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II. by Richard Hakluyt



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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of
       the English Nation. Vol. XIII. America. Part II.

Author: Richard Hakluyt

Release Date: May 29, 2008 [Ebook #25645]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8


***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION. VOL. XIII. AMERICA. PART II.***





                              The Principal

                    Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,

                                   And

                               Discoveries

                          Of The English Nation

                               Collected By

                        Richard Hakluyt, Preacher

                              And Edited By

                        Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S.

                       Vol. XIII. America. Part II.





CONTENTS


Transcriber’s Note.
Part I.
   I. Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.
   II. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of
   Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie,
   and of furthering new discoueries, &c.
   III. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth
   merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning
   their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.
   IV. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the
   Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham
   principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage
   intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the
   Southwest of Cape Briton.
   V. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the
   hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April,
   1583. for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the
   Moscouian companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the
   furniture of the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne
   of gaine, albeit their said particular disbursements are required but
   in very slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li.
   10. s. and the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.
   VI. Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of
   the Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon
   his intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of
   America.
   VII. A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea,
   made for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship
   called the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts
   called the Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods
   helpe this yeere 1591.
   VIII. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord
   Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of
   Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14
   of September. 1591.
   IX. A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.
   X. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife
   vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe,
   1593. Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.
   XI. A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to
   Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.
   XII. The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of
   thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest
   of Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for
   the barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet,
   Shipmaster of Bristoll.
   XIII. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton
   and the Isle of Ramea.
   XIV. The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land
   called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.
   XV. A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the
   commandement of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada,
   Hochelaga, Saguenay, and diuers others which now are called New France,
   with the particular customes, and maners of the inhabitants therein.
   XVI. The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier,
   1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.
   XVII. A letter written to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris, by Iaques
   Noel of S. Malo, the nephew of Iaques Cartier, touching the foresaid
   discouery.
   XVIII. Vnderneath the aforesaid vnperfite relation that which followeth
   is written on another letter sent to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris
   from Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of Iaques Cartier.
   XIX. Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand
   Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230.
   leagues, obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to
   Monsieur Roberual, 1542.
   XX. The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual,
   to the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall
   Ships, and two hundred persons, both men, women, and children, begun in
   April, 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer, and all the
   next winter.
   XXI. The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto
   Saguenay, the fifth of Iune, 1543.
   XXII. A Discourse of Western Planting, written by M. Richard Hakluyt,
   1584.
   XXIII. The letters patents, granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M.
   Walter Ralegh now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands
   and Countries, to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more.
   XXIV. The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks,
   wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who
   discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written
   by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at
   whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth.
   XXV. The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenuile, for Sir Walter Ralegh,
   to Virginia, in the yeere 1585.
   XXVI. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt
   Esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple, from Virginia.
   XXVII. An account of the particularities of the imployments of the
   English men left in Virginia by Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of
   Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585.
   vntil the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey;
   sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
Part II.
   XXVIII. The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586, to the
   reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir
   Walter Ralegh.
   XXIX. A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of
   the commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as
   others: Written by Thomas Heriot, seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a
   member of the Colony, and there imployed in discouering a full
   tweluemonth.
   XXX. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in yere 1587.
   Wherein was transported the second Colonie.
   XXXI. The names of all the men, women and children, which safely
   arriued in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there. 1587. Anno regni
   Reginæ Elizabethæ. 29.
   XXXII. A letter from John White to M. Richard Hakluyt.
   XXXIII. The fift voyage of M. Iohn White into the West Indies and parts
   of America called Virginia, in the yeere 1590.
   XXXIV. The relation of John de Verrazano of the land by him discovered.
   XXXV. A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine
   French Captaines into Florida: Wherein the great riches and
   fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto
   concealed are brought to light, written all, sauing the last, by
   Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French Kings
   Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter.
   XXXVI. The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, which sir Francis
   Drake brought from Saint Augustines in Florida, where he had remayned
   sixe yeeres, touching the state of those parts, taken from his mouth by
   Master Richard Hakluyt 1586.
   XXXVII. The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom sir
   Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida, where he
   had remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriots hearing.
   XXXVIII. Virginia Richly Valued, by the Description of the Maine Land
   of Florida, Her Next Neighbour: Out of the Foure Yeeres Continuall
   Trauell and Discouuerie, For Aboue One Thousand Miles East and West, of
   Don Ferdinando De Soto, and Sixe Hundred Able Men in his Companie.
Footnotes






TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE.


This book is a transcription of a 17th century book, which had the
spelling and printing conventions of that time: our “v” was often printed
as a “u”, and sometimes vice versa, our “j” was printed as an “i”, etc.
Those have been preserved in this book.  There are other conventions which
are converted into more modern usage; for instance, several words (such as
“Lord” and “which”) were often printed in abbreviated form (such as an “L”
and a superscript “d”, or “w” with a superscript “ch”), which have been
transcribed in expanded form (such as “Lord” and “which”).  In the plain
ASCII version, indicators like (M10) refer to marginal notes, originally
printed in the left or right margins of the page, and here printed at the
end of the book; similarly, indicators like (10) refer to footnotes, also
printed at the end of the book.





PART I.




I. Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.



The second Part or Chapter sheweth, that it is lawfull and necessarie to
trade and traffique with the Sauages: And to plant in their Countries: And
diuideth planting into two sorts.


And first for traffique, I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell
into those Countries and abide there: whom the Sauages may not iustly
impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe
betweene man and man prescribed by the Law of Nations.

For from the first beginning of the creation of the world, and from the
renewing of the same after Noes flood, all men haue agreed, that no
violence should be offered to Ambassadours: That the Sea with his Hauens
should be common: That such as should fortune to be taken in warre, should
be seruants or slaues: And that strangers should not be driuen away from
the place or Countrey whereunto they doe come.

If it were so then, I demaund in what age, and by what Law is the same
forbidden or denied since? For who doubteth but that it is lawfull for
Christians to vse trade and traffique with Infidels or Sauages, carrying
thither such commodities as they want, and bringing from thence some part
of their plentie?

A thing so commonly and generally practised, both in these our dayes, and
in times past, beyond the memorie of man, both by Christians and Infidels,
that it needeth no further proofe.

And forasmuch as the vse of trade and traffique (be it neuer so
profitable) ought not to be preferred before the planting of Christian
faith: I will therefore somewhat intreate of planting, (without which,
Christian Religion can take no roote, be the Preachers neuer so carefull
and diligent) which I meane to diuide into two sortts.

(M1) The first, when Christians by the good liking and willing assent of
the Sauages, are admitted by them to quiet possession.

The second, when Christians being vniustly repulsed, doe seeke to attaine
and mainteine the right for which they doe come.

And though in regard of the establishment of Christian Religion, eyther of
both may be lawfully and iustly exercised: (Whereof many examples may be
found, as well in the time of Moyses and Iosua, and other rulers before
the birth of Christ, as of many vertuous Emperours and Kings sithence his
incarnation:) yet doe I wish, that before the second be put in practise, a
proofe may be made of the first, sauing that for their safetie as well
against the Sauages, as all other foreigne enemies, they should first well
and strongly fortifie themselues: which being done, then by all fayre
speeches, and euery other good meanes of perswasion to seeke to take away
all occasions of offence.

As letting them to vnderstand, how they came, not to their hurt, but for
their good, and to no other ende, but to dwell peaceably amongst them, and
to trade and traffique with them for their owne commoditie, without
molesting or grieuing them any way: which must not be done by wordes onely
but also by deedes.

For albeit, to maintaine right and repell iniury, be a iust cause of
warre: yet must there hereof be heedefull care had, that whereas the
Sauages be fearefull by nature, and fond otherwise, the Christians should
doe their best endeuour to take away such feare as may growe vnto them by
reason of their strange apparell, Armour, and weapon, or such like, by
quiet and peaceable conuersation, and letting them liue in securitie, and
keeping a measure of blamelesse defence, with as little discommoditie to
the Sauages as may bee: for this kinde of warre would be onely defensiue
and not offensiue.

And questionlesse there is great hope and likelyhoode, that by this kinde
of meanes we should bring to passe all effects to our desired purposes:
Considering that all creatures, by constitution of nature, are rendred
more tractable and easier wonne for all assayes, by courtesie and
mildnesse, then by crueltie or roughnesse: and therefore being a principle
taught vs by naturall reason, it is first to be put in vse.

For albeit as yet the Christians are not so thoroughly furnished with the
perfectnesse of their language, eyther to expresse their mindes to them,
or againe to conceiue the Sauages intent: Yet for the present
opportunitie, such policie may be vsed by friendly signes, and courteous
tokens, towards them, as the Sauages may easily perceiue (were their
sences neuer so grosse) an assured friendship to be offered them, and that
they are encountered with such a nation, as brings them benefite,
commoditie, peace, tranquilitie and safetie. To further this, and to
accomplish it in deedes, there must bee presented vnto them gratis, some
kindes of our pettie marchandizes and trifles: As looking glasses, Belles,
Beades, Bracelets, Chaines, or collers of Bewgle, Chrystall, Amber, Iet,
or Glasse, &c. For such be the things, though to vs of small value, yet
accounted by them of high price and estimation: and soonest will induce
their Barbarous natures to a liking and a mutuall societie with vs.

Moreouer, it shall be requisite eyther by speeche, if it be possible
either by some other certaine meanes, to signifie vnto them, that once
league of friendship with all louing conuersation being admitted betweene
the Christians and them: that then the Christians from thenceforth will
alwayes be ready with force of Armes to assist and defend them in their
iust quarrels, from all inuasions, spoyles and oppressions offered them by
any Tyrants, Aduersaries, or their next borderers: and a benefite is so
much the more to be esteemed, by how much the person vpon whom it is
bestowed standeth in neede thereof.

For it appeareth by the relation of a Countreyman of ours, namely Dauid
Ingram, (who trauelled in those countries xi. Moneths and more) That the
Sauages generally for the most part, are at continuall warres with their
next adioyning neighbours, and especially the Cannibals, being a cruell
kinde of people whose foode is mans flesh, and haue teeth like dogges, and
doe pursue them with rauenous mindes to eate their flesh, and deuoure
them.

And it is not to be doubted, but that the Christians may in this case
iustly and lawfully ayde the Sauages against the Cannibals. So that it is
very likely, that by this meanes we shall not only mightily stirre and
inflame their rude mindes gladly to embrace the louing company of the
Christians, proffering vnto them both commodities, succour and kindnesse:
But also by their franke consents shall easily enioy such competent
quantity of Land, as euery way shall be correspondent to the Christians
expectation and contentation, considering the great abundance that they
haue of Land, and how small account they make thereof, taking no other
fruites thereby then such as the ground of it selfe doeth naturally
yeelde. And thus much concerning the first sort of planting, which as I
assuredly hope, so I most heartily pray may take effect and place.

(M2) But if after these good and fayre meanes vsed, the Sauages
neuerthelesse will not bee herewithall satisfied, but barbarously will goe
about to practise violence eyther in repelling the Christians from their
Ports and safe-landings, or in withstanding them afterwards to enioy the
rights for which both painfully and lawfully they haue aduentured
themselues thither.

Then in such a case I holde it no breach of equitie for the Christians to
defend themselues, to pursue reuenge with force, and to doe whatsoeuer is
necessarie for the attaining of their saftie: For it is allowable by all
Lawes in such distresses, to resist violence with violence: And for their
more securitie to increase their strength by building of Forts for
auoyding the extremitie of iniurious dealing.

