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You can also find out about how to make a donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. **Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** **eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** *****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** Title: The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4 Author: Samuel Adams Release Date: Mar, 2000 [EBook #2094] [Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] [This file was first posted on July 21, 2002] Edition: 10 Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, THE ORIGINAL WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS, VOLUME 4 *** This eBook was produced by Jay Carper. THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS VOLUME IV. 1778-1802 THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS COLLECTED AND EDITED BY HARRY ALONZO CUSHING VOLUME IV 1778-1802 CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV 1778. To Richard Henry Lee, January 1st Military Affairs--European Politics--Articles of Confederation--Army Supplies. To --------, January l0th New Haven Conference--Legislation on Trade--Baron Steuben. To Archibald Campbell, January 14th Exchange of Prisoners. To Horatio Gates, January 14th Introducing Baron Steuben--Captain Olivier. Vote of Town of Boston, January 21st Articles of Confederation. To John Burgoyne, February 6th Declining a Conference. To Daniel Roberdeau, February 9th The Work of Congress. To Arthur Lee, March 12th Complaints of French Volunteers. To Jonathan Trumbull, March 19th Defence of Hudson River. To James Lovell, March 27th Postal Service--Military Academy--Exchange of Prisoners--Case of John Amory. To Francis Lightfoot Lee Illness--Conditions in Boston--Military Affairs. To Richard Henry Lee, April 20th Action of France--Attitude of England, iii To Mrs. Adams, May 5th Journey from Boston. To the Earl of Carlisle and others Address of "An American." To Baron Steuben, June 3rd Action of Congress. To John Adams, June 21st The English Commissioners--Arrivals from France--Arthur Lee. To Mrs. Adams, July 9th Signing of Articles of Confederation. To James Warren, July Cases of Manley and McNeil--Appointment of Naval Officers. To James Warren, July Office-holders--The British Commissioners--Arrival of French Squadron. To Samuel Phillips Savage, August 11th . Return of Hancock. To Peter Thacher, August 11th . The British Commissioners--Activity of Quakers. To James Warren, September 1st Cases of Manley and McNeil--Personal Critics--The Rhode Island Expedition. To James Bowdoin, September 3rd Conduct of John Temple. To Hannah Adams, September 8th Illness of Wife. To John Bradford, September 8th Conduct of McNeil. To James Warren, September 12th Case and Conduct of Manley--The Rhode Island Expedition. To Samuel Phillips Savage, September 14th The Rhode Island Expedition--Activity of Tories. To ----, September 21st Appointment of Auctioneers--Attitude of Manley--Public Criticism of French Admiral. To Mrs. Adams, September 28th Death of Friends--Family Affairs. To William Cooper, September 3Oth Assistance in Exchange of Son. To Samuel Phillips Savage, October 6th Extravagance in Boston. To James Warren, October nth Conduct of Arthur Lee--Opinion of Silas Deane--Affairs of Du Coudray--Public Criticisms of Deane. To James Warren, October 14th Attacks on Arthur Lee--Berkenhout. To Jonathan Trumbull, October 16th Death of Son. To Timothy Matlack, October 16th Proposed Manifesto of General Clinton. To James Warren, October 17th Attitude of Politicians to Tories. To Mrs. Adams, October 2oth Personal Enemies in Boston. To John Adams, October 25th Military Affairs--Relations with France--The Rhode Island Expedition--Naval Movements. To Arthur Lee, October 26th Comments on Correspondence. To ----, October 26th Falsehoods of Enemies. To the Public, October 30th Manifesto of the Continental Congress. To Samuel Phillips Savage, November 1st Share of New England in Securing Independence--Personal Relations. To James Warren, November 3rd Work of Congress--Foreign Relations--Proposed Resignation. Thanksgiving Proclamation, November 3rd Resolution of Continental Congress. To Samuel Phillips Savage, November l0th State of Society and Politics in Boston. To Jeremiah Powell, December 1st Use of Appropriation--Re-election to Congress. To Mrs. Adams, December 13th Relations with John Temple--Personal Critics--Deane and Lee. To the Council of Massachusetts, December 15th Enclosing Declaration of French Minister. To James Bowdoin, December 19th Conduct of John Temple. To John Winthrop, December 21st Conduct of John Temple. To Samuel Cooper, December 25th Conduct of John Temple--Deane and Lee--Proposed Resignation. To Charles Chauncy, December 25th Conduct of John Temple--Gates and Heath. 1779. To Samuel Cooper, January 3rd Deane and Arthur Lee. To James Warren, January 6th Silas Deane--William Lee--Arthur Lee. To Samuel Cooper, January 6th American Representatives in France. To Samuel Cooper, January 19th Negotiations with France--Diplomatic Appointments. To Jonathan Trumbull, February 6th Naval Affairs. To John Winthrop, February 6th Depreciated Currency. To Samuel Allyne Otis, February l0th Recommending Richard Checkley. To James Warren, February 12th Confidential Correspondents--Public Manners and Principles. To the Board of War, February 16th Action of Governor Clinton on Flour Shipments. To Samuel Cooper, February 21st Monopoly of Trade and Land--Course of England. To Mrs. Adams, March 7th Proposed Resignation as Secretary--Personal Jealousies--News from France. To John Adams, March 9th Personal Reflections. To Benjamin Austin, March 9th Opinion of Deane and Arthur Lee. To Mrs. Adams, March 23rd Purpose to Resign as Secretary and as Delegate--Attitude of Countrymen. To James Warren, March 23rd, 24th Purpose to Resign--Personal Critics--Arthur Lee, To James Lovell, March 26th Case of Otis and Henley. To James Lovell, March 27th Application of Medical Officers. To James Lovell, March 30th John Paul Jones--Retention of Prize Money--The "Aliance." To the Council of Massachusetts, April 1st Want of Bread--Journals of Congress. To John Pitts, April 27th Comments on Political Affairs. To Samuel Cooper, April 29th Proper Attitude toward England--Canada and Nova Scotia. To George Washington, May 26th The Marine Committee--State of the Navy. To Benjamin Hawes, July l0th Movement of Troops. To the Navy Board, July 12th Movement of Ships. To Jonathan Trumbull, July 13th Hostilities in Connecticut. To Horatio Gates, July 14th Hostilities in Connecticut. To the Navy Board, July 14th Penobscot Expedition. To Meshech Weare, July 28th Investigation of Seizure. To Arthur Lee, August 1st Enemies of Lee. To Solomon Lovell, August 6th Military Affairs. To the Council of Massachusetts, August l0th Aid for Penobscot Expedition. To the Council of Massachusetts, August 11th Movement of Troops. To Solomon Lovell, August 14th Movement of Troops. To John Frost, August 17th The Penobscot Expedition. To----, August 17th The Penobscot Expedition. To Henry Jackson, August 21st The Penobscot Expedition. To Horatio Gates, August 22nd Failure on the Penobscot--Campaign Preparation.--Luzerne. To George Washington, October 12th Raising of Troops. To the Navy Board, October 19th Lack of Fuel--Protection of Coast. To Elbridge Gerry and James Lovell, December Subscription for Children of Joseph Warren. To Elbridge Gerry, December 2Oth . Appointment to Convention. To Elbridge Gerry and James Lovell, December 20th Education of Children of Joseph Warren.--Subscription for Benefit of Children of Joseph Warren To the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, December 23rd. Resolution of Council on Absentees. 1780. To the Governor of Rhode Island, January 5th . Exclusion of Secret Enemies. To John Adams, January 13th Work of the Legislature--Military Affairs--Constitutional Convention--Delegates in Congress. To John Morin Scott, February 17th Condition of Public Records. To James Lovell, March 5th Political Details. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, March 9th Petition for Permission to Purchase Property of Absentees, To John Adams, March 15th The Massachusetts Constitution. To James Lovell, March 25th The Vermont Controversy--Work of Congress--The Penobscot Expedition--The Eastern Territory--Need of Consulate In France. To John Adams, May Work of the Legislature--The New Constitution. Article Signed "Vindex," June 12th Origin of the Contest--Character of the Army--Duty of the People. To James Bowdoin, June 20th Defence of Connecticut. To John Fellows, June 20th Control of Hudson River--Military Plans. To Robert Howe, June 20th Movement of Massachusetts Troops. To John Fellows, June 21st Plans for Defence of Hudson River. To Robert Howe, June 21st The Defence of Hudson River. To La Fayette, June Assistance of France--Military Preparations in Massachusetts --The Coming Election. To John Adams, July 10th The Massachusetts Constitution--The French Fleet. To Hannah Adams, August 17th Paternal Advice. To James Bowdoin, August 22nd French Opinion of Massachusetts Troops--The Vermont Controversy--The New Constitution. To John Lowell, September 15th The Vermont Controversy--Condition of the Army. To Mrs. Adams, September 19th Sacrifice in Public Service--The Southern Campaign. To James Warren, October 6th The Massachusetts Election--Reflections on Congress. To Mrs. Adams, October 10th Visit of Arthur Lee to Boston--Election of Hancock--Treason of Arnold. To Mrs. Adams, October 17th Opinion of Arthur Lee--Election of Hancock. To James Warren, October 24th Public Service and Proper Government. To Richard Henry Lee, October 31st The Campaign in Virginia--Opinion of Arthur Lee. To Samuel Cooper, November 7th Visit of Arthur Lee to Boston--Legislation for the Army--The Southern Campaign. To Mrs. Adams, November nth, 13th Robbery of the Mail--The Massachusetts Election. To James Warren, November 20th Activity of Personal Enemies--Local Politics. To Thomas Wells, November 22nd Advice on Married Life. To Mrs. Adams, November 24th Reflections on Results of Public Service. To Elbridge Gerry, November 27th. Proposed Retirement of Adams--Necessity for Public Service of Gerry--Character of Massachusetts Government. To John Adams, December 17th Military Activities--Treason of Arnold--Diplomatic Appointments--The Massachusetts Constitution. To John Adams, December 20th Conditions in the South--Need of a Navy. To John Scollay, December 30th Support of Warren's Children--The New Government of Massachusetts--Character of the Population. 1781. To Richard Henry Lee, January 15th Opinion of Arthur Lee--Recurrence to First Principles. To John Pitts, January 17th Office-seeking. To James Warren, February 1st Effect of Foreign Influence. To Mrs. Adams, February 1st Relations with Dr. Cooper--Relations with Hancock. To Mrs. Adams, March 15th Desire to Return Home--Situation of Son. Article, Unsigned, April 2nd Character of Government--The Massachusetts Election. To Caleb Davis, April 3rd. Admission of Belligerent Subjects--Affairs at Boston. Article, Unsigned, April 16th The Massachusetts Election--The Duty of Citizens. To Samuel Cooper, April 23d Political Details--Attacks of Rivington. To Thomas McKean, August 29th Return of John Laurens--Peace and the Fishery--Executive Appointments. To Thomas McKean, September 19th Recommending Major Brown--Need of Strong Navy. To Horatio Gates, October 11th Proposed Court of Inquiry--The Southern Campaign. To William Heath, November 21st Relations of Canada and Vermont. To Selectmen of Other Towns, December 14th Letter of Boston on the Fishery--Instructions to Representatives. To John Adams, December 18th Local Politics. To John Adams, December 19th Proposed Revision of Statutes--Education--Public Manners --Action of Boston on the Fishery. 1782. To Alexander McDougall, May 13th Purpose of Patriots. To John Lowell, May 15th Legislative Procedure--Election of Representatives. To John Lowell, June 4th Controversy with Governor as to Legislative Procedure. To Arthur Lee, November 21st Petition of William Burgess. To Arthur Lee, December 2nd Affairs in Canada. 1783. To Arthur Lee, February 10th Case of Landais--The Fishery. To the Selectmen of Boston, March 10th Election as Moderator. To Arthur Lee, April 21st Political Fictions--Journals of Congress. To Benjamin Lincoln, May 1st Case of John Allan--Recommendations. To Horatio Gates, May 2nd Case of John Allan--The Saratoga Campaign. To Elbridge Gerry, September 9th Committee of Correspondence--Relation of Congress to the People. To John Adams, November 4th Need of Public Jealousy--Foreign Influences--Negotiation with Holland. 1784. To John Adams, February 4th Commending Appleton. To Elbridge Gerry, February 25th Work of the Committee of Correspondence--Financial Legislation--Case of Gridley. To John Adams, April 16th Action on Treaty--Treatment of Aliens--Need of Commercial Treaty--Danger of Popular Conventions--The Cincinnati. To John Adams, April 17th Cases of Noyes and Dashwood. To Elbridge Gerry, April 19th The Cincinnati--Gerry's Proposed Retirement. To Elbridge Gerry, April 23rd The Court of Appeals--The Cincinnati--Foreign Influence. To Noah Webster, April 30th Commutation of Pay of Officers--Popular Committees and Constitutional Government. To John Adams, June 20th Personal Greeting. To John Adams, December 2nd Case of Dashwood. To Richard Henry Lee, December 23rd Conditions in Congress--Effects of Peace--Foreign Relations --National Policy--Attitude of England. 1785. To Richard Henry Lee, March 24th The Six Nations--Case of John Allan. To Richard Henry Lee, April 14th Introducing Macauley Graham. To John Adams, July 2nd Conditions of Trade--Massachusetts Election. To John Adams, August 16th Case of Captain Stanhope. To Richard Henry Lee, December 17th Case of Captain Landais. 1786. To John Adams, April 13th William Gordon--Relations with England. To John Adams, July 21st Political Liberty and National Faith--The Tories. 1787. To Richard Henry Lee, December 3rd The National Constitution. 1789. To Richard Henry Lee, April 22nd Powers of Congress--Commending Leonard Jarvis. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 27th Accepting Election as Lieutenant-Governor. To Richard Henry Lee, July 14th The State Governments--Political Applications. To Elbridge Gerry, August 22nd Congressional Control of Lighthouses--Constitutional Amendments. To Richard Henry Lee, August 24th Nature of the Constitution--Importance of Amendments. To Richard Henry Lee, August 29th Power of Removal--Relations with Washington--The Eastern Boundary. 1790. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 28th Accepting Election as Lieutenant-Governor. To John Adams, September 2nd Application of Captain Lyde. To John Adams, October 4th Political Reflections. To John Adams, November 25th Nature of the Constitution--The American Legislatures--Succession in Office--Effects and Nature of Good Government --Universal Education and Liberty. 1794. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 17th . Death of Governor Hancock--The Federal Constitution--The Massachusetts Constitution--Essential Principles of Government--Public Education. Proclamation, February 19th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 31st General Election--European War--Object of the Constitution. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, June 4th Use of Castle Island. Proclamation, November 3rd Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. 1795. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 16th Object of Frequent Sessions--Purity of Elections--European Affairs--Fortifications--Pennsylvania Insurrection--Amendment of State Constitution. To Jeremy Belknap, March 30th Action of Continental Congress with Reference to Captain Cook. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, June 3rd. Re-election as Governor--Duty of Public Officers--Justification of Colonial Settlers--Foreign Relations--Public Education --Amendment of State Constitution--The Judicial System--Public Credit. To the Public, July 4th Address at Laying of Corner-stone of State House. Proclamation, October 14th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. 1796. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 19th Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures--The National and State Constitutions--Treaty-making Power--The Treaty with England. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, May 31st Duty to the Union--Duty of the Legislators. Proclamation, October 6th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, November 17th Choice of Presidential Electors. To the Senate of Massachusetts, November 23rd Vacancies in Electoral College. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, November 24th Vacancies in Electoral College. 1797. To the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 27th Retirement of Washington--General Elections--Public Education--The Militia--Determination to Retire from Public Life. Proclamation, March 20th Appointing Day of Thanksgiving. To John Adams, April 17th Introducing Mr. Wyllys. 1801. To Thomas Jefferson, April 24th Congratulations on Election--Political Comments. To Thomas Jefferson, November 18th Congratulations on Peace. 1802. To Thomas Paine, November 30th Defence of Infidelity--Effect of Proposed Age of Reason. 1778 TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON Jany 1 1778 MY DEAR SIR I had the Pleasure of receiving your Letter dated at York the 23d of Novr last, which mentions your having before written to me by a young Gentn Capt Romane who was to pass through this Place in his Return to France. That Letter has not yet come to Hand. I shall regard all your Recommendations with the utmost Respect. Our military Affairs in the middle Department are in such a Situation as to afford us too much Reason to be chagrind. We have indeed sufferd no shameful Defeats, but a promising Campaign has however ended ingloriously. To what are we to attribute it? I believe to a miserable Set of General Officers. I mean to make some Exceptions. For the Sake of our Country, my dear Friend, let me ask, Is our Army perpetually to be an unanimated one; because there is not Fortitude enough to remove those bad Men. I remember the Factions in Carthage which prevented her making herself the Mistress of the World. We may avoid Factions and yet rid our Army of idle cowardly or drunken officers. HOW was Victory snatchd out of our Hands at German Town! Was not this owing to the same Cause? And Why was only one General officer dischargd? Was it because there were just Grounds to suspect only one? Is there not Reason to fear that our Commander in Chief may one day suffer in his own Character by Means of these worthless Creatures? May he not suffer under the Reputation of an unfortunate Commander, than which I think he cannot suffer a greater Evil. It is difficult to seperate from the Minds of the People the Idea of unfortunate from that of the Want of some necessary soldierly Quality. At best the unfortunate General has Pity only as the Reward of his Services; and how soon does Pity degenerate into Contempt. Cicero if I mistake not some where tells us, that when a General is fortunate it matters not whether it is ascribd to his being a Favorite of the Immortal Gods, or to certain good Qualities in him which others are incapable of observing. His Soldiers will encounter every Danger under his Conduct. His Enemies will be confounded at his Approach. His Country will revere him. The Reverse is equally just. As therefore we regard the Reputation of the Comdr in Chief of our Armies, which is of the greatest Importance to our Affairs, let us promote this Winter a strict Scrutiny into the Causes of this unfortunate Campaign. Our Affairs are far from wearing a desperate Aspect. Our Successes at the Northward must give us Reputation abroad; and Reputation is a Kind of real Strength. That our Men are brave, Brandy Wine & German-town can witness. Let us then give them officers worthy of them, and Heaven will prosper our righteous Cause. There is indeed one thing which to me appears threatning. It is absolutely necessary that the Commissarial Departmt should be restored to a better State, or the Army will soon suffer. This my dear Sir requires your speedy Return to Congress. Did the Army suffer or was it in Danger of suffering before the Alterations in that Department the last Summer, why then should we not put it upon its old Footing & prevail upon the former Commissary, who is the fittest Man I know, to act again in that office.1 I have been favord with a Letter from Dr Lee since his Return to Paris from Berlin.2 The Powers of Europe I perceive, are too timid, or too intent upon enslaving others, to espouse the Cause of Liberty in America. No Matter, my Friend. We shall not be obligd to them; and they will hereafter be more sensible of our Importance when they find that we have struggled thro our Difficulties without them. We shall do greater Honor to our Selves and our Cause; and those Liberties for which we pay so dear a Price will be more justly & more highly valued by our selves and our Posterity. France, in my Opinion, misses the Sight of her true Interest in delaying to take a decisive Part. She runs a great Risque; for if Britain should be so politick as to recognize our Independence which she sees us determind at all Hazzards to maintain, and should propose to us a Treaty of Alliance offensive & defensive, would not the flattering Expectations of France be cut off? I mention this, not because I expect or wish for it. But should such Recognition & such Proposals be made the next Spring, which may happen, would France have any Reason to fault America for acceeding to it? We are independent. The Nations of Europe may acknowledge it when they dare to do it. We have Fortitude enough to maintain it. This is our Business. The Nations may reap honest Advantages from it. If they have not Wisdom enough to discern in Season, they will regret their own Blindness hereafter. We will dispose our Favors as we please. The Letter from Congress to the Assembly of this State, inclosing the Articles of Confederation, came to Hand the Day of its Adjournment, which is to a shorter Day than was intended that the weighty Matters recommended might be considerd with all possible Speed. The Assembly will meet on the 7th Instant. It will be difficult for the Members to prevail upon themselves to make a new Law after having been necessitated so late to repeal one framed for the same purpose. A Comt however I am inclind to think will be appointed to meet those of the other States mentiond in the recommendation. The Articles of Confederation seem to be well liked. I suppose you will have the Sense of this Assembly soon. I am much pleasd with a spirited Act lately made by your Assembly for the Supply of our Troops and the beneficial Effects it has had. I am not in much Pain about Cloathing for this year. A large Quantity has been lately brought here by the Agent of the Clothier General--Part of which has been made & I suppose by this time arrivd at Camp. The Taylors and others are busily employd. Every Method should nevertheless be tryed for further Supplys. A Superabundance will not be amiss. Laws in other States similar to yours will eventually facilitate this Part of our Work. I understand that our Army is gone or going into Winter Quarters at the Distance of 18 Miles from Philadelphia. Why could not Barracks have been as well erected near enough to have.... the Enemy all the Winter. Our Army was within three or four miles of them the whole Winter when they were in this Town. I hope the Campaign will be opend by us very early the next Spring. I should have written to you before this time, but on my Arrival here I found the Gen1 Assembly sitting, unluckily for me as it engagd me in publick Business; and I have been obligd to spend a Fortnight in the Country. Adieu my friend & believe me to be affectionately, Your, 1 Cf., vol. iii., page 317. 2 Wharton, Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. i., p. 517. TO --------------. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON Jany 10 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ The General Assembly of this State having sat the greatest part of the Time since I arrivd here & the Council constantly has prevented my writing so often to my Friends, and when I have wrote, so fully as I have an Inclination to do. The Assembly is now sitting, and have made Choice of Mr Cushing Mr Pain and a Country Gentleman1 whose Name I do not now recollect, to join Committees of other States at New Haven agreable to a late Recommendation of Congress. But having been obligd so lately to repeal an Act of a similar Nature to that which is now proposd, I am doubtful whether they will be prevaild upon to pass a new one. It will however have its due Consideration if the joynt Comtes should propose such a Measure. I expect every Day to have the Articles of Confederation brot forward, and have good Reason to think it will be agreed to, even those parts which it may be wishd had been different, for the Sake of that Union which is so necessary for the Support of the great Cause. The Resolutions of Congress recommending passing a Law similar to that lately passed in Virginia &c were yesterday read at the Council Board. I had the Oppty of hearing them read once, so that I cannot yet form my Judgment of them. Indeed I think it is easy to see the Necessity of such a Law as that of Virginia, but whether it would be practicable to put into Execution a Law prohibiting the Sale of Goods without Licence requires Consideration for Nothing more betrays the Weakness of Government than to make Laws wch cannot be executed. I am sensible it is nearly of as much Importance to suppress the Monopolizers as to provide for our Army, but the blow must be levelled at them only. If the Popular Indignation can once be raisd to a suitable Pitch as I think it can it will become dangerous for them to withhold their Goods or demand an exorbitant Price for them and the Evil will be cured. I think every Step should be taken for the Downfall of such Wretches, and shall be ready to joyn in any Measure within Doors or without which shall be well adapted to this Effect. It is the general Observation of those who are in the way of observing that the sinking our State bills for Notes & thereby lessening the Quantity in Circulation & the Taxes we have laid has already reduced the price of Goods. This was mentioned to me by Mr S A Otis with whom I have just dined. I have written to Bro Gerry by the Baron De Steuben whom I strongly recommend to the Notice of my worthy Colleagues & others. Mr Gerry will shew you my Letter, which makes it needless for me to add further than that from the recommendatory Letters of Dr Franklin & other papers wch I have seen & the Conversation I have had with the Baron, I really esteem him a modest candid & sensible Gentn. The Dr says he is spoken highly of to him by two of the best Judges of military merit in France, tho he is not him self a Frenchman but a Prussian. Since I last wrote to you I am favord with yours of 27 Decr inclosing among other papers Copy of a Letter from your Correspondent in Holland. Before you knew the Contents I bolted out your Letter in the presense & hearing of Madam & other good Ladies. I cannot promise you that Mischief is not done. I am endeavoring (and Mr Gerry will say it is just like him) to turn the torrent toward Braintree; for I really think my Namesake is full as suspectable as I am. I thank Mrs Clymer for her good opinion of me, and I can assure her, the Hint you gave me of this in your Letter to me was very timely & is likely to make Matters easy with me. I might have dated this Letter at the Council table where I am writing in Haste. My best Regards to all who love our Country in Sincerity. Colo Chase tells me your Son behaves well & that he is very clever. Your Family is well provided for as I am informd. You will never I am perswaded think your self under an obligation to baulk your publick Sentiments from an Idea of Gratitude to private Friends. Sat Verbum. I may explain my self more fully in another Letter. Adieu my friend. Burn this. 1 Elisha Porter of Hadley. TO ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.1 [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON Jany 14 1778 SIR Your Letter of the 10th Instant came to my hand on the 12, and I should instantly have returnd an Answer upon an Affair, in the Dispatch of which you must feel yourself so nearly interrested, had an opportunity presented. Colo Allens Exchange, it is probable, may not so easily be negotiated as that of Colo Webb; But this Gentleman has been much longer in Captivity than the other. And although I have no personal Acquaintance with him, yet I am well assured that he is a brave Soldier. Such a Character, you, Sir, must esteem; and this is also the Character of Colo Webb. I have not been insensible of the Obstruction which may have hitherto prevented the Exchange of Colo Allen, and the true Source of it. If private or partial Motives have prevaild in the Mind of any Gentleman in New York, to the Prejudice of a Man of distinguishd Merit, I can only observe, that it is totally inconsistent with those pure Principles, which you will allow me to say, have, and I trust ever will actuate Americans in the present Contest. You will excuse my saying any more to you on so delicate a Point. I sincerely wish the Release of every man in Captivity; and shall for my own part be well pleasd with your availing your self of an Exchange with either of the above mentiond Gentlemen, if it may be consistent with the Sentiments of Congress. My first Concern is for the Honor & Safety of my Country. Having premised this, I can readily subscribe with due Respect, Yr very hbl Servt, 1 An officer in the English army. TO HORATIO GATES. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON Jan 14 1778 DEAR SIR Yesterday I took the Liberty of writing to you by the Baron De Steuben a Native of Prussia who I doubt not will deliver the Letter into your Hand. He will previously wait on Gen1 Washington to whom he has Letters of warm Recommendation from the Commissioners of America in France. He has also Letters to Mr President Laurens and other Members of Congress from gentlemen of Note in that Country. He offers his Services to America as a Volunteer; wishing to give no Offence by interfering in Command. He appears to me to be a modest, candid & sensible Gentleman; and, I have Reason to think, from the Letters I have seen, he has great military Merit. Of this you will be able to form a decisive Judgment. There is a certain Canadian Officer, by the Name of Laurens Olivier, a Captain, whose Character and warm Attachment to our Cause while he was an Inhabt of Canada, my Friend Mr Thos Walker a Gentn well known to Mr Gerry, speaks highly of. This Officer will make known certain Difficulties he is under to you. I am told he is a deserving Man; Such a Character I may with Confidence recommend to your patronage. You may rely upon it I will never willingly trouble my self or you with persons of a different sort. I am &c, VOTE OF TOWN OF BOSTON. [MS., Boston City Clerk's Office; the text, with variations, is in Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xviii., p. 298.] [January 21, 1778.] The Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the several States now represented in the Continental Congress, having been laid before this Town, were distinctly and repeatedly read and maturely considerd, Whereupon; Resolvd, as the opinion of this Town, that the said Articles appear to be well adapted to cement the Union of the said States, to confirm their mutual Friendship, establish their Freedom and Independence, and promote their general Welfare: And the Representatives of the Town are hereby instructed, to give their Votes in the General Assembly, that the Delegates of this State may be authorizd to ratify the said Articles of Confederation in order that the same may become conclusive. TO JOHN BURGOYNE.1 [MS., Public Record Office, London; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON Febry 6th, 1778. SIR I should not have failed yesterday to have returned an Answer to your Letter, which was brought to me the preceding Evening, had it not been for the violence of a Disorder which had seized me near a Week before. That Disorder still continues to afflict me much, and prevents my seeing any one but my physician, or doing any business even of the most trifling Nature. Under such Circumstances, you will excuse me if I decline to engage with you in Conversation, upon a subject in which you think the general Cause of Humanity and possibly the essential Interests of both our Countries are concerned. I have the Honor to be Sir Your most humble Servt 1 Lieutenant General in the English army. TO DANIEL ROBERDEAU.1 [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] Feb 9 1778 SIR I have not been unmindful of the favor you did me in writing to me some time ago. My not having returnd an Answer has been owing, I do assure you, altogether to many Avocations, and at last to a bodily disorder by which I have been confind to my House and great part of the time upon my bed for near a fortnight. I am now about my Room and gladly take the Opportunity to drop from my Pen an Expression of the honest Friendship which I feel for your self and your agreable Connections. I find by the Letters I receive from Mr Lovell who is kind enough to write to me often, that Congress is reduced to a small Number present. This has not been unusual in the Winter Season. But you have a great Deal of Business and that of the arduous Kind. It would be a strong Inducement to me to leave domestick Enjoymt, that I might take as great a Share of the Burthen with you as my Shoulders would bear. It is no Satisfaction to me, you may rely upon it, to be able to plead the Want of Health sufficient to go through so long a Journey at this rigorous Season. My Brother Gerry can recollect with how much pleasure the few who were at Baltimore passed through the Fatigues of Business the last Winter, when our Affairs wore a more gloomy Aspect than they have ever yet done. We did it with Alacrity, because there was a Spirit of Union which leads to wise & happy Decisions. I hope the same Spirit now prevails and that Measures are taking to collect & support an Army and to introduce (Economy & Discipline among officers of Rank as well as private Soldiers, so as by Gods Blessing to insure us a successful Campaign. Your Resolution respecting Burgoyne I think must have nettled him. I have long with Pain suspected a perfidious Design. This Resolution must have crossd it. It will cause much Speculation in Europe. No Matter. The Powers there seem more inclind to speculate than to espouse the Rights of Man. Let them speculate. Our Business is to secure America against the Arts & the Arms of a treacherous Enemy. The former we have more to apprehend from than the latter. Please to pay my due Regard to your Sisters & Family in which Mrs A desires to be joynd & be assured that I am Yr unfeigned friend 1 Cf., Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. TO ARTHUR LEE. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON March 12th 1778 MY DEAR FRIEND This Letter will be deliverd to you by Captn Romanet a young French Gentleman Nephew to General Grobouval Commander of the french Artillery. He is a modest well behaved youth, and is one of Monsr du Coudrays Corps many of whom I suppose are returnd to France dissatisfied with the Determination of Congress against ratifying Mr Dean's Compact. The Necessity of doing this was disagreable to the Members, but it could not have been otherwise, without causing a great Uneasiness in our Army at a very critical Juncture. I hope no ill Consequences will result to our Country and Cause from the Complaints of these Gentlemen. Mr Romanet ingenuously acknowledges to me that Mr Du Coudrays Disappointment appears to him to have been necessary, and possibly his Connections in France may give Weight to his opinion. I have been favord with your acceptable Letter of the 31 July from Paris. From your not having noticed several Letters which I have written to you, I suspect they have miscarried. I know not that they would have servd any other good Purpose, than to have shown how desirous I was of reviving a Correspondence which heretofore..... TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL. [MS., Massachusetts Archives; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 7, 8,] STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY BOSTON Mar 19 1778 SIR/ I am to acquaint your Excellency in the Name & by order of the Council of this State, that your Letter of the 16th Instant directed to the President, relative to the Defence of Hudsons River has been receivd & read at that Board. The General Assembly is now under a short Adjournment, and the Council are not authorizd in their Executive Capacity & seperate from the House of Repts to order any Part of the Militia of this State beyond its Limits. The Assembly will meet on the first Day of the next Month. Your Excellencys Letter, together with another receivd this Day from Govr Clinton upon the same Subject, will then be laid before that Body; and altho the Government of this State are now under the Necessity of keeping up more than fifteen hundred of the Militia to guard the Troops of Convention & for other extraordinary Service in and about the Town of Boston, yet there can be no Doubt but a due Attention will be given to so interesting & important a Concern as the Defence of Hudsons river. I have the Honor to be with the most cordial Esteem Yr Excys most Humble Servt TO JAMES LOVELL. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON March 27 1778 MY DEAR SIR You cannot imagine how much I feel my self obligd to you for writing to me frequently. Your Letters however do not come to me in regular Order. HOW is it that I did not receive those of the 10th & 16th of Feby by the Post till yesterday? I am affraid there is some Deficiency in the Post office Department; but as I would fain hope our Friend Mr Hastings is not in Fault, I will beg you in his Behalf, to move to the Post Master General for an Addition to his Salary, for he assures me he cannot live upon what he now receives. I am very sorry your Letter of the 10th did not come in Season, for I should have gladly interrested my self for so valueable a Citizen as Mr Leach at the late annual Meeting. I have long wishd that for the Reputation as well as substantial Advantage of this Town a military Academy was instituted. When I was in Philadelphia more than two years ago I mentiond the Importance I conceivd it to be of, in Letters to my Friends here. At least we might set up a publick School for military Mathematicks, and I know of no one better qualified for an Instructor than Mr Leach. I wish he had mentiond it to me. Perhaps he may have had Promises of Attention to him from some other Person upon whom he relies. I will consult with such Men of Influence in the Town as I am acquainted with, and will not be wanting in Endeavors to improve your Hints for the mutual Benefit of the Publick & Mr Leach. I am pleasd to observe in your Letter of 28 Feby that Mr Burgoyne seems to be alterd in his Ideas of Congress. The Gentleman to whom you request me to communicate the Contents of that Letter, I am not in the least acquainted with, but shall comply with your Request whenever I shall find an opportunity of doing it. I fear from what you mention in your Letter of the 7th of March that the Expectations of the People with Regard to Ty. & Independence will be baulkd. If they are, the Cause in my opinion will be injurd & the Confidence of the People in those who have the Mannagement of our Affairs civil & military lessend, which I should be very sorry to see. In the same Letter you tell me that Lt Colo Anstruthers Request to seek his own Release on Condition of his getting Colo Allens is granted. I now inclose a Letter which I had mislayed & omitted to send, relating to Lt Colo Campbells who I wish might be exchanged for Friend Ethan.1 I do not wonder that you have been mortified upon the Delay of a certain Affair to which you refer in your Letter of the 10th Instant. I wrote you the Opinion of this Town respecting that Affair above a Month ago. I shall only observe that in my opinion, every one who is intrusted with the Affairs of the Publick does not feel so sensibly for its Reputation as I think you do. I have inclosd the Instructions of the General Assembly to their Delegates in Congress upon the Confederation, and when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you I may perhaps give you the Causes why that important Matter was not determind sooner. I immediately after reading your last mentiond Letter communicated to the Council that part of it which relates to the Propriety & Necessity of making regular Returns of what is done here in Consequence of the Recommendations of Congress; and a Committee of that Board is now looking over the Journals & Papers for that Purpose. In the same Letter you mention your having receivd a Letter from Mr John Amory, with his Request that you wd put a memorial into Congress for him. In what Manner could Congress interpose for him if you should comply with his Request? His Residence in this State was deemd by the Gen1 Assembly to be dangerous to the State. Will Congress order or recommend that He should reside in it notwithstanding? "He was surprizd into an Oath of Allegiance!" He said upon his Examination here that he was not compelled to take the Oath. He did not recollect the Form or Tenor of the Oath he had taken--but desired to live peaceably in his Native town but could not in Conscience take up Arms against the British King. I will desire Mr Appleton to write to you on the Subject. 1 Allen. Cf. page 9. TO FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] [BOSTON, ----, 1778.] MY DEAR SIR It was much longer than the usual time before your very acceptable Letter of the 22 Decr came to my hand. I receivd it as a singular Favor and felt the more thankful for it, because I knew that hardly anything could induce you to write a Letter but the urgent Affairs of our Country or the powerful feelings of private Friendship. I should have written you an Answer sooner but the peevish nominal Saint who scrap'd an Acquaintance with me at Baltimore the last Winter, has followd me even to this place. I think he is the most impertinent & troublesome Visitant I ever had. I am so thoroughly disgusted at the Creature that I have taken every Method that could be devisd to prevent my being ever plagud with him again. He seems at length to be about leaving me & he may depend upon it I shall deny all his Visits for the future. The Spirit of Avarice, I am sorry to be obligd to say it, prevails too much in this Town; but it rages only among the few, because perhaps, the few only are concernd at present in trade. The old substantial Merchants have generally laid aside trade & left it to Strangers or those who from nothing have raisd fortunes by privateering. The Body of this Community suffer proportionably as much as the great continental Publick. It must be confessd that the Charges of Trade are enormous, and it is natural for men when they have at great Risque & Expence imported Commodities which are wanted by every body, if they must receive in payment for them what is valued by no body, to demand as much of it as they please, especially if it is growing daily into less Repute. This you know has been the Case. There is but one effectual Remedy; & that is to lessen the Quantity of circulating paper Money. This is now doing here. Our Assembly have laid on a very heavy Tax, & are determind to repeat it again and again. Besides which they have called in a large Quantity of their bills, for which they have issued Notes payble with Interest. The Effects are already felt & the prices of Goods have been for some time past gradually sinking. You tell me we have a great many men now inlisted & that you hope Means will be found to collect them. I joyn with you in these hopes, and that we may keep them together when they are collected and make a good Use of them. Howe I understand has fortified himself by a Line of Redoubts from River to River. Has he more than 13 or 14 [sic] Men in America? If not why should we wait till he is reinforced before we make an Enterprize somewhere. Your Resolution to stop the Embarkation here I fancy has nettled Burgoyne. He has since been soliciting Interviews with A & B & wishes for private Conversations upon a Matter in which "he thinks the General Cause of Humanity and possibly the essential Interests of both our Countries are concernd."1 He has not prevaild upon A to comply with his Request; for more Reasons than one which I think must be obvious upon a short Review of our History. The Resolutions of Congress will afford Matter of Speculation for the Politicians in Europe. But must they not all acknowledge that Burgoyne himself had made it necessary? After a solemn Declaration made to the very Officer with whom he had enterd into the Convention that it was broken on our Part, Does he, if he believes his own Declaration hold him self bound by it on his part? Would he not, if sufferd to go to Sea, most probably carry a Reinforcement to Gen1 Howe & laugh at us for puting it in his Power? I have twenty things to say to you, but my ill state of Health prevents my adding more than that I am, with sincere Regards to Mrs Lee in which Mrs A very cordially joyns Yr affectione 1 Cf. page 12. