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Title: The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus

Author: Ammianus Marcellinus

Translator: C. D. Yonge

Release Date: April 22, 2009 [EBook #28587]

Language: English

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  THE
  ROMAN HISTORY
  OF
  AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS

  DURING THE REIGNS OF

  THE EMPERORS CONSTANTIUS, JULIAN, JOVIANUS,
  VALENTINIAN, AND VALENS.


  TRANSLATED BY
  C.D. YONGE, M.A.


  _WITH A GENERAL INDEX_

  [Illustration]

  LONDON
  G. BELL AND SONS, LTD
  1911

  [_Reprinted from Stereotype plates._]




PREFACE.


Of Ammianus Marcellinus, the writer of the following History, we know
very little more than what can be collected from that portion of it
which remains to us. From that source we learn that he was a native of
Antioch, and a soldier; being one of the _prefectores domestici_--the
body-guard of the emperor, into which none but men of noble birth were
admitted. He was on the staff of Ursicinus, whom he attended in several
of his expeditions; and he bore a share in the campaigns which Julian
made against the Persians. After that time he never mentions himself,
and we are ignorant when he quitted the service and retired to Rome, in
which city he composed his History. We know not when he was born, or
when he died, except that from one or two incidental passages in his
work it is plain that he lived nearly to the end of the fourth century:
and it is even uncertain whether he was a Christian or a Pagan; though
the general belief is, that he adhered to the religion of the ancient
Romans, without, however, permitting it to lead him even to speak
disrespectfully of Christians or Christianity.

His History, which he divided into thirty-one books (of which the first
thirteen are lost, while the text of those which remain is in some
places imperfect), began with the accession of Nerva, A.D. 96, where
Tacitus and Suetonius end, and was continued to the death of Valens,
A.D. 378, a period of 282 years. And there is probably no work as to the
intrinsic value of which there is so little difference of opinion.
Gibbon bears repeated testimony to his accuracy, fidelity, and
impartiality, and quotes him extensively. In losing his aid after A.D.
378, he says, "It is not without sincere regret that I must now take
leave of an accurate and faithful guide, who has composed the history of
his own times without indulging the prejudices and passions which
usually affect the mind of a contemporary." Professor Ramsay (in Smith's
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography) says, "We are indebted to him
for a knowledge of many important facts not elsewhere recorded, and for
much valuable insight into the modes of thought and the general tone of
public feeling prevalent in his day. Nearly all the statements admitted
appear to be founded upon his own observations, or upon the information
derived from trustworthy eye-witnesses. A considerable number of
dissertations and digressions are introduced, many of them highly
interesting and valuable. Such are his notices of the institutions and
manners of the Saracens (xiv. 4), of the Scythians and Sarmatians (xvii.
12), of the Huns and Alani (xxxi. 2), of the Egyptians and their country
(xxii. 6, 14-16), and his geographical discussions upon Gaul (xv. 9),
the Pontus (xxii. 8), and Thrace (xxvii. 4). Less legitimate and less
judicious are his geological speculations upon earthquakes (xvii. 7),
his astronomical inquiries into eclipses (xx. 3), comets (xxv. 10), and
the regulation of the calendar (xxvi. 1); his medical researches into
the origin of epidemics (xix. 4); his zoological theory on the
destruction of lions by mosquitos (xviii. 7), and his horticultural
essay on the impregnation of palms (xxiv. 3). In addition to industry in
research and honesty of purpose, he was gifted with a large measure of
strong common sense, which enabled him in many points to rise superior
to the prejudices of his day, and with a clear-sighted independence of
spirit which prevented him from being dazzled or over-awed by the
brilliancy and the terrors which enveloped the imperial throne. But
although sufficiently acute in detecting and exposing the follies of
others, and especially in ridiculing the absurdities of popular
superstition, Ammianus did not entirely escape the contagion. The
general and deep-seated belief in magic spells, omens, prodigies, and
oracles, which appears to have gained additional strength upon the first
introduction of Christianity, evidently exercised no small influence
over his mind. The old legends and doctrines of the pagan creed, and the
subtle mysticism which philosophers pretended to discover lurking below,
when mixed up with the pure and simple but startling tenets of the new
faith, formed a confused mass which few intellects could reduce to order
and harmony."

The vices of our author's style, and his ambitious affectation of
ornament, are condemned by most critics; but some of the points which
strike a modern reader as defects evidently arise from the alteration
which the Latin language had already undergone since the days of Livy.
His great value, however, consists in the facts he has made known to us,
and is quite independent of the style or language in which he has
conveyed that knowledge, of which without him we should have been nearly
destitute.

The present translation has been made from Wagner and Erfurdt's edition,
published at Leipzig in 1808, and their division of chapters into short
paragraphs has been followed.

_Feb._ 1862.




THE HISTORY OF AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS.

THE FIRST THIRTEEN BOOKS ARE LOST.




BOOK XIV.

ARGUMENT.

     I. The cruelty of the Cæsar Gallus.--II. The incursions of the
     Isaurians.--III. The unsuccessful plans of the Persians.--IV. The
     invasion of the Saracens, and the manners of that people.--V. The
     punishment of the adherents of Magnentius.--VI. The vices of the
     senate and people of Rome.--VII. The ferocity and inhumanity of the
     Cæsar Gallus.--VIII. A description of the provinces of the
     East.--IX. About the Cæsar Constantius Gallus.--X. The Emperor
     Constantius grants the Allemanni peace at their request.--XI. The
     Cæsar Constantius Gallus is sent for by the Emperor Constantius,
     and beheaded.


I.

A.D. 353.

§ 1. After the events of an expedition full of almost insuperable
difficulties, while the spirits of all parties in the state, broken by
the variety of their dangers and toils, were still enfeebled; while the
clang of trumpets was ringing in men's ears, and the troops were still
distributed in their winter quarters, the storms of angry fortune
surrounded the commonwealth with fresh dangers through the manifold and
terrible atrocities of Cæsar Gallus:[1] who, when just entering into the
prime of life, having been raised with unexpected honour from the
lowest depth of misery to the highest rank, exceeded all the legitimate
bounds of the power conferred on him, and with preposterous violence
threw everything into confusion. For by his near relationship to the
royal family, and his connection with the name of Constantine, he was so
inflated with pride, that if he had had more power, he would, as it
seemed, have ventured to attack even the author of his prosperity.

2. His wife added fuel to his natural ferocity; she was a woman
immoderately proud of her sisterly relationship to Augustus, and had
been formerly given in marriage by the elder Constantine to King
Hannibalianus,[2] his brother's son. She was an incarnate fury: never
weary of inflaming his savage temper, thirsting for human blood as
insatiably as her husband. The pair, in process of time, becoming more
skilful in the infliction of suffering, employed a gang of underhand and
crafty talebearers, accustomed in their wickedness to make random
additions to their discoveries, which consisted in general of such
falsehoods as they themselves delighted in; and these men loaded the
innocent with calumnies, charging them with aiming at kingly power, or
with practising infamous acts of magic.

3. And among his less remarkable atrocities, when his power had gone
beyond the bounds of moderate crimes, was conspicuous the horrible and
sudden death of a certain noble citizen of Alexandria, named Clematius.
His mother-in-law, having conceived a passion for him, could not prevail
on him to gratify it; and in consequence, as was reported, she, having
obtained an introduction by a secret door into the palace, won over the
queen by the present of a costly necklace, and procured a fatal warrant
to be sent to Honoratus, at that time count-governor of the East, in
compliance with which Clematius was put to death, a man wholly innocent
of any kind of wickedness, without being permitted to say a word in his
defence.

4. After this iniquitous transaction, which struck others also with fear
lest they should meet with similar treatment, as if cruelty had now
obtained a licence, many were condemned on mere vague suspicion; of whom
some were put to death, others were punished by the confiscation of
their property, and driven forth as exiles from their homes, so that
having nothing left but their tears and complaints, they were reduced to
live on the contributions of their friends; and many opulent and famous
houses were shut up, the old constitutional and just authority being
changed into a government at the will of a bloodthirsty tyrant.

5. Nor amid these manifold atrocities was any testimony of an accuser,
not even of a suborned one, sought for, in order to give at least an
appearance of these crimes being committed according to law and statute,
as very commonly even the most cruel princes have done: but whatever
suited the implacable temper of Cæsar was instantly accomplished in
haste, as if its accordance with human and divine law had been well
considered.

6. After these deeds a fresh device was adopted, and a body of obscure
men, such as, by reason of the meanness of their condition, were little
likely to excite suspicion, were sent through all the districts of
Antioch, to collect reports, and to bring news of whatever they might
hear. They, travelling about, and concealing their object, joined
clandestinely in the conversational circles of honourable men, and also
in disguise obtained entrance into the houses of the rich. When they
returned they were secretly admitted by back doors into the palace, and
then reported all that they had been able to hear or to collect; taking
care with an unanimous kind of conspiracy to invent many things, and to
exaggerate for the worse all they really knew; at the same time
suppressing any praises of Cæsar which had come to their ears, although
these were wrung from many, against their consciences, by the dread of
impending evils.

7. And it had happened sometimes that, if in his secret chamber, when no
domestic servant was by, the master of the house had whispered anything
into his wife's ear, the very next day, as if those renowned seers of
old, Amphiaraus or Marcius, had been at hand to report it, the emperor
was informed of what had been said; so that even the walls of a man's
secret chamber, the only witnesses to his language, were viewed with
apprehension.

8. And Cæsar's fixed resolution to inquire into these and other similar
occurrences was increased by the queen, who constantly stimulated his
desire, and was driving on the fortunes of her husband to headlong
destruction, while she ought rather, by giving him useful advice, to
have led him back into the paths of truth and mercy, by feminine
gentleness, as, in recounting the acts of the Gordiani, we have related
to have been done by the wife of that truculent emperor Maximinus.

9. At last, by an unsurpassed and most pernicious baseness, Gallus
ventured on adopting a course of fearful wickedness, which indeed
Gallienus, to his own exceeding infamy, is said formerly to have tried
at Rome; and, taking with him a few followers secretly armed, he used to
rove in the evening through the streets and among the shops, making
inquiries in the Greek language, in which he was well skilled, what were
the feelings of individuals towards Cæsar. And he used to do this boldly
in the city, where the brillancy of the lamps at night often equalled
the light of day. At last, being often recognized, and considering that
if he went out in this way he should be known, he took care never to go
out except openly in broad daylight, to transact whatever business which
he thought of serious importance. And these things caused bitter though
secret lamentation, and discontent to many.

10. But at that time Thalassius was the present prefect[3] of the
palace, a man of an arrogant temper; and he, perceiving that the hasty
fury of Gallus gradually increased to the danger of many of the
citizens, did not mollify it by either delay or wise counsels, as men in
high office have very often pacified the anger of their princes; but by
untimely opposition and reproof, did often excite him the more to
frenzy; often also informing Augustus of his actions, and that too with
exaggeration, and taking care, I know not with what intention, that what
he did should not be unknown to the emperor. And at this Cæsar soon
became more vehemently exasperated, and, as if raising more on high than
ever the standard of his contumacy, without any regard to the safety of
others or of himself, he bore himself onwards like a rapid torrent, with
an impetuosity which would listen to no reason, to sweep away all the
obstacles which opposed his will.


II.

§ 1. Nor indeed was the East the only quarter which this plague affected
with its various disasters. For the Isaurians also, a people who were
accustomed to frequent alternations of peace, and of turbulence which
threw everything into confusion with sudden outbreaks--impunity having
fostered their growing audacity and encouraged it to evil--broke out in
a formidable war. Being especially excited, as they gave out by this
indignity, that some of their allies, having been taken prisoners, were
in an unprecedented manner exposed to wild beasts, and in the games of
the amphitheatre, at Iconium, a town of Pisidia.

2. And as Cicero[4] says, that "even wild beasts, when reminded by
hunger, generally return to that place where they have been fed before."
So they all, descending like a whirlwind from their high and pathless
mountains, came into the districts bordering on the sea: in which hiding
themselves in roads full of lurking-places, and in defiles, when the
long nights were approaching, the moon being at that time new, and so
not yet giving her full light, they lay wait for the sailors; and when
they perceived that they were wrapped in sleep, they, crawling on their
hands and feet along the cables which held the anchors, and raising
themselves up by them, swung themselves into the boats, and so came
upon the crews unexpectedly, and, their natural ferocity being inflamed
by covetousness, they spared not even those who offered no resistance,
but slew them all, and carried off a splendid booty with no more trouble
than if it had been valueless.

3. This conduct did not last long, for when the deaths of the crews thus
plundered and slaughtered became known, no one afterwards brought a
vessel to the stations on that coast; but, avoiding them as they would
have avoided the deadly precipices of Sciron,[5] they sailed on, without
halting, to the shores of Cyprus, which lie opposite to the rocks of
Isauria.

4. Therefore as time went on, and no foreign vessels went there any
more, they quitted the sea-coast, and betook themselves to Lycaonia, a
country which lies on the borders of Isauria. And there, occupying the
roads with thick barricades, they sought a living by plundering the
inhabitants of the district, as well as travellers. These outrages
aroused the soldiers who were dispersed among the many municipal towns
and forts which lie on the borders. And they, endeavouring to the utmost
of their strength to repel these banditti, who were spreading every day
more widely, sometimes in solid bodies, at others in small straggling
parties, were overcome by their vast numbers.

5. Since the Isaurians, having been born and brought up amid the
entangled defiles of lofty mountains, could bound over them as over
plain and easy paths, and attacked all who came in their way with
missiles from a distance, terrifying them at the same time with savage
yells.

6. And very often our infantry were compelled in pursuit of them to
climb lofty crags, and, when their feet slipped, to catch hold of the
shrubs and briars to raise themselves to the summits; without ever being
able to deploy into battle array, by reason of the narrow and difficult
nature of the ground, nor even to stand firm; while their enemy running
round in every direction hurled down upon them fragments of rock from
above till they retired down the declivities with great danger. Or
else, sometimes, in the last necessity fighting bravely, they were
overwhelmed with fragments of immense bulk and weight.

7. On this account they subsequently were forced to observe more
caution, and whenever the plunderers began to retire to the high ground,
our soldiers yielded to the unfavourable character of the country and
retired. But whenever they could be met with in the plain, which often
happened, then charging them without giving them time to combine their
strength, or even to brandish the javelins of which they always carried
two or three, they slaughtered them like defenceless sheep.

8. So that these banditti, conceiving a fear of Lycaonia, which is for
the most part a champaign country, since they had learnt by repeated
proofs that they were unequal to our troops in a pitched battle, betook
themselves by unfrequented tracks to Pamphylia. This district had long
been free from the evils of war, but nevertheless had been fortified in
all quarters by strong forts and garrisons, from the dread entertained
by the people of rapine and slaughter, since soldiers were scattered
over all the neighbouring districts.

9. Therefore hastening with all speed, in order by their exceeding
celerity of movement to anticipate all rumour of their motions, trusting
to their strength and activity of body, they travelled by winding roads
until they reached the high ground on the tops of the mountains, the
steepness of which delayed their march more than they had expected. And
when at last, having surmounted all the difficulties of the mountains,
they came to the precipitous banks of the Melas, a deep river and one
full of dangerous currents, which winds round the district, protecting
the inhabitants like a wall, the night which had overtaken them
increased their fears, so that they halted for a while awaiting the
daylight. For they expected to be able to cross without hindrance, and
then, in consequence of the suddenness of their inroad, to be able to
ravage all the country around; but they had incurred great toil to no
purpose.

10. For when the sun rose they were prevented from crossing by the size
of the river, which though narrow was very deep. And while they were
searching for some fishing-boats, or preparing to commit themselves to
the stream on rafts hastily put together, the legions which at that
time were wintering about Side, came down upon them with great speed and
impetuosity; and having pitched their standards close to the bank with a
view to an immediate battle, they packed their shields together before
them in a most skilful manner, and without any difficulty slew some of
the banditti, who either trusted to their swimming, or who tried to
cross the river unperceived in barks made of the trunks of trees
hollowed out.

11. And the Isaurians having tried many devices to obtain success in a
regular battle, and having failed in everything, being repulsed in great
consternation, and with great vigour on the part of the legions, and
being uncertain which way to go, came near the town of Laranda. And
there, after they had refreshed themselves with food and rest, and
recovered from their fears, they attacked several wealthy towns; but
being presently scared by the support given to the citizens by some
squadrons of horse which happened to be at hand, and which they would
not venture to resist in the extensive plains, they retreated, and
retracing their steps summoned all the flower of their youth which had
been left at home to join them.

12. And as they were oppressed with severe famine, they made for a place
called Palea, standing on the sea-shore, and fortified with a strong
wall; where even to this day supplies are usually kept in store, to be
distributed to the armies which defend the frontier of Isauria.

13. Therefore they encamped around this fortress for three days and
three nights, and as the steepness of the ground on which it stood
prevented any attempt to storm it without the most deadly peril, and as
it was impossible to effect anything by mines, and no other manoeuvres
such as are employed in sieges availed anything, they retired much
dejected, being compelled by the necessities of their situation to
undertake some enterprise, even if it should be greater than their
strength was equal to.

14. Then giving way to greater fury than ever, being inflamed both by
despair and hunger, and their strength increased by their unrestrainable
ardour, they directed their efforts to destroy the city of Seleucia, the
metropolis of the province, which was defended by Count Castucius, whose
legions were inured to every kind of military service.

15. The commanders of the garrison being forewarned of their approach
by their own trusty scouts, having, according to custom, given, out the
watchword to the troops, led forth all their forces in a rapid sally,
and having with great activity passed the bridge over the river
Calicadnus, the mighty waters of which wash the turrets of the walls,
they drew out their men as if prepared for battle. But as yet no man
left the ranks, and the army was not allowed to engage; for the band of
the Isaurians was dreaded, inasmuch as they were desperate with rage,
and superior in number, and likely to rush upon the arms of the legions
without any regard to their lives. Therefore as soon as the army was
beheld at a distance, and the music of the trumpeters was heard, the
banditti halted and stood still for a while, brandishing their
threatening swords, and after a time they marched on slowly. And when
the steady Roman soldiery began to deploy, preparing to encounter them,
beating their shields with their spears (a custom which rouses the fury
of the combatants, and strikes terror into their enemies), they filled
the front ranks of the Isaurians with consternation. But as the troops
were pressing forward eagerly to the combat their generals recalled
them, thinking it inopportune to enter upon a contest of doubtful issue,
when their walls were not far distant, under protection of which the
safety of the whole army could be placed on a solid foundation.

16. Therefore the soldiers were brought back inside the walls in
accordance with this resolution, and all the approaches and gates were
strongly barred; and the men were placed on the battlements and
bulwarks, having vast stones and weapons of all kinds piled close at
hand, so that if any one forced his way inside he might be overwhelmed
with a multitude of missiles and stones.

17. But those who were shut up in the walls were at the same time
greatly afflicted, because the Isaurians having taken some vessels which
were conveying grain down the river, were well provided with abundance
of food, while they themselves, having almost consumed the usual stores
of food, were in a state of alarm dreading the fatal agonies of
approaching famine. When the news of this distress got abroad, and when
repeated messages to this effect had moved Gallus Cæsar, because the
master of the horse was kept away longer than usual at that season,
Nebridius the count of the East was ordered to collect a military force
from all quarters, and hastened forward with exceeding zeal to deliver
the city, so wealthy and important, from such a peril. And when this was
known the banditti retired, without having performed any memorable
exploit, and dispersing, according to their wont, they sought the
trackless recesses of the lofty mountains.


III.

§ 1. While affairs were in this state in Isauria, and while the king of
Persia was involved in wars upon his frontier, repulsing from his
borders a set of ferocious tribes which, being full of fickleness, were
continually either attacking him in a hostile manner, or, as often
happens, aiding him when he turned his arms against us, a certain noble,
by name Nohodares, having been appointed to invade Mesopotamia, whenever
occasion might serve, was anxiously exploring our territories with a
view to some sudden incursion, if he could anywhere find an opportunity.

2. And because since every part of Mesopotamia is accustomed to be
disturbed continually, the lands were protected by frequent barriers,
and military stations in the rural districts, Nohodares, having directed
his march to the left, had occupied the most remote parts of the
Osdroene, having devised a novel plan of operations which had never
hitherto been tried. And if he had succeeded he would have laid waste
the whole country like a thunderbolt.

3. Now the plan which he had conceived was of this kind. There is a town
in Anthemusia called Batne, built by the ancient Macedonians, a short
distance from the river Euphrates, thickly peopled by wealthy merchants.
To this city, about the beginning of the month of September, a great
multitude of all ranks throng to a fair, in order to buy the wares which
the Indians and Chinese send thither, and many other articles which are
usually brought to this fair by land and sea.

4. The leader before named, preparing to invade this district on the
days set apart for this solemnity, marching through the deserts and
along the grassy banks of the river Abora, was betrayed by information
given by some of his own men, who being alarmed at the discovery of
certain crimes which they had committed, deserted to the Roman
garrisons, and accordingly he retired again without having accomplished
anything; and after that remained quiet without undertaking any further
enterprise.


IV.

§ 1. At this time also the Saracens, a race whom it is never desirable
to have either for friends or enemies, ranging up and down the country,
if ever they found anything, plundered it in a moment, like rapacious
hawks who, if from on high they behold any prey, carry it off with rapid
swoop, or, if they fail in their attempt, do not tarry.

2. And although, in recounting the career of the Prince Marcus, and once
or twice subsequently, I remember having discussed the manners of this
people, nevertheless I will now briefly enumerate a few more particulars
concerning them.

3. Among these tribes, whose primary origin is derived from the
cataracts of the Nile and the borders of the Blemmyæ, all the men are
warriors of equal rank; half naked, clad in coloured cloaks down to the
waist, overrunning different countries, with the aid of swift and active
horses and speedy camels, alike in times of peace and war. Nor does any
member of their tribes ever take plough in hand or cultivate a tree, or
seek food by the tillage of the land; but they are perpetually wandering
over various and extensive districts, having no home, no fixed abode or
laws; nor can they endure to remain long in the same climate, no one
district or country pleasing them for a continuance.

4. Their life is one continued wandering; their wives are hired, on
special covenant, for a fixed time; and that there may be some
appearance of marriage in the business, the intended wife, under the
name of a dowry, offers a spear and a tent to her husband, with a right
to quit him after a fixed day, if she should choose to do so. And it is
inconceivable with what eagerness the individuals of both sexes give
themselves up to matrimonial pleasures.

5. But as long as they live they wander about with such extensive and
perpetual migrations, that the woman is married in one place, brings
forth her children in another, and rears them at a distance from either
place, no opportunity of remaining quiet being ever granted to her.

6. They all live on venison, and are further supported on a great
abundance of milk, and on many kinds of herbs, and on whatever birds
they can catch by fowling. And we have seen a great many of them wholly
ignorant of the use of either corn or wine.

7. So much for this most mischievous nation. Now let us return to the
subject we originally proposed to ourselves.


V.

§ 1. While these events were taking place in the East, Constantius was
passing the winter at Arles; and after an exhibition of games in the
theatre and in the circus, which were displayed with most sumptuous
magnificence, on the tenth of October, the day which completed the
thirtieth year of his reign, he began to give the reins more freely to
his insolence, believing every information which was laid before him as
proved, however doubtful or false it might be; and among other acts of
cruelty, he put Gerontius, a count of the party of Magnentius, to the
torture, and then condemned him to banishment.

2. And as the body of a sick man is apt to be agitated by even trifling
grievances, so his narrow and sensitive mind, thinking every sound that
stirred something either done or planned to the injury of his safety,
made his victory[6] mournful by the slaughter of innocent men.

3. For if any one of his military officers, or of those who had ever
received marks of honour, or if any one of high rank was accused, on the
barest rumour, of having favoured the faction of his enemy, he was
loaded with chains and dragged about like a beast. And whether any enemy
of the accused man pressed him or not, as if the mere fact that his
name had been mentioned was sufficient, every one who was informed
against or in any way called in question, was condemned either to death,
or to confiscation of his property, or to confinement in a desert
island.

4. For his ferocity was excited to a still further degree when any
mention was made of treason or sedition; and the bloodthirsty
insinuations of those around him, exaggerating everything that happened,
and pretending great concern at any danger which might threaten the life
of the emperor, on whose safety, as on a thread, they hypocritically
exclaimed the whole world depended, added daily to his suspicions and
watchful anger.

5. And therefore it is reported he gave orders that no one who was at
any time sentenced to punishment for these or similar offences should be
readmitted to his presence for the purpose of offering the usual
testimonies to his character, a thing which the most implacable princes
have been wont to permit. And thus deadly cruelty, which in all other
men at times grows cool, in him only became more violent as he advanced
in years, because the court of flatterers which attended on him added
continual fuel to his stern obstinacy.

6. Of this court a most conspicuous member was Paulus, the secretary, a
native of Spain, a man keeping his objects hidden beneath a smooth
countenance, and acute beyond all men in smelling out secret ways to
bring others into danger. He, having been sent into Britain to arrest
some military officers who had dared to favour the conspiracy of
Magnentius, as they could not resist, licentiously exceeded his
commands, and like a flood poured with sudden violence upon the fortunes
of a great number of people, making his path through manifold slaughter
and destruction, loading the bodies of free-born men with chains, and
crushing some with fetters, while patching up all kinds of accusations
far removed from the truth. And to this man is owing one especial
atrocity which has branded the time of Constantius with indelible
infamy.

7. Martinus, who at that time governed these provinces as deputy, being
greatly concerned for the sufferings inflicted on innocent men, and
making frequent entreaties that those who were free from all guilt
might be spared, when he found that he could not prevail, threatened to
withdraw from the province, in the hope that this malevolent inquisitor,
Paulus, might be afraid of his doing so, and so give over exposing to
open danger men who had combined only in a wish for tranquillity.

8. Paulus, thinking that this conduct of Martinus was a hindrance to his
own zeal, being, as he was, a formidable artist in involving matters,
from which people gave him the nickname of "the Chain," attacked the
deputy himself while still engaged in defending the people whom he was
set to govern, and involved him in the dangers which surrounded every
one else, threatening that he would carry him, with his tribunes and
many other persons, as a prisoner to the emperor's court. Martinus,
alarmed at this threat, and seeing the imminent danger in which his life
was, drew his sword and attacked Paulus. But because from want of
strength in his hand he was unable to give him a mortal wound, he then
plunged his drawn sword into his own side. And by this unseemly kind of
death that most just man departed from life, merely for having dared to
interpose some delay to the miserable calamities of many citizens.

9. And when these wicked deeds had been perpetrated, Paulus, covered
with blood, returned to the emperor's camp, bringing with him a crowd of
prisoners almost covered with chains, in the lowest condition of squalor
and misery; on whose arrival the racks were prepared, and the
executioner began to prepare his hooks and other engines of torture. Of
these prisoners, many of them had their property confiscated, others
were sentenced to banishment, some were given over to the sword of the
executioner. Nor is it easy to cite the acquittal of a single person in
the time of Constantius, where the slightest whisper of accusation had
been brought against him.


VI.

§ 1. At this time Orfitus was the governor of the Eternal City, with the
rank of prefect; and he behaved with a degree of insolence beyond the
proper limits of the dignity thus conferred upon him. A man of prudence
indeed, and well skilled in all the forensic business of the city, but
less accomplished in general literature and in the fine arts than was
becoming in a nobleman. Under his administration some very formidable
seditions broke out in consequence of the scarcity of wine, as the
people, being exceedingly eager for an abundant use of that article,
were easily excited to frequent and violent disorders.

2. And since I think it likely that foreigners who may read this account
(if, indeed, any such should meet with it) are likely to wonder how it
is that, when my history has reached the point of narrating what was
done at Rome, nothing is spoken of but seditions, and shops, and
cheapness, and other similarly inconsiderable matters, I will briefly
touch upon the causes of this, never intentionally departing from the
strict truth.

3. At the time when Rome first rose into mundane brilliancy--that Rome
which was fated to last as long as mankind shall endure, and to be
increased with a sublime progress and growth--virtue and fortune, though
commonly at variance, agreed upon a treaty of eternal peace, as far as
she was concerned. For if either of them had been wanting to her, she
would never have reached her perfect and complete supremacy.

4. Her people, from its very earliest infancy to the latest moment of
its youth, a period which extends over about three hundred years,
carried on a variety of wars with the natives around its walls. Then,
when it arrived at its full-grown manhood, after many and various
labours in war, it crossed the Alps and the sea, till, as youth and man,
it had carried the triumphs of victory into every country in the world.

5. And now that it is declining into old age, and often owes its
victories to its mere name, it has come to a more tranquil time of life.
Therefore the venerable city, after having bowed down the haughty necks
of fierce nations, and given laws to the world, to be the foundations
and eternal anchors of liberty, like a thrifty parent, prudent and rich,
intrusted to the Cæsars, as to its own children, the right of governing
their ancestral inheritance.

6. And although the tribes are indolent, and the countries peaceful, and
although there are no contests for votes, but the tranquillity of the
age of Numa has returned, nevertheless, in every quarter of the world
Rome is still looked up to as the mistress and the queen of the earth,
and the name of the Roman people is respected and venerated.

7. But this magnificent splendour of the assemblies and councils of the
Roman people is defaced by the inconsiderate levity of a few, who never
recollect where they have been born, but who fall away into error and
licentiousness, as if a perfect impunity were granted to vice. For as
the lyric poet Simonides teaches us, the man who would live happily in
accordance with perfect reason, ought above all things to have a
glorious country.

8. Of these men, some thinking that they can be handed down to
immortality by means of statues, are eagerly desirous of them, as if
they would obtain a higher reward from brazen figures unendowed with
sense than from a consciousness of upright and honourable actions; and
they even are anxious to have them plated over with gold, a thing which
is reported to have been first done in the instance of Acilius Glabrio,
who by his wisdom and valour had subdued King Antiochus. But how really
noble a thing it is to despise all these inconsiderable and trifling
things, and to bend one's attention to the long and toilsome steps of
true glory, as the poet of Ascrea[7] has sung, and Cato the Censor has
shown by his example. For when he was asked how it was that while many
other nobles had statues he had none, replied: "I had rather that good
men should marvel how it was that I did not earn one, than (what would
be a much heavier misfortune) inquire how it was that I had obtained
one."

9. Others place the height of glory in having a coach higher than usual,
or splendid apparel; and so toil and sweat under a vast burden of
cloaks, which are fastened to their necks by many clasps, and blow about
from the excessive fineness of the material; showing a desire, by the
continual wriggling of their bodies, and especially by the waving of the
left hand, to make their long fringes and tunics, embroidered in
multiform figures of animals with threads of various colours, more
conspicuous.

10. Others, with not any one asking them, put on a feigned severity of
countenance, and extol their patrimonial estates in a boundless degree,
exaggerating the yearly produce of their fruitful fields, which they
boast of possessing in numbers from east to west, being forsooth
ignorant that their ancestors, by whom the greatness of Rome was so
widely extended, were not eminent for riches; but through a course of
dreadful wars overpowered by their valour all who were opposed to them,
though differing but little from the common soldiers either in riches,
or in their mode of life, or in the costliness of their garments.

11. This is how it happened that Valerius Publicola was buried by the
contributions of his friends, and that the destitute wife of Regulus
was, with her children, supported by the aid of the friends of her
husband, and that the daughter of Scipio had a dowry provided for her
out of the public treasury, the other nobles being ashamed to see the
beauty of this full-grown maiden, while her moneyless father was so long
absent on the service of his country.

12. But now if you, as an honourable stranger, should enter the house of
any one well off, and on that account full of pride, for the purpose of
saluting him, at first, indeed, you will be hospitably received, as
though your presence had been desired; and after having had many
questions put to you, and having been forced to tell a number of lies,
you will wonder, since the man had never seen you before, that one of
high rank should pay such attention to you who are but an unimportant
individual; so that by reason of this as a principal source of
happiness, you begin to repent of not having come to Rome ten years ago.

13. And when relying on this affability you do the same thing the next
day, you will stand waiting as one utterly unknown and unexpected, while
he who yesterday encouraged you to repeat your visit, counts upon his
fingers who you can be, marvelling, for a long time, whence you come,
and what you want. But when at length you are recognized and admitted to
his acquaintance, if you should devote yourself to the attention of
saluting him for three years consecutively, and after this intermit your
visits for an equal length of time, then if you return to repeat a
similar course, you will never be questioned about your absence any more
than if you had been dead, and you will waste your whole life in
submitting to court the humours of this blockhead.

14. But when those long and unwholesome banquets, which are indulged in
at certain intervals, begin to be prepared, or the distribution of the
usual dole-baskets takes place, then it is discussed with anxious
deliberation whether when those to whom a return is due are to be
entertained, it is proper to invite also a stranger; and if, after the
matter has been thoroughly sifted, it is determined that it may be done,
that person is preferred who waits all night before the houses of
charioteers, or who professes a skill in dice, or pretends to be
acquainted with some peculiar secrets.

15. For such entertainers avoid all learned and sober men as
unprofitable and useless; with this addition, that the nomenclators[8]
also, who are accustomed to make a market of these invitations and of
similar favours, selling them for bribes, do for gain thrust in mean and
obscure men at these dinners.

16. The whirlpools of banquets, and the various allurements of luxury, I
omit, that I may not be too prolix, and with the object of passing on to
this fact, that some people, hastening on without fear of danger, drive
their horses, as if they were post-horses, with a regular licence, as
the saying is, through the wide streets of the city, over the roads
paved with flint, dragging behind them large bodies of slaves like bands
of robbers; not leaving at home even Sannio,[9] as the comic poet says.

17. And many matrons, imitating these men, gallop over every quarter of
the city with their heads covered, and in close carriages. And as
skilful conductors of battles place in the van their densest and
strongest battalions, then their light-armed troops, behind them the
darters, and in the extreme rear troops of reserve, ready to join in the
attack if necessity should arise; so, according to the careful
arrangements of the stewards of these city households, who are
conspicuous by wands fastened to their right hands, as if a regular
watchword had been issued from the camp, first of all, near the front
of the carriage march all the slaves concerned in spinning and working;
next to them come the blackened crew employed in the kitchen; then the
whole body of slaves promiscuously mixed up with a gang of idle
plebeians from the neighbourhood; last of all, the multitude of eunuchs,
beginning with the old men and ending with the boys, pale and unsightly
from the distorted deformity of their features; so that whichever way
any one goes, seeing troops of mutilated men, he will detest the memory
of Semiramis, that ancient queen who was the first person to castrate
male youths of tender age; doing as it were a violence to nature, and
forcing it back from its appointed course, which at the very first
beginning and birth of the child, by a kind of secret law revealing the
primitive fountains of seed, points out the way of propagating
posterity.

18. And as this is the case, those few houses which were formerly
celebrated for the serious cultivation of becoming studies, are now
filled with the ridiculous amusements of torpid indolence, re-echoing
with the sound of vocal music and the tinkle of flutes and lyres.
Lastly, instead of a philosopher, you find a singer; instead of an
orator, some teacher of ridiculous arts is summoned; and the libraries
closed for ever, like so many graves; organs to be played by water-power
are made; and lyres of so vast a size, that they look like waggons; and
flutes, and ponderous machines suited for the exhibitions of actors.

19. Last of all, they have arrived at such a depth of unworthiness, that
when, no very long time ago, on account of an apprehended scarcity of
food, the foreigners were driven in haste from the city; those who
practised liberal accomplishments, the number of whom was exceedingly
small, were expelled without a moment's breathing-time; yet the
followers of actresses, and all who at that time pretended to be of such
a class, were allowed to remain; and three thousand dancing-girls had
not even a question put to them, but stayed unmolested with the members
of their choruses, and a corresponding number of dancing masters.

20. And wherever you turn your eyes, you may see a multitude of women
with their hair curled, who, as far as their age goes, might, if they
had married, been by this time the mothers of three children, sweeping
the pavements with their feet till they are weary, whirling round in
rapid gyrations, while representing innumerable groups and figures
which the theatrical plays contain.

21. It is a truth beyond all question, that, when at one time Rome was
the abode of all the virtues, many of the nobles, like the Lotophagi,
celebrated in Homer, who detained men by the deliciousness of their
fruit, allured foreigners of free birth by manifold attentions of
courtesy and kindness.

22. But now, in their empty arrogance, some persons look upon everything
as worthless which is born outside of the walls of the city, except only
the childless and the unmarried. Nor can it be conceived with what a
variety of obsequious observance men without children are courted at
Rome.

23. And since among them, as is natural in a city so great as to be the
metropolis of the world, diseases attain to such an insurmountable
degree of violence, that all the skill of the physician is ineffectual
even to mitigate them; a certain assistance and means of safety has been
devised, in the rule that no one should go to see a friend in such a
condition, and to a few precautionary measures a further remedy of
sufficient potency has been added, that men should not readmit into
their houses servants who have been sent to inquire how a man's friends
who may have been seized with an illness of this kind are, until they
have cleansed and purified their persons in the bath. So that a taint is
feared, even when it has only been seen with the eyes of another.

24. But nevertheless, when these rules are observed thus stringently,
some persons, if they be invited to a wedding, though the vigour of
their limbs be much diminished, yet, when gold is offered[10] in the
hollow palm of the right hand, will go actively as far as Spoletum.
These are the customs of the nobles.

25. But of the lower and most indigent class of the populace some spend
the whole night in the wine shops. Some lie concealed in the shady
arcades of the theatres; which Catulus was in his ædileship the first
person to raise, in imitation of the lascivious manners of Campania, or
else they play at dice so eagerly as to quarrel over them; snuffing up
their nostrils and making unseemly noises by drawing back their breath
into their noses; or (and this is their favourite pursuit of all others)
from sunrise to evening they stay gaping through sunshine or rain,
examining in the most careful manner the most sterling good or bad
qualities of the charioteers and horses.

26. And it is very wonderful to see an innumerable multitude of people
with great eagerness of mind intent upon the event of the contests in
the chariot race. These pursuits, and others of like character, prevent
anything worth mentioning or important from being done at Rome.
Therefore we must return to our original subject.


VII.

§ 1. His licentiousness having now become more unbounded, the Cæsar
began to be burdensome to all virtuous men; and discarding all
moderation, he harassed every part of the East, sparing neither those
who had received public honours, nor the chief citizens of the different
cities; nor the common people.

2. At last by one single sentence he ordered all the principal persons
at Antioch to be put to death; being exasperated because when he
recommended that a low price should be established in the market at an
unseasonable time, when the city was threatened with a scarcity, they
answered him with objections, urged with more force than he approved;
and they would all have been put to death to a man, if Honoratus, who
was at that time count of the East, had not resisted him with
pertinacious constancy.

3. This circumstance was also a proof, and that no doubtful or concealed
one, of the cruelty of his nature, that he took delight in cruel sports,
and in the circus he would rejoice as if he had made some great gain, to
see six or seven gladiators killing one another in combats which have
often been forbidden.

4. In addition to these things a certain worthless woman inflamed his
purpose of inflicting misery; for she, having obtained admission to the
palace, as she had requested, gave him information that a plot was
secretly laid against him by a few soldiers of the lowest rank. And
Constantina, in her exultation, thinking that her husband's safety was
now fully secured, rewarded and placed this woman, in a carriage, and in
this way sent her out into the public street through the great gate of
the palace, in order, by such a temptation, to allure others also to
give similar or more important information.

5. After these events, Gallus being about to set out for Hierapolis, in
order, as far as appearance went, to take part in the expedition, the
common people of Antioch entreated him in a suppliant manner to remove
their fear of a famine which for many reasons (some of them difficult to
explain) it was believed was impending; Gallus, however, did not, as is
the custom of princes whose power, by the great extent of country over
which it is diffused, is able continually to remedy local distresses,
order any distribution of food to be made, or any supplies to be brought
from the neighbouring countries; but he pointed out to them a man of
consular rank, named Theophilus, the governor of Syria, who happened to
be standing by, replying to the repeated appeals of the multitude, who
were trembling with apprehensions of the last extremities, that no one
could possibly want food if the governor were not willing that they
should be in want of it.

6. These words increased the audacity of the lower classes, and when the
scarcity of provisions became more severe, urged by hunger and frenzy,
they set fire to and burnt down the splendid house of a man of the name
of Eubulus, a man of great reputation among his fellow-citizens; and
they attacked the governor himself with blows and kicks as one
especially made over to them by the judgment of the emperor, kicking him
till he was half dead, and then tearing him to pieces in a miserable
manner. And after his wretched death every one saw in the destruction of
this single individual a type of the danger to which he was himself
exposed, and, taught by this recent example, feared a similar fate.

7. About the same time Serenianus, who had previously been duke[11] of
Phoenicia, to whose inactivity it was owing, as we have already
related, that Celse in Phoenicia was laid waste, was deservedly and
legally accused of treason and no one saw how he could possibly be
acquitted. He was also manifestly proved to have sent an intimate friend
with a cap (with which he used to cover his own head) which had been
enchanted by forbidden acts to the temple of prophecy,[12] on purpose to
ask expressly whether, according to his wish, a firm enjoyment of the
whole empire was portended for him.

8. And in these days a twofold misfortune occurred: first, that a heavy
penalty had fallen upon Theophilus who was innocent; and, secondly, that
Serenianus who deserved universal execration, was acquitted without the
general feeling being able to offer any effectual remonstrance.

9. Constantius then hearing from time to time of these transactions, and
having been further informed of some particular occurrences by
Thalassius, who however had now died by the ordinary course of nature,
wrote courteous letters to the Cæsar, but at the same time gradually
withdrew from him his support, pretending to be uneasy, least as the
leisure of soldiers is usually a disorderly time, the troops might be
conspiring to his injury: and he desired him to content himself with the
schools of the Palatine,[13] and with those of the Protectors, with the
Scutarii, and Gentiles. And he ordered Domitianus, who had formerly been
the Superintendent of the Treasury, but who was now promoted to be a
prefect, as soon as he arrived in Syria, to address Gallus in persuasive
and respectful language, exhorting him to repair with all speed to
Italy, to which province the emperor had repeatedly summoned him.

10. And when, with this object, Domitianus had reached Antioch, having
travelled express, he passed by the gates of the palace, in contempt of
the Cæsar, whom, however, he ought to have visited, and proceeded to the
general's camp with ostentatious pomp, and there pretended to be sick;
he neither visited the palace, nor ever appeared in public, but keeping
himself private, he devised many things to bring about the destruction
of the Cæsar, adding many superfluous circumstances to the relations
which he was continually sending to the emperor.

11. At last, being expressly invited by the Cæsar, and being admitted
into the prince's council-chamber, without making the slightest preface
he began in this inconsiderate and light-minded manner: "Depart," said
he, "as you have been commanded, O Cæsar, and know this, that if you
make any delay I shall at once order all the provisions allotted for the
support of yourself and your court to be carried away." And then, having
said nothing more than these insolent words, he departed with every
appearance of rage; and would never afterwards come into his sight
though frequently sent for.

12. The Cæsar being indignant at this, as thinking he had been
unworthily and unjustly treated, ordered his faithful protectors to take
the prefect into custody; and when this became known, Montius, who at
that time was quæstor, a man of deep craft indeed, but still inclined to
moderate measures,[14] taking counsel for the common good, sent for the
principal members of the Palatine schools and addressed them in pacific
words, pointing out that it was neither proper nor expedient that such
things should be done; and adding also in a reproving tone of voice,
that if such conduct as this were approved of, then, after throwing down
the statues of Constantius the prefect would begin to think how he might
also with the greater security take his life also.

13. When this was known Gallus, like a serpent attacked with stones or
darts, being now reduced to the extremity of despair, and eager to
insure his safety by any possible means, ordered all his troops to be
collected in arms, and when they stood around him in amazement he
gnashed his teeth, and hissing with rage, said,--

14. "You are present here as brave men, come to the aid of me who am in
one common danger with you. Montius, with a novel and unprecedented
arrogance, accuses us of rebellion and resistance to the majesty of the
emperor, by roaring out all these charges against us. Being offended
forsooth that, as a matter of precaution, I ordered a contumacious
prefect, who pretended not to know what the state of affairs required,
to be arrested and kept in custody."

15. On hearing these words the soldiers immediately, being always on the
watch to raise disturbances, first of all attacked Montius, who happened
to be living close at hand, an old man of no great bodily strength, and
enfeebled by disease; and having bound his legs with coarse ropes, they
dragged him straddling, without giving him a moment to take breath, as
far as the general's camp.

16. And with the same violence they also bound Domitianus, dragging him
head first down the stairs; and then having fastened the two men
together, they dragged them through all the spacious streets of the city
at full speed. And, all their limbs and joints being thus dislocated,
they trampled on their corpses after they were dead, and mutilated them
in the most unseemly manner; and at last, having glutted their rage,
they threw them into the river.

17. But there was a certain man named Luscus, the governor of the city,
who, suddenly appearing among the soldiers, had inflamed them, always
ready for mischief, to the nefarious actions which they had thus
committed; exciting them with repeated cries, like the musician who
gives the tune to the mourners at funerals, to finish what they had
begun: and for this deed he was, not long after, burnt alive.

18. And because Montius, when just about to expire under the hands of
those who were tearing him to pieces, repeatedly named Epigonius and
Eusebius, without indicating either their rank or their profession, a
great deal of trouble was taken to find out who they were; and, lest the
search should have time to cool, they sent for a philosopher named
Epigonius, from Lycia, and for Eusebius the orator, surnamed Pittacos,
from Emissa; though they were not those whom Montius had meant, but
some tribunes, superintendents of the manufactures of arms, who had
promised him information if they heard of any revolutionary measures
being agitated.

19. About the same time Apollinaris, the son-in-law of Domitianus, who a
short time before had been the chief steward of the Cæsar's palace,
being sent to Mesopotamia by his father-in-law, took exceeding pains to
inquire among the soldiers whether they had received any secret
despatches from the Cæsar, indicating his having meditated any deeper
designs than usual. And as soon as he heard of the events which had
taken place at Antioch, he passed through the lesser Armenia and took
the road to Constantinople; but he was seized on his journey by the
Protectors, and brought back to Antioch, and there kept in close
confinement.

20. And while these things were taking place there was discovered at
Tyre a royal robe, which had been secretly made, though it was quite
uncertain who had placed it where it was, or for whose use it had been
made. And on that account the governor of the province, who was at that
time the father of Apollinaris, and bore the same name, was arrested as
an accomplice in his guilt; and great numbers of other persons were
collected from different cities, who were all involved in serious
accusations.

21. And now, when the trumpets of internal war and slaughter began to
sound, the turbulent disposition of the Cæsar, indifferent to any
consideration of the truth, began also to break forth, and that not
secretly as before. And without making any solemn investigation into the
truth of the charges brought against the citizens, and without
separating the innocent from the guilty, he discarded all ideas of right
or justice, as if they had been expelled from the seat of judgment. And
while all lawful defence on trials was silent, the torturer, and
plunderer, and the executioner, and every kind of confiscation of
property, raged unrestrained throughout the eastern provinces of the
empire, which I think it now a favourable moment to enumerate, with the
exception of Mesopotamia, which I have already described when I was
relating the Parthian wars; and also with the exception of Egypt, which
I am forced to postpone to another opportunity.


VIII.

§ 1. After passing over the summit of Mount Taurus, which towards the
east rises up to a vast height, Cilicia spreads itself out for a very
great distance--a land rich in all valuable productions. It is bordered
on its right by Isauria, which is equally fertile in vines and in many
kinds of grain. The Calycadnus, a navigable river, flows through the
middle of Isaurus.

2. This province, besides other towns, is particularly adorned by two
cities, Seleucia, founded by King Seleucus, and Claudiopolis, which the
Emperor Claudius Cæsar established as a colony. For the city of Isauria,
which was formerly too powerful, was in ancient times overthrown as an
incurable and dangerous rebel, and so completely destroyed that it is
not easy to discover any traces of its pristine splendour.

3. The province of Cilicia, which exults in the river Cydnus, is
ornamented by Tarsus, a city of great magnificence. This city is said to
have been founded by Perseus, the son of Jupiter and Danaë; or else, and
more probably, by a certain emigrant who came from Ethiopia, by name
Sandan, a man of great wealth and of noble birth. It is also adorned by
the city of Anazarbus, which bears the name of its founder; and by
Mopsuestia, the abode of the celebrated seer Mopsus, who wandered from
his comrades the Argonauts when they were returning after having carried
off the Golden Fleece, and strayed to the African coast, where he died a
sudden death. His heroic remains, though covered by Punic turf, have
ever since that time cured a great variety of diseases, and have
generally restored men to sound health.

4. These two provinces being full of banditti were formerly subdued by
the proconsul Servilius, in a piratical war, and were passed under the
yoke, and made tributary to the empire. These districts being placed, as
it were, on a prominent tongue of land, are cut off from the main
continent by Mount Amanus.

5. The frontier of the East stretching straight forward for a great
distance, reached from the banks of the river Euphrates to those of the
Nile, being bounded on the left by the tribes of the Saracens and on
the right by the sea.

6. Nicator Seleucus, after he had occupied that district, increased its
prosperity to a wonderful degree, when, after the death of Alexander,
king of Macedonia, he took possession of the kingdom of Persia by right
of succession; being a mighty and victorious king, as his surname
indicates. And making free use of his numerous subjects, whom he
governed for a long time in tranquillity, he changed groups of rustic
habitations into regular cities, important for their great wealth and
power, the greater part of which at the present day, although they are
called by Greek names which were given them by the choice of their
founder, have nevertheless not lost their original appellations which
the original settlers of the villages gave them in the Assyrian
language.

7. After Osdroene, which, as I have already said, I intend to omit from
this description, the first province to be mentioned is Commagena, now
called Euphratensis, which has arisen into importance by slow degrees,
and is remarkable for the splendid cities of Hierapolis, the ancient
Ninus, and Samosata.

8. The next province is Syria, which is spread over a beautiful
champaign country. This province is ennobled by Antioch, a city known
over the whole world, with which no other can vie in respect of its
riches, whether imported or natural: and by Laodicea and Apameia, and
also by Seleucia, all cities which have ever been most prosperous from
their earliest foundation.

9. After this comes Phoenicia, a province lying under Mount Lebanon,
full of beauty and elegance, and decorated with cities of great size and
splendour, among which Tyre excels all in the beauty of its situation
and in its renown. And next come Sidon and Berytus, and on a par with
them Emissa and Damascus, cities founded in remote ages.

10. These provinces, which the river Orontes borders, a river which
passes by the foot of the celebrated and lofty mountain Cassius, and at
last falls into the Levant near the Gulf of Issus, were added to the
Roman dominion by Cnæus Pompey, who, after he had conquered Tigranes,
separated them from the kingdom of Armenia.

11. The last province of the Syrias is Palestine, a district of great
extent, abounding in well-cultivated and beautiful land, and having
several magnificent cities, all of equal importance, and rivalling one
another as it were, in parallel lines. For instance, Cæsarea, which
Herod built in honour of the Prince Octavianus, and Eleutheropolis, and
Neapolis, and also Ascalon, and Gaza, cities built in bygone ages.