Wherein if also they shal not be suffered in reasonable quietnesse to
continue, there is no barre (as I iudge) but that in stoute assemblies the
Christians may issue out, and by strong hand pursue their enemies, subdue
them, take possession of their Townes, Cities, or Villages, and (in
auoyding murtherous tyrannie) to vse the Law of Armes, as in like case
among all Nations at this day is vsed: and most especially to the ende
they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession, lest happily after
the departure of the Christians, such Sauages as haue bene conuerted
should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked
Rulers, returne to their horrible idolatrie (as did the children of
Israel, after the decease of Ioshua) and continue their wicked custome of
most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures.

And in so doing, doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit transgresse the
bonds of equitie or ciuilitie, forasmuch as in former ages, (yea, before
the incarnation of Christ) the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and
Princes, Gouernours of the children of Israel: chiefly in respect to begin
their planting, for the establishment of Gods worde: as also since the
Natiuitie of Christ, mightie and puissant Emperours and kings haue
performed the like, I say to plant, possesse, and subdue. For proofe
whereof, I wilt alledge you examples of both kindes.

Wee reade in the olde Testament, how that after Noes flood was ceased,
restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and
familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him, whose
seede in processe of time, was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations,
which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth.
And foreasmuch as all their posteritie being mightily encreased, followed
not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour, God chose out of the
multitude a peculiar people to himselfe, to whom afterwardes being vnder
the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay, hee made a graunt to inherite the
Land of Canaan, called the Land of promise, with all the other rich and
fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto. Neuerthelesse, before they
came to possession thereof, hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous
punishments and plagues for their sinnes, they fell in despayre to enioy
the same.

But being encouraged and comforted by their rulers, (men of God) they
proceeded, arming themselues with all patience, to suffer whatsoeuer it
should please God to send: and at last attaining to the Land, they were
encountered with great numbers of strong people, and mighty Kings.

(M3) Notwithstanding, Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of
God, being assured of the iustnesse of his quarrell, gathered the chiefe
strength of the children (M4) of Israel together, to the number of 40000.
with whom he safely passed the huge riuer Iordon, and hauing before sent
priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico, to vnderstand
the certaintie of the Citizens estate, he forthwith came thither, and
enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes.

In which respite, perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or
call for mercie, he then commanded (as God before had appointed) that both
the citie Ierico should be burned, yea, and all the inhabitants, as well
olde as young, with all their cattell should be destroyed, onely excepted
Rahab, her kindred and familie, because shee before had hid secretly the
messengers of Iosua, that were sent thither as spies. As for all their
golde, siluer, precious stones, or vessels of brasse, they were reserued
and consecrated to the Lords treasurie.

(M5) In like maner he burned the citie Hay, slew the inhabitants thereof,
and hanged vp their King. (M6) But for so much as the Gebionites (fearing
the like euent) sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to entreate for grace,
fauour, and peace: hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued,
and that they should be admitted to the children of Israel. Yet
vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a pollicie, he vsed them as
drudges to hewe wood and to carie water, and other necessaries for his
people. (M7) Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest, which he
pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites, Cananites.
Peresites, Heuites, and Iebusites, with all their princes and Kings, being
thirtie and one in number, and diuers other strange nations, besides whose
lands and dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people.

(M8) After that Iosua was deceased, Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the
armie, who receiuing like charge from God, pursued the proceedings of the
holy captaine Iosua, and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles, Idolaters, and
aduersaries to the children of Israel, with all such Rulers or Kings as
withstoode him, and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant: whose
thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off, for so much as hee had
done the like before vnto seuentie Kings, whom being his prisoners, he
forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table. In this God
shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie. (M9) We reade likewise, that
Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following
the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda, that in short time he not only
deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the
fierce Madianites, but also subdued them and their Tyrants, whose landes
he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite.

I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture, which aptly may
be applyed hereunto, were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to
be briefe. Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of
the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers, all
tending to the like argument. And first to begin withall, we doe reade:
That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion, the Apostles
being inspired with the holy Ghost, and the knowledge of all strange
languages, did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the
world, to the preaching of the Gospel. Yet not in so generall a maner, but
that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them, among
the which it is reported that India the great, called the vttermost India,
as yet had received no light of the word. (M10) But it came to passe, that
one Metrodorus, a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age, being
desirous to search out vnknowen lands, did first discouer the same finding
it wonderfull populous and rich, which vpon his returne being published,
and for certaine vnderstood, there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus
called Meropius, being a Christian, who did resolue himselfe (following
the example of Metrodorus) to trauaile thither, and in a short time
assisted but with a fewe, in a small Vessel arriued there, hauing in his
company two yong youths, Edesius and Frumentius, whom (being his
schollers) he had thoroughly instructed both in liberall Sciences, and
christian Religion. Now after that Meropius somewhile staying there, had
(as hee thought) sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whole estate: He
determined to depart, and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour, whom
he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same.

But by misfortune he was preuented, for being in the middest of his course
on the Sea homeward, a sore tempest arose, and perforce droue him backe
againe, to an unknowen Port of the said land: where he by the most cruell
barbarous Indians on the sudden was slaine with all his company, except
the two young (M11) schollers aforesayde, whom the barbarous Indians, by
reason they were of comely stature and beautifull personages, tooke, and
forthwith presented them to their King and Queene: which both being very
well liked of, the King courteously entreated, and ordeined Edesius to be
his Butler, and Frumentius his Secretarie, and in few yeeres by reason of
their learning and ciuill gouernment, they were had in great fauour,
honour, and estimation with the Princes. But the King departing this life,
left the Queene his wife with her yong sonne to gouerne, and gaue free
scope and liberty to the two Christians, at their best pleasure to passe
to their natiue soyles, allowing them all necessaries for the same. Yet
the Queene who highly fauoured them was very sorrowfull they should
depart, and therefore most earnestly intreated them to tarie and assist
her in the gouernment of her people, till such time as her yong sonne
grewe to ripe yeeres, which request they fulfilled.

(M12) And Frumentius excelling Edesius farre in all wisedome, ruled both
the Queene and her subiects at his discretion, whereby he tooke occasion
to put in practise priuily, that the foundation of Christian religion
might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his
perswasion might best preuaile, and that soonest would giue eare vnto him:
which being brought to passe accordingly, hee then with his fellow Edesius
tooke leaue of the Queene to returne to his natiue countrey. And so soone
as he was arriued there, he reuealed to the Emperour Constantine, the
effect of all those euents: who both commending his deedes and wholy
allowing thereof, by the aduise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop
of Alexandria, did arme and set forth a conuenient power for the ayde of
Frumentius, in this his so godly a purpose. And by this meanes came the
Emperour afterwards by faire promises, and by force of armes together,
vnto the possession of all the Indians countrey. (M13) The author of this
storie Ruffinus receiued the trueth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius
companion to Frumentius. Moreouer Eusebius in his Historie
Ecclesiasticall(1) in precise termes, and in diuers places maketh mention
how Constantine the great not onely enlarged his Empire by the subduing of
his next neighbours, but also endeauoured by all meanes to subiect all
such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations, as then inhabited the foure
quarters of the worlde. For (as it is written) the Emperour thoroughly
ayded with a puissant armie of valiant souldiers whom he had before
perswaded to Christian religion, in proper person himselfe came euen vnto
this our country of England, then called the Island of Britaines, bending
from him full West, which he wholy conquered, made tributarie, and setled
therein Christian faith, and left behinde him such Rulers thereof, as to
his wisedome seemed best. From thence hee turned his force towardes the
North coast of the world, and there vtterly subdued the rude and cruell
Nation of the Scythians, whereof part by friendly perswasions, part by
maine strength, hee reduced the whole to Christian faith. Afterwards he
determined with himselfe to search out what strange people inhabited in
the vttermost parts of the South. And with great hazard and labour, making
his iourney thither, at last became victour ouer them all euen to the
countrey of the Blemmyans, and the remote Æthiopians, that now are the
people of Presbyter Iohn, who yet till this day continue and beare the
name of Christians.

In the East likewise, what Nation soeuer at that time he could haue notice
of, he easily wonne and brought in subiection to the Empire. So that to
conclude, there was no region in any part of the world, the inhabitants
whereof being Gentiles, though vnkowen vnto him, but in time he ouercame
and vanquished.

This worthy beginning of Constantine, both his sonnes succeeding his
roome, and also diuers other Emperours afterward to their vttermost
endeauour followed and continued, which all the bookes of Eusebius more at
large set foorth. (M14) Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiasticall
historie maketh mention how Theodosius the vertuous Emperour imployed
earnestly all his time, as well in conquering the Gentiles to the
knowledge of the holy Gospel, vtterly subuerting their prophane Temples
and abominable Idolatry, as also in extinguishing of such vsurping tyrants
as with Paganisme withstoode the planting of Christian religion. (M15)
After whose decease his sonnes Honorius and Arcadius were created
Emperours, the one of the East, the other of the West, who with all the
stout godlinesse most carefully imitated the foresteps of their Father;
eyther in enlarging theyr territories, or increasing the christian flocke.

Moreouer, it is reported by the sayd author, that Theodosius iunior the
Emperour, no whit inferior in vertuous life to any of the aboue named
Princes, with great studie and zeale pursued and prosecuted the Gentiles,
subdued their tyrants and countries, and vtterly destroyed all their
idolatry, conuerting their soules to acknowledge their onely Messias and
Creator, and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire. To be
briefe, who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus, Socrates Scholasticus,
Theodoritus Hermia, Sozomen, and Euagrius Scholasticus, which all were
most sage Ecclesiasticall writers, shall finde great store of examples of
the worthy liues of sundry Emperours, tending all to the confirmation of
my former speeches.

And for like examples of later time, (yea euen in the memorie of man) I
shall not neede to recite any other then the conquest made of the West and
East Indies by the Kings of Spaine and Portugall, whereof there is
particular mention made in the last chapter of this booke. Herein haue I
vsed more copy of examples then otherwise I would haue done, sauing that I
haue bene in place, where this maner of planting the Christian faith hath
bene thought of some to be scarce lawfull, yea, such as doe take vpon them
to be more then meanely learned. To these examples could I ioyne many moe,
but whosoeuer is not satisfied with these fewe, may satisfie himselfe in
reading at large the authors last aboue recited. Thus haue I (as I trust)
prooued that we may iustly trade and traffique with the Sauages, and
lawfully plant and inhabite their Countries.



The third Chapter doeth shew the lawfull title which the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie hath vnto those countries, which through the ayde of
Almighty God are meant to be inhabited.


(M16) And it is very euident that the planting there shal in time right
amply enlarge her Maiesties Territories and Dominions, or (I might rather
say) restore to her Highnesse ancient right and interest in those
Countries, into the which a noble and worthy personage, lineally descended
from the blood royall, (M17) borne in Wales named Madock ap Owen Gwyneth,
departing from the coast of England, about the yeere of our Lord God 1170.
arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies, and afterward
returned himselfe into England, leauing certaine of his people there, as
appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle, where he then gaue to certaine
Ilands, beastes, and foules sundry Welsh names, as the Iland of Pengwin,
which yet to this day beareth the same.

