The Project Gutenberg EBook of Travels in the Interior of Africa - Volume 2 by Mungo Park (#2 in our series by Mungo Park) Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the header without written permission. Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is important information about your specific rights and restrictions in how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. **Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** **eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** *****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** Title: Travels in the Interior of Africa - Volume 2 Author: Mungo Park Release Date: March, 2004 [EBook #5305] [Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] [This file was first posted on June 25, 2002] [Most recently updated: June 25, 2002] Edition: 10 Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII
Transcribed from the 1887 Cassell & Company edition by David Price,
email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk
TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA - VOLUME 2
By MUNGO PARK.
INTRODUCTION
The first of the two volumes which contain Mungo Park’s “Travels
in the Interior of Africa” brought him through many perils to
the first sight of the Niger, and left him sick and solitary, stripped
of nearly all that he possessed, a half-starved white man on a half-starved
horse. He was helped on by a bag of cowries from a kindly chief;
but in this volume he has not advanced far before he is stripped of
all.
There is not in the range of English literature a more interesting traveller’s
tale than was given to the world in this book which this volume completes.
It took the deeper hold upon its readers, because it appeared at a time
when English hearts began to be stirred by the wrongs of slavery.
But at any time there would be strong human interest in the unconscious
painting of the writer’s character, as he makes his way over far
regions in which no white man had before been seen, with firm resolve
and with good temper as well as courage and prudence, which bring him
safe through many a hair-breadth escape. There was a true kindness
in Mungo Park that found answering kindness and brought out the spirit
of humanity in those upon whose goodwill his life depends; in the negroes
often, although never in the Moors. There was no flinching in
the man, who, when robbed of his horse, stripped to the shirt in a forest
and left upon a lion’s track, looked down with a botanist’s
eye on the beauty of a tiny moss at his feet, drew comfort from it,
and laboured on with quiet faith in God. The same eye was as quick
to recognise the diverse characters of men. In Mungo Park shrewd
humour and right feeling went together. Whatever he had to say
he said clearly and simply; and it went straight home. He had
the good fortune to be born before “picturesque writing”
was invented. When we return to the Gambia with Mungo Park under
the same escort with a coffle of slaves on their way to be shipped for
the use of Christians, from the strength of his unlaboured narrative
we get clear knowledge unclouded by a rainbow mist of words. He
is of one blood with the sailors in whom Hakluyt delighted.
CHAPTER XVI - VILLAGES ON THE NIGER - DETERMINES TO GO NO FARTHER EASTWARD
Being, in the manner that has been related, compelled to leave Sego,
I was conducted the same evening to a village about seven miles to the
eastward, with some of the inhabitants of which my guide was acquainted,
and by whom we were well received. {1}
He was very friendly and communicative, and spoke highly of the hospitality
of his countrymen, but withal told me that if Jenné was the place
of my destination, which he seemed to have hitherto doubted, I had undertaken
an enterprise of greater danger than probably I was apprised of; for,
although the town of Jenné was nominally a part of the king of
Bambarra’s dominions, it was in fact, he said, a city of the Moors
- the leading part of the inhabitants being bushreens, and even the
governor himself, though appointed by Mansong, of the same sect.
Thus was I in danger of falling a second time into the hands of men
who would consider it not only justifiable, but meritorious, to destroy
me, and this reflection was aggravated by the circumstance that the
danger increased as I advanced in my journey, for I learned that the
places beyond Jenné were under the Moorish influence in a still
greater degree than Jenné itself, and Timbuctoo, the great object
of my search, altogether in possession of that savage and merciless
people, who allow no Christian to live there. But I had now advanced
too far to think of returning to the westward on such vague and uncertain
information, and determined to proceed; and being accompanied by the
guide, I departed from the village on the morning of the 24th.
About eight o’clock we passed a large town called Kabba, situated
in the midst of a beautiful and highly cultivated country, bearing a
greater resemblance to the centre of England than to what I should have
supposed had been the middle of Africa. The people were everywhere
employed in collecting the fruit of shea trees, from which they prepare
the vegetable butter mentioned in former parts of this work. These
trees grow in great abundance all over this part of Bambarra.
They are not planted by the natives, but are found growing naturally
in the woods; and in clearing woodland for cultivation every tree is
cut down but the shea. The tree itself very much resembles the
American oak, and the fruit - from the kernel of which, being first
dried in the sun, the butter is prepared by boiling the kernel in water
- has somewhat the appearance of a Spanish olive. The kernel is
enveloped in a sweet pulp, under a thin green rind; and the butter produced
from it, besides the advantage of its keeping the whole year without
salt, is whiter, firmer, and, to my palate, of a richer flavour, than
the best butter I ever tasted made from cow’s milk. The
growth and preparation of this commodity seem to be among the first
objects of African industry in this and the neighbouring states, and
it constitutes a main article of their inland commerce.
We passed, in the course of the day, a great many villages inhabited
chiefly by fishermen, and in the evening about five o’clock arrived
at Sansanding, a very large town, containing, as I was told, from eight
to ten thousand inhabitants. This place is much resorted to by
the Moors, who bring salt from Berroo, and beads and coral from the
Mediterranean, to exchange here for gold dust and cotton cloth.
This cloth they sell to great advantage in Berroo, and other Moorish
countries, where, on account of the want of rain, no cotton is cultivated.
I desired my guide to conduct me to the house in which we were to lodge
by the most private way possible. We accordingly rode along between
the town and the river, passing by a creek or harbour, in which I observed
twenty large canoes, most of them fully loaded, and covered with mats
to prevent the rain from injuring the goods. As we proceeded,
three other canoes arrived, two with passengers and one with goods.
I was happy to find that all the negro inhabitants took me for a Moor,
under which character I should probably have passed unmolested, had
not a Moor, who was sitting by the river-side, discovered the mistake,
and, setting up a loud exclamation, brought together a number of his
countrymen.
When I arrived at the house of Counti Mamadi, the dooty of the town,
I was surrounded with hundreds of people speaking a variety of different
dialects, all equally unintelligible to me. At length, by the
assistance of my guide, who acted as interpreter, I understood that
one of the spectators pretended to have seen me at one place, and another
at some other place; and a Moorish woman absolutely swore that she had
kept my house three years at Gallam, on the river Senegal. It
was plain that they mistook me for some other person, and I desired
two of the most confident to point towards the place where they had
seen me. They pointed due south; hence I think it probable that
they came from Cape Coast, where they might have seen many white men.
Their language was different from any I had yet heard. The Moors
now assembled in great number, with their usual arrogance, compelling
the negroes to stand at a distance. They immediately began to
question me concerning my religion, but finding that I was not master
of Arabic, they sent for two men, whom they call Ilhuidi (Jews),
in hopes that they might be able to converse with me. These Jews,
in dress and appearance, very much resemble the Arabs; but though they
so far conform to the religion of Mohammed as to recite in public prayers
from the Koran, they are but little respected by the negroes; and even
the Moors themselves allowed that, though I was a Christian, I was a
better man than a Jew. They however insisted that, like the Jews,
I must conform so far as to repeat the Mohammedan prayers; and when
I attempted to waive the subject by telling them that I could not speak
Arabic, one of them, a shereef from Tuat, in the Great Desert, started
up and swore by the Prophet that if I refused to go to the mosque, he
would be one that would assist in carrying me thither; and there is
no doubt that this threat would have been immediately executed had not
my landlord interposed on my behalf. He told them that I was the
king’s stranger, and he could not see me ill-treated whilst I
was under his protection. He therefore advised them to let me
alone for the night, assuring them that in the morning I should be sent
about my business. This somewhat appeased their clamour, but they
compelled me to ascend a high seat by the door of the mosque, in order
that everybody might see me, for the people had assembled in such numbers
as to be quite ungovernable, climbing upon the houses, and squeezing
each other, like the spectators at an execution. Upon this seat
I remained until sunset, when I was conducted into a neat little hut,
with a small court before it, the door of which Counti Mamadi shut,
to prevent any person from disturbing me. But this precaution
could not exclude the Moors. They climbed over the top of the
mud wall, and came in crowds into the court, “in order,”
they said, “to see me perform my evening devotions, and eat
eggs.” The former of these ceremonies I did not think
proper to comply with, but I told them I had no objection to eat eggs,
provided they would bring me eggs to eat. My landlord immediately
brought me seven hen’s eggs, and was much surprised to find that
I could not eat them raw; for it seems to be a prevalent opinion among
the inhabitants of the interior that Europeans subsist almost entirely
on this diet. When I had succeeded in persuading my landlord that
this opinion was without foundation, and that I would gladly partake
of any victuals which he might think proper to send me, he ordered a
sheep to be killed, and part of it to be dressed for my supper.
About midnight, when the Moors had left me, he paid me a visit, and
with much earnestness desired me to write him a saphie. “If
a Moor’s saphie is good,” said this hospitable old man,
“a white man’s must needs be better.” I readily
furnished him with one, possessed of all the virtues I could concentrate,
for it contained the Lord’s Prayer. The pen with which it
was written was made of a reed; a little charcoal and gum-water made
very tolerable ink, and a thin board answered the purpose of paper.
July 25. - Early in the morning, before the Moors were assembled,
I departed from Sansanding, and slept the ensuing night at a small town
called Sibili, from whence on the day following I reached Nyara, a large
town at some distance from the river, where I halted the 27th, to have
my clothes washed, and recruit my horse. The dooty there has a
very commodious house, flat-roofed, and two storeys high. He showed
me some gunpowder of his own manufacturing; and pointed out, as a great
curiosity, a little brown monkey that was tied to a stake by the door,
telling me that it came from a far distant country called Kong.
July 28. - I departed from Nyara, and reached Nyamee about noon.
This town is inhabited chiefly by Foulahs from the kingdom of Masina.
The dooty, I know not why, would not receive me, but civilly sent his
son on horseback to conduct me to Modiboo, which he assured me was at
no great distance.
We rode nearly in a direct line through the woods, but in general went
forwards with great circumspection. I observed that my guide frequently
stopped and looked under the bushes. On inquiring the reason of
this caution he told me that lions were very numerous in that part of
the country, and frequently attacked people travelling through the woods.
While he was speaking, my horse started, and looking round, I observed
a large animal of the camelopard kind standing at a little distance.
The neck and fore-legs were very long; the head was furnished with two
short black horns, turning backwards; the tail, which reached down to
the ham joint, had a tuft of hair at the end. The animal was of
a mouse colour, and it trotted away from us in a very sluggish manner
- moving its head from side to side, to see if we were pursuing it.
Shortly after this, as we were crossing a large open plain, where there
were a few scattered bushes, my guide, who was a little way before me,
wheeled his horse round in a moment, calling out something in the Foulah
language which I did not understand. I inquired in Mandingo what
he meant; “Wara billi billi!” (“A very large
lion!”) said he, and made signs for me to ride away. But
my horse was too much fatigued; so we rode slowly past the bush from
which the animal had given us the alarm. Not seeing anything myself,
however, I thought my guide had been mistaken, when the Foulah suddenly
put his hand to his mouth, exclaiming, “Soubah an allahi!”
(“God preserve us!”) and, to my great surprise, I then perceived
a large red lion, at a short distance from the bush, with his head couched
between his forepaws. I expected he would instantly spring upon
me, and instinctively pulled my feet from my stirrups to throw myself
on the ground, that my horse might become the victim rather than myself.
But it is probable the lion was not hungry; for he quietly suffered
us to pass, though we were fairly within his reach. My eyes were
so riveted upon this sovereign of the beasts that I found it impossible
to remove them until we were at a considerable distance. We now
took a circuitous route through some swampy ground, to avoid any more
of these disagreeable encounters. At sunset we arrived at Modiboo
- a delightful village on the banks of the Niger, commanding a view
of the river for many miles both to the east and west. The small
green islands (the peaceful retreat of some industrious Foulahs, whose
cattle are here secure from the depredations of wild beasts) and the
majestic breadth of the river, which is here much larger than at Sego,
render the situation one of the most enchanting in the world.
Here are caught great plenty of fish, by means of long cotton nets,
which the natives make themselves, and use nearly in the same manner
as nets are used in Europe. I observed the head of a crocodile
lying upon one of the houses, which they told me had been killed by
the shepherds in a swamp near the town. These animals are not
uncommon in the Niger, but I believe they are not oftentimes found dangerous.