12. In these districts no navigable river is seen: in many places, too,
waters naturally hot rise out of the ground well suited for the cure of
various diseases. These regions also Pompey formed into a Roman province
after he had subdued the Jews and taken Jerusalem: and he made over
their government to a local governor.

13. Contiguous to Palestine is Arabia, a country which on its other side
joins the Nabathæi--a land full of the most plenteous variety of
merchandize, and studded with strong forts and castles, which the
watchful solicitude of its ancient inhabitants has erected in suitable
defiles, in order to repress the inroads of the neighbouring nations.
This province, too, besides several towns, has some mighty cities, such
as Bostra, Gerasa, and Philadelphia, fortified with very strong walls.
It was the Emperor Trajan who first gave this country the name of a
Roman province, and appointed a governor over it, and compelled it to
obey our laws, after having by repeated victories crushed the arrogance
of the inhabitants, when he was carrying his glorious arms into Media
and Parthia.

14. There is also the island of Cyprus, not very far from the continent,
and abounding in excellent harbours, which, besides its many municipal
towns, is especially famous for two renowned cities, Salamis and Paphos,
the one celebrated for its temple of Jupiter, the other for its temple
of Venus. This same Cyprus is so fertile, and so abounding in riches of
every kind, that without requiring any external assistance, it can by
its own native resources build a merchant ship from the very foundation
of the keel up to the top sails, and send it to sea fully equipped with
stores.

15. It is not to be denied that the Roman people invaded this island
with more covetousness than justice. For when Ptolemy, the king, who was
connected with us by treaty, and was also our ally, was without any
fault of his own proscribed, merely on account of the necessities of our
treasury, and slew himself by taking poison, the island was made
tributary to us, and its spoils placed on board our fleet, as if taken
from an enemy, and carried to Rome by Cato. We will now return to the
actions of Constantius in their due order.


IX.

§ 1. Amid all these various disasters, Ursicinus, who was the governor
of Nisibis, an officer to whom the command of the emperor had
particularly attached me as a servant, was summoned from that city, and
in spite of his reluctance, and of the opposition which he made to the
clamorous bands of flatterers, was forced to investigate the origin of
the pernicious strife which had arisen. He was indeed a soldier of great
skill in war, and an approved leader of troops; but a man who had always
kept himself aloof from the strife of the forum. He, alarmed at his own
danger when he saw the corrupt accusers and judges who were associated
with him, all emerging out of the same lurking-places, wrote secret
letters to Constantius informing him of what was going on, both publicly
and in secret; and imploring such assistance as, by striking fear into
Gallus, should somewhat curb his notorious arrogance.

2. But through excessive caution he had fallen into a worse snare, as we
shall relate hereafter, since his enemies got the opportunity of laying
numerous snares for him, to poison the mind of Constantius against him;
Constantius, in other respects a prince of moderation, was severe and
implacable if any person, however mean and unknown, whispered suspicion
of danger into his ears, and in such matters was wholly unlike himself.

3. On the day appointed for this fatal examination, the master of the
horse took his seat under the pretence of being the judge; others being
also set as his assessors, who were instructed beforehand what was to be
done: and there were present also notaries on each side of him, who kept
the Cæsar rapidly and continually informed of all the questions which
were put and all the answers which were given; and by his pitiless
orders, urged as he was by the persuasions of the queen, who kept her
ear at the curtain, many were put to death without being permitted to
soften the accusations brought against them, or to say a word in their
own defence.

4. The first persons who were brought before them were Epigonius and
Eusebius, who were ruined because of the similarity of their names to
those of other people; for we have already mentioned that Montius, when
just at the point of death, had intended to inculpate the tribunes of
manufactures, who were called by these names, as men who had promised to
be his supports in some future enterprise.

5. Epigonius was only a philosopher as far as his dress went, as was
evident, when, having tried entreaties in vain, his sides having been
torn with blows, and the fear of instant death being presented to him,
he affirmed by a base confession that his companion was privy to his
plans, though in fact he had no plans; nor had he ever seen or heard
anything, being wholly unconnected with forensic affairs. But Eusebius,
confidently denying what he was accused of, continued firm in unshaken
constancy, loudly declaring that it was a band of robbers before whom he
was brought, and not a court of justice.

6. And when, like a man well acquainted with the law, he demanded that
his accuser should be produced, and claimed the usual rights of a
prisoner; the Cæsar, having heard of his conduct, and looking on his
freedom as pride, ordered him to be put to the torture as an audacious
calumniator; and when Eusebius had been tortured so severely that he had
no longer any limbs left for torments, imploring heaven for justice, and
still smiling disdainfully, he remained immovable, with a firm heart,
not permitting his tongue to accuse himself or any one else. And so at
length, without having either made any confession, or being convicted of
anything, he was condemned to death with the spiritless partner of his
sufferings. He was then led away to death, protesting against the
iniquity of the times; imitating in his conduct the celebrated Stoic of
old, Zeno, who, after he had been long subjected to torture in order to
extract from him some false confession, tore out his tongue by the roots
and threw it, bloody as it was, into the face of the king of Cyprus, who
was examining him.

7. After these events the affair of the royal robe was examined into.
And when those who were employed in dyeing purple had been put to the
torture, and had confessed that they had woven a short tunic to cover
the chest, without sleeves, a certain person, by name Maras, was brought
in, a deacon, as the Christians call him; letters from whom were
produced, written in the Greek language to the superintendent of the
weaving manufactory at Tyre, which pressed him to have the beautiful
work finished speedily; of which work, however, these letters gave no
further description. And at last this man also was tortured, to the
danger of his life, but could not be made to confess anything.

8. After the investigation had been carried on with the examination,
under torture of many persons, when some things appeared doubtful, and
others it was plain were of a very unimportant character, and after many
persons had been put to death, the two Apollinares, father and son, were
condemned to banishment; and when they had come to a place which is
called Crateræ, a country house of their own, which is four-and-twenty
miles from Antioch, there, according to the order which had been given,
their legs were broken, and they were put to death.

9. After their death Gallus was not at all less ferocious than before,
but rather like a lion which has once tasted blood, he made many similar
investigations, all of which it is not worth while to relate, lest I
should exceed the bounds which I have laid down for myself; an error
which is to be avoided.


X.

§ 1. While the East was thus for a long time suffering under these
calamities, at the first approach of open weather, Constantius being in
his seventh consulship, and the Cæsar in his third, the emperor quitted
Arles and went to Valentia, with the intention of making war upon the
brothers Gundomadus and Vadomarius, chiefs of the Allemanni; by whose
repeated inroads the territories of the Gauls, which lay upon their
frontier, were continually laid waste.

2. And while he was staying in that district, as he did for some time
while waiting for supplies, the importation of which from Aquitania was
prevented by the spring rains which were this year more severe than
usual, so that the rivers were flooded by them, Herculanus arrived, a
principal officer of the guard, son of Hermogenes, who had formerly been
master of the horse at Constantinople, and had been torn to pieces in a
popular tumult as we have mentioned before. And as he brought a faithful
account of what Gallus had done, the emperor, sorrowing over the
miseries that were passed, and full of anxious fear for the future, for
a time stilled the grief of his mind as well as he could.

3. But in the mean time all the soldiery being assembled at
Cabillon,[15] began to be impatient of delay, and to get furious, being
so much the more exasperated because they had not sufficient means of
living, the usual supplies not yet having arrived.

4. And in consequence of this state of things, Rufinus, at that time
prefect of the camp, was exposed to the most imminent danger. For he
himself was compelled to go among the soldiers, whose natural ferocity
was inflamed by their want of food, and who on other occasions are by
nature generally inclined to be savage and bitter against men of civil
dignities. He was compelled, I say, to go among them to appease them and
explain on what account the arrival of their corn was delayed.

5. And the task thus imposed on him was very cunningly contrived, in
order that he, the uncle of Gallus, might perish in the snare; lest he,
being a man of great power and energy, should rouse his nephew to
confidence, and lead him to undertake enterprises which might be
mischievous. Great caution, however, was used to escape this; and, when
the danger was got rid of for a while, Eusebius, the high chamberlain,
was sent to Cabillon with a large sum of money, which he distributed
secretly among the chief leaders of sedition: and so the turbulent and
arrogant disposition of the soldiers was pacified, and the safety of the
prefect secured. Afterwards food having arrived in abundance the camp
was struck on the day appointed.

6. After great difficulties had been surmounted, many of the roads
being buried in snow, the army came near to Rauracum[16] on the banks of
the Rhine, where the multitude of the Allemanni offered great
resistance, so that by their fierceness the Romans were prevented from
fixing their bridge of boats, darts being poured upon them from all
sides like hail; and, when it seemed impossible to succeed in that
attempt, the emperor being taken by surprise, and full of anxious
thoughts, began to consider what to do.

7. When suddenly a guide well acquainted with the country arrived, and
for a reward pointed out a ford by night, where the river could be
crossed; and the army crossing at that point, while the enemy had their
attention directed elsewhere, might without any one expecting such a
step, have and waste the whole country, if a few men of the same nation
to whom the higher posts in the Roman army were intrusted had not (as
some people believe) informed their fellow-countrymen of the design by
secret messengers.

8. The disgrace of this suspicion fell chiefly on Latinus, a commander
of the domestic guard, and on Agilo, an equerry, and on Scudilo, the
commander of the Scutarii, men who at that time were looked up to as
those who supported the republic with their right hands.

9. But the barbarians, though taking instant counsel on such an
emergency, yet either because the auspices turned out unfavourable, or
because the authority of the sacrifices prohibited an instant
engagement, abated their energy, and the confidence with which they had
hitherto resisted; and sent some of their chiefs to beg pardon for their
offences, and sue for peace.

10. Therefore, having detained for some time the envoys of both the
kings, and having long deliberated over the affair in secret, the
emperor, when he had decided that it was expedient to grant peace on the
terms proposed, summoned his army to an assembly with the intention of
making them a short speech, and mounting the tribunal, surrounded with a
staff of officers of high rank, spoke in the following manner:

11. "I hope no one will wonder, after the long and toilsome marches we
have made, and the vast supplies and magazines which have been provided,
from the confidence which I felt in you, that now although we are close
to the villages of the barbarians, I have, as if I had suddenly changed
my plans, adopted more peaceful counsels.

12. "For if every one of you, having regard to his own position and his
own feelings, considers the case, he will find this to be the truth:
that the individual soldier in all cases, however strong and vigorous he
may be, regards and defends nothing but himself and his own life; while
the general, looking on all with impartiality as the guardian of their
general safety, is aware that the common interest of the people cannot
be separated from his own safety; and he is bound to seize with alacrity
every remedy of which the condition of affairs admits, as being put into
his hand by the favour of the gods.

13. "That therefore I may in a few words set before you and explain on
what account I wished all of you, my most faithful comrades, to assemble
here, I entreat you to listen attentively to what I will state with all
the brevity possible. For the language of truth is always concise and
simple.

14. "The kings and people of the Allemanni, viewing with apprehension
the lofty steps of your glory (which fame, increasing in magnificence,
has diffused throughout the most distant countries), now by their
ambassadors humbly implore pardon for their past offences, and peace.
And this indulgence I, as a cautious and prudent adviser of what is
useful, think expedient to grant them, if your consent be not wanting:
being led to this opinion by many considerations, in the first place
that so we may avoid the doubtful issues of war; in the second place,
that instead of enemies we may have allies, as they promise we shall
find them; further, that without bloodshed we may pacify their haughty
ferocity, a feeling which is often mischievous in our provinces; and
last of all, recollecting that the man who falls in battle, overwhelmed
by superior weapons or strength, is not the only enemy who has to be
subdued; and that with much greater safety to the state, even while the
trumpet of war is silent, he is subdued who makes voluntary submission,
having learnt by experience that we lack neither courage against rebels,
nor mercy towards suppliants.

15. "To sum up, making you as it were the arbitrators, I wait to see
what you determine: having no doubt myself, as an emperor always
desirous of peace, that it is best to employ moderation while prosperity
descends upon us. For, believe me, this conduct which I recommend, and
which is wisely chosen, will not be imputed to want of courage on your
part, but to your moderation and humanity."

16. As soon as he had finished speaking, the whole assembly being ready
to agree to what the emperor desired, and praising his advice, gave
their votes for peace; being principally influenced by this
consideration, that they had already learnt by frequent expeditions that
the fortune of the emperor was only propitious in times of civil
troubles; but that when foreign wars were undertaken they had often
proved disastrous. On this, therefore, a treaty being made according to
the customs of the Allemanni, and all the solemnities being completed,
the emperor retired to Milan for the winter.


XI.

§ 1. At Milan, having discarded the weight of other cares, the emperor
took into his consideration that most difficult gordian knot, how by a
mighty effort to uproot the Cæsar. And while he was deliberating on this
matter with his friends in secret conference by night, and considering
what force, and what contrivances might be employed for the purpose,
before Gallus in his audacity should more resolutely set himself to
plunging affairs into confusion, it seemed best that Gallus should be
invited by civil letters, under pretence of some public affairs of an
urgent nature requiring his advice, so that, being deprived of all
support, he might be put to death without any hindrance.

2. But as several knots of light-minded flatterers opposed this opinion,
among whom was Arbetio, a man of keen wit and always inclined to
treachery, and Eusebius, a man always disposed to mischief, at that time
the principal chamberlain, they suggested that if the Cæsar were to quit
those countries it would be dangerous to leave Ursicinus in the East,
with no one to check his designs, if he should cherish ambitious
notions.

3. And these counsels were supported by the rest of the royal eunuchs,
whose avarice and covetousness at that period had risen to excess. These
men, while performing their private duties about the court, by secret
whispers supplied food for false accusations; and by raising bitter
suspicions of Ursicinus, ruined a most gallant man, creating by
underhand means a belief that his grown-up sons began to aim at supreme
power; intimating that they were youths in the flower of their age and
of admirable personal beauty, skilful in the use of every kind of
weapon, well trained in all athletic and military exercises, and
favourably known for prudence and wisdom. They insinuated also that
Gallus himself, being by nature fierce and unmanageable, had been
excited to acts of additional cruelty and ferocity by persons placed
about him for that purpose, to the end that, when he had brought upon
himself universal detestation, the ensigns of power might be transferred
to the children of the master of the horse.

4. When these and similar suspicions were poured into the ears of
Constantius, which were always open to reports of this kind, the
emperor, revolving different plans in his mind, at last chose the
following as the most advisable course. He commanded Ursicinus in a most
complimentary manner to come to him, on the pretence that the urgent
state of certain affairs required to be arranged by the aid of his
counsel and concurrence, and that he had need of such additional support
in order to crush the power of the Parthian tribes, who were threatening
war.

5. And that he who was thus invited might not suspect anything
unfriendly, the Count Prosper was sent to act as his deputy till he
returned. Accordingly, when Ursicinus had received the letters, and had
obtained a sufficient supply of carriages, and means of travelling,
we[17] hastened to Milan with all speed.

6. The next thing was to contrive to summon the Cæsar, and to induce him
to make the like haste. And to remove all suspicion in his mind,
Constantius used many hypocritical endearments to persuade his own
sister, Gallus's wife, whom he pretended he had long been wishing to
see, to accompany him. And although she hesitated from fear of her
brother's habitual cruelty, yet, from a hope that, as he was her
brother, she might be able to pacify him, she set out; but when she
reached Bithynia, at the station named Cæni Gallici, she was seized with
a sudden fever and died. And after her death, her husband, considering
that he had lost his greatest security and the chief support on which he
relied, hesitated, taking anxious thought what he should do.

7. For amid the multiplicity of embarrassing affairs which distracted
his attention, this point especially filled his mind with apprehension,
that Constantius, determining everything according to his own sole
judgment, was not a man to admit of any excuse, or to pardon any error;
but being, as he was, more inclined to severity towards his kinsmen than
towards others, would be sure to put him to death if he could get him
into his power.

8. Being therefore in this critical situation, and feeling that he had
to expect the worst unless he took vigilant care, he embraced the idea
of seizing on the supreme power if he could find any opportunity: but
for two reasons he distrusted the good faith of his most intimate
councillors; both because they dreaded him as at once cruel and fickle,
and also because amid civil dissensions they looked with awe upon the
loftier fortune of Constantius.

9. While perplexed with these vast and weighty anxieties he received
continual letters from the emperor, advising and entreating him to come
to him; and giving him hints that the republic neither could nor ought
to be divided; but that every one was bound to the utmost of his power
to bring aid to it when it was tottering; alluding in this to the
devastations of the Gauls.

10. And to this suggestion he added an example of no great antiquity,
that in the time of Diocletian and his colleague,[18] the Cæsars obeyed
them as their officers, not remaining stationary, but hastening to
execute their orders in every direction. And that even Galerius went in
his purple robe on foot for nearly a mile before the chariot of
Augustus[19] when he was offended with him.

11. After many other messengers had been despatched to him, Scudilo the
tribune of the Scutarii arrived, a very cunning master of persuasion
under the cloak of a rude, blunt disposition. He, by mixing flattering
language with his serious conversation, induced him to proceed, when no
one else could do so, continually assuring him, with a hypocritical
countenance, that his cousin was extremely desirous to see him; that,
like a clement and merciful prince, he would pardon whatever errors had
been committed through thoughtlessness; that he would make him a partner
in his own royal rank, and take him for his associate in those toils
which the northern provinces, long in a disturbed state, imposed upon
him.

12. And as when the Fates lay their hand upon a man his senses are wont
to be blunted and dimmed, so Gallus, being led on by these alluring
persuasions to the expectation of a better fortune, quitted Antioch
under the guidance of an unfriendly star, and hurried, as the old
proverb has it, out of the smoke into the flame;[20] and having arrived
at Constantinople as if in great prosperity and security, at the
celebration of the equestrian games, he with his own hand placed the
crown on the head of the charioteer Corax, when he obtained the victory.

13. When Constantius heard this he became exasperated beyond all bounds
of moderation; and lest by any chance Gallus, feeling uncertain of the
future, should attempt to consult his safety by flight, all the
garrisons stationed in the towns which lay in his road were carefully
removed.

14. And at the same time Taurus, who was sent as quæstor into Armenia,
passed by without visiting or seeing him. Some persons, however, by the
command of the emperor, arrived under the pretence of one duty or
another, in order to take care that he should not be able to move, or
make any secret attempt of any kind. Among whom was Leontius, afterwards
prefect of the city, who was sent as quæstor; and Lucillianus, as count
of the domestic guards, and a tribune of the Scutarii named Bainobaudes.

15. Therefore after a long journey through the level country, when he
had reached Hadrianopolis, a city in the district of Mount Hæmus, which
had been formerly called Uscudama, where he stayed twelve days to
recover from his fatigue, he found that the Theban legions, who were in
winter quarters in the neighbouring towns of those parts, had sent some
of their comrades to exhort him by trustworthy and sure promises to
remain there relying upon them, since they were posted in great force
among the neighbouring stations; but those about him watched him with
such diligent care that he could get no opportunity of seeing them, or
of hearing their message.

16. Then, as letter after letter from the emperor urged him to quit that
city, he took ten public carriages, as he was desired to do, and leaving
behind him all his retinue, except a few of his chamberlains and
domestic officers, whom he had brought with him, he was in this poor
manner compelled to hasten his journey, his guards forcing him to use
all speed; while he from time to time, with many regrets, bewailed the
rashness which had placed him in a mean and despised condition at the
mercy of men of the lowest class.

17. And amid all these circumstances, in moments when exhausted nature
sought repose in sleep, his senses were kept in a state of agitation by
dreadful spectres making unseemly noises about him; and crowds of those
whom he had slain, led on by Domitianus and Montius, seemed to seize and
torture him with all the torments of the Furies.

18. For the mind, when freed by sleep from its connection with the body,
is nevertheless active, and being full of the thoughts and anxieties of
mortal pursuits, engenders mighty visions which we call phantoms.

19. Therefore his melancholy fate, by which it was destined he should be
deprived of empire and life, leading the way, he proceeded on his
journey by continual relays of horses, till he arrived at Petobio,[21] a
town in Noricum. Here all disguise was thrown off, and the Count
Barbatio suddenly made his appearance, with Apodemius, the secretary for
the provinces, and an escort of soldiers whom the emperor had picked out
as men bound to him by especial favours, feeling sure that they could
not be turned from their obedience either by bribes or pity.

20. And now the affair was conducted to its conclusion without further
disguise or deceit, and the whole portion of the palace which is outside
the walls was surrounded by armed men. Barbatio, entering the palace
before daybreak, stripped the Cæsar of his royal robes, and clothed him
with a tunic and an ordinary soldier's garment, assuring him with many
protestations, as if by the especial command of the emperor, that he
should be exposed to no further suffering; and then said to him, "Stand
up at once." And having suddenly placed him in a private carriage, he
conducted him into Istria, near to the town of Pola, where it is
reported that Crispus, the son of Constantine, was formerly put to
death.

21. And while he was there kept in strict confinement, being already
terrified with apprehensions of his approaching destruction, Eusebius,
at that time the high chamberlain, arrived in haste, and with him
Pentadius the secretary, and Mallobaudes the tribune of the guard, who
had the emperor's orders to compel him to explain, case by case, on what
accounts he had ordered each of the individuals whom he had executed at
Antioch to be put to death.

22. He being struck with a paleness like that of Adrastus[22] at these
questions, was only able to reply that he had put most of them to death
at the instigation of his wife Constantina; being forsooth ignorant that
when the mother of Alexander the Great urged him to put to death some
one who was innocent, and in the hope of prevailing with him, repeated
to him over and over again that she had borne him nine months in her
womb, and was his mother, that emperor made her this prudent answer, "My
excellent mother, ask for some other reward; for the life of a man
cannot be put in the balance with any kind of service."

23. When this was known, the emperor, giving way to unchangeable
indignation and anger, saw that his only hope of establishing security
firmly lay in putting the Cæsar to death. And having sent Serenianus,
whom we have already spoken of as having been accused of treason, but
acquitted by intrigue, and Pentadius the secretary, and Apodemius the
secretary for the provinces, he commanded that they should put him to
death. And accordingly his hands were bound like those of some
convicted thief, and he was beheaded, and his carcass, which but a
little while ago had been the object of dread to cities and provinces,
deprived of head and defaced: it was then left on the ground.

24. In this the supervision of the supreme Deity manifested itself to be
everywhere vigilant. For not only did the cruelties of Gallus bring
about his own destruction, but they also who, by their pernicious
flattery and instigation, and charges supported by perjury, had led him
to the perpetration of many murders, not long afterwards died miserably.
Scudilo, being afflicted with a liver complaint which penetrated to his
lungs, died vomiting; while Barbatio, who had long busied himself in
inventing false accusations against Gallus, was accused by secret
information of aiming at some post higher than his command of infantry,
and being condemned, though unjustly, was put to death, and so by his
melancholy end made atonement to the shade of the Cæsar.

25. These, and innumerable other actions of the same kind, Adrastea, who
is also called Nemesis, the avenger of wicked and the rewarder of good
deeds, is continually bringing to pass: would that she could always do
so! She is a kind of sublime agent of the powerful Deity, dwelling,
according to common belief, above the human circle; or, as others define
her, she is a substantial protection, presiding over the particular
destinies of individuals, and feigned by the ancient theologians to be
the daughter of Justice, looking down from a certain inscrutable
eternity upon all terrestrial and mundane affairs.

26. She, as queen of all causes of events, and arbitress and umpire in
all affairs of life, regulates the urn which contains the lots of men,
and directs the alternations of fortune which we behold in the world,
frequently bringing our undertakings to an issue different from what we
intended, and involving and changing great numbers of actions. She also,
binding the vainly swelling pride of mankind by the indissoluble fetters
of necessity, and swaying the inclination of progress and decay
according to her will, sometimes bows down and enfeebles the stiff neck
of arrogance, and sometimes raises virtuous men from the lowest depth,
leading them to a prosperous and happy life. And it is on this account
that the fables of antiquity have represented her with wings, that she
may be supposed to be present at all events with prompt celerity. And
they have also placed a rudder in her hand and given her a wheel under
her feet, that mankind may be aware that she governs the universe,
running at will through all the elements.[23]

27. In this untimely manner did the Cæsar, being himself also already
weary of life, die, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, having reigned
four years. He was born in the country of the Etrurians, in the district
of Veternum,[24] being the son of Constantius, the brother of the
Emperor Constantine; his mother was Galla, the sister of Rufinus and
Cerealis, men who had been ennobled by the offices of consul and
prefect.

28. He was a man of splendid stature and great beauty of person and
figure, with soft hair of a golden colour, his newly sprouting beard
covering his cheeks with a tender down, and in spite of his youth his
countenance showed dignity and authority. He differed as much from the
temperate habits of his brother Julian, as the sons of Vespasian,
Domitian and Titus, differed from each other.

29. After he had been taken by the emperor as his colleague, and raised
to the highest eminence of power, he experienced the fickle
changeableness of fortune which mocks mortality, sometimes raising
individuals to the stars, at others sinking them to the lowest depths
of hell.

30. And though the examples of such vicissitudes are beyond number,
nevertheless I will only enumerable a few in a cursory manner. This
changeable and fickle fortune made Agathocles, the Sicilian, a king from
being a potter, and reduced Dionysius, formerly the terror of all
nations, to be the master of a grammar school. This same fortune
emboldened Andriscus of Adramyttium, who had been born in a fuller's
shop, to assume the name of Philip, and compelled the legitimate son of
Perseus[25] to descend to the trade of a blacksmith to obtain a
livelihood. Again, fortune surrendered Mancinus[26] to the people of
Numantia, after he had enjoyed the supreme command, exposed Veturius[27]
to the cruelty of the Samnites, Claudius[28] to that of the Corsicans,
and made Regulus[29] a victim to the ferocity of the Carthaginians.
Through the injustice of fortune, Pompey,[30] after he had acquired the
surname of the Great by the grandeur of his exploits, was murdered in
Ægypt at the pleasure of some eunuchs, while a fellow named Eunus, a
slave who had escaped from a house of correction, commanded an army of
runaway slaves in Sicily. How many men of the highest birth, through the
connivance of this same fortune, submitted to the authority of Viriathus
and of Spartacus![31] How many heads at which nations once trembled have
fallen under the deadly hand of the executioner! One man is thrown into
prison, another is promoted to unexpected power, a third is hurled down
from the highest rank and dignity. But he who would endeavour to
enumerate all the various and frequent instances of the caprice of
fortune, might as well undertake to number the sands or ascertain the
weight of mountains.


[1] Gallus and his brother Julian were the nephews of the great
Constantine, sons of his brother Julius. When Constantius, who succeeded
Constantine on the throne, murdered his uncles and most of his cousins,
he spared these two, probably on account of their tender age.

[2] Hannibalianus was another nephew of Constantine. That emperor raised
his own three sons, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, to the
dignity of Cæsar; and of his two favourite nephews, Dalmacius and
Hannibalianus, he raised the first, by the title of Cæsar, to an
equality with his cousins; "in favour of the latter he invented the new
and singular appellation of Fortitissimus, to which he annexed the
flattering distinction of a robe of purple and gold. But of the whole
series of Roman princes in any age of the empire Hannibalianus alone was
distinguished by the title of _king_, a name which the subjects of
Tiberius would have detested as the profane and cruel insult of
capricious tyranny."--Gibbon, cxviii. The editor of Bohn's edition adds
in a note: "The title given to Hannibalianus did not apply to him as a
_Roman_ prince, but as king of a territory assigned to him in Asia. This
territory consisted of Pontus, Cappadocia, and the lesser Armenia, the
city of Cæsarea being chosen for his residence."--Gibbon, Bohn's
edition, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.

[3] "There was among the commanders of the soldiery one prefect who was
especially entitled Præsens, or Præsentalis, because his office was to
be always in the court or about the person of the prince, and because
the emperor's body-guard was under his particular orders."--H. Valesius.

[4] The passage is found in Cicero's Oration pro Cluentio, c. 25.

[5] Sciron was a pirate slain by Theseus, v. Ov. Metam. vii. 44 and the
Epistle of Ariadne to Theseus.

  "Cum fuerit Sciron lectus, torvusque Procrustes."

[6] His victory over Magnentius, whom he defeated at Mursa, on the
Doave, in the year 351. Magnentius fled to Aquileia, but was pursued,
and again defeated the next year, at a place called Mons Seleuci, in the
neighbourhood of Gap, and threw himself on his own sword to avoid
falling into the hands of Constantius.

[7] Hesiod. Ammianus refers to the passage in Hesiod's Op. et Dies, 289,
beginning--τῆς δ’ ἀρεῆς ίδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθησαν.

[8] A nomenclator was a slave who attended a great noble in his walk
through the city to remind him of the names of those whom he met. See
Cicero pro Muræna, c. 36.

[9] The name of a slave in the Eunuch, of Terence, who says, act. iv sc.
8--Sannio alone stays at home.

[10] It was customary on such solemnities, as also on the occasion of
assuming the toga virilis, or entering on any important magistracy, to
make small presents of money to the guests who were invited to celebrate
the occasion. Cf. Plin. Epist. x. 117.

[11] The Latin is Dux. It is about this period that the title Duke and
Count, which we have already had, arose, indicating however at first not
territorial possessions, but military commands; and it is worth noticing
that the rank of Count was the higher of the two.

[12] Constantine, on his conversion to Christianity, had issued an edict
forbidding the consultation of oracles; but the practice was not wholly
abandoned till the time of Theodosius.

[13] Schools was the name given at Rome to buildings where men were wont
to meet for any purpose, whether of study, of traffic, or of the
practice of any art. The schools of the Palatine were the station of the
cohorts of the guard. The "Protectors or Guards" were a body of soldiers
of higher rank, receiving also higher pay; called also "Domestici or
household troops," as especially set apart for the protection of the
imperial palace and person. The "Scutarii" (shield-bearers) belonged to
the Palatine schools; and the Gentiles were troops enlisted from among
those nations which were still accounted barbarous.

[14] Gibbon here proposes for le_n_itatem to read le_v_itatem,
fickleness; himself describing Montius as "a statesman whose art and
experience were frequently betrayed by the levity of his
disposition."--Cap. xix., p. 298, vol. iii., Bohn's edition.

[15] Châlons sur Saône.

[16] Near Basle.

[17] It will be observed that Ammianus here speaks of himself as in
attendance upon Ursicinus.

[18] Maximianus Herculius.

[19] Diocletian.

[20] As we say, Out of the frying-pan into the fire.

[21] The town of Pettau, on the Drave.

[22] A paleness such as overspread the countenance of Adrastus when he
saw his two sons-in-law, Pydeus and Polynices, slain at Thebes. Virgil
speaks of Adrasti pallentis imago, Æn. vi. 480.

[23] Ammianus here confounds Nemesis with Fortuna. Compare Horace's
description of the latter goddess, Lib. i. Od. 34:--

      " ... Valet ima summis
  Mutare, et insignia attenuat deus
  Obscura promens: hinc apicem rapax
      Fortuna cum stridore acuto
      Sustulit; hic posuisse gaudet."

Or, as it is translated by Dr. Francis:--

  "The hand of Jove can crush the proud
  Down to the meanness of the crowd:
      And raise the lowest in his stead:
  But rapid Fortune pulls him down,
  And snatches his imperial crown,
      To place, not _fix_ it, on another's head."

[24] Near the modern city of Sienna.

[25] See Plutarch's Life of Æmilius, c. 37. The name of the young prince
was Alexander.

[26] Called also Hostilius; cf. Vell. Paterc. ii. 1.

[27] Cf. Liv. ix. c. x.; Cicero de Officiis, iii. 30.

[28] Cf. Val. Max. vi. 3.

[29] Cf. Horace, Od. iv. ult.; Florus, ii. 1. The story of the cruelties
inflicted on Regulus is now, however, generally disbelieved.

[30] The fate of Pompey served also as an instance to Juvenal in his
satire on the vanity of human wishes.

  Provida Pompeio diderat Campania febres
  Optandas, sed multæ urbes et publica vota
  Vicerunt; igitur Fortuna ipsius et urbis
  Servatum victo caput abstulit.

Sat. X. 283, &c.

[31] Spartacus was the celebrated leader of the slaves in the Servile
War.




BOOK XV.

ARGUMENT.

     I. The death of the Cæsar Gallus is announced to the emperor.--II.
     Ursicinus, the commander of the cavalry in the East; Julian, the
     brother of the Cæsar Gallus; and Gorgonius, the high chamberlain,
     are accused of treason.--III. The adherents and servants of the
     Cæsar Gallus are punished.--IV. The Allemanni of the district of
     Lintz are defeated by the Emperor Constantius with great loss.--V.
     Silvanus, a Frank, the commander of the infantry in Gaul, is
     saluted as emperor at Cologne; and on the twenty-eighth day of his
     reign is destroyed by stratagem.--VI. The friends and adherents of
     Silvanus are put to death.--VII. Seditions of the Roman people are
     repressed by Leontius, the prefect of the city; Liberius, the
     bishop, is driven from his see.--VIII. Julian, the brother of
     Gallus, is created Cæsar by the Emperor Constantius, his uncle; and
     is appointed to command.--IX. On the origin of the Gauls, and from
     whence they derive the names of Celts and Gauls; and of their
     treaties.--X. Of the Gallic Alps, and of the various passes over
     them.--XI. A brief description of Gaul, and of the course of the
     River Rhone.--XII. Of the manners of the Gauls.--XIII. Of
     Musonianus, prefect of the Prætorium in the East.


I.

A.D. 354.

§ 1. Having investigated the truth to the best of our power we have
hitherto related all the transactions which either our age permitted us
to witness, or which we could learn from careful examination of those
who were concerned in them, in the order in which the several events
took place. The remaining facts, which the succeeding books will set
forth, we will, as far as our talent permits, explain with the greatest
accuracy, without fearing those who may be inclined to cavil at our work
as too long; for brevity is only to be praised when, while it puts an
end to unseasonable delays, it suppresses nothing which is well
authenticated.

2. Gallus had hardly breathed his last in Noricum, when Apodemius, who
as long as he lived had been a fiery instigator of disturbances, caught
up his shoes and carried them off, journeying, with frequent relays of
horses, so rapidly as even to kill some of them by excess of speed, and
so brought the first news of what had occurred to Milan. And having made
his way into the palace, he threw down the shoes before the feet of
Constantius, as if he were bringing the spoils of a king of the
Parthians who had been slain. And when this sudden news arrived that an
affair so unexpected and difficult had been executed with entire
facility in complete accordance with the wish of the emperor, the
principal courtiers, according to their custom, exerting all their zeal
in the path of flattery, extolled to the skies the virtue and good
fortune of the emperor, at whose nod, as if they had been mere common
soldiers, two princes had thus been deprived of their power, namely,
Veteranio and Gallus.

3. And Constantius being exceedingly elated at the exquisite taste of
this adulation, and thinking that he himself for the future should be
free from all the ordinary inconveniences of mortality, now began to
depart from the path of justice so evidently that he even at times laid
claim to immortality; and in writing letters with his own hand, would
style himself lord of the whole world; a thing which, if others had
said, any one ought to have been indignant at, who laboured with proper
diligence to form his life and habits in emulation of the constitutional
princes who had preceded him, as he professed to do.

4. For even if he had under his power the infinities of worlds fancied
by Democritus, as Alexander the Great, under the promptings of
Anaxarchus, did fancy, yet either by reading, or by hearing others
speak, he might have considered that (as mathematicians unanimously
agree) the circumference of the whole earth, immense as it seems to us,
is nevertheless not bigger than a pin's point as compared with the
greatness of the universe.


II.

§ 1. And now, after the pitiable death of the Cæsar, the trumpet of
judicial dangers sounded the alarm, and Ursicinus was impeached of
treason, envy gaining more and more strength every day to attack his
safety; envy which is inimical to all powerful men.

2. For he was overcome by this difficulty, that, while the ears of the
emperor were shut against all defences which were reasonable and easy of
proof, they were open to all the secret whispers of calumniators, who
pretended that his name was almost disused among all the districts of
the East, and that Ursicinus was urged by them both privately and
publicly to be their commander, as one who could be formidable to the
Persian nation.

3. But this magnanimous man stood his ground immovably against whatever
might happen, only taking care not to throw himself away in an abject
manner, and grieving from his heart that innocence had no safe
foundation on which to stand. And the more sad also for this
consideration, that before these events took place many of his friends
had gone over to other more powerful persons, as in cases of official
dignity the lictors go over to the successors of former officers.

4. His colleague Arbetio was attacking him by cajoling words of feigned
good-will, often publicly speaking of him as a virtuous and brave man;
Arbetio being a man of great cunning in laying snares for men of simple
life, and one who at that season enjoyed too much power. For as a
serpent that has its hole underground and hidden from the sight of man
observes the different passers-by, and attacks whom it will with a
sudden spring, so this man, having been raised from being a common
soldier of the lowest class to the highest military dignities, without
having received any injury or any provocation, polluted his conscience
from an insatiable desire of doing mischief.

5. Therefore, having a few partners in his secrets for accomplices, he
had secretly arranged with the emperor when he asked his opinion, that
on the next night Ursicinus should be seized and carried away from the
sight of the soldiers, and so be put to death uncondemned, just as
formerly Domitius Corbulo, that faithful and wise defender of our
provinces, is said to have been slain in the miserable period of Nero's
cruelty.

6. And after the matter had been thus arranged, while the men destined
for the service of seizing Ursicinus were waiting for the appointed
time, the emperor's mind changed to mercy, and so this impious deed was
put off for further consideration.

7. Then the engine of calumny was directed against Julian, who had
lately been brought to court; a prince who afterwards became memorable,
but who was now attacked with a twofold accusation, as the iniquity of
his enemies thought requisite. First, that he had gone from the Park of
Macellum, which lies in Cappadocia, into Asia, from a desire of
acquiring polite learning. Secondly, that he had seen his brother as he
passed through Constantinople.

8. And when he had explained away the charges thus brought against him,
and had proved that he had not done either of these things without being
ordered, he would still have perished through the intrigues of the
abandoned court of flatterers, if he had not been saved by the favour of
the supreme Deity, with the assistance of Queen Eusebia. By her
intercession he obtained leave to be conducted to the town of Como, in
the neighbourhood of Milan; and after he had remained there a short time
he was permitted to go to Greece for the purpose of cultivating his
literary tastes, as he was very eager to do.

9. Nor were there wanting other incidents arising out of these
occurrences, which might be looked upon as events under the direction of
Providence, as some of them were rightly punished, while others failed
of their design, proving vain and ineffective. But it occasionally
happened that rich men, relying on the protection of those in office,
and clinging to them as the ivy clings to lofty trees, bought acquittals
at immense prices; and that poor men who had little or no means of
purchasing safety were condemned out of hand. And therefore truth was
overshadowed by falsehood, and sometimes falsehood obtained the
authority of truth.

10. In these days Gorgonius also was summoned to court, the man who had
been the Cæsar's principal chamberlain. And though it was made plain by
his own confession that he had been a partner in his undertakings, and
sometimes a chief instigator of them, yet through the conspiracy of the
eunuchs justice was overpowered by dexterously arranged falsehoods, and
he was acquitted and so escaped the danger.


III.

§ 1. While these events were taking place at Milan, battalions of
soldiers were brought from the East to Aquileia, with a number of
members of the court, who, being broken in spirit, while their limbs
were enfeebled by the weight of their chains, cursed the protraction of
their lives which were surrounded with every variety of misery. For they
were accused of having been the ministers of the ferocity of Gallus, and
it was believed to be owing to them that Domitian had been torn to
pieces, and that Montius and others had been brought to destruction.

2. Arboreus, and Eusebius, at that time high chamberlain, both men of
insane arrogance, and equally unjust and cruel, were appointed to try
these men. And they, without any careful examination, or making any
distinction between the innocent and the guilty, condemned some to
scourgings, others to torture and exile, some they adjudged to serve in
the lowest ranks of the army, and the rest they condemned to death. And
when they had thus filled the sepulchres with dead bodies, they returned
as if in triumph, and brought an account of their exploits to the
emperor, who was notoriously severe and implacable against all offences
of the kind.

3. After this, throughout the rest of his reign, Constantius, as if
resolved to reverse the prescribed arrangement of the Fates, behaved
with greater violence than ever, and opened his heart to numbers of
designing plotters. And owing to this conduct, many men arose who
watched for all kinds of reports, at first attacking, as with the
appetite of wild beasts, those in the enjoyment of the highest honours
and rank, and afterwards both poor and rich indiscriminately. Not like
those Cibyratæ in the time of Verres,[32] fawning on the tribunal of a
single lieutenant, but harassing the limbs of the whole republic by
means of all the evils that arose anywhere.

4. Among these men Paulus and Mercurius were especially conspicuous, the
first a Dacian born, the latter a Persian. Mercurius was a notary, and
Paulus had been promoted from being a steward of the emperor's table to
a receivership in the provinces. Paulus, as I have already mentioned,
had been nicknamed The Chain, because in weaving knots of calumnies he
was invincible, scattering around foul poisons and destroying people by
various means, as some skilful wrestlers are wont in their contests to
catch hold of their antagonists by the heel.

5. Mercurius was nicknamed Count of Dreams, because (as a dog fond of
biting secretly fawns and wags his tail while full of inward spite) he
forced his way into feasts and companies, and if any one in his sleep
(when nature roves about with an extraordinary degree of freedom)
communicated to a friend that he had seen anything, exaggerated it,
colouring it for the most part with envenomed arts, and bore it to the
open ears of the emperor. And for such speeches men were attacked with
formidable accusations, as if they had committed inexpiable crimes.

6. The news of these events having got abroad, men were so cautious of
even relating nocturnal dreams, that, in the presence of a stranger,
they would scarcely confess they had slept at all. And some accomplished
men lamented that they had not been born in the country of Mount
Atlas,[33] where it is said that dreams never occur, though what the
cause of such a fact is, we must leave to those who are learned in such
matters to decide.

7. Amid all these terrible investigations and punishments, another
disaster took place in Illyricum, which from some empty words involved
many in danger. At an entertainment given by Africanus, the governor of
the second Pannonia, at Sirmium, some men having drunk rather too much,
and thinking there was no witness of their proceedings, spoke freely of
the existing imperial government, accusing it as most vexatious to the
people. And some of them expressed a hope that a change, such as was
wished for by all, might be at hand, affirming that this was portended
by omens, while some, with incredible rashness, affirmed that the
auguries of their ancestral house promised the same thing.

8. Among those present at the banquet was Gaudentius, one of the
secretaries, a stupid man, and of a hasty disposition. And he looking
upon the matter as serious, reported it to Rufinus, who was at that time
the chief commander of the guard of the prætorian prefecture, a man
always eager for the most cruel measures, and infamous for every kind of
wickedness.

9. He immediately, as if borne on wings, flew to the court of the
emperor, and so bitterly inflamed him, always easy of access and
susceptible of impressions from suspicious circumstances of this kind,
that without a moment's deliberation he ordered Africanus and all who
had been partakers of his fatal banquet to be seized. And when this was
done, the wicked informer, always fond of whatever is contrary to
popular manners, obtained what he most coveted, a continuation of his
existing office for two years.

10. To arrest these men, Teutomeres, the chief of the Protectores, was
sent with his colleague; and he loaded them all with chains, and
conducted them, as he had been ordered, to the emperor's court. But when
they arrived at Aquileia, Marinus, who from having been a drillmaster
had been promoted to a tribuneship, but who at that time had had no
particular duty, being a man who had held dangerous language, and who
was in other respects of an intemperate disposition, being left in an
inn while things necessary for the journey were being prepared, stabbed
himself with a knife which he accidentally found, and his bowels gushed
out, so that he died. The rest were conducted to Milan, and subjected to
torture; and having been forced by their agony to confess that while at
the banquet they had used some petulant expressions, were ordered to be
kept in penal confinement, with some hope, though an uncertain one, of
eventual release. But Teutomeres and his colleague, being accused of
having allowed Marinus to kill himself, were condemned to banishment,
though they were afterwards pardoned through the intercession of
Arbetio.


IV.

§ 1. Soon after this transaction had been thus terminated, war was
declared against the tribes of the Allemanni around Lentia,[34] who had
often made extensive incursions into the contiguous Roman territories.
The emperor himself set out on the expedition, and went as far as
Rhætia, and the district of the Canini.[35] And there, after long and
careful deliberation, it was decided to be both honourable and expedient
that Arbetio, the master of the horse, should march with a division of
the troops, in fact with the greater part of the army, along the borders
of the lake of Brigantia, with the object of coming to an immediate
engagement with the barbarians. And I will here describe the character
of the ground briefly, as well as I can.

2. The Rhine rising among the defiles of lofty mountains, and forcing
its way with immense violence through steep rocks, stretches its onward
course without receiving any foreign waters, in the same manner as the
Nile pours down with headlong descent through the cataracts. And it is
so abundantly full by its own natural riches that it would be navigable
up to its very source were it not like a torrent rather than a stream.

3. And soon after it has disentangled itself from its defiles, rolling
onward between high banks, it enters a vast lake of circular form, which
the Rhætian natives call Brigantia,[36] being four hundred and sixty
furlongs in length, and of nearly equal extent in breadth,
unapproachable on account of a vast mass of dark woods, except where the
energy of the Romans has made a wide road through them, in spite of the
hostility of the barbarians, and the unfavourable character both of the
ground and the climate.

4. The Rhine forcing its way into this pool, and roaring with its
foaming eddies, pierces the sluggish quiet of the waters, and rushes
through the middle from one end to the other. And like an element
separated from some other element by eternal discord, without any
increase or diminution of the volume of water which it has brought into
the lake, it comes forth from it again with its old name and its
unalloyed power, never having suffered from the contact, and so proceeds
till it mingles with the waves of the sea.

5. And what is exceedingly strange, the lake is not moved at all by this
rapid passage of the river through it, nor is it affected by the muddy
soil beneath the waters of the lake; the two bodies of water being
incapable of mingling with each other. A thing which would be supposed
impossible, did not the very sight of the lake prove the fact.

6. In a similar manner, the Alpheus, rising in Arcadia, being seized
with a love for the fountain Arethusa,[37] passing through the Ionian
sea, as is related by the poets, proceeds onward till it arrives at the
neighbourhood of its beloved fountain.

       *       *       *       *       *

7. Arbetio not choosing to wait till messengers arrived to announce the
approach of the barbarians, although he knew the fierce way in which
they begin their wars, allowed himself to be betrayed into a hidden
ambush, where he stood without the power of moving, being bewildered by
the suddenness of his disaster.

8. In the mean time the enemy, showing themselves, sprang forth from
their hiding-places and spared not one who came in their way, but
overwhelmed them with every kind of weapon. For none of our men could
offer the smallest resistance, nor was there any hope of any of them
being able to save their lives except by a speedy flight. Therefore,
being intent only on avoiding wounds, our soldiers, losing all order,
ran almost at random in every direction, exposing their backs to the
blows of the enemy. Nevertheless the greater part of them, scattering
themselves among narrow paths, were saved from danger by the protecting
darkness of the night, and at the return of day recovered their courage
and rejoined their different legions. But still by this sad and
unexpected disaster a vast number of common soldiers and ten tribunes
were slain.

9. The Allemanni were greatly elated at this event, and advanced with
increased boldness, every day coming up to the fortifications of the
Romans while the morning mists obscured the light; and drawing their
swords roamed about in every direction, gnashing their teeth, and
threatening us with haughty shouts. Then with a sudden sally our
Scutarii would rush forth, and after being stopped for a moment by the
resistance of the hostile squadrons, would call out all their comrades
to join them in the engagement.

10. But the greater part of our men were alarmed by the recollection of
their recent disaster, and Arbetio hesitated, thinking everything
pregnant with danger. Upon this three tribunes at once sallied forth,
Arintheus who was a lieutenant commander of the heavy troops, Seniauchus
who commanded the cavalry of the Comites,[38] and Bappo who had the
command of the Promoti[39] and of those troops who had been particularly
intrusted to his charge by the emperor.

11. These men, looking on the common cause as their own, resolved to
repel the violence of the enemy according to the example of their
ancient comrades. And pouring down upon the foe like a torrent, not in a
regular line of battle, but in desultory attacks like those of banditti,
they put them all to flight in a disgraceful manner. Since they, being
in loose order and straggling, and hampered by their endeavours to
escape, exposed their unprotected bodies to our weapons, and were slain
by repeated blows of sword and spear.

12. Many too were slain with their horses, and seemed as they lay on
their backs to be so entangled as still to be sitting on them. And when
this was seen, all our men who had previously hesitated to engage in
battle with their comrades, poured forth out of the camp; and now,
forgetful of all precautions, they drove before them the mob of
barbarians, except such as flight had saved from destruction, trampling
on the heaps of slain, and covered with gore.

13. When the battle was thus terminated the emperor in triumph and joy
returned to Milan to winter quarters.


V.

A.D. 355.

§ 1. After these unhappy circumstances, accompanied as they were with
equal calamities in the provinces, a whirlwind of new misfortunes arose
which seemed likely to destroy the whole state at once, if Fortune,
which regulates the events of human life, had not terminated a state of
affairs which all regarded with great apprehension, by bringing the
dangers to a speedy issue.

2. From the long neglect with which these provinces had been treated,
the Gauls, having no assistance on which to rely, had borne cruel
massacres, with plunder and conflagration, from barbarians who raged
throughout their land with impunity. Silvanus, the commander of the
infantry, being a man well suited to correct these evils, went thither
at the command of the emperor, Arbetio at the same time urging with all
his power that this task should be undertaken without delay, with the
object of imposing the dangerous burden of this duty on his absent
rival, whom he was vexed to see still in prosperity....

3. There was a certain man named Dynamius, the superintendent of the
emperor's beasts of burden, who had begged of Silvanus recommendatory
letters to his friends as of one who was admitted to his most intimate
friendship. Having obtained this favour, as Silvanus, having no
suspicion of any evil intention, had with great simplicity granted what
he was asked, Dynamius kept the letters, in order at a future time to
plan something to his injury.

4. Therefore, when the aforesaid commander had gone to the Gauls in the
service of the republic, and while he was engaged in repelling the
barbarians, who already began to distrust their own power, and to be
filled with alarm, Dynamius, being restless, like a man of cunning and
practised deceitfulness, devised a wicked plot; and in this it is said
he had for his accomplices Lampadius, the prefect of the prætorian
guard, Eusebius, who had been the superintendent of the emperor's privy
purse, and was known by the nickname of Mattyocopa,[40] and Ædesius,
formerly keeper of the records, whom this prefect had contrived to have
elected consul, as being his dearest friend. He then with a sponge
effaced the contents of the letters, leaving nothing but the address,
and inserted a text materially differing from the original writing, as
if Silvanus had asked, by indirect hints, and entreated his friends who
were within the palace, and those who had no office (among whom was
Albinus of Etruria, and many others), to aid him in projects of loftier
ambition, as one who would soon attain the imperial throne. This bundle
of letters he thus made up, inventing at his leisure, in order with them
to endanger the life of this innocent man.