There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name
at this day, and is as much to say in English, as Whitehead, and in trueth
the said foules haue white heads. There is also in those countreis a fruit
called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word. Moreouer, there are
diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse, as Dauid Ingram aforesaid
reporteth in his relations. All which most strongly argueth, the sayd
prince with his people to haue inhabited there. And the same in effect is
confirmed by Mutezuma(2) that mightie Emperour of Mexico, who in an
Oration vnto his subiects for the better pacifying of them, made in the
presence of Hernando Cortes, vsed these speeches following.

(M18) My kinsmen, friends, and seruants, you doe well know that eighteene
yeres I haue bene your King, as my fathers and grandfathers were, and
alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince, and you vnto me good and
obedient subiects, and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes
of my life. You ought to haue in remembrance, that either you haue heard
of your fathers, or else our diuines haue instructed you, that wee are not
naturally of this countrey, nor yet our kingdome is durable, because our
forefathers came from a farre countrey, and their King and Captaine, who
brought them hither, returned againe to his naturall Countrey, saying that
he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs, if by chance he himselfe
returned not, &c.

These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles,
the which being thoroughly considered, because they haue relation to some
strange noble person, who long before had possessed those countreys, doe
all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie: forasmuch as
no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde, make
prescription of time for themselues, before the time of this Prince Madoc.
(M19) Besides all this, for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence
the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts (that is to say) in the
time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory, King Henry the seuenth,
Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Iohn Cabota an Italian, to
Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius, his three sonnes, to discouer remote,
barbarous and heathen Countreys, which discouery was afterwardes executed
to the vse of the Crowne of England, in the sayde Kings time, by Sebastian
and Sancius his sonnes, who were borne here in England: in true testimony
whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland, knowen, and called vntill
this day by the name of Sancius hauen, which proueth that they first
discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida,
as appeareth in the Decades.

And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty: but any of the
foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can
pretend to the Indies, before such time as they had actuall possession
thereof, obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus, and the
conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa, Hernando Cortes, Francisco Pizarro,
and others. And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching
the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title.



The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade, traffike, and planting in
those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in
generall.


Now to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and
beneficiall generally to the whole realme: it is very certaine, that the
greatest iewell of this realme, and the chiefest strength and force of the
same, for defence or offence in marshal matter and maner, is the multitude
of ships, masters and mariners, ready to assist the most stately and
royall nauy of her Maiesty, which by reason of this voyage shall haue both
increase and maintenance. (M20) And it is well knowen that in sundry
places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes,
for the trade of fishing onely: yet notwithstanding the fish which is
taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen, will no
suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths, if there were none
els brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men doe
not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie, both
for plenty and greatnesse of fish, is for that they haue no succour and
knowen safe harbour in those parts. But if our nation were once planted
there, or neere thereabouts; whereas they now fish but for two moneths in
the yeere, they might then fish as long as pleased themselues, or rather
at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken, salted, and dried,
as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay (God
granting that salt may be found there) whereof Dauid Ingram (who trauelled
in those countreys as aforesayd) sayth that there is great plenty: and
withall the climate doth giue great hope, that though there were none
naturally growing, yet it might as well be made there by art, as it is
both at Rochel and Bayon, or elsewhere. Which being brought to passe,
shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners, were it but in
respect of fishing onely: but much more in regard of the sundry
merchandizes and commodities which are there found, and had in great
abundance.

Moreouer, it is well knowen that all Sauages, aswell those that dwell in
the South, as those that dwell in the North, so soone as they shall begin
but a little to taste of ciuility, will take maruelous delight in any
garment, be it neuer so simple; as a shirt, a blew, yellow, red, or greene
cotton cassocke, a cap, or such like, and will take incredible paines for
such a trifle.

For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our
countreymen, who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies,
some twelue yeeres together, and some of lesse time; that the people in
those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments.
Which being so, what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue, and
how great benefit to all such persons and artificers, whose names are
quoted in the margent,(3) I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are
discreet and questionlesse; hereby it will also come to passe, that all
such townes and villages as both haue beene, and now are vtterly decayed
and ruinated (the poore people thereof being not set on worke, by reason
of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in
times past) shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and
estate: all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement of our nauy, and
maintenance of our nauigation.

To what end need I endeuour my selfe by arguments to proue that by this
voyage our nauie and nauigation shalbe inlarged, when as there needeth
none other reason then the manifest and late example of the neere
neighbours to this realme, the kings of Spaine and Portugall, who since
the first discouery of the Indies, haue not onely mightily inlarged their
dominions, greatly inriched themselues and their subiects: but haue also
by iust account trebled the number of their shippes, masters and mariners,
a matter of no small moment and importance?

(M21) Besides this, it will prooue a generall benefit vnto our countrey,
that through this occasion, not onely a great number of men which do now
liue idlely at home, and are burthenous, chargeable, and vnprofitable to
this realme, shall hereby be set on worke, but also children of twelue or
fourteene yeeres of age, or vnder, may bee kept from idlenesse, in making
of a thousand kindes of trifling things, which wil be good merchandize for
that countrey. (M22) And moreouer, our idle women (which the Realme may
well spare) shall also be imployed on plucking, drying, and sorting of
feathers, in pulling, beating, and working of hempe, and in gathering of
cotton, and diuers things right necessary for dying. All which things are
to be found in those countreys most plentifully. And the men may imploy
themselues in dragging for pearle, woorking for mines, and in matters of
husbandry, and likewise in hunting the whale for Trane, and making casks
to put the same in: besides in fishing for cod, salmon, and herring,
drying, salting and barrelling the same, and felling of trees, hewing and
sawing of them, and such like worke, meete for those persons that are no
men of Art or Science.

Many other things may bee found to the great reliefe and good employments
of no small number of the naturall Subiects of this Realme, which doe now
liue here idlely to the common annoy of the whole state. (M23) Neither may
I here omit the great hope and likelyhood of a passage beyond the Grand
Bay into the South Seas, confirmed by sundry authors to be found leading
to Cataia, the Molluccas and Spiceries, whereby may ensue as generall a
benefite to the Realme, or greater then yet hath bene spoken of, without
either such charges, or other inconueniences, as by the tedious tract of
time and perill, which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day
doeth minister.

And to conclude this argument withall, it is well knowen to all men of
sound iudgement, that this voyage is of greater importance, and will be
found more beneficiall to our countrey, then all other voyages at this day
in vse and trade amongst vs.



The fift chapter sheweth, that the trading and planting in those countreis
is likely to proue to the particular profit of all aduenturers.


I must, now according to my promise shew foorth some probable reasons that
the aduenturers in this iourney are to take particular profit by the same.
It is therefore conuenient that I doe diuide the aduenturers into two
sorts: the noblemen and gentlemen by themselues, and the Merchants by
themselues. For, as I doe heare, it is meant that there shall be one
societie of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, and another societie of the
merchants. And yet not so diuided, but that eche society may freely and
frankely trade and traffique one with the other.

And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen, who doe chiefly
seeke a temperate climate, wholesome ayre, fertile soile, and a strong
place by nature whereupon they may fortifie, and there either plant
themselues, or such other persons as they shall thinke good to send to bee
lords of that place and countrey: to them I say, that all these things are
verie easie to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid, either
by South or North, both in the Continent, and in Islands thereunto
adioyning at their choise: but the degree certaine of the eleuation of the
pole, and the very climate where these places of force and fertility are
to be found, I omit to make publike, for such regard as the wiser sort can
easily coniecture: the rather because I doe certainly vnderstand, that
some of those which haue the managing of this matter, knowe it as well or
better then I my selfe, and do meane to reueale the same, when cause shall
require, to such persons whom it shall concerne, and to no other: so that
they may seat and settle themselues in such climate as shall best agree
with their owne nature, disposition, and good liking: and in the whole
tract of that land, by the description of as many as haue bene there,
great plentie of minerall matter of all sorts, and in very many places,
both stones of price, pearle and christall, and great store of beasts,
birds and fowles both for pleasure and necessary for vse of man are to be
found.

(M24) And for such as take delight in hunting, there are Stagges, Wilde
bores, Foxes, Hares, Cunnies, Badgers, Otters, and diuers other such like
for pleasure. Also for such as haue delight in hauking, there are haukes
of sundry kinds, and great store of game, both for land and riuer, as
Fezants, Partridges, Cranes, Heronshawes, Ducks, Mallards, and such like.
(M25) There is also a kinde of beast much bigger then an Oxe, whose hide
is more then eighteene foote long, of which sort a countreyman of ours,
one Walker a sea man, who was vpon that coast, did for a trueth report in
the presence of diuers honourable and worshipfull persons, that he and his
company did finde in one cottage aboue two hundred and fortie hides, which
they brought away and solde in France for fortie shillings an hide: and
with this agreeth Dauid Ingram, and describeth that beast at large,
supposing it to be a certaine kinde of Buffe; (M26) there are likewise
beasts and fowles of diuers kinds, which I omit for breuities sake, great
store of fish both in the salt water and in the fresh, plentie of grapes
as bigge as a mans thumbe, and the most delicate wine of the Palme tree,
of which wine there be diuers of good credit in this realme that haue
tasted: and there is also a kind of graine called Maiz, Potato rootes, and
sundry other fruits naturally growing there: so that after such time as
they are once settled, they shall neede to take no great care for
victuall.

And now for the better contentation and satisfaction of such worshipfull,
honest minded, and well disposed Merchants, as haue a desire to the
furtherance of euery good and commendable action, I will first say vnto
them, as I haue done before to the Noblemen and Gentlemen, that within the
degrees abouesayde, is doubtlesse to bee found the most wholesome and best
temperature of ayre, fertilitie of soyle, and euery other commoditie or
merchandize, for the which, with no small perill we doe trauell into
Barbary, Spaine, Portugall, France, Italie, Moscouie and Eastland. All
which may be either presently had, or at the least wise in very short time
procured from thence with lesse danger then now we haue them. And yet to
the ende my argument shall not altogether stand vpon likelihoods and
presumptions, I say that such persons as haue discouered and trauelled
those partes, doe testifie that they haue found in those countreys all
these things following, namely:

Of beasts for furres: Marterns, Beauers, Foxes, blacke and white,
Leopards.

Of wormes: Silke wormes great and large.

Of Birds: Hawkes, Bitters, Curlewes, Herons, Partridges, Cranes, Mallards,
Wilde geese, Stocke dooues, Margaus, Blacke birds, Parrots, Pengwins.

Of Fishes: Codde, Salmon, Seales, Herrings.

Of Trees: Palme trees yeelding sweet wines, Cedars, Firres, Sasafras,
Oake, Elme, Popler, and sundry other strange Trees to vs vnknowen.

Of fruites: Grapes very large, Muskemellons, Limons, Dates great,
Orrenges, Figges, Prunes, Raisins great and small, Pepper, Almonds,
Citrons.

Of Mettals: Golde, Siluer, Copper, Lead, Tinne.

Of Stones: Turkeis, Rubies, Pearls great and faire, Marble of diuers
kindes, Iasper, Christall.

Sundry other commodities of all sorts: Rosen, Pitch, Tarre, Turpentine,
Frankincense, Honny, Waxe, Rubarbe, Oyle Oliue, Traine oyle, Muske codde,
Salt, Tallow, Hides, Hempe, Flaxe, Cochenello and dies of diuers sorts,
Feathers of sundrie sorts, as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds.

And seeing that for small costs, the trueth of these may be vnderstood
(whereof this intended supply will giue vs more certaine assurance) I doe
finde no cause to the contrary, but that all well minded persons should be
willing to aduenture some competent portion for the furtherance of so good
an enterprise.

