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Transcribed from the 1893 Cassell & Company edition by David Price,
email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk
TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA - VOLUME 1
INTRODUCTION
Mungo Park was born on the 10th of September, 1771, the son of a farmer
at Fowlshiels, near Selkirk. After studying medicine in Edinburgh,
he went out, at the age of twenty-one, assistant-surgeon in a ship bound
for the East Indies. When he came back the African Society was
in want of an explorer, to take the place of Major Houghton, who had
died. Mungo Park volunteered, was accepted, and in his twenty-fourth
year, on the 22nd of May, 1795, he sailed for the coasts of Senegal,
where he arrived in June.
Thence he proceeded on the travels of which this book is the record.
He was absent from England for a little more than two years and a half;
returned a few days before Christmas, 1797. He was then twenty-six
years old. The African Association published the first edition
of his travels as “Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa,
1795-7, by Mungo Park, with an Appendix containing Geographical Illustrations
of Africa, by Major Rennell.”
Park married, and settled at Peebles in medical practice, but was persuaded
by the Government to go out again. He sailed from Portsmouth on
the 30th of January, 1805, resolved to trace the Niger to its source
or perish in the attempt. He perished. The natives attacked
him while passing through a narrow strait of the river at Boussa, and
killed him, with all that remained of his party, except one slave.
The record of this fatal voyage, partly gathered from his journals,
and closed by evidences of the manner of his death, was first published
in 1815, as “The Journal of a Mission to the Interior of Africa
in 1805, by Mungo Park, together with other Documents, Official and
Private, relating to the same Mission. To which is prefixed an
Account of the Life of Mr. Park.”
H. M.
CHAPTER I - JOURNEY FROM PORTSMOUTH TO THE GAMBIA
Soon after my return from the East Indies in 1793, having learned that
the noblemen and gentlemen associated for the purpose of prosecuting
discoveries in the interior of Africa were desirous of engaging a person
to explore that continent, by the way of the Gambia river, I took occasion,
through means of the President of the Royal Society, to whom I had the
honour to be known, of offering myself for that service. I had
been informed that a gentleman of the name of Houghton, a captain in
the army, and formerly fort-major at Goree, had already sailed to the
Gambia, under the direction of the Association, and that there was reason
to apprehend he had fallen a sacrifice to the climate, or perished in
some contest with the natives. But this intelligence, instead
of deterring me from my purpose, animated me to persist in the offer
of my services with the greater solicitude. I had a passionate
desire to examine into the productions of a country so little known,
and to become experimentally acquainted with the modes of life and character
of the natives. I knew that I was able to bear fatigue, and I
relied on my youth and the strength of my constitution to preserve me
from the effects of the climate. The salary which the committee
allowed was sufficiently large, and I made no stipulation for future
reward. If I should perish in my journey, I was willing that my
hopes and expectations should perish with me; and if I should succeed
in rendering the geography of Africa more familiar to my countrymen,
and in opening to their ambition and industry new sources of wealth
and new channels of commerce, I knew that I was in the hands of men
of honour, who would not fail to bestow that remuneration which my successful
services should appear to them to merit. The committee of the
Association having made such inquiries as they thought necessary, declared
themselves satisfied with the qualifications that I possessed, and accepted
me for the service; and, with that liberality which on all occasions
distinguishes their conduct, gave me every encouragement which it was
in their power to grant, or which I could with propriety ask.
It was at first proposed that I should accompany Mr. James Willis, who
was then recently appointed consul at Senegambia, and whose countenance
in that capacity, it was thought, might have served and protected me;
but Government afterwards rescinded his appointment, and I lost that
advantage. The kindness of the committee, however, supplied all
that was necessary. Being favoured by the secretary of the Association,
the late Henry Beaufoy, Esq., with a recommendation to Dr. John Laidley
(a gentleman who had resided many years at an English factory on the
banks of the Gambia), and furnished with a letter of credit on him for
£200, I took my passage in the brig Endeavour - a small
vessel trading to the Gambia for beeswax and ivory, commanded by Captain
Richard Wyatt - and I became impatient for my departure.
My instructions were very plain and concise. I was directed, on
my arrival in Africa, “to pass on to the river Niger, either by
way of Bambouk, or by such other route as should be found most convenient.
That I should ascertain the course, and, if possible, the rise and termination
of that river. That I should use my utmost exertions to visit
the principal towns or cities in its neighbourhood, particularly Timbuctoo
and Houssa; and that I should be afterwards at liberty to return to
Europe, either by the way of the Gambia, or by such other route as,
under all the then existing circumstances of my situation and prospects,
should appear to me to be most advisable.”
We sailed from Portsmouth on the 22nd day of May, 1795. On the
4th of June we saw the mountains over Mogadore, on the coast of Africa;
and on the 21st of the same month, after a pleasant voyage of thirty
days, we anchored at Jillifrey, a town on the northern bank of the river
Gambia, opposite to James’s Island, where the English had formerly
a small fort.
The kingdom of Barra, in which the town of Jillifrey is situated, produces
great plenty of the necessaries of life; but the chief trade of the
inhabitants is in salt, which commodity they carry up the river in canoes
as high as Barraconda, and bring down in return Indian corn, cotton
cloths, elephants’ teeth, small quantities of gold dust, &c.
The number of canoes and people constantly employed in this trade makes
the king of Barra more formidable to Europeans than any other chieftain
on the river; and this circumstance probably encouraged him to establish
those exorbitant duties which traders of all nations are obliged to
pay at entry, amounting to nearly £20 on every vessel, great and
small. These duties or customs are generally collected in person
by the alkaid, or governor of Jillifrey, and he is attended on
these occasions by a numerous train of dependants, among whom are found
many who, by their frequent intercourse with the English, have acquired
a smattering of our language: but they are commonly very noisy and very
troublesome, begging for everything they fancy with such earnestness
and importunity, that traders, in order to get quit of them, are frequently
obliged to grant their requests.
On the 23rd we departed from Jillifrey, and proceeded to Vintain, a
town situated about two miles up a creek on the southern side of the
river. This place is much resorted to by Europeans on account
of the great quantities of beeswax which are brought hither for sale;
the wax is collected in the woods by the Feloops, a wild and unsociable
race of people. Their country, which is of considerable extent,
abounds in rice; and the natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia
and Cassamansa rivers, with that article, and also with goats and poultry,
on very reasonable terms. The honey which they collect is chiefly
used by themselves in making a strong intoxicating liquor, much the
same as the mead which is produced from honey in Great Britain.
In their traffic with Europeans, the Feloops generally employ a factor
or agent of the Mandingo nation, who speaks a little English, and is
acquainted with the trade of the river. This broker makes the
bargain; and, with the connivance of the European, receives a certain
part only of the payment, which he gives to his employer as the whole;
the remainder (which is very truly called the cheating money)
he receives when the Feloop is gone, and appropriates to himself as
a reward for his trouble.
The language of the Feloops is appropriate and peculiar; and as their
trade is chiefly conducted, as hath been observed, by Mandingoes, the
Europeans have no inducement to learn it.
On the 26th we left Vintain, and continued our course up the river,
anchoring whenever the tide failed us, and frequently towing the vessel
with the boat. The river is deep and muddy; the banks are covered
with impenetrable thickets of mangrove; and the whole of the adjacent
country appears to be flat and swampy.
The Gambia abounds with fish, some species of which are excellent food;
but none of them that I recollect are known in Europe. At the
entrance from the sea sharks are found in great abundance, and, higher
up, alligators and the hippopotamus (or river-horse) are very numerous.
In six days after leaving Vintain we reached Jonkakonda, a place of
considerable trade, where our vessel was to take in part of her lading.
The next morning the several European traders came from their different
factories to receive their letters, and learn the nature and amount
of her cargo; and the captain despatched a messenger to Dr. Laidley
to inform him of my arrival. He came to Jonkakonda the morning
following, when I delivered him Mr. Beaufoy’s letter, and he gave
me a kind invitation to spend my time at his house until an opportunity
should offer of prosecuting my journey. This invitation was too
acceptable to be refused, and being furnished by the Doctor with a horse
and guide, I set out from Jonkakonda at daybreak on the 5th of July,
and at eleven o’clock arrived at Pisania, where I was accommodated
with a room and other conveniences in the Doctor’s house.
Pisania is a small village in the king of Yany’s dominions, established
by British subjects as a factory for trade, and inhabited solely by
them and their black servants. It is situated on the banks of
the Gambia, sixteen miles above Jonkakonda. The white residents,
at the time of may arrival there, consisted only of Dr. Laidley, and
two gentlemen who were brothers, of the name of Ainsley; but their domestics
were numerous. They enjoyed perfect security under the king’s
protection, and being highly esteemed and respected by the natives at
large, wanted no accommodation or comfort which the country could supply,
and the greatest part of the trade in slaves, ivory, and gold was in
their hands.
Being now settled for some time at my ease, my first object was to learn
the Mandingo tongue, being the language in almost general use throughout
this part of Africa, and without which I was fully convinced that I
never could acquire an extensive knowledge of the country or its inhabitants.
In this pursuit I was greatly assisted by Dr. Laidley.
In researches of this kind, and in observing the manners and customs
of the natives, in a country so little known to the nations of Europe,
and furnished with so many striking and uncommon objects of nature,
my time passed not unpleasantly, and I began to flatter myself that
I had escaped the fever, or seasoning, to which Europeans, on their
first arrival in hot climates, are generally subject. But on the
31st of July I imprudently exposed myself to the night-dew in observing
an eclipse of the moon, with a view to determine the longitude of the
place; the next day I found myself attacked with a smart fever and delirium,
and such an illness followed as confined me to the house during the
greatest part of August. My recovery was very slow, but I embraced
every short interval of convalescence to walk out, and make myself acquainted
with the productions of the country.
In one of those excursions, having rambled farther than usual, on a
hot day, I brought on a return of my fever, and on the 10th of September
I was again confined to my bed. The fever, however, was not so
violent as before; and in the course of three weeks I was able, when
the weather would permit, to renew my botanical excursions; and when
it rained, I amused myself with drawing plants, &c., in my chamber.
The care and attention of Dr. Laidley contributed greatly to alleviate
my sufferings; his company and conversation beguiled the tedious hours
during that gloomy season, when the rain falls in torrents; when suffocating
heats oppress by day, and when the night is spent by the terrified travellers
in listening to the croaking of frogs (of which the numbers are beyond
imagination), the shrill cry of the jackal, and the deep howling of
the hyæna, a dismal concert, interrupted only by the roar of such
tremendous thunder as no person can form a conception of but those who
have heard it.
The country itself being an immense level, and very generally covered
with wood, presents a tiresome and gloomy uniformity to the eye; but
although Nature has denied to the inhabitants the beauties of romantic
landscapes, she has bestowed on them, with a liberal hand, the more
important blessings of fertility and abundance. A little attention
to cultivation procures a sufficiency of corn, the fields afford a rich
pasturage for cattle, and the natives are plentifully supplied with
excellent fish, both from the Gambia river and the Walli creek.
The grains which are chiefly cultivated are - Indian corn (zea mays);
two kinds of holcus spicatus, called by the natives soono
and sanio; holcus niger, and holcus bicolor, the
former of which they have named bassi woolima, and the latter
bassiqui. These, together with rice, are raised in considerable
quantities; besides which, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the towns
and villages have gardens which produce onions, calavances, yams, cassavi,
ground nuts, pompions, gourds, water-melons, and some other esculent
plants.
I observed likewise, near the towns, small patches of cotton and indigo.
The former of these articles supplies them with clothing, and with the
latter they dye their cloth of an excellent blue colour, in a manner
that will hereafter be described.
In preparing their corn for food, the natives use a large wooden mortar
called a paloon, in which they bruise the seed until it parts
with the outer covering, or husk, which is then separated from the clean
corn by exposing it to the wind, nearly in the same manner as wheat
is cleared from the chaff in England. The corn thus freed from
the husk is returned to the mortar and beaten into meal, which is dressed
variously in different countries; but the most common preparation of
it among the nations of the Gambia is a sort of pudding which they call
kouskous. It is made by first moistening the flour with
water, and then stirring and shaking it about in a large calabash, or
gourd, till it adheres together in small granules resembling sago.