They are of little account to the traveller when compared with the amazing
swarms of mosquitoes, which rise from the swamps and creeks in such
numbers as to harass even the most torpid of the natives; and as my
clothes were now almost worn to rags, I was but ill prepared to resist
their attacks. I usually passed the night without shutting my
eyes, walking backwards and forwards, fanning myself with my hat; their
stings raised numerous blisters on my legs and arms, which, together
with the want of rest, made me very feverish and uneasy.
July 29. - Early in the morning, my landlord, observing that
I was sickly, hurried me away, sending a servant with me as a guide
to Kea. But though I was little able to walk, my horse was still
less able to carry me; and about six miles to the east of Modiboo, in
crossing some rough clayey ground, he fell, and the united strength
of the guide and myself could not place him again upon his legs.
I sat down for some time beside this worn-out associate of my adventures,
but finding him still unable to rise, I took off the saddle and bridle,
and placed a quantity of grass before him. I surveyed the poor
animal, as he lay panting on the ground, with sympathetic emotion, for
I could not suppress the sad apprehension that I should myself, in a
short time, lie down and perish in the same manner, of fatigue and hunger.
With this foreboding I left my poor horse, and with great reluctance
followed my guide on foot along the bank of the river until about noon,
when we reached Kea, which I found to be nothing more than a small fishing
village. The dooty, a surly old man, who was sitting by the gate,
received me very coolly; and when I informed him of my situation, and
begged his protection, told me with great indifference that he paid
very little attention to fine speeches, and that I should not enter
his house. My guide remonstrated in my favour, but to no purpose,
for the dooty remained inflexible in his determination. I knew
not where to rest my wearied limbs, but was happily relieved by a fishing
canoe belonging to Silla, which was at that moment coming down the river.
The dooty waved to the fisherman to come near, and desired him to take
charge of me as far as Moorzan. The fisherman, after some hesitation,
consented to carry me, and I embarked in the canoe in company with the
fisherman, his wife, and a boy. The negro who had conducted me
from Modiboo now left me. I requested him to look to my horse
on his return, and take care of him if he was still alive, which he
promised to do.
Departing from Kea, we proceeded about a mile down the river, when the
fisherman paddled the canoe to the bank and desired me to jump out.
Having tied the canoe to a stake, he stripped off his clothes, and dived
for such a length of time that I thought he had actually drowned himself,
and was surprised to see his wife behave with so much indifference upon
the occasion; but my fears were over when he raised up his head astern
of the canoe and called for a rope. With this rope he dived a
second time, and then got into the canoe and ordered the boy to assist
him in pulling. At length they brought up a large basket, about
ten feet in diameter, containing two fine fish, which the fisherman
- after returning the basket into the water - immediately carried ashore
and hid in the grass. We then went a little farther down and took
up another basket, in which was one fish. The fisherman now left
us to carry his prizes to some neighbouring market, and the woman and
boy proceeded with me in the canoe down the river.
About four o’clock we arrived at Moorzan, a fishing town on the
northern bank, from whence I was conveyed across the river to Silla,
a large town, where I remained until it was quite dark, under a tree,
surrounded by hundreds of people.
With a great deal of entreaty the dooty allowed me to come into his
baloon to avoid the rain, but the place was very damp, and I had a smart
paroxysm of fever during the night. Worn down by sickness, exhausted
with hunger and fatigue, half-naked, and without any article of value
by which I might procure provisions, clothes, or lodging, I began to
reflect seriously on my situation. I was now convinced, by painful
experience, that the obstacles to my farther progress were insurmountable.
The tropical rains were already set in with all their violence - the
rice grounds and swamps were everywhere overflowed - and in a few days
more, travelling of every kind, unless by water, would be completely
obstructed. The kowries which remained of the king of Bambarra’s
present were not sufficient to enable me to hire a canoe for any great
distance, and I had but little hopes of subsisting by charity in a country
where the Moors have such influence. But, above all, I perceived
that I was advancing more and more within the power of those merciless
fanatics, and, from my reception both at Sego and Sansanding, I was
apprehensive that, in attempting to reach even Jenné (unless
under the protection of some man of consequence amongst them, which
I had no means of obtaining), I should sacrifice my life to no purpose,
for my discoveries would perish with me. The prospect either way
was gloomy. In returning to the Gambia, a journey on foot of many
hundred miles presented itself to my contemplation, through regions
and countries unknown. Nevertheless, this seemed to be the only
alternative, for I saw inevitable destruction in attempting to proceed
to the eastward. With this conviction on my mind I hope my readers
will acknowledge that I did right in going no farther.
Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt and perplexity, to a determination
to return westward, I thought it incumbent on me, before I left Silla,
to collect from the Moorish and negro traders all the information I
could concerning the farther course of the Niger eastward, and the situation
and extent of the kingdoms in its vicinage; and the following few notices
I received from such various quarters as induce me to think they are
authentic:-
Two short days’ journey to the eastward of Silla is the town of
Jenné, which is situated on a small island in the river, and
is said to contain a greater number of inhabitants than Sego itself,
or any other town in Bambarra. At the distance of two days more,
the river spreads into a considerable lake, called Dibbie (or the Dark
Lake), concerning the extent of which all the information I could obtain
was that in crossing it from west to east the canoes lose sight of land
one whole day. From this lake the water issues in many different
streams, which terminate in two large branches, one whereof flows towards
the north-east, and the other to the east; but these branches join at
Kabra, which is one day’s journey to the southward of Timbuctoo,
and is the port or shipping-place of that city. The tract of land
which the two streams encircle is called Jinbala, and is inhabited by
negroes; and the whole distance by land from Jenné to Timbuctoo
is twelve days’ journey.
From Kabra, at the distance of eleven days’ journey down the stream,
the river passes to the southward of Houssa, which is two days’
journey distant from the river. Of the farther progress of this
great river, and its final exit, all the natives with whom I conversed
seemed to be entirely ignorant. Their commercial pursuits seldom
induce them to travel farther than the cities of Timbuctoo and Houssa,
and as the sole object of those journeys is the acquirement of wealth,
they pay little attention to the course of rivers or the geography of
countries. It is, however, highly probable that the Niger affords
a safe and easy communication between very remote nations. All
my informants agreed that many of the negro merchants who arrive at
Timbuctoo and Houssa from the eastward speak a different language from
that of Bambarra, or any other kingdom with which they are acquainted
But even these merchants, it would seem, are ignorant of the termination
of the river, for such of them as can speak Arabic describe the amazing
length of its course in very general terms, saying only that they believe
it runs to the world’s end.
The names of many kingdoms to the eastward of Houssa are familiar to
the inhabitants of Bambarra. I was shown quivers and arrows of
very curious workmanship, which I was informed came from the kingdom
of Kassina.
On the northern bank of the Niger, at a short distance from Silla, is
the kingdom of Masina, which is inhabited by Foulahs. They employ
themselves there, as in other places, chiefly in pasturage, and pay
an annual tribute to the king of Bambarra for the lands which they occupy.
To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom of Timbuctoo, the
great object of European research - the capital of this kingdom being
one of the principal marts for that extensive commerce which the Moors
carry on with the negroes. The hopes of acquiring wealth in this
pursuit, and zeal for propagating their religion, have filled this extensive
city with Moors and Mohammedan converts. The king himself and
all the chief officers of state are Moors; and they are said to be more
severe and intolerant in their principles than any other of the Moorish
tribes in this part of Africa. I was informed by a venerable old
negro, that when he first visited Timbuctoo, he took up his lodging
at a sort of public inn, the landlord of which, when he conducted him
into his hut, spread a mat on the floor, and laid a rope upon it, saying,
“If you are a Mussulman, you are my friend - sit down; but if
you are a kafir, you are my slave, and with this rope I will lead you
to market.” The present king of Timbuctoo is named Abu Abrahima.
He is reported to possess immense riches. His wives and concubines
are said to be clothed in silk, and the chief officers of state live
in considerable splendour. The whole expense of his government
is defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon merchandise, which is collected
at the gates of the city.
The city of Houssa (the capital of a large kingdom of the same name,
situated to the eastward of Timbuctoo), is another great mart for Moorish
commerce. I conversed with many merchants who had visited that
city, and they all agreed that it is larger - and more populous than
Timbuctoo. The trade, police, and government are nearly the same
in both; but in Houssa the negroes are in greater proportion to the
Moors, and have some share in the government.
Concerning the small kingdom of Jinbala I was not able to collect much
information. The soil is said to be remarkably fertile, and the
whole country so full of creeks and swamps that the Moors have hitherto
been baffled in every attempt to subdue it. The inhabitants are
negroes, and some of them are said to live in considerable affluence,
particularly those near the capital, which is a resting-place for such
merchants as transport goods from Timbuctoo to the western parts of
Africa.
To the southward of Jinbala is situated the negro kingdom of Gotto,
which is said to be of great extent. It was formerly divided into
a number of petty states, which were governed by their own chiefs; but
their private quarrels invited invasion from the neighbouring kingdoms.
At length a politic chief of the name of Moossee had address enough
to make them unite in hostilities against Bambarra; and on this occasion
he was unanimously chosen general - the different chiefs consenting
for a time to act under his command. Moossee immediately despatched
a fleet of canoes, loaded with provisions, from the banks of the lake
Dibbie up the Niger towards Jenné, and with the whole of his
army pushed forwards into Bambarra. He arrived on the bank of
the Niger opposite to Jenné before the townspeople had the smallest
intimation of his approach. His fleet of canoes joined him the
same day, and having landed the provisions, he embarked part of his
army, and in the night took Jenné by storm. This event
so terrified the king of Bambarra that he sent messengers to sue for
peace; and in order to obtain it consented to deliver to Moossee a certain
number of slaves every year, and return everything that had been taken
from the inhabitants of Gotto. Moossee, thus triumphant, returned
to Gotto, where he was declared king, and the capital of the country
is called by his name.
On the west of Gotto is the kingdom of Baedoo, which was conquered by
the present king of Bambarra about seven years ago, and has continued
tributary to him ever since.
West of Baedoo is Maniana, the inhabitants of which, according to the
best information I was able to collect, are cruel and ferocious - carrying
their resentment towards their enemies so far as never to give quarter,
and even to indulge themselves with unnatural and disgusting banquets
of human flesh.
CHAPTER XVII - MOORZAN TO TAFFARA
Having, for the reasons assigned in the last chapter, determined to
proceed no farther eastward than Silla, I acquainted the dooty with
my intention of returning to Sego, proposing to travel along the southern
side of the river; but he informed me that, from the number of creeks
and swamps on that side, it was impossible to travel by any other route
than along the northern bank, and even that route, he said, would soon
be impassable on account of the overflowing of the river. However,
as he commended my determination to return westward, he agreed to speak
to some one of the fishermen to carry me over to Moorzan. I accordingly
stepped into a canoe about eight o’clock in the morning of July
30th, and in about an hour was landed at Moorzan. At this place
I hired a canoe for sixty kowries, and in the afternoon arrived at Kea,
where, for forty kowries more, the dooty permitted me to sleep in the
same hut with one of his slaves. This poor negro, perceiving that
I was sickly, and that my clothes were very ragged, humanely lent me
a large cloth to cover me for the night.
July 31. - The dooty’s brother being going to Modiboo,
I embraced the opportunity of accompanying him thither, there being
no beaten road. He promised to carry my saddle, which I had left
at Kea, when my horse fell down in the woods, as I now proposed to present
it to the king of Bambarra.
We departed from Kea at eight o’clock, and about a mile to the
westward observed on the bank of the river a great number of earthen
jars piled up together. They were very neatly formed, but not
glazed, and were evidently of that sort of pottery which is manufactured
at Downie (a town to the west of Timbuctoo), and sold to great advantage
in different parts of Bambarra. As we approached towards the jars
my companion plucked up a large handful of herbage, and threw it upon
them, making signs for me to do the same, which I did. He then,
with great seriousness told me that these jars belonged to some supernatural
power; that they were found in their present situation about two years
ago; and as no person had claimed them, every traveller as he passed
them, from respect to the invisible proprietor, threw some grass, or
the branch of a tree, upon the heap, to defend the jars from the rain.
Thus conversing, we travelled in the most friendly manner, until unfortunately
we perceived the footsteps of a lion, quite fresh in the mud, near the
river-side. My companion now proceeded with great circumspection;
and at last, coming to some thick underwood, he insisted that I should
walk before him. I endeavoured to excuse myself, by alleging that
I did not know the road; but he obstinately persisted, and, after a
few high words and menacing looks, threw down the saddle and went away.