Now for the triall hereof, considering that in the articles of the
societie of the aduenturers in this voyage, there is prouision made, that
no aduenturer shall be bound to any further charge then his first
aduenture: and yet notwithstanding keepe still to himselfe his children,
his apprentises and seruants, his and their freedome for trade and
traffique, which is a priuiledge that aduenturers in other voyages haue
not: and in the said articles it is likewise prouided, that none other
then such as haue aduentured in the first voyage, or shal become
aduenturers in this supply, at any time hereafter are to be admitted in
the said society, but as redemptionaries, which will be very chargeable:
therefore generally I say vnto all such according to the olde prouerbe,
Nothing venture, nothing haue. For if it do so fall out, according to the
great hope and expectation had, (as by Gods grace it will) the gaine which
now they reap by traffique into other farre countries, shal by this trade
returne with lesse charge, greater gaine, and more safety: Lesse charge, I
say, by reason of the ample and large deepe riuers at the very banke,
whereof there are many, whereby both easily and quietly they may transport
from the innermost parts of the main land, all kind of merchandize, yea in
vessels of great burden, and that three times, or twise in the yere at the
least. (M27) But let vs omit all presumptions how vehement soeuer, and
dwel vpon the certainty of such commodities as were discouered by S.
Humfrey Gilbert, and his assistants in Newfound land in August last. For
there may be very easily made Pitch, Tarre, Rosen, Sope ashes in great
plenty, yea, as it is thought, inough to serue the whole realme of euery
of these kindes: And of Traine oyle such quantity, as if I should set
downe the value that they doe esteeme it at, which haue bene there, it
would seeme incredible.

It is hereby intended, that these commodities in this abundant maner, are
not to be gathered from thence, without planting and setling there. And as
for other things of more value, and that of more sorts and kindes then one
or two (which were likewise discouered there) I doe holde them for some
respects, more meete for a time to be concealed then vttered.

Of the fishing I doe speake nothing, because it is generally knowen: and
it is not to be forgotten, what trifles they be that the Sauages doe
require in exchange of these commodities: yea, for pearle, golde, siluer,
and precious stones. All which are matters in trade and traffique of great
moment. But admit that it should so fall out, that the aboue specified
commodities shall not happily be found out within this first yeere: Yet it
is very cleere that such and so many may be found out as shall minister
iust occasion to thinke all cost and labour well bestowed. For it is very
certaine, that there is one seat fit for fortification, of great safety,
wherein those commodities following, especially are to be had, that is to
say, Grapes for wine, Whales for oyle, Hempe for cordage, and other
necccessary things, and fish of farre greater sise and plenty, then that
of Newfound land, and of all these so great store, as may suffice to serue
our whole realme.

Besides all this, if credit may be giuen to the inhabitants of the same
soile, a certaine riuer doth thereunto adioyne, which leadeth to a place
abounding with rich substance: I doe not hereby meane the passage to the
Molluccaes, whereof before I made mention.

And it is not to be omitted, how that about two yeeres past, certaine
merchants of S. Malo in France, did hyre a ship out of the Island of
Iersey to the ende that they would keepe that trade secret from their
Countreymen, and they would admit no mariner, other then the ship boy
belonging to the said ship, to goe with them, which shippe was about 70.
tunne. I doe know the shippe and the boy very well, and am familiarly
acquainted with the owner, which voyage prooued very beneficiall.

To conclude, this which is already sayd, may suffice any man of reasonable
disposition to serue for a taste, vntill such time as it shall please
almighty God through our owne industrie to send vs better tydings. In the
meane season, if any man well affected to this iourney, shall stand in
doubt of any matter of importance touching the same, he may satisfie
himselfe with the iudgement and liking of such of good calling and
credite, as are principall dealers herein. For it is not neccessary in
this treatise, publikely to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage.



The sixth Chapter sheweth that, the traffique and planting in those
countries, shall be vnto the Sauages themselues very beneficiall and
gainefull.


Now to the end it may appeare that this voyage is not vndertaken
altogether for the peculiar commodity of our selues and our countrey (as
generally other trades and iournies be) it shall fall out in proofe, that
the Sauages shall hereby haue iust cause to blesse the houre when this
enterprise was vndertaken.

First and chiefly, in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of
the most glorious Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, whereby they may be
brought from falshood to trueth, from darknesse to light, from the hie way
of death to the path of life, from superstitious idolatrie to sincere
Christianity, from the deuill to Christ, from hell to heauen. And if in
respect of all the commodities they can yeelde vs (were they many moe)
that they should but receiue this onely benefit of Christianity, they were
more then fully recompenced.

But hereunto it may bee obiected, that the Gospel must bee freely
preached, for such was the example of the Apostles: vnto whom although the
authorities and examples before alledged of Emperors, Kings and Princes,
aswel before Christs time as since, might sufficiently satisfie: yet for
further answere, we may say (M28) with S. Paul, If wee haue sowen vnto you
heauenly things, doe you thinke it much that we should reape your carnall
things? And withall, The workman is worthy of his hire. These heauenly
tidings which those labourers our countreymen (as messengers of Gods great
goodnesse and mercy) will voluntarily present vnto them, doe farre exceed
their earthly riches. Moreouer, if the other inferiour worldly and
temporall things which they shall receiue from vs, be weighed in equall
ballance, I assure my selfe, that by equal iudgement of any indifferent
person, the benefits which they then receiue, shall farre surmount those
which they shall depart withall vnto vs. And admit that they had (as they
haue not) the knowledge to put their land to some vse: yet being brought
from brutish ignorance to ciuilitie and knowledge, and made then to
vnderstand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and
employed, as it may yeeld more commodities to the necessary vse of mans
life, then the whole now doeth: What iust cause of complaint may they
haue? And in my private opinion, I do verily thinke that God did create
land, to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yeeld things
necessary for mans life.

But this is not all the benefit which they shall receiue by the
Christians: for, ouer and beside the knowledge how to till and dresse
their grounds, they shal be reduced from vnseemly customes to honest
maners, from disordered riotous routs and (M29) companyes to a well
gouerned common wealth, and withall, shalbe taught mechanicall
occupations, arts, and liberall sciences: and which standeth them most
vpon, they shalbe defended from the cruelty of their tyrannicall and
bloodsucking neighbors the Canibals, whereby infinite number of their
liues shalbe preserued. And lastly, by this meanes many of their poore
innocent children shall be preserued from the bloody knife of the
sacrificer, a most horrible and detestable custome in the sight of God and
man, now and ever heretofore vsed amongst them. Many other things could I
heere alledge to this purpose were it not that I doe feare lest I haue
already more then halfe tired the reader.



The seuenth Chapter sheweth that the planting there, is not a matter of
such charge or difficultie, as many would make it seeme to be.


Now therefore for proofe, that the planting in these parts is a thing that
may be done without the ayde of the Princes power and purse, contrary to
the allegation of many malicious persons, who wil neither be actors in any
good action themselues, nor so much as afoord a good word to the setting
forward thereof: and that worse is, they will take vpon them to make
molehilles seeme mountaines, and flies elephants, to the end they may
discourage others, that be very well or indifferently affected to the
matter, being like vnto Esops dogge, which neither would eate Hay
himselfe, nor suffer the poore hungry asse to feede thereon:

I say and affirme that God hath prouided such meanes for the furtherance
of this enterprise, as doe stand vs in stead of great treasure: for first
by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodnesse, of long time to
hold his merciful hand ouer this realme, in preseruing the people of the
same, both from slaughter by the sword, and great death by plague,
pestilence, or otherwise, there are at this day great numbers (God he
knoweth) which liue in such penurie and want, as they could be contented
to hazard their liues, and to serue one yeere for meat, drinke and
apparell only, without wages, in hope thereby to amend their estates:
which is a matter in such like iourneyes, of no small charge to the
prince. Moreouer, things in the like iourneyes of greatest price and cost
as victuall (whereof there is great plentie to be had in that countrey
without money) and powder, great artillery, or corselets are not needefull
in so plentifull and chargeable maner, as the shew of such a iourney may
present: for a small quantitie of all these, to furnish the Fort only,
will suffice vntill such time as diuers commodities may be found out in
those parts, which may be thought well worthy a greater charge. Also the
peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withall
before all other nations, will stand vs in great stead amongst those naked
people.

Another helpe we haue also, which in such like cases is a matter of
marueilous cost, and will be in in this iourney procured very easily (that
is to say) to transport yeerely as well our people, as all other
necessaries needfull for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants,
that yeerely venture for fish in Newfound-land, being not farre distant
from the countrey meant to be inhabited, who commonly goe with emptie
vessels in effect, sauing some litle fraight with salt. And thus it
appeareth that the souldier, wages, and the transportation may be defrayed
for farre lesse summes of money then the detractors of this enterprise
haue giuen out. Againe, this intended voyage for conquest, hath in like
maner many other singular priuiledges wherewith God hath, as it were, with
his holy hand blessed the same before all others. For after once we are
departed the coast of England, wee may passe straight way thither, without
danger of being driuen into any the countries of our enemies, or doubtfull
friends: for commonly one winde serueth to bring vs thither, which seldome
faileth from the middle of Ianuarie to the middle of May, a benefite which
the mariners make great account of, for it is a pleasure that they haue in
a few or none of other iourneyes. Also the passage is short, for we may
goe thither in thirtie or fortie dayes at the most, hauing but an
indifferent winde, and returne continually in twentie or foure and twentie
dayes at the most. And in the same our iourney, by reason it is in the
Ocean, and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countreyes,
we may safely trade and traffique without peril of piracy: neither shall
our ships, people, or goods there, be subiect to arrest or molestation of
any Pagan potentate, Turkish tyrant, yea, or Christian prince, which
heretofore sometimes vpon slender occasion in other parts haue stayed our
ships and merchandizes, whereby great numbers of our countrymen haue bene
vtterly vndone, diuers put to ransome, yea, and some lost their liues: a
thing so fresh in memorie as it neede no proofe, and is well worthy of
consideration.

Besides, in this voyage we doe not crosse the burnt line,(4) whereby
commonly both beuerage and victuall are corrupted, and mens health very
much impayred, neither doe we passe the frozen seas, which yeelde sundry
extreame dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere,
to serue our turnes. And lastly, there neede no delayes by the way for
taking in of fresh water and fewell, (a thing vsually done in long
iournies) because, as I sayd aboue, the voyage is not long, and the fresh
waters taken in there, our men here in England at their returne home haue
found so wholesome and sweete, that they haue made choise to drinke it
before our beere and ale.

Behold heere, good countreymen, the manifold benefits and commodities and
pleasures heretofore vnknowen, by Gods especiall blessing not onely
reueiled vnto vs, but also as it were infused into our bosomes, who though
hitherto like dormice haue slumbred in ignorance thereof, being like the
cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet: yet if now therefore
at the last we would awake, and with willing mindes (setting friuolous
imaginations aside) become industrious instruments to our selues,
questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our
heauenly father, but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes
that may be wished or desired.

