
their owne people.

Also the English merchants shal possesse their houses, to wit, at
Yeraslaue, Vologda, Colmogro, and the house at the hauen of the sea, and
they shal dwel in those houses, according as our goodnes hath bene to them
heretofore: and we haue commanded, that there shall not be taken of them no
yeerely rent, nor no maner of custome, taxe, rent or any other dutie
whatsoeuer for those houses, neither shal they pay any dutie or taxe with
any of the townsmen of those places, and in euery one of those houses, to
wit, at Yeraslaue, Vologda, and Colmogro, they shall haue men to keepe
their houses, two or three of their owne countrey people, strangers or els
Russes, men of the meanest sort, which shall be no merchants, that they may
lay their goods in those houses, and they may sell the commodities out of
those their houses to whom they please, according to this our gracious
letter: and those that keepe their houses shall not sell or buy no part of
their commoditie, except they be there or giue order, whereby they be not
deceiued by them.

So likewise I haue gratified them with their house at the sea hauen, at the
mouth of Podezemsky, and we haue commanded that they shal not cary their
goods from thence to the new castle S. Michael the archangel, but shall
arriue, and doe as they haue done heretofore with their wares at that their
house, and shall vnlade their commodities out of their ships, and shal lade
them againe with Russe commodities, euen there at that their house without
interruption: onely they shal permit our officers of Colmogro and sworn men
to write vp those commodities, both the commodities of England, and those
of Russeland, what the merchants shal declare themselues, and no otherwise,
but they shal not ouerlooke their commodities, neither shal they vnbind any
of their packs.

And when the English merchants are disposed to send into their owne
countrey, to wit, any of their owne people on land through any other
kingdom whatsoeuer, they shall not send their people without our kingly
knowledge, and commandement, and which of their people so euer they do
meane to send out of our kingdom into their owne countrey, then they shal
send those their people, not without our kingly maiesties knowledge, to
wit, those that go of pleasure without carying any commodities with them,
and they shal haue a letter of passe giuen vnto them, out of the office
where the Ambassadors haue alwayes their dispatch.

And whosoeuer hath anything to doe with them in matters of controuersie,
either concerning merchandize or iniuries, then they are to be iudged by
our treasurers and Secretarie of the Ambassadors office to do iustice
between both parties, and to seek out the trueth of matters in al things,
and whatsoeuer cannot be found out by the Law, shalbe tried by othe and
lots: whose lot soeuer is taken foorth, him to haue right.

And in what place of all our kingdom, in what citie soeuer they or their
people shall bee, and that there happen any matter of controuersie, either
concerning merchandise, iniuries or otherwise, that they haue occasion to
set vpon any man by lawe, or that any seeke vpon them, concerning what
matter soeuer in all our kingdom and cities, then our lieutenants,
captains, and our officers shall giue them Iustice, and shall minister all
true iustice betweene them, seeking out the trueth: and what cannot be
truly sought by law, shalbe sought out by othe and lot; whose lot soeuer is
taken out, him to haue right accordingly as before, and the Iudges or
Iustices shall take of them no kind of dutie, for matters of law no where
throughout all our realmes. This letter is giuen in our princely palace
within the citie of Mosco, in the yeere from the foundation of the world,
seuen thousand fourescore and fifteene in the moneth of February.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher, Doctor of the Ciuil Law, sent from her
  Maiestie to Theodor the Emperor of Russia. Anno 1588.

In the yeere 1588. was sent Ambassador from her highnesse into the countrey
of Russia, Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil Lawe, as well to treat with
the new Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich, about league and amitie, in like maner
as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich, as also for the
reestablishing and reducing into order the deciad trade of our Englishmen
there. Who notwithstanding at his first arriuall at the Mosco, found some
parts of hard entertainment, by meanes of certaine rumors concerning the
late nauall victory which was there reported to haue fallen on the Spanish
side, as also for some dislike conceiued against the priuileged trade of
our English merchants. Yet in the end he obtained of the Emperour many good
and equall conditions, and was curteously and honourably dismissed by him.
The principall points which he entreated of, and were granted vnto him by
the said Emperor were these:

1 A continuation of league and amitie betweene her Highnesse and the sayd
Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich, in like maner as was before with his father
Iuan Vasilowich.

2 A confirmation and reestablishment of the former priuileges of the
Companie of our English merchants, which were infringed and annulled in the
principal points, with diuers necessary additions to the same, for the
better ordering of their trade in those countreys hereafter, viz. That the
state of the priuilege granted before in the names of some priuate and
particular men, be altered in that point, and the same granted by the name
and stile of their incorporation, viz. To the felowship of English
merchants for the discouerie of new trades.