This very much disconcerted me; but as I had given up all hopes of obtaining
a horse, I could not think of encumbering myself with the saddle, and,
taking off the stirrups and girths, I threw the saddle into the river.
The negro no sooner saw me throw the saddle into the water than he came
running from among the bushes where he had concealed himself, jumped
into the river, and by help of his spear, brought out the saddle and
ran away with it. I continued my course along the bank; but as
the wood was remarkably thick, and I had reason to believe that a lion
was at no great distance, I became much alarmed, and took a long circuit
through the bushes to avoid him.
About four in the afternoon I reached Modiboo, where I found my saddle.
The guide, who had got there before me, being afraid that I should inform
the king of his conduct, had brought the saddle with him in a canoe.
While I was conversing with the dooty, and remonstrating against the
guide for having left me in such a situation, I heard a horse neigh
in one of the huts; and the dooty inquired with a smile if I knew who
was speaking to me. He explained himself by telling me that my
horse was still alive, and somewhat recovered from his fatigue; but
he insisted that I should take him along with me, adding that he had
once kept a Moor’s horse for four months, and when the horse had
recovered and got into good condition, the Moor returned and claimed
it, and refused to give him any reward for his trouble.
August 1. - I departed from Modiboo, driving my horse before
me, and in the afternoon reached Nyamee; where I remained three days,
during which time it rained without intermission, and with such violence
that no person could venture out of doors.
August 5. - I departed from Nyamee; but the country was so deluged
that I was frequently in danger of losing the road, and had to wade
across the savannas for miles together, knee-deep in water. Even
the corn ground, which is the driest land in the country, was so completely
flooded that my horse twice stuck fast in the mud, and was not got out
without the greatest difficulty.
In the evening of the same day I arrived at Nyara, where I was well
received by the dooty; and as the 6th was rainy I did not depart until
the morning of the 7th; but the water had swelled to such a height,
that in many places the road was scarcely passable, and though I waded
breast-deep across the swamps I could only reach a small village called
Nemaboo, where however, for a hundred kowries, I procured from some
Foulahs plenty of corn for my horse and milk for myself.
August 8. - The difficulties I had experienced the day before
made me anxious to engage a fellow-traveller, particularly as I was
assured that, in the course of a few days, the country would be so completely
overflowed as to render the road utterly impassable; but though I offered
two hundred kowries for a guide, nobody would accompany me. However,
on the morning following, August 9th, a Moor and his wife, riding upon
two bullocks, and bound for Sego with salt, passed the village, and
agreed to take me along with them; but I found them of little service,
for they were wholly unacquainted with the road, and being accustomed
to a sandy soil, were very bad travellers. Instead of wading before
the bullocks to feel if the ground was solid, the woman boldly entered
the first swamp, riding upon the top of the load; but when she had proceeded
about two hundred yards the bullock sunk into a hole, and threw both
the load and herself among the reeds. The frightened husband stood
for some time seemingly petrified with horror, and suffered his wife
to be almost drowned before he went to her assistance.
About sunset we reached Sibity, but the dooty received me very coolly;
and when I solicited for a guide to Sansanding he told me his people
were otherwise employed. I was shown into a damp old hut, where
I passed a very uncomfortable night; for when the walls of the huts
are softened by the rain they frequently become too weak to support
the weight of the roof. I heard three huts fall during the night,
and was apprehensive that the hut I lodged in would be the fourth.
In the morning, as I went to pull some grass for my horse, I counted
fourteen huts which had fallen in this manner since the commencement
of the rainy season.
It continued to rain with great violence all the 10th; and as the dooty
refused to give me any provisions, I purchased some corn, which I divided
with my horse.
August 11. - The dooty compelled me to depart from the town,
and I set out for Sansanding without any great hopes of faring better
than I had done at Sibity; for I learned, from people who came to visit
me, that a report prevailed, and was universally believed, that I had
come to Bambarra as a spy; and as Mansong had not admitted me into his
presence, the dooties of the different towns were at liberty to treat
me in what manner they pleased. From repeatedly hearing the same
story I had no doubt of the truth of it; but as there was no alternative
I determined to proceed, and a little before sunset I arrived at Sansanding.
My reception was what I expected. Counti Mamadi, who had been
so kind to me formerly, scarcely gave me welcome. Every one wished
to shun me; and my landlord sent a person to inform me that a very unfavourable
report was received from Sego concerning me, and that he wished me to
depart early in the morning. About ten o’clock at night
Counti Mamadi himself came privately to me, and informed me that Mansong
had despatched a canoe to Jenné to bring me back; and he was
afraid I should find great difficulty in going to the west country.
He advised me therefore to depart from Sansanding before daybreak, and
cautioned me against stopping at Diggani, or any town near Sego.
August 12. - I departed from Sansanding, and reached Kabba in
the afternoon. As I approached the town I was surprised to see
several people assembled at the gate, one of whom, as I advanced, came
running towards me, and taking my horse by the bridle, led me round
the walls of the town, and then, pointing to the west, told me to go
along, or it would fare worse with me. It was in vain that I represented
the danger of being benighted in the woods, exposed to the inclemency
of the weather and the fury of wild beasts. “Go along!”
was all the answer; and a number of people coming up and urging me in
the same manner, with great earnestness, I suspected that some of the
king’s messengers, who were sent in search of me, were in the
town, and that these negroes, from mere kindness, conducted me past
it with a view to facilitate my escape. I accordingly took the
road for Sego, with the uncomfortable prospect of passing the night
on the branches of a tree. After travelling about three miles,
I came to a small village near the road. The dooty was splitting
sticks by the gate, but I found I could have no admittance, and when
I attempted to enter, he jumped up, and with the stick he held in his
hand, threatened to strike me off the horse if I presumed to advance
another step.
At a little distance from this village (and further from the road) is
another small one. I conjectured that, being rather out of the
common route, the inhabitants might have fewer objections to give me
house-room for the night; and having crossed some cornfields, I sat
down under a tree by the well. Two or three women came to draw
water, and one of them, perceiving I was a stranger, inquired whither
I was going. I told her I was going for Sego, but being benighted
on the road, I wished to stay at the village until morning, and begged
she would acquaint the dooty with my situation. In a little time
the dooty sent for me, and permitted me to sleep in a large baloon.
August 13. - About ten o’clock I reached a small village
within half a mile of Sego, where I endeavoured, but in vain, to procure
some provisions. Every one seemed anxious to avoid me; and I can
plainly perceive, by the looks and behaviour of the inhabitants, that
some very unfavourable accounts had been circulated concerning me.
I was again informed that Mansong had sent people to apprehend me, and
the dooty’s son told me I had no time to lose if I wished to get
safe out of Bambarra. I now fully saw the danger of my situation,
and determined to avoid Sego altogether. I accordingly mounted
my horse, and taking the road for Diggani, travelled as fast as I could
till I was out of sight of the villagers, when I struck to the westward,
through high grass and swampy ground. About noon I stopped under
a tree to consider what course to take, for I had now no doubt that
the Moors and slatees had misinformed the king respecting the object
of my mission, and that people were absolutely in search of me to convey
me a prisoner to Sego. Sometimes I had thoughts of swimming my
horse across the Niger, and going to the southward for Cape Coast, but
reflecting that I had ten days to travel before I should reach Kong,
and afterwards an extensive country to traverse, inhabited by various
nations with whose language and manners I was totally unacquainted,
I relinquished this scheme, and judged that I should better answer the
purpose of my mission by proceeding to the westward along the Niger,
endeavouring to ascertain how far the river was navigable in that direction.
Having resolved upon this course, I proceeded accordingly, and a little
before sunset arrived at a Foulah village called Sooboo, where, for
two hundred kowries, I procured lodging for the night.
August 14. - I continued my course along the bank of the river,
through a populous and well-cultivated country. I passed a walled
town called Kamalia {2}
without stopping, and at noon rode through a large town called Samee,
where there happened to be a market, and a number of people assembled
in an open place in the middle of the town, selling cattle, cloth, corn,
&c. I rode through the midst of them without being much observed,
every one taking me for a Moor. In the afternoon I arrived at
a small village called Binni, where I agreed with the dooty’s
son, for one hundred kowries, to allow me to stay for the night; but
when the dooty returned, he insisted that I should instantly leave the
place, and if his wife and son had not interceded for me, I must have
complied.
August 15. - About nine o’clock I passed a large town called
Sai, which very much excited my curiosity. It is completely surrounded
by two very deep trenches, at about two hundred yards distant from the
walls. On the top of the trenches are a number of square towers,
and the whole has the appearance of a regular fortification.
About noon I came to the village of Kaimoo, situated upon the bank of
the river, and as the corn I had purchased at Sibili was exhausted,
I endeavoured to purchase a fresh supply, but was informed that corn
was become very scarce all over the country, and though I offered fifty
kowries for a small quantity, no person would sell me any. As
I was about to depart, however, one of the villagers (who probably mistook
me for some Moorish shereef) brought me some as a present, only desiring
me to bestow my blessing upon him, which I did in plain English, and
he received it with a thousand acknowledgments. Of this present
I made my dinner, and it was the third successive day that I had subsisted
entirely upon raw corn.
In the evening I arrived at a small village called Song, the surly inhabitants
of which would not receive me, nor so much as permit me to enter the
gate; but as lions were very numerous in this neighbourhood, and I had
frequently, in the course of the day, observed the impression of their
feet on the road, I resolved to stay in the vicinity of the village.
Having collected some grass for my horse, I accordingly lay down under
a tree by the gate. About ten o’clock I heard the hollow
roar of a lion at no great distance, and attempted to open the gate,
but the people from within told me that no person must attempt to enter
the gate without the dooty’s permission. I begged them to
inform the dooty that a lion was approaching the village, and I hoped
he would allow me to come within the gate. I waited for an answer
to this message with great anxiety, for the lion kept prowling round
the village, and once advanced so very near me that I heard him rustling
among the grass, and climbed the tree for safety. About midnight
the dooty. with some of his people, opened the gate, and desired me
to come in. They were convinced, they said, that I was not a Moor,
for no Moor ever waited any time at the gate of a village without cursing
the inhabitants.
August 16. - About ten o’clock I passed a considerable
town, with a mosque, called Jabbee. Here the country begins to
rise into hills, and I could see the summits of high mountains to the
westward. About noon I stopped at a small village near Yamina,
where I purchased some corn, and dried my papers and clothes.
The town of Yamina at a distance has a very fine appearance. It
covers nearly the same extent of ground as Sansanding, but having been
plundered by Daisy, king of Kaarta, about four years ago, it has not
yet resumed its former prosperity, nearly one-half of the town being
nothing but a heap of ruins. However, it is still a considerable
place, and is so much frequented by the Moors that I did not think it
safe to lodge in it, but in order to satisfy myself respecting its population
and extent, I resolved to ride through it, in doing which I observed
a great many Moors sitting upon the bentangs, and other places of public
resort. Everybody looked at me with astonishment, but as I rode
briskly along they had no time to ask questions.
I arrived in the evening at Farra, a walled village, where, without
much difficulty, I procured a lodging for the night.
August 17. - Early in the morning I pursued my journey, and at
eight o’clock passed a considerable town called Balaba, after
which the road quits the plain, and stretches along the side of the
hill. I passed in the course of this day the ruins of three towns,
the inhabitants of which were all carried away by Daisy, king of Kaarta,
on the same day that he took and plundered Yamina. Near one of
these ruins I climbed a tamarind-tree, but found the fruit quite green
and sour, and the prospect of the country was by no means inviting,
for the high grass and bushes seemed completely to obstruct the road,
and the low lands were all so flooded by the river, that the Niger had
the appearance of an extensive lake. In the evening I arrived
at Kanika, where the dooty, who was sitting upon an elephant’s
hide at the gate, received me kindly, and gave me for supper some milk
and meal, which I considered (as to a person in my situation it really
was) a very great luxury.