And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey
of the Sauages, being a naked kinde of people, voyde of the knowledge of
the discipline of warre, seeing that a noble man, being but a subiect in
this realme (in the time of our king Henry the second) by name Strangbow,
then earle of Chepstow in South Wales, by himselfe and his allies and
assistants, at their owne proper charges haue passed ouer into Ireland,
and there made conquest of the now countrey, and then kingdome of
Lynester, at which time it was very populous and strong, which History our
owne chronicles do witnesse: And why should we be dismayed more then were
the Spanyards, who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer,
possesse, and enioy so large a tract of the earth, in the West Indies, as
is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne, not onely in the
maine firme land of America, which is 47. degrees in latitude from South
to North, and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least, that the
king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession, besides many goodly and
rich Islands, as Hispaniola, now called S. Domingo, Cuba, Iamaica, and
diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure, not speaking
any whit at all, how large the said land is from East to West, which in
some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East
to West, betweene the one Sea and the other.

(M30) Or why should our noble nation be dismaid, more then was Vasques
Nunnes de Valboa, a priuate gentleman of Spaine, who with the number of
70. Spaniards at Tichiri, gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king
Chemaccus, hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men, and the
said Vasques Nunnes not long after, with his small number, did put to
flight king Chiapes his whole armie.

(M31) Likewise Hernando Cortes, being also but a priuate gentleman of
Spaine, after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzamil, and
entring into the firme of America, had many most victorious and triumphant
conquests, as that at Cyntla, where being accompanied with lesse then 500.
Spanish footmen, thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only, he
ouerthrew 40000. Indians. The same Cortes with his sayd number of
Spanyards, tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezuma in his most chiefe
and famous citie of Mexico, which at that instant had in it aboue the
number of 50000. Indians at the least, and in short time after obtained
not onely the quiet possession of the said citie, but also of his whole
Empire.

(M32) And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru, which the king of Spaine
hath now in actuall possession, Francisco Pysarro, with the onely ayd of
Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luche, being all three but priuate
gentlemen, was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and
conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru, which through the ayd of
the almighty, he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca,
(which is a large place of ground, enclosed with walles) in which place he
tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner, midst the number of
60000. Indians his subiects, which were euer before that day accounted to
bee a warlike kind of people, which his great victorie it pleased God to
grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his
company aboue the number of 210. Spaniards, whereof there were not past
threescore horsemen in all: after the taking of which prince Atabalipa, he
offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome, to fill a great large hall full of
gold and siluer, and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed, euen
as high as a man might reach with his arme. And the sayd prince caused the
same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height, which ransome
Pyzarro granted to accept. And after when as this mighty prince had sent
to his vassals and subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of
the hall, as aforesaid, as namely to the cities or townes of Quito,
Paciacama and Cusco, as also to the Calao of Lima, in which towne, as
their owne writers doe affirme, they found a large and faire house, all
slated and couered with gold: and when as the said hall was not yet a
quarter ful, a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards, in which it was
commonly giuen out, that the said prince had politikely offered this great
ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power, whereby the
Spanyards should be taken, slaine and ouerthrowen: wherevpon they grew to
this resolution, to put the sayd prince to death, and to make partition of
the golde and siluer already brought in, which they presently put in
execution. And comming to make perfect Inuentorie of the same, as well for
the Emperour then king of Spaine, his fift part, as otherwise, there was
found to be already brought in into the sayd hall, the number of 132425.
pound weight of siluer, and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos, which
was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together, of
which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde
365625. pezos, and for his fift part of, siluer 26485. pound waight, and
to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold, and 67. pound waight of
siluer. Euery souldier had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of
siluer. Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and
siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling, according
to the rate agreed vpon amongst them.

Francis Pizarro as their generall, according to his decree and calling
proportionally, had more then any of the rest, ouer and besides the massie
table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Letter, which waighed 25000.
pezos of gold: neuer were there before that day souldiers so rich in so
small a time, and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of
yron, they did shoe their horses, some with gold, and some with siluer.
This is to be seene in the generall historie of the West Indies, where as
the doings of Pizarro, and the conquest of Peru is more at large set
forth.

To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes
of Portugall haue made round about the West, the South, and the East parts
of Africa, and also at Callicut and in the East Indies, and in America, at
Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands, in fortifying, peopling and
planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands, euer as they discouered:
which being lightly weyed and considered, doth minister iust cause of
yncouragement to our Countreymen, not to account it so hard and difficult
a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England, to discouer,
people, plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not
farre from vs, but neere adioyning land offring themselues vnto vs (as is
aforesayd) which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession
of any other Christian prince, then the princes of this Realme. All which
(as I thinke) should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out
and aduenture abroad, vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the
Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered,
peopled and planted, some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse,
briefly in particular to name both the Townes, Countreys, and Islands, so
neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance: for the rest I
doe referre the Reader to the histories, where more at large the same is
to be seene. First, they did winne and conquere from the princes of
Barbary the Island of Geisera and towne of Arzila, not past an 140. mile
distant from their Metropolitane and chiefe citie of Fesse: and after that
they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger, Ceuta,
Mazigan, Azamor, and Azaffi, all alongst the Sea coasts. And in the yeere
of our Lord, 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta(5) a Gentleman Venetian, was hee
that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd, with the Islands adioyning,
of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago
discouering also the riuer Senega, otherwise called Niger, and Cape Roxo
and Sierra Leone, and in few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of
Guinea, and there peopled and built the castle of Mina: then discouered
they further to the countreys of Melegettes, Benin, and Congo, with the
Islands of Principe, da Nabon, S. Matthewe, and S. Thomas vnder the
Equinoctiall line, which they peopled, and built in the said Island of S.
Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan. After that, about the yeere of
our Lord, 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent forth, who was the first man
that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon
Esperanze, and passing the currents that run vpon the said coast, on the
Southeast part of Africa, betweene the said maine land and the Island of
S. Laurence, otherwise called of the ancients, Madagascar, he discouered
to the harbor named the Riuer of the Infant. (M33) After that since the
yeere of our Lord God, 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the
yeere of Christ, 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de
Gama,(6) Peter Aluares, Thomas Lopes, Andrew Corsale, Iohn de Empoli,
Peter Sintia, Sancho de Toar, and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonzo
de Albuquerque,(7) they did discouer, people, and plant at Ceffala, being
vpon the East side of Africa, in the twenty degrees of latitude of the
South Pole, and direct West from the Island of S. Laurence (at which port
of Ceffala, diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold) as
also vpon the said East side of Africa, they did afterward discouer
people, and plant at Mozambique, Quiola, Monbaza, and Melinde, two degrees
of Southerly latitude, and so vp to the Streight of Babell-Mandell at the
entring of the red sea, all vpon the East coast of Africa, from whence
they put off at the Cape Guarda Fu, and passed the great gulfe of Arabia
and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus, and the Island of Ormus, and so
passing the large and great riuer Indus, where he hath his fall into the
maine Ocean, in 23. degrees and an halfe, vnder the tropike of Cancer, of
Septentrional latitude, they made their course againe directly towardes
the South, and began to discouer, people, and plant vpon the West side of
the hither India at Goa, Mangolar, Cananor, Calecut and Cochin, and the
Island of Zeilam.(8)

And here I thinke good to remember to you, that after their planting vpon
this coast, their forces grewe so great that they were able to compel all
the Moores, the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay
tribute vnto them, euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia, from the port
of Mecca in Arabia Foelix, where Mahomet lieth buried, or any of the other
portes of the sayd land, euer as they passed to and from the hauens of
Cochin, Calecut, and Cananor, and by their martiall maner of discipline
practised in those partes, the great and mightie prince the Sophie
Emperour of the Persians, and professed enemie to the Turke, came to the
knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot, and to interlace and ioyne footemen
with his horsemen, sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that
strength and force, that they haue giuen many mighty and great ouerthrowes
to the Turke, to the great quiet of all Christendome.

(M34) And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they all discouered more
East in passing the gulfe of Bengala, and so passed the notable and famous
riuer of Ganges, where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean, vnder the
tropike of Cancer, and to the Cape of Malaca, and vnto the great and large
Islands of Sumatra, Iaua maior, Iaua minor, Mindanao, Palobane, Celebes,
Gilolo, Tidore, Mathin, Borneo, Machian, Terenate, and all other the
Islands of Molucques and Spiceries, and so East alongst the coasts of
Cathaia, to the portes of China, Zaiton and Quinsay, and to the Island of
Zipango and Iapan, situate in the East, in 37. degrees of Septentrionall
latitude and in 195. of longitude. These are their noble and worthie
discoueries. Here also is not to bee forgotten, that in the yeere of our
Lord. 1501, that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did
discouer, people, and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they
haue in Brasill, of whom (he but being a priuate gentleman) the whole
countrey or firme land of the West Indies, is commonly called and knowen
by the name of America.

I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the
particular discoueries and Conquests of the East and West Indies, wherein
I was the more bold to vrge the patience of the Reader, to the end it
might most manifestly and at large appeare, to all such as are not
acquainted with the histories, how the king of Portugall, whose Countrey
for popularity and number of people, is scarce comparable to some three
shires of England, and the king of Spaine likewise, whose natural Countrey
doth not greatly abound with people, both which princes by means of their
discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres past, haue as it appeareth both
mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through
their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent, whose aid we
shall not need to doubt, seeing the cause and quarrell which we take in
hand tendeth to his honour and glory, by the enlargement of the Christian
faith.

To conclude, since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further
all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by
reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray: And
that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous
predecessors of renowned memorie, and leaue vnto our posteritie a diuine
memoriall of so godly an enterprise: Let vs I say for the considerations
alledged, enter into iudgement with our selues, whether this action may
belong to vs or no, the rather for that this voyage through the mighty
assistance of the omnipotent God, shall take our desired effect (whereof
there is no iust cause of doubt.) Then shal her Maiesties dominions be
enlarged, her highnesse ancient titles iustly confirmed, all odious
idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished, diuers decayed townes
repaired, and many poor and needy persons relieued, and estates of such as
now liue in want shail be embettered, the ignorant and barbarous idolaters
taught to know Christ, the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannical
neighbours, the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures
abolished.

All which (no man doubteth) are things gratefull in the sight of our
Sauiour Christ, and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie. Bee
of good cheere therefore, for he that cannot erre hath sayd: That before
the ende of the world, his word shall bee preached to all nations. Which
good work I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts:
Wherefore my deere countreymen, be not dismayed: for the power of God is
nothing diminished, nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and
planting of the Gospel any whit abated. Shall wee then doubt he will be
lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this
quarell, which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement
of the Christian faith abroad, and the banishment of idlenes at home, then
he was to Columbus, Vasques, Nunnes, Hernando Cortes, and Francis Pizarro
in the West: and Vasques de Gama, Peter Aluares, et Alonso de Albuquerque
in the East: Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts,
giue the attempt, and leaue the sequell to Almightie God: for if he be on
our part, what forceth it who bee against vs: Thus leauing the correction
and reformation vnto the gentle Reader, whatsoeuer is in this treatise too
much or too little, otherwise vnperfect, I take leaue and so end.




II. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of
Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie, and
of furthering new discoueries, &c.


I vnderstand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of
Bristoll, as by conference with Sir Iohn Pekham, that you haue endeuoured,
and giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet
vnknowen: as your studie in those things is very commendable, so I thanke
you much for the same; wishing you do continue, your trauell in these and
like matters, which are like to turne not only to your owne good in
priuate, but to the publike benefice of this Realme. And so I bid you
farewell. From the Court the 11. of March. 1582.

Your louing Friend,
FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.




III. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth
merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning
their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.