5. Dynamius was appointed to investigate these charges on behalf of the
emperor; and while he was artfully weaving these and similar plans, he
contrived to enter alone into the imperial chamber, choosing his
opportunity, and hoping to entangle firmly in his meshes the most
vigilant guardian of the emperor's safety. And being full of wicked
cunning, after he had read the forged packet of letters in the council
chamber, the tribunes were ordered to be committed to custody, and also
several private individuals were commanded to be arrested and brought up
from the provinces, whose names were mentioned in those letters.

6. But presently Malarichus, the commander of the Gentiles, being struck
with the iniquity of the business, and taking his colleagues to his
counsel, spoke out loudly that men devoted to the preservation of the
emperor ought not to be circumvented by factions and treachery. He
accordingly demanded that he himself, his nearest relations being left
as hostages, and Mallobaudes, the tribune of the heavy-armed soldiers,
giving bail that he would return, might be commissioned to go with speed
to bring back Silvanus, who he was certain had never entertained the
idea of any such attempt as these bitter plotters had imputed to him.
Or, as an alternative, he entreated that he might become security for
Mallobaudes, and that their officers might be permitted to go and do
what he had proposed to take upon himself.

7. For he affirmed that he knew beyond all question that, if any
stranger were sent, Silvanus, who was inclined to be somewhat
apprehensive of danger, even when no circumstances were really
calculated to alarm him, would very likely throw matters into confusion.

8. But, although the advice which he gave was useful and necessary, he
spoke as to the winds, to no purpose. For by the counsels of Arbetio,
Apodemius, who was a persevering and bitter enemy to all good men, was
sent with letters to summon Silvanus to the presence. When he had
arrived in Gaul, taking no heed of the commission with which he was
charged, and caring but little for anything that might happen, he
remained inactive, without either seeing Silvanus, or delivering the
letters which commanded him to appear at court. And having taken the
receiver of the province into his counsels, he began with arrogance and
malevolence to harass the clients and servants of the master of the
horse, as if that officer had been already condemned and was on the
point of being executed.

9. In the mean time, while the arrival of Silvanus was looked for, and
while Apodemius was throwing everything, though quiet before, into
commotion, Dynamius, that he might by still more convincing proofs
establish belief in his wicked plots, had sent other forged letters
(agreeing with the previous ones which he had brought under the
emperor's notice by the agency of the prefect) to the tribune of the
factory at Cremona: these were written in the names of Silvanus and
Malarichus, in which the tribune, as one privy to their secrets, was
warned to lose no time in having everything in readiness.

10. But when this tribune had read the whole of the letters, he was for
some time in doubt and perplexity as to what they could mean (for he did
not recollect that those persons whose letters he had thus received had
ever spoken with him upon private transactions of any kind); and
accordingly he sent the letters themselves, by the courier who had
brought them, to Malarichus, sending a soldier also with him; and
entreated Malarichus to explain in intelligible language what he wanted,
and not to use such obscure terms. For he declared that he, being but a
plain and somewhat rude man, had not in the least understood what was
intimated so obscurely.

11. Malarichus the moment he received the letters, being already in
sorrow and anxiety, and alarmed for his own fate and that of his
countryman Silvanus, called around him the Franks, of whom at that time
there was a great multitude in the palace, and in resolute language laid
open and proved the falsehood of the machinations by which their lives
were threatened, and was loud in his complaints.

12. When these things became known to the emperor, he appointed the
members of his secret council and the chief officers of his army to make
further investigation of the matter. And when the judges appeared to
make light of it, Florentius the son of Nigridianus, who at that time
filled the post of master of the offices,[41] having examined the
writings carefully, and detecting beneath them some vestiges of the tops
of the former words which had been effaced, perceived, as was indeed the
case, that by interpolations of the original letter, matters very
different from any of which Silvanus was author had been written over
them, according to the fancy of the contriver of this forgery.

13. On this the cloud of treachery was dispersed, and the emperor,
informed of the truth by a faithful report, recalled the powers granted
to the prefect, and ordered him to be submitted to an examination.
Nevertheless he was acquitted through the active combination of many of
his friends; while Eusebius, the former treasurer of the emperor's
secret purse, being put to the torture, confessed that these things had
been done with his privity.

14. Ædesius, affirming with obstinate denial that he had never known
anything which had been done in the matter, escaped, being adjudged
innocent. And thus the transaction was brought to an end, and all those
who had been accused in the original information were acquitted; and
Dynamius, as a man of exceeding accomplishments and prudence, was
appointed to govern Etruria with the rank of corrector.

15. While these affairs were proceeding, Silvanus was living at
Agrippina,[42] and having learnt by continual information sent to him
by his friends what Apodemius was doing with the hope of effecting his
ruin; and knowing also how impressible the mind of the feeble emperor
was; began to fear lest in his absence, and without being convicted of
any crime, he might still be treated as a criminal. And so, being placed
in a situation of the greatest difficulty, he began to think of trusting
himself to the good faith of the barbarians.

16. But being dissuaded from this by Laniogaisus, at that time a
tribune, whom we have already spoken of as the only person who was
present with Constans when he was dying, himself serving at that time as
a volunteer; and being assured by Laniogaisus that the Franks, of whom
he himself was a countryman, would put him to death, or else betray him
for a bribe, he saw no safety anywhere in the present emergency, and so
was driven to extreme counsels. And by degrees, having secretly
conferred with the chiefs of the principal legions, and having excited
them by the magnitude of promised rewards, he tore for use on this
occasion the purple silk from the insignia of the dragons[43] and
standards, and so assumed the title of emperor.

17. And while these events are passing in Gaul, one day, a little before
sunset, an unexpected messenger arrived at Milan, relating fully that
Silvanus, being ambitious to rise above his place as commander of the
infantry, had tampered with the army, and assumed the imperial dignity.

18. Constantius, at this amazing and unexpected event, seemed as if
struck by a thunderbolt of fate, and having at once summoned a council
to meet at the second watch, all the nobles hastened to the palace. No
one had either mind to conceive or tongue to recommend what was best to
be done; but in suppressed tones they mentioned the name of Ursicinus as
a man eminent for skill in affairs of war, and one who had been
undeservedly exposed to most injurious treatment. He was immediately
sent for by the principal chamberlain, which is the most honourable kind
of summons, and as soon as he entered the council-chamber was offered
the purple to salute much more graciously than at any former time.
Diocletian was the first who introduced the custom of offering reverence
to the emperor after this foreign manner and royal pretension; whereas
all former princes, as we read, had been saluted like judges.

19. And so the man who a little while before, through the malevolent
persecution of certain of the courtiers, had been termed the whirlpool
of the East, and who had been accused of a design to aim at the supreme
power for his sons, was now recommended as one who was a most skilful
general, who had been the comrade of the great Constantine, and as the
only man capable of extinguishing the threatened conflagration. And
though the reasons for which he was sent for were honest, they were not
wholly free from underhand motives. For while great anxiety was felt
that Silvanus should be destroyed as a most formidable rebel, yet, if
that object miscarried, it was thought that Ursicinus, being damaged by
the failure, would himself easily be ruined; so that no scruple, which
else was to be feared, would interpose to save him from destruction.

20. While arrangements were being made for accelerating his journey, the
general was preparing to repel the charges which had been brought
against him; but the emperor prevented him, forbidding him in
conciliatory language, saying that this was not an opportunity suitable
for undertaking any controversy in defence of his cause, when the
imminent necessity of affairs rather prompted that no delay should be
interposed to the restoration of parties to their pristine concord
before the disunion got worse.

21. Therefore, after a long deliberation about many things, the first
and most important matter in which consultation was held, was by what
means Silvanus could be led to think the emperor still ignorant of his
conduct. And the most likely manner to confirm him in his confidence
appeared to be that he should be informed, in a complimentary despatch,
that Ursicinus was appointed his successor, and that he was invited to
return to court with undiminished power.

22. After this affair was arranged, the officer who had brought the news
to Milan was ordered to depart with some tribunes and ten of the
Protectores and domestic guard as an escort, given to him at his own
request, to aid him in the discharge of his public duty. And of these I
myself was one, with my colleague Verrinianus; and all the rest were
either friends or relations of mine.

23. And now all of us, fearing mainly for ourselves, accompanied him a
long distance on his journey; and although we seemed as exposed to
danger as gladiators about to fight with wild beasts, yet considering in
our minds that evils are often the forerunners of good, we recollected
with admiration that expression of Cicero's, uttered by him in
accordance with the eternal maxims of truth, which runs in these
words:[44]--"And although it is a thing most desirable that one's
fortune should always continue in a most flourishing condition; still
that general level state of life brings not so much sensation of joy as
we feel when, after having been surrounded by disasters or by dangers,
fortune returns into a happier condition."

24. Accordingly we hastened onwards by forced journeys, in order that
the master of the horse, who was eager to acquire the honour of
suppressing the revolt, might make his appearance in the suspected
district before any rumour of the usurpation of Silvanus had spread
among the Italians. But rapidly as we hastened, fame, like the wind, had
outstripped us, and had revealed some part of the facts; and when we
reached Agrippina we found matters quite out of the reach of our
attempts.

25. For a vast multitude of people, assembled from all quarters, were,
with a mixture of haste and alarm, strengthening the foundations of
Silvanus's enterprise, and a numerous military force was collected; so
that it seemed more advisable, on the existing emergency, for our
unfortunate general to await the intentions and pleasure of the new
emperor, who was assuring himself by ridiculous omens and signs that he
was gaining accessions of strength. By permitting his feelings of
security to increase, by different pretences of agreement and flattery,
Silvanus, it was thought, might be relieved from all fear of hostility,
and so be the more easily deceived.

26. But the accomplishment of such a design appeared difficult. For it
was necessary to use great care and watchfulness to make our desires
subordinate to our opportunities, and to prevent their either outrunning
them, or falling behind them; since if our wishes were allowed to become
known unseasonably, it was plain we should all be involved in one
sentence of death.

27. However our general was kindly received, and (the very business
itself forcing us to bend our necks), having been compelled to prostrate
himself with all solemnity before the newly robed prince, still aiming
at higher power, was treated as a highly favoured and eminent friend;
having freedom of access and the honour of a seat at the royal table
granted to him in preference to every one else, in order that he might
be consulted with the more secrecy about the principal affairs of state.

28. Silvanus expressed his indignation that, while unworthy persons had
been raised to the consulship and to other high dignities, he and
Ursicinus alone, after the frequent and great toils which they had
endured for the sake of the republic, had been so despised that he
himself had been accused of treason in consequence of the examination of
some slaves, and had been exposed to an ignoble trial; while Ursicinus
had been brought over from the East, and placed at the mercy of his
enemies; and these were the subjects of his incessant complaints both in
public and in private.

29. While, however, he was holding this kind of language, we were
alarmed at the murmurs of our soldiers who were now suffering from want,
which surrounded us on all sides; the troops showing every eagerness to
make a rapid march, through the defiles of the Cottian Alps.

30. In this state of anxiety and agitation, we occupied ourselves in
secretly deliberating on the means of arriving at our object; and at
length, after our plans had been repeatedly changed out of fear, it was
determined to use great industry in seeking out prudent agents, binding
them to secrecy by solemn oaths, in order to tamper with the Gallic
soldiers whom we knew to be men of doubtful fidelity, and at any time
open to change for a sufficient reward.

31. Therefore, after we had secured our success by the address of some
agents among the common soldiers, men by their very obscurity fitted for
the accomplishment of such a task, and now excited by the expectation of
reward, at sunrise, as soon as the east began to redden, a band of armed
men suddenly sallied forth, and, as is common in critical moments,
behaving with more than usual audacity. They slew the sentinels and
penetrated into the palace, and so having dragged Silvanus out of a
little chapel in which, in his terror, he had taken refuge on his way to
a conventicle devoted to the ceremonies of the Christian worship, they
slew him with repeated strokes of their swords.

32. In this way did a general of no slight merit perish, through fear of
false accusations heaped on him in his absence by a faction of wicked
men, and which drove him to the utmost extremities in order to preserve
his safety.

33. For although he had acquired strong claims on the gratitude of
Constantius by his seasonable sally with his troops before the battle of
Mursa, and although he could boast the valorous exploits of his father
Bonitus, a man of Frankish extraction, but who had espoused the party of
Constantine, and often in the civil war had exhibited great prowess
against the troops of Licinius, still he always feared him as a prince
of wavering and fickle character.

34. Now before any of these events had taken place in Gaul, it happened
that one day in the Circus Maximus at Rome, the populace cried out with
a loud voice, "Silvanus is conquered." Whether influenced by instinct or
by some prophetic spirit, cannot be decided.

35. Silvanus having been slain, as I have narrated, at Agrippina, the
emperor was seized with inconceivable joy when he heard the news, and
gave way to exceeding insolence and arrogance, attributing this event
also to the prosperous course of his good fortune; giving the reins to
his habitual disposition which always led him to hate men of brave
conduct, as Domitian in former times had done, and desiring at all
times to destroy them by every act of opposition.

36. And he was so far from praising even his act of diligence and
fidelity, that he recorded in writing a charge that Ursicinus had
embezzled a part of the Gallic treasures, which no one had ever touched.
And he ordered strict inquiry to be made into the fact, by an
examination of Remigius, who was at that time accountant-general to
Ursicinus in his capacity of commander of the heavy troops. And long
afterwards, in the time of Valentinian, this Remigius hung himself on
account of the trouble into which he fell in the matter of his
appointment as legate in Tripolis.

37. And after this business was terminated, Constantius, thinking his
prosperity had now raised him to an equality with the gods, and had
bestowed on him entire sovereignty over human affairs, gave himself up
to elation at the praises of his flatterers, whom he himself encouraged,
despising and trampling under foot all who were unskilled in that kind
of court. As we read that Croesus, when he was king, drove Solon
headlong from his court because he would not fawn on him; and that
Dionysius threatened the poet Philoxenus with death because, when the
king recited his absurd and unrhythmical verses, he alone refused to
fall into an ecstasy while all the rest of the courtiers praised them.

38. And this mischievous taste is the nurse of vices; for praise ought
only to be acceptable in high places, where blame also is permitted when
things are not sufficiently performed.


VI.

§ 1. And now, after the re-establishment of security, investigations as
usual were set on foot, and many persons were put in prison as guilty.
For that infernal informer Paulus, boiling over with delight, arose to
exercise his poisonous employment with increased freedom, and while the
members of the emperor's council and the military officers were employed
in the investigation of these affairs, as they were commanded, Proculus
was put to the torture, who had been a servant of Silvanus, a man of
weak body and of ill health; so that every one was afraid lest the
exceeding violence of his torture should prove too much for his feeble
limbs, so that he would expose numbers to be implicated in the
accusations of atrocious crimes. But the result proved quite different
to what had been expected.

2. For remembering a dream in which he had been forbidden, while asleep,
as he affirmed, to accuse any innocent person, though he should be
tortured till he was brought to the very point of death, he neither
informed against, nor even named any one; but, with reference to the
usurpation of Silvanus, he invariably asserted that he had been driven
to contemplate that act, not out of ambition, but from sheer necessity;
and he proved this assertion by evident arguments.

3. For he adduced one important excuse, which was established by the
testimony of many persons, that, five days before he assumed the ensigns
of imperial authority, he addressed the soldiers, while distributing
their pay to them, in the name of Constantius, exhorting them to prove
always brave and loyal. From which it was plain that if he had then been
thinking of seizing on a loftier fortune, he would have given them this
money as if it had proceeded from himself.

4. After Proculus, Poemenius was condemned and put to death: he who,
as we have mentioned before,[45] when the Treveri had shut their gates
against Cæsar Decentius, was chosen to defend that people. After him,
Asclepiodotus, and Luto, and Maudio, all Counts, were put to death, and
many others also, the obdurate cruelty of the times seeking for these
and similar punishments with avidity.


VII.

§ 1. While the fatal disturbances of the state multiplied these general
slaughters, Leontius, who was the governor of Rome itself, gave many
proofs of his deserving the character of an admirable judge; being
prompt in hearing cases, rigidly just in deciding them, and merciful by
nature, although, for the sake of maintaining lawful authority, he
appeared to some people to be severe. He was also of a somewhat amorous
temperament.

2. The first pretext for exciting any sedition against him was a most
slight and trumpery one. For when an order had been issued to arrest a
charioteer, named Philoromus, the whole populace followed him, as if
resolved to defend something of their own, and with terrible violence
assailed the prefect, presuming him to be timorous. But he remained
unmoved and upright, and sending his officers among the crowd, arrested
some and punished them, and then, without any one venturing to oppose
him, or even to murmur, condemned them to banishment.

3. A few days later the populace again became excited to its customary
frenzy, and alleging as a grievance the scarcity of wine, assembled at
the well-known place called Septemzodium, where the Emperor Marcus built
the Nymphæum,[46] an edifice of great magnificence. To that place the
prefect went forthwith, although he was earnestly entreated by all his
household and civil officers not to trust himself among an arrogant and
threatening multitude, now in a state of fury equal to any of their
former commotions; but he, unsusceptible of fear, went right onwards,
though many of his attendants deserted him, when they saw him hastening
into imminent danger.

4. Therefore, sitting in a carriage, with every appearance of
confidence, he looked with fierce eyes at the countenance of the
tumultuous mobs thronging towards him from all quarters, and agitating
themselves like serpents. And after suffering many bitter insults, at
last, when he had recognized one man who was conspicuous among all the
rest by his vast size and red hair, he asked him whether his name was
Petrus Valvomeres, as he had heard it was; and when the man replied in a
defiant tone that it was so, Leontius, in spite of the outcries of many
around, ordered him to be seized as one who had long since been a
notorious ringleader of the disaffected, and having his hands bound
behind him, commanded him to be suspended on a rack.

5. And when he was seen in the air, in vain imploring the aid of his
fellow-tribesmen, the whole mob, which a little while before was so
closely packed, dispersed at once over the different quarters of the
city, so as to offer no hindrance to the punishment of this seditious
leader, who after having been thus tortured--with as little resistance
as if he been in a secret dungeon of the court--was transported to
Picenum, where, on a subsequent occasion, having offered violence to a
virgin of high rank, he was condemned to death by the judgment of
Patruinus, a noble of consular dignity.

6. While Leontius governed the city in this manner, Liberius, a priest
of the Christian law, was ordered by Constantius to be brought before
the council, as one who had resisted the commands of the emperor, and
the decrees of many of his own colleagues, in an affair which I will
explain briefly.

7. Athanasius was at that time bishop of Alexandria; and as he was a man
who sought to magnify himself above his profession, and to mix himself
up with affairs which did not belong to his province, as continual
reports made known, an assembly of many of his sect met together--a
synod, as they call it--and deprived him of the right of administering
the sacraments, which he previously enjoyed.

8. For it was said that he, being very deeply skilled in the arts of
prophecy and the interpretation of auguries and omens, had very often
predicted coming events. And to these charges were added others very
inconsistent with the laws of the religion over which he presided.

9. So Liberius, being of the same opinion with those who condemned these
practices, was ordered, by the sentence of the emperor, to expel
Athanasius from his priestly seat; but this he firmly refused to do,
reiterating the assertion that it was the extremity of wickedness to
condemn a man who had neither been brought before any court nor been
heard in his defence, in this openly resisting the commands of the
emperor.

10. For that prince, being always unfavourable to Athanasius, although
he knew that what he ordered had in fact taken effect, yet was
exceedingly desirous that it should be confirmed by that authority which
the bishops of the Eternal City enjoy, as being of higher rank. And as
he did not succeed in this, Liberius was removed by night; a measure
which was not effected without great difficulty, through the fear which
his enemies had of the people, among whom he was exceedingly popular.


VIII.

§ 1. These events, then, took place at Rome, as I have already
mentioned. But Constantius was agitated by frequent intelligence which
assured him that the Gauls were in a lamentable condition, since no
adequate resistance could be made to the barbarians who were now
carrying their devastations with fire and sword over the whole country.
And after deliberating a long time, in great anxiety, what force he
could employ to repel these dangers (himself remaining in Italy, as he
thought it very dangerous to remove into so remote a country), he at
last determined on a wise plan, which was this: to associate with
himself in the cares of the empire his cousin Julian, whom he had some
time before summoned to court, and who still retained the robe he had
worn in the Greek schools.

2. And when, oppressed by the heavy weight of impending calamities, he
had confessed to his dearest friends that by himself he was unequal to
the burden of such weighty and numerous difficulties--a thing which he
had never felt before--they, being trained to excessive flattery, tried
to fill him with foolish ideas, affirming that there was nothing in the
world so difficult but what his pre-eminent virtue and his good fortune,
equal to that of the gods, would be able to overcome, as it always
hitherto had done. And many of them added further, being stung by their
consciousness of guilt, that henceforth he ought to beware of conferring
the title of Cæsar on any one, enumerating the deeds which had been done
in the time of Gallus.

3. They therefore opposed his design resolutely, and it was supported by
no one but the queen, who, whether it was that she feared a journey to a
distant country, or that, from her own natural wisdom, she saw the best
course for the common good, urged him that a relation like Julian ought
to be preferred to every one else. Accordingly, after many undecided
deliberations and long discussions, his resolution was at last taken
decidedly, and having discarded all further vain debate, he resolved on
associating Julian with him in the empire.

4. He was therefore summoned; and when he had arrived, on a fixed day,
the whole of his fellow-comrades who were in the city were ordered to
attend, and a tribunal was erected on a lofty scaffolding, surrounded by
the eagles and standards. And Augustus, mounting it, and holding Julian
by the right hand, made this conciliatory speech:--

5. "We stand here before you, most excellent defenders of the republic,
to avenge with one unanimous spirit the common dangers of the state. And
how I propose to provide for it I will briefly explain to you, as
impartial judges.

6. "After the death of those rebellious tyrants whom rage and madness
prompted to engage in the enterprises which they undertook, the
barbarians, as if they meant to sacrifice unto their wicked manes with
Roman blood, having violated the peace and invaded the territories of
the Gauls, are encouraged by this consideration, that our empire, being
spread over very remote countries, causes us to be beset with great
difficulties.

7. "If, then, your decision and mine are mutual to encounter this evil,
already progressing beyond the barriers which were opposed to it, while
there is still time to check it, the necks of these haughty nations will
learn to humble their pride, and the borders of the empire will remain
inviolate. It remains for you to give, by your strength, prosperous
effect to the hopes which I entertain.

8. "You all know my cousin Julian, whom I here present to you; a youth
endeared to us by his modesty as well as by his relationship; a youth of
virtue already proved, and of conspicuous industry and energy. Him I
have determined to raise to the rank of Cæsar, and hope, if this seems
expedient to you, to have my decision confirmed by your consent."

9. He was proceeding to say more, but was prevented by the whole
assembly interrupting him with friendly shouts, declaring that his
decision was the judgment of the Supreme Deity, and not of any human
mind; with such certainty that one might have thought them inspired
with the spirit of prophecy.

10. The emperor stood without moving till they resumed silence, and then
with greater confidence proceeded to explain what he had to say further.

"Because, therefore, your joyful acclamations show that you look
favourably on the design I have announced, let this youth, of tranquil
strength, whose temperate disposition it will be better to imitate than
merely to praise, rise up now to receive the honours prepared for him.
His excellent disposition, increased as it has been by all liberal
accomplishments, I will say no more of than is seen in the fact that I
have chosen him. Therefore, now, with the manifest consent of the Deity,
I will clothe him with the imperial robe."

11. This was his speech. And then, having immediately clothed Julian
with the purple robe of his ancestors, and having pronounced him Cæsar,
to the great joy of the army, he thus addressed him, though Julian
himself appeared by his grave countenance to be somewhat melancholy.

12. "Most beloved of all my brothers, you thus in early youth have
received the splendid honour belonging to your birth, not, I confess,
without some addition to my own glory; who thus show myself as just in
conferring supreme power on a noble character nearly related to me, as I
appear also sublime by virtue of my own power. Come thou, therefore, to
be a partner in my labours and dangers, and undertake the defence of the
government of the Gauls, devoting thyself with all beneficence to
alleviate the calamities of those afflicted countries.

13. "And if it should be necessary to engage with the enemy in battle,
do thou take thy place steadily among the standard-bearers themselves,
as a prudent encourager of daring at the proper opportunity; exciting
the warriors by leading them on with caution, supporting any troops
which may be thrown into disorder by reserves, gently reproving those
who hang back, and being present as a trustworthy witness of the actions
of all, whether brave or timid.

14. "Think that a serious crisis is upon us, and so show yourself a
great man, worthy to command brave men. We ourselves will stand by you
in the energetic constancy of affection, or will join you in the
labours of war, so that we may govern together the whole world in peace,
if only God will grant us, as we pray he may, to govern with equal
moderation and piety. You will everywhere represent me, and I also will
never desert you in whatever task you may be engaged. To sum up: Go
forth; go forth supported by the friendly prayers of men of all ranks,
to defend with watchful care the station assigned to you, it may be
said, by the republic itself."

15. After the emperor had thus ended his speech, no one held his peace,
but all the soldiers, with a tremendous crash, rattled their shields
against their knees (which is an abundant indication of applause; while
on the other hand to strike the shield with the spear is a testimony of
anger and indignation), and it was marvellous with what excessive joy
they all, except a very few, showed their approbation of the judgment of
Augustus: and they received the Cæsar with well-deserved admiration,
brilliant as he was with the splendour of the imperial purple.

16. And while they gazed earnestly on his eyes, terrible in their
beauty, and his countenance more attractive than ever by reason of his
present excitement, they augured from his looks what kind of ruler he
was likely to prove, as if they had been searching into those ancient
volumes which teach how to judge of a man's moral disposition by the
external signs on his person. And that he might be regarded with the
greater reverence, they neither praised him above measure, nor yet below
his desert. And so the voices raised in his favour were looked upon as
the judgment of censors, not of soldiers.

17. After the ceremony was over, Julian was taken up into the imperial
chariot and received into the palace, and was heard to whisper to
himself this verse of Homer--

  "Now purple death hath seized on me,
  And powerful strength of destiny."

These transactions took place on the sixth of November, in the year of
the consulship of Arbetio and Lollianus.

18. A few days afterwards, Helen, the maiden sister of Constantius, was
also given in marriage to the Cæsar. And everything being got ready
which the journey required, he started on the first of December with a
small retinue, and having been escorted on his way by Augustus himself
as far as the spot, marked by two pillars, which lies between Laumellum
and Ticinum, he proceeded straight on to the country of the Taurini,
where he received disastrous intelligence, which had recently reached
the emperor's court, but still had been intentionally kept back, lest
all the preparations made for his journey should be wasted.

19. And this intelligence was that Colonia Agrippina,[47] a city of
great renown in lower Germany, had been carried by a vigorous siege of
the barbarians, who appeared before it in great force, and had utterly
destroyed it.

20. Julian being greatly distressed at this news, looking on it as a
kind of omen of misfortunes to come, was often heard to murmur in
querulous tones, "that he had gained nothing except the fate of dying
amid greater trouble and employment than before."

21. But when he arrived at Vienne, people of every age and class went
forth to meet him on his entrance to the city, with a view to do him
honour by their reception of him as one who had been long wished for,
and was now granted to their prayers. And when he was seen in the
distance the whole population of the city and of the adjacent
neighbourhood, going before his chariot, celebrated his praises,
saluting him as Emperor, clement and prosperous, greeting with eager joy
this royal procession in honour of a lawful prince. And they placed all
their hopes of a remedy for the evils which affected the whole province
on his arrival, thinking that now, when their affairs were in a most
desperate condition, some friendly genius had come to shine upon them.

22. And a blind old woman, when in reply to her question "Who was
entering the city?" she received for answer "Julian the Cæsar," cried
out that "He would restore the temples of the gods."


IX.

§ 1. Now then, since, as the sublime poet of Mantua has sung, "A greater
series of incident rises to my view; in a more arduous task I
engage,"--I think it a proper opportunity to describe the situation and
different countries of the Gauls, lest, among the narration of fiery
preparations and the various chances of battles, I should seem, while
speaking of matters not understood by every one, to resemble those
negligent sailors, who, when tossed about by dangerous waves and storms,
begin to repair their sails and ropes which they might have attended to
in calm weather.

2. Ancient writers, pursuing their investigations into the earliest
origin of the Gauls, left our knowledge of the truth very imperfect; but
at a later period, Timagenes, a thorough Greek both in diligence and
language, collected, from various writings facts which had been long
unknown, and guided by his faithful statements, we, dispelling all
obscurity, will now give a plain and intelligible relation of them.

3. Some persons affirm that the first inhabitants ever seen in these
regions were called Celts, after the name of their king, who was very
popular among them, and sometimes also Galatæ, after the name of his
mother. For Galatæ is the Greek translation of the Roman term Galli.
Others affirm that they are Dorians, who, following a more ancient
Hercules, selected for their home the districts bordering on the ocean.

4. The Druids affirm that a portion of the people was really indigenous
to the soil, but that other inhabitants poured in from the islands on
the coast, and from the districts across the Rhine, having been driven
from their former abodes by frequent wars, and sometimes by inroads of
the tempestuous sea.

5. Some again maintain that after the destruction of Troy, a few Trojans
fleeing from the Greeks, who were then scattered over the whole world,
occupied these districts, which at that time had no inhabitants at all.

6. But the natives of these countries affirm this more positively than
any other fact (and, indeed, we ourselves have read it engraved on their
monuments), that Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, hastening to the
destruction of those cruel tyrants, Geryon and Tauriscus, one of whom
was oppressing the Gauls, and the other Spain, after he had conquered
both of them, took to wife some women of noble birth in those countries,
and became the father of many children; and that his sons called the
districts of which they became the kings after their own names.

7. Also an Asiatic tribe coming from Phocæa in order to escape the
cruelty of Harpalus, the lieutenant of Cyrus the king, sought to sail to
Italy.[48] And a part of them founded Velia, in Lucania, others settled
a colony at Marseilles, in the territory of Vienne; and then, in
subsequent ages, these towns increasing in strength and importance,
founded other cities. But we must avoid a variety of details which are
commonly apt to weary.

8. Throughout these provinces, the people gradually becoming civilized,
the study of liberal accomplishments flourished, having been first
introduced by the Bards, the Eubages,[49] and the Druids. The Bards were
accustomed to employ themselves in celebrating the brave achievements of
their illustrious men, in epic verse, accompanied with sweet airs on the
lyre. The Eubages investigated the system and sublime secrets of nature,
and sought to explain them to their followers. Between these two came
the Druids, men of loftier genius, bound in brotherhoods according to
the precepts and example of Pythagoras; and their minds were elevated by
investigations into secret and sublime matters, and from the contempt
which they entertained for human affairs they pronounced the soul
immortal.


X.

§ 1. This country then of the Gauls was by reason of its lofty mountain
ranges perpetually covered with terrible snows, almost unknown to the
inhabitants of the rest of the world, except where it borders on the
ocean; vast fortresses raised by nature, in the place of art,
surrounding it on all sides.

2. On the southern side it is washed by the Etruscan and Gallic sea:
where it looks towards the north it is separated from the tribes of the
barbarians by the river Rhine; where it is placed under the western star
it is bounded by the ocean, and the lofty chain of the Pyrenees; where
it has an eastern aspect it is bounded by the Cottian[50] Alps. In these
mountains King Cottius, after the Gauls had been subdued, lying by
himself in their defiles, and relying on the rugged and pathless
character of the country, long maintained his independence; though
afterwards he abated his pride, and was admitted to the friendship of
the Emperor Octavianus. And subsequently he constructed immense works to
serve as a splendid gift to the emperor, making roads over them, short,
and convenient for travellers, between other ancient passes of the Alps;
on which subject we will presently set forth what discoveries have been
made.

3. In these Cottian Alps, which begin at the town of Susa, one vast
ridge rises up, scarcely passable by any one without danger.

4. For to travellers who reach it from the side of Gaul it descends with
a steepness almost precipitous, being terrible to behold, in consequence
of the bulk of its overhanging rocks. In the spring, when the ice is
melting, and the snow beginning to give way from the warm spring
breezes, if any one seeks to descend along the mountain, men and beasts
and wagons all fall together through the fissures and clefts in the
rocks, which yawn in every direction, though previously hidden by the
frost. And the only remedy ever found to ward off entire destruction is
to have many vehicles bound together with enormous ropes, with men or
oxen hanging on behind, to hold them back with great efforts; and so
with a crouching step they get down with some degree of safety. And
this, as I have said, is what happens in the spring.

5. But in winter, the ground being covered over with a smooth crust of
ice, and therefore slippery under foot, the traveller is often plunged
headlong; and the valleys, which seem to open here and there into wide
plains, which are merely a covering of treacherous ice, sometimes
swallow up those who try to pass over them. On account of which danger
those who are acquainted with the country fix projecting wooden piles
over the safest spots, in order that a series of them may conduct the
traveller unhurt to his destination; though if these piles get covered
with snow and hidden, or thrown down by melting torrents descending from
the mountains, then it is difficult for any one to pass, even if natives
of the district lead the way.

6. But on the summit of this Italian mountain there is a plain, seven
miles in extent, reaching as far as the station known by the name of
Mars; and after that comes another ridge, still more steep, and scarcely
possible to be climbed, which stretches on to the summit of Mons
Matrona, named so from an event which happened to a noble lady.

7. From this point a path, steep indeed, but easily passable, leads to
the fortress of Virgantia.[51] The sepulchre of this petty prince whom
we have spoken of as the maker of these roads is at Susa, close to the
walls; and his remains are honoured with religious veneration for two
reasons: first of all, because he governed his people with equitable
moderation; and secondly, because, by becoming an ally of the Roman
republic, he procured lasting tranquillity for his subjects.

8. And although this road which I have been speaking of runs through the
centre of the district, and is shorter and more frequented now than any
other, yet other roads also were made at much earlier periods, on
different occasions.

9. The first of them, near the maritime alps, was made by the Theban
Hercules, when he was proceeding in a leisurely manner to destroy Geryon
and Tauriscus, as has already been mentioned; and he it was who gave to
these alps the name of the Grecian Alps.[52] In the same way he
consecrated the citadel and port of Monæcus to keep alive the
recollection of his name for ever. And this was the reason why, many
ages afterwards, those alps were called the Penine Alps.[53]

10. Publius Cornelius Scipio, the father of the elder Africanus, when
about to go to the assistance of the citizens of Saguntum--celebrated
for the distresses which they endured, and for their loyalty to Rome, at
the time when they were besieged with great resolution by the
Carthaginians--led to the Spanish coast a fleet having on board a
numerous army. But after the city had been destroyed by the valour of
the Carthaginians, he, being unable to overtake Hannibal, who had
crossed the Rhone, and had obtained three days' start of him in the
march towards Italy, crossed the sea, which at that point was not wide,
making a rapid voyage; and taking his station near Genoa, a town of the
Ligures, awaited his descent from the mountains, so that, if chance
should afford him an opportunity, he might attack him in the plain while
still fatigued with the ruggedness of the way by which he had come.

11. But still, having regard to the interests of the republic, he
ordered Cnæus Scipio, his brother, to go into Spain, to prevent
Hasdrubal from making a similar expedition from that country. But
Hannibal, having received information of their design by some deserters,
being also a man of great shrewdness and readiness of resources,
obtained some guides from the Taurini who inhabited those districts, and
passing through the Tricastini and through the district of the Vocontii,
he thus reached the defiles of the Tricorii.[54] Then starting from this
point, he made another march over a line previously impassable. And
having cut through a rock of immense height, which he melted by means of
mighty fires, and pouring over it a quantity of vinegar, he proceeded
along the Druentia, a river full of danger from its eddies and currents,
until he reached the district of Etruria. This is enough to say of the
Alps; now let us return to our original subject.


XI.

§ 1. In former times, when these provinces were little known, as being
barbarous, they were considered to be divided into three races:[55]
namely, the Celtæ, the same who are also called Galli; the Aquitani,
and the Belgæ: all differing from each other in language, manners, and
laws.

2. The Galli, who, as I have said, are the same as the Celtæ, are
divided from the Aquitani by the river Garonne, which rises in the
mountains of the Pyrenees; and after passing through many towns, loses
itself in the ocean.

3. On the other side they are separated from the Belgians by the Marne
and the Seine, both rivers of considerable size, which flowing through
the tribe of the Lugdunenses, after surrounding the stronghold of the
Parisii named Lutetia, so as to make an island of it, proceed onwards
together, and fall into the sea near the camp of Constantius.

4. Of all these people the Belgians are said by ancient writers to be
the most warlike, because, being more remote from civilization, and not
having been rendered effeminate by foreign luxuries, they have been
engaged in continual wars with the Germans on the other side of the
Rhine.

5. For the Aquitanians, to whose shores, as being nearest and also
pacific, foreign merchandise is abundantly imported, were easily brought
under the dominion of the Romans, because their character had become
enervated.

6. But from the time when the Gauls, after long and repeated wars,
submitted to the dictator Julius, all their provinces were governed by
Roman officers, the country being divided into four portions; one of
which was the province of Narbonne; containing the districts of Vienne
and Lyons: a second province comprehended all the tribes of the
Aquitanians; upper and lower Germany formed a third jurisdiction, and
the Belgians a fourth at that period.

7. But now the whole extent of the country is portioned out into many
provinces. The second (or lower) Germany is the first, if you begin on
the western side, fortified by Cologne and Tongres, both cities of great
wealth and importance.

8. Next comes the first (or high) Germany, in which, besides other
municipal towns, there is Mayence, and Worms, and Spiers, and Strasburg,
a city celebrated for the defeats sustained by the barbarians in its
neighbourhood.

9. After these the first Belgic province stretches as far as Metz and
Treves, which city is the splendid abode of the chief governor of the
country.

10. Next to that comes the second Belgic province, where we find Amiens,
a city of conspicuous magnificence, and Châlons,[56] and Rheims.

11. In the province of the Sequani, the finest cities are Besançon and
Basle. The first Lyonnese province contains Lyons, Châlons,[57] Sens,
Bourges, and Autun, the walls of which are very extensive and of great
antiquity.

12. In the second Lyonnese province are Tours, and Rouen, Evreux, and
Troyes. The Grecian and Penine Alps have, besides other towns of less
note, Avenche, a city which indeed is now deserted, but which was
formerly one of no small importance, as even now is proved by its
half-ruinous edifices. These are the most important provinces, and most
splendid cities of the Galli.

13. In Aquitania, which looks towards the Pyrenees, and that part of the
ocean which belongs to the Spaniards, the first province is Aquitanica,
very rich in large and populous cities; passing over others, I may
mention as pre-eminent, Bordeaux, Clermont, Saintes, and Poictiers.

14. The province called the Nine Nations is enriched by Ausch and Bazas.
In the province of Narbonne, the cities of Narbonne, Euses, and Toulouse
are the principal places of importance. The Viennese exults in the
magnificence of many cities, the chief of which are Vienne itself, and
Arles, and Valence; to which may be added Marseilles, by the alliance
with and power of which we read that Rome itself was more than once
supported in moments of danger.

15. And near to these cities is also Aix, Nice, Antibes, and the islands
of Hieres.

16. And since we have come in the progress of our work to this district,
it would be inconsistent and absurd to omit all mention of the Rhone, a
river of the greatest celebrity. The Rhone rises in the Penine Alps,
from sources of great abundance, and descending with headlong
impetuosity into the more champaign districts, it often overruns its
banks with its own waters, and then plunges into a lake called Lake
Leman, and though it passes through it, yet it never mingles with any
foreign waters, but, rushing over the top of those which flow with less
rapidity, in its search for an exit, it forces its own way by the
violence of its stream.

17. And thus passing through that lake without any damage, it runs
through Savoy and the district of Franche Comté; and, after a long
course, it forms the boundary between the Viennese on its left, and the
Lyonnese on its right. Then after many windings it receives the Saône, a
river which rises in the first Germany, and this latter river here
merges its name in the Rhone. At this point is the beginning of the
Gauls. And from this spot the distances are measured not by miles but by
leagues.

18. From this point also, the Rhone, being now enriched by other rivers,
becomes navigable for large vessels, which are often tossed about in it
by gales of wind; and at last, having finished the course which nature
has marked out for it, foaming on it joins the Gallic Sea in the wide
gulf which they call the Gulf of Lyons, about eighteen miles from Arles.
This is enough to say of the situation of the province; I will now
proceed to describe the appearance and character of the inhabitants.


XII.

§ 1. Nearly all the Gauls are of a lofty stature, fair, and of ruddy
complexion; terrible from the sternness of their eyes, very quarrelsome,
and of great pride and insolence. A whole troop of foreigners would not
be able to withstand a single Gaul if he called his wife to his
assistance, who is usually very strong, and with blue eyes; especially
when, swelling her neck, gnashing her teeth, and brandishing her sallow
arms of enormous size, she begins to strike blows mingled with kicks, as
if they were so many missiles sent from the string of a catapult.

2. The voices of the generality are formidable and threatening, whether
they are in good humour or angry: they are all exceedingly careful of
cleanliness and neatness, nor in all the country, and most especially in
Aquitania, could any man or woman, however poor, be seen either dirty or
ragged.

3. The men of every age are equally inclined to war, and the old man and
the man in the prime of life answer with equal zeal the call to arms,
their bodies being hardened by their cold weather and by constant
exercise so that they are all inclined to despise dangers and terrors.
Nor has any one of this nation ever mutilated his thumb from fear of the
toils of war, as men have done in Italy, whom in their district are
called Murci.

4. The nation is fond of wine, and of several kinds of liquor which
resemble wine. And many individuals of the lower orders, whose senses
have become impaired by continual intoxication, which the apophthegm of
Cato defined to be a kind of voluntary madness, run about in all
directions at random; so that there appears to be some point in that
saying which is found in Cicero's oration in defence of Fonteius, "that
henceforth the Gauls will drink their wine less strong than formerly,"
because forsooth they thought there was poison in it.

5. These countries, and especially such parts of them as border on
Italy, fell gradually under the dominion of the Romans without much
trouble to their conquerors, having been first attacked by Fulvius,
afterwards weakened in many trifling combats by Sextius, and at last
entirely subdued by Fabius Maximus; who gained an additional surname
from the complete accomplishment of this task, after he had brought into
subjection the fierce tribe of the Allobroges.

6. Cæsar finally subdued all the Gauls, except where their country was
absolutely inaccessible from its morasses, as we learn from Sallust,
after a war of ten years, in which both nations suffered many disasters;
and at last he united them to us in eternal alliance by formal treaties.
I have digressed further than I had intended, but now I will return to
my original subject.


XIII.

§ 1. After Domitianus had perished by a cruel death, Musonianus his
successor governed the East with the rank of prætorian prefect; a man
celebrated for his eloquence and thorough knowledge of both the Greek
and Latin languages; from which he reaped a loftier glory than he
expected.

2. For when Constantine was desirous of obtaining a more accurate
knowledge of the different sects in the empire, the Manicheans and other
similar bodies, and no one could be found able sufficiently to explain
them, Musonianus was chosen for the task, having been recommended as
competent; and when he had discharged this duty with skill, the emperor
gave him the name of Musonianus, for he had been previously called
Strategius. After that he ran through many degrees of rank and honour,
and soon reached the dignity of prefect; being in other matters also a
man of wisdom, popular in the provinces, and of a mild and courteous
disposition. But at the same time, whenever he could find an
opportunity, especially in any controversies or lawsuits (which is most
shameful and wicked), he was greatly devoted to sordid gain. Not to
mention many other instances, this was especially exemplified in the
investigations which were made into the death of Theophilus, the
governor of Syria, a man of consular rank, who gave information against
the Cæsar Gallus, and who was torn to pieces in a tumult of the people;
for which several poor men were condemned, who, it was clearly proved,
were at a distance at the time of the transaction, while certain rich
men who were the real authors of the crime were spared from all
punishment, except the confiscation of their property.

3. In this he was equalled by Prosper, at that time master of the horse
in Gaul; a man of abject spirit and great inactivity; and, as the comic
poet has it, despising the acts of secret robbing he plundered
openly.[58]

4. And, while these two officers were conniving together, and
reciprocally helping each other to many means of acquiring riches, the
chiefs of the Persian nation who lived nearest to the river, profiting
by the fact that the king was occupied in the most distant parts of his
dominions, and that these commanders were occupied in plundering the
people placed under their authority, began to harass our territories
with predatory bands, making audacious inroads, sometimes into Armenia,
often also into Mesopotamia.


[32] Tlepolemus and Hiero, whom Cicero, Verres iii. 11, calls Cibyratici
canes.

[33] Herodotus, iv. 184, records that in Africa, in the country about
Mount Atlas, dreams are unknown.

[34] Lintz.

[35] The district around Bellinzona.

[36] The Bodensee, more generally known as the Lake of Constance: at its
south-eastern end is the town of Bregenz, the ancient Brigantia.

[37] The Arethusa is in Sicily, near Syracuse.

[38] The Comites were a picked body of troops, divided into several
regiments distinguished by separate names, such as Seniores, Juniores,
Sagittarii, &c.

[39] The Promoti were also picked men, something like the Comites; the
French translator calls them the Veterans.

[40] From κόπτω to cut, and ματτύα any delicate food;
meant as equivalent to our cheeseparer, or skinflint.

[41] This was a very important post; it seems to have united the
functions of a modern chamberlain, chancellor, and secretary of state.
The master presented citizens to the emperor, received foreign
ambassadors, recommended men for civil employments, decided civil
actions of several kinds, and superintended many of the affairs of the
post.

[42] Cologne.

[43] The dragons were the effigies on some of the standards.

[44] There is no such passage in any extant work of Cicero, but a
sentence in his speech ad Pontifices resembles it: "For although it be
more desirable to end one's life without pain, and without injury, still
it tends more to an immortality of glory to be regretted by one's
countrymen, than to have been always free from injury." And a still
closer likeness to the sentiment is found in his speech ad Quirites post
reditum: "Although there is nothing more to be wished for by man than
prosperous, equal, continual good-fortune in life, flowing on in a
prosperous course, without any misadventure; still, if all my life had
been tranquil and peaceful, I should have been deprived of the
incredible and almost heavenly delight and happiness which I now enjoy
through your kindness."--Orations, v. 2; Bohn, p. 491-2.

[45] In one of the lost books of this history.

[46] The Nymphæum was a temple sacred to the Nymphs, deriving its name
of Septemzodium, or Septizonium (which it shared with more than one
other building at Rome), from the seven rows of pillars, one above the
other, and each row lessening both in circuit and in height, with which
the exterior was embellished. Another temple of this kind was built by
Septimius Severus.

[47] Cologne.

[48] This story of the Phocæenses is told by Herodotus, i. 166, and
alluded to by Horace, Epod. xv. 10.

[49] The Eubages, or Οὐατεῖς, as Strabo calls them, appear to
have been a tribe of priests.

[50] The Cottian Alps are Mont Genevre. It is unnecessary to point out
how Ammianus mistakes the true bearing of these frontiers of Gaul.

[51] Briançon.

[52] The Graiæ Alps are the Little St. Bernard; and it was over them
that Hannibal really passed, as has been conclusively proved by Dr. J.A.
Cramer.

[53] From the god Pen, or Peninus, Liv. xxi. 38. The Alpes Peninæ are
the Great St. Bernard.

[54] Compare Livy's account of Hannibal's march, from which, wholly
erroneous as it is, this description seems to have been taken; not that
even Livy has made such a gross mistake about the Druentia, or Durance,
which falls into the Rhone.

[55] Cæsar's account of his expedition begins with the statement that
"Gaul is divided into three provinces."

[56] Châlons sur Marne.

[57] Châlons sur Saône.

[58] Ammianus refers to Plautus, Epidicus, Act. I., sc. i., line 10:--

     _Thesprio._ I am less of a pilferer now than formerly.

     _Ep._ How so?

     _Thes._ I rob openly.




BOOK XVI.

ARGUMENT.

     I. A panegyric of Julian the Cæsar.--II. Julian attacks and defeats
     the Allemanni.--III. He recovers Cologne, which had been taken by
     the Franks, and concludes a peace with the king of the Franks.--IV.
     He is besieged in the city of Sens by the Allemanni.--V. His
     virtues--VI. The prosecution and acquittal of Arbetio.--VII. The
     Cæsar Julian is defended before the emperor by his chamberlain
     Eutherius against the accusations of Marcellus.--VIII. Calumnies
     are rife in the camp of the Emperor Constantius, and the courtiers
     are rapacious.--IX. The question of peace with the
     Persians.--X.--The triumphal entry of Constantius into Rome.--XI.
     Julian attacks the Allemanni in the islands of the Rhine in which
     they had taken refuge, and repairs the fort of Saverne.--XII. He
     attacks the kings of the Allemanni on the borders of Gaul, and
     defeats them at Strasburg.


I.

A.D. 356.

§ 1. While the chain of destiny was bringing these events to pass in the
Roman world, Julian, being at Vienne, was taken by the emperor, then in
his own eighth consulship, as a partner in that dignity; and, under the
promptings of his own innate energy, dreamt of nothing but the crash of
battles and the slaughter of the barbarians; preparing without delay to
re-establish the province, and to reunite the fragments that had been
broken from it, if only fortune should be favourable to him.

2. And because the great achievements which by his valour and good
fortune Julian performed in the Gauls, surpass many of the most gallant
exploits of the ancients, I will relate them in order as they occurred,
employing all the resources of my talents, moderate as they are, in the
hope that they may suffice for the narrative.

3. But what I am about to relate, though not emblazoned by craftily
devised falsehood, and being simply a plain statement of facts,
supported by evident proofs, will have all the effect of a studied
panegyric.

4. For it would seem that some principle of a more than commonly
virtuous life guided this young prince from his very cradle to his last
breath. Increasing rapidly in every desirable quality, he soon became so
conspicuous both at home and abroad, that in respect to his prudence he
was looked upon as a second Titus: in his glorious deeds of war he was
accounted equal to Trajan; in mercy he was the prototype of Antoninus;
and in the pursuit and discovery of true and perfect wisdom, he
resembled Marcus Aurelius, in imitation of whom he formed all his
actions and character.

5. And since, as we are taught by Cicero, that the loftiness of great
virtues delights us, as does that of high trees, while we are not
equally interested in the roots and trunks; so, also, the first
beginnings of his admirable disposition were kept concealed by many
circumstances which threw a cloud over them; though in fact they ought
to be preferred to many of his most marvellous actions of later life, in
that he, who in his early youth had been brought up like Erectheus in
the retirement sacred to Minerva, nevertheless when he was drawn forth
from the quiet shades of the academy (and not from any military tent)
into the labours of war, subdued Germany, tranquillized the districts of
the frozen Rhine, routed the barbarian kings breathing nothing but
bloodshed and slaughter, and forced them to submission.


II.

§ 1. Therefore while passing a toilsome winter in the city aforesaid, he
learnt, among the numerous reports which were flying about, that the
ancient city of Autun, the walls of which, though of vast extent, were
in a state of great decay from age, was now besieged by the barbarians,
who had suddenly appeared before it in great force; and while the
garrison remained panic-stricken and inactive, the town was defended by
a body of veterans who were behaving with great courage and vigilance;
as it often happens that extreme despair repulses dangers which appear
destructive of all hope or safety.