It is then put into an earthen pot, whose bottom is perforated with
a number of small holes; and this pot being placed upon another, the
two vessels are luted together either with a paste of meal and water,
or with cows’ dung, and placed upon the fire. In the lower
vessel is commonly some animal food and water, the steam or vapour of
which ascends through the perforations in the bottom of the upper vessel,
and softens and the kouskous, which is very much esteemed throughout
all the countries that I visited. I am informed that the same
manner of preparing flour is very generally used on the Barbary coast,
and that the dish so prepared is there called by the same name.
It is therefore probable that the negroes borrowed the practice from
the Moors.
Their domestic animals are nearly the same as in Europe. Swine
are found in the woods, but their flesh is not esteemed. Probably
the marked abhorrence in which this animal is held by the votaries of
Mohammed has spread itself among the pagans. Poultry of all kinds,
the turkey excepted, is everywhere to be had. The guinea-fowl
and red partridge abound in the fields, and the woods furnish a small
species of antelope, of which the venison is highly and deservedly prized.
Of the other wild animals in the Mandingo countries, the most common
are the hyæna, the panther, and the elephant. Considering
the use that is made of the latter in the East Indies, it may be thought
extraordinary that the natives of Africa have not, in any part of this
immense continent, acquired the skill of taming this powerful and docile
creature, and applying his strength and faculties to the service of
man. When I told some of the natives that this was actually done
in the countries of the East, my auditors laughed me to scorn, and exclaimed,
“Tobaubo fonnio!” (“A white man’s lie!”)
The negroes frequently find means to destroy the elephant by firearms;
they hunt it principally for the sake of the teeth, which they transfer
in barter to those who sell them again to the Europeans. The flesh
they eat, and consider it as a great delicacy.
On the 6th of October the waters of the Gambia were at the greatest
height, being fifteen feet above the high-water mark of the tide, after
which they began to subside, at first slowly, but afterwards very rapidly,
sometimes sinking more than a foot in twenty-four hours. By the
beginning of November the river had sunk to its former level, and the
tide ebbed and flowed as usual. When the river had subsided, and
the atmosphere grew dry, I recovered apace, and began to think of my
departure, for this is reckoned the most proper season for travelling.
The natives had completed their harvest, and provisions were everywhere
cheap and plentiful.
Dr. Laidley was at this time employed in a trading voyage at Jonkakonda.
I wrote to him to desire that he would use his interest with the slatees,
or slave-merchants, to procure me the company and protection of the
first coffle (or caravan) that might leave Gambia for the interior
country; and, in the meantime, I requested him to purchase for me a
horse and two asses. A few days afterwards the Doctor returned
to Pisania, and informed me that a coffle would certainly go for the
interior in the course of the dry season; but that, as many of the merchants
belonging to it had not yet completed their assortment of goods, he
could not say at what time they would set out.
As the characters and dispositions of the slatees, and people that composed
the caravan, were entirely unknown to me - and as they seemed rather
averse to my purpose, and unwilling to enter into any positive engagements
on my account - and the time of their departure being withal very uncertain,
I resolved, on further deliberation, to avail myself of the dry season,
and proceed without them.
Dr. Laidley approved my determination, and promised me every assistance
in his power to enable me to prosecute my journey with comfort and safety.
This resolution having been formed, I made preparations accordingly.
And now, being about to take leave of my hospitable friend (whose kindness
and solicitude continued to the moment of my departure), and to quit
for many months the countries bordering on the Gambia, it seems proper,
before I proceed with my narrative, that I should in this place give
some account of the several negro nations which inhabit the banks of
this celebrated river, and the commercial intercourse that subsists
between them, and such of the nations of Europe as find their advantage
in trading to this part of Africa. The observations which have
occurred to me on both these subjects will be found in the following
chapter.
CHAPTER II - LANGUAGE AND RELIGION OF THE NATIVES
The natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, though distributed
into a great many distinct governments, may, I think, be divided into
four great classes - the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the
Mandingoes. Among all these nations, the religion of Mohammed
has made, and continues to make, considerable progress; but in most
of them the body of the people, both free and enslaved, persevere in
maintaining the blind but harmless superstitions of their ancestors,
and are called by the Mohammedans kafirs, or infidels.
Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has been observed concerning
them in the former chapter. They are of a gloomy disposition,
and are supposed never to forgive an injury. They are even said
to transmit their quarrels as deadly feuds to their posterity, insomuch
that a son considers it as incumbent on him, from a just sense of filial
obligation, to become the avenger of his deceased father’s wrongs.
If a man loses his life in one of these sudden quarrels which perpetually
occur at their feasts, when the whole party is intoxicated with mead,
his son, or the eldest of his sons (if he has more than one), endeavours
to procure his father’s sandals, which he wears once a
year, on the anniversary of his father’s death, until a fit
opportunity offers of revenging his fate, when the object of his resentment
seldom escapes his pursuit. This fierce and unrelenting disposition
is, however, counterbalanced by many good qualities: they display the
utmost gratitude and affection towards their benefactors, and the fidelity
with which they preserve whatever is entrusted to them is remarkable.
During the present war, they have more than once taken up arms to defend
our merchant vessels from French privateers; and English property of
considerable value has frequently been left at Vintain for a long time
entirely under the care of the Feloops, who have uniformly manifested
on such occasions the strictest honesty and punctuality. How greatly
is it to be wished that the minds of a people so determined and faithful
could be softened and civilised by the mild and benevolent spirit of
Christianity!
The Jaloffs (or Yaloffs) are an active, powerful, and warlike race,
inhabiting great part of that tract which lies between the river Senegal
and the Mandingo states on the Gambia; yet they differ from the Mandingoes
not only in language, but likewise in complexion and features.
The noses of the Jaloffs are not so much depressed, nor the lips so
protuberant, as among the generality of Africans; and although their
skin is of the deepest black, they are considered by the white traders
as the most sightly negroes on this part of the continent.
Their language is said to be copious and significant, and is often learnt
by Europeans trading to Senegal.
The Foulahs (or Pholeys), such of them at least as reside near the Gambia,
are chiefly of a tawny complexion, with soft silky hair, and pleasing
features. They are much attached to a pastoral life, and have
introduced themselves into all the kingdoms on the windward coast as
herdsmen and husbandmen, paying a tribute to the sovereign of the country
for the lands which they hold. Not having many opportunities,
however, during my residence at Pisania, of improving my acquaintance
with these people, I defer entering at large into their character until
a fitter occasion occurs, which will present itself when I come to Bondou.
The Mandingoes, of whom it remains to speak, constitute, in truth, the
bulk of the inhabitants in all those districts of Africa which I visited;
and their language, with a few exceptions, is universally understood
and very generally spoken in that part of the continent.
They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having originally migrated
from the interior state of Manding, of which some account will hereafter
be given.
In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, called the alkaid,
whose office is hereditary, and whose business it is to preserve
order, to levy duties on travellers, and to preside at all conferences
in the exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration of justice.
These courts are composed of the elders of the town (of free condition),
and are termed palavers; and their proceedings are conducted
in the open air with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a question
are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and the decisions
which follow generally meet with the approbation of the surrounding
audience.
As the negroes have no written language of their own, the general rule
of decision is an appeal to ancient custom; but since the system
of Mohammed has made so great progress among them, the converts to that
faith have gradually introduced, with the religious tenets, many of
the civil institutions of the prophet; and where the Koran is not found
sufficiently explicit, recourse is had to a commentary called Al
Sharra, containing, as I was told, a complete exposition or digest
of the Mohammedan laws, both civil and criminal, properly arranged and
illustrated.
This frequency of appeal to written laws, with which the pagan natives
are necessarily unacquainted, has given rise in their palavers to (what
I little expected to find in Africa) professional advocates, or expounders
of the law, who are allowed to appear and to plead for plaintiff or
defendant, much in the same manner as counsel in the law-courts of Great
Britain. They are Mohammedan negroes, who have made, or affect
to have made, the laws of the prophet their peculiar study; and if I
may judge from their harangues, which I frequently attended, I believe,
that in the forensic qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and
the arts of confounding and perplexing a cause, they are not always
surpassed by the ablest pleaders in Europe. While I was at Pisania,
a cause was heard which furnished the Mohammedan lawyers with an admirable
opportunity of displaying their professional dexterity. The case
was this:- An ass belonging to a Serawoolli negro (a native of an interior
country near the river Senegal) had broke into a field of corn belonging
to one of the Mandingo inhabitants, and destroyed great part of it.
The Mandingo having caught the animal in his field, immediately drew
his knife and cut his throat. The Serawoolli thereupon called
a palaver (or in European terms, brought an action) to
recover damages for the loss of his beast, on which he set a high value.
The defendant confessed he had killed the ass, but pleaded a set-off,
insisting that the loss he had sustained by the ravage in his corn was
equal to the sum demanded for the animal. To ascertain this fact
was the point at issue, and the learned advocates contrived to puzzle
the cause in such a manner that, after a hearing of three days, the
court broke up without coming to any determination upon it; and a second
palaver was, I suppose, thought necessary.
The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, sociable, and obliging
disposition. The men are commonly above the middle size, well-shaped,
strong, and capable of enduring great labour. The women are good-natured,
sprightly, and agreeable. The dress of both sexes is composed
of cotton cloth of their own manufacture: that of the men is a loose
frock, not unlike a surplice, with drawers which reach half-way down
the leg; and they wear sandals on their feet, and white cotton caps
on their heads. The women’s dress consists of two pieces
of cloth, each of which is about six feet long and three broad.
One of these they wrap round their waist, which, hanging down to the
ankles, answers the purpose of a petticoat; the other is thrown negligently
over the bosom and shoulders.
This account of their clothing is indeed nearly applicable to the natives
of all the different countries in this part of Africa; a peculiar national
mode is observable only in the head-dresses of the women.
Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females wear a sort of bandage,
which they call jalla. It is a narrow strip of cotton cloth
wrapped many times round, immediately over the forehead. In Bondou,
the head is encircled with strings of white beads, and a small plate
of gold is worn in the middle of the forehead. In Kasson the ladies
decorate their heads in a very tasteful and elegant manner with white
seashells. In Kaarta and Ludamar, the women raise their hair to
a great height by the addition of a pad (as the ladies did formerly
in Great Britain), which they decorate with a species of coral brought
from the Red Sea by pilgrims returning from Mecca, and sold at a great
price.
In the construction of their dwelling-houses the Mandingoes also conform
to the general practice of the African nations in this part of the continent,
contenting themselves with small and incommodious hovels. A circular
mud wall, about four feet high, upon which is placed a conical roof,
composed of the bamboo cane, and thatched with grass, forms alike the
palace of the king and the hovel of the slave. Their household
furniture is equally simple. A hurdle of canes placed upon upright
sticks, about two feet from the ground, upon which is spread a mat or
bullock’s hide, answers the purpose of a bed; a water jar, some
earthen pots for dressing their food; a few wooden bowls and calabashes,
and one or two low stools, compose the rest.
As every man of free condition has a plurality of wives, it is found
necessary (to prevent, I suppose, matrimonial disputes) that each of
the ladies should be accommodated with a hut to herself; and all the
huts belonging to the same family are surrounded by a fence constructed
of bamboo canes, split and formed into a sort of wicker-work.
The whole enclosure is called a sirk, or surk. A
number of these enclosures, with narrow passages between them, form
what is called a town; but the huts are generally placed without any
regularity, according to the caprice of the owner. The only rule
that seems to be attended to is placing the door towards the south-west,
in order to admit the sea-breeze.
In each town is a large stage called the bentang, which answers
the purpose of a public hall or town house. It is composed of
interwoven canes, and is generally sheltered from the sun by being erected
in the shade of some large tree. It is here that all public affairs
are transacted and trials conducted; and here the lazy and indolent
meet to smoke their pipes, and hear the news of the day. In most
of the towns the Mohammedans have also a missura, or mosque,
in which they assemble and offer up their daily prayers, according to
the rules of the Koran.
In the account which I have thus given of the natives, the reader must
bear in mind that my observations apply chiefly to persons of free
condition, who constitute, I suppose, not more than one-fourth part
of the inhabitants at large. The other three-fourths are in a
state of hopeless and hereditary slavery, and are employed in cultivating
the land, in the care of cattle, and in servile offices of all kinds,
much in the same manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was
told, however, that the Mandingo master can neither deprive his slave
of life, nor sell him to a stranger, without first calling a palaver
on his conduct, or in other words, bringing him to a public trial.