After my heartie commendations, I haue for certaine causes deferred the
answere of your letter of Nouember last till now, which I hope commeth all
in good time. Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot
but much commend. And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert, as you haue heard long
since, hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within
these 10. dayes, who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he
hath, I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you
write of, be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with with him, or so soone
after as you may. I hope this trauell wil prooue profitable to the
Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme: herein I pray
you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt, and M. Thomas
Steuenton, to whome I referre you: And so bid you heertily farewell.
Richmond the 11. of March. 1582.

Your louing Friend,
FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.




IV. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the
Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham
principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage
intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the Southwest
of Cape Briton.


Right honourable, vpon the receit of your letters directed vnto me and
deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton,
bearing the date the 11. of March, I presently conferred with my friends
in priuate, whom I know most affectionate to this most godly enterprise,
especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants:
whereupon my selfe being as then sicke, with as conuenient speede as he
could, hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered: where after
dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this
citie, he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me
priuately, to be read in publike, and after some good light giuen by M.
Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterprise, and
were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be
liked, that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present,
and apparently knowen by their own speach, and very willing offer, the
summe of 1000. markes and vpward: which summe if it should not suffice, we
doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery, a ship
of threescore, and a barke of 40. tunne, to bee left in the countrey vnder
the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlile, of whom we
haue heard much good, if it shall stand with your honors good liking and
his acceptation. In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M.
Steuenton your honours messenger, and one well knowen to vs as captaine.
And here in humble maner, desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your
further direction by a generall letter to my selfe, my brethren, and the
rest of the merchants of this city, at your honors best and most
conuenient leisure, because we meane not to deferre the finall proceeding
in this voyage, any further then to the end of April next comming, I
cease, beseeching God long to blesse and prosper your honourable estate.
Bristol. March 27. 1583.




V. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the
hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April, 1583.
for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the Moscouian
companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the furniture of
the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne of gaine,
albeit their said particular disbursements are required but in very
slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li. 10. s. and
the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.


When the Goldsmith desireth to finde the certaine goodnesse of a piece of
golde, which is newly offered vnto him, he presently bringeth the same to
the touchstone, where by comparing the shewe or touch of this new piece
with the touch or shew of that which he knoweth of old, he forthwith is
able to iudge what the value is of that, which is newly offered vnto him.
After the example whereof I haue thought it good to make some briefe
repetition of the particular estate of many other forren voyages and
trades already frequented and knowen vnto vs, whereby we may be the better
able to conceiue and iudge what certaine likelihood of good there is to be
expected in the voyage, which is presently recommended vnto your knowledge
and resolution.

And first to lay downe that of Moscouia, whose beginning is yet in the
remembrance of many: It is well knowen, that what by the charges of the
first discouery, and by the great gifts bestowed on the Emperour and his
Nobilitie, togither with the leud dealing of some of their seruants, who
thought themselues safe enough from orderly punishment, it cost the
company aboue fourescore thousand pounds, before it could be brought to
any profitable reckoning. And now that after so long a patience and so
great a burthen of expences, the same began to frame to some good course
and commoditie: It falleth to very ticklish termes, and to as slender
likelihood of any further goodnesse, as any other trade that may be named.

For first the estate of those Countreys and the Emperours dealings, are
things more fickle then are by euery body vnderstood.

Next, the Dutchmen are there so crept in as they daily augment their trade
thither, which may well confirme that vncertainty of the Emperours
disposition to keepe promise with our nation.

Thirdly, the qualitie of the voyage, such as may not be performed but once
the yeere.

Fourthly, the charges of all Ambassadours betweene that Prince and her
Maiesty, are alwayes borne by the merchants stocke.

And lastly, the danger of the king of Denmarke, who besides that presently
he is like to enforce a tribute on vs, hath likewise an aduantage vpon the
ships in their voyage, either homewards or outwards whensoeuer he listeth
to take the opportunitie.

The badde dealings of the Easterlings are sufficiently knowen to be such
towards our merchants of that trade, as they doe not onely offer them many
iniuries ouerlong to bee written, but doe seeke all the meanes they can,
to depriue them wholy of their occupying that way: and to the same purpose
haue of late cleane debarred them their accustomed and ancient priuiledges
in all their great townes.

The traffique into Turkie, besides that by some it is thought a hard point
to haue so much familiaritie with the professed and obstinate enemie of
Christ: It is likewise a voyage which can not be made but at the deuotion,
and as it were in the danger of many states, who for sundry respects are
apt to quarell with vs vpon sudden occasions, and the presents to be giuen
away in Turkie this yeere, cost little lesse then two thousand pounds.

As for the trades into all the parts of Italie, it may easily be
considered by euery one of iudgement, that the same stand in the like
termes touching the passages, as that of Turkie, and that many times our
shippes being taken in the way by the Gallies of Alger, our poore Mariners
after the losse of their goods and trauell, are set at such excessiue
ransoms before they can bee freed of their slauerie, as for the most part
they are no way able to discharge. As for example, at this instant there
are some prisoners, poore ordinarie Mariners, for whose releasing there
must be payed two hundred Duckets the man, for some three hundred, yea,
foure or fiue hundred Duckets the man for some of them. And how enuiously
the Venetians doe already oppose themselues against our frequenting into
their parts, may appeare by the late customs which they haue imposed as
well vpon our English merchandize which we bring them, as also vpon such
their merchandize which we fetch from them.

The trade into Barbarie groweth likewise to worse termes then before
times, and when it was at the best, our merchants haue bene in danger of
all their goods they had there, whensoever it happened the king to die.
For vntill a new were chosen, the libertie of all disordered persons is
such, as they spoile and wrong whom they list, without any redresse at
all.

(M35) Touching Spaine and Portugall, with whom wee haue very great trade,
and much the greater, by meanes of their venting a good part of our wares
in their Indies, as also of the prouision they haue from the same,
wherewith are made many of our returnes from them againe: It falleth out
that twise the yeere ordinarily we send our Fleetes into those parts: So
that whensoeuer the king of Spaine listeth to take the opportunitie, hee
may at these seasons depriue vs not onely of a great number of our very
good ships, but also of our honestest and ablest sort of Mariners that are
to bee found in our whole Realme againe, which is a matter of no small
consequence: for it is to bee noted, that when hee shall take a quarrell
in hand, though it be but his owne particularly, yet hath he the meanes to
put in hazard as well those our shippes which are in his owne Countreys of
Spaine and Portugall, as also all others which shall bee bound to any the
partes of all Italie or of Turkie either. And further whosoeuer hee bee
that is but meanely affected in Religion, as of necessitie becommeth euery
ordinarie man and good Christian to be, cannot but be agrieued in his
heart to consider, that his children and seruants whom hee desireth to
haue well brought vp, are in these trades of Spaine and Portugall, and all
Italie, forced to denie their owne profession, and to acquaint themselues
with that which the Parents and Masters doe vtterly deny and refuse, yea
which many of them doe in their owne hearts abhorre as a detestable and
most wicked doctrine.

But who shall looke into the qualitie of this voyage, being directed to
the latitude of fortie degrees or thereaboutes, of that hithermost part of
America, shal find it hath as many points of good moment belonging vnto
it, as may almost be wished for.

(M36) 1 As first it is to be vnderstood, that it is not any long course,
for it may be perfourmed too and fro in foure moneths after the first
discouerie thereof.

2 Secondly, that one wind sufficeth to make the passage, whereas most of
your other voyages of like length, are subiect to 3. or 4. winds.

3 Thirdly, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yeere.

4 Fourthly, that the passage is vpon the high sea, wherby you are not
bound to the knowledge of dangers, on any other coast, more then of that
Countrey, and of ours here at home.

5 Fiftly, that those parts of England and Ireland, which lie aptest for
the proceeding outward or homeward vpon this voyage. are very well stored
of goodly harbours.

6 Sixtly, that it is to bee accounted of no danger at all as touching the
power of any foreine prince or state, when it is compared with any the
best of all other voyages before recited.

7 And to the godly minded, it hath this comfortable commoditie, that in
this trade their Factours, bee they their seruants or children, shall haue
no instruction or confessions of Idolatrous Religion enforced vpon them,
but contrarily shall be at their free libertie of conscience, and shall
find the same Religion exercised, which is most agreeable vnto their
Parents and Masters.

As for the merchandising, which is the matter especially looked for,
albeit that for the present we are not certainely able to promise any such
like quantitie, as is now at the best time of the Moscouian trade brought
from thence: So likewise is there not demanded any such proportion of
daily expences, as was at the first, and as yet is consumed in that of
Moscouia and other.

(M37) But when this of America shall haue bene haunted and practised
thirtie yeeres to an ende as the other hath bene, I doubt not by Gods
grace, that for the tenne shippes that are now commonly employed once the
yeere into Moscouia, there shall in this voyage twise tenne be imployed
well, twise the yeere at the least. And if for the present there doe fall
out nothing els to bee found then the bare Fishing, yet doubt I not after
the first yeeres planting but by that matter only to serue halfe a dozen
of your best sorts of ships, although my supply of people doe not follow
me so substantially, as in all reason may be well looked for.

(M38) But when it is asked what may be hoped from thence after some
yeeres, it is first to be considered, that this situation in fourtie
degrees, shall bee very apt to gather the commodities either of those
parts which stand to the Southward of it, as also of those which are to
the Northward.

In the Northerlie may be expected not onely an especiall good fishing for
Salmon, Codde, and Whales, but also any other such commodities, as the
Easterne Countreys doe yeeld vs now: as Pitch, Tarre, Hempe, and thereof
cordage, Masts, Losshe hides, rich Furres, and other such like without
being in any son beholding to a king of Denmarke, or other prince or state
that shall be in such sort able to command our shippes at their pleasure,
as those doe at this day, by meanes of their strait passages and strong
shipping.

As for those partes which lie West and to the Southwardes, it may well bee
hoped they will yeeld Wines with a small helpe, since the grapes doe growe
there of themselues alreadie very faire and in great abundance. Oliues
being once planted, will yeelde the like Oyle as Spaine, Prouince and
Italie. The Countrey people being made to know, that for Waxe and honie,
we will giue them such trifling things as they desired of vs, and shewing
them once the means how to prouide the same, the labour thereof being so
light, no doubt but in short time they will earnestly care to haue the
same in good quantitie for vs. (M39) Besides, what great likelihoode there
is of good meanes to make Salt, which may serue for the fishing of those
partes, may well appeare vnto them, who can iudge the qualitie of such
places as are required to make the same in.

Thus much for the beginning, because they may bee had with an easie kinde
of trauell: but when it may haue pleased God to establish our people there
any such time as they may haue planted amongst them in sundry partes of
the Countrey, and that by gentle and familiar treating them, they bee made
to see what is better for them then they doe as yet vnderstand of, and
that in so many sorts of occasions as were infinite to be set downe: It is
to bee assuredly hoped, that they will daily by little and little forsake
their barbarous and sauage liuing, and growe to such order and ciuilitie
with vs, as there may be well expected from thence no lesse quantitie and
diuersitie of merchandize then is now had out of Dutchland, Italie, France
or Spaine. And as the bordering neighbours are commonly the aptest to fall
out with vs, so these parts being somewhat remote, are the liker to take,
or giue lesse occasion of disquiet. But when it is considered that they
are our own kindred, and esteemed our own countrey nation which haue the
government, meaning by those who shall be there planted, who can looke for
any other then the dealing of most louing and most assured friends?