2. Therefore, without relaxing his anxiety about other matters, and
putting aside all the adulation of the courtiers with which they sought
to divert his mind towards voluptuousness and luxury, he hastened his
preparations, and when everything was ready he set out, and on the 24th
of June arrived at Autun; behaving like a veteran general conspicuous
alike for skill and prowess, and prepared to fall upon the barbarians,
who were straggling in every direction over the country, the moment
fortune afforded him an opportunity.

3. Therefore having deliberated on his plans, and consulted those who
were acquainted with the country as to what would be the safest line of
march for him to adopt, after having received much information in favour
of different routes, some recommending Arbois, others insisting on it
that the best way was by Saulieu and Cure.

4. But as some persons affirmed that Silvanus, in command of a body of
infantry, had, a short time before, made his way with 8,000 men by a
road shorter than either, but dangerous as lying through many dark woods
and defiles suitable for ambuscades, Julian became exceedingly eager to
imitate the audacity of this brave man.

5. And to prevent any delay, taking with him only his cuirassiers and
archers, who would not have been sufficient to defend his person had he
been attacked, he took the same route as Silvanus; and so came to
Auxerre.

6. And there, having, according to his custom, devoted a short time to
rest, for the purpose of refreshing his men, he proceeded onwards
towards Troyes; and strengthened his flanks that he might with the
greater effect watch the barbarians, who attacked him in numerous
bodies, which he avoided as well as he could, thinking them more
numerous than they really were. Presently, however, having occupied some
favourable ground, he descended upon one body of them, and routed it,
and took some prisoners whom their own fears delivered to him; and then
he allowed the rest, who now devoted all their energies to flying with
what speed they could, to escape unattacked, as his men could not pursue
them by reason of the weight of their armour.

7. This occurrence gave him more hope of being able to resist any attack
which they might make, and marching forwards with this confidence, after
many dangers he reached Troyes so unexpectedly, that when he arrived at
the gates, the inhabitants for some time hesitated to give him entrance
into the city, so great was their fear of the straggling multitudes of
the barbarians.

8. After a little delay, devoted to again refreshing his weary troops,
thinking that there was no time to waste, he proceeded to the city of
Rheims, where he had ordered his whole army, carrying[59] ... to
assemble, and there to await his presence. The army at Rheims was under
the command of Marcellus, the successor of Ursicinus; and Ursicinus
himself was ordered to remain there till the termination of the
expedition.

9. Again Julian took counsel, and after many opinions of different
purport had been delivered, it was determined to attack the host of the
Allemanni in the neighbourhood of Dieuse; and to that quarter the army
now marched in dense order, and with more than usual alacrity.

10. And because the weather, being damp and misty, prevented even what
was near from being seen, the enemy, availing themselves of their
knowledge of the country, came by an oblique road upon the Cæsar's rear,
and attacked two legions while they were piling their arms; and they
would almost have destroyed them if the uproar which suddenly arose had
not brought the auxiliary troops of the allies to their support.

11. From this time forth Julian, thinking it impossible to find any
roads or any rivers free from ambuscades, proceeded with consummate
prudence and caution; qualities which above all others in great generals
usually bring safety and success to armies.

12. Hearing therefore that Strasburg, Brumat, Saverne, Spiers, Worms,
and Mayence, were all in the hands of the barbarians, who were
established in their suburbs, for the barbarians shunned fixing
themselves in the towns themselves, looking upon them like graves
surrounded with nets, he first of all entered Brumat, and just as he
reached that place he was encountered by a body of Germans prepared for
battle.

13. Having arranged his own army in the form of a crescent, the
engagement began, and the enemy were speedily surrounded and utterly
defeated. Some were taken prisoners, others were slain in the heat of
the battle, the rest sought safety by rapid flight.


III.

§ 1. After this, meeting with no resistance, he determined to proceed to
recover Cologne, which had been destroyed before his arrival in Gaul.
In that district there is no city or fortress to be seen except that
near Confluentes;[60] a place so named because there the river Moselle
becomes mingled with the Rhine; there is also the village of Rheinmagen,
and likewise a single tower near Cologne.

2. After having taken possession of Cologne he did not leave it till the
Frank kings began, through fear of him, to abate of their fury, when he
contracted a peace with them likely to be of future advantage to the
republic. In the mean time he put the whole city into a state of
complete defence.

3. Then, auguring well from these first-fruits of victory, he departed,
passing through the district of Treves, with the intention of wintering
at Sens, which was a town very suitable for that purpose. When bearing,
so to say, the weight of a world of wars upon his shoulders, he was
occupied by perplexities of various kinds, and among them how to provide
for establishing in places most exposed to danger the soldiers who had
quitted their former posts; how to defeat the enemies who had conspired
together to injure the Roman cause; and further, how to provide supplies
for the army while employed in so many different quarters.


IV.

§ 1. While he was anxiously revolving these things in his mind, he was
attacked by a numerous force of the enemy, who had conceived a hope of
being able to take the town. And they were the more confident of success
because, from the information of deserters, they had learnt that he
neither had with him his Scutarii nor his Gentiles, both of which bodies
of troops had been distributed among the different municipal towns in
order that they might be the more easily supplied with provisions.

2. Therefore after the gates of the city had been barricaded, and the
weakest portions of the walls carefully strengthened, Julian was seen
night and day on the battlements and ramparts, attended by a band of
armed men, boiling over with anger and gnashing his teeth, because,
often as he wished to sally forth, he was prevented from taking such a
step by the scantiness of the force which he had with him.

3. At last, after thirty days, the barbarians retired disappointed,
murmuring that they had been so vain and weak as to attempt the siege of
such a city. It deserves however to be remarked, as a most unworthy
circumstance, that when Julian was in great personal danger, Marcellus,
the master of the horse, who was posted in the immediate neighbourhood,
omitted to bring him any assistance, though the danger of the city
itself, even if the prince had not been there, ought to have excited his
endeavours to relieve it from the peril of a siege by so formidable an
enemy.

4. Being now delivered from this fear, Julian, ever prudent and active,
directed his anxious thoughts incessantly to the care of providing that,
after their long labours, his soldiers should have rest, which, however
brief, might be sufficient to recruit their strength. In addition to the
exhaustion consequent on their toils, they were distressed by the
deficiency of crops on the land, which through the frequent devastations
to which they had been exposed afforded but little suitable for human
food.

5. But these difficulties he likewise surmounted by his ever wakeful
diligence, and a more confident hope of future success opening itself to
his mind, he rose with higher spirits to accomplish his other designs.


V.

§ 1. In the first place (and this is a most difficult task for every
one), he imposed on himself a rigid temperance, and maintained it as if
he had been living under the obligation of the sumptuary laws. These
were originally brought to Rome from the edicts of Lycurgus and the
tables of laws compiled by Solon, and were for a long time strictly
observed. When they had become somewhat obsolete, they were
re-established by Sylla, who, guided by the apophthegms of Democritus,
agreed with him that it is Fortune which spreads an ambitious table, but
that Virtue is content with a sparing one.

2. And likewise Cato of Tusculum, who from his pure and temperate way of
life obtained the surname of the Censor, said with profound wisdom on
the same subject, "When there is great care about food, there is very
little care about virtue."

3. Lastly, though he was continually reading the little treatise which
Constantius, when sending him as his step-son to prosecute his studies,
had written for him with his own hand, in which he made extravagant
provision for the dinner-expenses of the Cæsar, Julian now forbade
pheasants, or sausages, or even sow's udder to be served up to him,
contenting himself with the cheap and ordinary food of the common
soldiers.

4. Hereupon arose his custom of dividing his nights into three portions,
one of which he allotted to rest, one to the affairs of the state, and
one to the study of literature; and we read that Alexander the Great had
been accustomed to do the same, though he practised the rule with less
self-reliance. For Alexander, having placed a brazen shell on the ground
beneath him, used to hold a silver ball in his hand, which he kept
stretched outside his bed, so that when sleep pervading his whole body
had relaxed the rigour of his muscles, the rattling of the ball falling
might banish slumber from his eyes.

5. But Julian, without any instrument, awoke whenever he pleased; and
always rising when the night was but half spent, and that not from a bed
of feathers, or silken coverlets shining with varied brilliancy, but
from a rough blanket or rug, would secretly offer his supplications to
Mercury, who, as the theological lessons which he had received had
taught him, was the swift intelligence of the world, exciting the
different emotions of the mind. And thus removed from all external
circumstances calculated to distract his attention, he gave his whole
attention to the affairs of the republic.

6. Then, after having ended this arduous and important business, he
turned and applied himself to the cultivation of his intellect. And it
was marvellous with what excessive ardour he investigated and attained
to the sublime knowledge of the loftiest matters, and how, seeking as it
were some food for his mind which might give it strength to climb up to
the sublimest truths, he ran through every branch of philosophy in
profound and subtle discussions.

7. Nevertheless, while engaged in amassing knowledge of this kind in
all its fullness and power, he did not despise the humbler
accomplishments. He was tolerably fond of poetry and rhetoric, as is
shown by the invariable and pure elegance, mingled with dignity, of all
his speeches and letters. And he likewise studied the varied history of
our own state and of foreign countries. To all these accomplishments was
added a very tolerable degree of eloquence in the Latin language.

8. Therefore, if it be true, as many writers affirm, that Cyrus the
king, and Simonides the lyric poet, and Hippias of Elis, the most acute
of the Sophists, excelled as they did in memory because they had
obtained that faculty through drinking a particular medicine, we must
also believe that Julian in his early manhood had drunk the whole cask
of memory, if such a thing could ever be found. And these are the
nocturnal signs of his chastity and virtue.

9. But as for the manner in which he passed his days, whether in
conversing with eloquence and wit, or in making preparations for war, or
in actual conflict of battle, or in his administration of affairs of the
state, correcting all defects with magnanimity and liberality, these
things shall all be set forth in their proper place.

10. When he was compelled, as being a prince, to apply himself to the
study of military discipline, having been previously confined to lessons
of philosophy, and when he was learning the art of marching in time
while the pipes were playing the Pyrrhic air, he often, calling upon the
name of Plato, ironically quoted that old proverb, "A pack-saddle is
placed on an ox; this is clearly a burden which does not belong to me."

11. On one occasion, when some secretaries were introduced into the
council-chamber, with solemn ceremony, to receive some gold, one of
their company did not, as is the usual custom, open his robe to receive
it, but took it in the hollow of both his hands joined together; on
which Julian said, secretaries only know how to seize things, not how to
accept them.

12. Having been approached by the parents of a virgin who had been
ravished, seeking for justice, he gave sentence that the ravisher, on
conviction, should be banished; and when the parents complained of this
sentence as unequal to the crime, because the criminal had not been
condemned to death, he replied, "Let the laws blame my clemency: but it
is fitting that an emperor of a most merciful disposition should be
superior to all other laws."

13. Once when he was about to set forth on an expedition, he was
interrupted by several people complaining of injuries which they had
received, whom he referred for a hearing to the governors of their
respective provinces. And after he had returned, he inquired what had
been done in each case, and with genuine clemency mitigated the
punishments which had been assigned to the offences.

14. Last of all, without here making any mention of the victories in
which he repeatedly defeated the barbarians, and the vigilance with
which he protected his army from all harm, the benefits which he
conferred on the Galli, previously exhausted by extreme want, are most
especially evident from this fact, that when he first entered the
country he found that four-and-twenty pieces of gold were exacted, under
the name of tribute, in the way of poll-tax, from each individual. But
when he quitted the country seven pieces only were required, which made
up all the payments due from them to the state. On which account they
rejoiced with festivals and dances, looking upon him as a serene sun
which had shone upon them after melancholy darkness.

15. Moreover we know that up to the very end of his reign and of his
life, he carefully and with great benefit observed this rule, not to
remit the arrears of tribute by edicts which they call indulgences. For
he knew that by such conduct he should be giving something to the rich,
whilst it is notorious everywhere that, the moment that taxes are
imposed, the poor are compelled to pay them all at once without any
relief.

16. But while he was thus regulating and governing the country in a
manner deserving the imitation of all virtuous princes, the rage of the
barbarians again broke out more violently than ever.

17. And as wild beasts, which, owing to the carelessness of the
shepherds, have been wont to plunder their flocks, even when these
careless keepers are exchanged for more watchful ones, still cling to
their habit, and being furious with hunger, will, without any regard for
their own safety, again attack the flocks and herds; so also the
barbarians, having consumed all their plunder, continued, under the
pressure of hunger, repeatedly to make inroads for the sake of booty,
though sometimes they died of want before they could obtain any.


VI.

§ 1. These were the events which took place in Gaul during this year; at
first of doubtful issue, but in the end successful. Meanwhile in the
emperor's court envy constantly assailed Arbetio, accusing him of having
already assumed the ensigns of imperial rank, as if designing soon to
attain the supreme dignity itself. And especially was he attacked by a
count named Verissimus, who with great vehemence brought forth terrible
charges against him, openly alleging that although he had been raised
from the rank of a common soldier to high military office, he was not
contented, thinking little of what he had obtained, and aiming at the
highest place.

2. And he was also vigorously attacked by a man named Dorus, who had
formerly been surgeon of the Scutarii, and of whom we have spoken, when
promoted in the time of Magnentius to be inspector of the works of art
at Rome, as having brought accusations against Adelphius, the prefect of
the city, as forming ambitious designs.

3. And when the matter was brought forward for judicial inquiry, and all
preliminary arrangements were made, proof of the accusations which had
been confidently looked for was still delayed; when suddenly, as if the
business had been meant as a satire on the administration of justice,
through the interposition of the chamberlain as rumour affirmed, the
persons who had been imprisoned as accomplices were released from their
confinement: Dorus disappeared, and Verissimus kept silence for the
future, as if the curtain had dropped and the scene had been suddenly
changed.


VII.

§ 1. About the same time, Constantius having learnt, from common report,
that Marcellus had omitted to carry assistance to the Cæsar when he was
besieged at Sens, cashiered him, and ordered him to retire to his own
house. And he, as if he had received a great injury, began to plot
against Julian, relying upon the disposition of the emperor to open his
ears to every accusation.

2. Therefore, when he departed, Eutherius, the chief chamberlain, was
immediately sent after him, that he might convict him before the emperor
if he propagated any falsehoods. But Marcellus, unaware of this, as soon
as he arrived at Milan, began talking loudly, and seeking to create
alarm, like a vain chatterer half mad as he was. And when he was
admitted into the council-chamber, he began to accuse Julian of being
insolent, and of preparing for himself stronger wings in order to soar
to a greater height. For this was his expression, agitating his body
violently as he uttered it.

3. While he was thus uttering his imaginary charges with great freedom,
Eutherius being, at his own request, introduced into the presence, and
being commanded to say what he wished, speaking with great respect and
moderation showed the emperor that the truth was being overlaid with
falsehood. For that, while the commander of the heavy-armed troops had,
as it was believed, held back on purpose, the Cæsar having been long
besieged at Sens, had by his vigilance and energy repelled the
barbarians. And he pledged his own life that the Cæsar would, as long as
he lived, be faithful to the author of his greatness.

4. The opportunity reminds me here to mention a few facts concerning
this same Eutherius, which perhaps will hardly be believed; because if
Numa Pompilius or Socrates were to say anything good of a eunuch, and
were to confirm what they said by an oath, they would be accused of
having departed from the truth. But roses grow up among thorns, and
among wild beasts some are of gentle disposition. And therefore I will
briefly mention a few of his most important acts which are well
ascertained.

5. He was born in Armenia, of a respectable family, and having while a
very little child been taken prisoner by the enemies on the border, he
was castrated and sold to some Roman merchants, and by them conducted to
the palace of Constantine, where, while growing up to manhood, he began
to display good principles and good talents, becoming accomplished in
literature to a degree quite sufficient for his fortune, displaying
extraordinary acuteness in discovering matters of a doubtful and
difficult complexion; being remarkable also for a marvellous memory,
always eager to do good, and full of wise and honest counsel. A man, in
short, who, if the Emperor Constantius had listened to his advice,
which, whether he gave it in youth or manhood, was always honourable and
upright, would have been prevented from committing any errors, or at
least any that were not pardonable.

6. When he became high chamberlain he sometimes also found fault even
with Julian, who, as being tainted with Asiatic manners, was apt to be
capricious. Finally, when he quitted office for private life, and again
when he was recalled to court, he was always sober and consistent,
cultivating those excellent virtues of good faith and constancy to such
a degree that he never betrayed any secret, except for the purpose of
securing another's safety; nor was he ever accused of covetous or
grasping conduct, as the other courtiers were.

7. From which it arose that, when at a late period he retired to Rome,
and fixed there the abode of his old age, bearing with him the company
of a good conscience, he was loved and respected by men of all ranks,
though men of that class generally, after having amassed riches by
iniquity, love to seek secret places of retirement, just as owls or
moths, and avoid the sight of the multitude whom they have injured.

8. Though I have often ransacked the accounts of antiquity, I do not
find any ancient eunuch to whom I can compare him. There were indeed
among the ancients some, though very few, faithful and economical, but
still they were stained by some vice or other; and among the chief
faults which they had either by nature or habit, they were apt to be
either rapacious or else boorish, and on that account contemptible; or
else ill-natured and mischievous; or fawning too much on the powerful;
or too elated with power, and therefore arrogant. But of any one so
universally accomplished and prudent, I confess I have neither ever read
nor heard, relying for the truth of this judgment on the general
testimony of the age.

9. But if any careful reader of ancient histories should oppose to us
Menophilus, the eunuch of King Mithridates, I would warn him to
recollect that nothing is really known of him except this single fact,
that he behaved gloriously in a moment of extreme danger.

10. When the king above mentioned, having been defeated by the Romans
under the command of Pompey, and fleeing to his kingdom of Colchis, left
a grown-up daughter, named Drypetina, who at the time was dangerously
ill, in the castle of Synhorium, under the care of this Menophilus, he
completely cured the maiden by a variety of remedies, and preserved her
in safety for her father; and when the fortress in which they were
enclosed began to be besieged by Manlius Priscus, the lieutenant of the
general, and when he became aware that the garrison were proposing to
surrender, he, fearing that, to the dishonour of her father, this noble
damsel might be made a prisoner and be ravished, slew her, and then fell
upon his sword himself. Now I will return to the point from which I
digressed.


VIII.

§ 1. After Marcellus had been foiled, as I have mentioned, and had
returned to Serdica, which was his native place, many great crimes were
perpetrated in the camp of Augustus, under pretence of upholding the
majesty of the emperor.

2. For if any one had consulted any cunning soothsayer about the squeak
of a mouse, or the appearance of a weasel, or any other similar portent,
or had used any old woman's chants to assuage any pain--a practice which
the authority of medicine does not always prohibit--such a man was at
once informed against, without being able to conceive by whom, and was
brought before a court of law, and at once condemned to death.

3. About the same time an individual named Dames was accused by his wife
of certain trifling acts, of which, whether he was innocent or not is
uncertain; but Rufinus was his enemy, who, as we have mentioned, had
given information of some matters which had been communicated to him by
Gaudentius, the emperor's secretary, causing Africanus, then governing
Pannonia with the rank of a consul, to be put to death, with all his
friends. This Rufinus was now, for his devotion to the interests of the
emperor, the chief commander of the prætorian guard.

4. He, being given to talking in a boastful manner, after having
seduced that easily deluded woman (the wife of Dames) into an illicit
connection with him, allured her into a perilous fraud, and persuaded
her by an accumulation of lies to accuse her innocent husband of
treason, and to invent a story that he had stolen a purple garment from
the sepulchre of Diocletian, and, by the help of some accomplices, still
kept it concealed.

5. When this story had been thus devised in a way to cause the
destruction of many persons, Rufinus himself, full of hopes of some
advantage, hastened to the camp of the emperor, to spread his customary
calumnies. And when the transaction had been divulged, Manlius, at that
time the commander of the prætorian camp, a man of admirable integrity,
received orders to make a strict inquiry into the charge, having united
to him, as a colleague in the examination, Ursulus, the chief paymaster,
a man likewise of praiseworthy equity and strictness.

6. There, after the matter had been rigorously investigated according to
the fashion of that period, and when, after many persons had been put to
the torture, nothing was found out, and the judges were in doubt and
perplexity; at length truth, long suppressed, found a respite, and,
under the compulsion of a rigorous examination, the woman confessed that
Rufinus was the author of the whole plot, nor did she even conceal the
fact of her adultery with him. Reference was immediately made to the
law, and as order and justice required, the judges condemned them both
to death.

7. But as soon as this was known, Constantius became greatly enraged,
and lamenting Rufinus as if the champion of his safety had been
destroyed, he sent couriers on horseback express, with threatening
orders to Ursulus, commanding him to return to court. Ursulus,
disregarding the remonstrances of those who advised him to disobey,
hastened fearlessly to the presence; and having entered the emperor's
council-chambers, with undaunted heart and voice related the whole
transaction; and this confident behaviour of his shut the mouths of the
flatterers, and delivered both the prefect and himself from serious
danger.

8. It was at this time also that an event took place in Aquitania which
was more extensively talked about. A certain cunning person being
invited to a splendid and sumptuous banquet, which are frequent in that
province, having seen a pair of coverlets, with two purple borders of
such width, that by the skill of those who waited they seemed to be but
one; and beholding the table also covered with a similar cloth, he took
up one in each hand, and arranged them so as to resemble the front of a
cloak, representing them as having formed the ornament of the imperial
robe; and then searching over the whole house in order to find the robe
which he affirmed must be hidden there, he thus caused the ruin of a
wealthy estate.

9. With similar malignity, a certain secretary in Spain, who was
likewise invited to a supper, hearing the servants, while bringing in
the evening candles, cry "let us conquer," affixing a malignant
interpretation to that common exclamation, in like manner ruined a noble
family.

10. These and other evils increasing more and more, because Constantius,
being a man of a very timorous disposition, was always thinking that
blows were being aimed at him, like the celebrated tyrant of Sicily,
Dionysius, who, because of this vice of his, taught his daughters to
shave him, in order that he might not have to put his face in a
stranger's power; and surrounded the small chamber in which he was
accustomed to sleep with a deep ditch, so placed that it could only be
entered by a drawbridge; the loose beams and axles of which when he went
to bed he removed into his own chamber, replacing them when about to go
forth at daybreak.

11. Moreover, those who had influence in the court promoted the spread
of these evils, with the hope of joining to their own estates the
forfeited possessions of those who should be condemned; and thus
becoming rich by the ruin of their neighbours.

12. For, as clear evidence has shown, if Constantine was the first to
excite the appetites of his followers, Constantius was the prince who
fattened them on the marrow of the provinces.

13. For under him the principal persons of every rank burnt with an
insatiable desire of riches, without any regard for justice or right.
And among the ordinary judges, Rufinus, the chief prefect of the
prætorium, was conspicuous for this avarice. And among the military
officers Arbetio, the master of the horse, and Eusebius, the high
chamberlain, ... Ard ... anus, the quæstor, and in the city, the two
Anicii, whose posterity, treading in the steps of their fathers, could
not be satisfied even with possessions much larger than they themselves
had enjoyed.


IX.

§ 1. But in the East, the Persians now practising predatory inroads and
forays, in preference to engaging in pitched battles, as they had been
wont to do before, carried off continually great numbers of men and
cattle: sometimes making great booty, owing to the unexpectedness of
their incursions, but at other times being overpowered by superior
numbers, they suffered losses. Sometimes, also, the inhabitants of the
districts which they had invaded had removed everything which could be
carried off.

2. But Musonianus, the prefect of the prætorium, a man, as we have
already said, of many liberal accomplishments but corrupt, and a person
easily turned from the truth by a bribe, acquired, by means of some
emissaries who were skilful in deceiving and obtaining information, a
knowledge of the plans of the Persians; taking to his counsels on this
subject Cassianus, duke of Mesopotamia, a veteran who had served many
campaigns, and had become hardened by all kinds of dangers.

3. And when, by the concurrent report of spies, these officers had
become certain that Sapor was occupied in the most remote frontier of
his kingdom in repelling the hostilities of the bordering tribes, which
he could not accomplish without great difficulty and bloodshed, they
sought to tamper with Tamsapor, the general in command in the district
nearest our border. Accordingly they sent soldiers of no renown to
confer with him secretly, to engage him, if opportunity served, to write
to the king to persuade him to make peace with the Roman emperor;
whereby he, being then secure on every side, might be the better able to
subdue the rebels who were never weary of exciting disturbances.

4. Tamsapor coincided with these wishes, and, trusting to them, reported
to the king that Constantius, being involved in very formidable wars,
was a suppliant for peace. But it took a long time for these letters to
reach the country of the Chionites and the Euseni, on whose borders
Sapor had taken up his winter quarters.


X.

§ 1. While matters were thus proceeding in the eastern regions and in
the Gauls, Constantius, as if the temple of Janus were now shut and
hostilities everywhere at an end, became desirous of visiting Rome, with
the intention of celebrating his triumph over Magnentius, to which he
could give no name, since the blood that he had spilt was that of Roman
foes.

2. For indeed, neither by his own exertions, nor by those of his
generals did he ever conquer any nation that made war upon him; nor did
he make any additions to the empire; nor at critical moments was he ever
seen to be the foremost or even among the foremost; but still he was
eager to exhibit to the people, now in the enjoyment of peace, a vast
procession, and standards heavy with gold, and a splendid train of
guards and followers, though the citizens themselves neither expected
nor desired any such spectacle.

3. He was ignorant, probably, that some of the ancient emperors were, in
time of peace, contented with their lictors, and that when the ardour of
war forbade all inactivity, one,[61] in a violent storm, had trusted
himself to a fisherman's boat; another,[62] following the example of the
Decii, had sacrificed his life for the safety of the republic;
another[63] had by himself, accompanied by only a few soldiers of the
lowest rank, gone as a spy into the camp of the enemy: in short, that
many of them had rendered themselves illustrious by splendid exploits,
in order to hand down to posterity a glorious memory of themselves,
earned by their achievements.

4. Accordingly, after long and sumptuous preparation, ... in the second
prefecture of Orfitus, Constantius, elated with his great honours, and
escorted by a formidable array of troops, marching in order of battle,
passed through Ocricoli, attracting towards himself the astonished gaze
of all the citizens.

5. And when he drew near to the city, contemplating the salutations
offered him by the senators, and the whole body of fathers venerable
from their likeness to their ancestors, he thought, not like Cineas, the
ambassador of Pyrrhus, that a multitude of kings was here assembled
together, but that the city was the asylum of the whole world.

6. And when from them he had turned his eyes upon the citizens, he
marvelled to think with what rapidity the whole race of mankind upon
earth had come from all quarters to Rome; and, as if he would have
terrified the Euphrates or the Rhine with a show of armed men, he
himself came on, preceded by standards on both sides, sitting alone in a
golden chariot, shining with all kinds of brilliant precious stones,
which seemed to spread a flickering light all around.

7. Numbers also of the chief officers who went before him were
surrounded by dragons embroidered on various kinds of tissue, fastened
to the golden or jewelled points of spears, the mouths of the dragons
being open so as to catch the wind, which made them hiss as though they
were inflamed with anger; while the coils of their tails were also
contrived to be agitated by the breeze.

8. After these marched a double row of heavy-armed soldiers, with
shields and crested helmets, glittering with brilliant light, and clad
in radiant breastplates; and among these were scattered cavalry with
cuirasses, whom the Persians call Clibanarii,[64] protected by coverings
of iron breastplates, and girdled with belts of iron, so that you would
fancy them statues polished by the hand of Praxiteles, rather than men.
And the light circular plates of iron which surrounded their bodies, and
covered all their limbs, were so well fitted to all their motions, that
in whatever direction they had occasion to move, the joints of their
iron clothing adapted themselves equally to any position.

9. The emperor as he proceeded was saluted as Augustus by voices of good
omen, the mountains and shores re-echoing the shouts of the people, amid
which he preserved the same immovable countenance which he was
accustomed to display in his provinces.

10. For though he was very short, yet he bowed down when entering high
gates, and looking straight before him, as though he had had his neck in
a vice, he turned his eyes neither to the right nor to the left, as if
he had been a statue: nor when the carriage shook him did he nod his
head, or spit, or rub his face or his nose; nor was he ever seen even to
move a hand.

11. And although this calmness was affectation, yet these and other
portions of his inner life were indicative of a most extraordinary
patience, as it may be thought, granted to him alone.

12. I pass over the circumstance that during the whole of his reign he
never either took up any one to sit with him in his chariot, or admitted
any private person to be his partner in the consulship, as other
emperors had done; also many other things which he, being filled with
elation and pride, prescribed to himself as the justest of all rules of
conduct, recollecting that I mentioned those facts before, as occasion
served.

13. As he went on, having entered Rome, that home of sovereignty and of
all virtues, when he arrived at the rostra, he gazed with amazed awe on
the Forum, the most renowned monument of ancient power; and, being
bewildered with the number of wonders on every side to which he turned
his eyes, having addressed the nobles in the senate-house, and harangued
the populace from the tribune, he retired, with the good-will of all,
into his palace, where he enjoyed the luxury he had wished for. And
often, when celebrating the equestrian games, was he delighted with the
talkativeness of the common people, who were neither proud, nor, on the
other hand, inclined to become rebellious from too much liberty, while
he himself also reverently observed a proper moderation.

14. For he did not, as was usually done in other cities, allow the
length of the gladiatorial contests to depend on his caprice; but left
it to be decided by various occurrences. Then, traversing the summits of
the seven hills, and the different quarters of the city, whether placed
on the slopes of the hills or on the level ground, and visiting, too,
the suburban divisions, he was so delighted that whatever he saw first
he thought the most excellent of all. Admiring the temple of the
Tarpeian Jupiter, which is as much superior to other temples as divine
things are superior to those of men; and the baths of the size of
provinces; and the vast mass of the amphitheatre, so solidly erected of
Tibertine stone, to the top of which human vision can scarcely reach;
and the Pantheon with its vast extent, its imposing height, and the
solid magnificence of its arches, and the lofty niches rising one above
another like stairs, adorned with the images of former emperors; and the
temple of the city, and the forum of peace, and the theatre of Pompey,
and the odeum, and the racecourse, and the other ornaments of the
Eternal City.

15. But when he came to the forum of Trajan, the most exquisite
structure, in my opinion, under the canopy of heaven, and admired even
by the deities themselves, he stood transfixed with wonder, casting his
mind over the gigantic proportions of the place, beyond the power of
mortal to describe, and beyond the reasonable desire of mortals to
rival. Therefore giving up all hopes of attempting anything of this
kind, he contented himself with saying that he should wish to imitate,
and could imitate the horse of Trajan, which stands by itself in the
middle of the hall, bearing the emperor himself on his back.

16. And the royal prince Hormisdas, whose departure from Persia we have
already mentioned, standing by answered, with the refinement of his
nature, "But first, O emperor, command such a stable to be built for
him, if you can, that the horse which you purpose to make may have as
fair a domain as this which we see." And when he was asked what he
thought of Rome, he said that "he was particularly delighted with it
because he had learnt that men died also there."

17. Now after he had beheld all these various objects with awful
admiration, the emperor complained of fame, as either deficient in
power, or else spiteful, because, though it usually exaggerates
everything, it fell very short in its praises of the things which are
at Rome; and having deliberated for some time what he should do, he
determined to add to the ornaments of the city by erecting an obelisk in
the Circus Maximus, the origin and form of which I will describe when I
come to the proper place.

18. At this time Eusebia, the queen, who herself was barren all her
life, began to plot against Helena, the sister of Constantius, and wife
of the Cæsar Julian, whom she had induced to come to Rome under a
pretence of affection, and by wicked machinations she induced her to
drink a poison which she had procured, which should have the effect,
whenever Helena conceived, of producing abortion.

19. For already, when in Gaul, she had borne a male child, but that also
had been dishonestly destroyed because the midwife, having been bribed,
killed it as soon as it was born, by cutting through the navel-string
too deeply; such exceeding care was taken that this most gallant man
should have no offspring.

20. But the emperor, while wishing to remain longer in this most august
spot of the whole world, in order to enjoy a purer tranquillity and
higher degree of pleasure, was alarmed by repeated intelligence on which
he could rely, which informed him that the Suevi were invading the
Tyrol, that the Quadi were ravaging Valeria,[65] and that the
Sarmatians, a tribe most skilful in plunder, were laying waste the upper
Moesia, and the second Pannonia. And roused by these news, on the
thirtieth day after he had entered Rome, he again quitted it, leaving it
on the 29th of May, and passing through Trent he proceeded with all
haste towards Illyricum.

21. And from that city he sent Severus to succeed Marcellus, a man of
great experience and ripe skill in war, and summoned Ursicinus to
himself. He, having gladly received the letter of summons, came to
Sirmium, with a large retinue, and after a long deliberation on the
peace which Musonianus had reported as possible to be made with the
Persians, he was sent back to the East with the authority of
commander-in-chief, and the older officers of our company having been
promoted to commands over the soldiers, we younger men were ordered to
follow him to perform whatever he commanded us for the service of the
republic.


XI.

A.D. 357.

§ 1. But Julian, having passed his winter at Sens, amid continual
disturbance, in the ninth consulship of the emperor, and his own second,
while the threats of the Germans were raging on all sides, being roused
by favourable omens, marched with speed to Rheims, with the greater
alacrity and joy because Severus was in command of the army there; a man
inclined to agree with him, void of arrogance, but of proved propriety
of conduct and experience in war, and likely to follow his lawful
authority, obeying his general like a well-disciplined soldier.

2. In another quarter, Barbatio, who after the death of Silvanus had
been promoted to the command of the infantry, came from Italy by the
emperor's orders, to Augst, with 25,000 heavy-armed soldiers.

3. For the plan proposed and very anxiously prepared was, that the
Allemanni, who were in a state of greater rage than ever, and were
extending their incursions more widely, should be caught between our two
armies, as if between the arms of a pair of pincers, and so driven into
a corner and destroyed.

4. But while these well-devised plans were being pressed forward, the
barbarians, in joy at some success which they had obtained, and skilful
in seizing every opportunity for plunder, passed secretly between the
camps of the armies, and attacked Lyons unexpectedly. And having
plundered the district around, they would have stormed and burnt the
city itself, if they had not found the gates so strongly defended that
they were repulsed; so that they only destroyed all they could find
outside the city.

5. When this disaster was known, Cæsar, with great alacrity, despatched
three squadrons of light cavalry, of approved valour, to watch three
lines of road, knowing that beyond all question the invaders must quit
the district by one of them.

6. Nor was he mistaken; for all who came by these roads were
slaughtered by our men, and the whole of the booty which they were
carrying off was recovered unhurt. Those alone escaped in safety who
passed by the camp of Barbatio, who were suffered to escape in that
direction because Bainobaudes the tribune, and Valentinian (afterwards
emperor), who had been appointed to watch that pass with the squadrons
of cavalry under their orders, were forbidden by Cella (the tribune of
the Scutarii, who had been sent as colleague to Barbatio) to occupy that
road, though they were sure that by that the Germans would return to
their own country.

7. The cowardly master of the horse, being also an obstinate enemy to
the glory of Julian, was not contented with this, but being conscious
that he had given orders inconsistent with the interests of Rome (for
when he was accused of it Cella confessed what he had done), he made a
false report to Constantius, and told him that these same tribunes had,
under a pretence of the business of the state, came thither for the
purpose of tampering with the soldiers whom he commanded. And owing to
this statement they were deprived of their commands, and returned home
as private individuals.

8. In these days, also, the barbarians, alarmed at the approach of our
armies, which had established their stations on the left bank of the
Rhine, employed some part of their force in skilfully barricading the
roads, naturally difficult of access, and full of hills, by abattis
constructed of large trees cut down; others occupied the numerous
islands scattered up and down the Rhone, and with horrid howls poured
forth constant reproaches against the Romans and the Cæsar; who, being
now more than ever resolved to crush some of their armies, demanded from
Barbatio seven of those boats which he had collected, for the purpose of
constructing a bridge with them, with the intention of crossing the
river. But Barbatio, determined that no assistance should be got from
him, burnt them all.

9. Julian, therefore, having learnt from the report of some spies whom
he had lately taken prisoners, that, when the drought of summer arrived,
the river was fordable, addressed a speech of encouragement to his
light-armed auxiliary troops, and sent them forward with Bainobaudes,
the tribune of the Cornuti, to try and perform some gallant exploit, if
they could find an opportunity. And they, entering the shallow of the
river, and sometimes, when there was occasion for swimming, putting
their shields under them like canoes, reached a neighbouring island, and
having landed, killed every one they found on it, men and women, without
distinction of age, like so many sheep. And having found some empty
boats, though they were not very safe, they crossed in them, forcing
their way into many places of the same land. When they were weary of
slaughter, and loaded with a rich booty, some of which, however, they
lost through the violence of the river, they returned back to the camp
without losing a man.

10. And when this was known, the rest of the Germans, thinking they
could no longer trust the garrisons left in the islands, removed their
relations, and their magazines, and their barbaric treasures, into the
inland parts.

11. After this Julian turned his attention to repair the fortress known
by the name of Saverne, which had a little time before been destroyed by
a violent attack of the enemy, but which, while it stood, manifestly
prevented the Germans from forcing their way into the interior of the
Gauls, as they had been accustomed to do; and he executed this work with
greater rapidity than he expected, and he laid up for the garrison which
he intended to post there sufficient magazines for a whole year's
consumption, which his army collected from the crops of the barbarians,
not without occasional contests with the owners.

12. Nor indeed was he contented with this, but he also collected
provisions for himself and his army sufficient for twenty days. For the
soldiers delighted in using the food which they had won with their own
right hands, being especially indignant because, out of all the supplies
which had been recently sent them, they were not able to obtain
anything, inasmuch as Barbatio, when they were passing near his camp,
had with great insolence seized on a portion of them, and had collected
all the rest into a heap and burnt them. Whether he acted thus out of
his own vanity and insane folly, or whether others were really the
authors of this wickedness, relying on the command of the emperor
himself, has never been known.

13. However, as far as report went, the story commonly was, that Julian
had been elected Cæsar, not for the object of relieving the distresses
of the Gauls, but rather of being himself destroyed by the formidable
wars in which he was sure to be involved; being at that time, as was
supposed, inexperienced in war, and not likely to endure even the sound
of arms.

14. While the works of the camp were steadily rising, and while a
portion of the army was being distributed among the stations in the
country districts, Julian occupied himself in other quarters with
collecting supplies, operating with great caution, from the fear of
ambuscades. And in the mean time, a vast host of the barbarians,
outstripping all report of their approach by the celerity of their
movements, came down with a sudden attack upon Barbatio, and the army
which (as I have already mentioned) he had under his command, separated
from the Gallic army of Severus only by a rampart; and having put him to
flight, pursued him as far as Augst, and beyond that town too, as far as
they could; and, having made booty of the greater part of his baggage
and beasts of burden, and having carried off many of the sutlers as
prisoners, they returned to their main army.

15. And Barbatio, as if he had brought his expectations to a prosperous
issue, now distributed his soldiers into winter quarters, and returned
to the emperor's court, to forge new accusations against the Cæsar,
according to his custom.


XII.

§ 1. When this disgraceful disaster had become known, Chnodomarius and
Vestralpus, the kings of the Allemanni, and Urius and Ursicinus, with
Serapion, and Suomarius, and Hortarius, having collected all their
forces into one body, encamped near the city of Strasburg, thinking that
the Cæsar, from fear of imminent danger, had retreated at the very time
that he was wholly occupied with completing a fortress to enable him to
make a permanent stand.

2. Their confidence and assurance of success was increased by one of the
Scutarii who deserted to them, who fearing punishment for some offence
which he had committed, crossed over to them after the departure of
Barbatio, and assured them that Julian had now only 13,000 men remaining
with him. For that was the number of troops that he had now with him,
while the ferocious barbarians were stirring up attacks upon him from
all sides.

3. And as he constantly adhered to the same story, they were excited to
more haughty attempts by the confidence with which he inspired them, and
sent ambassadors in an imperious tone to Cæsar, demanding that he should
retire from the territory which they had acquired by their own valour in
arms. But he, a stranger to fear, and not liable to be swayed either by
anger or by disappointment, despised the arrogance of the barbarians,
and detaining the ambassadors till he had completed the works of his
camp, remained immovable on his ground with admirable constancy.

4. But King Chnodomarius, moving about in every direction, and being
always the first to undertake dangerous enterprises, kept everything in
continual agitation and confusion, being full of arrogance and pride, as
one whose head was turned by repeated success.

5. For he had defeated the Cæsar Decentius in a pitched battle, and he
had plundered and destroyed many wealthy cities, and he had long ravaged
all Gaul at his own pleasure without meeting with any resistance. And
his confidence was now increased by the recent retreat of a general
superior to him in the number and strength of his forces.

6. For the Allemanni, beholding the emblems on their shields, saw that a
few predatory bands of their men had wrested those districts from those
soldiers whom they had formerly never engaged but with fear, and by whom
they had often been routed with much loss. And these circumstances made
Julian very anxious, because, after the defection of Barbatio, he
himself under the pressure of absolute necessity was compelled to
encounter very populous tribes, with but very few, though brave troops.

7. And now, the sun being fully risen, the trumpets sounded, and the
infantry were led forth from the camp in slow march, and on their flanks
were arrayed the squadrons of cavalry, among which were both the
cuirassiers and the archers, troops whose equipment was very formidable.

8. And since from the spot from which the Roman standards had first
advanced to the rampart of the barbarian camp were fourteen leagues,
that is to say one-and-twenty miles, Cæsar, carefully providing for the
advantage and safety of his army, called in the skirmishers who had gone
out in front, and having ordered silence in his usual voice, while they
all stood in battalions around him, addressed them in his natural
tranquillity of voice.

9. "The necessity of providing for our common safety, to say the least
of it, compels me, and I am no prince of abject spirit, to exhort you,
my comrades, to rely so much on your own mature and vigorous valour, as
to follow my counsels in adopting a prudent manner of enduring or
repelling the evils which we anticipate, rather than resort to an
overhasty mode of action which must be doubtful in its issue.

10. "For though amid dangers youth ought to be energetic and bold, so
also in cases of necessity it should show itself manageable and prudent.
Now what I think best to be done, if your opinion accords with mine, and
if your just indignation will endure it, I will briefly explain.

11. "Already noon is approaching, we are weary with our march, and if we
advance we shall enter upon rugged paths where we can hardly see our
way. As the moon is waning the night will not be lighted up by any
stars. The earth is burnt up with the heat, and will afford us no
supplies of water. And even if by any contrivance we could get over
these difficulties comfortably, still, when the swarms of the enemy fall
upon us, refreshed as they will be with rest, meat, and drink, what will
become of us? What strength will there be in our weary limbs, exhausted
as we shall be with hunger, thirst, and toil, to encounter them?

12. "Therefore, since the most critical difficulties are often overcome
by skilful arrangements, and since, after good counsel has been taken in
good part, divine-looking remedies have often re-established affairs
which seemed to be tottering; I entreat you to let us here, surrounded
as we are with fosse and rampart, take our repose, after first
parcelling out our regular watches, and then, having refreshed ourselves
with sleep and food as well as the time will allow, let us, under the
protection of God, with the earliest dawn move forth our conquering
eagles and standards to reap a certain triumph."

13. The soldiers would hardly allow him to finish his speech, gnashing
their teeth, and showing their eagerness for combat by beating their
shields with their spears; and entreating at once to be led against the
enemy already in their sight, relying on the favour of the God of
heaven, and on their own valour, and on the proved courage of their
fortunate general. And, as the result proved, it was a certain kind
genius that was present with them thus prompting them to fight while
still under his inspiration.

14. And this eagerness of theirs was further stimulated by the full
approval of the officers of high rank, and especially of Florentius the
prefect of the prætorian guard, who openly gave his opinion for fighting
at once, while the enemy were in the solid mass in which they were now
arranged; admitting the danger indeed, but still thinking it the wisest
plan, because, if the enemy once dispersed, it would be impossible to
restrain the soldiers, at all times inclined by their natural vehemence
of disposition towards sedition; and they were likely to be, as he
thought, so indignant at being denied the victory they sought, as to be
easily tempted to the most lawless violence.

15. Two other considerations also added to the confidence of our men.
First, because they recollected that in the previous year, when the
Romans spread themselves in every direction over the countries on the
other side of the Rhine, not one of the barbarians stood to defend his
home, nor ventured to encounter them; but they contented themselves with
blockading the roads in every direction with vast abattis, throughout
the whole winter retiring into the remote districts, and willingly
endured the greatest hardships rather than fight; recollecting also
that, after the emperor actually invaded their territories, the
barbarians neither ventured to make any resistance, nor even to show
themselves at all, but implored peace in the most suppliant manner, till
they obtained it.

16. But no one considered that the times were changed, because the
barbarians were at that time pressed with a threefold danger. The
emperor hastening against them through the Tyrol, the Cæsar who was
actually in their country cutting off all possibility of retreat, while
the neighbouring tribes, whom recent quarrels had converted into
enemies, were all but treading on their heels; and thus they were
surrounded on all sides. But since that time the emperor, having granted
them peace, had returned to Italy, and the neighbouring tribes, having
all cause of quarrel removed, were again in alliance with them; and the
disgraceful retreat of one of the Roman generals had increased their
natural confidence and boldness.

17. Moreover there was another circumstance which at this crisis added
weight to the difficulties which pressed upon the Romans. The two royal
brothers, who had obtained peace from Constantius in the preceding year,
being bound by the obligations of that treaty, neither ventured to raise
any disturbance, nor indeed to put themselves in motion at all. But a
little after the conclusion of that peace one of them whose name was
Gundomadus, and who was the most loyal and the most faithful to his
word, was slain by treachery, and then all his tribe joined our enemies;
and on this the tribe of Vadomarius also, against his will, as he
affirmed, ranged itself on the side of the barbarians who were arming
for war.

18. Therefore, since all the soldiers of every rank, from the highest to
the lowest, approved of engaging instantly, and would not relax the
least from the rigour of their determination, on a sudden the
standard-bearer shouted out, "Go forth, O Cæsar, most fortunate of all
princes. Go whither thy better fortune leads thee. At least we have
learnt by your example the power of valour and military skill. Go on and
lead us, as a fortunate and gallant champion. You shall see what a
soldier under the eye of a warlike general, a witness of the exploits of
each individual, can do, and how little, with the favour of the Deity,
any obstacle can avail against him."

19. When these words were heard, without a moment's delay, the whole
army advanced and approached a hill of moderate height, covered with
ripe corn, at no great distance from the banks of the Rhine. On its
summit were posted three cavalry soldiers of the enemy as scouts, who
at once hastened back to their comrades to announce that the Roman army
was at hand; but one infantry soldier who was with them, not being able
to keep up with them, was taken prisoner by the activity of some of our
soldiers, and informed us that the Germans had been passing over the
river for three days and three nights.

20. And when our generals beheld them now at no great distance forming
their men into solid columns, they halted, and formed all the first
ranks of their troops into a similarly solid body, and with equal
caution the enemy likewise halted.

21. And when in consequence of this halt, the enemy saw (as the deserter
I mentioned above had informed them) that all our cavalry was ranged
against them in our right wing, then they posted all their own cavalry
in close order on their left wing. And with them they mingled every here
and there a few infantry, skirmishers and light-armed soldiers, which
indeed was a very wise manoeuvre.

22. For they knew that a cavalry soldier, however skilful, if fighting
with one of our men in complete armour, while his hands were occupied
with shield and bridle, so that he could use no offensive weapon but the
spear which he brandished in his right hand, could never injure an enemy
wholly covered with iron mail; but that an infantry soldier, amid the
actual struggles of personal conflict, when nothing is usually guarded
against by a combatant except that which is straight before him, may
crawl unperceivedly along the ground, and piercing the side of the Roman
soldier's horse, throw the rider down headlong, rendering him thus an
easy victim.

23. When these dispositions had been thus made, the barbarians also
protected their right flank with secret ambuscades and snares. Now the
whole of these warlike and savage tribes were on this day under the
command of Chnodomarius and Serapio, monarchs of more power than any of
their former kings.

24. Chnodomarius was indeed the wicked instigator of the whole war, and
bearing on his head a helmet blazing like fire, he led on the left wing
with great boldness, confiding much on his vast personal strength. And
now with great eagerness for the impending battle he mounted a spirited
horse, that by the increased height he might be more conspicuous,
leaning upon a spear of most formidable size, and remarkable for the
splendour of his arms. Being indeed a prince who had on former occasions
shown himself brave as a warrior and a general, eminent for skill above
his fellows.

25. The right wing was led by Serapio, a youth whose beard had hardly
grown, but who was beyond his years in courage and strength. He was the
son of Mederichus the brother of Chnodomarius, a man throughout his
whole life of the greatest perfidy; and he had received the name of
Serapio because his father, having been given as a hostage, had been
detained in Gaul for a long time, and had there learnt some of the
mysteries of the Greeks, in consequence of which he had changed the name
of his son, who at his birth was named Agenarichus, into that of
Serapio.

26. These two leaders were followed by five other kings who were but
little inferior in power to themselves, by ten petty princes, a vast
number of nobles, and thirty-five thousand armed men, collected from
various nations partly by pay, and partly by a promise of requiting
their service by similar assistance on a future day.

27. The trumpets now gave forth a terrible sound; Severus, the Roman
general in command of the left wing, when he came near the ditches
filled with armed men, from which the enemy had arranged that those who
were there concealed should suddenly rise up, and throw the Roman line
into confusion, halted boldly, and suspecting some yet hidden ambuscade,
neither attempted to retreat nor advance.

28. Seeing this, Julian, always full of courage at the moment of the
greatest difficulty, galloped with an escort of two hundred cavalry
through the ranks of the infantry at full speed, addressing them with
words of encouragement, as the critical circumstances in which they were
placed required.

29. And as the extent of the space over which they were spread and the
denseness of the multitude thus collected into one body, would not allow
him to address the whole army (and also because on other accounts he
wished to avoid exposing himself to malice and envy, as well as not to
affect that which Augustus thought belonged exclusively to himself), he,
while taking care of himself as he passed within reach of the darts of
the enemy, encouraged all whom his voice could reach, whether known or
unknown to him, to fight bravely, with these and similar words:--

30. "Now, my comrades, the fit time for fighting has arrived; the time
which I, as well as you, have long desired, and which you just now
invited when, with gestures of impatience, you demanded to be led on."
Again, when he came to those in the rear rank, who were posted in
reserve: "Behold," said he, "my comrades, the long-wished-for day is at
hand, which incites us all to wash out former stains, and to restore to
its proper brightness the Roman majesty. These men before you are
barbarians, whom their own rage and intemperate madness have urged
forward to meet with the destruction of their fortunes, defeated as they
will now be by our might."

31. Presently, when making better dispositions for the array of some
troops who, by long experience in war, had attained to greater skill, he
aided his arrangements by these exhortations. "Let us rise up like brave
men; let us by our native valour repel the disgrace which has at one
time been brought upon our arms, from contemplating which it was that
after much delay I consented to take the name of Cæsar."

32. But to any whom he saw inconsiderately demanding the signal to be
given for instant battle, and likely by their rash movements to be
inattentive to orders, he said, "I entreat you not to be too eager in
your pursuit of the flying enemy, so as to risk losing the glory of the
victory which awaits us, and also never to retreat, except under the
last necessity.