But this degree of protection is extended only to the native or domestic
slave. Captives taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who
are condemned to slavery for crimes or insolvency - and, in short, all
those unhappy people who are brought down from the interior countries
for sale - have no security whatever, but may be treated and disposed
of in all respects as the owner thinks proper. It sometimes happens,
indeed, when no ships are on the coast, that a humane and considerate
master incorporates his purchased slaves among his domestics; and their
offspring at least, if not the parents, become entitled to all the privileges
of the native class.
The earliest European establishment on this celebrated river was a factory
of the Portuguese, and to this must be ascribed the introduction of
the numerous words of that language which are still in use among the
negroes. The Dutch, French, and English afterwards successively
possessed themselves of settlements on the coast; but the trade of the
Gambia became, and continued for many years, a sort of monopoly in the
hands of the English. In the travels of Francis Moore is preserved
an account of the Royal African Company’s establishments in this
river in the year 1730; at which the James’s factory alone consisted
of a governor, deputy-governor, and two other principal officers; eight
factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior attendants and tradesmen;
a company of soldiers, and thirty-two negro servants; besides sloops,
shallops, and boats, with their crews; and there were no less than eight
subordinate factories in other parts of the river.
The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid open, was almost annihilated.
The share which the subjects of England at this time hold in it supports
not more than two or three annual ships; and I am informed that the
gross value of British exports is under £20,000. The French
and Danes still maintain a small share, and the Americans have lately
sent a few vessels to the Gambia by way of experiment.
The commodities exported to the Gambia from Europe consist chiefly of
firearms and ammunition, iron-ware, spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton
caps, a small quantity of broadcloth, and a few articles of the manufacture
of Manchester; a small assortment of India goods, with some glass beads,
amber, and other trifles, for which are taken in exchange slaves, gold
dust, ivory, beeswax, and hides. Slaves are the chief article,
but the whole number which at this time are annually exported from the
Gambia by all nations is supposed to be under one thousand.
Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the coast in periodical
caravans; many of them from very remote inland countries, for the language
which they speak is not understood by the inhabitants of the maritime
districts. In a subsequent part of my work I shall give the best
information I have been able to collect concerning the manner in which
they are obtained. On their arrival at the coast, if no immediate
opportunity offers of selling them to advantage, they are distributed
among the neighbouring villages, until a slave ship arrives, or until
they can be sold to black traders, who sometimes purchase on speculation.
In the meanwhile, the poor wretches are kept constantly fettered, two
and two of them being chained together, and employed in the labours
of the field, and, I am sorry to add, are very scantily fed, as well
as harshly treated. The price of a slave varies according to the
number of purchasers from Europe, and the arrival of caravans from the
interior; but in general I reckon that a young and healthy male, from
sixteen to twenty-five years of age, may be estimated on the spot from
£18 to £20 sterling.
The negro slave-merchants, as I have observed in the former chapter,
are called slatees, who, besides slaves, and the merchandise which they
bring for sale to the whites, supply the inhabitants of the maritime
districts with native iron, sweet-smelling gums and frankincense, and
a commodity called shea-toulou, which, literally translated,
signifies tree-butter.
In payment of these articles, the maritime states supply the interior
countries with salt, a scarce and valuable commodity, as I frequently
and painfully experienced in the course of my journey. Considerable
quantities of this article, however, are also supplied to the inland
natives by the Moors, who obtain it from the salt pits in the Great
Desert, and receive in return corn, cotton cloth, and slaves.
In their early intercourse with Europeans the article that attracted
most notice was iron. Its utility, in forming the instruments
of war and husbandry, make it preferable to all others, and iron soon
became the measure by which the value of all other commodities was ascertained.
Thus, a certain quantity of goods, of whatever denomination, appearing
to be equal in value to a bar of iron, constituted, in the traders’
phraseology, a bar of that particular merchandise. Twenty leaves
of tobacco, for instance, were considered as a bar of tobacco; and a
gallon of spirits (or rather half spirits and half water) as a bar of
rum, a bar of one commodity being reckoned equal in value to a bar of
another commodity.
As, however, it must unavoidably happen that, according to the plenty
or scarcity of goods at market in proportion to the demand, the relative
value would be subject to continual fluctuation, greater precision has
been found necessary; and at this time the current value of a single
bar of any kind is fixed by the whites at two shillings sterling.
Thus, a slave whose price is £15, is said to be worth 150 bars.
In transactions of this nature it is obvious that the white trader has
infinitely the advantage over the African, whom, therefore, it is difficult
to satisfy, for conscious of his own ignorance, he naturally becomes
exceedingly suspicious and wavering; and, indeed, so very unsettled
and jealous are the negroes in their dealings with the whites, that
a bargain is never considered by the European as concluded until the
purchase money is paid and the party has taken leave.
Having now brought together such general observations on the country
and its inhabitants as occurred to me during my residence in the vicinity
of the Gambia, I shall detain the reader no longer with introductory
matter, but proceed, in the next chapter, to a regular detail of the
incidents which happened, and the reflections which arose in my mind,
in the course of my painful and perilous journey, from its commencement
until my return to the Gambia.
CHAPTER III - THE KINGDOM OF WOOLLI - JOURNEY TO BONDOU
On the 2nd of December, 1795, I took my departure from the hospitable
mansion of Dr. Laidley. I was fortunately provided with a negro
servant who spoke both the English and Mandingo tongues. His name
was Johnson. He was a native of this part of Africa, and having
in his youth been conveyed to Jamaica as a slave, he had been made free,
and taken to England by his master, where he had resided many years,
and at length found his way back to his native country. As he
was known to Dr. Laidley, the Doctor recommended him to me, and I hired
him as my interpreter, at the rate of ten bars monthly to be paid to
himself, and five bars a month to be paid to his wife during his absence.
Dr. Laidley furthermore provided me with a negro boy of his own, named
Demba, a sprightly youth, who, besides Mandingo, spoke the language
of the Serawoollies, an inland people (of whom mention will hereafter
be made) residing on the banks of the Senegal; and to induce him to
behave well, the Doctor promised him his freedom on his return, in case
I should report favourably of his fidelity and services. I was
furnished with a horse for myself (a small but very hardy and spirited
beast, which cost me to the value of £7 10s), and two asses for
my interpreter and servant. My baggage was light, consisting chiefly
of provisions for two days; a small assortment of beads, amber, and
tobacco, for the purchase of a fresh supply as I proceeded; a few changes
of linen, and other necessary apparel; an umbrella, a pocket sextant,
a magnetic compass, and a thermometer; together with two fowling-pieces,
two pair of pistols, and some other small articles.
A free man (a bashreen, or Mohammedan) named Madiboo, who was
travelling to the kingdom of Bambara, and two slatees, or slave merchants,
of the Serawoolli nation, and of the same sect, who were going to Bondou,
offered their services, as far as they intended respectively to proceed,
as did likewise a negro named Tami (also a Mohammedan), a native of
Kasson, who had been employed some years by Dr. Laidley as a blacksmith,
and was returning to his native country with the savings of his labours.
All these men travelled on foot, driving their asses before them.
Thus I had no less than six attendants, all of whom had been taught
to regard me with great respect, and to consider that their safe return
hereafter to the countries on the Gambia would depend on my preservation.
Dr. Laidley himself, and Messrs. Ainsley, with a number of their domestics,
kindly determined to accompany me the first two days; and I believe
they secretly thought they should never see me afterwards.
We reached Jindey the same day, having crossed the Walli creek, a branch
of the Gambia, and rested at the house of a black woman, who had formerly
been the paramour of a white trader named Hewett, and who, in consequence
thereof, was called, by way of distinction, seniora. In
the evening we walked out to see an adjoining village, belonging to
a slatee named Jemaffoo Momadoo, the richest of all the Gambia traders.
We found him at home, and he thought so highly of the honour done him
by this visit, that he presented us with a fine bullock, which was immediately
killed, and part of it dressed for our evening’s repast.
The negroes do not go to supper till late, and, in order to amuse ourselves
while our beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to relate some
diverting stories, in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent
three hours. These stories bear some resemblance to those in the
Arabian Nights’ Entertainments, but, in general, are of a more
ludicrous cast.
About one o’clock in the afternoon of the 3rd of December, I took
my leave of Dr. Laidley and Messrs. Ainsley, and rode slowly into the
woods. I had now before me a boundless forest, and a country,
the inhabitants of which were strangers to civilised life, and to most
of whom a white man was the object of curiosity or plunder. I
reflected that I had parted from the last European I might probably
behold, and perhaps quitted for ever the comforts of Christian society.
Thoughts like these would necessarily cast a gloom over my mind; and
I rode musing along for about three miles, when I was awakened from
my reverie by a body of people, who came running up, and stopped the
asses, giving me to understand that I must go with them to Peckaba,
to present myself to the king of Walli, or pay customs to them.
I endeavoured to make them comprehend that the object of my journey
not being traffic, I ought not to be subjected to a tax like the slatees,
and other merchants, who travel for gain; but I reasoned to no purpose.
They said it was usual for travellers of all descriptions to make a
present to the king of Walli, and without doing so I could not be permitted
to proceed. As they were more numerous than my attendants, and
withal very noisy, I thought it prudent to comply with their demand;
and having presented them with four bars of tobacco, for the king’s
use, I was permitted to continue my journey, and at sunset reached a
village near Kootacunda, where we rested for the night.
In the morning of December 4th I passed Kootacunda, the last town of
Walli, and stopped about an hour at a small adjoining village to pay
customs to an officer of the king of Woolli; we rested the ensuing night
at a village called Tabajang; and at noon the next day (December 5th)
we reached Medina, the capital of the king of Woolli’s dominions.
The kingdom of Woolli is bounded by Walli on the west, by the Gambia
on the south, by the small river Walli on the north-west, by Bondou
on the north-east, and on the east by the Simbani wilderness.
The inhabitants are Mandingoes, and, like most of the Mandingo nations,
are divided into two great sects - the Mohammedans, who are called bushreens,
and the pagans, who are called indiscriminately kafirs (unbelievers)
and sonakies (i.e., men who drink strong liquors).
The pagan natives are by far the most numerous, and the government of
the country is in their hands; for though the most respectable among
the bushreens are frequently consulted in affairs of importance, yet
they are never permitted to take any share in the executive government,
which rests solely in the hands of the mansa, or sovereign, and
great officers of the state. Of these, the first in point of rank
is the presumptive heir of the crown, who is called the farbanna.
Next to him are the alkaids, or provincial governors, who are
more frequently called keamos. Then follow the two grand
divisions of free-men and slaves; of the former, the slatees, so frequently
mentioned in the preceding pages, are considered as the principal; but,
in all classes, great respect is paid to the authority of aged men.
On the death of the reigning monarch, his eldest son (if he has attained
the age of manhood) succeeds to the regal authority. If there
is no son, or if the son is under the age of discretion, a meeting of
the great men is held, and the late monarch’s nearest relation
(commonly his brother) is called to the government, not as regent, or
guardian to the infant son, but in full right, and to the exclusion
of the minor. The charges of the government are defrayed by occasional
tributes from the people, and by duties on goods transported across
the country. Travellers, on going from the Gambia towards the
interior, pay customs in European merchandise. On returning, they
pay in iron and shea-toulou. These taxes are paid at every
town.
Medina, the capital of the kingdom, at which I was now arrived, is a
place of considerable extent, and may contain from eight hundred to
one thousand houses. It is fortified in the common African manner,
by a surrounding high wall built of clay, and an outward fence of pointed
stakes and prickly bushes; but the walls are neglected, and the outward
fence has suffered considerably from the active hands of busy housewives,
who pluck up the stakes for firewood. I obtained a lodging at
one of the king’s near relations, who apprised me that at my introduction
to the king I must not presume to shake hands with him.
“It was not usual,” he said, “to allow this liberty
to strangers.” Thus instructed, I went in the afternoon
to pay my respects to the sovereign, and ask permission to pass through
his territories to Bondou. The king’s name was Jatta.
He was the same venerable old man of whom so favourable an account was
transmitted by Major Houghton. I found him seated upon a mat before
the door of his hut; a number of men and women were arranged on each
side, who were singing and clapping their hands. I saluted him
respectfully, and informed him of the purport of my visit. The
king graciously replied, that he not only gave me leave to pass through
his country, but would offer up his prayers for my safety. On
this, one of my attendants, seemingly in return for the king’s
condescension, began to sing, or rather to roar an Arabic song, at every
pause of which the king himself, and all the people present, struck
their hands against their foreheads, and exclaimed, with devout and
affecting solemnity, “Amen, amen!” The king
told me, furthermore, that I should have a guide the day following,
who would conduct me safely to the frontier of his kingdom - I then
took my leave, and in the evening sent the king an order upon Dr. Laidley
for three gallons of rum, and received in return great store of provisions.