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. [MS., American Philosophical Society.] BOSTON April 20 1778 MY DEAR SIR---- I most heartily congratulate you on the happy and important News from Europe which will be conveyd to Congress by Mr Dean the Brother of our late Commissioner who will be so kind as to deliver you this Letter. France has acted with Magnanimity; while Britain continues to discover that Meanness and Poverty of Spirit, which renders her still more than ever contemptible in the Eyes of all sensible People. The Moderation of France is such as becomes a great and powerful Nation. Britain forgetfull of her former Character, sinks into Baseness in the Extreme. The one is generously holding out the Arm of Protection to a People most cruelly oppressd while the other is practicing the Arts of Treachery and Deceit to subjugate and enslave them. This is a Contrast which an ancient Britain would have blushd to have had predicted to him. It is a true Contrast, and we will blush for them. Commissioners we are again told are coming out to treat with us. This is what we had Reason to expect. Her only Design is to amuse us & thereby to retard our operations, till she can land her utmost Force in America. We see plainly what Part we are to take; to be before hand of her; and by an early Stroke to give her a mortal Wound. If we delay our vigorous Exertions till the Commissioners arrive, the People abroad may, many of them will be amusd with the flattering Prospect of Peace, and will think it strange if we do not consent to a Cessation of Arms till propositions can be made and digested. This carries with it an Air of Plausibility; but from the Moment we are brought into the Snare, we may tremble for the Consequence. As there [are] every where awful Tories enough, to distract the Minds of the People, would it not be wise for the Congress by a Publication of their own to set this important Intelligence in a clear Light before them, and fix in their Minds the first Impressions in favor of Truth? For I do assure you, it begins to be whisperd by the Tories & as soon as they dare to do it they will speak aloud, that this is but a french Finesse and that Britain is the only real Friend of America. Should not the People be informd with the Authority of Congress that Britain persists in claiming a Right to tax them and that the new or intended Act of Parliament, expressly declares her Intention to be only a Suspension of the Exercise of the Right till she shall please again to exercise it? that is till she shall have lulled them into a State of Security. That her Commissioners are not to be vested with full Powers to finish any Treatys, nor even to promise a Ratification of them. This will be left in great Uncertainty, till it shall be considerd in Parliament. They are allowed, as one of our Friends expresses it, to proclaim a Cessation of Hostilities, and revoke their Proclamation, as soon as in Confidence of it our Militia are allowd to go home. They may suspend the Operation of prohibitory Acts of Trade; and take off that Suspension where our Merchants in Consequence of it shall have been indued to send their Ships to Sea. In short they may do every thing that may tend to distract and divide us, but Nothing that can afford us Security. The British Court have Nothing in View but to divide by Means of their Commissioners. Of this they entertain sanguine Expectations; for I am well assured, that they say they have certain Advice, that they have a large Party in Congress, almost a Majority, who are for returning to their Dependency! This cannot be true--Dr Franklin in a Letter of the 2d of March informs me that America at present stands in the highest Light of Esteem thro' out Europe, and he adds, A Return to Dependence on England would sink her into Eternal Contempt. Be pleasd to present my due Regards to all Friends, and acquaint my worthy Colleagues that Mr Deans great Haste prevents my writing to them. I intend to set out on my Journy to York Town next Week where I hope for the Pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time be assured that I am Your affectionate, I thank you for your Favor of Mar 1st which I recd three days ago-- TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PALMER 84 Miles from Boston May 5th 1778 MY DEAR BETSY I wrote to you by my kind Host Mr Greenleafe. Yesterday I left his House and slept the last Night at Colo Henshaws. He and his Lady treated me with great Hospitality & Friendship. This day I dined at Brookfield with Mr Ward a Minister in that Town. He married Miss Coleman Mr Pembertons Niece. I am much obligd to them for their kind Treatment of me. I made them promise to visit you when they go to Boston. This Afternoon I met my Son on the Road. I was sorry I could not have the Pleasure of conversing with him. I parted with him with great Regret. May Heaven bless him! Tell him I shall never think him too old to hearken to the Advice of his Father. Indeed I never had Reason to complain of him on that Account. He has hitherto made me a glad Father. This implys that I esteem him a wise Son. I have been the more sparing of Advice to him because I have thought he did not need it; but in these critical Times when Principles & Manners as well as the Liberties of his Country are in Danger he has need to be on his Guard. My Children cannot imagine how much Comfort I have in believing they are virtuous. I am not willing to admit of a Fear that they will ever deprive me of this Comfort. My warm Affections are due to my Family and Friends. Adieu my dear Betsy. Your affectionate, "AN AMERICAN" TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND OTHERS. [W. V. Wells,1 Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 18-26; printed in the Massachusetts Spy, July 16, 1778.] To the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Viscount Howe, Sir William Howe (or, in his absence, Sir Henry Clinton), William Eden, and George Johnstone. Trusty and well-beloved servants of your sacred master, in whom he is well pleased. As you are sent to America for the express purpose of treating with anybody and anything, you will pardon an address from one who disdains to flatter those whom he loves. Should you therefore deign to read this address, your chaste ears will not be offended with the language of adulation,--a language you despise. I have seen your most elegant and most excellent letter "to his Excellency, Henry Laurens, the President, and other members of the Congress." As that body have thought your propositions unworthy their particular regard, it may be some satisfaction to your curiosity, and tend to appease the offended spirit of negotiation, if one out of the many individuals on this great continent should speak to you the sentiments of America,--sentiments which your own good sense hath doubtless suggested, and which are repeated only to convince you that, notwithstanding the narrow ground of private information on which we stand in this distant region, still a knowledge of our own rights, and attention to our own interests and a sacred respect for the dignity of human nature, have given us to understand the true principles which ought, and which therefore shall, sway our conduct. You begin with the amiable expressions of humanity, the earnest desire of tranquillity and peace. A better introduction to Americans could not be devised. For the sake of the latter, we once laid our liberties at the feet of your Prince, and even your armies have not eradicated the former from our bosoms. You tell us you have powers unprecedented in the annals of your history. And England, unhappy England, will remember with deep contrition that these powers have been rendered of no avail by a conduct unprecedented in the annals of mankind. Had your royal master condescended to listen to the prayer of millions, he had not thus have sent you. Had moderation swayed what we were proud to call "mother country" her full-blown dignity would not have broken down under her. You tell us that all "parties may draw some degree of consolation, and even auspicious hope, from recollection." We wish this most sincerely for the sake of all parties. America, in the moment of subjugation, would have been consoled by conscious virtue, and her hope was, and is, in the justice of her cause and the justice of the Almighty. These are sources of hope and of consolation which neither time nor chance can alter or take away. You mention "the mutual benefits and consideration of evils that may naturally contribute to determine our resolutions." As to the former, you know too well that we could derive no benefit from a union with you, nor will I, by deducing the reasons to evince this, put an insult upon your understandings. As to the latter, it were to be wished you had preserved a line of conduct equal to the delicacy of your feelings. You could not but know that men who sincerely love freedom disdain the consideration of all evils necessary to attain it. Had not your own hearts borne testimony to this truth, you might have learned it from the annals of your own history; for in those annals instances of this kind at least are not unprecedented. But should those instances be insufficient, we pray you to read the unconquered mind of America. That the acts of Parliament you transmitted were passed with singular unanimity, we pretend not to doubt. You will pardon me, gentlemen, for observing that the reasons of that unanimity are strongly marked in the report of a committee of Congress agreed to on the 22d of April last, and referred to in a late letter from Congress to Lord Viscount Howe and Sir Henry Clinton. You tell us you are willing "to consent to a cessation of hostilities both by sea and land." It is difficult for rude Americans to determine whether you are serious in this proposition or whether you mean to jest with their simplicity. Upon a supposition, however, that you have too much magnanimity to divert yourselves on an occasion of so much importance to America, and, perhaps, not very trivial in the eyes of those who sent you, permit me to assure you, on the sacred word of a gentleman, that if you shall transport your troops to England, where before long your Prince will certainly want their assistance, we shall never follow them thither. We are not so romantically fond of fighting, neither have we such regard for the city of London, as to commence a crusade for the possession of that holy land. Thus you may be certain hostilities will cease by land. It would be doing singular injustice to your national character to suppose you are desirous of a like cessation by sea. The course of the war, and the very flourishing state of your commerce, notwithstanding our weak efforts to interrupt it, daily show that you can exclude us from the sea,--the sea, your kingdom! You offer "to restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and renew the common benefits of naturalization." Whenever your countrymen shall be taught wisdom by experience, and learn from past misfortunes to pursue their true interests in the future we shall readily admit every intercourse which is necessary for the purposes of commerce and usual between different nations. To revive mutual affection is utterly impossible. We freely forgive you, but it is not in nature that you should forgive us. You have injured us too much. We might, on this occasion, give you some instances of singular barbarity committed, as well by the forces of his Britannic Majesty as by those of his generous and faithful allies, the Senecas, Onondagas, and Tuscaroras. But we will not offend a courtly ear by the recital of those disgusting scenes. Besides this, it might give pain to that humanity which hath, as you observe, prompted your overtures, to dwell upon the splendid victories obtained by a licentious soldiery over unarmed men in defenceless villages, their wanton devastations, their deliberate murders, or to inspect those scenes of carnage painted by the wild excesses of savage rage. These amiable traits of national conduct cannot but revive in our bosoms that partial affection we once felt for everything which bore the name of Englishman. As to the common benefits of naturalization, it is a matter we conceive to be of the most sovereign indifference. A few of our wealthy citizens may hereafter visit England and Rome to see the ruins of those august temples in which the goddess of Liberty was once adored. These will hardly claim naturalization in either of those places as a benefit. On the other hand, such of your subjects as shall be driven by the iron hand of Oppression to seek for refuge among those whom they now persecute will certainly be admitted to the benefits of naturalization. We labor to rear an asylum for mankind, and regret that circumstances will not permit you, gentlemen, to contribute to a design so very agreeable to your several tempers and dispositions. But further, your Excellencies say, "We will concur to extend every freedom to trade that our respective interests can require." Unfortunately, there is a little difference in these interests which you might not have found it very easy to reconcile, had the Congress been disposed to risk their heads by listening to terms which I have the honor to assure you are treated with ineffable contempt by every honest Whig in America. The difference I allude to is, that it is your interest to monopolize our commerce, and it is our interest to trade with all the world. There is, indeed, a method of cutting this Gordian knot which, perhaps, no statesman is acute enough to untie. By reserving to the Parliament of Great Britain the right of determining what our respective interests require, they might extend the freedom of trade, or circumscribe it at their pleasure, for what they might call our respective interests. But I trust it would not be for our mutual satisfaction. Your "earnest desire to stop the effusion of blood and the calamities of war" will therefore lead you, on maturer reflection, to reprobate a plan teeming with discord, and which, in the space of twenty years, would produce another wild expedition across the Atlantic, and in a few years more some such commission as that "with which his Majesty hath been pleased to honor you." We cannot but admire the generosity of soul which prompts you "to agree that no military force shall be kept up in the different States of North America without the consent of the General Congress or particular Assemblies." The only grateful return we can make for this exemplary condescension is, to assure your Excellencies, and, on behalf of my countrymen, I do most solemnly promise and assure you, that no military force shall be kept up in the different States of North America without the consent of the General Congress and that of the Legislatures of those States. You will, therefore, cause the forces of your royal master to be removed; for I can venture to assure you that the Congress have not consented, and probably will not consent, that they be kept up. You have also made the unsolicited offer of concurring "in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation." If your Excellencies mean by this to apply for offices in the department of our finance, I am to assure you (which I do with "perfect respect") that it will be necessary to procure very ample recommendations. For, as the English have not yet pursued measures to discharge their own debt and raise the credit and value of their own paper circulation, but, on the contrary, are in a fair way to increase the one and absolutely destroy the other, you will instantly perceive that financiers from that nation would present themselves with the most awkward grace imaginable. You propose to us a device to "perpetuate our union." It might not be amiss previously to establish this union, which may be done by your acceptance of the treaty of peace and commerce tendered to you by Congress. And such treaty I can venture to say would continue as long as your ministers could prevail upon themselves not to violate the faith of nations. You offer, to use your language, the inaccuracy of which, considering the importance of the subject, is not to be wondered at, or at least may be excused, "in short, to establish the powers of the respective Legislatures in each particular State, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal government, so that the British States throughout North America, acting with us in peace and war, under one common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with that total union of force on which the safety of our common religion and liberty depends." Let me assure you, gentlemen, that the power of the respective Legislatures in each particular State is most fully established, and on the most solid foundations. It is established on the perfect freedom of legislation and a vigorous administration of internal government. As to the settlement of the revenue and the civil and military establishment, these are the work of the day, for which the several Legislatures are fully competent. I have also the pleasure to congratulate your