3 That vpon euery surmise and light quarel, the said priuilege be not
reuoked and annulled, as before time it hath bene.

4 That iustice shall be administred to the said Companie and their Agent
without delay, vpon such as shal offer them any despite or iniurie, or shal
exact or impose vpon them any paiment, taxation or imposition whatsoeuer,
contrary to the freedome of the said grant.

5 That the goods and commodities of the said Companie, be not forcibly
taken as before time they had bene by the Emperors officers or people of
authoritie, either for the vse of the said Emperor or of his officers. But
in case they haue need of the said commodities, the same to be taken at
reasonable prices, and for ready money.

6 That the said Companie be not charged hereafter with the answering of
such debts as are made by any Englishman not being of the societie.

7 That the Emperors authorized people shall not hereafter repute any
Englishman residant in that countrey, to be any factor, seruant, or dealer,
in the said Companies affaires, but such as the Agents shall inregister by
name, within the offices where custome is entered in all such places of the
land where the sayd Companie haue residences to traffike.

8 That the names of such as shall so be inregistred be no longer continued
in record, nor themselues reputed as factors or dealers for the said
Companie, then the Agent shall thinke good. But in case the said Agent in
his discretion shall thinke meete to strike out of the Register any name of
such as haue bene employed in the Companies seruice, the said person to be
held as priuate, and whose acte in bargaining or otherwise, shall not
charge the said Companie.

9 That if any English man within the countrey of Russia be suspected for
any notorious crime, as felony, treason, &c. the same be not straightwaies
set vpon the Pudkey, [Marginal note: It is rosting to death.] nor otherwise
tormented, till such time as he shall be conuicted by plaine and euident
proofes: which being done, the whole proceeding to be sent ouer to the
Queene of England.

10 That the said priuilege with the additions, shall be published in all
townes and partes of the Emperors dominions, where the said Companie haue
traffike.

11 That the said Companie shall be permitted to vse a sole trade through
the Emperours countries, by the riuer Volga into Media, Persia, Bogharia,
and the other the East countries.

12 Whereas there was claimed of the said Companie the summe of 23553.
markes of debt, made by certaine of their factors for the said company, for
paiment whereof their whole stocke was in danger of arrest, by publike
authoritie: Futher also 2140. rubbles for custome and houserent, he
obtained a rebatement of eighteene thousand, one hundred fiftie and three
marks of the sayd debt.

The sayd Ambassador M. Giles Fletcher, as I vnderstand, hath drawen a booke
intituled, Of the Russe Common wealth, containing:

First, a Cosmographicall description, of the countrey, which hath these
chapters.

1 Of the length and bredth of the countrey of Russia, with the names of the
  shires.

2 Of the soile and climate.

3 Of the natiue commodities of the countrey.

Secondly, a description of their policie contained in these Chapters, viz.

1 Of the constitution or state of the Russe Common wealth.

2 Of their Parliaments, and maner of holding them,

3 Of the Russe Nobilitie and meanes whereby it is kept in an vnder
  proportion agreeable to that state.

4 Of the maner of gouerning their prouinces of shires.

5 Of the Emperours priuie counsell.

6 Of the Emperors customs and their reuenues, with the practises for the
  increase of them.

7 Of the Russe communaltie and their condition.

8 Of their publike iustice and maner of proceeding therein.

9 Of the Emperors forces for his warres, with the chiefe officers,
  and their salarie or pay.

10 Of their maner of mustering, armour, and prouision for victuall.

11 Of their ordering, marching, charging, and their martiall discipline.

12 Of their colonies and policie in maintaining their purchases by
   conquest.

13 Of their borderers with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace.

14 Of their church officers and degrees.

15 Of their liturgie or forme of Church seruice.

16 Of their maner of administring the Sacraments.

17 Of the doctrine of the Russe church.

18 Of the maner of solemnizing their marriages.

19 Of the other ceremonies of the Russe church.

Thirdly, the Oeconomie or priuate behauiour of the Russe containing these
chapters.

1 Of the Emperors houshold officers, and order of his house.

2 Of the priuate behauiour and maner of the Russe people.


The description of the countrey of Russia, with the bredth, length, and
  names of the Shires.