December 6. - Early in the morning I went to the king a second
time, to learn if the guide was ready. I found his Majesty seated
upon a bullock’s hide, warming himself before a large fire, for
the Africans are sensible of the smallest variation in the temperature
of the air, and frequently complain of cold when a European is oppressed
with heat. He received me with a benevolent countenance, and tenderly
entreated me to desist from my purpose of travelling into the interior,
telling me that Major Houghton had been killed in his route, and that
if I followed his footsteps I should probably meet with his fate.
He said that I must not judge of the people of the eastern country by
those of Woolli: that the latter were acquainted with white men, and
respected them, whereas the people of the east had never seen a white
man, and would certainly destroy me. I thanked the king for his
affectionate solicitude, but told him that I had considered the matter,
and was determined, notwithstanding all dangers, to proceed. The
king shook his head, but desisted from further persuasion, and told
me the guide should be ready in the afternoon.
About two o’clock, the guide appearing, I went and took my last
farewell of the good old king, and in three hours reached Konjour, a
small village, where we determined to rest for the night. Here
I purchased a fine sheep for some beads, and my Serawoolli attendants
killed it with all the ceremonies prescribed by their religion.
Part of it was dressed for supper, after which a dispute arose between
one of the Serawoolli negroes, and Johnson, my interpreter, about the
sheep’s horns. The former claimed the horns as his perquisite,
for having acted the part of our butcher, and Johnson contested the
claim. I settled the matter by giving a horn to each of them.
This trifling incident is mentioned as introductory to what follows,
for it appeared on inquiry that these horns were highly valued, as being
easily convertible into portable sheaths, or cases, for containing and
keeping secure certain charms or amulets called saphies, which
the negroes constantly wear about them. These saphies are prayers,
or rather sentences, from the Koran, which the Mohammedan priests write
on scraps of paper, and sell to the simple natives, who consider them
to possess very extraordinary virtues. Some of the negroes wear
them to guard themselves against the bite of snakes or alligators; and
on this occasion the saphie is commonly enclosed in a snake’s
or alligator’s skin, and tied round the ankle. Others have
recourse to them in time of war, to protect their persons against hostile
weapons; but the common use to which these amulets are applied is to
prevent or cure bodily diseases - to preserve from hunger and thirst
- and generally to conciliate the favour of superior powers, under all
the circumstances and occurrences of life. {1}
In this case it is impossible not to admire the wonderful contagion
of superstition, for, notwithstanding that the majority of the negroes
are pagans, and absolutely reject the doctrines of Mohammed, I did not
meet with a man, whether a bushreen or kafir, who was not fully persuaded
of the powerful efficacy of these amulets. The truth is, that
all the natives of this part of Africa consider the art of writing as
bordering on magic; and it is not in the doctrines of the prophet, but
in the arts of the magician, that their confidence is placed.
It will hereafter be seen that I was myself lucky enough, in circumstances
of distress, to turn the popular credulity in this respect to good account.
On the 7th I departed from Konjour, and slept at a village called Malla
(or Mallaing), and on the 8th about noon I arrived at Kolor, a considerable
town, near the entrance into which I observed, hanging upon a tree,
a sort of masquerade habit, made of the bark of trees, which I was told,
on inquiry, belonged to Mumbo Jumbo. This is a strange
bugbear, common to all the Mandingo towns, and much employed by the
pagan natives in keeping their women in subjection; for as the kafirs
are not restricted in the number of their wives, every one marries as
many as he can conveniently maintain - and as it frequently happens
that the ladies disagree among themselves, family quarrels sometimes
rise to such a height, that the authority of the husband can no longer
preserve peace in his household. In such cases, the interposition
of Mumbo Jumbo is called in, and is always decisive.
This strange minister of justice (who is supposed to be either the husband
himself, or some person instructed by him), disguised in the dress that
has been mentioned, and armed with the rod of public authority, announces
his coming (whenever his services are required) by loud and dismal screams
in the woods near the town. He begins the pantomime at the approach
of night; and as soon as it is dark he enters the town, and proceeds
to the bentang, at which all the inhabitants immediately assemble.
December 9. - As there was no water to be procured on the road,
we travelled with great expedition until we reached Tambacunda; and
departing from thence early the next morning, the 10th, we reached in
the evening Kooniakary, a town of nearly the same magnitude as Kolor.
About noon on the 11th we arrived at Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli,
towards Bondou, from which it is separated by an intervening wilderness
of two days’ journey.
The guide appointed by the king of Woolli being now to return, I presented
him with some amber for his trouble; and having been informed that it
was not possible at all times to procure water in the wilderness, I
made inquiry for men who would serve both as guides and water-bearers
during my journey across it. Three negroes, elephant-hunters,
offered their services for these purposes, which I accepted, and paid
them three bars each in advance; and the day being far spent, I determined
to pass the night in my present quarters.
The inhabitants of Koojar, though not wholly unaccustomed to the sight
of Europeans (most of them having occasionally visited the countries
on the Gambia), beheld me with a mixture of curiosity and reverence,
and in the evening invited me to see a neobering, or wrestling-match,
at the bentang. This is an exhibition very common in all the Mandingo
countries. The spectators arranged themselves in a circle, leaving
the intermediate space for the wrestlers, who were strong active young
men, full of emulation, and accustomed, I suppose, from their infancy
to this sort of exertion. Being stripped of their clothing, except
a short pair of drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil, or
shea butter, the combatants approached each other on all-fours,
parrying with, and occasionally extending a hand for some time, till
at length one of them sprang forward, and caught his rival by the knee.
Great dexterity and judgment were now displayed, but the contest was
decided by superior strength; and I think that few Europeans would have
been able to cope with the conqueror. It must not be unobserved,
that the combatants were animated by the music of a drum, by which their
actions were in some measure regulated.
The wrestling was succeeded by a dance, in which many performers assisted,
all of whom were provided with little bells, which were fastened to
their legs and arms; and here, too, the drum regulated their motions.
It was beaten with a crooked stick, which the drummer held in his right
hand, occasionally using his left to deaden the sound, and thus vary
the music. The drama is likewise applied on these occasions to
keep order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of certain Mandingo
sentences. For example, when the wrestling-match is about to begin,
the drummer strikes what is understood to signify ali bæ see
(sit all down), upon which the spectators immediately seat themselves;
and when the combatants are to begin, he strikes amuta! amuta!
(take hold! take hold!)
In the course of the evening I was presented, by way of refreshment,
with a liquor, which tasted so much like the strong beer of my native
country (and very good beer too), as to induce me to inquire into its
composition; and I learnt, with some degree of surprise, that it was
actually made from corn which had been previously malted, much in the
same manner as barley is malted in Great Britain. A root yielding
a grateful bitter was used in lieu of hops, the name of which I have
forgotten; but the corn which yields the wort is the holcus spicatus
of botanists.
Early in the morning (the 12th) I found that one of the elephant-hunters
had absconded with the money he had received from me in part of wages;
and in order to prevent the other two from following his example, I
made them instantly fill their calabashes (or gourds) with water; and
as the sun rose, I entered the wilderness that separates the kingdoms
of Woolli and Bondou.
We continued our journey without stopping any more until noon, when
we came to a large tree, called by the natives neema taba.
It had a very singular appearance, being decorated with innumerable
rags or scraps of cloth, which persons travelling across the wilderness
had at different times tied to the branches, probably at first to inform
the traveller that water was to be found near it; but the custom has
been so greatly sanctioned by time, that nobody now presumes to pass
without hanging up something. I followed the example, and suspended
a handsome piece of cloth on one of the boughs; and being told that
either a well, or pool of water, was at no great distance, I ordered
the negroes to unload the asses, that we might give them corn, and regale
ourselves with the provisions we had brought. In the meantime,
I sent one of the elephant-hunters to look for the well, intending,
if water was to be obtained, to rest here for the night. A pool
was found, but the water was thick and muddy, and the negro discovered
near it the remains of a fire recently extinguished, and the fragments
of provisions, which afforded a proof that it had been lately visited,
either by travellers or banditti. The fears of my attendants supposed
the latter; and believing that robbers lurked near as, I was persuaded
to change my resolution of resting here all night, and proceed to another
watering-place, which I was assured we might reach early in the evening.
We departed accordingly, but it was eight o’clock at night before
we came to the watering-place; and being now sufficiently fatigued with
so long a day’s journey, we kindled a large fire and lay down,
surrounded by our cattle, on the bare ground, more than a gunshot from
any bush, the negroes agreeing to keep watch by turns to prevent surprise.
I know not, indeed, that any danger was justly to be dreaded, but the
negroes were unaccountably apprehensive of banditti during the whole
of the journey. As soon, therefore, as daylight appeared, we filled
our soofroos (skins) and calabashes at the pool, and set out
for Tallika, the first town in Bondou, which we reached about eleven
o’clock in the forenoon (the 13th of December).
CHAPTER IV - FROM TALLIKA TO KAJAAGA
Tallika, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, is inhabited chiefly
by Foulahs of the Mohammedan religion, who live in considerable affluence,
partly by furnishing provisions to the coffles, or caravans, that pass
through the town, and partly by the sale of ivory, obtained by hunting
elephants, in which employment the young men are generally very successful.
Here an officer belonging to the king of Bondou constantly resides,
whose business it is to give timely information of the arrival of the
caravans, which are taxed according to the number of loaded asses that
arrive at Tallika.
I took up my residence at this officer’s house, and agreed with
him to accompany me to Fatteconda, the residence of the king, for which
he was to receive five bars; and before my departure I wrote a few lines
to Dr. Laidley, and gave my letter to the master of a caravan bound
for the Gambia. This caravan consisted of nine or ten people,
with five asses loaded with ivory. The large teeth are conveyed
in nets, two on each side of the ass; the small ones are wrapped up
in skins, and secured with ropes.
December 14. - We left Tallika, and rode on very peaceably for
about two miles, when a violent quarrel arose between two of my fellow-travellers,
one of whom was the blacksmith, in the course of which they bestowed
some opprobrious terms upon each other; and it is worthy of remark,
that an African will sooner forgive a blow than a term of reproach applied
to his ancestors. “Strike me, but do not curse my mother,”
is a common expression even among the slaves. This sort of abuse,
therefore, so enraged one of the disputants, that he drew his cutlass
upon the blacksmith, and would certainly have ended the dispute in a
very serious manner, if the others had not laid hold of him and wrested
the cutlass from him. I was obliged to interfere, and put an end
to this disagreeable business by desiring the blacksmith to be silent,
and telling the other, who I thought was in the wrong, that if he attempted
in future to draw his cutlass, or molest any of my attendants, I should
look upon him as a robber, and shoot him without further ceremony.
This threat had the desired effect, and we marched sullenly along till
the afternoon, when we arrived at a number of small villages scattered
over an open and fertile plain. At one of these, called Ganado,
we took up our residence for the night; here an exchange of presents
and a good supper terminated all animosities among my attendants, and
the night was far advanced before any of us thought of going to sleep.
We were amused by an itinerant singing man, who told a number
of diverting stories, and played some sweet airs by blowing his breath
upon a bow-string, and striking it at the same time with a stick.
December 15. - At daybreak my fellow-travellers, the Serawoollies,
took leave of me, with many prayers for my safety. About a mile
from Ganado we crossed a considerable branch of the Gambia, called Neriko.
The banks were steep and covered with mimosas; and I observed in the
mud a number of large mussels, but the natives do not eat them.
About noon, the sun being exceedingly hot, we rested two hours in the
shade of a tree, and purchased some milk and pounded corn from some
Foulah herdsmen, and at sunset reached a town called Koorkarany, where
the blacksmith had some relations; and here we rested two days.
Koorkarany is a Mohammedan town surrounded by a high wall, and is provided
with a mosque. Here I was shown a number of Arabic manuscripts,
particularly a copy of the book before mentioned, called Al Sharra.
The maraboo, or priest, in whose possession it was, read and
explained to me in Mandingo many of the most remarkable passages, and,
in return, I showed him Richardson’s Arabic Grammar, which he
very much admired.
On the evening of the second day (December 17) we departed from Koorkarany.