Excellencies that the country for the settlement of whose government, revenue, administration, and the like, you have exposed yourselves to the fatigues and hazards of a disagreeable voyage and more disagreeable negotiation, hath abundant resources wherewith to defend her liberties now, and pour forth the rich stream of revenue hereafter. As the States of North America mean to possess the irrevocable enjoyment of their privileges, it is absolutely necessary for them to decline all connection with a Parliament who, even in the laws under which you act, reserve in express terms the power of revoking every proposition which you may agree to. We have a due sense of the kind offer you make to grant us a share in your sovereign; but really, gentlemen, we have not the least inclination to accept of it. He may suit you extremely well, but he is not to our taste. You are solicitous to prevent a total separation of interests; and this, after all, seems to be the gist of the business. To make you as easy as possible on this subject, I have to observe, that it may, and probably will, in some instances, be our interest to assist you, and then we certainly shall. Where this is not the case, your Excellencies have doubtless too much good sense as well as good nature to require it. We cannot perceive that our liberty does in the least depend upon any union of force with you; for we find that after you have exercised your force against us for upwards of three years, we are now upon the point of establishing our liberties in direct opposition to it. Neither can we conceive that, after the experiment you have made, any nation in Europe will embark in so unpromising a scheme as the subjugation of America. It is not necessary that everybody should play the Quixote. One is enough to entertain a generation at least. Your Excellencies will, I hope, excuse me when I differ from you as to our having a religion in common with you; the religion of America is the religion of all mankind. Any person may worship in the manner he thinks most agreeable to the Deity; and if he behaves as a good citizen, no one concerns himself as to his faith or adorations, neither have we the least solicitude to exalt any one sect or profession above another. I am extremely sorry to find in your letter some sentences which reflect upon the character of his most Christian Majesty. It certainly is not kind, or consistent with the principles of philanthropy you profess, to traduce a gentleman's character, without affording him an opportunity of defending himself; and that, too, a near neighbor, and not long since an intimate brother, who besides hath lately given you the most solid additional proofs of his pacific disposition, and with an unparalleled sincerity which would do honor to other princes, declared to your Court, unasked, the nature and effect of a treaty he had just entered into with these States. Neither is it quite according to the rules of politeness to use such terms in addressing yourselves to Congress, when you well knew that he was their good and faithful ally. It is indeed true, as you justly observe, that he hath at times been at enmity with his Britannic Majesty, by which we suffered some inconveniences; but these flowed rather from our connection with you than any ill-will towards us; at the same time it is a solemn truth, worthy of your serious attention, that you did not commence the present war,--a war in which we have suffered infinitely more than by any former contest, a fierce, a bloody, I am sorry to add, an unprovoked and cruel war,--that you did not commence this, I say, because of any connection between us and our present ally; but, on the contrary, as soon as you perceived that the treaty was in agitation, proposed terms of peace to us in consequence of what you have been pleased to denominate an insidious interposition. HOW, then, does the account stand between us? America, being at peace with the world, was formerly drawn into a war with France in consequence of her union with Great Britain. At present, America being engaged in a war with Great Britain, will probably obtain the most honorable terms of peace in consequence of her friendly connection with France. For the truth of these positions, I appeal, gentlemen, to your own knowledge. I know it is very hard for you to part with what you have accustomed yourselves from your earliest infancy to call your Colonies. I pity your situation, and therefore I excuse the little aberrations from truth which your letter contains. At the same time it is possible that you may have been misinformed. For I will not suppose that your letter was intended to delude the people of these States. Such unmanly, disingenuous artifices have of late been exerted with so little effect, that prudence, if not probity, would prevent a repetition. To undeceive you, therefore, I take the liberty of assuring your Excellencies, from the very best intelligence, that what you call "the present form of the French offers to America," in other words, the treaties of alliance and commerce between his most Christian Majesty and these States, were not made in consequence of any plans of accommodation concerted in Great Britain, nor with a view to prolong this destructive war. If you consider that these treaties were actually concluded before the draft of the bills under which you act was sent to America, and that much time must necessarily have been consumed in adjusting compacts of such intricacy and importance, and further, if you consider the early notification of this treaty by the Court of France, and the assurance given that America had reserved a right of admitting even you to a similar treaty, you must be convinced of the truth of my assertions. The fact is, that when the British minister perceived that we were treating with the greatest prince in Europe, he applied himself immediately to counteract the effect of these negotiations. And this leads me, with infinite regret, to make some observations which may possibly be by you considered in an offensive point of view. It seems to me, gentlemen, there is something (excuse the word) disingenuous in your procedure. I put the supposition that Congress had acceded to your propositions, and then I ask two questions:-- Had you full power from your commission to make these propositions? Possibly you did not think it worth your while to consider your commission, but we Americans are apt to compare things together and to reason. The second question I ask is, What security could you give that the British Parliament would ratify your compacts? You can give no such security; and therefore we should, after forfeiting our reputation as a people, after you had filched from us our good name, and persuaded us to give to the common enemy of man the precious jewel of our liberties,--after all this, I say, we should have been at the mercy of a Parliament which, to say no more of it, has not treated us with too great tenderness. It is quite needless to add that, even if that Parliament had ratified the conditions you proposed, still poor America was to lie at the mercy of any future Parliament, or to appeal to the sword, which certainly is not the most pleasant business men can be engaged in. For your use I subjoin the following creed of every good American:--I believe that in every kingdom, state, or empire there must be, from the necessity of the thing, one supreme legislative power, with authority to bind every part in all cases the proper object of human laws. I believe that to be bound by laws to which he does not consent by himself, or by his representative, is the direct definition of a slave. I do therefore believe that a dependence on Great Britain, however the same may be limited or qualified, is utterly inconsistent with every idea of liberty, for the defence of which I have solemnly pledged my life and fortune to my countrymen; and this engagement I will sacredly adhere to so long as I shall live. Amen. Now, if you will take the poor advice of one who is really a friend to England and Englishmen, and who hath even some Scotch blood in his veins,--away with your fleets and your armies, acknowledge the independence of America; and as ambassadors, and not commissioners, solicit a treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and alliance with the rising States of this Western world. Your nation totters on the brink of a stupendous precipice, and even delay will ruin her. You have told Congress, "if, after the time that may be necessary to consider this communication and transmit your answer, the horrors and devastations of war should continue, we call God and the world to witness that the evils which must follow are not to be imputed to Great Britain." I wish you had spared your protestation. Matters of this kind may appear to you in a trivial light, as mere ornamental flowers of rhetoric, but they are serious things, registered in the high chancery of Heaven. Remember the awful abuse of words like those by General Burgoyne, and remember his fate. There is One above us who will take exemplary vengeance for every insult upon His majesty. You know that the cause of America is just. You know that she contends for that freedom to which all men are entitled,--that she contends against oppression, rapine, and more than savage barbarity. The blood of the innocent is upon your hands, and all the waters of the ocean will not wash it away. We again make our solemn appeal to the God of heaven to decide between you and us. And We pray that, in the doubtful scale of battle, we may be successful as we have justice on our side, and that the merciful Saviour of the world may forgive our oppressors. I am, my Lords and Gentlemen, the friend of human nature, and one who glories in the title of An American. 1Also attributed to Adams in The Remembrancer, 1778, p. 306. TO BARON STEUBEN. [MS., Emmet Collection, Lenox Library.] YORK TOWN June 3d 1778 SIR/ I very gratefully acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of the 28th of May by Mr Ternant, as well as another which was deliverd to me in Boston. It affords me great Satisfaction to find that Congress, sensible of your Merit, have put it in your Power to do eminent Service to our Country in the Army, and that your Services are so acceptable there. This is the Fulfillment of my earnest Wishes when I had the Pleasure of conversing with you in Boston. May Heaven prosper you. Mr Ternants Haste prevents my adding more than that I am with very cordial Esteem Your affectionate very humble servt TO JOHN ADAMS. [MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.] YORK TOWN June 21 1778 MY DEAR SIR Although we are exceedingly pressd with publick Business at this Juncture I cannot omit the Opportunity that now offers of writing to you. The general Scituation of Affairs, and the particular Transactions between the British Commissioners and the Congress will be transmited to you by this Conveyance, by the Committee for foreign Affairs. Since I last came to this Place from Boston, several Gentlemen have arrivd here from France viz Mr Simeon Dean, Mr Carmichael, Mr Stephenson, & Mr Holker. Mr Carmichael comes strongly recommend[ed] by Dr Franklin & Mr Silas Dean; but Dr Lee in his Letter gives Reasons why he cannot place a Confidence in him. From a long Correspondence with Dr Lee, I conceive so great an Opinion of his Candor as well as inflexible Integrity & Attachment to our Country, that I cannot entertain a Doubt that he would suffer partial Considerations to operate in his Mind to the Prejudice of any Man. Such a Difference of Sentiments concerning a Gentleman who I imagine must be of some Consequence, could not take Place without at least apparently good Grounds; and it may produce such Effects on this Side of the Water as may prove uncomfortable to us if not injurious to our Cause. Would it not then be doing some Service, to exercise your Prudence in endeavoring to investigate the real Grounds of it, in doing which possibly some things may open to View of Importance and at present not thought of. Dr Lee is a Gentleman of a fair and generous Mind. I wish therefore that you would freely converse with him upon this Subject if you think you can do it with Propriety; and let him know that I have lately receivd many Letters from him, which I have duly attended to and would have acknowledgd to him by this Opportunity, if I had Leisure. By the last Accounts I have had from Braintree your Lady & Family were in Health, though anxiously wishing to hear of your safe Arrival. I shall write to you as often as I can & shall esteem my self happy in receiving your Favors. I remain very affectionately Your Friend, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE July 9 1778 MY DEAR BETSY Mr Mc Lean the Bearer of this Letter arrivd in this City yesterday, and tells me he saw you on the Day he left Boston, and that you were then in Health. He now returns in so great Haste as to afford me Time only to let you know that I still enjoy that inestimable Blessing. I now write at the Table in Congress, having just put my Hand to the Confederation with my Colleagues & the Delegates of seven other States. North Carolina and Georgia whose Members are absent have acceded to the Confederation. Mr H has just obtaind the Leave of Absence and is going home on Account of his ill State of Health & the Circumstances of his Family. He tells me his Wife is dangerously ill. Adieu my dear, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE July -- 1778 MY DEAR SIR Capt Manley1 has obligd me with your favor of the 5th. He and McNeil are both here with different Views. The one to obtain another Ship, and the other to get the Sentence of the Court Martial by which he is censurd & broke, reversd. Perhaps both may be disappointed. I have receivd a Number of Letters by both. One from you. To this I shall pay a very particular Regard, because I am well satisfied you never suffer Prejudices to divert your Attention from the great object--the publick Good. "Manly is a blunt, honest and I believe brave officer.' I observe your Caution; and I admire it because I think it is a proof of your Integrity. Manlys Bravery is an Article of your Beliefe. His Bluntness& Honesty, of Certainty. I have not yet lookd into the Papers; but I recollect, when they were read in Congress, to have heard the Want of Experience imputed to him, and some thing that had the Appearance of blameing him for not giving out any Signals for the Direction of the Ships under his Command. This it must be ownd, strongly implys the Want if not the total Absense of Discretion. Now I would ask my Friend, whether the Character of a blunt & honest officer entitles him to the Command of one of our Capital Ships if he is "deficient in point of Experience & Discretion." The Characteristick of a Sailor is the blunt honest Tar. They carry this Character to an inimitable Height. But surely every honest blunt or even brave Tar is not fit for Command in our Navy. I some times fear there was an Error in the beginning. Thus much for Manly. "His Address (viz Mc Neils) is insinuating. His Assurance great. He may tell you fine Storys" &c. How contemptible does he appear. I should think he had taken a Lesson from Hutchinsons political Book, if I had not Reason to believe that he used to despise him most heartily. But I advert to a Letter from another of my Friends to whose upright opinions I have always given Weight; there I find "He is open & sincere'' Synonimous Terms with blunt & honest. "His Temper is naturally warm which he has sometimes indulgd in speaking his Mind freely of Persons in office"--This you know has always been deemd an unpardonable Sin, and I am affraid it always will be. To be sure it always