August 18. - By mistake I took the wrong road, and did not discover
my error until I had travelled nearly four miles, when, coming to an
eminence, I observed the Niger considerably to the left. Directing
my course towards it, I travelled through long grass and bushes with
great difficulty until two o’clock in thee afternoon, when I came
to a comparatively small but very rapid river, which I took at first
for a creek, or one of the streams of the Niger. However, after
I had examined it with more attention, I was convinced that it was a
distinct river, and as the road evidently crossed it (for I could see
the pathway on the opposite side), I sat down upon the bank in hopes
that some traveller might arrive who would give me the necessary information
concerning the fording-place - for the banks were so covered with reeds
and bushes that it would have been almost impossible to land on the
other side, except at the pathway, which, on account of the rapidity
of the stream, it seemed very difficult to reach. No traveller
however arriving, and there being a great appearance of rain, I examined
the grass and bushes for some way up the bank, and determined upon entering
the river considerably above the pathway, in order to reach the other
side before the stream had swept me too far down. With this view
I fastened my clothes upon the saddle, and was standing up to the neck
in water, pulling my horse by the bridle to make him follow me, where
a man came accidentally to the place, and seeing me in the water, called
to me with great vehemence to come out. The alligators, he said,
would devour both me and my horse, if we attempted to swim over.
When I had got out, the stranger, who had never before seen a European,
seemed wonderfully surprised. He twice put his hand to his mouth,
exclaiming, in a low tone of voice, “God preserve me! who is this?”
but when he heard me speak the Bambarra tongue, and found that I was
going the same way as himself, he promised to assist me in crossing
the river, the name of which he said was Frina. He then went a
little way along the bank, and called to some person, who answered from
the other side. In a short time a canoe with two boys came paddling
from among the reeds. These boys agreed for fifty kowries to transport
me and my horse over the river, which was effected without much difficulty,
and I arrived in the evening at Taffara, a walled town, and soon discovered
that the language of the natives was improved from the corrupted dialect
of Bambarra to the pure Mandingo.
CHAPTER XVIII - DESPAIRING THOUGHTS - ARRIVAL AT SIBIDOOLOO
On my arrival at Taffara I inquired for the dooty, but was informed
that he had died a few days before my arrival, and that there was at
that moment a meeting of the chief men for electing another, there being
some dispute about the succession. It was probably owing to this
unsettled state of the town that I experienced such a want of hospitality
in it, for though I informed the inhabitants that I should only remain
with them for one night, and assured them that Mansong had given me
some kowries to pay for my lodging, yet no person invited me to come
in, and I was forced to sit alone under the bentang-tree, exposed to
the rain and wind of a tornado, which lasted with great violence until
midnight. At this time the stranger who had assisted me in crossing
the river paid me a visit, and observing that I had not found a lodging,
invited me to take part of his supper, which he had brought to the door
of his hut; for, being a guest himself, he could not, without his landlord’s
consent, invite me to come in. After this I slept upon some wet
grass in the corner of a court. My horse fared still worse than
myself, the corn I purchased being all expended, and I could not procure
a supply.
August 20. - I passed the town of Jaba, and stopped a few minutes
at a village called Somino, where I begged and obtained some coarse
food, which the natives prepare from the husks of corn, and call boo.
About two o’clock I came to the village of Sooha, and endeavoured
to purchase some corn from the dooty, who was sitting by the gate, but
without success. I then requested a little food by way of charity,
but was told he had none to spare. Whilst I was examining the
countenance of this inhospitable old man, and endeavouring to find out
the cause of the sullen discontent which was visible in his eye, he
called to a slave who was working in the cornfield at a little distance,
and ordered him to bring his hoe along with him. The dooty then
told him to dig a hole in the ground, pointing to a spot at no great
distance. The slave, with his hoe, began to dig a pit in the earth,
and the dooty, who appeared to be a man of very fretful disposition,
kept muttering and talking to himself until the pit was almost finished,
when he repeatedly pronounced the words “dankatoo”
(“good for nothing”) - “jankra lemen”
(“a real plague”) - which expressions I thought could be
applied to nobody but myself; and as the pit had very much the appearance
of a grave, I thought it prudent to mount my horse, and was about to
decamp, when the slave, who had before gone into the village, to my
surprise returned with the corpse of a boy about nine or ten years of
age. quite naked. The negro carried the body by a leg and an arm,
and threw it into the pit with a savage indifference which I had never
before seen. As he covered the body with earth, the dooty often
expressed himself, “naphula attiniata” (“money
lost”), whence I concluded that the boy had been one of his slaves.
Departing from this shocking scene, I travelled by the side of the river
until sunset, when I came to Koolikorro, a considerable town, and a
great market for salt. Here I took up my lodging at the house
of a Bambarran, who had formerly been the slave of a Moor, and in that
character had travelled to Aroan, Towdinni, and many other places in
the Great Desert; but turning Mussulman, and his master dying at Jenné,
he obtained his freedom and settled at this place, where he carries
on a considerable trade in salt, cotton cloth, &c. His knowledge
of the world had not lessened that superstitious confidence in saphies
and charms which he had imbibed in his earlier years, for when he heard
that I was a Christian, he immediately thought of procuring a saphie,
and for this purpose brought out his walha, or writing-board,
assuring me that he would dress me a supper of rice if I would write
him a saphie to protect him from wicked men. The proposal was
of too great consequence to me to be refused. I therefore wrote
the board full, from top to bottom, on both sides; and my landlord,
to be certain of having the whole force of the charm, washed the writing
from the board into a calabash with a little water, and having said
a few prayers over it, drank this powerful draught; after which, lest
a single word should escape, he licked the board until it was quite
dry. A saphie-writer was a man of too great consequence to be
long concealed; the important information was carried to the dooty,
who sent his son with half a sheet of writing-paper, desiring me to
write him a naphula saphie (a charm to procure wealth).
He brought me, as a present, some meal and milk, and when I had finished
the saphie, and read it to him with an audible voice, he seemed highly
satisfied with his bargain, and promised to bring me in the morning
some milk for my breakfast. When I had finished my supper of rice
and salt, I laid myself down upon a bullock’s hide, and slept
very quietly until morning, this being the first good meal and refreshing
sleep that I had enjoyed for a long time.
August 21. - At daybreak I departed from Koolikorro, and about
noon passed the villages of Kayoo and Toolumbo. In the afternoon
I arrived at Marraboo, a large town, and, like Koolikorro, famous for
its trade in salt. I was conducted to the house of a Kaartan,
of the tribe of Jower, by whom I was well received. This man had
acquired a considerable property in the slave-trade, and, from his hospitality
to strangers, was called, by way of pre-eminence, jatee (the
landlord), and his house was a sort of public inn for all travellers.
Those who had money were well lodged, for they always made him some
return for his kindness, but those who had nothing to give were content
to accept whatever he thought proper; and as I could not rank myself
among the moneyed men, I was happy to take up my lodging in the same
but with seven poor fellows who had come from Kancaba in a canoe.
But our landlord sent us some victuals.
August 22 - One of the landlord’s servants went with me
a little way from the town to show me what road to take, but, whether
from ignorance or design I know not, he directed me wrong, and I did
not discover my mistake until the day was far advanced, when, coming
to a deep creek, I had some thoughts of turning back, but as by that
means I foresaw that I could not possibly reach Bammakoo before night,
I resolved to cross it, and, leading my horse close to the brink, I
went behind him and pushed him headlong into the water, and then taking
the bridle in my teeth, swam over to the other side. About four
o’clock in the afternoon, having altered my course from the river
towards the mountains, I came to a small pathway which led to a village
called Frookaboo, where I slept.
August 23 - Early in the morning I set out for Bammakoo, at which
place I arrived about five o’clock in the afternoon. I had
heard Bammakoo much talked of as a great market for salt, and I felt
rather disappointed to find it only a middling town, not quite so large
as Marraboo; however, the smallness of its size is more than compensated
by the richness of its inhabitants, for when the Moors bring their salt
through Kaarta or Bambarra, they constantly rest a few days at this
place, and the negro merchants here, who are well acquainted with the
value of salt in different kingdoms, frequently purchase by wholesale,
and retail it to great advantage. Here I lodged at the house of
a Serawoolli negro, and was visited by a number of Moors. They
spoke very good Mandingo, and were more civil to me than their countrymen
had been. One of them had travelled to Rio Grande, and spoke very
highly of the Christians. He sent me in the evening some boiled
rice and milk. I now endeavoured to procure information concerning
my route to the westward from a slave merchant who had resided some
years on the Gambia. He gave me some imperfect account of the
distance, and enumerated the names of a great many places that lay in
the way, but withal told me that the road was impassable at this season
of the year: he was even afraid, he said, that I should find great difficulty
in proceeding any farther; as the road crossed the Joliba at a town
about half a day’s journey to the westward of Bammakoo, and there
being no canoes at that place large enough to receive my horse, I could
not possibly get him over for some months to come. This was an
obstruction of a very serious nature; but as I had no money to maintain
myself even for a few days, I resolved to push on, and if I could not
convey my horse across the river, to abandon him, and swim over myself.
In thoughts of this nature I passed the night, and in the morning consulted
with my landlord how I should surmount the present difficulty.
He informed me that one road still remained, which was indeed very rocky,
and scarcely passable for horses, but that if I had a proper guide over
the hills to a town called Sibidooloo, he had no doubt but with patience
and caution I might travel forwards through Manding. I immediately
applied to the dooty, and was informed that a jilli kea (singing
man) was about to depart for Sibidooloo, and would show me the road
over the hills. With this man, who undertook to be my conductor,
I travelled up a rocky glen about two miles, when we came to a small
village, and here my musical fellow-traveller found out that he had
brought me the wrong road. He told me that the horse-road lay
on the other side of the hill, and throwing his drum on his back, mounted
up the rocks where, indeed, no horse could follow him, leaving me to
admire his agility, and trace out a road for myself. As I found
it impossible to proceed, I rode back to the level ground, and directing
my course to the eastward, came about noon to another glen, and discovered
a path on which I observed the marks of horses’ feet. Following
this path I came in a short time to some shepherds’ huts, where
I was informed that I was in the right road, but that I could not possibly
reach Sibidooloo before night.
A little before sunset I descended on the north-west side of this ridge
of hills, and as I was looking about for a convenient tree under which
to pass the night (for I had no hopes of reaching any town) I descended
into a delightful valley, and soon afterwards arrived at a romantic
village called Kooma. This village is surrounded by a high wall,
and is the sole property of a Mandingo merchant, who fled hither with
his family during a former war. The adjacent fields yield him
plenty of corn, his cattle roam at large in the valley, and the rocky
hills secure him from the depredations of war. In this obscure
retreat he is seldom visited by strangers, but whenever this happens
he makes the weary traveller welcome. I soon found myself surrounded
by a circle of the harmless villagers. They asked a thousand questions
about my country, and, in return for my information, brought corn and
milk for myself, and grass for my horse, kindled a fire in the hut where
I was to sleep, and appeared very anxious to serve me.
August 25. - I departed from Kooma, accompanied by two shepherds
who were going towards Sibidooloo. The road was very steep and
rocky, and as my horse had hurt his feet much in coming from Bammakoo,
he travelled slowly and with great difficulty, for in many places the
ascent was so sharp, and the declivities so great, that if he had made
one false step he must inevitably have been dashed to pieces.
The shepherds being anxious to proceed, gave themselves little trouble
about me or my horse, and kept walking on at a considerable distance.
It was about eleven o’clock, as I stopped to drink a little water
at a rivulet (my companions being near a quarter of a mile before me),
that I heard some people calling to each other, and presently a loud
screaming, as from a person in great distress. I immediately conjectured
that a lion had taken one of the shepherds, and mounted my horse to
have a better view of what had happened. The noise, however, ceased,
and I rode slowly towards the place from whence I thought it had proceeded,
calling out, but without receiving any answer. In a little time,
however, I perceived one of the shepherds lying among the long grass
near the road, and though I could see no blood upon him, I concluded
he was dead. But when I came close to him, he whispered to me
to stop, telling me that a party of armed men had seized upon his companion,
and shot two arrows at himself as he was making his escape. I
stopped to consider what course to take, and looking round, saw at a
little distance a man sitting upon the stump of a tree. I distinguished
also the heads of six or seven more, sitting among the grass, with muskets
in their hands. I had now no hopes of escaping, and therefore
determined to ride forward towards them. As I approached them,
I was in hopes they were elephant-hunters; and by way of opening the
conversation inquired if they had shot anything, but without returning
an answer one of them ordered me to dismount, and then, as if recollecting
himself, waved with his hand for me to proceed. I accordingly
rode past, and had with some difficulty crossed a deep rivulet, when
I heard somebody holloa, and looking behind, saw those I had taken for
elephant-hunters running after me, and calling out to me to turn back.