We were joined by a young man who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt;
and as night set in we reached Dooggi, a small village about three miles
from Koorkarany.
Provisions were here so cheap that I purchased a bullock for six small
stones of amber; for I found my company increase or diminish according
to the good fare they met with.
December 18. - Early in the morning we departed from Dooggi,
and, being joined by a number of Foulahs and other people, made a formidable
appearance, and were under no apprehension of being plundered in the
woods. About eleven o’clock, one of the asses proving very
refractory, the negroes took a curious method to make him tractable.
They cut a forked stick, and putting the forked part into the ass’s
mouth, like the bit of a bridle, tied the two smaller parts together
above his head, leaving the lower part of the stick of sufficient length
to strike against the ground, if the ass should attempt to put his head
down. After this the ass walked along quietly and gravely enough,
taking care, after some practice, to hold his head sufficiently high
to prevent stones or roots of trees from striking against the end of
the stick, which experience had taught him would give a severe shock
to his teeth. This contrivance produced a ludicrous appearance,
but my fellow-travellers told me it was constantly adopted by the slatees,
and always proved effectual.
In the evening we arrived at a few scattered villages, surrounded with
extensive cultivation, at one of which, called Buggil, we passed the
night in a miserable hut, having no other bed than a bundle of corn-stalks,
and no provisions but what we brought with us. The wells here
are dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. I measured one
of the bucket-ropes, and found the depth of the well to be twenty-eight
fathoms.
December 19. - We departed from Buggil, and travelled along a
dry, stony height, covered with mimosas, till mid-day, when the land
sloped towards the east, and we descended into a deep valley, in which
I observed abundance of whinstone and white quartz. Pursuing our
course to the eastward, along this valley in the bed of an exhausted
river-course, we came to a large village, where we intended to lodge.
We found many of the natives dressed in a thin French gauze, which they
called byqui; this being a light airy dress, and well calculated
to display the shape of their persons, is much esteemed by the ladies.
The manners of these females, however, did not correspond with their
dress, for they were rude and troublesome in the highest degree; they
surrounded me in numbers, begging for amber, beads, &c., and were
so vehement in their solicitations, that I found it impossible to resist
them. They tore my cloak, cut the buttons from my boy’s
clothes, and were proceeding to other outrages, when I mounted my horse
and rode off, followed for half-a-mile by a body of these harpies.
In the evening we reached Soobrudooka, and as my company was numerous
(being fourteen), I purchased a sheep and abundance of corn for supper;
after which we lay down by the bundles, and passed an uncomfortable
night in a heavy dew.
December 20. - We departed from Soobrudooka, and at two o’clock
reached a large village situated on the banks of the Falemé river,
which is here rapid and rocky. The natives were employed in fishing
in various ways. The large fish were taken in long baskets made
of split cane, and placed in a strong current, which was created by
walls of stone built across the stream, certain open places being left,
through which the water rushed with great force. Some of these
baskets were more than twenty feet long, and when once the fish had
entered one of them, the force of the stream prevented it from returning.
The small fish were taken in great numbers in hand-nets, which the natives
weave of cotton, and use with great dexterity. The fish last mentioned
are about the size of sprats, and are prepared for sale in different
ways; the most common is by pounding them entire as they come from the
stream, in a wooden mortar, and exposing them to dry in the sun, in
large lumps like sugar loaves. It may be supposed that the smell
is not very agreeable; but in the Moorish countries to the north of
the Senegal, where fish is scarcely known, this preparation is esteemed
as a luxury, and sold to considerable advantage. The manner
of using it by the natives is by dissolving a piece of this black loaf
in boiling water, and mixing it with their kouskous.
On returning to the village, after an excursion to the river-side to
inspect the fishery, an old Moorish shereef came to bestow his blessing
upon me, and beg some paper to write saphies upon. This man had
seen Major Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and told me that he died
in the country of the Moors.
About three in the afternoon we continued our course along the bank
of the river to the northward, till eight o’clock, when we reached
Nayemow. Here the hospitable master of the town received us kindly,
and presented us with a bullock. In return I gave him some amber
and beads.
December 21. - In the morning, having agreed for a canoe to carry
over my bundles, I crossed the river, which came up to my knees as I
sat on my horse; but the water is so clear, that from the high bank
the bottom is visible all the way over.
About noon we entered Fatteconda, the capital of Bondou, and in a little
time received an invitation to the house of a respectable slatee: for
as there are no public-houses in Africa, it is customary for strangers
to stand at the bentang, or some other place of public resort, till
they are invited to a lodging by some of the inhabitants. We accepted
the offer; and in an hour afterwards a person came and told me that
he was sent on purpose to conduct me to the king, who was very desirous
of seeing me immediately, if I was not too much fatigued.
I took my interpreter with me, and followed the messenger till we got
quite out of the town, and crossed some corn-fields; when, suspecting
some trick, I stopped, and asked the guide whither he was going.
Upon which, he pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some little
distance, and told me that the king frequently gave audience in that
retired manner, in order to avoid a crowd of people, and that nobody
but myself and my interpreter must approach him. When I advanced
the king desired me to come and sit by him upon the mat; and, after
hearing my story, on which be made no observation, he asked if I wished
to purchase any slaves or gold. Being answered in the negative,
he seemed rather surprised, but desired me to come to him in the evening,
and he would give me some provisions.
This monarch was called Almami, a Moorish name, though I was told that
he was not a Mohammedan, but a kafir or pagan. I had heard that
he had acted towards Major Houghton with great unkindness, and caused
him to be plundered. His behaviour, therefore, towards myself
at this interview, though much more civil than I expected, was far from
freeing me from uneasiness. I still apprehended some double-dealing;
and as I was now entirely in his power, I thought it best to smooth
the way by a present. Accordingly, I took with me in the evening
one canister of gunpowder, some amber, tobacco, and my umbrella; and
as I considered that my bundles would inevitably be searched, I concealed
some few articles in the roof of the hut where I lodged, and I put on
my new blue coat in order to preserve it.
All the houses belonging to the king and his family are surrounded by
a lofty mud wall, which converts the whole into a kind of citadel.
The interior is subdivided into different courts. At the first
place of entrance I observed a man standing with a musket on his shoulder;
and I found the way to the presence very intricate, leading through
many passages, with sentinels placed at the different doors. When
we came to the entrance of the court in which the king resides, both
my guide and interpreter, according to custom, took off their sandals;
and the former pronounced the king’s name aloud, repeating it
till he was answered from within. We found the monarch sitting
upon a mat, and two attendants with him. I repeated what I had
before told him concerning the object of my journey, and my reasons
for passing through his country. He seemed, however, but half
satisfied. When I offered to show him the contents of my portmanteau,
and everything belonging to me, he was convinced; and it was evident
that his suspicion had arisen from a belief that every white man must
of necessity be a trader. When I had delivered my presents, he
seemed well pleased, and was particularly delighted with the umbrella,
which he repeatedly furled and unfurled, to the great admiration of
himself and his two attendants, who could not for some time comprehend
the use of this wonderful machine. After this I was about to take
my leave, when the king, desiring me to stop a while, began a long preamble
in favour of the whites, extolling their immense wealth and good dispositions.
He next proceeded to an eulogium on my blue coat, of which the yellow
buttons seemed particularly to catch his fancy; and he concluded by
entreating me to present him with it, assuring me, for my consolation
under the loss of it, that he would wear it on all public occasions,
and inform every one who saw it of my great liberality towards him.
The request of an African prince, in his own dominions, particularly
when made to a stranger, comes little short of a command. It is
only a way of obtaining by gentle means what he can, if he pleases,
take by force; and as it was against my interest to offend him by a
refusal, I very quietly took off my coat, the only good one in my possession,
and laid it at his feet.
In return for my compliance, he presented me with great plenty of provisions,
and desired to see me again in the morning. I accordingly attended,
and found in sitting upon his bed. He told me he was sick, and
wished to have a little blood taken from him; but I had no sooner, tied
up his arm and displayed the lancet, than his courage failed, and he
begged me to postpone the operation till the afternoon, as he felt himself,
he said, much better than he had been, and thanked me kindly for my
readiness to serve him. He then observed that his women were very
desirous to see me, and requested that I would favour them with a visit.
An attendant was ordered to conduct me; and I had no sooner entered
the court appropriated to the ladies, than the whole seraglio surrounded
me - some begging for physic, some for amber, and all of them desirous
of trying that great African specific, blood-letting. They
were ten or twelve in number, most of them young and handsome, and wearing
on their heads ornaments of gold, and beads of amber.
They rallied me with a good deal of gaiety on different subjects, particularly
upon the whiteness of my skin and the prominency of my nose. They
insisted that both were artificial. The first, they said, was
produced when I was an infant, by dipping me in milk; and they insisted
that my nose had been pinched every day, till it had acquired its present
unsightly and unnatural conformation. On my part, without disputing
my own deformity, I paid them many compliments on African beauty.
I praised the glossy jet of their skins, and the lovely depression of
their noses; but they said that flattery, or, as they emphatically termed
it, honey-mouth, was not esteemed in Bondou. In return,
however, for my company or my compliments (to which, by the way, they
seemed not so insensible as they affected to be) they presented me with
a jar of honey and some fish, which were sent to my lodging; and I was
desired to come again to the king a little before sunset.
I carried with me some beads and writing-paper, it being usual to present
some small offering on taking leave, in return for which the king gave
me five drachms of gold, observing that it was but a trifle, and given
out of pure friendship, but would be of use to me in travelling, for
the purchase of provisions. He seconded this act of kindness by
one still greater, politely telling me that, though it was customary
to examine the baggage of every traveller passing through his country,
yet, in the present instance, he would dispense without ceremony, adding,
I was at liberty to depart when I pleased.
Accordingly, on the morning of the 23rd, we left Fatteconda, and about
eleven o’clock came to a small village, where we determined to
stop for the rest of the day.
In the afternoon my fellow-travellers informed me that, as this was
the boundary between Bondou and Kajaaga, and dangerous for travellers,
it would be necessary to continue our journey by night, until we should
reach a more hospitable part of the country. I agreed to the proposal,
and hired two people for guides through the woods; and as soon as the
people of the village were gone to sleep (the moon shining bright) we
set out. The stillness of the air, the howling of the wild beasts,
and the deep solitude of the forest, made the scene solemn and oppressive.
Not a word was uttered by any of us but in a whisper; all were attentive,
and every one anxious to show his sagacity by pointing out to me the
wolves and hyænas, as they glided like shadows from one thicket
to another. Towards morning we arrived at a village called Kimmoo,
where our guides awakened one of their acquaintances, and we stopped
to give the asses some corn, and roast a few ground-nuts for ourselves.
At daylight we resumed our journey, and in the afternoon arrived at
Joag, in the kingdom of Kajaaga.
Being now in a country and among a people differing in many respects
from those that have as yet fallen under our observation, I shall, before
I proceed further, give some account of Bondou (the territory we have
left) and its inhabitants, the Foulahs, the description of whom I purposely
reserved for this part of my work.
Bondou is bounded on the east by Bambouk, on the south-east and south
by Tenda and the Simbani wilderness, on the south-west by Woolli, on
the west by Foota Torra, and on the north by Kajaaga.
The country, like that of Woolli, is very generally covered with woods,
but the land is more elevated, and, towards the Falemé river,
rises into considerable hills. In native fertility the soil is
not surpassed, I believe, by any part of Africa.
From the central situation of Bondou, between the Gambia and Senegal
rivers, it is become a place of great resort, both for the slatees,
who generally pass through it on going from the coast to the interior
countries, and for occasional traders, who frequently come hither from
the inland countries to purchase salt.
These different branches of commerce are conducted principally by Mandingoes
and Serawoollies, who have settled in the country. These merchants
likewise carry on a considerable trade with Gedumah and other Moorish
countries, bartering corn and blue cotton cloths for salt, which they
again barter in Dentila and other districts for iron, shea-butter, and
small quantities of gold-dust. They likewise sell a variety of
sweet-smelling gums, packed up in small bags, containing each about
a pound. These gums, being thrown on hot embers, produce a very
pleasant odour, and are used by the Mandingoes for perfuming their huts
and clothes.
The customs, or duties on travellers, are very heavy; in almost every
town an ass-load pays a bar of European merchandise, and at Fatteconda,
the residence of the king, one Indian baft, or a musket, and six bottles
of gunpowder, are exacted as the common tribute. By means of these
duties, the king of Bondou is well supplied with arms and ammunition
- a circumstance which makes him formidable to the neighbouring states.