33. "For I shall certainly take no care of those who flee. But among
those who press on to the slaughter of the enemy I shall be present, and
share with you indiscriminately, provided only that your charge be made
with moderation and prudence."

34. While repeatedly addressing these and similar exhortations to the
troops, he drew up the principal part of his army opposite to the front
rank of the barbarians. And suddenly there arose from the Allemanni a
great shout, mingled with indignant cries, all exclaiming with one
voice that the princes ought to leave their horses and fight in the
ranks on equal terms with their men, lest if any mischance should occur
they should avail themselves of the facility of escaping, and leave the
mass of the army in miserable plight.

35. When this was known, Chnodomarius immediately leapt down from his
horse, and the rest of the princes followed his example without
hesitation. For indeed none of them doubted but that their side would be
victorious.

36. Then the signal for battle being given as usual by the sound of
trumpets, the armies rushed to the combat with all their force. First of
all javelins were hurled, and the Germans, hastening on with the utmost
impetuosity, brandishing their javelins in their right hands, dashed
among the squadrons of our cavalry, uttering fearful cries. They had
excited themselves to more than usual rage; their flowing hair bristling
with their eagerness, and fury blazing from their eyes. While in
opposition to them our soldiers, standing steadily, protecting their
heads with the bulwark of their shields, and drawing their swords or
brandishing their javelins, equally threatened death to their
assailants.

37. And while in the very conflict of battle, the cavalry kept their
gallant squadrons in close order, and the infantry strengthened their
flanks, standing shoulder to shoulder with closely-locked shields,
clouds of thick dust arose, and the battle rocked to and fro, our men
sometimes advancing, sometimes receding. Some of the most powerful
warriors among the barbarians pressed upon their antagonists with their
knees, trying to throw them down; and in the general excitement men
fought hand to hand, shield pressing upon shield; while the heaven
resounded with the loud cries of the conquerors and of the dying.
Presently, when our left wing, advancing forward, had driven back with
superior strength the vast bands of German assailants, and was itself
advancing with loud cries against the enemy, our cavalry on the right
wing unexpectedly retreated in disorder; but when the leading fugitives
came upon those in the rear, they halted, perceiving themselves covered
by the legions, and renewed the battle.

38. This disaster had arisen from the cuirassiers seeing their commander
slightly wounded, and one of their comrades crushed under the weight of
his own arms, and of his horse, which fell upon him while they were
changing their position, on which they all fled as each could, and would
have trampled down the infantry, and thrown everything into confusion,
if the infantry had not steadily kept their ranks and stood immovable,
supporting each other. Julian, when from a distance he saw his cavalry
thus seeking safety in flight, spurred his horse towards them, and
himself stopped them like a barrier.

39. For as he was at once recognized by his purple standard of the
dragon, which was fixed to the top of a long spear, waving its fringe as
a real dragon sheds its skin, the tribune of one squadron halted, and
turning pale with alarm, hastened back to renew the battle.

40. Then, as is customary in critical moments, Julian gently reproached
his men: "Whither," said he, "gallant comrades, are ye retreating? Are
ye ignorant that flight, which never insures safety, proves the folly of
having made a vain attempt? Let us return to our army, to be partakers
of their glory, and not rashly desert those who are fighting for the
republic."

41. Saying these words in a dignified tone, he led them all back to
discharge their duties in the fight, imitating in this the ancient hero
Sylla, if we make allowances for the difference of situation. For when
Sylla, having led his army against Archelaus, the general of
Mithridates, became exhausted by the violence of the conflict, and was
deserted by all his soldiers, he ran to the foremost rank, and seizing a
standard he turned it against the enemy, exclaiming, "Go! ye once chosen
companions of my dangers; and when you are asked where I, your general,
was left, tell them this truth,--alone in Boeotia, fighting for us
all, to his own destruction."

42. The Allemanni, when our cavalry had been thus driven back and thrown
into confusion, attacked the first line of our infantry, expecting to
find their spirit abated, and to be able to rout them without much
resistance.

43. But when they came to close quarters with them, they found they had
met an equal match. The conflict lasted long; for the Cornuti and
Braccati,[66] veterans of great experience in war, frightening even by
their gestures, shouted their battle cry, and the uproar, through the
heat of the conflict, rising up from a gentle murmur, and becoming
gradually louder and louder, grew fierce as that of waves dashing
against the rocks; the javelins hissed as they flew hither and thither
through the air; the dust rose to the sky in one vast cloud, preventing
all possibility of seeing, and causing arms to fall upon arms, man upon
man.

44. But the barbarians, in their undisciplined anger and fury, raged
like the flames; and with ceaseless blows of their swords sought to
pierce through the compact mass of the shields with which our soldiers
defended themselves, as with the testudo.[67]

45. And when this was seen, the Batavi, with the royal legion, hastened
to the support of their comrades, a formidable band, well able, if
fortune aided them, to save even those who were in the extremest danger.
And amid the fierce notes of their trumpets, the battle again raged with
undiminished ferocity.

46. But the Allemanni, still charging forward impetuously, strove more
and more vigorously, hoping to bear down all opposition by the violence
of their fury. Darts, spears, and javelins never ceased; arrows pointed
with iron were shot; while at the same time, in hand-to-hand conflict,
sword struck sword, breastplates were cloven, and even the wounded, if
not quite exhausted with loss of blood, rose up still to deeds of
greater daring.

47. In some sense it may be said that the combatants were equal. The
Allemanni were the stronger and the taller men; our soldiers by great
practice were the more skilful. The one were fierce and savage, the
others composed and wary; the one trusted to their courage, the others
to their physical strength.

48. Often, indeed, the Roman soldier was beaten down by the weight of
his enemy's arms, but he constantly rose again; and then, on the other
hand, the barbarian, finding his knees fail under him with fatigue,
would rest his left knee on the ground, and even in that position
attack his enemy, an act of extreme obstinacy.

49. Presently there sprang forward with sudden vigour a fiery band of
nobles, among whom also were the princes of the petty tribes, and, as
the common soldiers followed them in great numbers, they burst through
our lines, and forced a path for themselves up to the principal legion
of the reserve, which was stationed in the centre, in a position called
the prætorian camp; and there the soldiery, being in closer array, and
in densely serried ranks, stood firm as so many towers, and renewed the
battle with increased spirit. And intent upon parrying the blows of the
enemy, and covering themselves with their shields as the Mirmillos[68]
do, with their drawn swords wounded their antagonists in the sides,
which their too vehement impetuosity left unprotected.

50. And thus the barbarians threw away their lives in their struggles
for victory, while toiling to break the compact array of our battalions.
But still, in spite of the ceaseless slaughter made among them by the
Romans, whose courage rose with their success, fresh barbarians
succeeded those who fell; and as the frequent groans of the dying were
heard, many became panic-stricken, and lost all strength.

51. At last, exhausted by their losses, and having no strength for
anything but flight, they sought to escape with all speed by different
roads, like as sailors and traders, when the sea rages in a storm, are
glad to flee wherever the wind carries them. But any one then present
will confess that escape was a matter rather to be wished than hoped
for.

52. And the merciful protection of a favourable deity was present on our
side, so that our soldiers, now slashing at the backs of the fugitives,
and finding their swords so battered that they were insufficient to
wound, used the enemy's own javelins, and so slew them. Nor could any
one of the pursuers satiate himself enough with their blood, nor allow
his hand to weary with slaughter, nor did any one spare a suppliant out
of pity.

53. Numbers, therefore, lay on the ground, mortally wounded, imploring
instant death as a relief; others, half dead with failing breath turned
their dying eyes to the last enjoyment of the light. Of some the heads
were almost cut off by the huge weapons, and merely hung by small strips
to their necks; others, again, who had fallen because the ground had
been rendered slippery by the blood of their comrades, without
themselves receiving any wound, were killed by being smothered in the
mass of those who fell over them.

54. While these events were proceeding thus prosperously for us, the
conquerors pressed on vigorously, though the edges of their weapons were
blunted by frequent use, and shining helmets and shields were trampled
under foot. At last, in the extremity of their distress, the barbarians,
finding the heaps of corpses block up all the paths, sought the aid of
the river, which was the only hope left to them, and which they had now
reached.

55. And because our soldiers unweariedly and with great speed pressed,
with arms in their hands, upon the fleeing bands, many, hoping to be
able to deliver themselves from danger by their skill in swimming,
trusted their lives to the waves. And Julian, with prompt apprehension,
seeing what would be the result, strictly forbade the tribunes and
captains to allow any of our men to pursue them so eagerly as to trust
themselves to the dangerous currents of the river.

56. In consequence of which order they halted on the brink, and from it
wounded the Germans with every kind of missile; while, if any of them
escaped from death of that kind by the celerity of their movements, they
still sunk to the bottom from the weight of their own arms.

57. And as sometimes in a theatrical spectacle the curtain exhibits
marvellous figures, so here one could see many strange things in that
danger; some unconsciously clinging to others who were good swimmers,
others who were floating were pushed off by those less encumbered as so
many logs, others again, as if the violence of the stream itself fought
against them, were swallowed up in the eddies. Some supported themselves
on their shields avoiding the heaviest attacks of the opposing waves by
crossing them in an oblique direction, and so, after many dangers,
reached the opposite brink, till at last the foaming river, discoloured
with barbarian blood, was itself amazed at the unusual increase it had
received.

58. And while this was going on, Chnodomarius, the king, finding an
opportunity of escaping, making his way over the heaps of dead with a
small escort, hastened with exceeding speed towards the camp which he
had made near the two Roman fortresses of Alstatt and Lauterbourg, in
the country of the Tribocci, that he might embark in some boats which
had already been prepared in case of any emergency, and so escape to
some secret hiding-place in which he might conceal himself.

59. And because it was impossible for him to reach his camp without
crossing the Rhine, he hid his face that he might not be recognized, and
after that retreated slowly. And when he got near the bank of the river,
as he was feeling his way round a marsh, partly overflowed, seeking some
path by which to cross it, his horse suddenly stumbled in some soft and
sticky place, and he was thrown down, but though he was fat and heavy,
he without delay reached the shelter of a hill in the neighbourhood;
there he was recognized (for indeed he could not conceal who he was,
being betrayed by the greatness of his former fortune): and immediately
a squadron of cavalry came up at full gallop with its tribune, and
cautiously surrounded the wooded mound; though they feared to enter the
thicket lest they should fall into any ambuscade concealed among the
trees.

60. But when he saw them he was seized with extreme terror, and of his
own accord came forth by himself and surrendered; and his companions,
two hundred in number, and his three most intimate friends, thinking it
would be a crime in them to survive their king, or not to die for him if
occasion required, gave themselves up also as prisoners.

61. And, as barbarians are naturally low spirited in adverse fortune,
and very much the reverse in moments of prosperity, so now that he was
in the power of another he became pale and confused, his consciousness
of guilt closing his mouth; widely different from him who lately,
insulting the ashes of the Gauls with ferocious and lamentable violence,
poured forth savage threats against the whole empire.

62. Now after these affairs were thus by the favour of the deity brought
to an end, the victorious soldiers were recalled at the close of the
day to their camp by the signal of the trumpeter, and marched towards
the bank of the Rhine, and there erecting a rampart of shields piled
together in several rows, they refreshed themselves with food and sleep.

63. There fell in this battle, of Romans 243, and four generals:
Bainobaudes, the tribune of the Cornuti, and with him Laipso, and
Innocentius, who commanded the cuirassiers and one tribune who had no
particular command, and whose name I forget. But of the Allemanni, there
were found 6000 corpses on the field, and incalculable numbers were
carried down by the waves of the river.

64. Then Julian, as one who was now manifestly approved by fortune, and
was also greater in his merit than even in his authority, was by
unanimous acclamation hailed as Augustus by the soldiers; but he sharply
reproved them for so doing, affirming with an oath that he neither
wished for such an honour, nor would accept it.

65. In order to increase the joy at his recent success, Julian ordered
Chnodomarius to be brought before him at his council; who at first
bowing, and then like a suppliant, prostrating himself on the ground,
and imploring pardon with entreaties framed after the fashion of his
nation, was bidden to take courage.

66. A few days afterwards he was conducted to the court of the emperor,
and thence he was sent to Rome, where he died of a lethargy in the
foreign camp which is stationed on Mons Cælius.

67. Notwithstanding that these numerous and important events were
brought to so happy an issue, some persons in the palace of Constantius,
disparaging Julian in order to give pleasure to the emperor, in a tone
of derision called him Victorinus, because he, modestly relating how
often he had been employed in leading the army, at the same time related
that the Germans had received many defeats.

68. They at the same time, by loading the emperor with empty praises, of
which the extravagance was glaringly conspicuous, so inflated an
inherent pride, already beyond all natural bounds, that he was led to
believe that, whatever took place in the whole circumference of the
earth was owing to his fortunate auspices.

69. So that, being inflated by the pompous language of his flatterers,
he then, and at all subsequent periods, became accustomed in all the
edicts which he published to advance many unfounded statements;
assuming, that he by himself had fought and conquered, when in fact he
had not been present at anything that had happened; often also asserting
that he had raised up the suppliant kings of conquered nations. For
instance, if while he was still in Italy any of his generals had fought
a brilliant campaign against the Persians, the emperor would write
triumphant letters to the provinces without the slightest mention of the
general throughout its whole length, relating with odious self-praise
how he himself had fought in the front ranks.

70. Lastly, edicts of his are still extant, laid up among the public
records of the empire ... relating ...[69] and extolling himself to the
skies. A letter also is to be found, though he was forty days' journey
from Strasburg when the battle was fought, describing the engagement,
saying that he marshalled the army, stood among the standard-bearers,
and put the barbarians to the rout; and with amazing falsehood asserting
that Chnodomarius was brought before him, without (oh shameful
indignity!) saying a single word about the exploits of Julian; which he
would have utterly buried in oblivion if fame had not refused to let
great deeds die, however many people may try to keep them in the shade.


[59] The text is defective here, as it is wherever these marks occur.

[60] Coblenz.

[61] Julius Cæsar: the story of the frightened fisherman being
encouraged by the assurance that he was carrying "Cæsar and his
fortunes" is universally known.

[62] Claudius, who devoted himself in the Gothic war.

[63] Galerius Maximianus, who reconnoitred in person the camp of the
king of Persia.

[64] The word is derived from κλιβανον, an oven, and seems to
mean entirely clothed in iron.

[65] Valeria was a division of Pannonia, so called from Valeria, the
daughter of Diocletian, and the wife of Galerius.

[66] Troops named from the fashion of their arms; the Cornuti having
projections like horns on their helmets, the Braccati wearing drawers.

[67] The testudo was properly applied to the manner in which they locked
their shields over their heads while advancing to storm a walled town.

[68] The Mirmillo was a gladiator opposed to a Retiarius, protecting
himself by his oblong shield against the net of the latter.

[69] The text is mutilated here, as in many other passages similarly
marked.




BOOK XVII.

ARGUMENT.

     I. Julian crosses the Rhine and plunders and burns the towns of the
     Allemanni, repairs the fortress of Trajan, and grants the
     barbarians a truce for ten months.--II. He hems in six hundred
     Franks who are devastating the second Germania, and starves them
     into surrender.--III. He endeavours to relieve the Gauls from some
     of the tribute which weighs them down.--IV. By order of the Emperor
     Constantius an obelisk is erected at Rome in the Circus
     Maximus;--some observations on obelisks and on hieroglyphics.--V.
     Constantius and Sapor, king of the Persians, by means of
     ambassadors and letters, enter into a vain negotiation for
     peace.--VI. The Nethargi, an Allemanni tribe, are defeated in the
     Tyrol, which they were laying waste.--VII. Nicomedia is destroyed
     by an earthquake; some observations on earthquakes--VIII. Julian
     receives the surrender of the Salii, a Frankish tribe. He defeats
     one body of the Chamavi, takes another body prisoners, and grants
     peace to the rest.--IX. He repairs three forts on the Meuse that
     had been destroyed by the barbarians. His soldiers suffer from
     want, and become discontented and reproachful.--X. Surmarius and
     Hortarius, kings of the Allemanni, surrender their prisoners and
     obtain peace from Julian.--XI. Julian, after his successes in Gaul,
     is disparaged at the court of Constantius by enviers of his fame,
     and is spoken of as inactive and cowardly.--XII. The Emperor
     Constantius compels the Sarmatians to give hostage, and to restore
     their prisoners; and imposes a king on the Sarmatian exiles, whom
     he restores to their country and to freedom.--XIII. He compels the
     Limigantes, after defeating them with great slaughter, to emigrate,
     and harangues his own soldiers.--XIV. The Roman ambassadors, who
     had been sent to treat for peace, return from Persia; and Sapor
     returns into Armenia and Mesopotamia.


I.

A.D. 357.

§ 1. After the various affairs which we have described were brought to a
conclusion, the warlike young prince, now that the battle of Strasburg
had secured him the navigation of the Rhine, felt anxious that the
ill-omened birds should not feed on the corpses of the slain, and so
ordered them all to be buried without distinction. And having dismissed
the ambassadors whom we have mentioned as having come with some arrogant
messages before the battle, he returned to Saverne.

2. From this place he ordered all the booty and the prisoners to be
brought to Metz, to be left there till his return. Then departing for
Mayence, to lay down a bridge at that city and to seek the barbarians in
their own territories, since he had left none of them in arms, he was at
first met by great opposition on the part of his army; but addressing
them with eloquence and persuasion he soon won them to his opinion. For
their affection for him, becoming strengthened by repeated experience,
induced them to follow one who shared in all their toils, and who, while
never surrendering his authority, was still accustomed, as every one
saw, to impose more labour on himself than on his men. They soon arrived
at the appointed spot, and, crossing the river by a bridge they laid
down, occupied the territory of the enemy.

3. The barbarians, amazed at the greatness of his enterprise, inasmuch
as they had fancied they were situated in a position in which they could
hardly be disturbed, were now led by the destruction of their countrymen
to think anxiously of their own future fate, and accordingly, pretending
to implore peace that they might escape from the violence of his first
invasion, they sent ambassadors to him with a set message, offering a
lasting treaty of agreement; but (though it is not known what design or
change of circumstances altered their purpose) they immediately
afterwards sent off some others with all speed, to threaten our troops
with implacable war if they did not at once quit their territories.

4. And when this was known, the Cæsar, as soon as all was quiet, at the
beginning of night embarked 800 men in some small swift boats, with the
intention that they should row with all their strength up stream for
some distance, and then land and destroy all they could find with fire
and sword.

5. After he had made this arrangement, the barbarians were seen at
daybreak on the tops of the mountains, on which our soldiers were led
with speed to the higher ground; and when no enemy was found there
(since the barbarians, divining their plan, immediately retreated to a
distance), presently large volumes of smoke were seen, which indicated
that our men had broken into the enemy's territory, and were laying it
waste.

6. This event broke the spirit of the Germans, who, deserting the
ambuscades which they had laid for our men in narrow defiles full of
lurking-places, they fled across the river Maine to carry aid to their
countrymen.

7. For, as is often the case in times of uncertainty and difficulty,
they were panic-stricken by the incursion of our cavalry on the one
side, and the sudden attacks of our infantry, conveyed in boats, on the
other; and therefore, relying on their knowledge of the country, they
sought safety in the rapidity of their flight; and, as their retreat
left the motions of our troops free, we plundered the wealthy farms of
their crops and their cattle, sparing no one. And having carried off a
number of prisoners, we set fire to, and burnt to the ground all their
houses, which in that district were built more carefully than usual, in
the Roman fashion.

8. And when we had penetrated a distance of ten miles, till we came near
a wood terrible from the denseness of its shade, our army halted for a
while, and stayed its advance, having learnt from information given by a
deserter that a number of enemies were concealed in some subterranean
passages and caverns with many entrances in the neighbourhood, ready to
sally forth when a favourable opportunity should appear.

9. Nevertheless our men presently ventured to advance in full
confidence, and found the roads blockaded by oaks, ashes, and pines, of
great size, cut down and laid together. And so they retreated with
caution, perceiving that it was impossible to advance except by long and
rugged defiles; though they could hardly restrain their indignation at
being compelled to do so.

10. The weather too became very severe, so that they were enveloped in
all kinds of toil and danger to no purpose (forasmuch as it was now past
the autumnal equinox, and the snow, which had already fallen in those
regions, covered the mountains and the plains), and so, instead of
proceeding, Julian undertook a work worthy of being related.

11. He repaired with great expedition, while there was no one to hinder
him, the fortress which Trajan had constructed in the territory of the
Allemanni, and to which he had given his own name, and which had lately
been attacked with great violence and almost destroyed. And he placed
there a temporary garrison, and also some magazines, which he had
collected from the barbarians.

12. But when the Allemanni saw these preparations made for their
destruction, they assembled rapidly in great consternation at what had
already been done, and sent ambassadors to implore peace, with prayers
of extreme humility. And the Cæsar, now that he had fully matured and
secured the success of all his designs, taking into consideration all
probabilities, granted them a truce for ten months. In reality he was
especially influenced by this prudent consideration, that the camp which
he had thus occupied without hindrance, in a way that could hardly have
been hoped for, required, nevertheless, to be fortified with mural
engines and other adequate equipments.

13. Trusting to this truce, three of the most ferocious of those kings
who had sent reinforcements to their countrymen when defeated at
Strasburg, came to him, though still in some degree of alarm, and took
the oaths according to the formula in use in their country, that they
would create no further disturbance, but that they would keep the truce
faithfully up to the appointed day, because that had been the decision
of our generals; and that they would not attack the fortress; and that
they would even bring supplies to it on their shoulders if the garrison
informed them that they were in want; all which they promised, because
their fear bridled their treachery.

14. In this memorable war, which deserves to be compared with those
against the Carthaginians or the Gauls, yet was accompanied with very
little loss to the republic, Julian triumphed as a fortunate and
successful leader. The very smallness of his losses might have given
some colour to the assertions of his detractors, who declared that he
had only fought bravely on all occasions, because he preferred dying
gloriously to being put to death like his brother Gallus, as a condemned
malefactor, as they had expected he would be, if he had not, after the
death of Constantius, continued to distinguish himself equally by
splendid exploits.


II.

§ 1. Now when everything was settled in that country as fairly as the
case permitted, Julian, returning to his winter quarters, found some
trouble still left for him. Severus, the master of the horse, being on
the way to Rheims through Cologne and Juliers, fell in with some strong
battalions of Franks, consisting of six hundred light-armed soldiers,
who were laying waste those places which were not defended by garrisons.
They had been encouraged to this audacious wickedness by the opportunity
afforded them when the Cæsar was occupied in the remote districts of the
Allemanni, thinking to obtain a rich booty without any hindrance. But in
fear of the army which had now returned, they occupied two fortresses
which had been abandoned for some time, and defended themselves there as
long as they could.

2. Julian, amazed at the novelty of such an attempt, and thinking it
impossible to say how far such a spirit would spread if he allowed it to
pass without a check, halted his soldiers, and gave orders to blockade
the forts.... The Meuse passes beneath them; and the blockade was
protracted for fifty-four days, through nearly the entire months of
December and January, the barbarians resisting with incredible obstinacy
and courage.

3. Then the Cæsar, like an experienced general, fearing that the
barbarians might take advantage of some moonless night to cross over the
river, which was now thoroughly frozen, ordered soldiers to go up and
down the stream every day in light boats, from sunset till daybreak, so
as to break the crust of ice and prevent any one from escaping in that
manner. Owing to this manoeuvre, the barbarians were so exhausted by
hunger, watching, and the extremity of despair, that at last they
voluntarily surrendered, and were immediately sent to the court of the
emperor.

4. And a vast multitude of Franks, who had come to their assistance,
hearing that they were taken prisoners and sent off, would not venture
on any further enterprise, but returned to their own country. And when
this affair was finished, the Cæsar retired to Paris to pass the winter
there.


III.

§ 1. It was now expected that a number of tribes would unite in greater
force, and therefore the prudent Julian, bearing in mind the
uncertainties of war, became very anxious and full of care. And as he
thought that the truce lately made, though not free from trouble, and
not of long duration, still gave him opportunity to remedy some things
which were faulty, he began to remodel the arrangements about tribute.

2. And when Florentius, the prefect of the prætorium, having taken an
estimate of everything, affirmed that whatever deficiency there might be
in the produce of a capitation tax he should be able to make good from
what he could levy by force, Julian, deprecating this practice,
determined to lose his own life rather than permit it.

3. For he knew that the wounds inflicted by such extortions, or, as I
should rather call them, confiscations, are incurable, and have often
reduced provinces to extreme destitution. Indeed, such conduct, as will
be related hereafter, utterly lost us Illyricum.

4. And when, owing to this resolution of his, the prætorian prefect
exclaimed that it could not be endured that he, to whom the emperor had
intrusted the chief authority in this matter, should be thus distrusted,
Julian attempted to appease him, showing by exact and accurate
calculations that the capitation tax was not only enough, but more than
enough to provide all the necessary supplies.

5. And when some time afterwards an edict for a supplementary tax was
nevertheless presented to him by Florentius, he refused to sign or even
to read it; and threw it on the ground; and when warned by letters from
the emperor (written on receiving the prefect's report) not to act in so
embarrassing a manner, lest he should seem to be diminishing the
authority of Florentius, Julian wrote in answer, that it was a matter to
be thankful for, if a province that had been devastated in every
direction could still pay its regular taxes, without demanding from it
any extraordinary contributions, which indeed no punishments could
extort from men in a state of destitution: and then, and from that time
forward, owing to the firmness of one man, no one ever attempted to
extort anything illegal in Gaul beyond the regular taxes.

6. The Cæsar had also in another affair set an example wholly
unprecedented, entreating the prefect to intrust to him the government
of the second Belgic province, which was oppressed by manifold evils; on
the especial and single condition that no officer, either belonging to
the prefect or to the garrison, should force any one to pay anything.
And the whole people whom he thus took under his care, comforted and
relieved by this mildness, paid all the taxes due from them before the
appointed day, without any demand being made upon them.


IV.

§ 1. While Julian was thus beginning to put Gaul into a better
condition, and while Orfitus was still governor of the second province,
an obelisk was erected at Rome, in the Circus Maximus, concerning which,
as this seems a convenient opportunity, I will mention a few
particulars.

2. The city of Thebes, in Egypt, built in remote ages, with enormous
walls, and celebrated also for entrances by a hundred gates, was from
this circumstance called by its founders ἑκατόμπυλος
(_Hecatompylos_); and from the name of this city the whole district is
known as Thebais.

3. When Carthage began to rise in greatness, the Carthaginian generals
conquered and destroyed Thebes by a sudden attack. And after it was
rebuilt, Cambyses, the celebrated king of Persia, who throughout his
whole life was covetous and ferocious, overran Egypt, and again attacked
this city that he might plunder it of its wealth, which was enough to
excite his envy; and he spared not even the offerings which had been
made to the gods.

4. And while he was in his savage manner moving to and fro among his
plunderers, he got entangled in his own flowing robes, and fell on his
face, and by the fall his dagger, which he wore close to his thigh, got
loose from the scabbard, and he was mortally wounded and died.

5. And long afterwards, Cornelius Gallus, who was governor of Egypt at
the time when Octavianus was emperor of Rome, impoverished the city by
plundering it of most of its treasuries; and returning to Rome on being
accused of theft and of laying waste the province, he, from fear of the
nobles, who were bitterly indignant against him, as one to whom the
emperor had committed a most honourable task, fell on his own sword and
so died. If I mistake not, he is the same person as Gallus the poet,
whose loss Virgil deplores at the end of his Bucolics, celebrating his
memory in sweet verses.

6. In this city of Thebes, among many works of art and different
structures recording the tales relating to the Egyptian deities, we saw
several obelisks in their places, and others which had been thrown down
and broken; which the ancient kings, when elated at some victory or at
the general prosperity of their affairs, had caused to be hewn out of
mountains in distant parts of the world, and erected in honour of the
gods, to whom they solemnly consecrated them.

7. Now an obelisk is a rough stone, rising to a great height, shaped
like a pillar in the stadium; and it tapers upwards in imitation of a
sunbeam, keeping its quadrilateral shape, till it rises almost to a
point, being made smooth by the hand of a sculptor.

8. On these obelisks the ancient authority of elementary wisdom has
caused innumerable marks of strange forms all over them, which are
called hieroglyphics.

9. For the workmen, carving many kinds of birds and beasts, some even
such as must belong to another world, in order that the recollection of
the exploits which the obelisk was designed to commemorate might reach
to subsequent ages, showed by them the accomplishment of vows which the
kings had made.

10. For it was not the case then as it is now, that the established
number of letters can distinctly express whatever the human mind
conceives; nor did the ancient Egyptians write in such a manner; but
each separate character served for a separate noun or verb, and
sometimes even for an entire sense.

11. Of which fact the two following may for the present be sufficient
instances: by the figure of a vulture they indicate the name of nature;
because naturalists declare that no males are found in this class of
bird. And by the figure of a bee making honey they indicate a king;
showing by such a sign that stings as well as sweetness are the
characteristics of a ruler; and there are many similar emblems.

12. And because the flatterers, who were continually whispering into the
ear of Constantius, kept always affirming that when Augustus Octavianus
had brought two obelisks from Heliopolis, a city of Egypt, one of which
was placed in the Circus Maximus, and the other in the Campus Martius,
he yet did not venture to touch or move this one which has just been
brought to Rome, being alarmed at the greatness of such a task; I would
have those, who do not know the truth, learn that the ancient emperor,
though he moved several obelisks, left this one untouched, because it
was especially dedicated to the Sun-god, and was set up within the
precincts of his magnificent temple, which it was impious to profane;
and of which it was the most conspicuous ornament.

13. But Constantine deeming that a consideration of no importance, had
it torn up from its place, and thinking rightly that he should not be
offering any insult to religion if he removed a splendid work from some
other temple to dedicate it to the gods at Rome, which is the temple of
the whole world, let it lie on the ground for some time while
arrangements for its removal were being prepared. And when it had been
carried down the Nile, and landed at Alexandria, a ship of a burden
hitherto unexampled, requiring three hundred rowers to propel it, was
built to receive it.

14. And when these preparations were made, and after the aforenamed
emperor had died, the enterprise began to cool. However, after a time it
was at last put on board ship, and conveyed over sea, and up the stream
of the Tiber, which seemed as it were frightened, lest its own winding
waters should hardly be equal to conveying a present from the almost
unknown Nile to the walls which itself cherished. At last the obelisk
reached the village of Alexandria, three miles from the city; and then
it was placed in a cradle, and drawn slowly on, and brought through the
Ostran gate and the public fish-market to the Circus Maximus.

15. The only work remaining to be done was to raise it, which was
generally believed to be hardly, if at all, practicable. And vast beams
having been raised on end in a most dangerous manner, so that they
looked like a grove of machines, long ropes of huge size were fastened
to them, darkening the very sky with their density, as they formed a web
of innumerable threads; and into them the great stone itself, covered
over as it was with elements of writing, was bound, and gradually raised
into the empty air, and long suspended, many thousands of men turning it
round and round like a millstone, till it was at last placed in the
middle of the square; and on it was placed a brazen sphere, made
brighter with plates of gold: and as that was immediately afterwards
struck by lightning, and destroyed, a brazen figure like a torch was
placed on it, also plated with gold--to look as if the torch were fully
alight.

16. Subsequent ages also removed other obelisks; one of which is in the
Vatican, a second in the garden of Sallust; and two in the monument of
Augustus.

17. But the writing which is engraven on the old obelisk in the Circus,
we have set forth below in Greek characters, following in this the work
of Hermapion:--

  ΑΡΧΗΝ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ ΝΟΤΙΟΝ ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΜΕΝΑ
  ΕΧΕΙ
  ΣΤΙΧΟΕ ΠΡΩΤΟΕ ΤΑΔΕ.

18. The first line, beginning on the south side, bears this
interpretation--"The Sun to Ramestes the king--I have given to thee to
reign with joy over the whole earth; to thee whom the Sun and Apollo
love--to thee, the mighty truth-loving son of Heron--the god-born ruler
of the habitable earth; whom the Sun has chosen above all men, the
valiant warlike King Ramestes. Under whose power, by his valour and
might, the whole world is placed. The King Ramestes, the immortal son of
the Sun."

19. The second line is--"The mighty Apollo, who takes his stand upon
truth, the lord of the diadem, he who has honoured Egypt by becoming its
master, adorning Heliopolis, and having created the rest of the world,
and having greatly honoured the gods who have their shrines in the city
of the Sun; whom the son loves."

20. The third line--"The mighty Apollo, the all-brilliant son of the
Sun, whom the Sun chose above all others, and to whom the valiant Mars
gave gifts. Thou whose good fortune abideth for ever. Thou whom Ammon
loves. Thou who hast filled the temple of the Phoenix with good
things. Thou to whom the gods have given long life. Apollo the mighty
son of Heron, Ramestes the king of the world. Who has defended Egypt,
having subdued the foreign enemy. Whom the Sun loves. To whom the gods
have given long life--the master of the world--the immortal Ramestes."

21. Another second line--"The Sun, the great God, the master of heaven.
I have given unto thee a life free from satiety. Apollo, the mighty
master of the diadem; to whom nothing is comparable. To whom the lord of
Egypt has erected many statues in this kingdom. And has made the city of
Heliopolis as brilliant as the Sun himself, the master of heaven. The
son of the Sun, the king living for ever, has co-operated in the
completion of this work."

22. A third line--"I, the Sun, the god, the master of heaven, have given
to Ramestes the king might and authority over all. Whom Apollo the
truth-lover, the master of time, and Vulcan the father of the gods hath
chosen above others by reason of his courage. The all-rejoicing king,
the son of the Sun, and beloved by the Sun."

23. The first line, looking towards the east--"The great God of
Heliopolis, the mighty Apollo who dwelleth in Heaven, the son of Heron
whom the Sun hath guided. Whom the gods have honoured. He who ruleth
over all the earth: whom the Sun has chosen before all others. The king
valiant by the favour of Mars. Whom Ammon loveth, and the all-shining
god, who hath chosen him as a king for everlasting." And so on.


V.

A.D. 358.

§ 1. In the consulship of Datianus and Cerealis, when all arrangements
in Gaul were made with more careful zeal than before, and while the
terror caused by past events still checked the outbreaks of the
barbarians, the king of the Persians, being still on the frontiers of
those nations which border on his dominions, and having made a treaty of
alliance with the Chionitæ and the Gelani, the most warlike and
indefatigable of all tribes, being about to return to his own country,
received the letters of Tamsapor which announced to him that the Roman
emperor was a suppliant for peace.

2. And he, suspecting that Constantius would never have done so if the
empire had not been weakened all over, raised his own pretensions, and
embracing the name indeed of peace, offered very unwelcome conditions.
And having sent a man of the name of Narses as ambassador with many
presents, he gave him letters to Constantius, in which he in no respect
abated of his natural pride. The purport of these letters we have
understood to be this:--

3. "I, Sapor, king of kings, partner of the stars, brother of the sun
and moon, to Constantius Cæsar my brother send much greeting. I am glad
and am well pleased that at last thou hast returned to the right way,
and hast acknowledged the incorruptible decree of equity, having gained
experience by facts, and having learnt what disasters an obstinate
covetousness of the property of others has often caused.

4. "Because therefore the language of truth ought to be unrestrained and
free, and because men in the highest rank ought only to say what they
mean, I will reduce my propositions into a few words; remembering that I
have already often repeated what I am now about to say.

5. "Even your own ancient records bear witness that my ancestors
possessed all the country up to the Strymon and the frontier of
Macedonia. And these lands it is fitting that I who (not to speak
arrogantly) am superior to those ancient kings in magnificence, and in
all eminent virtues, should now reclaim. But I am at all times
thoughtful to remember that, from my earliest youth, I have never done
anything to repent of.

6. "And therefore it is a duty in me to recover Armenia and Mesopotamia,
which were wrested from my ancestor by deliberate treachery. That
principle was never admitted by us which you with exultation assert,
that all successes in war deserve praise, without considering whether
they were achieved by valour or by treachery.

7. "Lastly, if you are willing to be guided by one who gives you good
advice, I would bid you despise a small part of your dominions which is
ever the parent of sorrow and bloodshed, in order to reign in safety
over the rest. Wisely considering that physicians also sometimes apply
cautery or amputation, and cut off portions of the body that the patient
may have good use of the rest of his limbs. Nay, that even beasts do the
same: since when they observe on what account they are most especially
hunted, they will of their own accord deprive themselves of that, in
order henceforth to be able to live in security.

8. "This, in short, I declare, that should my present embassy return
without having succeeded in its object, after giving the winter season
to rest I will gird myself up with all my strength, and while fortune
and justice give me a well-founded hope of ultimate success, I will
hasten my march as much as Providence will permit."

9. Having given long consideration to this letter, the emperor with
upright and wise heart, as the saying is, made answer in this manner:--

10. "Constantius, always august, conqueror by land and sea, to my
brother Sapor much health. I congratulate thee on thy safety, as one who
is willing to be a friend to thee if thou wilt. But I greatly blame thy
insatiable covetousness, now more grasping than ever.

11. "Thou demandest Mesopotamia as thine own, and then Armenia. And thou
biddest me cut off some members from my sound body in order to place its
health on a sound footing: a demand which is to be rejected at once
rather than to be encouraged by any consent. Receive therefore the
truth, not covered with any pretences, but clear, and not to be shaken
by any threats.

12. "The prefect of my prætorian guard, thinking to undertake an affair
which might be beneficial to the state, without my knowledge discoursed
about peace with thy generals, by the agency of some low persons. Peace
we should neither regret nor refuse--let it only come with credit and
honour, in such a way as to impair neither our self-respect nor our
dignity.

13. "For it would be an unbecoming and shameful thing when all men's
ears are filled with our exploits, so as to have shut even the mouth of
envy; when after the destruction of tyrants the whole Roman world obeys
us, to give up those territories which even when limited to the narrow
boundaries of the east we preserved undiminished.

14. "But I pray thee make an end of the threats which thou utterest
against me, in obedience to thy national habit, when it cannot be
doubted that it is not from inactivity, but from moderation, that we
have at times endured attacks instead of being the assailants ourselves:
and know that, whenever we are attacked, we defend our own with bravery
and good will: being assured both by thy reading and thy personal
experience that in battle it has been rare for Romans to meet with
disaster; and that in the final issue of a war we have never come off
the worst."

15. The embassy was therefore dismissed without gaining any of its
objects; and indeed no other reply could be given to the unbridled
covetousness of the king. And a few days afterwards, Count Prosper
followed, and Spectatus the tribune and secretary; and also, by the
suggestion of Musonianus, Eustathius the philosopher, as one skilful in
persuading, bearing a letter from the emperor, and presents, with a view
to induce Sapor to suspend his preparations, so that all our attention
might be turned to fortifying the northern provinces in the most
effective manner.


VI.

§ 1. Now while these affairs, of so doubtful a complexion, were
proceeding, that portion of the Allemanni which borders on the regions
of Italy, forgetful of the peace and of the treaties which they only
obtained by abject entreaty, laid waste the Tyrol with such fury that
they even went beyond their usual habit in undertaking the siege of some
walled towns.

2. And when a strong force had been sent to repel them under the command
of Barbatio, who had been promoted to the command of the infantry in the
room of Silvanus, a man of not much activity, but a fluent talker, he,
as his troops were in a high state of indignation at the invaders, gave
them so terrible a defeat, that only a very few, who took to flight in
their panic, escaped to carry back their tears and lamentations to their
homes.

3. In this battle Nevitta, who afterwards became consul, was present as
commander of a squadron of cavalry, and displayed great gallantry.


VII.

§ 1. This year also some terrible earthquakes took place in Macedonia,
Asia Minor, and Pontus, and their repeated shocks overthrew many towns,
and even mountains. But the most remarkable of all the manifold
disasters which they caused was the entire ruin of Nicomedia, the
metropolis of Bithynia; which I will here relate with truth and brevity.

2. On the 23rd of August, at daybreak, some heavy black clouds suddenly
obscured the sky, which just before was quite fair. And the sun was so
wholly concealed that it was impossible to see what was near or even
quite close, so completely did a thick lurid darkness settle on the
ground, preventing the least use of the eyes.

3. Presently, as if the supreme deity were himself letting loose his
fatal wrath, and stirring up the winds from their hinges, a violent
raging storm descended, by the fury of which the groaning mountains were
struck, and the crash of the waves on the shore was heard to a vast
distance. And then followed typhoons and whirlwinds with a horrid
trembling of the earth, throwing down the whole city and its suburbs.

4. And as most of the houses were built on the slopes of the hills, they
now fell down one over the other, while all around resounded with the
vast crash of their fall. In the mean time the tops of the hills
re-echoed all sorts of noises, as well as outcries of men seeking their
wives and children, and other relations.

5. At last, after two hours, or at least within three, the air became
again clear and serene, and disclosed the destruction which till then
was unseen. Some, overwhelmed by the enormous masses of ruins which had
fallen upon them, were crushed to death. Some were buried up to the
neck, and might have been saved if there had been any timely help at
hand, but perished for want of assistance; others were transfixed by the
points of beams projecting forth, on which they hung suspended.

6. Here was seen a crowd of persons slain by one blow; there a
promiscuous heap of corpses piled in various ways--some were buried
beneath the roofs of falling houses, which leant over so as to protect
them from any actual blows, but reserved them for an agonizing death by
starvation. Among whom was Aristænetus, who, with the authority of
deputy, governed Bithynia, which had been recently erected into a
province; and to which Constantius had given the name of Piety, in
honour of his wife Eusebia, (a Greek word, equivalent to Pietas in
Latin); and he perished thus by a lingering death.

7. Others who were overwhelmed by the sudden fall of vast buildings, are
still lying entombed beneath the immovable masses. Some with their
skulls fractured, or their shoulders or legs cut through, lay between
life and death, imploring aid from others suffering equally with
themselves; but in spite of their entreaties they were abandoned.

8. Not but what the greater part of the temples and buildings and of the
citizens also would have escaped unhurt, if a fire had not suddenly
broken out, which raged with great violence for fifty days and nights,
and destroyed all that remained.

9. I think this a good opportunity to enumerate a few of the conjectures
which the ancients have formed about earthquakes. For as to any accurate
knowledge of their causes, not only has that never been attained by the
ignorance of the common people, but they have equally eluded the long
lucubrations and subtle researches of natural philosophers.

10. And on this account in all priestly ceremonies, whether ritual or
pontifical, care is taken not at such times to name one god more than
another, for fear of impiety, since it is quite uncertain which god
causes these visitations.

11. But as the various opinions, among which Aristotle wavers and
hesitates, suggest, earthquakes are engendered either in small caverns
under the earth, which the Greeks call σύριγγες, because of
the waters pouring through them with a more rapid motion than usual, or,
as Anaxagoras affirms, they arise from the force of the wind penetrating
the lower parts of the earth, which, when they have got down to the
encrusted solid mass, finding no vent-holes, shake those portions in
their solid state, into which they have got entrance when in a state of
solution. And this is corroborated by the observation that at such times
no breezes of wind are felt by us above ground, because the winds are
occupied in the lowest recesses of the earth.

12. Anaximander says that the earth when burnt up by excessive heat and
drought, and also after excessive rains, opens larger fissures than
usual, which the upper air penetrates with great force and in excessive
quantities, and the earth, shaken by the furious blasts which penetrate
those fissures, is disturbed to its very foundations; for which reason
these fearful events occur either at times of great evaporation or else
at those of an extravagant fall of rain from heaven. And therefore the
ancient poets and theologians gave Neptune the name of Earthshaker,[70]
as being the power of moist substance.

13. Now earthquakes take place in four manners: either they are
_brasmatiæ_,[71] which raise up the ground in a terrible manner, and
throw vast masses up to the surface, as in Asia, Delos arose, and Hiera;
and also Anaphe and Rhodes, which has at different times been called
Ophiusa and Pelagia, and was once watered with a shower of gold;[72] and
Eleusis in Boeotia, and the Hellenian islands in the Tyrrhenian sea,
and many other islands. Or they are _climatiæ_,[73] which, with a
slanting and oblique blow, level cities, edifices, and mountains. Or
_chasmatiæ_,[74] which suddenly, by a violent motion, open huge mouths,
and so swallow up portions of the earth, as in the Atlantic sea, on the
coast of Europe, a large island[75] was swallowed up, and in the
Crissæan Gulf, Helice and Bura,[76] and in Italy, in the Ciminian
district, the town of Saccumum[77] was swallowed up in a deep gulf and
hidden in everlasting darkness. And among these three kinds of
earthquakes, _myæmotiæ_[78] are heard with a threatening roar, when the
elements either spring apart, their joints being broken, or again
resettle in their former places, when the earth also settles back; for
then it cannot be but that crashes and roars of the earth should resound
with bull-like bellowings. Let us now return to our original subject.


VIII.

§ 1. Cæsar, passing his winter among the Parisii, was eagerly preparing
to anticipate the Allemanni, who were not yet assembled in one body, but
who, since the battle of Strasburg, were working themselves up to a
pitch of insane audacity and ferocity. And he was waiting with great
impatience for the month of July, when the Gallic campaigns usually
begin. For indeed he could not march before the summer had banished the
frost and cold, and allowed him to receive supplies from Aquitania.

2. But as diligence overcomes almost all difficulties, he, revolving
many plans of all kinds in his mind, at last conceived the idea of not
waiting till the crops were ripe, but falling on the barbarians before
they expected him. And having resolved on that plan, he caused his men
to take corn for twenty days' consumption from what they had in store,
and to make it into biscuit, so that it might keep longer; and this
enabled the soldiers to carry it, which they did willingly. And relying
on this provision, and setting out as before, with favourable auspices,
he reckoned that in the course of five or six months he might finish two
urgent and indispensable expeditions.

3. And when all his preparations were made, he first marched against
the Franks, that is against that tribe of them usually called Salii, who
some time before had ventured with great boldness to fix their
habitations on the Roman soil near Toxandria.[79] But when he had
reached Tongres, he was met by an embassy from this tribe, who expected
still to find him in his winter quarters, offering him peace on
condition of his leaving them unattacked and unmolested, as if the
ground they had seized were rightfully their own. Julian comprehended
the whole affair, and having given the ambassadors an ambiguous reply,
and also some presents, sent them back again, leaving them to suppose he
would remain in the same place till they returned.

4. But the moment they had departed he followed them, sending Severus
along the bank of the river, and suddenly came upon the whole settlement
like a thunderbolt; and availing himself of his victory to make a
reasonable exhibition of clemency, as indeed they met him with
entreaties rather than with resistance, he received the submission of
them and their children.

5. He then attacked the Chamavi,[80] who had been guilty of similar
audacity, and through the same celerity of movement he slew one portion
of them, and another who made a vigorous resistance he took prisoners,
while others who fled precipitately he allowed to escape unhurt to their
own territories, to avoid exhausting his soldiers with a long campaign.
And when ambassadors were afterwards sent by them to implore his pardon,
and generally to do what they could for them, when they prostrated
themselves before him, he granted them peace on condition of retiring to
their own districts without doing any mischief.


IX.

§ 1. Everything thus succeeding according to his wish, Julian, always on
the watch to establish by every means in his power the security of the
provinces on a solid foundation, determined to put in as good repair as
the time permitted those fortresses erected in a line on the banks of
the Meuse, which some time before had been destroyed by an attack of
the barbarians. And accordingly he desisted for a while from all other
operations, and restored them.

2. And that he might by a prudent rapidity insure their safety, he took
a part of the seventeen days' provisions, which troops, when going on an
expedition, carry on their backs, and stored in those forts, hoping to
replace what he thus took from the soldiers by seizing the crops of the
Chamavi.

3. But he was greatly disappointed. For as the crops were not yet ripe,
the soldiers when they had consumed what they had with them were unable
to find food, and began to utter violent threats against Julian, mingled
with fierce cries and reproaches, calling him Asiatic, Greek, a cheat,
and a fool pretending to be wise. And as it is commonly the case among
soldiers that some men are found of remarkable fluency of speech, they
poured forth such harangues as this:--

4. "Whither are we being dragged, having lost all hope of good fortune?
We formerly, indeed, suffered terrible hardships in the snow, and cruel
biting frost; but now (oh, shame!), when we have the fate of the enemy
in our hands, we are wasting away with famine, the most miserable of all
deaths. Let no one think that we are stirrers up of tumults; we declare
that we are speaking for our very lives. We do not ask for gold or
silver, which it is long since we have touched or seen, and which are as
much denied to us as if we had been convicted of having encountered all
our toils and perils in the service of the enemies of the republic."

5. And their complaints were just. For after all his gallant exploits
and all his doubtful changes and dangers, the soldiers were exhausted by
his Gallic campaigns, without even receiving either donation or pay from
the time that Julian was sent to take the command; because he himself
had nothing to give, nor would Constantius permit anything to be drawn
for that purpose from the treasury, as had been the custom.

6. And at a later period it was manifest that this was owing more to
ill-will than to parsimony, because when Julian had given some small
coin to one of the common soldiers, who, as was the custom, had asked
for some to get shaved with, he was attacked for it with most insulting
calumnies by Gaudentius, the secretary, who had long remained in Gaul as
a spy upon his actions, and whom he himself subsequently ordered to be
put to death, as will be related in its fitting place.


X.

§ 1. When at length their discontent was appeased by various kinds of
caresses, and when the Rhine had been crossed by a bridge of boats,
which was thrown over it, Severus, the master of the horse, up to that
time a brave and energetic soldier, suddenly lost all his vigour.

2. And he who had frequently been used to exhort the troops, both in
bodies and as individuals, to gallant acts, now seemed a base and timid
skulker from battle, as if he feared the approach of death. As we read
in the books of Tages[81] that those who are fated to be soon struck by
lightning, so lose their senses that they cannot hear thunder, or even
greater noises. And he marched on in a lazy way, not natural to him, and
even threatened with death the guides, who were leading on the army with
a brisk step, if they would not agree to say that they were wholly
ignorant of the road any further. So they, fearing his power, and being
forbidden to show the way any more, advanced no further.

3. But amid this delay, Suomarius, king of the Allemanni, arrived
unexpectedly with his suite; and he who had formerly been fierce and
eager for any injury to the Romans, was now inclined to regard it as an
unexpected gain to be permitted to retain his former possessions. And
because his looks and his gait showed him to be a suppliant, he was
received as a friend, and desired to be of good cheer. But still he
submitted himself to Julian's discretion, and implored peace on his
bended knees. And peace was granted him, with pardon for the past, on
condition of giving up our prisoners and of supplying our soldiers with
food, whenever it was required, receiving, like any ordinary purveyor,
security for payment of what he provided. But he was at the same time
warned, that if he did not furnish the required supplies in time he
would be liable to be called in question for his former hostility.