I stopped until they were all come up, when they informed me that the
king of the Foulahs had sent them on purpose to bring me, my horse,
and everything that belonged to me, to Fooladoo, and that therefore
I must turn back and go along with them. Without hesitating a
moment, I turned round and followed them, and we travelled together
nearly a quarter of a mile without exchanging a word; when, coming to
a dark place in a wood, one of them said in the Mandingo language, “This
place will do,” and immediately snatched my hat from my head.
Though I was by no means free of apprehension, yet I resolved to show
as few signs of fear as possible, and therefore told them that unless
my hat was returned to me I should proceed no farther. But before
I had time to receive an answer another drew his knife, and seizing
upon a metal button which remained upon my waistcoat, cut it off and
put it into his pocket. Their intentions were obvious, and I thought
that the easier they were permitted to rob me of everything, the less
I had to fear. I therefore allowed them to search my pockets without
resistance, and examine every part of my apparel, which they did with
the most scrupulous exactness. But observing that I had one waistcoat
under another, they insisted that I should cast them both off; and at
last, to make sure work, they stripped me quite naked. Even my
half-boots (though the sole of one of them was tied on to my foot with
a broken bridle rein) were minutely inspected. Whilst they were
examining the plunder, I begged them, with great earnestness, to return
my pocket-compass; but when I pointed it out to them as it was lying
on the ground, one of the banditti, thinking I was about to take it
up, cocked his musket, and swore that he would lay me dead upon the
spot if I presumed to put my hand upon it. After this, some of
them went away with my horse, and the remainder stood considering whether
they should leave me quite naked, or allow me something to shelter me
from the sun. Humanity at last prevailed; they returned me the
worst of the two shirts and a pair of trousers; and, as they went away,
one of them threw back my hat, in the crown of which I kept my memorandums,
and this was probably the reason they did not wish to keep it.
After they were gone, I sat for some time looking round me within amazement
and terror. Whichever way I turned, nothing appeared but danger
and difficulty. I saw myself in the midst of a vast wilderness,
in the depth of the rainy season - naked and alone, surrounded by savage
animals, and men still more savage. I was five hundred miles from
the nearest European settlement. All these circumstances crowded
at once on my recollection, and I confess that my spirits began to fail
me. I considered my fate as certain, and that I had no alternative
but to lie down and perish. The influence of religion, however,
aided and supported me. I reflected that no human prudence or
foresight could possibly have averted my present sufferings. I
was indeed a stranger in a strange land, yet I was still under the protecting
eye of that Providence who has condescended to call Himself the stranger’s
Friend. At this moment, painful as my reflections were, the extraordinary
beauty of a small moss in fructification irresistibly caught my eye.
I mention this to show from what trifling circumstances the mind will
sometimes derive consolation; for though the whole plant was not larger
than the top of one of my fingers, I could not contemplate the delicate
conformation of its roots, leaves, and capsula without admiration.
Can that Being, thought I, who planted, watered, and brought to perfection,
in this obscure part of the world, a thing which appears of so small
importance, look within unconcern upon the situation and sufferings
of creatures formed after His own image? Surely not! Reflections
like these would not allow me to despair. I started up, and, disregarding
both hunger and fatigue, travelled forwards, assured that relief was
at hand; and I was not disappointed. In a short time I came to
a small village, at the entrance of which I overtook the two shepherds
who had come with me from Kooma. They were much surprised to see
me; for they said they never doubted that the Foulahs, when they had
robbed, had murdered me. Departing from this village, we travelled
over several rocky ridges, and at sunset arrived at Sibidooloo, the
frontier town of the kingdom of Manding.
CHAPTER XIX - ILLNESS AT KAMALIA AND KINDNESS OF THE NATIVES
The town of Sibidooloo is situated in a fertile valley, surrounded with
high, rocky hills. It is scarcely accessible for horses, and during
the frequent wars between the Bambarrans, Foulahs, and Mandingoes has
never once been plundered by an enemy. When I entered the town,
the people gathered round me and followed me into the baloon, where
I was presented to the dooty or chief man, who is here called mansa,
which usually signifies king. Nevertheless, it appeared to me
that the government of Manding was a sort of republic, or rather an
oligarchy - every town having a particular mansa, and the chief power
of the state, in the last resort, being lodged in the assembly of the
whole body. I related to the mansa the circumstances of my having
been robbed of my horse and apparel; and my story was confirmed by the
two shepherds. He continued smoking his pipe all the time I was
speaking; but I had no sooner finished, than, taking his pipe from his
mouth, and tossing up the sleeve of his cloak with an indignant air
- “Sit down,” said he; “you shall have everything
restored to you; I have sworn it:” - and then turning to an attendant,
“Give the white man,” said he, “a draught of water;
and with the first light of the morning go over the hills, and inform
the dooty of Bammakoo that a poor white man, the king of Bambarra’s
stranger, has been robbed by the king of Fooladoo’s people.”
I little expected, in my forlorn condition, to meet with a man who could
thus feel for my sufferings. I heartily thanked the mansa for
his kindness, and accepted his invitation to remain with him until the
return of the messenger. I was conducted into a hut and had some
victuals sent me, but the crowd of people which assembled to see me
- all of whom commiserated my misfortunes, and vented imprecations against
the Foulahs - prevented me from sleeping until past midnight.
Two days I remained without hearing any intelligence of my horse or
clothes; and as there was at this time a great scarcity of provisions,
approaching even to famine, all over this part of the country, I was
unwilling to trespass any farther on the mansa’s generosity, and
begged permission to depart to the next village. Finding me very
anxious to proceed, he told me that I might go as far as a town called
Wonda, where he hoped I would remain a few days until I heard some account
of my horse, etc.
I departed accordingly on the next morning, the 28th, and stopped at
some small villages for refreshment. I was presented at one of
them with a dish which I had never before seen. It was composed
of the blossoms or antheræ of the maize, stewed in milk
and water. It is eaten only in time of great scarcity. On
the 30th, about noon, I arrived at Wonda, a small town with a mosque,
and surrounded by a high wall. The mansa, who was a Mohammedan,
acted in two capacities - as chief magistrate of the town, and schoolmaster
to the children. He kept his school in an open shed, where I was
desired to take up my lodging until some account should arrive from
Sibidooloo concerning my horse and clothes; for though the horse was
of little use to me, yet the few clothes were essential, The little
raiment upon me could neither protect me from the sun by day, nor the
dews and mosquitoes by night: indeed, my shirt was not only worn thin
like a piece of muslin, but withal so very dirty that I was happy to
embrace an opportunity of washing it, which having done, and spread
it upon a bush, I sat down naked in the shade until it was dry.
Ever since the commencement of the rainy season my health had been greatly
on the decline. I had often been affected with slight paroxysms
of fever; and from the time of leaving Bammakoo the symptoms had considerably
increased. As I was sitting in the manner described, the fever
returned with such violence that it very much alarmed me; the more so
as I had no medicine to stop its progress, nor any hope of obtaining
that care and attention which my situation required.
I remained at Wonda nine days, during which time I experienced the regular
return of the fever every day. And though I endeavoured as much
as possible to conceal my distress from my landlord, and frequently
lay down the whole day out of his sight, in a field of corn - conscious
how burdensome I was to him and his family in a time of such great scarcity
- yet I found that he was apprised of my situation; and one morning,
as I feigned to be asleep by the fire, he observed to his wife that
they were likely to find me a very troublesome and chargeable guest;
for that, in my present sickly state, they should be obliged, for the
sake of their good name, to maintain me until I recovered or died.
The scarcity of provisions was certainly felt at this time most severely
by the poor people, as the following circumstance most painfully convinced
me:- Every evening during my stay I observed five or six women come
to the mansa’s house, and receive each of them a certain quantity
of corn. As I knew how valuable this article was at this juncture,
I inquired of the mansa whether he maintained these poor women from
pure bounty, or expected a return when the harvest should be gathered
in. “Observe that boy,” said he (pointing to a fine
child about five years of age); “his mother has sold him to me
for forty days’ provision for herself and the rest of her family.
I have bought another boy in the same manner.” Good God!
thought I, what must a mother suffer before she sells her own child!
I could not get this melancholy subject out of my mind; and the next
night, when the women returned for their allowance, I desired the boy
to point out to me his mother, which he did. She was much emaciated,
but had nothing cruel or savage in her countenance; and when she had
received her corn, she came and talked to her son with as much cheerfulness
as if he had still been under her care.
September 6. - Two people arrived from Sibidooloo, bringing with
them my horse and clothes; but I found that my pocket-compass was broken
to pieces. This was a great loss, which I could not repair.
September 7. - As my horse was grazing near the brink of a well
the ground gave way and he fell in. The well was about ten feet
in diameter, and so very deep that when I saw my horse snorting in the
water I thought it was impossible to save him. The inhabitants
of the village, however, immediately assembled, and having tied together
a number of withes, {3}
they lowered a man down into the well, who fastened those withes round
the body of the horse; and the people, having first drawn up the man,
took hold of the withes and, to my surprise, pulled the horse out with
the greatest facility. The poor animal was now reduced to a mere
skeleton, and the roads were scarcely passable, being either very rocky,
or else full of mud and water. I therefore found it impracticable
to travel with him any farther, and was happy to leave him in the hands
of one who, I thought, would take care of him. I accordingly presented
him to my landlord, and desired him to send my saddle and bridle as
a present to the mansa of Sibidooloo, being the only return I could
make him for having taken so much trouble in procuring my horse and
clothes.
I now thought it necessary, sick as I was, to take leave of my hospitable
landlord. On the morning of September 8th, when I was about to
depart, he presented me with his spear, as a token of remembrance, and
a leather bag to contain my clothes. Having converted my half-boots
into sandals, I travelled with more ease, and slept that night at a
village called Ballanti. On the 9th I reached Nemacoo; but the
mansa of the village thought fit to make me sup upon the chameleon’s
dish. By way of apology, however, he assured me the next morning
that the scarcity of corn was such that he could not possibly allow
me any. I could not accuse him of unkindness, as all the people
actually appeared to be starving.
September 10. - It rained hard all day, and the people kept themselves
in their huts. In the afternoon I was visited by a negro, named
Modi Lemina Taura, a great trader, who, suspecting my distress, brought
me some victuals, and promised to conduct me to his own house at Kinyeto
the day following.
September 11. - I departed from Nemacoo, and arrived at Kinyeto
in the evening; but having hurt my ankle in the way, it swelled and
inflamed so much that I could neither walk nor set my foot to the ground
the next day without great pain. My landlord, observing this,
kindly invited me to stop with him a few days, and I accordingly remained
at his house until the 14th, by which the I felt much relieved, and
could walk with the help of a staff. I now set out, thanking my
landlord for his great care and attention; and being accompanied by
a young man who was travelling the same way, I proceeded for Jerijang,
a beautiful and well-cultivated district, the mansa of which is reckoned
the most powerful chief of any in Manding.
On the 15th I reached Dosita, a large town, where I stayed one day on
account of the rain; but I continued very sickly, and was slightly delirious
in the night. On the 17th I set out for Mansia, a considerable
town, where small quantities of gold are collected. The road led
over a high, rocky hill, and my strength and spirits were so much exhausted
that before I could reach the top of the hill I was forced to lie down
three times, being very faint and sickly. I reached Mansia in
the afternoon. The mansa of this town had the character of being
very inhospitable; he, however, sent me a little corn for my supper,
but demanded something in return; and when I assured him that I had
nothing of value in my possession, he told me (as if in jest) that my
white skin should not defend me if I told him lies. He then showed
me the hut wherein I was to sleep, but took away my spear, saying that
it should be returned to me in the morning. This trifling circumstance,
when joined to the character I had heard of the man, made me rather
suspicious of him, and I privately desired one of the inhabitants of
the place, who had a bow and a quiver, to sleep in the same hunt with
me. About midnight I heard somebody approach the door, and, observing
the moonlight strike suddenly into the hut, I started up and saw a man
stepping cautiously over the threshold. I immediately snatched
up the negro’s bow and quiver, the rattling of which made the
man withdraw; and my companion, looking out, assured me that it was
the mansa himself, and advised me to keep awake until the morning.