The inhabitants differ in their complexions and national manners from
the Mandingoes and Serawoollies, with whom they are frequently at war.
Some years ago the king of Bondou crossed the Falemé river with
a numerous army; and, after a short and bloody campaign, totally defeated
the forces of Samboo, king of Bambouk, who was obliged to sue for peace,
and surrender to him all the towns along the eastern bank of the Falemé.
The Foulahs in general (as has been observed in a former chapter) are
of a tawny complexion, with small features and soft silky hair; next
to the Mandingoes, they are undoubtedly the most considerable of all
the nations in this part of Africa. Their original country is
said to be Fooladoo (which signifies the country of the Foulahs); but
they possess at present many other kingdoms at a great distance from
each other; their complexion, however, is not exactly the same in the
different districts; in Bondou, and the other kingdoms which are situated
in the vicinity of the Moorish territories, they are of a more yellow
complexion than in the southern states.
The Foulahs of Bondou are naturally of a mild and gentle disposition,
but the uncharitable maxims of the Koran have made them less hospitable
to strangers, and more reserved in their behaviour, than the Mandingoes.
They evidently consider all the negro natives as their inferiors; and,
when talking of different nations, always rank themselves among the
white people.
Their government differs from that of the Mandingoes chiefly in this,
that they are more immediately under the influence of Mohammedan laws;
for all the chief men, the king excepted, and a large majority of the
inhabitants of Bondou, are Mussulmans, and the authority and laws of
the Prophet are everywhere looked upon as sacred and decisive.
In the exercise of their faith, however, they are not very intolerant
towards such of their countrymen as still retain their ancient superstitions.
Religious persecution is not known among them, nor is it necessary;
for the system of Mohammed is made to extend itself by means abundantly
more efficacious. By establishing small schools in the different
towns, where many of the pagan as well as Mohammedan children are taught
to read the Koran, and instructed in the tenets of the Prophet, the
Mohammedan priests fix a bias on the minds, and form the character,
of their young disciples, which no accidents of life can ever afterwards
remove or alter. Many of these little schools I visited in my
progress through the country, and I observed with pleasure the great
docility and submissive deportment of the children, and heartily wished
they had had better instructors and a purer religion.
With the Mohammedan faith is also introduced the Arabic language, with
which most of the Foulahs have a slight acquaintance. Their native
tongue abounds very much in liquids, but there is something unpleasant
in the manner of pronouncing it. A stranger, on hearing the common
conversation of two Foulahs, would imagine that they were scolding each
other. Their numerals are these:-
One, Go.
Two, Deeddee.
Three, Tettee.
Four, Nee.
Five, Jouee.
Six, Jego.
Seven, Jedeeddee.
Eight, Je Tettee.
Nine, Je Nee.
Ten, Sappo.
The industry of the Foulahs, in the occupations of pasturage and agriculture,
is everywhere remarkable. Even on the banks of the Gambia, the
greater part of the corn is raised by them, and their herds and flocks
are more numerous and in better condition than those of the Mandingoes;
but in Bondou they are opulent in a high degree, and enjoy all the necessaries
of life in the greatest profusion. They display great skill in
the management of their cattle, making them extremely gentle by kindness
and familiarity. On the approach of the night, they are collected
from the woods and secured in folds called korrees, which are
constructed in the neighbourhood of the different villages. In
the middle of each korree is erected a small hut, wherein one or two
of the herdsmen keep watch during the night, to prevent the cattle from
being stolen, and to keep up the fires which are kindled round the korree
to frighten away the wild beasts.
The cattle are milked in the mornings and evenings: the milk is excellent;
but the quantity obtained from any one cow is by no means so great as
in Europe. The Foulahs use the milk chiefly as an article of diet,
and that not until it is quite sour. The cream which it affords
is very thick, and is converted into butter by stirring it violently
in a large calabash. This butter, when melted over a gentle fire,
and freed from impurities, is preserved in small earthen pots, and forms
a part in most of their dishes; it serves likewise to anoint their heads,
and is bestowed very liberally on their faces and arms.
But although milk is plentiful, it is somewhat remarkable that the Foulahs,
and indeed all the inhabitants of this part of Africa, are totally unacquainted
with the art of making cheese. A firm attachment to the customs
of their ancestors makes them view with an eye of prejudice everything
that looks like innovation. The heat of the climate and the great
scarcity of salt are held forth as unanswerable objections; and the
whole process appears to them too long and troublesome to be attended
with any solid advantage.
Besides the cattle, which constitute the chief wealth of the Foulahs,
they possess some excellent horses, the breed of which seems to be a
mixture of the Arabian with the original African.
CHAPTER V - FROM KAJAAGA TO KASSON
The kingdom of Kajaaga, in which I was now arrived, is called by the
French Gallam, but the name that I have adopted is universally used
by the natives. This country is bounded on the south-east and
south by Bambouk, on the west by Bondou and Foota-Torra, and on the
north by the river Senegal.
The air and climate are, I believe, more pure and salubrious than at
any of the settlements towards the coast; the face of the country is
everywhere interspersed with a pleasing variety of hills and valleys;
and the windings of the Senegal river, which descends from the rocky
hills of the interior, make the scenery on its banks very picturesque
and beautiful.
The inhabitants are called Serawoollies, or (as the French write it)
Seracolets. Their complexion is a jet black: they are not
to be distinguished in this respect from the Jaloffs.
The government is monarchical, and the regal authority, from what I
experienced of it, seems to be sufficiently formidable. The people
themselves, however, complain of no oppression, and seemed all very
anxious to support the king in a contest he was going to enter into
with the sovereign of Kasson. The Serawoollies are habitually
a trading people; they formerly carried on a great commerce with the
French in gold and slaves, and still maintain some traffic in slaves
with the British factories on the Gambia. They are reckoned tolerably
fair and just in their dealings, but are indefatigable in their exertions
to acquire wealth, and they derive considerable profits by the sale
of salt and cotton cloth in distant countries. When a Serawoolli
merchant returns home from a trading expedition the neighbours immediately
assemble to congratulate him upon his arrival. On these occasions
the traveller displays his wealth and liberality by making a few presents
to his friends; but if he has been unsuccessful his levee is soon over,
and every one looks upon him as a man of no understanding, who could
perform a long journey, and (at they express it) “bring back nothing
but the hair upon his head.”
Their language abounds much in gutturals, and is not so harmonious as
that spoken by the Foulahs. It is, however, well worth acquiring
by those who travel through this part of the African continent, it being
very generally understood in the kingdoms of Kasson, Kaarta, Ludamar,
and the northern parts of Bambarra. In all these countries the
Serawoollies are the chief traders. Their numerals are:-
One, Bani.
Two, Fillo.
Three, Sicco.
Four, Narrato.
Five, Karrago.
Six, Toomo.
Seven, Nero.
Eight, Sego.
Nine, Kabbo.
Ten, Tamo.
Twenty, Tamo di Fillo.
We arrived at Joag, the frontier town of this kingdom, on the 24th of
December, and took up our residence at the house of the chief man, who
is here no longer known by the title of alkaid, but is called the dooty.
He was a rigid Mohammedan, but distinguished for his hospitality.
This town may be supposed, on a gross computation, to contain two thousand
inhabitants. It is surrounded by a high wall, in which are a number
of port-holes, for musketry to fire through, in case of an attack.
Every man’s possession is likewise surrounded by a wall, the whole
forming so many distinct citadels; and amongst a people unacquainted
with the use of artillery these walls answer all the purposes of stronger
fortifications. To the westward of the town is a small river,
on the banks of which the natives raise great plenty of tobacco and
onions.
The same evening Madiboo, the bushreen, who had accompanied me from
Pisania, went to pay a visit to his father and mother, who dwelt at
a neighbouring town called Dramanet. He was joined by my other
attendant, the blacksmith. As soon as it was dark I was invited
to see the sports of the inhabitants, it being their custom, on the
arrival of strangers, to welcome them by diversions of different kinds.
I found a great crowd surrounding a party who were dancing, by the light
of some large fires, to the music of four drums, which were beat with
great exactness and uniformity. The dances, however, consisted
more in wanton gestures than in muscular exertion or graceful attitudes.
The ladies vied with each other in displaying the most voluptuous movements
imaginable.
December 25. - About two o’clock in the morning a number
of horsemen came into the town, and, having awakened my landlord, talked
to him for some time in the Serawoolli tongue; after which they dismounted
and came to the bentang, on which I had made my bed. One of them,
thinking that I was asleep, attempted to steal the musket that lay by
me on the mat, but finding that he could not effect his purpose undiscovered,
he desisted, and the strangers sat down by me till daylight.
I could now easily perceive, by the countenance of my interpreter, Johnson,
that something very unpleasant was in agitation. I was likewise
surprised to see Madiboo and the blacksmith so soon returned.
On inquiring the reason, Madiboo informed me that, as they were dancing
at Dramanet, ten horsemen belonging to Batcheri, king of the country,
with his second son at their head, had arrived there, inquiring if the
white man had passed, and, on being told that I was at Joag, they rode
off without stopping. Madiboo added that on hearing this he and
the blacksmith hastened back to give me notice of their coming.
Whilst I was listening to this narrative the ten horsemen mentioned
by Madiboo arrived, and coming to the bentang, dismounted and seated
themselves with those who had come before - the whole being about twenty
in number - forming a circle round me, and each man holding his musket
in his hand. I took this opportunity to observe to my landlord
that, as I did not understand the Serawoolli tongue, I hoped whatever
the men had to say they would speak in Mandingo. To this they
agreed; and a short man, loaded with a remarkable number of saphies,
opened the business in a very long harangue, informing me that I had
entered the king’s town without having first paid the duties,
or giving any present to the king; and that, according to the laws of
the country, my people, cattle, and baggage were forfeited. He
added that they had received orders from the king to conduct me to Maana,
{2} the place of his
residence, and if I refused to come with them their orders were to bring
me by force; upon his saying which all of them rose up and asked me
if I was ready. It would have been equally vain and imprudent
in me to have resisted or irritated such a body of men; I therefore
affected to comply with their commands, and begged them only to stop
a little until I had given my horse a feed of corn, and settled matters
with my landlord. The poor blacksmith, who was a native of Kasson,
mistook this feigned compliance for a real intention, and taking me
away from the company, told me that he had always behaved towards me
as if I had been his father and master, and he hoped I would not entirely
ruin him by going to Maana, adding that as there was every reason to
believe a war would soon take place between Kasson and Kajaaga, he should
not only lose his little property, the savings of four years’
industry, but should certainly be detained and sold as a slave, unless
his friends had an opportunity of paying two slaves for his redemption.
I saw this reasoning in its full force, and determined to do my utmost
to preserve the blacksmith from so dreadful a fate. I therefore
told the king’s son that I was ready to go with him, upon condition
that, the blacksmith, who was an inhabitant of a distant kingdom, and
entirely unconnected with me, should be allowed to stay at Joag till
my return. To this they all objected, and insisted that, as we
had all acted contrary to the laws, we were all equally answerable for
our conduct.
I now took my landlord aside, and giving him a small present of gunpowder,
asked his advice in such critical a situation. He was decidedly
of opinion that I ought not to go to the king: he was fully convinced,
he said, that if the king should discover anything valuable in my possession,
he would not be over scrupulous about the means of obtaining it.
Towards the evening, as I was sitting upon the bentang chewing straws,
an old female slave, passing by with a basket upon her head, asked me
if had got my dinner. As I thought she only laughed at
me, I gave her no answer; but my boy, who was sitting close by, answered
for me, and told her that the king’s people had robbed me of all
my money. On hearing this, the good old woman, with a look of
unaffected benevolence, immediately took the basket from her head, and
showing me that it contained ground nuts, asked me if I could eat them.
Being answered in the affirmative, she presented me with a few handfuls,
and walked away before I had time to thank her for this seasonable supply.
The old woman had scarcely left me when I received information that
a nephew of Demba Sego Jalla, the Mandingo king of Kasson, was coming
to pay me a visit. He had been sent on an embassy to Batcheri,
King of Kajaaga, to endeavour to settle the disputes which had arisen
between his uncle and the latter; but after debating the matter four
days without success, he was now on his return, and hearing that a white
man was at Joag, on his way to Kasson, curiosity brought in to see me.