will be so deemd by that Kind of Men in office who meet with none to hinder them from persisting in the most expensive Blunders but the open sincere and warm Friends of our Country. I am warrented in supposing this Character belongs to Capt Mc Neil, because my worthy Correspondent in whose Veracity & Judgment I have before told you I place a Confidence, has affirmd to me, that he knows his Sufferings for our glorious Cause. Has not Mc Neil struck upon this Rock? It is possible he has. Says my friendly Correspondent "We all know his Zeal & Sufferings for our glorious Cause." Such a Character commands my Friendship; but it has no Consideration in the present Appeal. Has he had a fair Trial? I pay a proper Regard to the Decisions of a Court martial, & shall not give my Vote for altering them in any Instance but when Error Fraud or partiality shall appear plainly to my own Satisfaction. Our Navy officers must not expect to pick & chuse for themselves. They ought to be content with the Appointments given to them. It is true Appointments should be made with more Discretion than I think they can be by any Men at three or four hundred Miles Distance. For this Reason I moved that they should be made by the Navy Board, which obtaind in a certain Degree as you have seen or will see by a Letter from the Marine Committee. Had this been the Case before Olney would have remaind in the , Resistance & Bush must have waited for another. If the Queen of France is a better Vessel it will turn out not to the Disadvantage of Olney. While we have more officers in Commission than Ships, there must be Disappointments, Envy, & Suspicions (oftentimes unreasonable) of each other. This is the Make of Man, and we may as well think of stopping the Tide as altering it. The Appointment of Landais affords an ample Subject for the Observations of Speculatists and the Resentment of Navy officers. I think he is, as you observe an ingenuous & well behaved Man, and if he is an able & experiencd officer, as we are assured he is by those whose Duty it is to give us the best Intelligence, it is a pity that two very good Lieutenants shd have the Ship & the Service on that account. I hope others may be found to fill their places. "It is an opinion that I was Landais' chief Patron." On this occasion you discover your self, as you are disposd to do on every occasion, partial in my favor. If I was in any Degree instrumental in promoting Capt Landais, it was because I really thought he would be of eminent Use to our Navy. And I question whether it would not have been thought a well judgd Appointment, if there had not been a fanciful Predilection in favor of Another. Even the Name of the Ship may have given Disgust to some Men. I hope when Manly is provided with such a Ship as will please him the Difficulties or Obstructions in the Way of getting the Alliance manned will be removd. I am very sure your Exertions will not be wanting to promote the Service. Adieu, 1 Recently of the Ship Hancock. The record of his court martial was laid before the Continental Congress on August 5, and ordered to be referred to the Marine Committee for filing among its papers. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADA July 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ It is but seldom I can find Leisure to write a long Letter. You must excuse me if I give you my Thoughts as I am able to recollect and adjust them into any Order. I find -------- to be an excellent Member of Congress. He is a thorough and zealous Republican, and an able Supporter of the publick Liberty. I am satisfied it would be for the great Benefit of our Country, if you and he were to form an intimate Connection with each other. This I am very desirous of, because I have no Idea of your being long secluded from the publick Councils. He will go home shortly. I have not yet answerd your Letters of the 26th and 28th of June. I am in Pain about the Ship in your Harbour. Her Owners neglect to put her into Repair, and I fear a great Number of her Officers and Crew for Want of Skill or Experience will be at a LOSS what to do with her if she meets with a Storm. What a Pity is it, that an honest old Pilot has lately been dischargd, who used to steer successfully through Rocks & Quick sands! And that he should suffer this hard Usage, only because, unknown to him one who was a hearty Well wisher to the Voyage, and was anxious that Capacity & Merit might always govern Promotions, had venturd to declare him the fittest Man to take the Command. Ambition, or rather Vanity, and Avarice--an insatiable Thirst for Places and Preferment, without Ability or Intention to fulfil the Duties of them, tends to the Ruin of any Country, and if not eradicated, will soon effect it. It would be the Glory of this Age, to find Men having no ruling Passion but the Love of their Country, and ready to render her the most arduous and important Services with the Hope of no other Reward in this Life than the Esteem of their virtuous Fellow Citizens. But this, some tell us, is expecting more than it is in the Power of human Nature to give. Be it as it may. There are some Men to whom the publick Confidence most certainly ought to be refused. I mean those who in perilous Times have never dared to avow the publick Sentiments. Last Saturday1 Congress recd another Letter from the British Commissioners. You have it inclosd with a short Resolution2 in Consequence of it. This shuts the Door until they will be pleased to open it. Governor Johnstone has acted so base a part as to hint the offer of Bribes not only to the President but every other Member of Congress, as you will see by the Inclosd Letter to Mr R. Morris. By this he has in my opinion forfeited the Character of an honest Man & justly exposd himself to Contempt. I hope some Strictures will be made in the Newspapers on this as well as the disrespectful & even insolent Language in the Commissioners Letter, not so proper to be noticed by Congress. I am assured that a Bribe of 10,000 Guineas has been offerd to a Gentleman of Station & Character here. He refusd it as you might suppose with suitable Resentment, telling the Lady who negociated this dirty Business, that the British King was not rich enough to purchase him. Mr D3 of whom I may perhaps hereafter have much to say to you is arrivd with the Sieur Gerard. I have long ago formed my opinion of the American Commissioner & have not yet alterd it. That of the french Minister is, a sensible prudent Man, not wanting in political Finesse & therefore not to be listned to too implicitly. The french Squadron lies off Sandy Hook. I have inclosd the Names & Rates of the ships together with the Spanish Ships in N York as deliverd to us by a Prisoner lately escaped from thence. Their Force bears no proportion to each other. The Question in my Mind is whether the french Admiral will risque his large Ships to be workd, as they must be in an Engagement, in the Narrows --the Width of the Channel is and its Depth at low Water. I am told that this is a favorite Expedition of Count d'Estaing himself, proposd by him & not Mr D, to the french Court, and that his Reputation as a Politician as well as an Admiral is at Stake. From the Character I have recd of him, I make no Doubt he will answer the highest reasonable Expectations of the King his Master and of America. Mr Ds political Friends, some of whom I suppose are in Boston, are disposd to give him great Eclat on Account of the Aid afforded us in sending this Squadron. His interest with the french Ministry is represented as very forceable in procuring it and the Newspapers mention the favors conferd on him even by the King himself. The Truth as I conceive it is, the total overthrow of Burgoyns Army was an Event which it was thought would produce Overtures from Britain, and France was apprehensive of our listening to Terms & compromising Matters. Hence it was, more than from any other Cause or the Interest of any Individual that a Treaty was facilitated & agreed to and to secure us in their Alliance & support us in sending this Squadron, and the Purpose of M Gerards Mission. We are informd that Eleven Sail of Merchantmen & a Frigate have fallen into his Hands. I have declind answering your Letter of the 26 of June till I could assure you that the Sum you wishd for was granted for the Use of your Department. I now have the Pleasure of informing you that it will be orderd as soon as it arrives from York Town. It is every hour expected. The Marine Committee have agreed that the Navy Board shall appoint Commanders for Vessels of War under Twenty Guns. 1 July 18; the letter was dated July 11. 2 "That no answer be given to the letter of the nth instant from the British commissioners." 3 Silas Deane; Congress on July 11 was notified by him of his arrival on the Languedoc. TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILAD Augt 11 -78 MY DEAR FRIEND I yesterday had the pleasure of receiving your favor by the post, covering the News papers and a Letter, as you emphatically express it, "from one of my closest Friends"; for all which I thank you most heartily. You ask me what occasiond the very sudden return of Mr H.----1. I answer in his own Word to me, His own Want of Health & the dangerous Illness of his Lady. You say he arrivd quite unexpected--you must surely be mistaken; for he publickly said he had Leave of Absence from his Constituents. You add, various are the Conjectures for the true Cause. It is the Lot of a great Man to have every Movement he makes critically scanned, and the strangest Constructions are oftentimes put upon those parts of his Conduct which may be most easily explaind. You have so many Twistings in your Typography and my Eyes are grown so dim with Age that I cannot well discover whether you inform me that his Friends say the Air or Airs of Philadelphia doth not suit him; though I must conclude the former from your usual Correctness in Grammar, for there is an evident false Concord in admitting the latter. Pray let me know whether the News Papers have not done him Injustice in announcing that he made his Entrance into Boston on Sunday. I should think they had; for a well bred Man will carefully avoid counteracting the vulgar Prejudices or injuring the Feelings of the People where he may happen to be. I congratulate you on the present happy Appearance of our publick Affairs, & joyn with you in Praying that Heaven may still prosper them. I shall take it as a favor if you will deliver the inclosd Manuscript, without suffering a Copy to be taken, to Mrs A. I told her, I would send it to her as being not an unfit Subject for female Inspection & Criticism. I am very affectionately, Yours, 1 Hancock; cf. page 41. TO PETER THACHER.1 [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILAD Augt 11 -78 MY DEAR SIR I am quite ashamd that I have not yet acknowledgd the two Letters which I have had the Pleasure of receiving from you since I left Boston; you will excuse me when I tell you, I have many Letters, which are daily accumulating, unanswerd, and very little Leisure. This by the Way, must convince you how unfit a Person I am even if I were otherwise qualified, to undertake the important Task you require of me in your last. While I am giving you the true Reason of my Silence, I hope it will not prevent your writing to me by every opportunity. Herein you will lay me under great obligations. By the late Publications, you have seen, and doubtless have made your own Comments on the epistolary Correspondence between the British Commissioners & Congress. The short Resolution on their last Letter, has put an End to it. Last Week the Minister from France had an Audience in Congress. The Manner of conducting this Ceremony, together with a Letter from his most Christian Majesty and the Speeches of the Minister and the President are publishd in the inclosd News Paper. I have had several opportunitys of seeing him at his own House, and a few days ago he made a Visit to the Delegates of the Massachusetts who live together. He is easy and polite in his Manners and converses freely without much Ceremony. Nothing can equal the barefaced Falshood of the Quakers & Tories in this City, unless perhaps their Folly, in giving out that M. Gerard does not come in the Character of a publick Minister, but only to obtain Pay for the Stores we have receivd from that Country. These Quakers are in general a sly artful People, not altogether destitute, as I conceive, of worldly Views in their religious Profession. They carefully educate their Children in their own contracted Opinions and Manners, and I dare say they have in their Hearts as perfect a System of Uniformity of Worship in their Way, and are busily employd about spiritual Domination as ever Laud himself was, but having upon professed Principles renouncd the Use of the carnal Weapon, they cannot consistently practice the too common Method made use of in former times, of dragooning Men into sound Beliefe. One might submit to their own inward Feelings, whether they do not now & then secretly wish for fire from Heaven in support of their Cause, in order to bring them upon a footing with. those whose Consciences dictate the kindling fires on Earth for the pious Purpose of convincing Gainsayers, and who keep the Sword in their Hands to enforce it. He who in the Spirit of the Apostle professes to wish Peace to all those who love the Lord Jesus Christ in Sincerity, must discover an unmortified Pride & a Want of Christian Charity to destroy the peace of others who profess to have that sincere Affection to the Common Master, because they differ from him in Matters of mere opinion. But the Post is just going. I must therefore conclude with assuring you that I am affectionately, Yours, 1 A clergyman, of Maiden, Mass. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILAD Sept 1 -78 MY DEAR SIR After having been disappointed several Weeks I am at length favord with your very acceptable Letter of the 18 of August. You have formerly hinted to me your Apprehension that I mt think your Letters came to me too frequently. I could not then suppose you to be in Earnest; but your Silence from the 17 July to the Date of your last, which you own to be many Days, is a very serious Comment, & obliges me in a formal Manner to assure you, that you cannot gratify me more than by writing to me often. My Enemies in Boston are exceedingly mistaken if they think I have condescended to become a Party Man in their unimportant Disputes about Manly & Mc Neil,1 Neither of whom, in my opinion have derived any Honor from the Decisions of the late Courts martial. I wonder how Manly can attribute his Disappointment to me. At my Request he called to see me. I found him to be one of those Men who stand in Need of Advice & gave him the best I could. I told him what Questions would probably be asked him that he might prepare to answer them. In short I said every thing to him as a Friend which was proper for me to say. Perhaps I was too candid to be thought a Friend. I intended to have been present at the Committee, but was unavoidably hinderd. He did not call on me a second time. Mc Neil is still here. He has called on me twice or thrice. I know not in what part of the City he lives. His Friends & his Enemies may be assured that I will give my Voice on the Subject Matter of his Petition according to my best Skill & Judgment. In this I expect to be justified by those to whose good opinion alone I pay the least Regard--the candid & impartial. I heartily despise those small Dealers in Politicks who are propagating idle Stories to injure me. Little Insects will be for ever playing about the glimmering Light of a farthing Candle. It is out of their Power to disturb the peace of my Mind. You took too much Pains, my dear Friend, to stop their Clamor, when you read a Paragraph in my Letter which was designd for your Perusal & not theirs. I am however obligd to you for your kind Intention. Your Letter informs me that Mr H is gone on the Expedition to Rhode Island.2 This is also announcd in the Boston News papers, which, to do them Justice I must observe, never fail to notice all the Movements of a Great Man. I am anxious to know the Event of this Expedition. But I am called off & must leave you abruptly. Adieu. I must write you again very soon. Be so good as to let Mrs know that I am well. 1 Cf. pages, 41, 57, 59, 63. 