4. And that which had been discreetly planned was carried out without
hindrance. Julian desiring to reach a town belonging to another
chieftain, named Hortarius, towards which object nothing seemed wanting
but guides, gave orders to Nestica, a tribune of the Scutarii, and to
Chariettoa, a man of marvellous courage, to take great pains to capture
a prisoner and to bring him to him. A youth of the Allemanni was
speedily caught and brought before him, who, on condition of obtaining
his freedom, promised to show the road. The army, following him as its
guide, was soon obstructed by an abattis of lofty trees, which had been
cut down; but by taking long and circuitous paths, they at last came to
the desired spot, and the soldiers in their rage laid waste the fields
with fire, carried off the cattle and the inhabitants, and slew all who
resisted without mercy.

5. The king, bewildered at this disaster, seeing the numerous legions,
and the remains of his burnt villages, and looking upon the last
calamities of fortune as impending over him, of his own accord implored
pardon, promising to do all that should be commanded him, and binding
himself on oath to restore all his prisoners. For that was the object
about which Julian was the most anxious. But still he restored only a
few, and detained the greater part of them.

6. When Julian knew this, he was filled with just indignation, and when
the king came to receive the customary presents, the Cæsar refused to
release his four companions, on whose support and fidelity the king
principally relied, till all the prisoners were restored.

7. But when the king was summoned by the Cæsar to a conference, looking
up at him with trembling eyes, he was overcome by the aspect of the
conqueror, and overwhelmed by a sense of his own embarrassing condition,
and especially by the compulsion under which he was now (since it was
reasonable that after so many successes of the Romans that the cities
which had been destroyed by the violence of the barbarians should be
rebuilt) to supply waggons and materials from his own stores and those
of his subjects.

8. And after he had promised to do so, and had bound himself with an
oath to consent to die if he were guilty of any treachery, he was
permitted to return to his own country. For he could not be compelled to
furnish provisions like Suomarius, because his land had been so utterly
laid waste that nothing could be found on it for him to give.

9. Thus those kings who were formerly so proud and accustomed to grow
rich by the plunder of our citizens, were now brought under the Roman
yoke; and as if they had been born and brought up among our tributaries,
they submitted to our commands, though with reluctance. And when these
events were thus brought to a conclusion, the Cæsar distributed his army
among its usual stations, and returned to his winter quarters.


XI.

§ 1. When these transactions presently became known in the court of
Constantius--for the knowledge of them could not be concealed, since the
Cæsar, as if he had been merely an officer of the emperor's, referred to
him on all occasions--those who had the greatest influence in the
palace, being skilful professors of flattery, turned all Julian's
well-arranged plans and their successful accomplishment into ridicule;
continually uttering such malicious sayings as this, "We have had enough
of the goat and his victories;" sneering at Julian because of his beard,
and calling him a chattering mole, a purple-robed ape, and a Greek
pedant. And pouring forth numbers of sneers of the same kind, acceptable
to the emperor, who liked to hear them, they endeavoured with shameless
speeches to overwhelm Julian's virtues, slandering him as a lazy, timid,
carpet-knight, and one whose chief care was to set off his exploits by
fine descriptions; it not being the first time that such a thing had
been done.

2. For the greatest glory is always exposed to envy. So we read in
respect of the illustrious generals of old, that, though no fault could
be found in them, still the malignity which found offence in their
greatest actions was constantly inventing false charges and accusations
against them.

3. In the same manner Cimon the son of Miltiades, who destroyed a vast
host of the Persians on the Eurymedon, a river in Pamphylia, and
compelled a nation always insolent and arrogant to beg for peace most
humbly, was accused of intemperance; and again Scipio Æmilianus, by
whose indomitable vigilance two[82] most powerful cities, which had made
great efforts to injure Rome, were both destroyed, was disparaged as a
mere drone.

4. Moreover, wicked detractors, scrutinizing the character of Pompey,
when no pretext for finding fault with him could be discovered, remarked
two qualities in which they could raise a laugh against him; one that he
had a sort of natural trick of scratching his head with one finger:
another that for the purpose of concealing an unsightly sore, he used to
bind one of his legs with a white bandage. Of which habits, the first
they said showed a dissolute man; the second, one eager for a change of
government; contending, with a somewhat meagre argument, that it did not
signify what part of his body he clothed with a badge of royal dignity;
so snarling at that man of whom the most glorious proofs show that no
braver and truer patriot ever lived.

5. During these transactions, Artemius, the deputy governor of Rome,
succeeded Bassus in the prefecture also; for Bassus, who had lately been
promoted to be prefect of the city, had since died. His administration
had been marked by turbulent sedition, but by no other events
sufficiently memorable to deserve mention.


XII.

§ 1. In the mean time, while the emperor was passing the winter quietly
at Sirmium, he received frequent and trustworthy intelligence that the
Sarmatians and the Quadi, two tribes contiguous to each other, and
similar in manners and mode of warfare, were conjointly overrunning
Pannonia and the second province of Moesia, in straggling detachments.

2. These tribes are more suited to predatory incursions than to regular
war; they carry long spears, and wear breastplates made of horn scraped
and polished, let into linen jackets, so that the layers of horn are
like the feathers of a bird. Their horses are chiefly geldings, lest at
the sight of mares they should be excited and run away, or, when held
back in reserve, should betray their riders by their fierce neighing.

3. They cover vast spaces in their movements, whether in pursuit or in
retreat, their horses being swift and very manageable; and they lead
with them one or sometimes two spare chargers apiece, in order that the
change may keep up the strength of their cattle, and that their vigour
may be preserved by alternations of rest.

4. Therefore, after the vernal equinox was past, the emperor, having
collected a strong body of soldiers, marched forth under the guidance of
propitious fortune. Having arrived at a suitable place, he crossed the
Danube, which was now flooded from the melting of the snow, by a bridge
of boats, and descended on the lands of the barbarians, which he began
to lay waste. They, being taken by surprise through the rapidity of his
march, and seeing that the battalions of his warlike army were at their
throats, when they had not supposed it possible that such a force could
be collected for a year, had no courage to make a stand, but, as the
only means of escaping unexpected destruction, took to flight.

5. When many had been slain, fear fettering their steps, those whose
speed had saved them from death hid themselves among the secret defiles
of the mountains, and from thence beheld their country destroyed by the
sword, which they might have delivered if they had resisted with as much
vigour as they fled.

6. These events took place in that part of Sarmatia which looks towards
the second Pannonia. Another military expedition, conducted with equal
courage, routed the troops of the barbarians in Valeria, who were
plundering and destroying everything within their reach.

7. Terrified at the greatness of this disaster, the Sarmatians, under
pretext of imploring peace, planned to divide their force into three
bodies, and to attack our army while in a state of fancied security; so
that they should neither be able to prepare their weapons, nor avoid
wounds, nor (which is the last resource in a desperate case) take to
flight.

8. There were with the Sarmatians likewise on this occasion, as
partners in their danger, the Quadi,[83] who had often before taken part
in the injuries inflicted on us; but their prompt boldness did not help
them on this occasion, rushing as they did into open danger.

9. For many of them were slain, and the survivors escaped among the
hills, with which they were familiar. And as this event raised the
spirits and courage of our army, they united in solid columns, and
marched with speed into the territories of the Quadi; who, having learnt
by the past to dread the evils which impended over them, came boldly
into the emperor's presence to implore peace as suppliants, since he was
inclined to be merciful in such cases. On the day appointed for settling
the conditions, one of their princes named Zizais, a young man of great
stature, marshalled the ranks of the Sarmatians to offer their
entreaties of peace in the fashion of an army; and as soon as they came
within sight, he threw away his arms, and fell like one dead,
prostrating himself on his breast before the emperor; his very voice
from fear refusing its office, when he ought to have uttered his
entreaties, he awakened the more pity, making many attempts, and being
scarcely able from the violence of his sobs to give utterance to his
wishes.

10. At last, having recovered himself, and being bidden to rise up, he
knelt, and having regained the use of his tongue, he implored pardon for
his offences. His followers also, whose mouths had been closed by fear
while the fate of their leader was still doubtful, were admitted to
offer the same petition, and when he, being commanded to rise, gave them
the signal which they had been long expecting, to present their
petition, they all threw away their javelins and their shields, and held
out their hands in an attitude of supplication, striving to surpass
their prince in the humility of their entreaties.

11. Among the other Sarmatians the prince had brought with him three
chiefs of tribes, Rumo, Zinafer, and Fragiledus, and many nobles who
came to offer the same petition with earnest hope of success. And they,
being elated at the promise of safety, undertook to make amends for
their former deeds of hostility by performing the conditions now imposed
on them; giving up willingly into the power of the Romans themselves,
their wives and children, and all their possessions. The kindness of the
emperor, united with justice, subdued them; and he bidding them be of
good cheer and return to their homes, they restored our prisoners. They
also brought the hostages who were demanded of them, and promised prompt
obedience to all the emperor's commands.

12. Then, encouraged by this example of our clemency, other chieftains
came with all their tribe, by name Araharius and Usafer, men of
distinction among the nobles, and at the head of a great force of their
countrymen; one of them being chief of a portion of the Quadi who dwelt
beyond the mountains, and the other of a division of the Sarmatians: the
two being united by the proximity of their territories, and their
natural ferocity. But the emperor, fearing the number of their
followers, lest, while pretending to make a treaty, they should suddenly
rise up in arms, separated them; ordering those who were acting for the
Sarmatians to retire for a while, while he was examining into the
affairs of Araharius and the Quadi.

13. And when they presented themselves before him, bowing according to
their national custom, as they were not able to clear themselves of
heavy charges, so, fearing extreme punishment, they gave the hostages
which were demanded, though they had never before been compelled to give
pledges for their fidelity.

14. These matters being thus equitably and successfully settled, Usafer
was admitted to offer his petition, though Araharius loudly protested
against this, and maintained that the peace ratified with him ought to
comprehend Usafer also, as an ally of his though of inferior rank, and
subject to his command.

15. But when the question was discussed, the Sarmatians were pronounced
independent of any other power, as having been always vassals of the
Roman empire; and they willingly embraced the proposal of giving
hostages as a pledge of the maintenance of tranquillity.

16. After this there came a vast number of nations and princes, flocking
in crowds, when they heard that Araharius had been allowed to depart in
safety, imploring us to withdraw the sword which was at their throats;
and they also obtained the peace which they requested on similar terms,
and without any delay gave as hostages the sons of their nobles whom
they brought from the interior of the country; and they also
surrendered, as we insisted, all their prisoners, from whom they parted
as unwillingly as from their own relations.

17. When these arrangements were completed, the emperor's anxiety was
transferred to the Sarmatians, who were objects of pity rather than of
anger. It is incredible how much prosperity our connection with their
affairs had brought them, so as to give grounds for really believing,
what some persons do imagine, that Fate may be either overcome or
created at the will of the emperor.

18. There were formerly many natives of this kingdom, of high birth and
great power, but a secret conspiracy armed their slaves against them;
and as among barbarians all right consists in might, they, as they were
equal to their masters in ferocity, and superior in number, completely
overcame them.

19. And these native chiefs, losing all their wisdom in their fear, fled
to the Victohali,[84] whose settlements were at a great distance,
thinking it better in the choice of evils to become subject to their
protectors than slaves to their own slaves. But afterwards, when they
had obtained pardon from us, and had been received as faithful allies,
they deplored their hard fate, and invoked our direct protection. Moved
by the undeserved hardship of their lot, the emperor, when they were
assembled before him, addressed them with kind words in the presence of
his army, and commanded them for the future to own no master but himself
and the Roman generals.

20. And that the restoration of their liberty might carry with it
additional dignity, he made Zizais their king, a man, as the event
proved, deserving the rewards of eminent fortune, and faithful. After
these glorious transactions, none of the Sarmatians were allowed to
depart till all our prisoners had returned, as we had before insisted.

21. When these matters had been concluded in the territories of the
barbarians, the camp was moved to Szoeni,[85] that there also the
emperor might, by subjugation or slaughter, terminate the war with the
Quadi, who were keeping that district in a state of agitation. Their
prince Vitrodorus, the son of king Viduarius, and Agilimundus, an
inferior chieftain, with the other nobles and judges who governed the
different tribes, as soon as they saw the imperial army in the bosom of
their kingdom and of their native land, threw themselves at the feet of
the soldiers, and having obtained pardon, promised obedience; and gave
their children as hostages for the performance of the conditions imposed
upon them; and drawing their swords, which they worship as deities, they
swore to remain faithful.


XIII.

§ 1. These matters then, as has been related, having been thus
successfully terminated, the public interests required that the army
should at once march against the Limigantes, the revolted slaves of the
Sarmatians, who had perpetrated many atrocities with impunity. For, as
soon as the countrymen of free blood had attacked us, they also,
forgetful of their former condition, thinking to take advantage of a
favourable opportunity, burst through the Roman frontier, in this
wickedness alone agreeing with their masters and enemies.

2. But on deliberation we determined that their offence also should be
punished with more moderation than its greatness deserved; and that
vengeance should limit itself to removing them to a distance where they
could no longer harass our territories. The consciousness of a long
series of crimes made them fearful of danger.

3. And therefore, suspecting that the weight of war was about to fall
upon them, they were prepared, as exigency might require, to resort to
stratagem, arms, or entreaties. But at the first sight of our army they
became as it were panic-stricken; and being reduced to despair, they
begged their lives, offering a yearly tribute, and a body of their
chosen youths for our army, and promising perpetual obedience. But they
were prepared to refuse if they were ordered to emigrate (as they showed
by their gestures and countenances), trusting to the strength of the
place where, after they had expelled their masters, they had fixed their
abode.

4. For the Parthiscus[86] waters this land, proceeding with oblique
windings till it falls into the Danube. But while it flows unmixed, it
passes through a vast extent of country, which, near its junction with
the Danube, it narrows into a very small corner, so that over on the
side of the Danube those who live in that district are protected from
the attack of the Romans, and on the side of the Parthiscus they are
secured from any irruptions of the barbarians. Since along its course
the greater part of the ground is frequently under water from the
floods, and always swampy and full of osiers, so as to be quite
impassable to strangers; and besides the mainland there is an island
close to the mouth of the river, which the stream itself seems to have
separated into its present state.

5. Accordingly, at the desire of the emperor, they came with native
arrogance to our bank of the river, not, as the result showed, with the
intention of obeying his commands, but that they might not seem alarmed
at the presence of his soldiers. And there they stood, stubbornly
showing that they had come bent on resistance.

6. And as the emperor had foreseen that this might happen, he secretly
divided his army into several squadrons, and by the rapidity of their
movements hemmed in the barbarians between his own lines. And then,
standing on a mound, with a few of his officers and a small body-guard,
he gently admonished them not to give way to ferocity.

7. But they, wavering and in doubt, were agitated by various feelings,
and mingling craft with their fury, they had recourse to arms and to
prayers at the same time. And meditating to make a sudden attack on
those of our men who were nearest, they threw their shields some
distance before them, with the intent that while they made some steps
forward to recover them, they might thus steal a little ground without
giving any indication of their purpose.

8. And as it was now nearly evening, and the departing light warned us
to avoid further delay, our soldiers raised their standards and fell
upon them with a fiery onset. And they, in close order, directed all
their force against the mound on which (as has been already said) the
emperor himself was standing, fixing their eyes on him, and uttering
fierce outcries against him.

9. Our army was indignant at such insane audacity, and forming into a
triangle, to which military simplicity has given the name of "the boar's
head," with a violent charge they scattered the barbarians now pressing
vigorously upon the emperor; on the right our infantry slew their
infantry, and on the left our cavalry dashed among their squadrons of
light horsemen.

10. The prætorian cohort, carefully guarding the emperor, spared neither
the breasts of those who attacked nor the backs of those who fled, and
the barbarians, yielding in their stubbornness to death alone, showed by
their horrid cries that they grieved not so much at their own death as
at the triumph of our army. And, beside the dead, many lay with their
legs cut off, and so deprived of the resource of flight, others had lost
their hands; some who had received no wound were crushed by the weight
of those who fell upon them, and bore their torments in profound
silence.

11. Nor, amid all their sufferings, did any one of them ask for mercy,
or throw away his sword, or implore a speedy death, but clinging
resolutely to their arms, wounded as they were, they thought it a lesser
evil to be subdued by the strength of another than by their own
consciences, and at times they were heard to grumble that what had
happened was the work of fortune, not of their deserts. And so this
whole battle was brought to an end in half an hour, in which such
numbers of barbarians fell that nothing but the fact of our victory
proved that there had been any battle at all.

12. Those in arms had scarcely been routed when the relations of the
dead, of every age and sex, were brought forward in crowds, having been
dragged from their humble dwellings. And all their former pride being
now gone, they descended to the lowest depths of servile obedience, and
after a very short time nothing but barrows of the dead and bands of
captives were beheld.

13. So, the heat of strife and the excitement of victory stimulating our
men, they rose up to destroy all who had escaped the battle, or who were
lying hidden in their dwellings. And when, eager for the blood of the
barbarians, our soldiers had reached the spot, they tore to pieces the
slight straw-thatched huts; nor could even the strongest-built cottages,
or the stoutest beams save any one from death.

14. At last, when everything was set on fire, and when no one could be
concealed any longer, since every protection for their lives was
destroyed, they either perished obstinately in the flames, or else, if
they avoided the fire and sallied out, they only escaped that
destruction to fall beneath the sword of their enemies.

15. Some, however, did escape from the weapons of the enemy and from the
spreading flames, and committed themselves to the stream, trusting to
their skill in swimming to enable them to reach the further bank; but
many of them were drowned, and others were transfixed by our javelins,
so that the winding stream of the vast river was discoloured with blood,
and thus, by the agency of both elements, did the indignation and valour
of the conquerors destroy the Sarmatians.

16. After these events it was determined to leave the barbarians no hope
nor comfort of life; and after burning their houses and carrying off
their families, an order was given to collect boats in order to hunt out
those who, being on the opposite bank of the river, had escaped the
attack of our men.

17. And immediately, that the alacrity of our warriors might have no
time to cool, some light-armed troops were embarked in boats, and led by
secret paths to occupy the retreats of the Sarmatians. The barbarians at
first were deceived by seeing only the boats of their own country, and
crews with whom they were acquainted.

18. But when the weapons glittered in the distance, and they perceived
that what they feared was upon them, they sought refuge in their
accustomed marshes. And our soldiers pursuing them with great animosity,
slew numbers of them, and gained a victory in a place where it had not
been supposed that any soldier could find a footing, much less do any
bold action.

19. After the Anicenses[87] had thus been routed and almost destroyed,
we proceeded at once to attack the Picenses, who are so called from the
regions which they inhabit, which border on one another; and these
tribes had fancied themselves the more secure from the disasters of
their allies, which they had heard of by frequent rumours. To crush them
(for it was an arduous task for those who did not know the country to
follow men scattered in many directions as they were) the aid of
Taifali[88] and of the free-born Sarmatians was sought.

20. And as the nature of the ground separated the auxiliary battalions
from each other, our own troops took the ground nearest Moesia, the
Taifali that nearest to their own settlements, while the free Sarmatians
occupied that in front of their original position.

21. The Limigantes, alarmed at the still fresh examples of nations
subdued and crushed by us, for a long time hesitated and wavered whether
they should attack us or ask for peace, having arguments of no small
weight for either line of conduct. But at last, through the influence of
the council of the elders, the idea of surrender prevailed; and the
submission also of those who had dared to attack their free-born masters
was added to our numerous victories; and the rest of them, who had
previously despised their masters, thinking them unwarlike and easily
subdued, now finding them stronger than themselves, submitted to them.

22. Accordingly, having received pledges of their safety, and having
quitted the defence of their mountains, the greater portion of them came
with speed to the Roman camp, and they spread over a vast extent of
ground, bringing with them their parents, their children, their wives,
and all the movable treasures which their rapid motions had allowed them
to carry off.

23. And those who it had been supposed would rather lose their lives
than quit their country, while they mistook their mad licentiousness for
liberty, now submitted to obey our orders, and to take up another abode
in peace and good faith, so as to be undisturbed for the future by wars
or seditions. And having been thus accepted as subjects, in accordance
with their own wish as it was believed, they remained quiet for a time;
but afterwards they broke out in destructive wickedness, as shall be
related at the proper time.

24. While our affairs were thus prospering, Illyricum was put in a
state of twofold security, since the emperor, in endeavouring by two
means to accomplish this object, succeeded in both. He brought back and
established in their ancient homes the people who had been banished,
whom, although they were objects of suspicion from their natural
fickleness, he believed would go on more moderately than of old. And to
crown this kindness, he set over them as a king, not one of low birth,
but the very man whom they themselves had formerly chosen, as eminent
for all the virtues of mind and body.

25. After such a wise action, Constantius, being now raised above all
fear, and having received from the unanimous consent of his soldiers the
title of Sarmaticus, from the name of the nation which he had subdued;
and being now about to leave the army, summoned all his cohorts and
centuries and maniples, and mounting the tribune, surrounded by the
standards and eagles, and by a great number of soldiers of all ranks, he
addressed the troops in these words, choosing his topics as usual so as
to gain the favour of all.

26. "The recollection of our glorious exploits, the dearest of all
feelings to brave men, encourages me to repeat, though with great
moderation, what, in our heaven-granted victories, and before battle,
and in the very heat of the strife, we, the most faithful champions of
the Roman state, have conducted to a deservedly prosperous issue. For
what can be so honourable or so justly worthy to be handed down to the
recollection of posterity as the exultation of the soldier in his brave
deeds, and of the general in his wise plans?

27. "The rage of our enemies, in their arrogant pride thinking to profit
by our absence, while we were protecting Italy and Gaul, was overrunning
Illyricum, and with continual sallies they were ravaging even the
districts beyond our frontiers; crossing the rivers, sometimes in boats
made of hollow trees, sometimes on foot; not relying on combats, nor on
their arms and strength, but being accustomed to secret forays, and
having been from the very earliest era of their nation an object of fear
to our ancestors, from their cunning and the variety of their
manoeuvres, which we indeed, being at a great distance, bore as long
as we could, thinking that the vigour of our generals would be able to
protect us from even slight injury.

28. "But when their licentiousness led them on to bolder attempts, and
to inflict great and frequent injury on our provinces, we, having first
fortified the passes of the Tyrol, and having secured the safety of the
Gauls by watchful care, leaving no danger behind us, have marched into
Pannonia, in order, with the favour of the everlasting deity, to
strengthen our tottering interests in that country. And after everything
was prepared, we set forth, as you know, at the end of the spring, and
undertook a great enterprise; first of all taking care that the
countless darts of the enemy should not prevent us from making a bridge.
And when, with no great trouble, this had been accomplished, after we
had set our foot upon the enemy's territories, we defeated, with very
little loss to ourselves, the Sarmatians, who with obstinate courage set
themselves to resist us to the death. And we also crushed the Quadi, who
were bringing reinforcements to the Sarmatians, and who with similar
courage attacked our noble legions.

29. "These tribes, after heavy losses sustained in their attacks, and
their stubborn and toilsome resistance, have at length learnt the power
of our valour, and throwing away their arms, have allowed their hands,
prepared for fighting, to be bound behind their backs; and seeing that
their only hope of safety is in prayer, have fallen at the feet of your
merciful emperor, whose wars they found are usually successful. Having
got rid of these enemies, we with equal courage defeated the Limigantes,
and after we had put numbers of them to the sword, the rest found their
only means of escaping danger lay in fleeing to their hiding-places in
the marshes.

30. "And when these things were successfully terminated, it seemed to be
a seasonable opportunity for mercy. So we compelled the Limigantes to
remove to very distant lands, that they might not be able any more to
move to our injury; and we spared the greatest part of them. And we made
Zizais king over the free-born portion of them, sure that he would be
faithful to us, and thinking it more honour to create a king for the
barbarians than to take one from them, the dignity being increased by
this honourable consideration, that the ruler whom we thus gave them had
before been elected and accepted by them.

31. "So we and the republic have in one campaign obtained a fourfold
reward: first, vengeance on our guilty assailants; next, abundance of
captive slaves from the enemy, for valour is entitled to those rewards
which it has earned with its toil and prowess.

32. "Thirdly, we have ample resources and great treasures of wealth; our
labour and courage having preserved the patrimony of each of us
undiminished. This, in the mind of a good sovereign, is the best fruit
of prosperity.

33. "Lastly, I myself have the well-won spoil of a surname derived from
the enemy--the title of Sarmaticus--which you unanimously have (if I may
say so without arrogance) deservedly conferred on me."

34. After he had made an end of speaking, the whole assembly, with more
alacrity than usual, since its hope of booty and gain was increased,
rose up with joyful voices in praise of the emperor; and, as usual,
calling God to witness that Constantius was invincible, returned with
joy to their tents. And the emperor was conducted back to his palace,
and having rested two days, re-entered Sirmium with a triumphal
procession; and the troops returned to their appointed stations.


XIV.

§ 1. About this time Prosper and Spectatus and Eustathius, who, as has
been mentioned above, had been sent as ambassadors to the Persians,
found the Persian king at Ctesiphon, on his return from his campaign,
and they delivered the emperor's letters and presents, and requested
peace while affairs were still in their existing state. And mindful of
what had been enjoined them, they never forgot the interests nor the
dignity of the Roman empire, maintaining that the peace ought to be made
on the condition that no alteration should be made in the state of
Armenia or Mesopotamia.

2. And having remained for some time, when they saw that the king was
obstinate, and resolute not to admit of peace unless the absolute
dominion of those regions was assigned to him, they returned without
having completed their business.

3. After which, Lucillianus, a count, and Procopius, at that time
secretary, were sent to obtain the same conditions, with equal powers.
Procopius being the same man who afterwards, under the pressure of
violent necessity, committed himself to a revolutionary movement.


[70] Ἐνοίχθωη, Σεισίχθων, Ἐννοσίγδαιος,
from ἐνίθω and σείω, to shake, and χθὰν
and γαῖα, the earth.

[71] From βραζω, to boil over.

[72] Strabo gives Ophiusa as one of the names of Rhodes, and Homer
mentions the golden shower:--

  καί σφιν Θεσπέσιον πλοῦτου κατέχευε κρονιὼν.--Il. β. vi. 70.

As also does Pindar, Ol. vii. 63.

[73] From κλίνω, to lay down.

[74] From χάσμα, a chasm, derived from χαίνω, to
gape.

[75] This is a tale told by Plato in the Timæus (which is believed to
have no foundation).

[76] The destruction of Helice is related in Diodorus Sic. xiv. 48; cf.
Ov. Met. xv. 290.

[77] The lake Ciminus was near Centumcellæ, cf. Virg. Æn. vii. 697. The
town of Saccumum is not mentioned by any other writer.

[78] From μυκάω, to roar like a bull.

[79] Toxandria was in Belgium, on the Scheldt.

[80] The Chamavi were a tribe at the mouth of the Rhine.

[81] Tages was an Etruscan, the son, it is said, of a genius, Jovialis,
and grandson of Jupiter, who rose out of the ground as a man named
Tarchon was ploughing near Tarquinii, and instructed the auspices in
divination. Cf. Cic. Div. ii. 23.

[82] Carthage and Numantia.

[83] The Quadi occupied a part of Hungary.

[84] The Victohali were a tribe of Goths.

[85] Szoeni, called by Ammianus Bregetio, is near Cormorn.

[86] The Theiss.

[87] The Anicenses and Picenses were Dacian tribes.

[88] The Taifali were a tribe of the Western Goths.




BOOK XVIII.

ARGUMENT.

     I. The Cæsar Julian consults the welfare of the Gauls, and provides
     for the general observance of justice.--II. He repairs the walls of
     the castles on the Rhine which he had recovered; crosses the Rhine,
     and having conquered those of the Alemanni who remained hostile, he
     compels their kings to sue for peace, and to restore their
     prisoners.--III. Why Barbatio, the commander of the infantry, and
     his wife, were beheaded by command of Constantius.--IV. Sapor, king
     of Persia, prepares to attack the Romans with all his power.--V.
     Antoninus, the protector, deserts to Sapor, with all his men; and
     increases his eagerness to engage in war with the Romans.--VI.
     Ursicinus, the commander of the legions, being summoned from the
     East, when he had reached Thrace was sent back to Mesopotamia, and
     having arrived there he hears from Marcellinus of Sapor's
     approach.--VII. Sapor, with the kings of the Chionitæ and Albani,
     invades Mesopotamia--The Romans of their own accord lay waste their
     lands with fire; compelled the countrymen to come into the towns,
     and fortify the western bank of the Euphrates with castles and
     garrisons.--VIII. Seven hundred Illyrian cavalry are surprised by
     the Persians, and put to flight--Ursicinus escapes in one
     direction, and Marcellinus in another.--IX. A description of Amida;
     and how many legions and squadrons were there in garrison.--X.
     Sapor receives the surrender of two Roman fortresses.


I.

A.D. 359.

§ 1. These events took place in the different parts of the world in one
and the same year. But while the affairs in Gaul were in a better state;
and while titles of consul were ennobling the brothers Eusebius and
Hypatius, Julian, illustrious for his uninterrupted successes, now in
his winter quarters, being relieved for a while from his warlike
anxieties, was devoting equal care to many points connected with the
welfare of the provinces. Taking anxious care that no one should be
oppressed by the burden of taxation; that the power of the officers
should not be stretched into extortion; that those who increase their
property by the public distresses, should have no sanction, and that no
judge should violate justice with impunity.

2. And he found it easy to correct what was wrong on this head, because
he himself decided all causes in which the persons concerned were of any
great importance; and showed himself a most impartial discerner of right
and wrong.

3. And although there are many acts of his in deciding these disputes
worthy of praise, it will be sufficient to mention one, on the model of
which all his other words and actions were framed.

4. Numerius, a native of Narbonne, had a little time before been accused
before the governor as a thief, and Julian, by an unusual exercise of
the censor's power, heard his cause in public; admitting into the court
all who sought entrance. And when Numerius denied all that was charged
against him, and could not be convicted on any point, Delphidius the
orator, who was assailing him with great bitterness, being enraged at
the failure of his charges, exclaimed, "But, great Cæsar, will any one
ever be found guilty if it be enough to deny the charge?" To whom
Julian, with seasonable wisdom, replied, "Can any one be judged innocent
if it be enough to make a charge?" And he did many similar actions in
his civil capacity.


II.

§ 1. But when he was about to set out on an important expedition against
some tribes of the Allemanni whom he considered hostile, and likely to
proceed to acts of atrocious daring if they were not defeated in a way
to be an example to the rest, he hesitated in great anxiety, since a
report of his intentions had gone before him, what force he could
employ, and how he could be quick enough to take them by surprise the
first moment that circumstances should afford him an opportunity.

2. But after he had meditated on many different plans, he decided on
trying one, which the result proved to be good without any one being
aware of it. He had sent Hariobaudes, a tribune who at that time had no
particular command, a man of honour, loyalty, and courage, under pretext
of an embassy, to Hortarius the king who was now in a state of
friendship with us; in order that from his court Hariobaudes might
easily proceed to the frontiers of the enemy whom he was proposing to
attack; and so ascertain what they were about, being thoroughly skilled
in the language of the barbarians.

3. And when he had gone boldly on this commission, Julian himself, as it
was now a favourable time of the year, assembled his soldiers from all
quarters for the expedition, and set out; thinking it above all things
desirable, before the war had got warm, to effect his entrance into the
cities which had been destroyed some time before, and having recovered
them to put them in a state of defence; and also to establish granaries
in the place of those which had been burnt, in which to store the corn
usually imported from Britain.

4. Both these objects were accomplished, and that more speedily than
could have been looked for. For the store-houses were rapidly built, and
abundance of provisions laid up in them; and seven cities were occupied.
The camp of Hercules, Quadriburgium,[89] Kellen, Nuys, Bonn, Andernach,
and Bingen. At which last city, by exceedingly good fortune, Florentius
the prefect also arrived unexpectedly, bringing with him a division of
soldiers, and a supply of provisions sufficient to last a long time.

5. After this, the next measure of urgent necessity was to repair the
walls of the recovered cities, while as yet no one raised any hindrance;
and it is abundantly plain that at that time the barbarians did out of
fear what was commanded them for the public interests, while the Romans
did it for love of their ruler.

6. According to the treaty made in the preceding year, the kings sent
their own waggons with many articles useful for building. And the
auxiliary soldiers who always hold themselves above employments of this
kind being won over by Julian's caresses to diligent obedience, now
carried beams fifty feet long and more on their shoulders, and gave the
greatest aid to the labours of the architect.

7. And while all this was being done with diligence and speed,
Hariobaudes, having learnt all he wanted, returned and related what he
had ascertained. And after his arrival the army marched with all speed,
and soon reached Mayence, where, though Florentius and Lupicinus, who
succeeded Severus, insisted vehemently that they might cross by the
bridge laid down at that town, the Cæsar strenuously objected,
maintaining that it was not well to trample on the lands of those who
were brought into a state of tranquillity and friendship; lest the
treaty made with them should be brought to an abrupt end, as had often
happened through the discourtesy of the soldiers ravaging everything
that came in their way.

8. But all the Allemanni who were the objects of our attack, seeing the
danger now on their borders, with many threats urged Surmarius their
king, who by a previous treaty was on friendly terms with us, to prevent
the Romans from crossing the river. For their villages were on the
eastern bank of the Rhine. But when Surmarius affirmed that he by
himself was unable to offer effectual resistance, the barbarian host
assembled in a body, and came up to Mayence, intending by main force to
prevent our army from crossing the river.

9. So that Cæsar's advice now seemed best in two points, both not to
ravage the lands of our friends; and also, not in the teeth of the
opposition of a most warlike people, to risk the loss of many lives in
order to make a bridge, even in a spot the most favourable for such a
work.

10. And the enemy, watching his movements with great skill, marched
slowly along the opposite bank, and when they saw our men pitching their
tents at a distance, they still watched all night, exerting the most
sleepless vigilance to prevent the passage of the river from being
attempted.

11. But when our men reached the spot intended, they surrounded their
camp with a rampart and ditch, and took their rest; and the Cæsar,
having taken counsel with Lupicinus, ordered some of the tribunes to get
ready three hundred light-armed soldiers with stakes, without letting
them know what was to be done, or whither they were going.

12. They being collected, when the night was well advanced, and being
all embarked on board of forty light boats, which were all that were at
hand, were ordered to go down the stream so silently as not to use even
their oars, lest the noise should rouse the barbarians, and then using
all activity both of mind and body, to force a landing on the opposite
bank, within the frontier of the enemy, while they were still watching
the camp-fires of our men.

13. While these orders were being performed with great promptness, King
Hortarius, who had been previously bound to us by treaties, and was
without any intention of revolting, kept on friendly terms with the
bordering tribes, having invited all their kings, princes, and
chieftains to a banquet, detained them to the third watch, the banquet
being prolonged so late according to the custom of his nation. And as
they were departing, our men chanced to come upon them suddenly, but
could neither stay nor capture any of them owing to the darkness of the
night and the fleetness of their horses, on which they fled at random in
all directions. A number of sutlers and slaves, however, who were
following them on foot, our men slew; the few who escaped being likewise
protected by the darkness of the hour.

14. When it became known that the Romans had crossed the river (and they
then as well as in all former expeditions accounted it a great relief to
their labours when they could find the enemy), the kings and their
people, who were watching zealously to prevent the bridge from being
made, were alarmed, and being panic-stricken fled in all directions, and
their violent fury being thus cooled, they hastened to remove their
relations and their treasures to a distance. And as all difficulties
were now surmounted, the bridge was at once made, and before the
barbarians could expect it, the Roman army appeared in their
territories, and passed through the dominions of Hortarius without doing
any injury.

15. But when they reached the lands of those kings who were still
hostile, they went on invincibly through the midst of their rebellious
country, laying waste with fire and sword, and plundering everything.
And after their frail houses were destroyed by fire, and a vast number
of men had been slain, and the army, having nothing to face but corpses
and suppliants, had arrived in the region called Capellatum, or Palas,
where there are boundary stones marking the frontiers of the Allemanni
and the Burgundians; the army pitched its camp, in order that Macrianus
and Hariobaudus, brothers, and both kings, might be received by us, and
delivered from their fears. Since they, thinking their destruction
imminent, were coming with great anxiety to sue for peace.

16. And immediately after them King Vadomarius also came, whose abode
was opposite Augst: and having produced some letters of the Emperor
Constantius, in which he was strictly recommended to the protection of
the Romans, he was courteously received, as became one who had been
admitted by the emperor as a client of the Roman empire.

17. And Macrianus and his brother, being admitted among our eagles and
standards, marvelled at the imposing appearance of our arms, and various
resources which they had never seen before. And they offered up
petitions on behalf of their people. But Vadomarius, who had met us
before, since he was close to our frontier, admired indeed the
appointments of our daring expedition, but remembered that he had often
seen such before, ever since his childhood.

18. At last, after long deliberation, with the unanimous consent of all,
peace was granted to Macrianus and Hariobaudus; but an answer could not
be given to Vadomarius, who had come to secure his own safety, and also
as an ambassador to intercede for the kings Urius, Ursicinus, and
Vestralpus, imploring peace for them also; lest, as the barbarians are
men of wavering faith, they might recover their spirits when our army
was withdrawn, and refuse adherence to conditions procured by the agency
of others.

19. But when they also, after their crops and houses had been burnt, and
many of their soldiers had been slain or taken prisoners, sent
ambassadors of their own, and sued for mercy as if they had been guilty
of similar violence to our subjects, they obtained peace on similar
terms; of which that most rigorously insisted on was that they should
restore all the prisoners which they had taken in their frequent
incursions.


III.

§ 1. While the god-like wisdom of the Cæsar was thus successful in Gaul,
great disturbances arose in the court of the emperor, which from slight
beginnings increased to grief and lamentations. Some bees swarmed on the
house of Barbatio, at that time the commander of the infantry. And when
he consulted the interpreters of prodigies on this event, he received
for an answer, that it was an omen of great danger; the answer being
founded on the idea that these animals, after they have fixed their
abode, and laid up their stores, are usually expelled by smoke and the
noisy din of cymbals.

2. Barbatio's wife was a woman called Assyria, neither silent nor
prudent. And when he had gone on an expedition which caused her much
alarm, she, because of the predictions which she recollected to have
been given her, and being full of female vanity, having summoned a
handmaid who was skilful in writing, and of whom she had become
possessed by inheritance from her father Silvanus, sent an unseasonable
letter to her husband, full of lamentations, and of entreaties that
after the approaching death of Constantius, if he himself, as she hoped,
was admitted to a share in the empire, he would not despise her, and
prefer to marry Eusebia, who was Constantius's empress, and who was of a
beauty equalled by few women.

3. She sent this letter as secretly as she could; but the maid, when the
troops had returned from their expedition at the beginning of the night,
took a copy of the letter which she had written at the dictation of her
mistress, to Arbetio, and being eagerly admitted by him, she gave him
the paper.

4. He, relying on this evidence, being at all times a man eager to bring
forward accusations, conveyed it to the emperor. As was usual, no delay
was allowed, and Barbatio, who confessed that he had received the
letter, and his wife, who was distinctly proved to have written it, were
both beheaded.

5. After this execution, investigations were carried further, and many
persons, innocent as well as guilty, were brought into question. Among
whom was Valentinus, who having lately been an officer of the
protectores, had been promoted to be a tribune; and he with many others
was put to the torture as having been privy to the affair, though he was
wholly ignorant of it. But he survived his sufferings; and as some
compensation for the injury done to him, and for his danger, he received
the rank of duke of Illyricum.

6. This same Barbatio was a man of rude and arrogant manners, and very
unpopular, because while captain of the protectores of the household, in
the time of Gallus Cæsar, he was a false and treacherous man; and after
he had attained the higher rank he became so elated that he invented
calumnies against the Cæsar Julian, and, though all good men hated him,
whispered many wicked lies into the ever-ready ears of the emperor.

7. Being forsooth ignorant of the wise old saying of Aristotle, who when
he sent Callisthenes, his pupil and relation, to the king Alexander,
warned him to say as little as he could, and that only of a pleasant
kind, before a man who carried the power of life and death on the tip of
his tongue.

8. We should not wonder that mankind, whose minds we look upon as akin
to those of the gods, can sometimes discern what is likely to be
beneficial or hurtful to them, when even animals devoid of reason
sometimes secure their own safety by profound silence, of which the
following is a notorious instance:--

9. When the wild geese leave the East because of the heat, and seek a
western climate, as soon as they reach Mount Taurus, which is full of
eagles, fearing those warlike birds, they stop up their own beaks with
stones, that not even the hardest necessity may draw a cry from them;
they fly more rapidly than usual across that range, and when they have
passed it they throw away the stones, and then proceed more securely.


IV.

§ 1. While these investigations were being carried on with great
diligence at Sirmium, the fortune of the East sounded the terrible
trumpet of danger. For the king of Persia, being strengthened by the aid
of the fierce nations whom he had lately subdued, and being above all
men ambitious of extending his territories, began to prepare men and
arms and supplies, mingling hellish wisdom with his human counsels, and
consulting all kinds of soothsayers about futurity. And when he had
collected everything, he proposed to invade our territories at the first
opening of the spring.

2. And when the emperor learnt this, at first by report, but
subsequently by certain intelligence, and while all were in suspense
from dread of the impending danger, the dependents of the court,
hammering on the same anvil day and night (as the saying is), at the
prompting of the eunuchs, held up Ursicinus as a Gorgon's head before
the suspicious and timid emperor, continually repeating that, because on
the death of Silvanus, in a dearth of better men, he had been sent to
defend the eastern districts, he had become ambitious of still greater
power.

3. And by this base compliance many tried to purchase the favour of
Eusebius, at that time the principal chamberlain, with whom (if we are
to say the real truth) Constantius had great influence, and who was now
a bitter enemy of the safety of the master of the horse, Ursicinus, on
two accounts; first, because he was the only person who did not need his
assistance, as others did; and secondly, because he would not give up
his house at Antioch, which Eusebius greatly coveted.

4. So this latter, like a snake abounding in poison, and exciting its
offspring as soon as they can crawl to do mischief, stirred up the other
chamberlains, that they, while performing their more private duties
about the prince's person, with their thin and boyish voices, might
damage the reputation of a brave man by pouring into the too open ears
of the emperor accusations of great odium. And they soon did what they
were commanded.

5. Disgust at this and similar events leads one to praise Domitian, who
although, by the unalterable detestation he incurred, has ever stained
the memory of his father and his brother,[90] still deserved credit for
a most excellent law, by which he forbade with severe threats any one to
castrate any boy within the limits of the Roman jurisdiction. For if
there were no such edict, who could endure the swarms of such creatures
as would exist, when it is so difficult to bear even a few of them?

6. However, they proceeded with caution, lest, as Eusebius suggested, if
Ursicinus were again sent for, he should take alarm and throw everything
into confusion; but it was proposed that on the first casual opportunity
he should be put to death.

7. While they were waiting for this chance, and full of doubt and
anxiety; and while we[91] were tarrying a short time at Samosata, the
greatest city of what had formerly been the kingdom of Commagene, we
suddenly received frequent and consistent reports of some new
commotions, which I will now proceed to relate.


V.

§ 1. A certain man named Antoninus, who from having been a wealthy
merchant had become superintendent of the accounts of the duke of
Mesopotamia, and after that entered the corps of the protectores, a man
of experience and wisdom, and very well known in all that country. Being
through the avarice of certain persons involved in heavy losses, and
perceiving that while defending actions against men of influence he was
being sunk lower and lower through injustice, since the judges who had
to decide on his affairs sought to gratify people in power, he, not
wishing to kick against the pricks, bent himself to obsequious caresses;
and confessing that he owed what was claimed of him, the claim, by
collusion, was transferred to the treasury. He now, having resolved on a
flagitious plan, began secretly to look into the secrets of the whole
republic; and being acquainted with both languages, he devoted his
attention to the accounts; remarking the amount, quality, and situation
of the different divisions of the army, and the employment of them on
any expeditions; inquiring also with unwearied diligence into the extent
of the supplies of arms and provisions, and other things likely to be
needful in war.

2. And when he had made himself acquainted with all the internal
circumstances of the East, and had learnt that a great portion of the
troops and of the money for their pay was distributed in Illyricum,
where the emperor himself was detained by serious business; as the day
was now approaching which had been fixed for the payment of the money
for which he had been constrained by fear to give an acknowledgment of
his bond; and as he saw that he must be overwhelmed by disasters on all
sides, since the chief treasurer was devoted to the interests of his
adversary; he conceived the audacious design of crossing over to the
Persians with his wife and children, and his whole numerous family of
relations.

3. And to elude the observation of the soldiers at their different
stations, he bought for a small price a farm in Hiaspis, a district on
the banks of the Tigris. And, relying on this pretext, since no one
would venture to ask why a landed proprietor should go to the extreme
frontier of the Roman territory, as many others did the same, by the
agency of some trusty friends who were skilful swimmers, he carried on
frequent secret negotiations with Tamsapor, who was at that time
governing the country on the other side of the river with the rank of
duke, and with whom he was already acquainted. And at last, having
received from the Persian camp an escort of well-mounted men, he
embarked in some boats, and crossed over at night with all his family,
in the same manner as Zopyrus, the betrayer of Babylon, had formerly
done, only with an opposite object.

4. While affairs in Mesopotamia were in this state, the hangers-on of
the palace, always singing the same song for our destruction, at last
found a handle to injure the gallant Ursicinus; the gang of eunuchs
being still the contrivers and promoters of the plot; since they are
always sour tempered and savage, and having no relations, cling to
riches as their dearest kindred.

5. The design now adopted was to send Sabinianus, a withered old man of
great wealth, but infirm and timid, and from the lowness of his birth
far removed from any office of command, to govern the districts of the
East; while Ursicinus should be recalled to court, to command the
infantry, as successor to Barbatio. And then he, this greedy promoter of
revolution, as they called him, being within their reach, could easily
be attacked by his bitter and formidable enemies.

6. While these things were going on in the camp of Constantius, as at a
festival or a theatre, and while the dispensers of rank which was bought
and sold were distributing the price agreed upon among the influential
houses, Antoninus, having reached Sapor's winter quarters, was received
with gladness; and being ennobled by the grant of a turban, an honour
which gives admission to the royal table, and also that of assisting at
and delivering one's opinion in the councils of the Persians, went
onwards, not with a punt pole or a tar rope, as the proverb is (that is
to say, not by any tedious or circuitous path), but with flowing sails
into the conduct of state affairs, and stirring up Sapor, as formerly
Maharbal roused the sluggish Hannibal, was always telling him that he
knew how to conquer, but not how to use a victory.

7. For having been bred up in active life, and being a thorough man of
business, he got possession of the feelings of his hearers, who like
what tickles their ears, and who do not utter their praises aloud, but,
like the Phæacians in Homer, admire in silence,[92] while he recounted
the events of the last forty years; urging that, after all these
continual wars, and especially the battles of Hileia and Singara,[93]
where that fierce combat by night took place, in which we lost a vast
number of our men, as if some fecial had interposed to stop them, the
Persians, though victorious, had never advanced as far as Edessa or the
bridges over the Euphrates. Though with their warlike power and
splendid success, they might have pushed their advances especially at
that moment, when in consequence of the protracted troubles of their
civil wars the blood of the Romans was being poured out on all sides.

8. By these and similar speeches the deserter, preserving his sobriety
at the banquets, where, after the fashion of the ancient Greeks, the
Persians deliberate on war and other important affairs, stimulated the
fiery monarch, and persuaded him to rely upon the greatness of his
fortune, and to take up arms the moment that the winter was over, and he
himself boldly promised his assistance in many important matters.


VI.

§ 1. About this time Sabinianus, being elated at the power which he had
suddenly acquired, and having arrived in Cilicia, gave his predecessor
letters from the emperor, desiring him to hasten to court to be invested
with higher dignities. In fact the affairs of Asia were in such a state
that, even if Ursicinus had been at Ultima Thule their urgency would
have required him to be summoned thence to set them right, since he was
a man of the ancient discipline, and from long experience especially
skilful in the Persian manner of conducting war.

2. But when the report of this reached the provinces, all ranks of the
citizens and agricultural population, by formal edicts and by unanimous
outcries, endeavoured to detain him, almost forcibly, as the public
defender of their country, remembering that though for ten years he had
been left to his own resources with a scanty and unwarlike force, he had
yet incurred no loss; and fearing for their safety if at so critical a
time he should be removed and a man of utter inactivity assume the rule
in his stead.

3. We believe, and indeed there is no doubt of it, that fame flies on
wings through the paths of the air; and she it was who now gave
information of these events to the Persians while deliberating on the
entire aspect of affairs. At last, after many arguments pro and con,
they determined, on the advice of Antoninus, that as Ursicinus was
removed, and as the new governor was contemptible, they might venture
to neglect laying siege to cities, an operation which would cause a
mischievous loss of time, and at once cross the Euphrates, and advance
further, in order, outstripping all rumour of their march, to occupy
those provinces which, throughout all our wars, had always been safe
(except in the time of Gallienus), and which, from their long enjoyment
of peace, were very wealthy. And in this enterprise, with the favour of
God, Antoninus offered himself as a most desirable guide.

4. His advice, therefore, being unanimously praised and adopted, and the
attention of the whole nation being directed to the speedy collection of
those things which were required, supplies, soldiers, arms, and
equipments, the preparation of everything for the coming campaign was
continued the whole winter.

5. In the mean time, we, hastening at the emperor's command towards
Italy, after having been detained a short time on the western side of
Mount Taurus, reached the river Hebrus, which descends from the
mountains of the Odrysæ[94], and there we received letters from the
emperor, ordering us, without the least delay, to return to Mesopotamia,
without any officers, and having, indeed, no important duty to
discharge, since all the power had been transferred to another.

6. And this had been arranged by those mischievous meddlers in the
government, in order that if the Persians failed and returned to their
own country, our success might be attributed to the valour of the new
governor; while, if our affairs turned out ill, Ursicinus might be
impeached as a traitor to the republic.

7. Accordingly we, being tossed about without any reason, after much
time had been lost, returned, and found Sabinianus, a man full of pride,
of small stature, and of a petty and narrow mind, scarcely able without
fear to encounter the slight noise of a beast, much less to face the
crash of battle.

8. Nevertheless, since our spies brought positive and consistent
intelligence that all kind of preparations were going on among the
enemy, and since their report was confirmed by that of the deserters,
while this manikin was in a state of perplexity, we hastened to Nisibis
to make such preparation as seemed requisite, lest the Persians, while
concealing their intention to besiege it, should come upon it by
surprise.

9. And while all things necessary were being pressed forward within the
walls, continued fires and columns of smoke being seen on the other side
of the Tigris, near the town called the Camp of the Moors, and Sisara,
and the other districts on the Persian frontier, and spreading up to the
city itself, showed that the predatory bands of the enemy had crossed
the river, and entered our territories.

10. And therefore we hastened forwards with a forced march, to prevent
the roads from being occupied; and when we had advanced two miles, we
saw a fine boy of about eight years old, as we guessed, wearing a
necklace, of noble appearance, standing on the top of a small hillock,
and crying out, stating himself to be the son of a man of noble birth,
whom his mother, while fleeing in her alarm at the approach of the
enemy, had left in her panic in order to be less encumbered. We pitied
him, and at the command of our general, I put him on my horse, in front
of me, and took him back to the city, while the predatory bands of the
enemy, having blockaded the city, were ravaging all around.