I represented to him my situation and distresses, when he frankly offered
me his protection, and said he would be my guide to Kasson (provided
I would set out the next morning), and be answerable for my safety.
I readily and gratefully accepted his offer, and was ready with my attendants
by daylight on the morning of the 27th of December.
My protector, whose name was Demba Sego, probably after his uncle, had
a numerous retinue. Our company, at leaving Joag, consisted of
thirty persons and six loaded asses; and we rode on cheerfully enough
for some hours, without any remarkable occurrence until we came to a
species of tree for which my interpreter Johnson had made frequent inquiry.
On finding it, he desired us to stop, and producing a white chicken,
which he had purchased at Joag for the purpose, he tied it by the leg
to one of the branches, and then told us we might now safely proceed,
for that our journey would be prosperous.
At noon we had reached Gungadi, a large town where we stopped about
an hour, until some of the asses that had fallen behind came up.
Here I observed a number of date-trees, and a mosque built of clay,
with six turrets, on the pinnacles of which were placed six ostrich
eggs. A little before sunset we arrived at the town of Samee,
on the banks of the Senegal, which is here a beautiful but shallow river,
moving slowly over a bed of sand and gravel. The banks are high,
and covered with verdure - the country is open and cultivated - and
the rocky hills of Fellow and Bambouk add much to the beauty of the
landscape.
December 28. - We departed from Samee, and arrived in the afternoon
at Kayee, a large village, part of which is situated on the north and
part on the south side of the river.
The ferryman then taking hold of the most steady of the horses by a
rope, led him into the water, and paddled the canoe a little from the
brink; upon which a general attack commenced upon the other horses,
who, finding themselves pelted and kicked on all sides, unanimously
plunged into the river, and followed their companion. A few boys
swam in after them; and, by laving water upon them when they attempted
to return, urged them onwards; and we had the satisfaction in about
fifteen minutes to see them all safe on the other side. It was
a matter of greater difficulty to manage the asses; their natural stubbornness
of disposition made them endure a great deal of pelting and shoving
before they would venture into the water; and when they had reached
the middle of the stream, four of them turned back, in spite of every
exertion to get them forwards. Two hours were spent in getting
the whole of them over; an hour more was employed in transporting the
baggage; and it was near sunset before the canoe returned, when Demba
Sego and myself embarked in this dangerous passage-boat, which the least
motion was like to overset. The king’s nephew thought this
a proper time to have a peep into a tin box of mine that stood in the
fore part of the canoe; and in stretching out his band for it, he unfortunately
destroyed the equilibrium, and overset the canoe. Luckily we were
not far advanced, and got back to the shore without much difficulty;
from whence, after wringing the water from our clothes, we took a fresh
departure, and were soon afterwards safely landed in Kasson.
CHAPTER VI - TIGGITY SEGO’S PALAVER
We no sooner found ourselves safe in Kasson than Demba Sego told me
that we were now in his uncle’s dominions, and he hoped I would
consider, being now out of danger, the obligation I owed to him, and
make him a suitable return for the trouble he had taken on my account
by a handsome present. This, as he knew how much had been pilfered
from me at Joag, was rather an unexpected proposition, and I began to
fear that I had not much improved my condition by crossing the water;
but as it would have been folly to complain I made no observation upon
his conduct, and gave him seven bars of amber and some tobacco, with
which he seemed to be content.
After a long day’s journey, in the course of which I observed
a number of large loose nodules of white granite, we arrived at Teesee
on the evening of December 29th, and were accommodated in Demba Sego’s
hut. The next morning he introduced me to his father, Tiggity
Sego, brother to the king of Kasson, chief of Teesee. The old
man viewed me with great earnestness, having never, he said, beheld
but one white man before, whom by his description I immediately knew
to be Major Houghton.
In the afternoon one of his slaves eloped; and a general alarm being
given, every person that had a horse rode into the woods, in the hopes
of apprehending him, and Demba Sego begged the use of my horse for the
same purpose. I readily consented; and in about an hour they all
returned with the slave, who was severely flogged, and afterwards put
in irons. On the day following (December 31st) Demba Sego was
ordered to go with twenty horsemen to a town in Gedumah, to adjust some
dispute with the Moors, a party of whom were supposed to have stolen
three horses from Teesee. Demba begged a second the time use of
my horse, adding that the sight of my bridle and saddle would give him
consequence among the Moors. This request also I readily granted,
and he promised to return at the end of three days. During his
absence I amused myself with walking about the town, and conversing
with the natives, who attended me everywhere with great kindness and
curiosity, and supplied me with milk, eggs, and what other provisions
I wanted, on very easy terms.
Teesee is a large unwalled town, having no security against the attack
of an enemy except a sort of citadel in which Tiggity and his family
constantly reside. This town, according to the report of the natives,
was formerly inhabited only by a few Foulah shepherds, who lived in
considerable affluence by means of the excellent meadows in the neighbourhood,
in which they reared great herds of cattle. But their prosperity
attracting the envy of some Mandingoes, the latter drove out the shepherds,
and took possession of their lands.
The present inhabitants, though they possess both cattle and corn in
abundance, are not over nice in articles of diet; rats, moles, squirrels,
snakes, locusts, are eaten without scruple by the highest and lowest.
My people were one evening invited to a feast given by some of the townsmen,
where, after making a hearty meal of what they thought fish and kouskous,
one of them found a piece of hard skin in the dish, and brought it along
with him to show me what sort of fish they had been eating. On
examining the skin I found they had been feasting on a large snake.
Another custom still more extraordinary is that no woman is allowed
to eat an egg. This prohibition, whether arising from ancient
superstition or from the craftiness of some old bushreen who loved eggs
himself, is rigidly adhered to, and nothing will more affront a woman
of Teesee than to offer her an egg. The custom is the more singular,
as the men eat eggs without scruple in the presence of their wives,
and I never observed the same prohibition in any other of the Mandingo
countries.
The third day after his son’s departure, Tiggity Sego held a palaver
on a very extraordinary occasion, which I attended; and the debates
on both sides of the question displayed much ingenuity. The case
was this:- A young man, a kafir of considerable affluence, who had recently
married a young and handsome wife, applied to a very devout bushreen,
or Mussalman priest, of his acquaintance, to procure him saphies for
his protection during the approaching war. The bushreen complied
with the request; and in order, as he pretended, to render the saphies
more efficacious, enjoined the young man to avoid any nuptial intercourse
with his bride for the space of six weeks. Severe as the injunction
was, the kafir strictly obeyed; and, without telling his wife the real
cause, absented himself from her company. In the meantime, it
began to be whispered at Teesee that the bushreen, who always performed
his evening devotions at the door of the kafir’s hut, was more
intimate with the young wife than he ought to be. At first the
good husband was unwilling to suspect the honour of his sanctified friend,
and one whole month elapsed before any jealousy rose in his mind, but
hearing the charge repeated, he at last interrogated his wife on the
subject, who frankly confessed that the bushreen had seduced her.
Hereupon the kafir put her into confinement, and called a palaver upon
the bushreen’s conduct. The fact was clearly proved against
him; and he was sentenced to be sold into slavery, or to find two slaves
for his redemption, according to the pleasure of the complainant.
The injured husband, however, was unwilling to proceed against his friend
to such extremity, and desired rather to have him publicly flogged before
Tiggity Sego’s gate. This was agreed to, and the sentence
was immediately executed. The culprit was tied by the hands to
a strong stake; and a long black rod being brought forth, the executioner,
after flourishing it round his head for some time, applied it with such
force and dexterity to the bushreen’s back as to make him roar
until the woods resounded with his screams. The surrounding multitude,
by their hooting and laughing, manifested how much they enjoyed the
punishment of this old gallant; and it is worthy of remark that the
number of stripes was precisely the same as are enjoined by the Mosaic
law, forty, save one.
As there appeared great probability that Teesee, from its being a frontier
town, would be much exposed during the war to the predatory incursions
of the Moors of Gedumah, Tiggity Sego had, before my arrival, sent round
to the neighbouring villages to beg or to purchase as much provisions
as would afford subsistence to the inhabitants for one whole year, independently
of the crop on the ground, which the Moors might destroy. This
project was well received by the country people, and they fixed a day
on which to bring all the provisions they could spare to Teesee; and
as my horse was not yet returned, I went, in the afternoon of January
4th, 1796, to meet the escort with the provisions.
It was composed of about 400 men, marching in good order, with corn
and ground nuts in large calabashes upon their heads. They were
preceded by a strong guard of bowmen, and followed by eight musicians
or singing men. As soon as they approached the town the latter
began a song, every verse of which was answered by the company, and
succeeded by a few strokes on the large drums. In this manner
they proceeded, amidst the acclamations of the populace, till they reached
the house of Tiggity Sego, where the loads were deposited; and in the
evening they all assembled under the bentang tree, and spent the night
in dancing and merriment.
On the 5th of January an embassy of ten people belonging to Almami Abdulkader,
king of Foota-Torra, a country to the west of Bondou, arrived at Teesee;
and desiring Tiggity to call an assembly of the inhabitants, announced
publicly their king’s determination to this effect:- ‘That
unless all the people of Kasson would embrace the Mohammedan religion,
and evince their conversion by saying eleven public prayers, he, the
king of Foota-Torra, could not possibly stand neuter in the present
contest, but would certainly join his arms to those of Kajaaga.’
A message of this nature from so powerful a prince could not fail to
create great alarm; and the inhabitants of Teesee, after a long consultation,
agreed to conform to his good pleasure, humiliating as it was to them.
Accordingly, one and all publicly offered up eleven prayers, which were
considered a sufficient testimony of their having renounced paganism,
and embraced the doctrines of the prophet.
It was time 8th of January before Demba Sego returned with my horse;
and being quite wearied out with the delay, I went immediately to inform
his father that I should set out for Kooniakary early the next day.
The old man made many frivolous objections, and at length gave me to
understand that I must not think of departing without first paying him
the same duties he was entitled to receive from all travellers; besides
which he expected, he said, some acknowledgment for his kindness towards
use. Accordingly, on the morning of the 9th, my friend Demba,
with a number of people, came to me, and said that they were sent by
Tiggity Sego for my present, and wished to see what goods I had appropriated
for that purpose. I knew that resistance was hopeless, and complaint
unavailing: and being in some measure prepared by the intimation I had
received the night before, I quietly offered him seven bars of amber
and five of tobacco. After surveying these articles for some time
very coolly, Demba laid them down, and told me that this was not a present
for a man of Tiggity Sego’s consequence, who had it in his power
to take whatever he pleased from me. He added, that if I did not
consent to make him a larger offering he would carry all my baggage
to his father, and let him choose for himself. I had no time for
reply, for Demba and his attendants immediately began to open my bundles,
and spread the different articles upon the floor, where they underwent
a more strict examination than they had done at Joag. Everything
that pleased them they took without scruple: and amongst other things,
Demba seized the tin box that had so much attracted his attention in
crossing the river. Upon collecting the scattered remains of my
little fortune after these people had left me, I found that, as at Joag
I had been plundered of half, so here, without even the shadow of accusation,
I was deprived of half the remainder. The blacksmith himself,
though a native of Kasson, had also been compelled to open his bundles,
and take an oath that the different articles they contained were his
own exclusive property. There was, however, no remedy, and having
been under some obligation to Demba Sego for his attention towards me
in the journey from Joag, I did not reproach him for his rapacity, but
determined to quit Teesee, at all events, the next morning. In
the meanwhile, in order to raise the drooping spirits of my attendants,
I purchased a fat sheep, and had it dressed for our dinner.
Early in the morning of January 10th, therefore, I left Teesee, and
about mid-day ascended a ridge, from whence we had a distant view of
the hills round Kooniakary. In the evening we reached a small
village, where we slept, and, departing from thence the next morning,
crossed in a few hours a narrow but deep stream called Krieko, a branch
of the Senegal. About two miles farther to the eastward we passed
a large town called Madina, and at two o’clock came in sight of
Jumbo, the blacksmith’s native town, from whence he had been absent
more than four years. Soon after this, his brother, who had by
some means been apprised of his coming, came out to meet him, accompanied
by a singing man. He brought a horse for the blacksmith, that
he might enter his native town in a dignified manner; and he desired
each of us to put a good charge of powder into our guns. The singing
man now led the way, followed by the two brothers, and we were presently
joined by a number of people from the town, all of whom demonstrated
great joy at seeing their old acquaintance the blacksmith by the most
extravagant jumping and singing. On entering the town the singing
man began an extempore song in praise of the blacksmith, extolling his
courage in having overcome so many difficulties, and concluding with
a strict injunction to his friends to dress him plenty of victuals.