2 See page 60. TO JAMES BOWDOIN. [Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 6th ser., vol. ix., pp. 423-425.] [PHILADELPHIA, Septr 3, 1778.] DEAR SIR,--A few days ago I received a letter from your son in law Mr Temple dated New York, August 23d, requesting me by the first opportunity to inform you of his & Mrs Temple's arrival there, & that, for particular reasons he should be exceedingly happy if your affairs would permit you to meet them at Philadelphia, or as near it as might be convenient to you. He requested this of me, because excepting that letter & another to Mr President Laurens, he had not written a line since his arrival at N. Y., & he had still weighty reasons for declining it. He also desired me to cause it to be made as convenient as might be (at his expence) for Mrs Temple & her little boy, who had not been well since their arrival, to get to Philadelphia. His baggage which is both heavy & bulkey, he intended to get transported in a Flag, if any should be suffered to pass, to Boston, or some port as near it as might be, & hoped to see me soon in this city. His letter to the President was read in Congress. It was short and contained little more than to sollicit leave to come to Philada to pay his respects to Congress. This was refus'd upon the idea that he might be a secret emissary from the British Court. I think it is best for him that his request is not granted; for the jealousy of the people at large would, I believe, render his residence here very uncomfortable. A certain Doctor Burkenhout, who came from London in the same packett with Mr T----, is now in prison in this city, committed by the authority of this State, under the same suspicion. I took occasion to inform Congress from my own knowledge of Mr Temple, that although he had been formerly an officer of the Crown of Great Britain, and in the Customs,1 yet he had constantly given great offence to his brother Commissioners & other friends of that government, particularly Bernard & Hutchinson, by his attachment to those who espoused the liberties of America; that he went to England seven years ago, where, I understood, he had since lived the greater part of the time, entirely out of favor at Court & in private life. and that I had reason to think his connexions in Boston had long expected his return to spend his days there. Congress afterwards ordered the Secretary to inform Mr Temple, that if it was his intention to reside in any one of the United States, the same should be signified by him to the State in which he intends to reside, & the approbation of that State obtaind before a passport could be granted to him. Thus the matter stands in all its particulars, a view of which I thought it proper you should be acquainted with. I wish Mr Temple had turned his attention first to Boston. It is probable he will now do it, and that you will receive a letter from him. I am with the greatest sincerity, Your affectionate friend, and humble servant, 1 Cf. Vol. i., page 316. TO HANNAH ADAMS.1 [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., p. 53.] PHILADELPHIA Sept 8th 1778 MY DEAR DAUGHTER Your very dutiful and obliging Letter of the 28th of August came to my Hand yesterday and brought me the afflicting News of your Mothers Illness. When you tell me "the Doctor thinks she is on the mending Hand," and "he hopes she will be cleverly in a Day or two," I am apt to conclude her Disorder had not much abated when you wrote. I know "she is exceedingly 10th to give me the least Pain," and therefore I suspect she has dictated to you to make the best of it to me. "She begs of me not to make myself very anxious for her." This is a Request which it is impossible for me to comply with. I shall be very uneasy till I hear again from you. I pray God she may recover her Health and long continue a rich Blessing to you and me. I am satisfied "you do all that lies in your Power for so excellent a Mother." You are under great Obligations to her, and I am sure you are of a grateful Disposition. I hope her Life will be spared and that you will have the Opportunity of presenting to her my warmest Respects. I rejoyce to hear that your late Disorder was so gentle and that you have got over it. I commend you my dear, to the Care and Protection of the Almighty. That He may reward your filial Piety is the ardent Prayer of Your very affectionate Father, 1 Later the wife of Thomas Wells. TO JOHN BRADFORD. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE Sept 8th 1778 MY DEAR SIR I have lately had the pleasure of receiving two Letters from you, one by Capt Manly and the other by yesterdays Post. The latter makes mention of some Notice you had receivd "from a warm Friend to you & me" that "Cap Mc Niel was making Misrepresentations at Philade to your Disadvantage." I have a particular Reason for my Curiosity in wishing to know who this Friend is. If I had that Knowledge I might perhaps see Grounds of Suspicion that the Design was far different from that of giving you a friendly Hint. I assure you I have heard Nothing here to your Disadvantage. If Capt McNiel is the Person I am to understand to be your Enemy, I will tell you that he has called on me not more than twice or thrice, since he arrivd here, and that he has not mentiond your Name to me nor any thing relating to your Department, nor indeed any thing that would tend to bring you to my Thoughts. I know not in what Part of the City he lives. I suppose he is preparing to meet the Marine Committee to whom his Petition is referrd. When it may be proper for me to give my Opinion, I intend to do it, with Freedom & Impartiality, not feeling my self interrested in the Party Disputes which I perceive there are in Boston between two Men, neither of whom in my opinion has derivd much Honor from the Decisions of the Courts Martial respecting them. If I shall hear any thing said to your Prejudice here you may depend on my letting you know it; being determind if possible to prevent your suffering an Injury which one of your Friends at least thinks he has in being stabbd in the dark. I intend to write you more fully of these Matters at another Time. At present I can only add a Request that you wd be so kind as to deliver the inclosd Letter to my Daughter and forward the other which is from my Servant to his Friends in Milton. My dear Mrs A, I am informd is very unwell. I am with the most friendly Regard to your Family, very affectionately, Yours, TO JAMES WARREN. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.} PHILAD Sept 12 1778 MY DEAR SIR Your obliging Letter of the 25 of Augt by the Post came duly to my hand. As you again mention Cap Manly, I will speak of him to you with Candor. I never saw him but once, viz last Spring in Boston, till he came to this City. I had preconceivd an opinion of his Bravery, in speaking of which you tell me "no Caution ought to be used," though I have never yet been pointed to a single Instance of it. I confess his Appearance in Boston did not strike me most agreably. He was in the Midst of a Crowd, who were shouting his Entrance into the Town; and like some of his Superiors, he seemd to be intoxicated with popular Applause. I had other Apprehensions, but I give you my most charitable Thoughts. I retaind however an opinion of him; for I concluded, that Huzza for the brave M, would be a sufficient Inducement to him to lay a Pop Gun Schooner alongside the Eagle, if good Fortune should throw her in his Way. You think "his Judgment and Abilities would not be equal to others in the Direction of more Ships than one." Here lies the Difficulty. Consider his Rank in our little Navy & judge how soon the Time may perhaps must come when he may have the Command of more Ships, if you give him the Command of one. Having said this to you & to no one else, though I have heard the same thing mentiond by others, you will not conclude that I am here deeply engagd in a Party against him. Some I know will, or will pretend to form this Conclusion, not from real Regard to the Merit of M., the Honor of our Navy or the great Cause we are engagd in, but from a different Motive and very inferior to either. I am glad that Landais "rises in your Esteem"-- that "other Captains are convincd he is Master of his Business which with his agreable Manners & Disposition forcd Conviction of the Judiciousness of his Appointment." I fancy now that I shall soon be dischargd the shameful Imputation of having been "his chiefe Patron here." I have a particular Reason now to urge that every possible Exertion may be made to get his and all the other Ships manned. Last Evening a Letter from Governor Trumbull was read in the Committee, strongly recommending a Captain for the Ships at Norwich, who, added to great Qualifications, can readily get Men for her. I mentioned Manly as having the Character of a brave and very popular officer, and read those Parts of your last Letter to me which related to him. I am convincd that he need not impute his being overlookd to any other Cause than the Decree of the Court Martial which acquitted him with Honor. The Rhode Island Expedition is at Length finishd. Our Cause is not dishonord though we did not succeed to our Wishes. Congress has approvd the Retreat--thankd Gen1 Sullivan & his brave Troops and applauded the patriotick Exertions of New England. Major Gen1 Hancock was unluckily at Boston & missed the Laurel! In my opinion it is in a great Degree impolitick at this Juncture to suffer an Odium to be cast on the Count D'Estaing. If there should be a Disposition to do it I am perswaded Men of Discretion & Influence will check it. The Tories will try their utmost to discredit our new Alliance. And he who not long ago expressd his Opinion that "a Connection with France will ruin America" will not fail to promote a Jealousy if he can thereby establish his Popularity. Such a Man should be critically watchd on this Occasion. Adieu my Friend. TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a portion of the text is printed in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., p. 40.] PHILE Sept 14--78 DR SR I recd your favor of the 3d with the News papers inclosd. I note well the Contents. Our Boston Papers never fail to mark all the Movements of Great Men & to give Honor where Honor is due. The spirited Exertions of our Major Generals to be sure ought properly to be noticed. Some of them have had the good Fortune never to be out of the Way of making a Figure, while others are wisely following the unpopular Steps of Fabius or Count Daun. The Marquis La Fayette every one acknowledges, made surprizing Dispatch in going to Boston and returning to R I; but he was sadly mortified in not being present in the Action on that Island. He did all that Man cd do Impossibilities are not to be expected. But he arrivd in Season to take a distinguishd Share in the well timed & well conducted Retreat. In Him we indeed see an Instance of a young Nobleman "of Rank & fortune foregoing the pleasures of Enjoyment of domestick Life and exposing himself to the Hardships and Dangers of a Camp," not in his own but a foreign Country, "in the glorious Cause of freedom." Congress requested the President to write to him & in their Name acknowledge his Zeal & spirited Services on this Occasion by which he has given a fresh proof of his Attachment to our Common Cause. I am sorry to hear there is a Disposition in some persons in Boston to cast an odium on the french Admiral for his leaving Rhode Island. In my Opinion it is at this Juncture impolitick in the Extreme. Even if his Conduct was thought to be blameworthy Prudence I think would dictate Silence to us. Men of Discretion and Influence will surely by all means check such a Disposition. The Tories will try their utmost to discredit our new Alliance. You know how much depends upon our cultivating mutual Confidence. It is not in the Power of undisguisd Tories to hurt our Cause. Injudicious tho honest Whigs may & too often do injure it. Those whose chief aim is to establish a Popularity in order to obtain the Emoluments of places or the Breath of Applause will think they may serve themselves by declaiming on this Subject, or prompting others to do it; and they will not fail doing it though they essentially wound their Country. If there be any of my virtuous & publick spirited fellow Citizens who pay the least Regard to my opinions I wish they would particularly regard what I say on this Occasion. I have written in haste and must break off abruptly. TO ----------. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE Sept 21, 1778 MY DEAR SIR/ I beg you not to impute my omitting hitherto to acknowledge your Favor of the 4th of July to Negligence. I have frequently thought of its Contents; and although I was not able to obtain what you wishd for, I think you will not doubt my Sincerity when I assure you that whenever it shall be in my Power to render you substantial Service I shall do it with the utmost Cheerfulness. It is the Opinion of Gentlemen here that the Appointments of Auctioneers to make Sale of such Prize goods as fall to the Share of the Continent should be made by the Authority of the particular States where such Goods may be forfeited. Your Letter was deliverd to me by Capt Manly. I am informd by some of my Boston Friends that he speaks of me with a Degree of Bitterness, supposing that I prevented his having another Ship. This gives me not the least Disquietude. He may have been taught to believe it, by Persons who care but little for him and less for the Honor of our Navy or the great Cause we are contending for. Neither he nor his Friends could be at a loss for the true Cause of his Disappointment, if they would advert to the Judgment of the Court Martial which acquitted him with Honor. What a strange Inconsistency was there in that Court, in recommending Cap Manly for another Ship, and at the same Time holding up so great a Deficiency in his Conduct as the neglecting to prepare Signals for a Fleet under his Direction, and in general his Want of Experience. This was said by many; and it ought to be satisfactory to Cap Manly, that though I clearly saw the Justice of the Remark, I was silent. In this, it is possible, I was not altogether blameless. I have never felt my self disposd to take a Side in the Disputes which I understand have run high between Partizans of Manly & McNiel. I think Neither of them can derive much Honor from the Decisions of their respective Courts Martial. I wish for the Credit of our Country that both had behavd more to the Satisfaction of the Publick. One of them is still here. I suppose he is preparing to meet the Committee to whom his Petition is referrd. When it may be proper for me to speak my Mind his Friends & his Enemies may be assured I shall do it with Candor & Freedom. In doing this I expect to be justified, by sensible & honest Men. If I stand fair with them, you well know, how unsolicitous I am whether others are pleasd or not. There is another Matter of greater Consequence which I wish to mention to you. I am informd there are Persons in Boston disposd to make a popular Clamor against the french Admiral for leaving Rhode Island. I cannot help remonstrating to my Friends against it as in a great Degree impolitick. Even if it should be thought he had taken a wrong step, it is our Wisdom at this Juncture to forbear criminating him. The Tories will try their utmost to discredit our new Alliance. They cannot succeed but by making injudicious Whigs their Instruments. There are two things from which I am more apprehensive than I am from the joynt Efforts of all our Enemies, viz the intemperate and misplacd Zeal of our honest Friends, and an insatiable Desire in others who are called Friends to establish a Popularity in order to obtain the Splendor or Emoluments of Places, or that vanity of vanities the Breath of Applause. Adieu my Friend, TO MRS. ADAMS. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE Sept 28 1778 MY DEAR BETSY Your Letter of the 16th which I just now receivd, is like cool Water to a thirsty Soul. It gives me inexpressible Pleasure to have it under your own Hand, that you are in the Way of Recovery from a dangerous Disorder. I earnestly pray God to restore you to perfect Health; and let me intreat you, my Dear, to be very careful of your self. I exceedingly regret the LOSS which the Town has sustaind by the Death of Dr Eliot & Dr Greenleafe. In Times so degenerate as these are, it is much to be lamented that Men of such Exemplary Piety and Virtue are taken away. I hope the Depravity of Manners is not so great as to exclude all Hopes of Childrens rising up and serving God and their Country in the Room of their Fathers. May Heaven grant us a Time of Reformation! I think you have done well in putting your Servant Boy Job an Apprentice to a Sail Maker. I hope you will injoyn it on him to let you see him often, that you may give him your Advice, and tell him it is my Desire that he would attend to it. I love the Boy, and am still of opinion, that if he is properly mannagd he will make a good Citizen. Remember me to my Daughter, Sister Polly and the rest of my Family & Friends, and accept of the best Wishes of your most affectionate, Write to me by every opportunity. TO WILLIAM COOPER. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE Sept 30 1778 MY DEAR SIR I have the pleasure of committing this Letter to the Care of your youngest Son who having been unfortunately taken in the Brig Resistance, was sufferd to come to this City to be exchangd for the Purser of the British Ship Mermaid who is now in N York on his Parole. This Exchange I effected without Delay; and procured from the Navy Board here an Advance of fifty Dollars, for which he is to account with the Eastern Navy Board in the settlement of his Wages. I apprehended this Sum would not be sufficient to discharge the Expence of his Board in this very expensive place & carry him through his Journey & therefore I advancd him forty Dollars more, taking his Draft upon you which you will please to repay to Mrs Adams in Boston. I introducd your Son to your old Friend the President who receivd him with great Courtesy. Upon my hinting to the President that if he had publick Letters to send to Boston, this young Gentleman would take good Care of them, and it would be the Means of providing him with an Horse for his Journey, he very politely told me he should be glad [to] serve him in that Way, He as well as Monsr Girard having Letters which mt be as well sent by him as by any other Person. I assure you it is not Flattery to tell you that I am exceedingly pleasd with your Son. His modest Assurance is very engaging. If his Life is spared and his Morals well fixed, I think he will make an excellent Citizen. That the Children of N England may rise and serve God & their Country in the Room of their Fathers is the most ardent Prayer of your cordial Friend, TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE Oct 6-78. MY DEAR SIR I receivd your favor of the 23d of Septr by yesterdays Post. You tell me that Boston is become a new City, and explain your self by mentioning the exceeding Gayety of Appearance there. I would fain hope this is confind to Strangers. Luxury & Extravagance are in my opinion totally destructive of those Virtues which are necessary for the Preservation of the Liberty and Happiness of the People. Is it true that the Review of the Boston Militia was closd with an expensive Entertainment? If it was, and the Example is followed by the Country, I hope I shall be excusd when I venture to pledge myself, that the Militia of that State will never be put on such a Footing as to become formidable to its Enemies. I am told that such a Practice is contrary to the Letter of the Militia Act. I trust then I was misinformd when I was told that it was countenanced by those who of all Men ought to pay the most sacred Regard to the Law. Are we arrivd to such a Pitch of Levity & Dissipation as that the Idea of feasting shall extinguish every Spark of publick Virtue, and frustrate the Design of the most noble and useful Institution. I hope not. Shall we not again see that Sobriety of Manners, that Temperance, Frugality, Fortitude and other manly Virtues wch were once the Glory and Strength of my much lov'd native Town. Heaven grant it speedily! Adieu. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILAD 11 Octobr 1778 MY DEAR SIR In the inclosd Newspaper you will see certain Queries calculated to impress on the Minds of the people the Idea of Dr Lee's having held a criminal Correspondence with a Person known to be at the same time in the Service & under the Direction of the British Ministry. I hope it will not be in the Power of this Querist to do essential Injury to so eminent a Patriot; who took the earliest & most decisive Part in opposition to the Measures of the British Court, and whose invariable Attachment to the Liberties of our Country never was, and I think cannot be justly suspected. Yet it may be necessary to guard against it; for I plainly though silently saw when I was last in Boston a Malevolent Disposition towards Dr Lee, in a certain Gentleman, who, till he is better known, will have a great Influence in the Massachusetts State. The Instance you may recollect, as you was knowing to it in the Time of it. I then supposd it to proceed from his having strongly attachd himself, and for a Length of Time to a Circle of Men, and imbibd their Prejudices, who are far remote from the Connections of Dr Lee, and who differ widely from them in the Adoption of publick Measures regarding either Politicks or Morals. You may remember that some time ago, in a Letter1 I informd you that I had much to say to you about Mr D; of whom I had long formd my Opinion & had not seen Reason to alter it. I have hitherto said Nothing to you about him; because I knew it would lead me to Subjects of great Delicacy, which, if exposd to the Enemy, as they would be if my Letter should fall into their Hands, might disgrace, or otherwise be prejudicial to our publick Affairs. This Caution prevents my communicating to you many things of which I wish to unburthen my Mind. Mr D was originally taken up by a secret Committee of Congress appointed to procure from France the necessary Supplys for carrying on the War. By them he was sent to that Country in the Character of a mere Merchant. About that Time another Committee was; appointed, whose Business it was to form a Correspondence abroad, and particularly to feel the political Pulse of France in Hopes of forming a Connection with that powerful Nation. This Committee also took up Mr D; and he carried Letters from Dr F to some Men of Eminence, which might enable him in some Measure to penetrate into the Disposition of the Court of France towards America. With these Views Mr D was sent to France. He was to be Agent to the secret Come of Commerce. To the secret Come of Correspondence he was to be the Inquisitive Man or Intelligencer. He had no political Powers whatever; and yet he sent us over, Majors, Colonels, Brigadiers & Majors General in Abundance & more than we knew what to do with, of his own creating, till at length Mr Du Coudray arrivd with the Commission (or an Agreement signd by Mr D in behalf of the United States, that he should have one) of a Major General, with the Command of our Artillery; together with his Suite of about 70 Gentlemen of different Ranks. All this was done, as I said before without any Authority. Congress was exceedingly embarrassd; being 10th to discredit their Commissioner (for before the Arrival of M Du Coudray he was commissiond joyntly with Mess Franklin & Lee) I say being 10th to discredit him by disannulling the Convention, and at the same Time judging it dishonorable as well as unsafe for America to ratify it. This however was agreed to in a Come of the whole House. Not having the records before me, I do not recollect whether it was confirmd in the House; but Du Coudray soon after died, his Suite or most of them returnd with Gratifications & Mr D was recalled. After which he was directed to return speedily and give an Accot of the State of our Affairs in Europe. This has given an Occasion to his Friends to hide the true Reason of his being recalled, & to hold up in the News Papers an ostensible one, supposing it to be more for his Reputation. Our Affairs even in France wore a gloomy Aspect during the last year until the News of our Army at the Northward being completely victorious. This was the decisive Language which commanded our Success in the Cabinet of France. To this we are indebted for the Acknowledgmt of our Independence, the Treaty and the french Fleet. Mr D is complimented with having procurd this Fleet, and his "spirited Exertions" like those of other Great Men have been puffd off in the News Papers. Unthinking Men may be amusd with a Golden Snuff Box &c. After all they are mere Things of Course, especially in the Honey Moon of National Matrimony. Since Mr Ds Return as well as before, there have been Suggestions of his Misconduct in France; and among other things, of his Misapplication of publick Money. I cannot say whether these Suggestions are well grounded or not. Congress is devoting every Hour to an Enquiry into the Grounds of them which can be spared from an Attention to other great Affairs, particularly the Finances. The Conduct of an honest Man will bear the strictest Scrutiny. If the Friends of Mr D have any Suspicions of his being tardy, I am inclind to think they will be more apprehensive of a Detection from the Vigilance & Integrity of Dr Lee than any thing else. On such occasions it is not unusual for the most unblemished of Characters & sometimes the Lives of the best of them to be sacrificd in order to prevent "Transactions dark & mysterious" from being brot into open Light. I have written this Letter in Confidence & shall continue the Subject when I can find Leisure. Adieu. 1 Cf. page 47. TO JAMES WARREN. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILADE Oct 14 -- 78 MY DEAR SIR In my last I inclosd a News paper containing certain Queries calculated, as I conceive, to blast the Reputation of a truly virtuous Man. I must inform you that Dr Lee & Dr Berkenhout, mentiond by the Querist, were formerly fellow Students at Edinburgh; and as both were esteemed learned in their Profession, it is not improbable that on that Account they kept up their Acquaintance while both continued in Great Britain. Dr Lee you know was requested by Congress to go over to France, where he was made a joynt Commissioner with Messrs Franklin & Dean. It is possible that a Correspondence might afterwards have been carried on between them; but from the Knowledge I have of Dr Lee, I will venture to pledge my self it was not a criminal one, as the Querist would seem to insinuate, and if Dr Berkenhout was in the Service & under the Direction of the British Ministry, which by the Way is but base Suspicion here, it was utterly unknown to Dr Lee. It is doubtful whether any Correspondence was held between these two Gentlemen. I am rather inclind to think it is a Creature of the Querists own Fancy, or an artful Suggestion thrown out to the Publick to serve the Cause of our Enemies. America shod beware how she suffers the Character of one of the most able & vigilant Supporters of her Rights to be injurd by Questions designd to impute Slander, without any Reasons offerd why such Questions should be made. It is the old Game of mischievous Men to strike at the Characters of the good and the great, in order to lessen the Weight of their Example & Influence. Such Patriots as Lord Russell & Algernon Sydney of the last Age, have of late been falsly & audaciously chargd by a Scotch Tool of the most nefarious Court, with having receivd Bribes from the National Enemy; and it is not strange that a Gentleman whom the leading Whigs of America have always placd so high in their List of Patriots, who has renderd the most laborious & important Services to our Country in England France & other Parts of Europe, who so often & so seasonably developd the secret Intrigues & Practices of wicked Men & who at this time stands high in the Esteem & Confidence of the Congress, & in addition to this, when it is considerd that there are too many disaffected & insidious Men still lurking among us, it is by no Means a strange Thing that Dr Lee is also chargd with a criminal Correspondence with the Enemy, without even the Shadow of Reason. The Post who has been retarded by violent Rains is just arrivd & brings me your obliging favr of 30 Sept. It contains very interesting Matters which shall have my Attention at a more leisure Hour than the present. Adieu, TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL. [MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.] PHILAD Oct 16 -- 78 SIR I had the Honor of receiving your Excys Letter of the 5th Instant,1 and sincerely condole with you on the heavy LOSS your Family and the publick sustain by the Death of your eldest Son. His Services in my opinion merited great Consideration, and it now behoves the Publick to render the Settlement of his Affairs as easy to his surviving Friends as possible. I have communicated the Contents of your Letter to my Colleagues & the other Members of Congress, & you may be assured Sir that we shall interrest ourselves in obtaining with all possible Speed the Attention & Decision of Congress on the Matters set forth in your Representation. Mr Sherman was so obliging as to give me the perusal of your Letter to him, and I am happy that Congress as a Body concurs with you in the Sentiment therein containd; having passd a Resolution by a great Majority expressing their Sense that true Religion & good Morals are the only solid Foundations of publick Liberty and Happiness. I am Sir with the most cordial Esteem & Respect Yr Excys most obedt hbl servt 1 Printed in Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 7th ser., vol. ii., p. 276. TO TIMOTHY MATLACK. [Pennsylvania Archives, 1st ser., vol. vii., p. 14.] PHILADA, Octobr 16, 1778. SIR, I am informd that General Clinton designs to send to the Governor or Assembly of each of the United States, Copies of an insulting Paper, called a Manifesto or Proclamation, calculated to promote a Rebellion, and that the one intended for this State is to be sent by Water up the Delaware. And as it appears to be the Design of the Enemy, as far as it may be in their power, further to pursue their barbarous practice of laying waste our Sea Ports, and that they would be particularly gratified by an opportunity of destroying this City; would it not be proper that one or two of your Gallies should be ordered to watch for them in the River, that they may seize their Vessel & bring the Men up, blindfold, to be confined & dealt with according to the Laws of Nature and Nations. You will excuse thi