There are further to be considered these two poynts of good importance,
concerning the matter of trade. The one is, that by the good prospering of
this action, there must of necessitie fall but a very liberall vtterance
of our English Clothes into a maine Country, described to bee bigger then
all Europe, the larger part whereof bending to the Northward, shall haue
wonderfull great vse of her sayde English Clothes, after they shall come
once to knowe the commoditie thereof. The like will bee also of many other
things, ouer many to bee reckoned, which are made here by our Artificers
and labouring people, and of necessitie must bee prouided from hence.

The other is, if there be any possible meanes to finde a sea passage or
other fresh water course, which may serue in some reasonable and
conuenient sort, to transport our Merchandize into the East Indian Sea,
through any of these Northerly partes of America, it shall be soonest and
most assuredly perfourmed by these who shall inhabite and first grow into
familiaritie with the Inland people.

What minerall matter may fall out to bee found, is a thing left in
suspence, vntill some better knowledge, because there be many men, who
hauing long since expected some profits herein, vpon the great promises
that haue bene made them, and being as yet in no point satisfied, doe
therevpon conceiue that they be but wordes purposely cast out for the
inducing of men to bee the more ready and willing to furnish their money
towards the charge of the first discouerie.

But nowe to answere some others who begin with an other objection, saying:
That it is not for the Marchants purse to continue the charges of
transporting and planting: and that once these hundred men which are nowe
to bee planted will cost foure thousand pound: It is then to bee thought,
that the charge of a farre greater number, will bee also a farre greater
summe of money.

Whereunto I answere, that in all attempts vnknowen, especially such a one
as this is, wherewith wee are presently in hand, the first charges are
commonly aduentured in more desperate kinde, then those that followe vpon
some better knowledge: and therewith it falleth out, that whereas one
aduentureth in the first enterprise, an hundred for that one will of
themselues bee willing and desirous to aduenture in the next, if there bee
neuer so little more appearance, that the intended matter is by some
knowledge of our owne, found true in some poynts of our first presumption.

The examples are many, and may easily bee remembred by those who be
Merchants, euen in their ordinarie and dayly trades, as well as in
extraordinarie attempts, which of late yeeres haue fallen into those
termes of some likelyhood, as is aforesayde.(9) So then no doubt, but when
certaine reports shall bee brought by them who directly came from thence,
that such a Countrey and people they haue themselues seene, as is by vs
spoken of, but that then there will come forwarde a greater number of
those, who haue nowe neither heard any thing of the matter, as also of
others, who presently make such friuolous scruple, and will not otherwise
be satisfied, then by the report of Saint Thomas. I speake not this by the
Marchants whom for their fredoms of trade I would not haue pressed to any
further charge then this first preparation, but rather as such as haue
great affection to hazard the changing of their estates, and would be well
content to goe in the voyage if they might onely be assured that there is
such a Countrey, and that their money should not be wasted to nothing in
the preparations.

The right examination of this point must bee the contrary sequell of the
common Prouerbe that is vsed, Nothing venture, nothing haue: so on the
other side by venturing, many great good profites are found out, to the
wonderfull benefite of Common weale, and to those especially in priuate,
who take on them the hazard of their life and trauell, or substance in the
first attempts: and therefore I would wish that they, who (God be thanked)
are well able to spare that which is required of each one towardes the
vndertaking of this aduenture, be well content and willing to imploy the
same, since the sequell in good and substantiall reasons doth promise, not
onely a great commoditie in particular to the Marchant, who shall here at
home exercise the trade of Marchandise: but also to an infinite number of
other, who presently liue in poore estate, and may by taking the
opportunitie of this discouerie, alter the same to a far better degree.
Wherefore to make some conclusion vpon this point of the Marchants
misdoubt, who suspecteth lest this first disbursement without returne of
present gaine, should not be all his charge, but that afterwards he might
yet further be vrged to continue the like again, as hath happened in the
discouery of the Moscouian trade: It may suffice to consider, that this is
not an action which concerneth onely the Marchants particularly, but a
great deale more the generall sort of people throughout all England: And
that when such relation shall be returned, as that it may bee found a
matter worthy the following, the whole generalitie will not refuse to
contribute towards the furtherance thereof, rather then it should sinke,
for want of any reasonable supply.

But as it is a very little time, since I haue beene throughly resolued to
trie my fortune in the matter, so it is more then time the preparation
were in hand already, and therefore no fit time now to make any number of
ignorant men to vnderstand with reason the circumstance that belongeth to
a matter of so great consideration and importance.

To those who haue any forward mindes in well doing to the generalitie of
mankind, I say thus much more, that Christian charitie doth as greatly
perswade the furtherance of this action, as any other that may be layed
before vs, in as much as thereby wee shall not onely doe a most excellent
worke, in respect of reducing the sauage people to Christianitie and
ciuilitie, but also in respect of our poore sorte of people, which are
very many amongst vs, liuing altogether vnprofitable, and often times to
the great disquiet of the better sort. For who knoweth not, how by the
long peace, happie health, and blessed plentifulnesse, wherewith God hath
endued this Realme, that the people is so mightily encreased, as a great
number being brought vp, during their youth in their parents houses,
without any instruction how to get their liuings after their parents
decease, are driuen to some necessitie, whereby very often for want of
better education they fall into such disorders, and so the good sort of
people, as I sayde before, are by them ordinarily troubled, and themselues
led on to one shamefull ende or other, whereas if there might bee found
some such kinde of imployment as this would be, no doubt but a greater
part of them would be withheld from falling into such vile deedes: and
insteade thereof, prooue greatly seruiceable in those affaires, where they
might be so imployed.

(M40) This I speake of mine owne experience, hauing seene diuers come ouer
to the warres of the lowe Countreys during my residence in the same, who
here had bene very euill and idle liuers, and by some little continuance
with vs, haue growen to be very industrious in their facultie, which I can
assure you, was a more painefull maner of liuing then in this action is
like to fall out, and withall to a purpose of farre lesse value, in
respect of their particular recompence, then with an assured kind of good
hope is looked for in this.

Thus you see in euery point that may bee wished for in a good action and
voyage, there is matter and reason enough to satisfie the well disposed.
But nowe to growe somewhat neerer the quicke, and to shewe you some
greater appearance, then hath bene yet spoken of touching the trade which
is the onely subiect wherewith I doe meane to intermeddle at this time,
because my addresse hereby is chiefly to men of such like facultie: you
may vnderstande by that which followeth, the circumstance of a little
discourse, which doeth concerne these matters, very directly.

In the yeere 1534. Iames Carthier, of S. Malo made his first discouerie of
those partes of America, which lie to the Westwardes, and as it were on
the backside of Newfoundland. In which voyage his principall intention was
to seeke out the passage, which hee presumes might haue bene found out
into the East Indian Sea, otherwise called the passage to Cathaya, but
this yeere he went no higher then the Island of the Assumption in the
great bay of S. Laurence, and so returned backe into France.

The next yeere following hee went with greater prouision into the Grand
bay againe, where he keping the Northerly shoare, ran vp the great Riuer
that comes downe from Canada and other places, vntill at last with his
small pinnesses, (hauing left his great shipping by the way) be arriued at
Hochelaga towne, being three hundreth leagues within the entrance of the
Grand bay. In which trauaile he had spent so much of the yeere, that it
was nowe the moneth of October, and therefore thought it conuenient for
the better enforming himselfe at large in this discouerie, to winter it
out in those partes, which he did at a place called by himselfe Holy
Crosse. This winter fell out to bee a very long and hard winter, as many
times the like happeneth with vs in these partes, and the sauage people,
who for the most part make but a slender kinde of prouision, euen as it
were from hande to mouth, fell into some scarcitie of victuals; yet did
they not refuse to serue the Frenchmen, with any thing they had all the
winter long, albeit at somewhat higher prices towardes the ende when the
neede was most, as with our selues the like happeneth at such times.

But when the French had their wants serued all the yeere and that as yet
they sawe not any appearance of their intended matter, which was the
discouerie of the passage, and yet imagining by the signes, wherewith the
willing people endeuoured to declare their knowledge in that poynt, that
some good matter might bee had from them, if they might haue beene well
vnderstoode, they resolued with themselues to take some of the
sufficientest men of that countrey home into France, and there to keepe
them so long, as that hauing once atchieued the French tongue, they might
declare more substantially their minde, and knowledge in the sayde
passage, concluding this to be the meane of least charge, of least
trauaile, and of least hazard.

And when they came to bethinke themselues, who might bee meetest for it,
they determined to take the King, as the person who might bee best
infourmed of such partes as were somewhat remote from his owne Countrey,
as also that for the respect of him, the people would bee alwayes readie,
and content to doe them any further seruice, when it should happen them to
returne thither againe about the discouerie.

Thus the poore king of the Countrey, with two or three others of his
chiefe companions comming aboorde the French shippes, being required
thither to a banquet, was traiterously caryed away into France, where hee
liued foure yeeres, and then dyed a Christian there, as Theuet the French
Kings Cosmographer doeth make mention. (M41) This outrage and iniurious
dealing did put the whole Countrey people into such dislike with the
French, as neuer since they would admit any conuersation or familiaritie
with them, vntill of late yeeres, the olde matter beginning to grow out of
minde, and being the rather drawen on by gifts of many trifling things,
which were of great value with them, they are as (I sayde) within these
two or three yeeres content againe to admit a traffique, which two yeeres
since was begunne with a small barke of thirtie tunnes, whose returne was
found so profitable, as the next yeere following, being the last yeere, by
those Marchants, who meant to haue kept the trade secret vnto themselves,
from any others of their owne Countrey men, there was hired a shippe of
fourescore tunnes out of the Isle of Iersey, but not any one Mariner of
that place, sauing a shipboy. This shippe made her returne in such sorte,
as that this yeere they haue multiplyed three shippes, to wit, one of nine
score tunnes, another of an hundreth tunnes, and a third of fourescore
tunnes: which report is giuen by very substantiall and honest men of
Plimmouth, who sawe the sayd shippes in readinesse to depart on their
voyage, and were aboord of some of them.

Here is at this instant in the towne a man of Guernsey, Lewis de Vike, who
reporteth to haue credibly heard, that by this last yeeres voyage the
Frenchmen got foureteene or fifteene hundreth for euery one hundreth: But
how soeuer it be, it carrieth good likelyhood of some notable profite, in
asmuch as they doe so greatly, and thus suddenly encrease the burthen and
number of their ships this present yeere.

(M42) Nowe if in so little as two yeeres time this voyage of the Northerne
partes bee growen to such good passe as hath beene declared vnto you: it
is worth the thinking on to consider what may be hoped for from the
Southerne part, which in all reason may promise a great deale more. And
so, as one who was neuer touched with any indirect meaning, I presume to
wish and perswade you to some better taking of this matter to heart, as a
thing which I do verely thinke will turne to your greater and more assured
commodity, then you receiue by any other voyage, as yet frequented of so
short and safe a course as this hath: dealing herein no otherwise with you
for your seuerall small summes, then I doe with myselfe, both for more of
mine owne, then is required of any one of you: besides the hazard and
trauaile of my person, and the totall imployment of my poore credit, which
(I thanke God) hath hitherto passed cleare and vnspotted in matters of
greater importance and difficultie, then is like to fall out in this
matter betweene you and me.




VI. Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of the
Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon his
intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of America.


The names of the Committies.

      Master Alderman Hart.
      Master Alderman Spencer.
      Master Hoddesden.
      Master William Burrough.
      Master Slany.
      Master Towerson.
      Master Staper.
      Master Iohn Castelin.
      Master Leake.