I closed the door, and placed a large piece of wood behind it, and was
wondering at this unexpected visit, when somebody pressed so hard against
the door that the negro could scarcely keep it shut; but when I called
to him to open the door, the intruder ran off as before.
September 16. - As soon as it was light the negro, at my request,
went to the mansa’s house and brought away my spear. He
told me that the mansa was asleep, and lest this inhospitable chief
should devise means to detain me, he advised me to set out before he
was awake, which I immediately did, and about two o’clock reached
Kamalia, a small town situated at the bottom of some rocky hills, where
the inhabitants collect gold in considerable quantities.
On my arrival at Kamalia I was conducted to the house of a bushreen
named Karfa Taura, the brother of him to whose hospitality I was indebted
at Kinyeto. He was collecting a coffle of slaves, with a view
to sell them to the Europeans on the Gambia as soon as the rains should
be over. I found him sitting in his baloon, surrounded by several
slatees who proposed to join the coffle. He was reading to them
from an Arabic book, and inquired with a smile if I understood it.
Being answered in the negative, he desired one of the slatees to fetch
the little curious book which had been brought from the west country.
On opening this small volume I was surprised and delighted to find it
our Book of Common Prayer, and Karfa expressed great joy to hear that
I could read it; for some of the slatees, who had seen the Europeans
upon the coast, observing the colour of my skin (which was now become
very yellow from sickness), my long beard, ragged clothes, and extreme
poverty, were unwilling to admit that I was a white man, and told Karfa
that they suspected I was some Arab in disguise. Karfa, however,
perceiving that I could read this book, had no doubt concerning me,
and kindly promised me every assistance in his power. At the same
time he informed me that it was impossible to cross the Jallonka wilderness
for many months yet to come, as no less than eight rapid rivers, he
said, lay in the way. He added that he intended to set out himself
for Gambia as soon as the rivers were fordable and the grass burnt,
and advised me to stay and accompany him. He remarked that when
a caravan of the natives could not travel through the country it was
idle for a single white man to attempt it. I readily admitted
that such an attempt was an act of rashness, but I assured him that
I had no alternative, for, having no money to support myself, I must
either beg my subsistence by travelling from place to place, or perish
for want. Karfa now looked at me with great earnestness, and inquired
if I could eat the common victuals of the country, assuring me he had
never before seen a white man. He added that if I would remain
with him until the rains were over, he would give me plenty of victuals
in the meantime, and a hut to sleep in; and that after he had conducted
me in safety to the Gambia, I might then make him what return I thought
proper. I asked him if the value of one prime slave would satisfy
him. He answered in the affirmative, and immediately ordered one
of the huts to be swept for my accommodation. Thus was I delivered,
by the friendly care of this benevolent negro, from a situation truly
deplorable. Distress and famine pressed hard upon me. I
had before me the gloomy wilds of Jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees
no habitation for five successive days. I had observed at a distance
the rapid course of the river Kokoro. I had almost marked out
the place where I was doomed, I thought, to perish, when this friendly
negro stretched out his hospitable hand for my relief.
In the hut which was appropriated for me I was provided with a mat to
sleep on, an earthen jar for holding water, and a small calabash to
drink out of; and Karfa sent me, from his own dwelling, two meals a
day, and ordered his slaves to supply me with firewood and water.
But I found that neither the kindness of Karfa nor any sort of accommodation
could put a stop to the fever which weakened me, and which became every
day more alarming. I endeavoured as much as possible to conceal
my distress; but on the third day after my arrival, as I was going with
Karfa to visit some of his friends, I found myself so faint that I could
scarcely walk, and before we reached the place I staggered and fell
into a pit, from which the clay had been taken to build one of the huts.
Karfa endeavoured to console me with the hopes of a speedy recovery,
assuring me that if I would not walk out in the wet I should soon be
well. I determined to follow his advice, and confine myself to
my hut, but was still tormented with the fever, and my health continued
to be in a very precarious state for five ensuing weeks. Sometimes
I could crawl out of the hut, and sit a few hours in the open air; at
other times I was unable to rise, and passed the lingering hours in
a very gloomy and solitary manner. I was seldom visited by any
person except my benevolent landlord, who came daily to inquire after
my health.
When the rains became less frequent, and the country began to grow dry,
the fever left me, but in so debilitated a condition that I could scarcely
stand upright; and it was with great difficulty that I could carry my
mat to the shade of a tamarind-tree, at a short distance, to enjoy the
refreshing smell of the cornfields, and delight my eyes with a prospect
of the country. I had the pleasure at length to find myself in
a state of convalescence, towards which the benevolent and simple manners
of the negroes, and the perusal of Karfa’s little volume, greatly
contributed.
In the meantime many of the slatees who reside at Kamalia having spent
all their money, and become in a great measure dependent upon Karfa’s
hospitality, beheld me with an eye of envy, and invented many ridiculous
and trifling stories to lessen me in Karfa’s esteem. And
in the beginning of December a Serawoolli slatee, with five slaves,
arrived from Sego; this man, too, spread a number of malicious reports
concerning me, but Karfa paid no attention to them, and continued to
show me the same kindness as formerly. As I was one day conversing
with the slaves which this slatee had brought, one of them begged me
to give him some victuals. I told him I was a stranger, and had
none to give. He replied, “I gave you victuals when you
were hungry. Have you forgot the man who brought you milk at Karrankalla?
But,” added he with a sigh, “the irons were not then
upon my legs!” I immediately recollected him, and begged
some ground nuts from Karfa to give him, as a return for his former
kindness.
In the beginning of December, Karfa proposed to complete his purchase
of slaves, and for this purpose collected all the debts which were owing
to him in his own country; and on the 19th, being accompanied by three
slatees, he departed for Kancaba, a large town on the banks of the Niger
and a great slave-market. Most of the slaves who are sold at Kancaba
come from Bambarra; for Mansong, to avoid the expense and danger of
keeping all his prisoners at Sego, commonly sends them in small parties
to be sold at the different trading towns; and as Kancaba is much resorted
to by merchants it is always well supplied with slaves, which are sent
thither up the Niger in canoes. When Karfa departed from Kamalia
he proposed to return in the course of a month, and during his absence
I was left to the care of a good old bushreen, who acted as schoolmaster
to the young people of Kamalia.
CHAPTER XX - NEGRO CUSTOMS
The whole of my route, both in going and returning, having been confined
to a tract of country bounded nearly by the 12th and 15th parallels
of latitude, the reader must imagine that I found the climate in most
places extremely hot, but nowhere did I feel the heat so intense and
oppressive as in the camp at Benowm, of which mention has been made
in a former place. In some parts, where the country ascends into
hills, the air is at all times, comparatively cool; yet none of the
districts which I traversed could properly be called mountainous.
About the middle of June the hot and sultry atmosphere is agitated by
violent gusts of wind (called tornadoes), accompanied with thunder and
rain. These usher in what is denominated “the rainy season,”
which continues until the month of November. During this time
the diurnal rains are very heavy, and the prevailing winds are from
the south-west. The termination of the rainy season is likewise
attended with violent tornadoes, after which the wind shifts to the
north-east, and continues to blow from that quarter during the rest
of the year
When the wind sets in from the north-east it produces a wonderful change
in the face of the country. The grass soon becomes dry and withered,
the rivers subside very rapidly, and many of the trees shed their leaves.
About this period is commonly felt the harmattan, a dry and parching
wind blowing from the north-east, and accompanied by a thick smoky haze,
through which the sun appears of a dull red colour. This wind
in passing over the great desert of Sahara acquires a very strong attraction
for humidity, and parches up everything exposed to its current.
It is, however, reckoned very salutary, particularly to Europeans, who
generally recover their health during its continuance. I experienced
immediate relief from sickness, both at Dr. Laidley’s and at Kamalia,
during the harmattan. Indeed, the air during the rainy season
is so loaded with moisture that clothes, shoes, trunks, and everything
that is not close to the fire becomes damp and mouldy, and the inhabitants
may be said to live in a sort of vapour-bath; but this dry wind braces
up the solids, which were before relaxed, gives a cheerful flow of spirits,
and is even pleasant to respiration. Its ill effects are, that
it produces chaps in the lips, and afflicts many of the natives with
sore eyes.
Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry the negroes set it on fire; but
in Ludamar and other Moorish countries this practice is not allowed,
for it is upon the withered stubble that the Moors feed their cattle
until the return of the rains. The burning the grass in Manding
exhibits a scene of terrific grandeur. In the middle of the night
I could see the plains and mountains, as far as my eye could reach,
variegated with lines of fire, and the light, reflected on the sky,
made the heavens appear in a blaze. In the daytime pillars of
smoke were seen in every direction, while the birds of prey were observed
hovering round the conflagration, and pouncing down upon the snakes,
lizards, and other reptiles which attempted to escape from the flames.
This annual burning is soon followed by a fresh and sweet verdure, and
the country is thereby rendered more healthful and pleasant.
Of the most remarkable and important of the vegetable productions mention
has already been made; and they are nearly the same in all the districts
through which I passed. It is observable, however, that although
many species of the edible roots which grow in the West India Islands
are found in Africa, yet I never saw, in any part of my journey, either
the sugar-cane, the coffee, or the cocoa-tree, nor could I learn, on
inquiry, that they were known to the natives. The pine-apple and
the thousand other delicious fruits which the industry of civilised
man (improving the bounties of nature) has brought to so great perfection
in the tropical climates of America, are here equally unknown.
I observed, indeed, a few orange and banana trees near the month of
the Gambia, but whether they were indigenous, or were formerly planted
there by some of the white traders, I could not positively learn.
I suspect that they were originally introduced by the Portuguese.
Concerning property in the soil, it appeared to me that the lands in
native woods were considered as belonging to the king, or (where the
government was not monarchical) to the state. When any individual
of free condition had the means of cultivating more land than he actually
possessed, he applied to the chief man of the district, who allowed
him an extension of territory, on condition of forfeiture if the lands
were not brought into cultivation by a given period. The condition
being fulfilled, the soil became vested in the possessor, and, for ought
that appeared to me, descended his heirs.
The population, however, considering the extent and fertility of the
soil, and the ease with which lands are obtained, is not very great
in the countries which I visited. I found many extensive and beautiful
districts entirely destitute of inhabitants, and, in general, the borders
of the different kingdoms were either very thinly peopled or entirely
deserted. Many places are likewise unfavourable to population
from being unhealthful. The swampy banks of the Gambia, the Senegal,
and other rivers towards the coast, are of this description. Perhaps
it is on this account chiefly that the interior countries abound more
with inhabitants than the maritime districts; for all the negro nations
that fell under my observation, though divided into a number of petty
independent states, subsist chiefly by the same means, live nearly in
the same temperature, and possess a wonderful similarity of disposition.
The Mandingoes, in particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful in their
dispositions, inquisitive, credulous, simple, and fond of flattery.
Perhaps the most prominent defect in their character was that insurmountable
propensity, which the reader must have observed to prevail in all classes
of them, to steal from me the few effects I was possessed of.
For this part of their conduct no complete justification can be offered,
because theft is a crime in their own estimation; and it must be observed
that they are not habitually and generally guilty of it towards each
other.
On the other hand, as some counterbalance to this depravity in their
nature, allowing it to be such, it is impossible for me to forget the
disinterested charity and tender solicitude with which many of these
poor heathens (from the sovereign of Sego to the poor women who received
me at different times into their cottages when I was perishing of hunger)
sympathised with me in my sufferings, relieved my distresses, and contributed
to my safety. This acknowledgment, however, is perhaps more particularly
due to the female part of the nation. Among the men, as the reader
must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, was sometimes otherwise.
It varied according to the various tempers of those to whom I made application.
The hardness of avarice in some, and the blindness of bigotry in others,
had closed up the avenues to compassion; but I do not recollect a single
instance of hard-heartedness towards me in the women. In all my
wanderings and wretchedness I found them uniformly kind and compassionate;
and I can truly say, as my predecessor Mr. Ledyard has eloquently said
before me, “To a woman I never addressed myself in the language
of decency and friendship without receiving a decent and friendly answer.
If I was hungry or thirsty, wet or sick, they did not hesitate, like
the men, to perform a generous action. In so free and so kind
a manner did they contribute to my relief, that if I was dry, I drank
the sweetest draught, and if hungry, I ate the coarsest morsel with
a double relish.”