11. And because I was alarmed at the difficulties in which we should be
placed by a blockade, I put the child in at a half open postern gate,
and hastened back with all speed to my troop. And I was very nearly
taken prisoner; for a tribune named Abdigidus, accompanied by a groom,
was fleeing, pursued by a squadron of cavalry, and though the master
escaped the servant was taken. And as I was passing by rapidly, they,
examining the servant, inquired of him who was the chief who had
advanced against them; and when they heard that Ursicinus had a little
while before entered the city, and was on his way to Mount Izala, they
put their informant to death, and then, forming into one body, pursued
us with ceaseless speed.

12. But I outstripped them by the speed of my horse, and finding my
comrades reposing securely under the walls of a slight fort, called
Amudis, with their horses dispersed over the grass, I waved my hand, and
raising the hem of my cloak: by this usual signal I gave notice that
the enemy was at hand, and then joining them we retreated together,
though my horse was greatly fatigued.

13. Our alarm was increased by the brightness of the night, as the moon
was full, and by the even level of the plain, which, if our danger
should become worse, afforded no possible hiding-place, as having
neither trees, nor bushes, nor anything but low herbage.

14. Accordingly we adopted the following plan: we lit a lamp and
fastened it tightly on a horse, which we turned loose without a rider,
and let go where it pleased to our left, while we marched towards the
high ground on our right, in order that the Persians might fancy the
light a torch held before the general as he proceeded slowly forwards,
and so keep on in that direction. And unless we had adopted this
precaution we should have been circumvented, and have fallen as
prisoners into the power of the enemy.

15. Being delivered from this danger, when we had come to a woody spot,
full of vines and fruit-bearing trees, called Meiacarire, a name derived
from the cool springs found there, we found that the inhabitants had all
fled, and there was only a single soldier remaining behind, concealed in
a remote corner. And when he was brought before our general, and through
fear told all kinds of different stories, and so became an object of
suspicion; at last, under the compulsion of our threats, he told the
real truth, that he was a native of Gaul, and had been born among the
Parisii, that he had served in our cavalry, but that fearing punishment
for some offence he had deserted to the Persians; that he had since
married a wife of excellent character, and had a family, and that having
been frequently sent as a spy to our camp, he had always brought the
Persians true intelligence. And now he said he had been sent by the
nobles Tamsapor and Nohodares, who were in command of the predatory
bands, to bring them such intelligence as he could collect. After
telling us this, and also that he knew of the operations of the enemy,
he was put to death.

16. Afterwards, as our anxiety increased, we proceeded from thence with
as much speed as we could make to Amida, a city celebrated at a later
period for the disaster which befel it. And when our scouts had rejoined
us there we found in one of their scabbards a scrap of parchment
written in cipher, which they had been ordered to convey to us by
Procopius, whom I have already spoken of as ambassador to the Persians
with the Count Lucillianus; its terms were purposely obscure, lest if
the bearers should be taken prisoners, and the sense of the writing
understood, materials should be found for fatal mischief.

17. The purport was, "The ambassadors of the Greeks, having been
rejected, and being perhaps to be put to death, the aged king, not
contented with the Hellespont, will throw bridges over the Granicus and
the Rhyndacus, and invade Asia Minor with a numerous host, being by his
own natural disposition irritable and fierce; and being now prompted and
inflamed by him who was formerly the successor of the Roman emperor
Hadrian,[95] it is all over with the Greeks if they do not take care."

18. The meaning of this was that the Persian king, having crossed the
rivers Anzaba and Tigris, at the prompting of Antoninus was aiming at
the sovereignty of the entire East. When it had been interpreted with
difficulty, from its great obscurity, a wise plan was decided on.

19. The satrap of Corduena, a province under the authority of the
Persians, was a man named Jovinianus, who had grown up to manhood in the
Roman territories, and was secretly friendly to us, because he had been
detained as a hostage in Syria, and being now allured by the love of
liberal studies, he was exceedingly desirous to return among us.

20. To this man I, being sent with a faithful centurion, for the purpose
of learning with greater certainty what was being done, reached him by
travelling over pathless mountains, and dangerous defiles. And when he
saw and recognized me, he received me courteously, and I avowed to him
alone the reason of my coming; and having received from him a silent
guide, well acquainted with the country, I was sent to some lofty rocks
at a distance, from which, if one's eyes did not fail, one could see
even the most minute object fifty miles off.

21. There we remained two whole days; and on the morning of the third
day we saw all the circuit of the earth, which we call the horizon,
filled with countless hosts of men, and the king marching before them
glittering with the brilliancy of his robes. And next to him on his left
hand marched Grumbates, king of the Chionitæ, a man of middle age, and
wrinkled limbs, but of a grand spirit, and already distinguished for
many victories. On his right hand was the king of the Albani, of equal
rank and splendour. After them came various generals, renowned for their
rank and power, who were followed by a multitude of all classes, picked
from the flower of the neighbouring nations, and trained by long
hardship to endure any toil or danger.

22. How long, O mendacious Greece, wilt thou tell us of Doriscus,[96]
the Thracian town, and of the army counted there in battalions in a
fenced space, when we careful, or to speak more truly, cautious
historians, exaggerate nothing, and merely record what is established by
evidence neither doubtful nor uncertain!


VII.

§ 1. After the kings had passed by Nineveh, an important city of the
province of Adiabene, they offered a sacrifice in the middle of the
bridge over the Anzaba, and as the omens were favourable, they advanced
with great joy; while we, calculating that the rest of their host could
hardly pass over in three days, returned with speed to the satrap, and
rested, refreshing ourselves by his hospitable kindness.

2. And returning from thence through a deserted and solitary country,
under the pressure of great necessity, and reaching our army more
rapidly than could have been expected, we brought to those who were
hesitating the certain intelligence that the kings had crossed over the
river by a bridge of boats, and were marching straight towards us.

3. Without delay, therefore, horsemen with horses of picked speed were
sent to Cassianus, duke of Mesopotamia, and to Euphronius, at that time
the governor of the province, to compel the residents in the country to
retire with their families and all their flocks to a safer place; and
to quit at once the town of Carræ, which was defended by very slight
walls; and further, to burn all the standing crops, that the enemy might
get no supplies from the land.

4. And when these orders had been executed, as they were without delay,
and when the fire was kindled, the violence of the raging element so
completely destroyed all the corn,[97] which was just beginning to swell
and turn yellow, and all the young herbage, that from the Euphrates to
the Tigris nothing green was to be seen. And many wild beasts were
burnt, and especially lions, who infest these districts terribly, but
who are often destroyed or blinded in this manner.

5. They wander in countless droves among the beds of rushes on the banks
of the rivers of Mesopotamia, and in the jungles; and lie quiet all the
winter, which is very mild in that country. But when the warm weather
returns, as these regions are exposed to great heat, they are forced out
by the vapours, and by the size of the gnats, with swarms of which every
part of that country is filled. And these winged insects attack the
eyes, as being both moist and sparkling, sitting on and biting the
eyelids; the lions, unable to bear the torture, are either drowned in
the rivers, to which they flee for refuge, or else by frequent
scratchings tear their eyes out themselves with their claws, and then
become mad. And if this did not happen the whole of the East would be
overrun with beasts of this kind.

6. While the plains were thus being laid waste by fire, as I have
described, the tribunes, who were sent with a body of protectores,
fortified all the western bank of the Euphrates with castles and sharp
palisades and every kind of defence, fixing also large engines for
hurling missiles on those spots where the more tranquil condition of the
river made it likely that the enemy might attempt to cross.

7. While these things were being expeditiously done, Sabinianus, chosen
in the hurried moment of general danger as the fittest conductor of an
internecine war, was living luxuriously, according to his custom, at the
tombs of Edessa,[98] as if he had established peace with the dead, and
had nothing to fear: and he took especial pleasure in breaking the
silence of the place with the sounding measures of the martial
pyathicari, instead of the usual theatrical exhibitions; a fancy,
considering the place, pregnant with omens. Since these and similar
gloomy scenes foreshow future commotions, as we learn in the progress of
time, all good men ought to avoid them.

8. In the mean time, passing by Nisibis as of no importance, while the
conflagration increased through the dryness of the crops, the kings,
dreading a scarcity of food, marched through the grassy valleys at the
foot of the mountains.

9. When they had arrived at a small place called Bebase (from which
place to the town of Constantina, which is one hundred miles distant,
the whole country is an arid desert, except where a little water is
found in some wells), they hesitated for some time, doubting what to do;
and at last resolving to proceed in reliance on the endurance of their
men, they learnt from a trusty spy that the Euphrates was swollen by the
melting of the snow, and was now extensively inundating the adjacent
lands, and so could not possibly be forded.

10. Therefore they turned to see what opportunities chance might afford
them, being now cut off unexpectedly from the hope which they had
conceived. And in the present emergency a council was held, at which
Antoninus was requested to give his advice: and he counselled them to
direct their march to the right, so that by a longer circuit they might
reach the two strong forts of Barzala and Laudias, to which he could
guide them through a region fertile in everything, and still
undestroyed, since the march of the army was expected to be made in a
straight line. And the only river on their road was one small and
narrow, to be passed near its source, before it was increased by any
other streams, and easily fordable.

11. When they had heard this, they praised their adviser, and bidding
him lead the way, the whole army turned from its previously appointed
line, and followed his guidance.


VIII.

§ 1. When our generals received intelligence of this from their spies,
we settled to march in haste to Samosata, in order to cross the river at
that point, and destroying the bridges at Zeugma and Capersana, to check
the invasion of the enemy if we could find a favourable chance for
attacking them.

2. But we met with a sad disaster, worthy to be buried in profound
silence. For two squadrons of cavalry, of about seven hundred men, who
had just been sent from Illyricum to Mesopotamia as a reinforcement, and
who were guarding the passes, becoming enervated and timid, and fearing
a surprise by night, withdrew from the public causeways in the evening,
a time above all others when they most required watching.

3. And when it was remarked that they were all sunk in wine and sleep,
about twenty thousand Persians, under the command of Tamsapor and
Nohodares, passed without any one perceiving them, and fully armed as
they were, concealed themselves behind the high ground in the
neighbourhood of Amida.

4. Presently, when (as has been said) we started before daybreak on our
march to Samosata, our advanced guard, on reaching a high spot which
commanded a more distant view, was suddenly alarmed by the glitter of
shining arms; and cried out in a hurried manner that the enemy were at
hand. Upon this the signal for battle was given, and we halted in a
solid column, never thinking of fleeing, since, indeed, those who would
have pursued us were in sight; nor to engage in battle with an enemy
superior to us in numbers, and especially in cavalry; but seeing the
necessity for caution in the danger of certain death which lay before
us.

5. At last, when it seemed clear that a battle could not be avoided, and
while we were still hesitating what to do, some of our men rashly
advanced as skirmishers, and were slain. And then, as each side pressed
onwards, Antoninus, ambitiously marching in front of the enemy, was
recognized by Ursicinus, and addressed by him in a tone of reproach, and
called a traitor and a scoundrel; till at last, taking off the tiara
which he wore on his head as a badge of honour, he dismounted from his
horse, and bending down till his face nearly touched the ground, he
saluted the Roman general, calling him patron and master; and holding
his hands behind his back, which among the Assyrians is a gesture of
supplication, he said, "Pardon me, most noble count, who have been
driven to this guilt by necessity, not by my own will. My creditors, as
you know, drove me headlong into it: men whose avarice even your high
authority, which tried to support me in my distress, could not
overcome." Having said this, he withdrew without turning his back upon
him, but retiring backwards in a respectful manner, with his face
towards him.

6. And while this was taking place, which did not occupy above half an
hour, our second rank, which occupied the higher ground, cried out that
another body of cuirassiers appeared behind, and was coming on with
great speed.

7. And then, as is often the case at critical moments, doubting which
enemy we ought, or even could resist, and being pressed on all sides by
an overwhelming mass, we dispersed in every direction, each fleeing
where he could. And while every one was trying to extricate himself from
the danger, we were brought, without any order, face to face with the
enemy.

8. And so struggling vigorously while giving up all desire of saving our
lives, we were driven back to the high banks of the Tigris. Some of our
men, driven into the water where it was shallow, locked their arms, and
so made a stand; others were carried off by the current and drowned;
some, still fighting with the enemy, met with various fortune, or,
panic-stricken at the numbers of the barbarians, sought the nearest
defiles of Mount Taurus. Among these was the general himself, who was
recognized and surrounded by a vast body of the enemy; but he escaped
with the tribune Aiadalthes and one groom, being saved by the swiftness
of his horse.

9. I myself was separated from my comrades, and while looking round to
see what to do, I met with one of the protectores named Verrinianus,
whose thigh was pierced through by an arrow, and while at his entreaty I
was trying to pull it out, I found myself surrounded on all sides by
Persians, some of whom had passed beyond me. I therefore hastened back
with all speed towards the city, which, being placed on high ground, is
only accessible by one very narrow path on the side on which we were
attacked; and that path is made narrower still by escarpments of the
rocks, and barriers built on purpose to make the approach more
difficult.

10. Here we became mingled with the Persians, who were hastening with a
run, racing with us, to make themselves masters of the higher ground:
and till the dawn of the next day we stood without moving, so closely
packed, that the bodies of those who were slain were so propped up by
the mass that they could not find room to fall to the ground; and a
soldier in front of me, whose head was cloven asunder into equal
portions by a mighty sword-blow, still stood upright like a log, being
pressed upon all sides.

11. And although javelins were incessantly hurled from the battlements
by every kind of engine, yet we were protected from that danger by the
proximity of the walls. And at last I got in at the postern gate, which
I found thronged by a multitude of both sexes flocking in from the
neighbouring districts. For it happened by chance on these very days
that it was the time of a great annual fair which was held in the
suburbs, and which was visited by multitudes of the country people.

12. In the mean time all was in disorder with every kind of noise; some
bewailing those whom they had lost; others being mortally wounded; and
many calling on their different relations whom the crowd prevented them
from discovering.


IX.

§ 1. This city had formerly been a very small one, till Constantius
while Cæsar, at the same time that he built another town called
Antinopolis, surrounded Amida also with strong towers and stout walls,
that the people in the neighbourhood might have a safe place of refuge.
And he placed there a store of mural engines, making it formidable to
the enemy, as he wished it to be called by his own name.

2. On the southern side it is watered by the Tigris, which passes close
to it, making a kind of elbow: on the east it looks towards the plains
of Mesopotamia, on the north it is close to the river Nymphæus, and is
overshadowed by the chain of Mount Taurus, which separates the nations
on the other side of the Tigris from Armenia. On the west it borders on
the province of Gumathena, a fertile and well-cultivated district, in
which is a village known as Abarne, celebrated for the healing
properties of its hot springs. But in the very centre of Amida, under
the citadel, there rises a rich spring of water, drinkable indeed, but
often tainted with hot vapours.

3. In the garrison of this town, the fifth or Parthian legion was always
located with a considerable squadron of native cavalry. But at that time
six legions, by forced marches, had outstripped the Persian host in its
advance, and greatly strengthened the garrison: they were the Magnentian
and Decentian legions whom, after the end of the civil war, the emperor
had sent as mutinous and discontented to the East, since there the only
danger was from foreign wars: the tenth, and the thirteenth legion
called the Fretensian:[99] and two legions of light infantry called
præventores and superventores,[100] with Ælian, who was now a count. Of
these latter, when only new recruits, we have already[101] spoken, as
sallying out from Singara at the instigation of this same Ælian, then
only one of the guard, and slaying a great number of Persians whom they
had surprised in their sleep.

4. There was also the greater part of the force called companion
archers, being squadrons of cavalry so named, in which all the free-born
barbarians serve, and who are conspicuous among all others for the
splendour of their arms and for their prowess.


X.

§ 1. While the first onset of the Persians was by its unexpected
vehemence throwing these troops into disorder, the king, with his native
and foreign troops, having after leaving Bebase turned his march to the
right, according to the advice of Antoninus, passed by Horre and
Meiacarire and Charcha, as if he meant also to pass by Amida. And when
he had come near the Roman forts, one of which is called Reman, and the
other Busan, he learnt from some deserters that many persons had removed
their treasures there for protection, trusting to their lofty and strong
walls; and it was also added that there was there, with a great many
valuables, a woman of exquisite beauty, the wife of a citizen of Nisibis
named Craugasius, of great consideration by birth, character, and
influence; with her little daughter.

2. Sapor, eager to seize what belonged to another, hastened on, and
attacked the castle with force; and the garrison, being seized with a
sudden panic at the variety of arms of the assailants, surrendered
themselves, and all who had fled to them for protection; and at the
first summons gave up the keys of the gates. Possession being taken, all
that was stored there was ransacked; women bewildered with fear were
dragged forth; and children clinging to their mothers were taught bitter
suffering at the very beginning of their infancy.

3. And when Sapor, by asking each whose wife she was, had found that of
Craugasius trembling with fear of violence, he allowed her to come in
safety to him, and when he saw her, veiled as she was with a black veil
to her lips, he kindly encouraged her with a promise that she should
recover her husband, and that her honour should be preserved inviolate.
For hearing that her husband was exceedingly devoted to her, he thought
that by this bribe he might win him over to betray Nisibis.

4. And he also extended his protection to other virgins who, according
to Christian rites, had been formally consecrated to the service of God,
ordering that they should be kept uninjured, and be allowed to perform
the offices of religion as they had been accustomed. Affecting clemency
for a time, in order that those who were alarmed at his former ferocity
and cruelty might now discard their fears, and come to him of their own
accord, learning from these recent examples that he tempered the
greatness of his success with humanity and courtesy.


[89] It is not known what towns are meant by Castra Herculis and
Quadriburgium.

[90] Vespasian and Titus.

[91] Ammianus was still in attendance on Ursicinus.

[92] Homer, Od. xiii. I; translated by Pope--

  "He ceased, but left, so pleasing on their ear,
  His voice, that listening still they seemed to hear."

And imitated by Milton, Paradise Lost, ix. 1--

  "The angel ended, and in Adam's ear
  So pleasing left his voice that he awhile
  Thought him still speaking, still stood fixed to hear."

[93] The battle of Hileia took place A.D. 348; that of Singara three
years earlier.

[94] The Maritza, rising in Mount Hæmus, now the Balkan.

[95] Antoninus is meant, as Hadrian was succeeded by Antoninus Pius.

[96] Doriscus was the town where Xerxes reviewed and counted his army,
as is related by Herodotus, vii. 60.

[97] "Ammianus has marked the chronology of this year by three signs
which do not perfectly coincide with each other, or with the series of
the history:--1. The corn was ripe when Sapor invaded Mesopotamia, 'cum
jura stipulâ flavente turgerent'--a circumstance which, in the latitude
of Aleppo, would naturally refer us to the month of April or May. 2. The
progress of Sapor was checked by the overflowing of the Euphrates, which
generally happens in July and August. 3. When Sapor had taken Amida,
after a siege of seventy-three days, the autumn was far advanced.
'Autumno præcipiti hædorumque improbo sidere exorto.' To reconcile these
apparent contradictions, we must allow for some delay in the Persian
king, some inaccuracy in the historian, and some disorder in the
seasons."--Gibbon, cap. xix.; ed. Bohn, vol. ii. 320. "Clinton, F.R., i.
442, sees no such difficulty as Gibbon has here supposed; he makes Sapor
to have passed the Tigris in May, reached the Euphrates July 8th,
arrived before Amida July 27th, and stormed the place October
7th."--Editor of Bohn's ed.

[98] That is, in the suburbs of Edessa, as cemeteries in ancient times
were usually outside the walls of cities.

[99] It is not known what this name is derived from: some read
Fortensis, instead of Fretensis, and those who prefer this reading
derive it either from Fortis, brave; or from Fortia, a small town of
Asiatic Sarmatia.

[100] Præventores, or "going before;" superventores, "coming after," as
a reserve.

[101] In one of the earlier books which has been lost.




BOOK XIX.

ARGUMENT.

     I. Sapor, while exhorting the citizens of Amida to surrender, is
     assailed with arrows and javelins by the garrison--And when king
     Grumbates makes a similar attempt, his son is slain.--II. Amida is
     blockaded, and within two days is twice assaulted by the
     Persians.--III. Ursicinus makes a vain proposal to sally out by
     night, and surprise the besiegers, being resisted by Sabinianus,
     the commander of the forces.--IV. A pestilence, which breaks out in
     Amida, is checked within ten days by a little rain--A discussion of
     the causes, and different kinds of pestilences.--V. Amida, betrayed
     by a deserter, is assailed both by assaults on the walls and by
     underground mines.--VI. A sally of the Gallic legions does great
     harm to the Persians.--VII. Towers and other engines are brought
     close to the walls of the city, but they are burnt by the
     Romans.--VIII. Attempts are made to raise lofty mounds close to the
     walls of Amida, and by these means it is entered--After the fall of
     the city, Marcellinus escapes by night, and flees to Antioch.--IX.
     Of the Roman generals at Amida, some are put to death, and others
     are kept as prisoners--Craugasius of Nisibis deserts to the
     Persians from love of his wife, who is their prisoner.--X. The
     people of Rome, fearing a scarcity, become seditious.--XI. The
     Limigantes of Sarmatia, under pretence of suing for peace, attack
     Constantius, who is deceived by their trick; but are driven back
     with heavy loss.--XII. Many are prosecuted for treason, and
     condemned.--XIII. Lauricius, of the Isaurians checks the hordes of
     banditti.


I.

§ 1. The king, rejoicing at this our disaster and captivity, and
expecting other successes, advanced from this castle, and marching
slowly, on the third day came to Amida.

2. And at daybreak, everything, as far as we could see, glittered with
shining arms; and an iron cavalry filled the plains and the hills.

3. And he himself, mounted on his charger, and being taller than the
rest, led his whole army, wearing instead of a crown a golden figure of
a ram's head inlaid with jewels; being also splendid from the retinue of
men of high rank and of different nations which followed him. And it was
evident that his purpose was merely to try the garrison of the walls
with a parley, as, in following out the counsel of Antoninus, he was
hastening to another quarter.

4. But the deity of heaven, mercifully limiting the disasters of the
empire within the compass of one region, led on this king to such an
extravagant degree of elation, that he seemed to believe that the moment
he made his appearance the besieged would be suddenly panic-stricken,
and have recourse to supplication and entreaty.

5. He rode up to the gates, escorted by the cohort of his royal guard;
and while pushing on more boldly, so that his very features might be
plainly recognized, his ornaments made him such a mark for arrows and
other missiles, that he would have been slain, if the dust had not
hindered the sight of those who were shooting at him; so that after a
part of his robe had been cut off by a blow of a javelin, he escaped to
cause vast slaughter at a future time.

6. After this, raging as if against sacrilegious men who had violated a
temple, he cried out that the lord of so many monarchs and nations had
been insulted, and resolved to use all his efforts to destroy the city.
But at the entreaty of his choicest generals not to break the example of
mercy which he had so gloriously set, by indulging in anger, he was
pacified, and the next day ordered the garrison to be summoned to
surrender.

7. Therefore, at daybreak, Grumbates, king of the Chionitæ, went boldly
up to the walls to effect that object, with a brave body of guards; and
when a skilful reconnoitrer had noticed him coming within shot, he let
fly his balista, and struck down his son in the flower of his youth, who
was at his father's side, piercing through his breastplate, breast and
all; and he was a prince who in stature and beauty was superior to all
his comrades.

8. At his death all his countrymen took to flight, but presently
returning in order to prevent his body from being carried off, and
having roused with their dissonant clamours various tribes to their aid,
a stern conflict arose, the arrows flying on both sides like hail.

9. The deadly struggle having been continued till the close of day, it
was nightfall before the corpse of the young prince, which had been so
stubbornly defended, was extricated from the heap of dead and streams of
blood, amid the thick darkness; as formerly at Troy, the armies fought
in furious combat for the comrade of the Thessalian chieftain.[102]

10. At his death the count was sad, and all the nobles as well as his
father were distressed at his sudden loss; and a cessation of arms
having been ordered, the youth, so noble and beloved, was mourned after
the fashion of his nation. He was carried out in the arms he was wont to
wear, and placed on a spacious and lofty pile; around him ten couches
were dressed, bearing effigies of dead men, so carefully laid out, that
they resembled corpses already buried; and for seven days all the men in
the companies and battalions celebrated a funeral feast, dancing, and
singing melancholy kinds of dirges in lamentation for the royal youth.

11. And the women, with pitiable wailing, deplored with their customary
weepings the hope of their nation thus cut off in the early bloom of
youth; as the worshippers of Venus are often seen to do in the solemn
festival of Adonis, which the mystical doctrines of religion show to be
some sort of image of the ripened fruits of the earth.


II.

§ 1. When the body was burnt and the bones collected in a silver urn,
which his father had ordered to be carried back to his native land, to
be there buried beneath the earth, Sapor, after taking counsel,
determined to propitiate the shade of the deceased prince by making the
destroyed city of Amida his monument. Nor indeed was Grumbates willing
to move onward while the shade of his only son remained unavenged.

2. And having given two days to rest, and sent out large bodies of
troops to ravage the fertile and well-cultivated fields which were as
heavy with crops as in the time of peace, the enemy surrounded the city
with a line of heavy-armed soldiers five deep; and at the beginning of
the third day the brilliant squadrons filled every spot as far as the
eye could see in every direction, and the ranks marching slowly, took up
the positions appointed to each by lot.

3. All the Persians were employed in surrounding the walls; that part
which looked eastward, where that youth so fatal to us was slain, fell
to the Chionitæ. The Vertæ were appointed to the south; the Albani
watched the north; while opposite to the western gate were posted the
Segestani, the fiercest warriors of all, with whom were trains of tall
elephants, horrid with their wrinkled skins, which marched on slowly,
loaded with armed men, terrible beyond the savageness of any other
frightful sight, as we have often said.

4. When we saw these countless hosts thus deliberately collected for the
conflagration of the Roman world, and directed to our own immediate
destruction, we despaired of safety, and sought only how to end our
lives gloriously, as we all desired.

5. From the rising of the sun to its setting, the enemy's lines stood
immovable, as if rooted to the ground, without changing a step or
uttering a sound; nor was even the neigh of a horse heard; and the men
having withdrawn in the same order as they had advanced, after
refreshing themselves with food and sleep, even before the dawn,
returned, led by the clang of brazen trumpets, to surround the city, as
if fated to fall with their terrible ring.

6. And scarcely had Grumbates, like a Roman fecial, hurled at us a spear
stained with blood, according to his native fashion, than the whole
army, rattling their arms, mounted up to the walls, and instantly the
tumult of war grew fierce, while all the squadrons hastened with speed
and alacrity to the attack, and our men on their side opposed them with
equal fierceness and resolution.

7. Soon many of the enemy fell with their heads crushed by vast stones
hurled from scorpions, some were pierced with arrows, others were
transfixed with javelins, and strewed the ground with their bodies;
others, wounded, fled back in haste to their comrades.

8. Nor was there less grief or less slaughter in the city, where the
cloud of arrows obscured the air, and the vast engines, of which the
Persians had got possession when they took Singara, scattered wounds
everywhere.

9. For the garrison, collecting all their forces, returning in constant
reliefs to the combat, in their eagerness to defend the city, fell
wounded, to the hindrance of their comrades, or, being sadly torn as
they fell, threw down those who stood near them, or if still alive,
sought the aid of those skilful in extracting darts which had become
fixed in their bodies.

10. So slaughter was met by slaughter, and lasted till the close of day,
being scarcely stopped by the darkness of evening, so great was the
obstinacy with which both sides fought.

11. And the watches of the night were passed under arms, and the hills
resounded with the shouts raised on both sides, while our men extolled
the valour of Constantius Cæsar as lord of the empire and of the world,
and the Persians styled Sapor Saansas and Pyroses, which appellations
mean king of kings, and conqueror in wars.

12. The next morning, before daybreak, the trumpet gave the signal, and
countless numbers from all sides flocked like birds to a contest of
similar violence; and in every direction, as far as the eye could reach,
nothing could be seen in the plains and valleys but the glittering arms
of these savage nations.

13. And presently a shout was raised, and as the enemy rushed forward
all at once, they were met by a dense shower of missiles from the walls;
and as may be conjectured, none were hurled in vain, falling as they did
among so dense a crowd. For while so many evils surrounded us, we fought
as I have said before, with the hope, not of procuring safety, but of
dying bravely; and from dawn to eventide the battle was evenly
balanced, both fighting with more ferocity than method, and there arose
the shouts of men striking and falling, so that from the eagerness of
both parties there was scarcely any one who did not give or receive
wounds.

14. At last, night put an end to the slaughter, and the losses on both
sides caused a longer truce. For when the time intended for rest was
allowed to us, continual sleepless toil still exhausted our little
remaining strength, in spite of the dread caused by the bloodshed and
the pallid faces of the dying, whom the scantiness of our room did not
permit us even the last solace of burying; since within the circuit of a
moderate city there were seven legions, and a vast promiscuous multitude
of citizens and strangers of both sexes, and other soldiers, so that at
least twenty thousand men were shut up within the walls.

15. So each attended to his own wounds as well as he could, availing
himself of whatever assistance or remedies came in his way. While some,
being severely wounded, died of loss of blood; and some, pierced through
by swords, lay on the ground, and breathed their last in the open air;
others who were pierced through and through the skilful refused to
touch, in order not to pain them further by inflicting useless
sufferings; some, seeking the doubtful remedy of extracting the arrows,
only incurred agonies worse than death.


III.

§ 1. While the war was going on in this manner around Amida, Ursicinus,
vexed at being dependent on the will of another, gave continual warning
to Sabinianus, who had superior authority over the soldiers, and who
still remained in the quarter of the tombs, to collect all his
light-armed troops, and hasten by secret paths along the foot of the
mountain chain, with the idea that by the aid of this light force, if
chance should aid them, they might surprise some of the enemy's
outposts, and attack with success the night watches of the army, which,
with its vast circuit, was surrounding the walls, or else by incessant
attacks might harass those who clung resolutely to the blockade.

2. But Sabinianus rejected this proposal as mischievous, and produced
some letters from the emperor, expressly enjoining that all that could
be done was to be done without exposing the troops to any danger; but
his own secret motive he kept in his own bosom, namely, that he had been
constantly recommended while at court to refuse his predecessor, who was
very eager for glory, every opportunity of acquiring renown, however
much it might be for the interest of the republic.

3. Extreme pains were taken, even to the ruin of the provinces, to
prevent the gallant Ursicinus from being spoken of as the author of or
partner in any memorable exploit. Therefore, bewildered with these
misfortunes, Ursicinus, seeing that, though constantly sending spies to
us (although from the strict watch that was set it was not easy for any
one to enter the city), and proposing many advantageous plans, he did no
good, seemed like a lion, terrible for his size and fierceness, but with
his claws cut and his teeth drawn, so that he could not dare to save
from danger his cubs entangled in the nets of the hunters.


IV.

§ 1. But in the city, where the number of the corpses which lay
scattered over the streets was too great for any one to perform the
funeral rites over them, a pestilence was soon added to the other
calamities of the citizens; the carcases becoming full of worms and
corruption, from the evaporation caused by the heat, and the various
diseases of the people; and here I will briefly explain whence diseases
of this kind arise.

2. Both philosophers and skilful physicians agree that excess of cold,
or of heat, or of moisture, or of drought, all cause pestilences; on
which account those who dwell in marshy or wet districts are subject to
coughs and complaints in the eyes, and other similar maladies: on the
other hand, those who dwell in hot climates are liable to fevers and
inflammations. But since fire is the most powerful of all elements, so
drought is the quickest at killing.

3. On this account it is that when the Greeks were toiling at the ten
years' war,[103] to prevent a foreigner from profiting by his violation
of a royal marriage, a pestilence broke out among them, and numbers died
by the darts of Apollo, who is the same as the Sun.

4. Again, as Thucydides relates, that pestilence which at the beginning
of the Peloponnesian war harassed the Athenians with a most cruel kind
of sickness, came by slow steps from the burning plains of Ethiopia to
Attica.

5. Others maintain that the air and the water, becoming tainted by the
smell of corpses, and similar things, takes away the healthiness of a
place, or at all events that the sudden change of temperature brings
forth slighter sicknesses.

6. Some again affirm that the air becomes heavier by emanations from the
earth, and kills some individuals by checking the perspiration of the
body, for which reason we learn from Homer, that, besides men, the other
living creatures also died; and we know by many instances, that in such
plagues this does occur.

7. Now the first species of pestilence is called pandemic; this causes
those who live in dry places to be attacked by frequent heats. The
second is called epidemic, which gets gradually more violent, dims the
sight of the eyes, and awakens dangerous humours. The third is called
loemodes,[104] which is also temporary, but still often kills with
great rapidity.

8. We were attacked by this deadly pestilence from the excessive heat,
which our numbers aggravated, though but few died: and at last, on the
night after the tenth day from the first attack, the heavy and dense air
was softened by a little rain, and the health of the garrison was
restored and preserved.


V.

§ 1. In the mean time the restless Persians were surrounding the city
with a fence of wicker-work, and mounds were commenced; lofty towers
also were constructed with iron fronts, in the top of each of which a
balista was placed, in order to drive down the garrison from the
battlements; but during the whole time the shower of missiles from the
archers and slingers never ceased for a moment.

2. We had with us two of the legions which had served under Magnentius,
and which, as we have said, had lately been brought from Gaul, composed
of brave and active men well adapted for conflicts in the plain; but not
only useless for such a kind of war as that by which we were now
pressed, but actually in the way. For as they had no skill either in
working the engines, or in constructing works, but were continually
making foolish sallies, and fighting bravely, they always returned with
diminished numbers; doing just as much good, as the saying is, as a
bucket of water brought by a single hand to a general conflagration.

3. At last, when the gates were completely blocked, and they were
utterly unable to get out, in spite of the entreaties of their tribunes,
they became furious as wild beasts. But on subsequent occasions their
services became conspicuous, as we shall show.

4. In a remote part of the walls on the southern side, which looks down
on the Tigris, there was a high tower, below which yawned an abrupt
precipice, which it was impossible to look over without giddiness. From
this by a hollow subterranean passage along the foot of the mountain
some steps were cut with great skill, which led up to the level of the
city, by which water was secretly obtained from the river, as we have
seen to be the case in all the fortresses in that district which are
situated on any river.

5. This passage was dark, and because of the precipitous character of
the rock was neglected by the besiegers, till, under the guidance of a
deserter who went over to them, seventy Persian archers of the royal
battalion, men of eminent skill and courage, being protected by the
remoteness of the spot which prevented their being heard, climbed up by
the steps one by one at midnight, and reached the third story of the
tower. There they concealed themselves till daybreak, when they held out
a scarlet cloak as a signal for commencing an assault, when they saw
that the city was entirely surrounded by the multitude of their
comrades; and then they emptied their quivers and threw them down at
their feet, and with loud cries shot their arrows among the citizens
with prodigious skill.

6. And presently the whole of the mighty host of the enemy assaulted the
city with more ferocity than ever. And while we stood hesitating and
perplexed to know which danger to oppose first, whether to make head
against the foe above us, or against the multitude who were scaling the
battlements with ladders, our force was divided; and five of the lighter
balistæ were brought round and placed so as to attack our tower. They
shot out heavy wooden javelins with great rapidity, sometimes
transfixing two of our men at one blow, so that many of them fell to the
ground severely wounded, and some jumped down in haste from fear of the
creaking engines, and being terribly lacerated by the fall, died.

7. But by measures promptly taken, the walls were again secured on that
side, and the engines replaced in their former situation.

8. And since the crime of desertion had increased the labours of our
soldiers, they, full of indignation, moved along the battlements as if
on level ground, hurling missiles of all kinds, and exerting themselves
so strenuously that the Virtæ, who were attacking on the south side,
were repulsed covered by wounds, and retired in consternation to their
tents, having to lament the fall of many of their number.


VI.

§ 1. Thus fortune showed us a ray of safety, granting us one day in
which we suffered but little, while the enemy sustained a heavy loss;
the remainder of the day was given to rest in order to recruit our
strength; and at the dawn of the next morning we saw from the citadel an
innumerable multitude, which, after the capture of the fort called
Ziata, was being led to the enemy's camp. For a promiscuous multitude
had taken refuge in Ziata on account of its size and strength; it being
a place ten furlongs in circumference.

2. In those days many other fortresses also were stormed and burnt, and
many thousands of men and women carried off from them into slavery;
among whom were many men and women, enfeebled by age, who, fainting
from different causes, broke down under the length of the journey, gave
up all desire of life, and were hamstrung and left behind.

3. The Gallic soldiers beholding these wretched crowds, demanded by a
natural but unseasonable impulse to be led against the forces of the
enemy, threatening their tribunes and principal centurions with death if
they refused them leave.

4. And as wild beasts kept in cages, being rendered more savage by the
smell of blood, dash themselves against their movable bars in the hope
of escaping, so these men smote the gates, which we have already spoken
of as being blockaded, with their swords; being very anxious not to be
involved in the destruction of the city till they had done some gallant
exploit; or, if they ultimately escaped from their dangers, not to be
spoken of as having done nothing worth speaking of, or worthy of their
Gallic courage. Although when they had sallied out before, as they had
often done, and had inflicted some loss on the raisers of the mounds,
they had always experienced equal loss themselves.

5. We, at a loss what to do, and not knowing what resistance to oppose
to these furious men, at length, having with some difficulty won their
consent thereto, decided, since the evil could be endured no longer, to
allow them to attack the Persian advanced guard, which was not much
beyond bowshot; and then, if they could force their line, they might
push their advance further. For it was plain that if they succeeded in
this, they would cause a great slaughter of the enemy.

6. And while the preparations for this sally were being made, the walls
were still gallantly defended with unmitigated labour and watching, and
planting engines for shooting stones and darts in every direction. But
two high mounds had been raised by the Persian infantry, and the
blockade of the city was still pressed forward by gradual operations;
against which our men, exerting themselves still more vigorously, raised
also immense structures, topping the highest works of the enemy; and
sufficiently strong to support the immense weight of their defenders.

7. In the mean time the Gallic troops, impatient of delay, armed with
their axes and swords, went forth from the open postern gate, taking
advantage of a dark and moonless night. And imploring the Deity to be
propitious, and repressing even their breath when they got near the
enemy, they advanced with quick step and in close order, slew some of
the watch at the outposts, and the outer sentinels of the camp (who were
asleep, fearing no such event), and entertained secret hopes of
penetrating even to the king's tent if fortune assisted them.

8. But some noise, though slight, was made by them in their march, and
the groans of the slain aroused many from sleep; and while each
separately raised the cry "to arms," our soldiers halted and stood firm,
not venturing to move any further forward. For it would not have been
prudent, now that those whom they sought to surprise were awakened, to
hasten into open danger, while the bands of Persians were now heard to
be flocking to battle from all quarters.

9. Nevertheless the Gallic troops, with undiminished strength and
boldness, continued to hew down their foes with their swords, though
some of their own men were also slain, pierced by the arrows which were
flying from all quarters; and they still stood firm, when they saw the
whole danger collected into one point, and the bands of the enemy coming
on with speed; yet no one turned his back: and they withdrew, retiring
slowly as if in time to music, and gradually fell behind the pales of
the camp, being unable to sustain the weight of the battalions pressing
close upon them, and being deafened by the clang of the Persian
trumpets.

10. And while many trumpets in turn poured out their clang from the
city, the gates were opened to receive our men, if they should be able
to reach them: and the engines for missiles creaked, though no javelins
were shot from them, in order that the captains of the advanced guard of
the Persians, ignorant of the slaughter of their comrades, might be
terrified by the noise into falling back, and so allowing our gallant
troops to be admitted in safety.

11. And owing to this manoeuvre, the Gauls about daybreak entered the
gate although with diminished numbers, many of them severely and others
slightly wounded. They lost four hundred men this night, when if they
had not been hindered by more formidable obstacles, they would have
slain in his very tent not Rhesus nor Thracians sleeping before the
walls of Troy, but the king of Persia, surrounded by one hundred
thousand armed men.

12. To their leaders, as champions of valiant actions, the emperor,
after the fall of the city, ordered statues in armour to be erected at
Edessa in a frequented spot. And those statues are preserved up to the
present time unhurt.

13. When the next day showed the slaughter which had been made, nobles
and satraps were found lying amongst the corpses, and all kinds of
dissonant cries and tears indicated the changed posture of the Persian
host: everywhere was heard wailing; and great indignation was expressed
by the princes, who thought that the Romans had forced their way through
the sentries in front of the walls. A truce was made for three days by
the common consent of both armies, and we gladly accepted a little
respite in which to take breath.[105]


VII.

§ 1. Now the nations of the barbarians, being amazed at the novelty of
this attempt, and rendered by it more savage than ever, discarding all
delay, determined to proceed with their works, since open assaults
availed them but little. And with extreme warlike eagerness they all now
hastened to die gloriously, or else to propitiate the souls of the dead
by the ruin of the city.

2. And now, the necessary preparations having been completed by the
universal alacrity, at the rising of the day-star all kinds of
structures and iron towers were brought up to the walls; on the lofty
summits of which balistæ were fitted, which beat down the garrison who
were placed on lower ground.

3. And when day broke the iron coverings of the bodies of the foe
darkened the whole heaven, and the dense lines advanced without any
skirmishers in front, and not in an irregular manner as before, but to
the regular and soft music of trumpets; protected by the roofs of the
engines, and holding before them wicker shields.

4. And when they came within reach of our missiles, the Persian
infantry, holding their shields in front of them, and even then having
difficulty in avoiding the arrows which were shot from the engines on
the walls, for scarcely any kind of weapon found an empty space, they
broke their line a little; and even the cuirassiers were checked and
began to retreat, which raised the spirits of our men.

5. Still the balistæ of the enemy, placed on their iron towers, and
pouring down missiles with great power from their high ground on those
in a lower position, spread a great deal of slaughter in our ranks. At
last, when evening came on, both sides retired to rest, and the greater
part of the night was spent by us in considering what device could be
adopted to resist the formidable engines of the enemy.

6. At length, after we had considered many plans, we determined on one
which the rapidity with which it could be executed made the safest--to
oppose four scorpions to the four balistæ; which were carefully moved (a
very difficult operation) from the place in which they were; but before
this work was finished, day arrived, bringing us a mournful sight,
inasmuch as it showed us the formidable battalions of the Persians, with
their trains of elephants, the noise and size of which animals are such
that nothing more terrible can be presented to the mind of man.

7. And while we were pressed on all sides with the vast masses of arms,
and works, and beasts, still our scorpions were kept at work with their
iron slings, hurling huge round stones from the battlements, by which
the towers of the enemy were crushed and the balistæ and those who
worked them were dashed to the ground, so that many were desperately
injured, and many crushed by the weight of the falling structures. And
the elephants were driven back with violence, and surrounded by the
flames which we poured forth against them, the moment that they were
wounded retired, and could not be restrained by their riders. The works
were all burnt, but still there was no cessation from the conflict.

8. For the king of the Persians himself, who is never expected to mingle
in the fight, being indignant at these disasters, adopting a new and
unprecedented mode of action, sprang forth like a common soldier among
his own dense columns; and as the very number of his guards made him the
more conspicuous to us who looked from afar on the scene, he was
assailed by numerous missiles, and was forced to retire after he had
lost many of his escort, while his troops fell back by echellons; and at
the end of the day, though frightened neither by the sad sight of the
slaughter nor of the wounds, he at length allowed a short period to be
given to rest.


VIII.

§ 1. Night had put an end to the combat; and when a slight rest had been
procured from sleep, the moment that the dawn, looked for as the
harbinger of better fortune, appeared, Sapor, full of rage and
indignation, and perfectly reckless, called forth his people to attack
us. And as his works were all burnt, as we have related, and the attack
had to be conducted by means of their lofty mounds raised close to our
walls, we also from mounds within the walls, as fast as we could raise
them, struggled in spite of all our difficulties, with all our might,
and with equal courage, against our assailants.

2. And long did the bloody conflict last, nor was any one of the
garrison driven by fear of death from his resolution to defend the city.
The conflict was prolonged, till at last, while the fortune of the two
sides was still undecided, the structure raised by our men, having been
long assailed and shaken, at last fell, as if by an earthquake.

3. And the whole space which was between the wall and the external mound
being made level as if by a causeway or a bridge, opened a passage to
the enemy, which was no longer embarrassed by any obstacles; and numbers
of our men, being crushed or enfeebled by their wounds, gave up the
struggle. Still men flocked from all quarters to repel so imminent a
danger, but from their eager haste they got in one another's way, while
the boldness of the enemy increased with their success.

4. By the command of the king all his troops now hastened into action,
and a hand-to-hand engagement ensued. Blood ran down from the vast
slaughter on both sides: the ditches were filled with corpses, and thus
a wider path was opened for the besiegers. And the city, being now
filled with the eager crowd which forced its way in, all hope of defence
or of escape was cut off, and armed and unarmed without any distinction
of age or sex were slaughtered like sheep.

5. It was full evening, when, though fortune had proved adverse, the
bulk of our troops was still fighting in good order; and I, having
concealed myself with two companions in an obscure corner of the city,
now under cover of darkness, made my escape by a postern gate where
there was no guard; and aided by my own knowledge of the country and by
the speed of my companions, I at last reached the tenth milestone from
the city.

6. Here, having lightly refreshed ourselves, I tried to proceed, but
found myself, as a noble unaccustomed to such toil, overcome by fatigue
of the march. I happened to fall in, however, with what, though a most
unsightly object, was to me, completely tired out, a most seasonable
relief.

7. A groom riding a runaway horse, barebacked and without a bridle, in
order to prevent his falling had knotted the halter by which he was
guiding him tightly to his left hand, and presently, being thrown, and
unable to break the knot, he was torn to pieces as he was dragged over
the rough ground and through the bushes, till at last the weight of his
dead body stopped the tired beast; I caught him, and mounting him,
availed myself of his services at a most seasonable moment, and after
much suffering arrived with my companions at some sulphurous springs of
naturally hot water.

8. On account of the heat we had suffered greatly from thirst, and had
been crawling about for some time in search of water; and now when we
came to this well it was so deep that we could not descend into it, nor
had we any ropes; but, taught by extreme necessity, we tore up the linen
clothes which we wore into long rags, which we made into one great rope,
and fastened to the end of it a cap which one of us wore beneath his
helmet; and letting that down by the rope, and drawing up water in it
like a sponge, we easily quenched our thirst.

9. From hence we proceeded rapidly to the Euphrates, intending to cross
to the other side in the boat which long custom had stationed in that
quarter, to convey men and cattle across.

10. When lo! we see at a distance a Roman force with cavalry standards,
scattered and pursued by a division of Persians, though we did not know
from what quarter it had come so suddenly on them in their march.

11. This example showed us that what men call indigenous people are not
sprung from the bowels of the earth, but merely appear unexpectedly by
reason of the speed of their movements: and because they were seen
unexpectedly in various places, they got the name of Sparti,[106] and
were believed to have sprung from the ground, antiquity exaggerating
their renown in a fabulous manner, as it does that of other things.

12. Roused by this sight, since our only hope of safety lay in our
speed, we drew off through the thickets and woods to the high mountains;
and from thence we went to Melitina, a town of the Lesser Armenia, where
we found our chief just on the point of setting off, in whose company we
went on to Antioch.


IX.

§ 1. In the mean time Sapor and the Persians began to think of returning
home, because they feared to penetrate more inland with their prisoners
and booty, now that the autumn was nearly over, and the unhealthy star
of the Kids had arisen.

2. But amid the massacres and plunder of the destroyed city, Ælian the
count, and the tribunes by whose vigour the walls of Amida had been
defended, and the losses of the Persians multiplied, were wickedly
crucified; and Jacobus and Cæsias, the treasurers of the commander of
the cavalry, and others of the band of protectores, were led as
prisoners, with their hands bound behind their backs; and the people of
the district beyond the Tigris, who were diligently sought for, were all
slain without distinction of rank or dignity.

3. But the wife of Craugasius, who, preserving her chastity inviolate,
was treated with the respect due to a high-born matron, was mourning as
if she were to be carried to another world without her husband,
although she had indications afforded her that she might hope for a
higher future.

4. Therefore, thinking of her own interests, and having a wise forecast
of the future, she was torn with a twofold anxiety, loathing both
widowhood and the marriage she saw before her. Accordingly, she secretly
sent off a friend of sure fidelity, and well acquainted with
Mesopotamia, to pass by Mount Izala, between the two forts called Maride
and Lorne, and so to effect his entrance into Nisibis, calling upon her
husband, with urgent entreaties and the revelation of many secrets of
her own private condition, after hearing what the messenger could tell
him, to come to Persia and live happily with her there.

5. The messenger, travelling with great speed through jungle roads and
thickets, reached Nisibis, pretending that he had never seen his
mistress, and that, as in all likelihood she was slain, he had availed
himself of an accidental opportunity to make his escape from the enemy's
camp. And so, being neglected as one of no importance, he got access to
Craugasius, and told him what had happened. And having received from him
an assurance that, as soon as he could do so with safety, he would
gladly rejoin his wife, he departed, bearing the wished-for intelligence
to the lady. She, when she received it, addressed herself, through the
medium of Tamsapor, to the king, entreating him that, if the opportunity
offered before he quitted the Roman territories, he would order her
husband to be restored to her.

6. But the fact of this stranger having departed thus unexpectedly,
without any one suspecting it, after his secret return, raised
suspicions in the mind of Duke Cassianus and the other nobles who had
authority in the city, who addressed severe menaces to Craugasius,
insisting that the man could neither have come nor have gone without his
privity.

7. And he, fearing the charge of treason, and being very anxious lest
the flight of the deserter should cause a suspicion that his wife was
still alive and was well treated by the enemy, feigned to court a
marriage with another virgin of high rank. And having gone out to a
villa which he had eight miles from the city, as if with the object of
making the necessary preparations for the wedding feast, he mounted a
horse, and fled at full speed to a predatory troop of Persians which he
had learnt was in the neighbourhood, and being cordially received, when
it was seen from what he said who he was, he was delivered over to
Tamsapor on the fifth day, and by him he was introduced to the king, and
recovered not only his wife, but his family and all his treasures,
though he lost his wife only a few months afterwards. And he was
esteemed only second to Antoninus, though as a great poet has said,

  "Longo proximus intervallo."[107]

8. For Antoninus was eminent both for genius and experience in affairs,
and had useful counsels for every enterprise that could be proposed,
while Craugasius was of a less subtle nature, though also very
celebrated. And all these events took place within a short time after
the fall of Amida.

9. But the king, though showing no marks of anxiety on his countenance,
and though he appeared full of exultation at the fall of the city, still
in the depths of his heart was greatly perplexed, recollecting that in
the siege he had frequently sustained severe losses, and that he had
lost more men, and those too of more importance than any prisoners whom
he had taken from us, or than we had lost in all the battles that had
taken place; as indeed had also been the case at Singara, and at
Nisibis. In the seventy-three days during which he had been blockading
Amida, he had lost thirty thousand soldiers, as was reckoned a few days
later by Discenes, a tribune and secretary; the calculation being the
more easily made because the corpses of our men very soon shrink and
lose their colour, so that their faces can never be recognized after
four days; but the bodies of the Persians dry up like the trunks of
trees, so that nothing exudes from them, nor do they suffer from any
suffusion of blood, which is caused by their more sparing diet, and by
the dryness and heat of their native land.