When we arrived at the blacksmith’s place of residence we dismounted,
and fired our muskets. The meeting between him and his relations
was very tender; for these rude children of nature, free from restraint,
display their emotions in the strongest and most expressive manner.
Amidst these transports the blacksmith’s aged mother was led forth,
leaning upon a staff. Every one made way for her, and she stretched
out her hand to bid her son welcome. Being totally blind, she
stroked his hands, arms, and face with great care, and seemed highly
delighted that her latter days were blessed by his return, and that
her ears once more heard the music of his voice.
During the tumult of these congratulations I had seated myself apart
by the side of one of the huts, being unwilling to interrupt the flow
of filial and parental tenderness; and the attention of the company
was so entirely taken up with the blacksmith that I believe none of
his friends had observed me. When all the people present had seated
themselves the blacksmith was desired by his father to give them some
account of his adventures; and silence being commanded, he began, and
after repeatedly thanking God for the success that had attended him,
related every material occurrence that had happened to him from his
leasing Kasson to his arrival at the Gambia, his employment and success
in those parts, and the dangers he had escaped in returning to his native
country. In the latter part of his narration he had frequently
occasion to mention me; and after many strong expressions concerning
my kindness to him he pointed to the place where I sat, and exclaimed,
“Affille ibi siring!” - (“See him sitting there!”)
In a moment all eyes were turned upon me; I appeared like a being dropped
from the clouds; every one was surprised that they had not observed
me before; and a few women and children expressed great uneasiness at
being so near a man of such an uncommon appearance.
By degrees, however, their apprehensions subsided, and when the blacksmith
assured them that I was perfectly inoffensive, and would hurt nobody,
some of them ventured so far as to examine the texture of my clothes;
but many of them were still very suspicious; and when by accident I
happened to move myself, or look at the young children, their mothers
would scamper off with them with the greatest precipitations.
In a few hours, however, they all because reconciled to me.
With these worthy people I spent the remainder of that and the whole
of the ensuing day, in feasting and merriment; and the blacksmith declared
he would not quit me during my stay at Kooniakary - for which place
we set out early on the morning of the 14th of January, and arrived
about the middle of the day at Soolo, a small village three miles to
the south of it.
As this place was somewhat out of the direct road, it is necessary to
observe that I went thither to visit a slatee or Gambia trader, of great
note and reputation, named Salim Daucari. He was well known to
Dr. Laidley, who had trusted him with effects to the value of five slaves,
and had given me an order for the whole of the debt. We luckily
found him at home, and he received me with great kindness and attention.
It is remarkable, however, that the king of Kasson was by some means
immediately apprised of my motions; for I had been at Soolo but a few
hours before Sambo Sego, his second son, came thither with a party of
horse, to inquire what had prevented me from proceeding to Kooniakary,
and waiting immediately upon the king, who, he said, was impatient to
see me. Salim Daucari made my apology, and promised to accompany
me to Kooniakary the same evening. We accordingly departed from
Soolo at sunset, and in about an hour entered Kooniakary. But
as the king had gone to sleep we deferred the interview till next morning,
and slept at the hut of Sambo Sego.
CHAPTER VII - INTERVIEW WITH KING DEMBA SEGO JALLA
About eight o’clock in the morning of January 15th, 1796, we went
to an audience of the king (Demba Sego Jalla), but the crowd of people
to see me was so great that I could scarcely get admittance. A
passage being at length obtained, I made my bow to the monarch, whom
we found sitting upon a mat, in a large hut. He appeared to be
a man of about sixty years of age. His success in war, and the
mildness of his behaviour in time of peace, had much endeared him to
all his subjects. He surveyed me with great attention; and when
Salim Daucari explained to him the object of my journey, and my reasons
for passing through his country, the good old king appeared not only
perfectly satisfied, but promised me every assistance in his power.
He informed me that he had seen Major Houghton, and presented him with
a white horse; but that, after crossing the kingdom of Kaarta, he had
lost his life among the Moors, in what manner he could not inform me.
When this audience was ended we returned to our lodging, and I made
up a small present for the king out of the few effects that were left
me; for I had not yet received anything from Salim Daucari. This
present, though inconsiderable in itself, was well received by the king,
who sent me in return a large white bullock. The sight of this
animal quite delighted my attendants; not so much on account of its
bulk, as from its being of a white colour, which is considered as a
particular mark of favour. But although the king himself was well
disposed towards me, and readily granted me permission to pass through
his territories, I soon discovered that very great and unexpected obstacles
were likely to impede my progress. Besides the war which was on
the point of breaking out between Kasson and Kajaaga, I was told that
the next kingdom of Kaarta, through which my route lay, was involved
in the issue, and was furthermore threatened with hostilities on the
part of Bambarra. The king himself informed me of these circumstances,
and advised me to stay in the neighbourhood of Kooniakary till such
time as he could procure proper information respecting Bambarra, which
he expected to do in the course of four or five days, as he had already,
he said, sent four messengers into Kaarta for that purpose. I
readily submitted to this proposal, and went to Soolo, to stay there
till the return of one of those messengers. This afforded me a
favourable opportunity of receiving what money Salim Daucari could spare
me on Dr. Laidley’s account. I succeeded in receiving the
value of there slaves, chiefly in gold dust; and being anxious to proceed
as quickly as possible, I begged Daucari to use his interest with the
king to allow me a guide by the way of Fooladoo, as I was informed that
the war had already commenced between the kings of Bambarra and Kaarta.
Daucari accordingly set out for Kooniakary on the morning of the 20th,
and the same evening returned with the king’s answer, which was
to this purpose - that the king had, many years ago, made an agreement
with Daisy, king of Kaarta, to send all merchants and travellers through
his dominions; but that if I wished to take the route through Fooladoo
I had his permission so to do; though he could not, consistently with
his agreement, lend me a guide. Having felt the want of regal
protection in a former part of my journey, I was unwilling to hazard
a repetition of the hardships I had then experienced, especially as
the money I had received was probably the last supply that I should
obtain. I therefore determined to wait for the return of the messengers
from Kaarta.
In the interim it began to be whispered abroad that I had received plenty
of gold from Salim Daucari, and, on the morning of the 23rd, Sambo Sego
paid me a visit, with a party of horsemen. He insisted upon knowing
the exact amount of the money I had obtained, declaring that whatever
the sum was, one-half of it must go to the king; besides which he intimated
that he expected a handsome present for himself, as being the king’s
son, and for his attendants, as being the king’s relations.
I prepared to submit; and if Salim Daucari had not interposed all my
endeavours to mitigate this oppressive claim would have been of no avail.
Salim at last prevailed upon Sambo to accept sixteen bars of European
merchandise, and some powder and ball, as a complete payment of every
demand that could be made upon me in the kingdom of Kasson.
January 26. - In the forenoon I went to the top of a high hill
to the southward of Soolo, where I had a most enchanting prospect of
the country. The number of towns and villages, and the extensive
cultivation around them, surpassed everything I had yet seen in Africa.
A gross calculation may be formed of the number of inhabitants in this
delightful plain by considering that the king of Kasson can raise four
thousand fighting men by the sound of his war-drum. In traversing
the rocky eminences of this hill, which are almost destitute of vegetation,
I observed a number of large holes in the crevasses and fissures of
the rocks, where the wolves and hyænas take refuge during the
day.
February 1. - The messengers arrived from Kaarta, and brought
intelligence that the war had not yet commenced between Bambarra and
Kaarta, and that I might probably pass through Kaarta before the Bambarra
army invaded that country.
February 3. - Early in the morning two guides on horseback came
from Kooniakary to conduct me to the frontiers of Kaarta. I accordingly
took leave of Salim Daucari, and parted for the last time from my fellow-traveller
the blacksmith, whose kind solicitude for my welfare had been so conspicuous,
and about ten o’clock departed from Soolo. We travelled
this day through a rocky and hilly country, along the banks of the river
Krieko, and at sunset came to the village of Soomo, where we slept.
February 4. - We departed from Soomo, and continued our route
along the banks of the Krieko, which are everywhere well cultivated,
and swarm with inhabitants. At this time they were increased by
the number of people that had flown thither from Kaarta on account of
the Bambarra war. In the afternoon we reached Kimo, a large village,
the residence of Madi Konko, governor of the hilly country of Kasson,
which is called Sorroma. From hence the guides appointed by the
king of Kasson returned, to join in the expedition against Kajaaga;
and I waited until the 6th before I could prevail on Madi Konko to appoint
me a guide to Kaarta.
February 7. - Departing from Kimo, with Madi Konko’s son
as a guide, we continued our course along the banks of the Krieko until
the afternoon, when we arrived at Kangee, a considerable town.
The Krieko is here but a small rivulet. This beautiful stream
takes its rise a little to the eastward of this town, and descends with
a rapid and noisy current until it reaches the bottom of the high hill
called Tappa, where it becomes more placid, and winds gently through
the lovely plains of Kooniakary; after which, having received an additional
branch from the north, it is lost in the Senegal, somewhere near the
falls of Felow.
February 8. - This day we travelled over a rough stony country,
and having passed Seimpo and a number of other villages, arrived in
the afternoon at Lackarago, a small village which stands upon the ridge
of hills that separates the kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta. In
the course of the day we passed many hundreds of people flying from
Kaarta with their families and effects.
February 9. - Early in the morning we departed from Lackarago,
and a little to the eastward came to the brow of a hill from whence
we had an extensive view of the country. Towards the south-east
were perceived some very distant hills, which our guide told us were
the mountains of Fooladoo. We travelled with great difficulty
down a stony and abrupt precipice, and continued our way in the bed
of a dry river course, where the trees, meeting overhead, made the place
dark and cool. In a little time we reached the bottom of this
romantic glen, and about ten o’clock emerged from between two
rocky hills, and found ourselves on the level and sandy plains of Kaarta.
At noon we arrived at a korree, or watering place, where for
a few strings of beads I purchased as much milk and corn-meal as we
could eat; indeed, provisions are here so cheap, and the shepherds live
in such affluence, that they seldom ask any return for what refreshments
a traveller receives from them. From this korree we reached Feesurah
at sunset, where we took up our lodging for the night.
February 10. - We continued at Feesurah all this day, to have
a few clothes washed, and learn more exactly the situation of affairs
before we ventured towards the capital.
February 11 - Our landlord, taking advantage of the unsettled
state of the country, demanded so extravagant a sum for our lodging
that, suspecting he wished for an opportunity to quarrel with us, I
refused to submit to his exorbitant demand; but my attendants were so
much frightened at the reports of approaching war that they refused
to proceed any farther unless I could settle matters with him, and induce
him to accompany us to Kemoo, for our protection on the road.
This I accomplished with some difficulty; and by a present of a blanket
which I had brought with me to sleep in, and for which our landlord
had conceived a very great liking, matters were at length amicably adjusted,
and he mounted his horse and led the way. He was one of those
negroes who, together with the ceremonial part of the Mohammedan religion,
retain all their ancient superstitions, and even drink strong liquors.
They are called Johars, or Jowars, and in this kingdom form a very numerous
and powerful tribe. We had no sooner got into a dark need lonely
part of the first wood than he made a sign for us to stop, and, taking
hold of a hollow piece of bamboo that hung as an amulet round his neck,
whistled very loud there times. I confess I was somewhat startled,
thinking it was a signal for some of his companions to come and attack
us; but he assured me that it was done merely with a view to ascertain
what success we were likely to meet with on our present journey.
He then dismounted, laid his spear across the road, and having said
a number of short prayers, concluded with three loud whistles; after
which he listened for some time, as if in expectation of an answer,
and receiving none, told us we might proceed without fear, for there
was no danger. About noon we passed a number of large villages
quite deserted, the inhabitants having fled into Kasson to avoid the
horrors of war. We reached Karankalla at sunset. This formerly
was a large town, but having been plundered by the Bambarrans about
four years ago, nearly one-half of it is still in ruins.
February 12. - At daylight we departed from Karankalla, and as
it was but a short day’s journey to Kemmoo, we travelled slower
than usual, and amused ourselves by collecting such eatable fruits as
grew near the road-side. About noon we saw at a distance the capital
of Kaarta, situated in the middle of an open plain - the country for
two miles round being cleared of wood, by the great consumption of t