It is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and amiable sympathy
of nature, which was thus spontaneously manifested towards me in my
distress, is displayed by these poor people, as occasion requires, much
more strongly towards persons of their own nation and neighbourhood,
and especially when the objects of their compassion are endeared to
them by the ties of consanguinity. Accordingly the maternal affection
(neither suppressed by the restraints nor diverted by the solicitudes
of civilised life) is everywhere conspicuous among them, and creates
a correspondent return of tenderness in the child. An illustration
of this has been already given. “Strike me,” said
my attendant, “but do not curse my mother.” The same
sentiment I found universally to prevail, and observed in all parts
of Africa that the greatest affront which could be offered to a negro
was to reflect on her who gave him birth.
It is not strange that this sense of filial duty and affection among
the negroes should be less ardent towards the father than the mother.
The system of polygamy, while it weakens the father’s attachment
by dividing it among the children of different wives, concentrates all
the mother’s jealous tenderness to one point - the protection
of her own offspring. I perceived with great satisfaction, too,
that the maternal solicitude extended, not only to the growth and security
of the person, but also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of
the mind of the infant; for one of the first lessons in which the Mandingo
women instruct their children is the practice of truth.
The reader will probably recollect the case of the unhappy mother whose
son was murdered by the Moorish banditti at Funingkedy. Her only
consolation in her uttermost distress was the reflection that the poor
boy, in the course of his blameless life, had never told a lie.
Such testimony from a fond mother on such an occasion must have operated
powerfully on the youthful part of the surrounding spectators.
It was at once a tribute of praise to the deceased and a lesson to the
living.
The negro women suckle their children until they are able to walk of
themselves. Three years’ nursing is not uncommon, and during
this period the husband devotes his whole attention to his other wives.
To this practice it is owing, I presume, that the family of each wife
is seldom very numerous. Few women have more than five or six
children. As soon as an infant is able to walk it is permitted
to run about with great freedom. The mother is not over solicitous
to preserve it from slight falls and other trifling accidents.
A little practice soon enables a child to take care of itself, and experience
acts the part of a nurse. As they advance in life the girls are
taught to spin cotton and to beat corn, and are instructed in other
domestic duties; and the boys are employed in the labours of the field.
Both sexes, whether bushreens or kafirs, on attaining the age of puberty,
are circumcised. This painful operation is not considered by the
kafirs so much in the light of a religious ceremony as a matter of convenience
and utility. They have, indeed, a superstitious notion that it
contributes to render the marriage state prolific. The operation
is performed upon several young people at the same time, all of whom
are exempted from every sort of labour for two months afterwards.
During this period they form a society called solimana.
They visit the towns and villages in the neighbourhood, where they dance
and sing, and are well treated by the inhabitants. I had frequently,
in the course of my journey, observed parties of this description, but
they were all males. I had, however, an opportunity of seeing
a female solimana at Kamalia.
In the course of this celebration it frequently happens that some of
the young women get married. If a man takes a fancy to any one
of them, it is not considered as absolutely necessary that he should
make an overture to the girl herself. The first object is to agree
with the parents concerning the recompense to be given them for the
loss of the company and services of their daughter. The value
of two slaves is a common price, unless the girl is thought very handsome,
in which case the parents will raise their demand very considerably.
If the lover is rich enough, and willing to give the sum demanded, he
then communicates his wishes to the damsel; but her consent is by no
means necessary to the match, for if the parents agree to it and eat
a few kolla-nuts, which are represented by the suitor as an earnest
of the bargain, the young lady must either have the man of their choice
or continue unmarried, for she cannot afterwards be given to another.
If the parents should attempt it, the lover is then authorised by the
laws of the country to seize upon the girl as his slave. When
the day for celebrating the nuptials is fixed on, a select number of
people are invited to be present at the wedding - a bullock or goat
is killed, and great plenty of victuals is dressed for the occasion.
As soon as it is dark the bride is conducted into a hut, where a company
of matrons assist in arranging the wedding-dress, which is always white
cotton, and is put on in such a manner as to conceal the bride from
head to foot. Thus arrayed, she is seated upon a mat in the middle
of the floor, and the old women place themselves in a circle round her.
They then give her a series of instructions, and point out, with great
propriety, what ought to be her future conduct in life. This scene
of instruction, however, is frequently interrupted by girls, who amuse
the company with songs and dances, which are rather more remarkable
for their gaiety than delicacy. While the bride remains within
the hut with the women the bridegroom devotes his attention to the guests
of both sexes, who assemble without doors, and by distributing among
them small presents of kolla-nuts, and seeing that every one partakes
of the good cheer which is provided, he contributes much to the general
hilarity of the evening. When supper is ended, the company spend
the remainder of the night in singing and dancing, and seldom separate
until daybreak. About midnight the bride is privately conducted
by the women into the hut which is to be her future residence, and the
bridegroom, upon a signal given, retires from his company.
The negroes, as hath been frequently observed, whether Mohammedan or
pagan, allow a plurality of wives. The Mohammedans alone are by
their religion confined to four, and as the husband commonly pays a
great price for each, he requires from all of them the utmost deference
and submission, and treats them more like hired servants than companions.
They have. however, the management of domestic affairs, and each in
rotation is mistress of the household, and has the care of dressing
the victuals, overlooking the female slaves, etc. But though the
African husbands are possessed of great authority over their wives I
did not observe that in general they treat them with cruelty, neither
did I perceive that mean jealousy in their dispositions which is so
prevalent among the Moors. They permit their wives to partake
of all public diversions, and this indulgence is seldom abused, for
though the negro women are very cheerful and frank in their behaviour,
they are by no means given to intrigue - I believe that instances of
conjugal infidelity are not common. When the wives quarrel among
themselves - a circumstance which, from the nature of their situation,
must frequently happen - the husband decides between them, and sometimes
finds it necessary to administer a little corporal chastisement before
tranquillity can be restored. But if any one of the ladies complains
to the chief of the town that her husband has unjustly punished her,
and shown an undue partiality to some other of his wives, the affair
is brought to a public trial. In these palavers, however, which
are conducted chiefly by married men, I was informed that the complaint
of the wife is not always considered in a very serious light, and the
complainant herself is sometimes convicted of strife and contention
and left without remedy. If she murmurs at the decision of the
court the magic rod of Mumbo Jumbo soon puts an end to the business.
The children of the Mandingoes are not always named after their relations,
but frequently in consequence of some remarkable occurrence. Thus
my landlord at Kamalia was called Karfa, a word signifying to
replace, because he was born shortly after the death of one of his
brothers. Other names are descriptive of good or bad qualities
- as Modi, a good man; Fadibba, father of the town, etc
Indeed, the very names of their towns have something descriptive in
them, as Sibidooloo, the town of ciboa-trees; Kenneyeto, victuals
here; Dosita, lift your spoon. Others appear to be given
by way of reproach - as Bammakoo, wash a crocodile; Karrankalla,
no cup to drink from, etc. A child is named when it is seven
or eight days old. The ceremony commences by shaving the infant’s
head; and a dish culled dega, made of pounded corn and sour milk,
is prepared for the guests. If the parents are rich, a sheep or
goat is commonly added. The feast is called ding koon lee (the
child’s head-shaving). During my stay at Kamalia I was present
at four different feasts of this kind, and the ceremony was the same
in each, whether the child belonged to a bushreen or a kafir.
The schoolmaster, who officiated as priest on those occasions, and who
is necessarily a bushreen, first said a long prayer over the dega, during
which every person present took hold of the brim of the calabash with
his right hand. After this the schoolmaster took the child in
his arms and said a second prayer, in which he repeatedly solicited
the blessing of God upon the child and upon all the company. When
this prayer was ended he whispered a few sentences in the child’s
ear and spat three times in its face, after which he pronounced its
name aloud, and returned the infant to the mother. {4}
This part of the ceremony being ended, the father of the child divided
the dega into a number of balls, one of which he distributed to every
person present; and inquiry was then made if any person in the town
was dangerously sick, it being usual in such cases to send the party
a large portion of the dega, which is thought to possess great medical
virtues.
Among the negroes every individual, besides his own proper name, has
likewise a kontong, or surname, to denote the family or clan
to which he belongs. Some of these families are very numerous
and powerful. It is impossible to enumerate the various kontongs
which are found in different parts of the country, though the knowledge
of many of them is of great service to the traveller; for as every negro
plumes himself upon the importance or the antiquity of his clan, he
is much flattered when he is addressed by his kontong.
Salutations among the negroes to each other when they meet are always
observed, but those in most general use among the kafirs are, “Abbe
haeretto,” “’E ning seni,” “Anawari,”
etc., all of which have nearly the same meaning, and signify “Are
you well?” or to that effect. There are likewise salutations
which are used at different times of the day, as “E ning somo”
(“Good morning”), etc. The general answer to all salutations
is to repeat the kontong of the person who salutes, or else to repeat
the salutation itself, first pronouncing the word marhaba (“My
friend”).
CHAPTER XXI - RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND INDUSTRIES OF THE MANDINGOES
The Mandingoes and, I believe, the negroes in general, have no artificial
method of dividing time. They calculate the years by the number
of rainy seasons. They portion the year into moons,
and reckon the days by so many suns. The day they divide into
morning, midday, and evening; and farther subdivide it, when necessary,
by pointing to the sun’s place in the heavens. I frequently
inquired of some of them what became of the sun during the night, and
whether we should see the same sun, or a different one, in the morning;
but I found that they considered the question as very childish.
The subject appeared to them as placed beyond the reach of human investigation
- they had never indulged a conjecture, nor formed any hypothesis, about
the matter. The moon, by varying her form, has more attracted
their attention. On the first appearance of the new moon, which
they look upon to be newly created, the pagan natives, as well as Mohammedans,
say a short prayer; and this seems to be the only visible adoration
which the kafirs offer up to the Supreme Being. This prayer is
pronounced in a whisper, the party holding up his hands before his face:
its purport (as I have been assured by many different people) is to
return thanks to God for His kindness through the existence of the past
moon, and to solicit a continuation of His favour during that of the
new one. At the conclusion they spit upon their hands and rub
them over their faces. This seems to be nearly the same ceremony
which prevailed among the heathens in the days of Job. {5}
Great attention, however, is paid to the changes of this luminary in
its monthly course, and it is thought very unlucky to begin a journey,
or any other work of consequence, in the last quarter. An eclipse,
whether of the sun or moon, is supposed to be effected by witchcraft.
The stars are very little regarded; and the whole study of astronomy
appears to them as a useless pursuit, and attended to by such persons
only as deal in magic.
Their notions of geography are equally puerile. They imagine that
the world is an extended plain, the termination of which no eye has
discovered - it being, they say, overhung with clouds and darkness.
They describe the sea as a large river of salt water, on the farther
shore of which is situated a country called Tobaubo doo (the
land of the white people). At a distance from Tobaubo doo they
describe another country, which they allege as inhabited by cannibals
of gigantic size, called komi. This country they call Jong
sang doo (the land where the slaves are sold). But of all
countries in the world their own appears to them as the best, and their
own people as the happiest, and they pity the fate of other nations,
who have been placed by Providence in less fertile and less fortunate
districts.
Some of the religious opinions of the negroes, though blended with the
weakest credulity and superstition, are not unworthy attention.
I have conversed with all ranks and conditions upon the subject of their
faith, and can pronounce, without the smallest shadow of doubt, that
the belief of one God and of a future state of reward and punishment
is entire and universal among them. It is remarkable, however,
that except on the appearance of a new moon, as before related, the
pagan natives do not think it necessary to offer up prayers and supplications
to the Almighty. They represent the Deity, indeed, as the creator
and preserver of all things, but in general they consider Him as a being
so remote and of so exalted a nature that it is idle to imagine the
feeble supplications of wretched mortals can reverse the decrees and
change the purposes of unerring wisdom. If they are asked for
what reason then do they offer up a prayer on the appearance of the
new moon, the answer is, that custom has made it necessary, they do
it because their fathers did it before them. Such is the blindness
of unassisted nature! The concerns of this world, they believe,
are committed by the Almighty to the superintendence and direction of
subordinate spirits, over whom they suppose that certain magical ceremonies
have great influence. A white fowl suspended to the branch of
a particular tree, a snake’s head or a few handfuls of fruit are
offerings which ignorance and superstition frequently present, to deprecate
the wrath, or to conciliate the favour, of these tutelary agents.