X.

§ 1. While these events and troubles were proceeding rapidly in the
remote districts of the East, the Eternal City was fearing distress
from an impending scarcity of corn; and the violence of the common
people, infuriated by the expectation of that worst of all evils, was
vented upon Tertullus, who at that time was prefect of the city. This
was unreasonable, since it did not depend upon him that the provisions
were embarked in a stormy season in ships which, through the unusually
tempestuous state of the sea, and the violence of contrary winds, were
driven into any ports they could make, and were unable to reach the port
of Augustus, from the greatness of the dangers which threatened them.

2. Nevertheless, Tertullus was continually troubled by the seditious
movements of the people, who worked themselves up to great rage, being
excited by the imminent danger of a famine; till, having no hope of
preserving his own safety, he wisely brought his little boys out to the
people, who, though in a state of tumultuous disorder, were often
influenced by sudden accidents, and with tears addressed them thus:--

3. "Behold your fellow-citizens, who (may the gods avert the omen),
unless fortune should take a more favourable turn, will be exposed to
the same sufferings as yourselves. If then you think that by destroying
them you will be saved from all suffering, they are in your power." The
people, of their own nature inclined to mercy, were propitiated by this
sad address, and made no answer, but awaited their impending fate with
resignation.

4. And soon, by the favour of the deity who has watched over the growth
of Rome from its first origin, and who promised that it should last for
ever, while Tertullus was at Ostia, sacrificing in the temple of Castor
and Pollux, the sea became calm, the wind changed to a gentle south-east
breeze, and the ships in full sail entered the port, laden with corn to
fill the granaries.


XI.

§ 1. While these perplexing transactions were taking place, intelligence
full of importance and danger reached Constantius who was reposing in
winter quarters at Sirmium, informing him (as he had already greatly
feared) that the Sarmatian Limigantes, who, as we have before related,
had expelled their masters from their hereditary homes, had learnt to
despise the lands which had been generously allotted to them in the
preceding year, in order to prevent so fickle a class from undertaking
any mischievous enterprise, and had seized on the districts over the
border; that they were straggling, according to their national custom,
with great licence over the whole country, and would throw everything
into disorder if they were not put down.

2. The emperor, judging that any delay would increase their insolence,
collected from all quarters a strong force of veteran soldiers, and
before the spring was much advanced, set forth on an expedition against
them, being urged to greater activity by two considerations; first,
because the army, having acquired great booty during the last summer,
was likely to be encouraged to successful exertion in the hope of
similar reward; and secondly, because, as Anatolius was at that time
prefect of Illyricum, everything necessary for such an expedition could
be readily provided without recourse to any stringent measures.

3. For under no other prefect's government (as is agreed by all), up to
the present time, had the northern provinces ever been so flourishing in
every point of view; all abuses being corrected with a kind and prudent
hand, while the people were relieved from the burden of transporting the
public stores (which often caused such losses as to ruin many families),
and also from the heavy income tax. So that the natives of those
districts would have been free from all damage and cause of complaint,
if at a later period some detestable collectors had not come among them,
extorting money, and exaggerating accusations, in order to build up
wealth and influence for themselves, and to procure their own safety and
prosperity by draining the natives; carrying their severities to the
proscription and even execution of many of them.

4. To apply a remedy to this insurrection, the emperor set out, as I
have said, with a splendid staff, and reached Valeria, which was
formerly a part of Pannonia, but which had been established as a
separate province, and received its new name in honour of Valeria, the
daughter of Diocletian. And having encamped his army on the banks of the
Danube, he watched the movements of the barbarians, who, before his
arrival, had been proposing, under friendly pretences, to enter
Pannonia, meaning to lay it waste during the severity of the winter
season, before the snow had been melted by the warmth of spring and the
river had become passable, and while our people were unable from the
cold to bear bivouacking in the open air.

5. He at once therefore sent two tribunes, each accompanied by an
interpreter, to the Limigantes, to inquire mildly why they had quitted
the homes which at their own request had been assigned to them after the
conclusion of the treaty of peace, and why they were now straggling in
various directions, and passing their boundaries in contempt of his
prohibitions.

6. They made vain and frivolous excuses, fear compelling them to have
recourse to lies, and implored the emperor's pardon, beseeching him to
discard his displeasure, and to allow them to cross the river and come
to him to explain the hardships under which they were labouring;
alleging their willingness, if required, to retire to remoter lands,
only within the Roman frontier, where, enjoying lasting peace and
worshipping tranquillity as their tutelary deity, they would submit to
the name and discharge the duties of tributary subjects.

7. When the tribunes returned and related this, the emperor, exulting
that an affair which appeared full of inextricable difficulties was
likely to be brought to a conclusion without any trouble, and being
eager to add to his acquisitions, admitted them all to his presence. His
eagerness for acquiring territory was fanned by a swarm of flatterers,
who were incessantly saying that when all distant districts were at
peace, and when tranquillity was established everywhere, he would gain
many subjects, and would be able to enlist powerful bodies of recruits,
thereby relieving the provinces, which would often rather give money
than personal service (though this expectation has more than once proved
very mischievous to the state).

8. Presently he pitched his camp near Acimincum,[108] where a lofty
mound was raised to serve for a tribune; and some boats, loaded with
soldiers of the legions, without their baggage, under command of
Innocentius, an engineer who had suggested the measure, were sent to
watch the channel of the river, keeping close under the bank; so that,
if they perceived the barbarians in disorder, they might come upon them
and surprise their rear, while their attention was directed elsewhere.

9. The Limigantes became aware of the measures thus promptly taken, but
still employed no other means of defence than humility and entreaty;
though secretly they cherished designs very different from those
indicated by their words and gestures.

10. But when they saw the emperor on his high mound preparing a mild
harangue, and about to address them as men who would prove obedient in
future, one of them, seized with a sudden fury, hurled his shoe at the
tribune, and cried out, "Marha, Marha!" which in their language is a
signal of war; and a disorderly mob following him, suddenly raised their
barbaric standard, and with fierce howls rushed upon the emperor
himself.

11. And when he, looking down from his high position, saw the whole
place filled with thousands of men running to and fro, and their drawn
swords and rapiers threatening him with immediate destruction, he
descended, and mingling both with the barbarians and his own men,
without any one perceiving him or knowing whether he was an officer or a
common soldier; and since there was no time for delay or inaction, he
mounted a speedy horse, and galloped away, and so escaped.

12. But his few guards, while endeavouring to keep back the mutineers,
who rushed on with the fierceness of fire, were all killed, either by
wounds, or by being crushed beneath the weight of others who fell upon
them; and the royal throne, with its golden cushion, was torn to pieces
without any one making an effort to save it.

13. But presently, when it became known that the emperor, after having
been in the most imminent danger of his life, was still in peril, the
army, feeling it to be the most important of all objects to assist him,
for they did not yet think him safe, and confiding in their prowess,
though from the suddenness of the attack they were only half formed,
threw themselves, with loud and warlike cries upon the bands of the
barbarians, fearlessly braving death.

14. And because in their fiery valour our men were resolved to wipe out
disgrace by glory, and were full of anger at the treachery of the foe,
they slew every one whom they met without mercy, trampling all under
foot, living, wounded, and dead alike; so that heaps of dead were piled
up before their hands were weary of the slaughter. For the rebels were
completely overwhelmed, some being slain, and others fleeing in fear,
many of whom implored their lives with various entreaties, but were
slaughtered with repeated wounds. And when, after they were all
destroyed, the trumpets sounded a retreat, it was found that only a very
few of our men were killed, and these had either been trampled down at
first, or had perished from the insufficiency of their armour to resist
the violence of the enemy.

15. But the most glorious death was that of Cella, the tribune of the
Scutarii, who at the beginning of the uproar set the example of plunging
first into the middle of the Sarmatian host.

16. After these blood-stained transactions, Constantius took what
precautions prudence suggested for the security of his frontiers, and
then returned to Sirmium, having avenged himself on the perfidity of his
enemies. And having there settled everything which the occasion
required, he quitted Sirmium and went to Constantinople, that by being
nearer to the East, he might remedy the disasters which had been
sustained at Amida, and having reinforced his army with new levies, he
might check the attempts of the king of Persia with equal vigour; as it
was clear that Sapor, if Providence and some more pressing occupation
did not prevent him, would leave Mesopotamia and bring the war over the
plains on this side of that country.


XII.

§ 1. But amid these causes of anxiety, as if in accordance with
old-established custom, instead of the signal for civil war, the trumpet
sounded groundless charges of treason, and a secretary, whom we shall
often have to speak of, named Paulus, was sent to inquire into these
charges. He was a man skilful in all the contrivances of cruelty, making
gain and profit of tortures and executions, as a master of gladiators
does of his fatal games.

2. For as he was firm and resolute in his purpose of injuring people,
he did not abstain even from theft, and invented all kinds of causes for
the destruction of innocent men, while engaged in this miserable
campaign.

3. A slight and trivial circumstance afforded infinite material for
extending his investigations. There is a town called Abydum in the most
remote corner of the Egyptian Thebais, where an oracle of the god, known
in that region by the name of Besa, had formerly enjoyed some celebrity
for its prophecies, and had sacred rites performed at it with all the
ceremonies anciently in use in the neighbouring districts.

4. Some used to go themselves to consult this oracle, some to send by
others documents containing their wishes, and with prayers couched in
explicit language inquired the will of the deities; and the paper or
parchment on which their wants were written, after the answer had been
given, was sometimes left in the temple.

5. Some of these were spitefully sent to the emperor, and he, narrow
minded as he was, though often deaf to other matters of serious
consequence, had, as the proverb says, a soft place in his ear for this
kind of information; and being of a suspicious and petty temper, became
full of gall and fury; and immediately ordered Paulus to repair with all
speed to the East, giving him authority, as to a chief of great eminence
and experience, to try all the causes as he pleased.

6. And Modestus also, at that time count of the East, a man well suited
for such a business, was joined with him in this commission. For
Hermogenes of Pontus, at that time prefect of the prætorium, was passed
over as of too gentle a disposition.

7. Paulus proceeded, as he was ordered, full of deadly eagerness and
rage; inviting all kinds of calumnies, so that numbers from every part
of the empire were brought before him, noble and low born alike; some of
whom were condemned to imprisonment, others to instant death.

8. The city which was chosen to witness these fatal scenes was
Scythopolis in Palestine, which for two reasons seemed the most suitable
of all places; first, because it was little frequented and secondly,
because it was half-way between Antioch and Alexandria, from which city
many of those brought before this tribunal came.

9. One of the first persons accused was Simplicius, the son of Philip;
a man who, after having been prefect and consul, was now impeached on
the ground that he was said to have consulted the oracle how to obtain
the empire. He was sentenced to the torture by the express command of
the emperor, who in these cases never erred on the side of mercy; but by
some special fate he was saved from it, and with uninjured body was
condemned to distant banishment.

10. The next victim was Parnasius, who had been prefect of Egypt, a man
of simple manners, but now in danger of being condemned to death, and
glad to escape with exile; because long ago he had been heard to say
that when he left Patræ in Achaia, the place of his birth, with the view
of procuring some high office, he had in a dream seen himself conducted
on his road by several figures in tragic robes.

11. The next was Andronicus, subsequently celebrated for his liberal
accomplishments and his poetry; he was brought before the court without
having given any real ground for suspicion of any kind, and defended
himself so vigorously that he was acquitted.

12. There was also Demetrius, surnamed Chytras, a philosopher, of great
age, but still firm in mind and body; he, when charged with having
frequently offered sacrifices in the temple of his oracle, could not
deny it; but affirmed that, for the sake of propitiating the deity, he
had constantly done so from his early youth, and not with any idea of
aiming at any higher fortune by his questions; nor had he known any one
who had aimed at such. And though he was long on the rack he supported
it with great constancy, never varying in his statement, till at length
he was acquitted and allowed to retire to Alexandria, where he was born.

13. These and a few others, justice, coming to the aid of truth,
delivered from their imminent dangers. But as accusations extended more
widely, involving numbers without end in their snares, many perished;
some with their bodies mangled on the rack; others were condemned to
death and confiscation of their goods; while Paulus kept on inventing
groundless accusations, as if he had a store of lies on which to draw,
and suggesting various pretences for injuring people, so that on his
nod, it may be said, the safety of every one in the place depended.

14. For if any one wore on his neck a charm against the quartan ague or
any other disease, or if by any information laid by his ill-wishers he
was accused of having passed by a sepulchre at nightfall, and therefore
of being a sorcerer, and one who dealt in the horrors of tombs and the
vain mockeries of the shades which haunt them, he was found guilty and
condemned to death.

15. And the affairs went on as if people had been consulting Claros, or
the oaks at Dodona, or the Delphic oracles of old fame, with a view to
the destruction of the emperor.

16. Meantime, the crowd of courtiers, inventing every kind of deceitful
flattery, affirmed that he would be free from all common misfortunes,
asserting that his fate had always shone forth with vigour and power in
destroying all who attempted anything injurious to him.

17. That indeed strict investigation should be made into such matters,
no one in his senses will deny; nor do we question that the safety of
our lawful prince, the champion and defender of the good, and on whom
the safety of all other people depends, ought to be watched over by the
combined zeal of all men; and for the sake of insuring this more
completely, when any treasonable enterprise is discovered, the Cornelian
laws have provided that no rank shall be exempted even from torture if
necessary for the investigation.

18. But it is not decent to exult unrestrainedly in melancholy events,
lest the subjects should seem to be governed by tyranny, not by
authority. It is better to imitate Cicero, who, when he had it in his
power either to spare or to strike, preferred, as he tells us himself,
to seek occasions for pardoning rather than for punishing, which is
characteristic of a prudent and wise judge.

19. At that time a monster, horrible both to see and to describe, was
produced at Daphne, a beautiful and celebrated suburb of Antioch;
namely, an infant with two mouths, two sets of teeth, two heads, four
eyes, and only two very short ears. And such a mis-shapen offspring was
an omen that the republic would become deformed.

20. Prodigies of this kind are often produced, presaging events of
various kinds; but as they are not now publicly expiated, as they were
among the ancients, they are unheard of and unknown to people in
general.


XIII.

§ 1. During this period the Isaurians, who had been tranquil for some
time after the transactions already mentioned, and the attempt to take
the city of Seleucia, gradually reviving, as serpents come out of their
holes in the warmth of spring, descended from their rocky and pathless
jungles, and forming into large troops, harassed their neighbours with
predatory incursions; escaping, from their activity as mountaineers, all
attempts of the soldiers to take them, and from long use moving easily
over rocks and through thickets.

2. So Lauricius was sent among them as governor, with the additional
title of count, to reduce them to order by fair means or foul. He was a
man of sound civil wisdom, correcting things in general by threats
rather than by severity, so that while he governed the province, which
he did for some time, nothing happened deserving of particular notice.


[102] Patroclus, the companion of Achilles.

[103] The Trojan war. See the account of the pestilence, Homer Il. i.
50.

[104] _i.e._, λοιμώδης, from λοιμὸς, pestilence.
Pandemic means "attacking the whole people." Epidemic, "spreading from
individual to individual."

[105] Ammian alludes to the expedition of Ulysses and Diomede related by
Homer, Il. viii.

[106] Ammianus is wrong here; it was only the Thebans who were called
Σπαρτοὶ, from σπείρω, to sow, because of the fable of
the dragon's teeth sown by Cadmus; the Athenians, who claimed to be
earthborn, not called Σπαρτοὶ, but αὐτόχθονες.

[107] A quotation from the description of the foot-race in Virgil, Æn.
v. 320.

[108] Salankemen, in Hungary.




BOOK XX.

ARGUMENT.

     I. Lupicinus is sent as commander-in-chief into Britain with an
     army to check the incursions of the Picts and Scots.--II.
     Ursicinus, commander of the infantry, is attacked by calumnies, and
     dismissed.--III. An eclipse of the sun--A discussion on the two
     suns, and on the causes of solar and lunar eclipses, and the
     various changes and shapes of the moon.--IV. The Cæsar Julian,
     against his will, is saluted as emperor at Paris, where he was
     wintering, by his Gallican soldiers, whom Constantius had ordered
     to be taken from him, and sent to the East to act against the
     Persians.--V. He harangues his soldiers.--VI. Singara is besieged
     and taken by Sapor: the citizens, with the auxiliary cavalry and
     two legions in garrison, are carried off to Persia--The town is
     razed to the ground.--VII. Sapor storms the town of Bezabde, which
     is defended by three legions; repairs it, and places in it a
     garrison and magazines; he also attacks the fortress of Victa,
     without success.--VIII. Julian writes to Constantius to inform him
     of what had taken place at Paris.--IX. Constantius desires Julian
     to be content with the title of Cæsar; but the Gallican legions
     unanimously refuse to allow him to be so.--X. The Emperor Julian
     unexpectedly attacks a Frank tribe, known as the Attuarii, on the
     other side of the Rhine; slays some, takes others prisoners, and
     grants peace to the rest, on their petition.--XI. Constantius
     attacks Bezabde with his whole force, but fails--A discussion on
     the rainbow.


I.

A.D. 360.

§ 1. These were the events which took place in Illyricum and in the
East. But the next year, that of Constantius's tenth and Julian's third
consulship, the affairs of Britain became troubled, in consequence of
the incursions of the savage nations of Picts and Scots, who breaking
the peace to which they had agreed, were plundering the districts on
their borders, and keeping in constant alarm the provinces exhausted by
former disasters, Cæsar, who was wintering at Paris, having his mind
divided by various cares, feared to go to the aid of his subjects across
the channel (as we have related Constans to have done), lest he should
leave the Gauls without a governor, while the Allemanni were still full
of fierce and warlike inclinations.

2. Therefore, to tranquillize these districts by reason or by force, it
was decided to send Lupicinus, who was at that time commander of the
forces; a man of talent in war, and especially skilful in all that
related to camps, but very haughty, and smelling, as one may say, of the
tragic buskin, while parts of his conduct made it a question which
predominated--his avarice or his cruelty.

3. Accordingly, an auxiliary force of light-armed troops, Heruli and
Batavi, with two legions from Moesia, were in the very depth of winter
put under the command of this general, with which he marched to
Boulogne, and having procured some vessels and embarked his soldiers on
them, he sailed with a fair wind, and reached Richborough on the
opposite coast, from which place he proceeded to London, that he might
there deliberate on the aspect of affairs, and take immediate measures
for his campaign.


II.

§ 1. In the mean time, after the fall of Amida, and after Ursicinus had
returned as commander of the infantry to the emperor's camp (for we have
already mentioned that he had been appointed to succeed Barbatio), he
was at once attacked by slanderers, who at first tried to whisper his
character away, but presently openly brought forward false charges
against him.

2. And the emperor, listening to them, since he commonly formed his
opinions on vain conjecture, and was always ready to yield his judgment
to crafty persons, appointed Arbetio and Florentius, the chief steward,
as judges to inquire how it was that the town was destroyed. They
rejected the plain and easily proved causes of the disaster, fearing
that Eusebius, at that time high chamberlain, would be offended if they
admitted proofs which showed undeniably that what had happened was owing
to the obstinate inactivity of Sabinianus; and so distorting the truth,
they examined only some points of no consequence, and having no bearing
on the transaction.

3. Ursicinus felt the iniquity of this proceeding; and said, "Although
the emperor despises me, still the importance of this affair is such
that it cannot be judged of and punished by any decision lower than that
of the emperor. Nevertheless, let him know what I venture to prophesy,
that while he is concerning himself about this disaster at Amida, of
which he has received a faithful account; and while he gives himself up
to the influence of the eunuchs, he will not in the ensuing spring,[109]
even if he himself should come with the entire strength of his army, be
able to prevent the dismemberment of Mesopotamia." This speech having
been related to the emperor with many additions, and a malignant
interpretation, Constantius became enraged beyond measure; and without
allowing the affair to be discussed, or those things to be explained to
him of which he was ignorant, he believed all the calumnies against
Ursicinus, and deposing him from his office, ordered him into
retirement; promoting Agilo, by a vast leap, to take his place, he
having been before only a tribune of a native troop of Scutarii.


III.

§ 1. At the same time one day the sky in the east was perceived to be
covered with a thick darkness, and from daybreak to noon the stars were
visible throughout; and, as an addition to these terrors, while the
light of heaven was thus withdrawn, and the world almost buried in
clouds, men, from the length of the eclipse, began to believe that the
sun had wholly disappeared. Presently, however, it was seen again like a
new moon, then like a half-moon, and at last it was restored entire.

2. A thing which on other occasions did not happen so visibly except
when after several unequal revolutions, the moon returns to exactly the
same point at fixed intervals; that is to say, when the moon is found in
the same sign of the zodiac, exactly opposite to the rays of the sun,
and stops there a few minutes, which in geometry are called parts of
parts.

3. And although the changes and motions of both sun and moon, as the
inquiries into intelligible causes have remarked, perpetually return to
the same conjunction at the end of each lunar month, still the sun is
not always eclipsed on these occasions, but only when the moon, as by a
kind of balance, is in the exact centre between the sun and our sight.

4. In short, the sun is eclipsed, and his brilliancy removed from our
sight, when he and the moon, which of all the constellations of heaven
is the lowest, proceeding with equal pace in their orbits, are placed in
conjunction in spite of the height which separates them (as Ptolemy
learnedly explains it), and afterwards return to the dimensions which
are called ascending or descending points of the ecliptic conjunctions:
or, as the Greeks call them, defective conjunctions. And if these great
lights find themselves in the neighbourhood of these points or knots,
the eclipse is small.

5. But if they are exactly in the knots which form the points of
intersection between the ascending and descending path of the moon, then
the sky will be covered with denser darkness, and the whole atmosphere
becomes so thick that we cannot see what is close to us.

6. Again, the sun is conceived to appear double when a cloud is raised
higher than usual, which from its proximity to the eternal fires, shines
in such a manner that it forms the brightness of a second orb as from a
purer mirror.

7. Now let us come to the moon. The moon sustains a clear and visible
eclipse when, being at the full, and exactly opposite to the sun, she is
distant from his orb one hundred and eighty degrees, that is, is in the
seventh sign; and although this happens at every full moon, still there
is not always one eclipse.

8. But since she is always nearest to the earth as it revolves, and the
most distant from the rest of the other stars, and sometimes exposes
itself to the light which strikes it, and sometimes also is partially
obscured by the intervention of the shade of night, which comes over it
in the form of a cone; and then she is involved in thick darkness, when
the sun, being surrounded by the centre of the lowest sphere, cannot
illuminate her with his rays, because the mass of the earth is in the
way; for opinions agree that the moon has no light of her own.

9. And when she returns to the same sign of the zodiac which the sun
occupies, she is obscured (as has been said), her brightness being
wholly dimmed, and this is called a conjunction of the moon.

10. Again the moon is said to be new when she has the sun above her with
a slight variation from the perpendicular, and then she appears very
thin to mankind, even when leaving the sun she reaches the second sign.
Then, when she has advanced further, and shines brilliantly with a sort
of horned figure, she is said to be crescent shaped; but when she begins
to be a long way distant from the sun, and reaches the fourth sign, she
gets a greater light, the sun's rays being turned upon her, and then she
is of the shape of a semicircle.

11. As she goes on still further, and reaches the fifth sign, she
assumes a convex shape, a sort of hump appearing from each side. And
when she is exactly opposite the sun, she shines with a full light,
having arrived at the seventh sign; and even while she is there, having
advanced but a very little further, she begins to diminish, which we
call waning; and as she gets older, she resumes the same shapes that she
had while increasing. But it is established by unanimous consent that
she is never seen to be eclipsed except in the middle of her course.

12. But when we said that the sun moves sometimes in the ether,
sometimes in the lower-world, it must be understood that the starry
bodies, considered in relation to the universe, neither set nor rise;
but only appear to do so to our sight on earth, which is suspended by
the motion of some interior spirit, and compared with the immensity of
things is but a little point, which causes the stars in their eternal
order to appear sometimes fixed in heaven, and at others, from the
imperfection of human vision, moving from their places. Let us now
return to our original subject.


IV.

§ 1. Even while he was hastening to lead succours to the East, which, as
the concurrent testimony of both spies and deserters assured him, was on
the point of being invaded by the Persians, Constantius was greatly
disturbed by the virtues of Julian, which were now becoming renowned
among all nations, so highly did fame extol his great labours,
achievements, and victories, in having conquered several kingdoms of the
Allemanni, and recovered several towns in Gaul which had been plundered
and destroyed by the barbarians, and having compelled the barbarians
themselves to become subjects and tributaries of the empire.

2. Influenced by these considerations, and fearing lest Julian's
influence should become greater, at the instigation, as it is said, of
the prefect Florentius, he sent Decentius, the tribune and secretary, to
bring away at once the auxiliary troops of the Heruli and Batavi, and
the Celtæ, and the legion called Petulantes,[110] and three hundred
picked men from the other forces; enjoining him to make all speed on the
plea that their presence was required with the army which it was
intended to march at the beginning of spring against the Parthians.

3. Also, Lupicinus was directed to come as commander of these auxiliary
troops with the three hundred picked men and to lose no time, as it was
not known that he had crossed over to Britain; and Sintula, at that time
the superintendent of Julian's stables, was ordered to select the best
men of the Scutarii and Gentiles,[111] and to bring them also to join
the emperor.

4. Julian made no remonstrance, but obeyed these orders, yielding in all
respects to the will of the emperor. But on one point he could not
conceal his feelings nor keep silence: but entreated that those men
might be spared from this hardship who had left their homes on the other
side of the Rhine, and had joined his army on condition of never being
moved into any country beyond the Alps, urging that if this were known,
it might be feared that other volunteers of the barbarian nations, who
had often enlisted in our service on similar conditions, would be
prevented from doing so in future. But he argued in vain.

5. For the tribune, disregarding his complaints, carried out the
commands of the emperor, and having chosen out a band suited for forced
marches, of pre-eminent vigour and activity, set out with them full of
hope of promotion.

6. And as Julian, being in doubt what to do about the rest of the troops
whom he was ordered to send, and revolving all kinds of plans in his
mind, considered that the matter ought to be managed with great care, as
there was on one side the fierceness of the barbarians, and on the other
the authority of the orders he had received (his perplexity being
further increased by the absence of the commander of the cavalry), he
urged the prefect, who had gone some time before to Vienne under the
pretence of procuring corn, but in reality to escape from military
troubles, to return to him.

7. For the prefect bore in mind the substance of a report which he was
suspected to have sent some time before, and which recommended the
withdrawing from the defence of Gaul those troops so renowned for their
valour, and already objects of dread to the barbarians.

8. The prefect, as soon as he had received Julian's letters, informing
him of what had happened, and entreating him to come speedily to him to
aid the republic with his counsels, positively refused, being alarmed
because the letters expressly declared that in any crisis of danger the
prefect ought never to be absent from the general. And it was added that
if he declined to give his aid, Julian himself would, of his own accord,
renounce the emblems of authority, thinking it better to die, if so it
was fated, than to have the ruin of the provinces attributed to him. But
the obstinacy of the prefect prevailed, and he resolutely refused to
comply with the wishes thus reasonably expressed and enforced.

9. But during the delay which arose from the absence of Lupicinus and of
any military movement on the part of the alarmed prefect, Julian,
deprived of all assistance in the way of advice, and being greatly
perplexed, thought it best to hasten the departure of all his troops
from the stations in which they were passing the winter, and to let them
begin their march.

10. When this was known, some one privily threw down a bitter libel near
the standard of the Petulantes legion, which, among other things,
contained these words,--"We are being driven to the farthest parts of
the earth like condemned criminals, and our relations will become slaves
to the Allemanni after we have delivered them from that first captivity
by desperate battles."

11. When this writing was taken to head-quarters and read, Julian,
considering the reasonableness of the complaint, ordered that their
families should go to the East with them, and allowed them the use of
the public wagons for the purpose of moving them. And as it was for some
time doubted which road they should take, he decided, at the suggestion
of the secretary Decentius, that they should go by Paris, where he
himself still was, not having moved.

12. And so it was done. And when they arrived in the suburbs, the
prince, according to his custom, met them, praising those whom he
recognized, and reminding individuals of their gallant deeds, he
congratulated them with courteous words, encouraging them to go
cheerfully to join the emperor, as they would reap the most worthy
rewards of their exertions where power was the greatest and most
extensive.

13. And to do them the more honour, as they were going to a great
distance, he invited their chiefs to a supper, when he bade them ask
whatever they desired. And they, having been treated with such
liberality, departed, anxious and sorrowful on two accounts, because
cruel fortune was separating them at once from so kind a ruler and from
their native land. And with this sorrowful feeling they retired to their
camp.

14. But when night came on they broke out into open discontent, and
their minds being excited, as his own griefs pressed upon each
individual, they had recourse to force, and took up arms, and with a
great outcry thronged to the palace, and surrounding it so as to prevent
any one from escaping, they saluted Julian as emperor with loud
vociferations, insisting vehemently on his coming forth to them; and
though they were compelled to wait till daylight, still, as they would
not depart, at last he did come forth. And when he appeared, they
saluted him emperor with redoubled and unanimous cheers.

15. But he steadily resisted them individually and collectively, at one
time showing himself indignant, at another holding out his hands and
entreating and beseeching them not to sully their numerous victories
with anything unbecoming, and not to let unseasonable rashness and
precipitation awaken materials for discord. At last he appeased them,
and having addressed them mildly, he added--

16. "I beseech you let your anger depart for a while: without any
dissension or attempt at revolution what you wish will easily be
obtained. Since you are so strongly bound by love of your country, and
fear strange lands to which you are unaccustomed, return now to your
homes, certain that you shall not cross the Alps, since you dislike it.
And I will explain the matter to the full satisfaction of the emperor,
who is a man of great wisdom, and will listen to reason."

17. Nevertheless, after his speech was ended, the cries were repeated
with as much vigour and unanimity as ever; and so vehement was the
uproar and zeal, which did not even spare reproaches and threats, that
Julian was compelled to consent. And being lifted up on the shield of
an infantry soldier, and raised up in sight of all, he was saluted as
Augustus with one universal acclamation, and was ordered to produce a
diadem. And when he said that he had never had one, his wife's coronet
or necklace was demanded.

18. And when he protested that it was not fitting for him at his first
accession to be adorned with female ornaments, the frontlet of a horse
was sought for, so that being crowned therewith, he might have some
badge, however obscure, of supreme power. But when he insisted that that
also would be unbecoming, a man named Maurus, afterwards a count, the
same who was defeated in the defile of the Succi, but who was then only
one of the front-rank men of the Petulantes, tore a chain off his own
neck, which he wore in his quality of standard-bearer, and placed it
boldly on Julian's head, who, being thus brought under extreme
compulsion, and seeing that he could not escape the most imminent danger
to his life if he persisted in his resistance, consented to their
wishes, and promised a largesse of five pieces of gold and a pound of
silver to every man.

19. After this Julian felt more anxiety than ever; and, keenly alive to
the future consequences, neither wore his diadem or appeared in public,
nor would he even transact the serious business which pressed upon his
attention, but sought retirement, being full of consternation at the
strangeness of the recent events. This continued till one of the
decurions of the palace (which is an office of dignity) came in great
haste to the standards of the Petulantes and of the Celtic legion, and
in a violent manner exclaimed that it was a monstrous thing that he who
had the day before been by their will declared emperor should have been
privily assassinated.

20. When this was heard, the soldiers, as readily excited by what they
did not know as by what they did, began to brandish their javelins, and
draw their swords, and (as is usual at times of sudden tumult) to flock
from every quarter in haste and disorder to the palace. The sentinels
were alarmed at the uproar, as were the tribunes and the captain of the
guard, and suspecting some treachery from the fickle soldiery, they
fled, fearing sudden death to themselves.

21. When all before them seemed tranquil, the soldiers stood quietly
awhile; and on being asked what was the cause of their sudden and
precipitate movement, they at first hesitated, and then avowing their
alarm for the safety of the emperor, declared they would not retire till
they had been admitted into the council-chamber, and had seen him safe
in his imperial robes.


V.

§ 1. When the news of these events reached the troops, whom we have
spoken of as having already marched under the command of Sintula, they
returned with him quietly to Paris. And an order having been issued that
the next morning they should all assemble in the open space in front of
the camp, Julian advanced among them, and ascended a tribunal more
splendid than usual, surrounded with the eagles, standards, and banners,
and guarded by a strong band of armed soldiers.

2. And after a moment's quiet, while he looked down from his height on
the countenances of those before him, and saw them all full of joy and
alacrity, he kindled their loyalty with a few simple words, as with a
trumpet.

3. "The difficulty of my situation, O brave and faithful champions of
myself and of the republic, who have often with me exposed your lives
for the welfare of the provinces, requires that, since you have now by
your resolute decision raised me, your Cæsar, to the highest of all
dignities, I should briefly set before you the state of affairs, in
order that safe and prudent remedies for their new condition may be
devised.

4. "While little more than a youth, as you well know, I was for form's
sake invested with the purple, and by the decision of the emperor was
intrusted to your protection. Since that time I have never forgotten my
resolution of a virtuous life: I have been seen with you as the partner
of all your labours, when, in consequence of the diminution of the
confidence felt in us by the barbarians, terrible disasters fell upon
the empire, our cities being stormed, and countless thousands of men
being slain, and even the little that was left to us being in a very
tottering condition. I think it superfluous to recapitulate how often,
in the depth of winter, beneath a frozen sky, at a season when there is
usually a cessation from war both by land and sea, we have defeated with
heavy loss the Allemanni, previously unconquered.

5. "One circumstance may neither be passed over nor suppressed. On that
glorious day which we saw at Strasburg, which brought perpetual liberty
to Gaul, we together, I throwing myself among the thickly falling darts,
and you being invincible by your vigour and experience, repelled the
enemy who poured upon us like a torrent; slaying them as we did with the
sword, or driving them to be drowned in the river, with very little loss
of our own men, whose funerals we celebrated with glorious panegyrics
rather than with mourning.

6. "It is my belief that after such mighty achievements posterity will
not be silent respecting your services to the republic, in every
country, if you now, in case of any danger or misfortune, vigorously
support with your valour and resolution me whom you have raised to the
lofty dignity of emperor.

7. "But to maintain things in their due order, so as to preserve to
brave men their well-merited rewards and prevent underhand ambition from
forestalling your honours, I make this rule in the honourable presence
of your counsel. That no civil or military officer shall be promoted
from any other consideration than that of his own merits; and he shall
be disgraced who solicits promotion for any one on any other ground."

8. The lower class of soldiers, who had long been deprived of rank or
reward, were encouraged by this speech to entertain better hopes, and
now rising up with a great noise, and beating their shields with their
spears, they with unanimous shouts showed their approbation of his
language and purpose.

9. And that no opportunity, however brief, might be afforded to disturb
so wise an arrangement, the Petulantes and Celtic legion immediately
besought him, on behalf of their commissaries, to give them the
government of any provinces he pleased, and when he refused them, they
retired without being either offended or out of humour.

10. But the very night before the day on which he was thus proclaimed
emperor, Julian had mentioned to his most intimate friends that during
his slumbers some one had appeared to him in a dream, in the form and
habit of the genius of the empire, who uttered these words in a tone of
reproach: "For some time, Julian, have I been secretly watching the door
of thy palace, wishing to increase thy dignity, and I have often retired
as one rejected; but if I am not now admitted, when the opinion of the
many is unanimous, I shall retire discouraged and sorrowful. But lay
this up in the depth of thy heart, that I will dwell with thee no
longer."


VI.

§ 1. While these transactions were proceeding in Gaul, to the great
anxiety of many, the fierce king of Persia (the advice of Antoninus
being now seconded by the arrival of Craugasius), burning with eagerness
to obtain Mesopotamia, while Constantius with his army was at a
distance, crossed the Tigris in due form with a vast army, and laid
siege to Singara with a thoroughly equipped force, sufficient for the
siege of a town which, in the opinion of the chief commanders of those
regions, was abundantly fortified and supplied.

2. The garrison, as soon as they saw the enemy, while still at a
distance, at once closed their gates, and with great spirit thronged to
the towers and battlements, collecting on them stones and warlike
engines. And then, having made all their preparations, they stood
prepared to repel the advancing host if they should venture to approach
the walls.

3. Therefore the king, when he arrived and found that, though they would
admit some of his nobles near enough to confer with them, he could not,
by any conciliatory language, bend the garrison to his wishes, he gave
one entire day to rest, and then, at daybreak, on a signal made by the
raising of a scarlet flag, the whole city was surrounded by men carrying
ladders, while others began to raise engines; all being protected by
fences and penthouses while seeking a way to assail the foundation of
the walls.

4. Against these attempts the citizens, standing on the lofty
battlements, drove back with stones and every kind of missile the
assailants who were seeking with great ferocity to find an entrance.

5. For many days the struggle continued without any decided result, many
being wounded and killed on both sides. At last, the struggle growing
fiercer, one day on the approach of evening a very heavy battering-ram
was brought forward among other engines, which battered a round tower
with repeated blows, at a point where we mentioned that the city had
been laid open in a former siege.

6. The citizens at once repaired to this point, and a violent conflict
arose in this small space; torches and firebrands were brought from all
quarters to consume this formidable engine, while arrows and bullets
were showered down without cessation on the assailants. But the keenness
of the ram prevailed over every means of defence, digging through the
mortar of the recently cemented stones, which was still moist and
unsettled.

7. And while the contest was thus proceeding with fire and sword, the
tower fell, and a path was opened into the city, the place being
stripped of its defenders, whom the magnitude of the danger had
scattered. The Persian bands raised a wild shout, and without hindrance
filled every quarter of the city. A very few of the inhabitants were
slain, and all the rest, by command of Sapor, were taken alive and
transported to the most distant regions of Persia.

8. There had been assigned for the protection of this city two legions,
the first Flavian and the first Parthian, and a great body of native
troops, as well as a division of auxiliary cavalry which had been shut
up in it through the suddenness of the attack made upon it. All of
these, as I have said, were taken prisoners, without receiving any
assistance from our armies.

9. For the greater part of our army was in tents taking care of Nisibis,
which was at a considerable distance. But even if it had not been so, no
one even in ancient times could easily bring aid to Singara when in
danger, since the whole country around laboured under a scarcity of
water. And although a former generation had placed this fort very
advisedly, to check sudden movements of hostility, yet it was a great
burden to the state, having been several times taken, and always
involving the loss of its garrison.


VII.

§ 1. After Singara had fallen, Sapor prudently avoided Nisibis,
recollecting the losses which he had several times sustained before it,
and turned to the right by a circuitous path, hoping either to subdue by
force or to win by bribes the garrison of Bezabde, which its founders
also called Phoenice, and to make himself master of that town, which
is an exceedingly strong fortress, placed on a hill of moderate height,
and close to the banks of the Tigris, having a double wall, as many
places have which from their situation are thought to be especially
exposed. For its defence three legions had been assigned; the second
Flavian, the second Armenian, and the second Parthian, with a large body
of archers of the Zabdiceni, a tribe subject to us, in whose territory
this town was situated.

2. At the beginning of the siege, the king, with an escort of glittering
cuirassiers, himself taller than any of them, rode entirely round the
camp, coming up boldly to the very edge of the fosse, where he was at
once a mark for the unerring bullets of the balistæ, and arrows; but he
was so completely covered with thick scale-armour that he retired
unhurt.

3. Then laying aside his anger, he sent some heralds with all due
solemnity, courteously inviting the besieged to consult the safety of
their lives, and seeing the desperateness of their situation, to put an
end to the siege by a timely surrender; to open their gates and come
forth, presenting themselves as suppliants before the conqueror of
nations.

4. When these messengers approached the walls, the garrison spared them
because they had with them some men of noble birth, who had been made
prisoners at Singara, and were well known to the citizens; and out of
pity to them no one shot an arrow, though they would give no reply to
the proposal of peace.

5. Then a truce being made for a day and night, before dawn on the
second day the entire force of the Persians attacked the palisade with
ferocious threats and cries, coming up boldly to the walls, where a
fierce contest ensued, the citizens resisting with great vigour.

6. So that many of the Parthians[112] were wounded, because some of
them carrying ladders, and others wicker screens, advanced as it were
blindfold, and were not spared by our men. For the clouds of arrows flew
thickly, piercing the enemy packed in close order. At last, after sunset
the two sides separated, having suffered about equal loss: and the next
day before dawn the combat was renewed with greater vehemence than
before, the trumpets cheering the men on both sides, and again a
terrible slaughter of each took place, both armies struggling with the
most determined obstinacy.

7. But on the following day both armies by common consent rested from
their terrible exertions, the defenders of the walls and the Persians
being equally dismayed. When a Christian priest made sign by gestures
that he desired to go forth, and having received a promise that he
should be allowed to return in safety, he advanced to the king's tent.

8. When he was permitted to speak, he, with gentle language, urged the
Persians to depart to their own country, affirming that after the losses
each side had sustained they had reason perhaps to fear even greater
disasters in future. But these and other similar arguments were uttered
to no purpose. The fierce madness of the king robbing them of their
effect, as Sapor swore positively that he would never retire till he had
destroyed our camp.

9. Nevertheless a groundless suspicion was whispered against the bishop,
wholly false in my opinion, though supported by the assertions of many,
that he had secretly informed Sapor what part of the wall to attack, as
being internally slight and weak. Though the suspicion derived some
corroboration from the fact that afterwards the engines of the enemy
were carefully and with great exultation directed against the places
which were weakest, or most decayed, as if those who worked them were
acquainted with what parts were most easily penetrable.

10. And although the narrowness of the causeway made the approach to the
walls hard, and though the battering-rams when equipped were brought
forward with great difficulty, from fear of the stones and arrows hurled
upon the assailants by the besieged, still neither the balistæ nor the
scorpions rested a moment, the first shooting javelins, and the latter
hurling showers of stones, and baskets on fire, smeared with pitch and
tar; and as these were perpetually rolled down, the engines halted as if
rooted to the ground, and fiery darts and firebrands well-aimed set them
on fire.

11. Still while this was going on, and numbers were falling on both
sides, the besiegers were the more eager to destroy a town, strong both
by its natural situation and its powerful defences, before the arrival
of winter, thinking it impossible to appease the fury of their king if
they should fail. Therefore neither abundant bloodshed nor the sight of
numbers of their comrades pierced with deadly wounds could deter the
rest from similar audacity.

12. But for a long time, fighting with absolute desperation, they
exposed themselves to imminent danger; while those who worked the
battering-rams were prevented from advancing by the vast weight of
millstones, and all kinds of fiery missiles hurled against them.

13. One battering-ram was higher than the rest, and was covered with
bull's hides wetted, and being therefore safer from any accident of
fire, or from lighted javelins, it led the way in the attacks on the
wall with mighty blows, and with its terrible point it dug into the
joints of the stones till it overthrew the tower. The tower fell with a
mighty crash, and those in it were thrown down with a sudden jerk, and
breaking their limbs, or being buried beneath the ruins, perished by
various and unexpected kinds of death; then, a safer entrance having
been thus found, the multitude of the enemy poured in with their arms.

14. While the war-cry of the Persians sounded in the trembling ears of
the defeated garrison, a fierce battle within the narrower bounds raged
within the walls, while bands of our men and of the enemy fought hand to
hand, being jammed together, with swords drawn on both sides, and no
quarter given.

15. At last the besieged, after making head with mighty exertion against
the destruction which long seemed doubtful, were overwhelmed with the
weight of the countless host which pressed upon them. And the swords of
the furious foe cut down all they could find; children were torn from
their mother's bosom, and the mothers were slain, no one regarding what
he did. Among these mournful scenes the Persians, devoted to plunder,
loaded with every kind of booty, and driving before them a vast
multitude of prisoners, returned in triumph to their tents.

16. But the king, elated with insolence and triumph, having long been
desirous to obtain possession of Phoenice, as a most important
fortress, did not retire till he had repaired in the strongest manner
that portion of the walls which had been shaken, and till he had stocked
it with ample magazines of provisions, and placed in it a garrison of
men noble by birth and eminent for their skill in war. For he feared
(what indeed happened) that the Romans, being indignant at the loss of
this their grand camp, would exert themselves with all their might to
recover it.

17. Then, being full of exultation, and cherishing greater hopes than
ever of gaining whatever he desired, after taking a few forts of small
importance, he prepared to attack Victa, a very ancient fortress,
believed to have been founded by Alexander, the Macedonian, situated on
the most distant border of Mesopotamia, and surrounded with winding
walls full of projecting angles, and so well furnished at all points as
to be almost unassailable.

18. And when he had tried every expedient against it, at one time trying
to bribe the garrison with promises, at another to terrify them with
threats of torture, and employing all kinds of engines such as are used
in sieges, after sustaining more injury than he inflicted, he at last
retired from his unsuccessful enterprise.


VIII.

§ 1. These were the events of this year between the Tigris and the
Euphrates. And when frequent intelligence of them had reached
Constantius, who was in continual dread of Parthian expeditions, and was
passing the winter at Constantinople, he devoted greater care than ever
to strengthening his frontiers with every kind of warlike equipment. He
collected veterans, and enlisted recruits, and increased the legions
with reinforcements of vigorous youths, who had already repeatedly
signalized their valour in the battles of the eastern campaigns: and
beside these he collected auxiliary forces from among the Scythians by
urgent requests and promises of pay, in order to set out from Thrace in
the spring, and at once march to the disturbed provinces.

2. During the same time Julian, who was wintering at Paris, alarmed at
the prospect of the ultimate issue of the events in that district,
became full of anxiety, feeling sure, after deep consideration, that
Constantius would never give his consent to what had been done in his
case, since he had always disdained him as a person of no importance.

3. Therefore, after much reflection on the somewhat disturbed beginning
which the present novel state of affairs showed, he determined to send
envoys to him to relate all that had taken place; and he gave them
letters setting forth fully what had been done, and what ought to be
done next, supporting his recommendations by proofs.

4. Although in reality he believed that the emperor was already informed
of all, from the report of Decentius, who had returned to him some time
before; and of the chamberlains who had recently gone back from Gaul,
after having brought him some formal orders. And although he was not in
reality vexed at his promotion, still he avoided all arrogant language
in his letters, that he might not appear to have suddenly shaken off his
authority. Now the following was the purport of his letters.

5. "I have at all times been of the same mind, and have adhered to my
original intentions, not less by my conduct than by my promises, as far
as lay in my power, as has been abundantly plain from repeated actions
of mine.

6. "And up to this time, since you created me Cæsar, and exposed me to
the din of war, contented with the power you conferred on me, as a
faithful officer I have sent you continued intelligence of all your
affairs proceeding according to your wishes; never speaking of my own
dangers; though it can easily be proved, that, while the Germans have
been routed in every direction, I have always been the first in all
toils and the last to allow myself any rest.

7. "But allow me to say, that if any violent change has taken place, as
you think, the soldier who has been passing his life in many terrible
wars without reward, has only completed what he has long had under
consideration, being indignant and impatient at being only under a chief
of the second class, as knowing that from a Cæsar no adequate reward for
his continued exertions and frequent victories could possibly be
procured.

8. "And while angry at the feeling that he could neither expect
promotion nor annual pay, he had this sudden aggravation to his
discontent, that he, a man used to cold climates, was ordered to march
to the most remote districts of the East, to be separated from his wife
and children, and to be dragged away in want and nakedness. This made
him fiercer than usual; and so the troops one night collected and laid
siege to the palace, saluting with loud and incessant outcries Julian as
emperor.

9. "I shuddered at their boldness, I confess, and withdrew myself. And
retiring while I could, I sought safety in concealment and disguise--and
as they would not desist, armed, so to say, with the shield of my own
free heart, I came out before them all, thinking that the tumult might
be appeased by authority, or by conciliatory language.

10. "They became wonderfully excited, and proceeded to such lengths
that, when I endeavoured to overcome their pertinacity with my
entreaties, they came close up to me, threatening me with instant death.
At last I was overcome, and arguing with myself that if I were murdered
by them some one else would willingly accept the dignity of emperor, I
consented, hoping thus to pacify their armed violence.

11. "This is the plain account of what has been done; and I entreat you
to listen to it with mildness. Do not believe that anything else is the
truth; and do not listen to malignant men who deal in mischievous
whispers, always eager to seek their own gain by causing ill will
between princes. Banish flattery, which is the nurse of vice, and listen
to the voice of that most excellent of all virtues, justice. And receive
with good faith the equitable condition which I propose, considering in
your mind that such things are for the interest of the Roman state, and
of us also who are united by affection of blood, and by an equality of
superior fortune.

12. "And pardon me. These reasonable requests of mine I am not so
anxious to see carried out, as to see them approved by you as expedient
and proper; and I shall with eagerness follow all your instructions.

13. "What requires to be done I will briefly explain. I will provide you
some Spanish draught horses, and some youths to mingle with the Gentiles
and Scutarii of the Letian tribe, a race of barbarians on the side of
the Rhine; or else of those people which have come over to our side. And
I promise till the end of my life to do all I can to assist you, not
only with gratitude, but with eagerness.

14. "Your clemency will appoint us prefects for our prætorium of known
equity and virtue: the appointment of the ordinary judges, and the
promotion of the military officers it is fair should be left to me; as
also the selection of my guard. For it would be unreasonable, when it is
possible to be guarded against, that those persons should be placed
about an emperor of whose manners and inclinations he is ignorant.

15. "These things I can further assure you of positively. The Gauls will
neither of their own accord, nor by any amount of compulsion, be brought
to send recruits to foreign and distant countries, since they have been
long harassed by protracted annoyances and heavy disasters, lest the
youth of the nation should be destroyed, and the whole people, while
recollecting their past sufferings, should abandon themselves to despair
for the future.

16. "Nor is it fit to seek from hence assistance against the Parthians,
when even now the attempts of the barbarians against this land are not
brought to an end, and while, if you will suffer me to tell the truth,
these provinces are still exposed to continual dangers on being deprived
of all foreign or adequate assistance.

17. "In speaking thus, I do think I have written to you in a manner
suited to the interests of the state, both in my demands and my
entreaties. For I well know, not to speak in a lofty tone, though such
might not misbecome an emperor, what wretched states of affairs, even
when utterly desperate and given up, have been before now retrieved and
re-established by the agreement of princes, each yielding reciprocally
to one another. While it is also plain from the example of our
ancestors, that rulers who acknowledge and act upon such principles do
somehow ever find the means of living prosperously and happily, and
leave behind them to the latest posterity an enviable fame."

18. To these letters he added others of a more secret purport, to be
given privily to Constantius, in which he blamed and reproached him;
though their exact tenor was not fit to be known, nor if known, fit to
be divulged to the public.

19. For the office of delivering these letters, men of great dignity
were chosen; namely, Pentadius, the master of the ceremonies, and
Eutherius, at that time the principal chamberlain; who were charged,
after they had deliver