The countrey of Russia was sometimes called Sarmatia. It changed the name
(as some do suppose) for that it was parted into diuers smal, and yet
absolute gouemments, not depending, nor being subiect the one to the other.
For Russe in that tongue doeth signifie as much as to part, or diuide. The
Russe reporteth that foure brethren, Trubor, Rurico, Sinees, and Variuus
deuided among them the North parts of the country. Likewise that the South
parts were possessed by 4. other, Kio, Scieko, Choranus, and their sister
Libeda: each calling his territorie after his owne name. Of this partition
it was called Russia, about the yere from Christ 860. [Sidenote: Strabo in
his 7. booke of Geogr.] As for the coniecture which I find in some
Cosmographers, that the Russe nation borowed the name of the people called
Roxellani, and were the very same nation with them, it is without all good
probabilitie, both in respect of the etymologie of the word (which is very
far fet) and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people, which was
betwixt the two ruiers of Tanais and Boristhenes, (as Strabo reporteth)
quite another way from the countrey of Russia.

When it bare the name of Sarmatia, it was diuided into two chiefe parts:
the White and the Black. The white Sarmatia was all that part that lieth
towards the North, and on the side of Liefland: as the prouinces now called
Dwina, Vagha, Vstiug, Vologda, Cargapolia, Nouogrodia, &c whereof Nouogrod
velica was the Metropolite or chiefe citie. Black Sarmatia was al that
countrey that lieth Southward towards the Euxin or Black sea: as the
dukedome of Volodemer, of Mosco, Rezan, &c. Some haue thought that the name
of Sarmatia was first taken, from one Sarmates, whom Moses and Iosephus cal
Asarmathes sonne to Ioktan, and nephew to Heber, of the posteritie of Sera.
[Sidenote: Gen, 10. Ioseph. l. 1. ca, 14.] But this seemeth to be nothing
but a coniecture taken out of the likenes of the name Asarmathes. For the
dwelling of all Ioktans posteritie is described by Moses to haue bene
betwixt Mescha or Masius (an hil of the Ammonites) and Sephace, nere to the
riuer Euphrates: which maketh it very vnlikely that Asarmathes should plant
any colonies so far off in the North and Northwest countries. [Sidenote:
The borders of Russia.] It is bounded northward by the Lappes and the North
Ocean. On the Southside by the Tartars called Crimmes. Eastward they haue
the Nagaian Tartar, that possesseth all the countrey on the East side of
Volga towards the Caspian sea. On the West and Southwest border lieth
Lituania, Liuonia and Polonia.

[Sidenote: The Shires of Russia.] The whole Countrey being nowe reduced
vnder the gouernment of one, conteineth these chiefe Prouinces or Shires.
Volodemer, (which beareth the first place in the Emperours stile, becauce
their house came of the Dukes of that Countrey) Mosco, Nisnouogrod, Plesko,
Smolensko, Nouogrod velica (or Nouogrod of the low Countrey) Rostoue,
Yeraslaue, Bealozera, Rezan, Duyna, Cargapolia, Meschora, Vagha, Vstuga,
Ghaletsa. These are the naturall shires perteyning to Russia, but farre
greater and larger then the shires of England, though not so well peopled.
[Sidenote: The Prouinces or Countries got by conquest.] The other Countreys
or prouinces to which the Russe Emperours haue gotten perforce added of
late to their other dominion, are these which followe, Twerra, Youghoria,
Permia, Vadska, Boulghoria, Chernigo, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condora, with a
great part of Siberia: where the people though they be not naturall Russes,
yet obey the Emperour of Russia, and are ruled by the Lawes of his
Countrey, paying customes and taxes, as his owne people doe. Besides these
he hath vnder him the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan, gotten by conquest
not long since. As for all his possession in Lituania (to the number of 30.
great Townes and more,) with Narue and Dorp in Liuonia, they are quite
gone, being surprised of late yeeres by the Kings of Poland and Sweden.
These Shires and Prouinces are reduced into foure Iurisdictions, which they
call Chetfyrds (that is) Tetrarchies, or Fourth parts.

[Sidenote: The breadth and length of the Countrey.] The whole Countrey is
of great length and breadth. From the North to the South (if you measure
from Cola to Astracan which bendeth somewhat Eastward) it reacheth in
length about 4260. verst, or miles. [Sidenote: Pechinga.] Notwithstanding
the Emperour of Russia hath more territorie Northward, farre beyond Cola
vnto the Riuer of Tromschua, that runneth a hundred verst, welnigh beyond
Pechingna, neere to Wardhouse but not intire nor clearely limited, by
reason of the kings of Sweden and Denmarke, that haue diuers townes there,
aswell as the Russe, plotted together the one with the other; euery one of
them clayming the whole of those North parts as his owne right. The breadth
(if you go from that part