But it is not often that the negroes make their religious opinions the
subject of conversation; when interrogated in particular concerning
their ideas of a future state, they express themselves with great reverence,
but endeavour to shorten the discussion by observing, “Mo o
mo inta allo” (“No man knows anything about it”).
They are content, they say, to follow the precepts and examples of their
forefathers through the various vicissitudes of life, and when this
world presents no objects of enjoyment or of comfort they seem to look
with anxiety towards another, which they believe will be better suited
to their natures, but concerning which they are far from indulging vain
and delusive conjectures.
The Mandingoes seldom attain extreme old age. At forty most of
them become grey-haired and covered with wrinkles, and but few of them
survive the age of fifty-five or sixty. They calculate the years
of their lives, as I have already observed, by the number of rainy seasons
(there being but one such in the year), and distinguish each year by
a particular name, founded on some remarkable occurrence which happened
in that year. Thus they say the year of the Farbanna war
- the year of the Kaarta war - the year on which Gadou was
plundered, etc., etc.; and I have no doubt that the year 1796 will
in many places be distinguished by the name of tobaubo tambi sang
(the year the white man passed), as such an occurrence would naturally
form an epoch in their traditional history.
But notwithstanding that longevity is uncommon among them, it appeared
to me that their diseases are but few in number. Their simple
diet and active way of life preserve them from many of those disorders
which embitter the days of luxury and idleness. Fevers and fluxes
are the most common and the most fatal. For these they generally
apply saphies to different parts of the body, and perform a great many
other superstitious ceremonies - some of which are indeed well calculated
to inspire the patient with the hope of recovery, and divert his mind
from brooding over his own danger - but I have sometimes observed among
them a more systematic mode of treatment. On the first attack
of a fever, when the patient complains of cold, he is frequently placed
in a sort of vapour-bath. This is done by spreading branches of
the nauclea orientalis upon hot wood embers, and laying the patient
upon them, wrapped up in a large cotton cloth. Water is then sprinkled
upon the branches, which, descending to the hot embers, soon covers
the patient with a cloud of vapour, in which he is allowed to remain
until the embers are almost extinguished. This practice commonly
produces a profuse perspiration, and wonderfully relieves the sufferer.
For the dysentery they use the bark of different trees reduced to powder
and mixed with the patient’s food; but this practice is in general
very unsuccessful.
The other diseases which prevail among the negroes are the yaws,
the elephantiasis, and a leprosy of the very worst
kind. This last-mentioned complaint appears at the beginning in
scurfy spots upon different parts of the body, which finally settle
upon the hands or feet, where the skin becomes withered, and, cracks
in many places. At length the ends of the fingers swell and ulcerate,
the discharge is acrid and fetid, the nails drop off, and the bones
of the fingers become carious, and separate at the joints. In
this manner the disease continues to spread, frequently until the patient
loses all his fingers and toes. Even the hands and feet are sometimes
destroyed by this inveterate malady, to which the negroes give the name
of balla ou (incurable).
The guinea worm is likewise very common in certain places, especially
at the commencement of the rainy season. The negroes attribute
this disease, which has been described by many writers, to bad water,
and allege that the people who drink from wells are more subject to
it than those who drink from streams. To the same cause they attribute
the swelling of the glands of the neck (goitres), which are very
common in some parts of Bambarra. I observed also, in the interior
countries, a few instances of simple gonorrhœa, but never
the confirmed lues. On the whole, it appeared to me that
the negroes are better surgeons than physicians. I found them
very successful in their management of fractures and dislocations, and
their splints and bandages are simple and easily removed. The
patient is laid upon a soft mat, and the fractured limb is frequently
bathed with cold water. All abscesses they open with the actual
cautery, and the dressings are composed of either soft leaves, shea
butter, or cow’s dung, as the case seems in their judgment to
require. Towards the coast, where a supply of European lancets
can be procured, they sometimes perform phlebotomy, and in cases of
local inflammation a curious sort of cupping is practised. This
operation is performed by making incisions in the part, and applying
to it a bullock’s horn with a small hole in the end. The
operator then takes a piece of bee’s wax in his mouth, and, putting
his lips to the hole, extracts the air from the horn, and by a dexterous
use of his tongue stops up the hole with the wax. This method
is found to answer the purpose, and in general produces a plentiful
discharge.
When a person of consequence dies, the relations and neighbours meet
together and manifest their sorrow by loud and dismal howlings.
A bullock or goat is killed for such persons as come to assist at the
funeral, which generally takes place in the evening of the same day
on which the party died. The negroes have no appropriate burial-places,
and frequently dig the grave in the floor of the deceased’s hut,
or in the shade of a favourite tree. The body is dressed in white
cotton, and wrapped up in a mat. It is carried to the grave in
the dusk of the evening by the relations. If the grave is without
the walls of the town a number of prickly bushes are laid upon it to
prevent the wolves from digging up the body; but I never observed that
any stone was placed over the grave as a monument or memorial.
Of their music and dances some account has incidentally been given in
different parts of my journal. On the first of these heads I have
now to add a list of their musical instruments, the principal of which
are - the koonting, a sort of guitar with three strings; the
korro, a large harp with eighteen strings; the simbing, a
small harp with seven strings; the balafou, an instrument composed
of twenty pieces of hard wood of different lengths, with the shells
of gourds hung underneath to increase the sound; the tangtang, a
drum open at the lower end; and, lastly, the tabala, a large
drum, commonly used to spread an alarm through the country. Besides
these, they make use of small flutes, bow-strings, elephants’
teeth and bells; and at all their dances and concerts clapping of
hands appears to constitute a necessary part of the chorus.
With the love of music is naturally connected a taste for poetry; and
fortunately for the poets of Africa they are in a great measure exempted
from that neglect and indigence which in more polished countries commonly
attend the votaries of the Muses. They consist of two classes;
the most numerous are the singing men, called jilli kea, mentioned
in a former part of my narrative. One or more of these may be
found in every town. They sing extempore songs in honour of their
chief men, or any other persons who are willing to give “solid
pudding for empty praise.” But a nobler part of their office
is to recite the historical events of their country; hence in war they
accompany the soldiers to the field, in order, by reciting the great
actions of their ancestors, to awaken in them a spirit of glorious emulation.
The other class are devotees of the Mohammedan faith, who travel about
the country singing devout hymns and performing religious ceremonies,
to conciliate the favour of the Almighty, either in averting calamity
or insuring success to any enterprise. Both descriptions of these
itinerant bards are much employed and respected by the people, and very
liberal contributions are made for them.
The usual diet of the negroes is somewhat different in different districts;
in general the people of free condition breakfast about daybreak upon
gruel made of meal and water, with a little of the fruit of the tamarind
to give it an acid taste. About two o’clock in the afternoon
a sort of hasty pudding, with a little shea butter, is the common meal;
but the supper constitutes the principal repast, and is seldom ready
before midnight. This consists almost universally of kouskous,
with a small portion of animal food or shea butter mixed with it.
In eating, the kafirs, as well as Mohammedans, use the right hand only.
The beverages of the pagan negroes are beer and mead, of each of which
they frequently drink to excess. The Mohammedan convert drinks
nothing but water. The natives of all descriptions take snuff
and smoke tobacco; their pipes are made of wood, with an earthen bowl
of curious workmanship. But in the interior countries the greatest
of all luxuries is salt. It would appear strange to a European
to see a child suck a piece of rock salt as if it were sugar.
This, however, I have frequently seen, although, in the inland parts,
the poorer class of inhabitants are so very rarely indulged with this
precious article that to say a man ate salt with his victuals is
the same as saying he is a very rich man. I have myself
suffered great inconvenience from the scarcity of this article.
The long use of vegetable food creates so painful a longing for salt
that no words can sufficiently describe it.
The negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in particular, are considered
by the whites on the coast as an indolent and inactive people - I think
without reason. The nature of the climate is, indeed, unfavourable
to great exertion; but surely a people cannot justly be denominated
habitually indolent whose wants are supplied, not by the spontaneous
productions of nature, but by their own exertions. Few people
work harder, when occasion requires, than the Mandingoes; but not having
many opportunities of turning to advantage the superfluous produce of
their labour, they are content with cultivating as much ground only
as is necessary for their own support. The labours of the field
give them pretty full employment during the rains; and in the dry season
the people who live in the vicinity of large rivers employ themselves
in fishing. The fish are taken in wicker baskets or with small
cotton nets, and are preserved by being first dried in the sun and afterwards
rubbed with shea butter, to prevent them from contracting fresh moisture.
Others of the natives employ themselves in hunting. Their weapons
are bows and arrows; but the arrows in common use are not poisoned.
{6} They are
very dexterous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a tree, or any other
small object, at an amazing distance. They likewise kill guinea-fowls,
partridges, and pigeons, but never on the wing. While the men
are occupied in these pursuits the women are very diligent in manufacturing
cotton cloth. They prepare the cotton for spinning by laying it
in small quantities at a time upon a smooth stone or piece of wood,
and rolling the seeds out with a thick iron spindle; and they spin it
with the distaff. The thread is not fine, but well twisted, and
makes a very durable cloth. A woman with common diligence will
spin from six to nine garments of this cloth in one year, which, according
to its fineness, will sell for a minkalli and a half or two minkallies
each. {7} The
weaving is performed by the men. The loom is made exactly upon
the same principle as that of Europe, but so small and narrow that the
web is seldom more than four inches broad. The shuttle is of the
common construction, but as the thread is coarse the chamber is somewhat
larger than the European.
The women dye this cloth of a rich and lasting blue colour by the following
simple process: - The leaves of the indigo, when fresh gathered, are
pounded in a wooden mortar, and mixed in a large earthen jar with a
strong ley of wood-ashes; chamber-ley is sometimes added. The
cloth is steeped in this mixture, and allowed to remain until it has
acquired the proper shade. In Kaarta and Ludamar, where the indigo
is not plentiful, they collect the leaves and dry them in the sun; and
when they wish to use them they reduce a sufficient quantity to powder
and mix it with the ley, as before mentioned. Either way the colour
is very beautiful, with a fine purple gloss, and equal in my opinion
to the best Indian or European blue. This cloth is cut into various
pieces and sewed into garments with needles of the natives’ own
making.
As the arts of weaving, dyeing, sewing, etc., may easily be acquired,
those who exercise them are not considered in Africa as following any
particular profession, for almost every slave can weave, and every boy
can sew. The only artists who are distinctly acknowledged as such
by the negroes, and who value themselves on exercising appropriate and
peculiar trades, are the manufacturers of leather and of iron.
The first of these are called karrankea (or, as the word is sometimes
pronounced, gaungay). They are to be found in almost every
town, and they frequently travel through the country in the exercise
of their calling. They tan and dress leather with very great expedition,
by steeping the hide first in a mixture of wood-ashes and water until
it parts with the hair, and afterwards by using the pounded leaves of
a tree called goo as an astringent. They are at great pains
to render the hide as soft and pliant as possible, by rubbing it frequently
between their hands and beating it upon a stone. The hides of
bullocks are converted chiefly into sandals, and therefore require less
care in dressing than the skins of sheep and goats, which are used for
covering quivers and saphies, and in making sheaths for swords and knives,
belts, pockets, and a variety of ornaments. These skins commonly
are dyed of a red or yellow colour - the red by means of millet stalks
reduced to powder; and the yellow by the root of a plant the name of
which I have forgotten.
The manufacturers in iron are not so numerous as the karrankeas,
but they appear to have studied their business with equal diligence.
The negroes on the coast being cheaply supplied with iron from the European
traders, never attempt the manufacturing of this article themselves;
but in the inland parts the natives smelt this useful metal in such
quantities not only to supply themselves from it with all necessary
weapons and instruments, but even to make it a article of commerce with
some of the neighbouring states. During my stay at Kamalia there
was a smelting furnace at a short distance from the hut where I lodged,
and the owner and his workmen made no secret about the manner of conducting
the operation, and readily allowed me to examine the furnace, and assist
them in breaking the ironstone. The furnace was a circular tower
of clay, about ten feet high and three feet in diameter, surrounded
in two places with withes, to prevent the clay from cracking and falling
to pieces by the violence of the heat. Round the lower part, on
a level with the ground - but not so low as the bottom of the furnace,
which was somewhat concave - were made se