First the Committies are well perswaded, that the Countrey whereunto this
action is intended, is very fruitfull, inhabited with sauage people of a
milde and tractable disposition. And that of all other places which are
vnfrequented at this day, it is the onely most fit and most commodious for
vs to intermeddle withall.

The conuenientest manner of attempting this enterprise is thought to bee
thus: That there should be one hundreth men conueyed thither to remaine
there one whole yeere: who with friendly intreatie of the people, may
enter into better knowledge of the particular estate of the Countrey, and
thereby gather what commoditie may be hereafter, or presently looked for.

(M43) The charge to transport these hundreth men, to victuall them, and to
furnish them of munition and other needefull things, will not be lesse
then foure thousand poundes: whereof hath bene very readily offered by the
Citie of Bristoll one thousand poundes, the residue being three thousande
poundes, remaineth to bee furnished by this Citie of London, or any others
who will aduenture their money in this first preparation.

The Committies thinke it conuenient that a Priuilege should be procured by
Master Carlile from her Maiesty, by vertue whereof these conditions and
Articles following may be effectually prouided for.

First, that they who shall disbursse their money for the first preparation
shall be named Aduenturers, and shall haue the one halfe of all such
landes, territories, townes, mines of gold and siluer, and other metals
whatsoeuer, as shall bee found, gotten, obtained, as conquered by this
discouery: yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of all such gold and
siluer, as shall happen to be had out of any mines that so shall be found.

That those parties which doe employ themselues personally in the present
discouerie, shall be named Enterprisers, and shall haue the other halfe,
of all the Lands, Territories, Townes, Mines of Gold and Siluer and other
mettals, yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of the Gold and Siluer as
the Aduenturers do: The same to bee distributed by the Generall, with the
consent of the greatest part of twelue discreet persons to bee chosen out
of the whole number of the Enterprisers.

Also, that all trade of Merchandise which shall be vsed to and from those
partes, which by this discouerie shall bee found out, shall apperteine
onely to the Aduenturers which first shall disbursse their money for this
discouery, which prohibition to all other her Maiesties subiects, and
other Marchants to deale in the sayd parts, without the consent of the
first Aduenturers, vpon losse of shippe and goods, and punishment of their
persons, that so shall aduenture in trade of merchandise: or otherwise by
imprisonment at the Companies pleasure.

That no person shall hereafter aduenture in this discouerie as Aduenturers
for the profits mentioned in the first Articles, but such onely as doe
disbursse their money in the first preparation: and they shall not
aduenture hereafter any greater summe, then ratably according to their
proportion of this their first aduenture.

Also, the profite which by this discouerie shall be attained vnto, either
by lande which may bee conquered, or otherwise gotten: as also such
profite which by this discouerie shall bee obtained by mines, or otherwise
gotten, that eche one shall haue his part rate and rate, like, according
to the proportion of their first aduenture, and not otherwise.

The Aduenturers in this first preparation shall at their owne free will
and libertie, choose whether they will supply hereafter any further charge
or not: if there doe fall out any such occasion to require the same. And
yet withall shall for euer holde to them the freedome of the trade which
shall growe in any of these partes: notwithstanding their sayd refusall to
beare any further charge.

That in the Patent which is to bee obteined, be graunted, that all her
Maiesties subiects may transport themselues thither that shall be
contented to goe. And that the Patentee or his assignes may shippe thither
from time to time, so many and such persons, men, women, and children, as
they shall thinke meete. And the same persons to inhabite or remaine there
at their pleasure, any lawe to the contrary notwithstanding, with expresse
prohibition, as is mentioned in the third article, against all others,
which shall go thither without the licence of the patentee or his assignes
first obteined.

That it shall not be lawful for any of her Maiesties subiects, or any
other to inhabite or traffique within one hundred leagues any way of the
place, where the Generall haue setled his chiefest being or residence.




VII. A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea, made
for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship called
the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts called the
Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods helpe this yeere
1591.


(M44) For the performance of our said voyage, we departed from S. Malo
with the fleete that went for Canada, and kept companie with the ships
called The Soudil and the Charles halfe the way, and then lost them, a
violent wind arising at Northwest, which separated vs.

After which we had faire wether, and came to the coast of Cape Rase, and
had no further knowledge thereof, because the winde was at the Southwest
but a scarce gale: and we came to the sounding Southwest of the Isles of
S. Peter about 10. leagues, where we found 20. fathoms water, and we
sayled Northwest one quarter of the North, and came within 12. leagues of
Cape de Rey.

The next day being the 6. of May 1591. we were come to Cape de Rey, and
saw a ship Southwest of vs, and stayed there that night.

The next day being the seuenth of the sayd moneth, we came to the Isles of
Aponas, where we put foorth our boat, because we had not past 8. leagues
to our hauen, which we kenned very clearly, although the coasts lay very
low: and because the night approched, and the wind grew very high, we
sought not to seeke our port, because it is very hard to find it when the
wind is lofty, because of the shoalds that are about it. And we thought to
keepe our course vntill the next morning between the Isle of Biton and the
Isle of Aponas. But there arose so great a tempest at the Southwest, that
without the helpe of God we had bene in great danger among these Isles.
And we trauersed vp and downe eleuen dayes, making our prayers vnto God to
ende the tempest and to send vs faire weather, that we might obteine our
hauen: which of his goodnesse he gaue vs. The last of May we ranged the
Isle Ramea on the Northnorthwest side, vnto the contrary part of the land,
where it trendeth to the Southsoutheast: and seeing no land on the West
side, wee ranged the sayd land to the East one quarter to the North at the
least 15. leagues, and being from the shore some eight leagues, we found
15 fathoms water, and passed betweene the Isle of Duoron and the Isle of
Ramea, where goeth a chanel of 3. leagues bredth; in the midest whereof
you shall haue 7. 8. and 9. fathoms water. And the lowe poynt of the Isle
Ramea, and the Isle Duoron lie Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. And
take heede you come not neere the low point of the Isle Ramea by a great
league, for I haue sounded it at 3. fathoms water. The Isle is marked. And
the harbour of the Isle Ramea lyeth Northeast and Southwest, one quarter
to the East and West. And if you would enter the sayd harbour, keepe you a
league off the shoare: for often times there is great danger.

(M45) And that you may know the sayd hauen, to the Eastnortheast of the
sayde Isle there are high lands appearing to them that are without on all
sides like a number of Islands, but in very deede they are all firme land:
and if you come on the South and Southwest side, you shall see a hill
diuided into 3. parts, which I called The three hillockes, which is right
within the hauen. (M46) And for another better marke of the sayd harbour,
you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice, distant from the sayd
hauen 6. leagues at the least: and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie
Northeast and Southwest, a quarter to the North and South. And on the sayd
Isle there is good pebble (M47) stone to drie fish vpon: But to the West
thereof there is a very faire countrey: and there is a banke of sande,
which runneth the length of a cable, hauing not past one fathom water vpon
it. From the sayd Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West,
and you shall see as it were a great forrest running eastward: and the
Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt, and is great and red toward the
Sea. And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island,
but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part: and there is good
shingle to drie fish on. (M48) And you must coast the shore with boates
and not with ships, by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast. For I
haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two
fathoms water, neere a league and an halfe from shore, and I iudged by
reason of the highnesse of the land, that there had bene aboue thirtie
fathoms water, which was nothing so: and I haue sounded comming neere the
shore, in more or lesse depth. (M49) The coast stretcheth three leagues to
the West from Lisle Blanche or the white Isle, vnto the entrance of a
riuer, where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses
or Sea oxen, accounting small and great, where at full sea you may come on
shoare with boates, and within are two or three fathoms water. From thence
the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West 1/4 to the Northwest vnto the
Isle Hupp, which is twentie leagues in circuit, and is like the edge of a
knife: vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse: there are Morses vpon it,
but they bee hard to be taken. From thence the coast trendeth to the
Northwest and Northnorthwest: which is all that I haue seene, to wit, the
two sides and one ende of the Isle. And if I had had as good lucke as my
Masters, when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe, I would haue
aduentured to haue sayled South-southeast, to haue discouered the Easterne
shoare of the sayd Isle.

(M50) In your returne to the East, as you come from the hauen of Cape du
Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds. And three good leagues
from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of
ground: where there is an hauen toward the Southeast: and as you enter
into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side; a dented Cape all of redde
land. (M51) And you cannot enter into the sayd hauen but with the flood,
because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the
sayd hauen. The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest; but when the
wind is very great, it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood. But
ordinarily it floweth fiue foote and an halfe. (M52) The markes to enter
into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your
comming in on the starreboord; and the poynt of the hauen toward the West
hath a thick Island, which you shall see on the other side, and it hath a
little round Buttresse, which lyeth on the East side of the Island. There
are also two other buttresses more easie to be seene then hidden: these
are not to the East but to the West, and they haue markes on them. Here
you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this
barre. And the sounding is stone and rough ground. (M53) At your entring
in, when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the
Cape, then you are vpon the barre: and bee not afrayd to passe vp the
chanell. And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre, when you haue
brought an Island euen, which lyeth to the westward without, with the
thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West, you shall bee
past the barre: and the chanell runneth due North. (M54) And for your
anchoring in the sayd hauen, see that you carefully seeke the middest of
the sayd Thicke land, which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen: for
you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand, where the passage is but
narrow. And you must anker surely: for there goeth a great tyde: for the
Sea runneth there as swiftly. There is good ground and ankorage here: and
you shall ride in three fathom water. And within the sayde hauen there is
nothing to hurt you, for you are free from all winds. (M55) And if by
chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen, you may seeke an
entrance, which is right ouer against the small Island named before, which
is called The Isle of Cormorants; and you may enter in there as at the
other hauen at a full sea: And you must passe vpon the West side, and you
shall finde on the Barre at a full sea fourteene foote water, and great
depth when you are entred in: for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that
place: and the entrie thereof lyeth Southeast and Northwest.

Right ouer against you on the other side, you may passe with boates at a
full sea. And all these entrances make all but one hauen, which is good
within. I say this, because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one
and the other passage. And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in
the middest. It is but two bankes of sande, whereof one is like to that of
S. Malo, which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the
Isle: But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut
and separated with streames and riuers.

To anker in the sayd harbour, you must not ride farther then fiue or sixe
cables length from the sayd hauen.




VIII. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord
Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of
Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14 of
September. 1591.


Right Honourable, my humble duetie to your good Lordship done, I thought
good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by
two smal shippes of Saint Malo; the one 8 daies past being prised neare
Silley by a ship of which I am part owner, called the Pleasure, sent by
this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard, for her Maiesties seruice. Which
prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd shippes, with
upwards of fortie tunnes of Traine. The Island lyeth in 47. degrees, some
fiftie leagues from the grand Bay, neere Newfoundland: and is about
twentie leagues about, and some part of the Island is flat Sands and
shoulde: and the fish commeth on banke (to do their kinde) in April May
and Iune, by numbers of thousands, which fish is very big: and hath two
great teeth: and the skinne of them is like Buffes leather: and they will
not away from their yong ones. The yong ones are as good meat as Veale.
And with the bellies of fiue of the saide fishes they make a hogshead of
Traine, which Traine is very sweet, which if it will make sope, the king
of Spaine may burne some of his Oliue trees. Humbly praying your Lordship
to pardon herein my boldnes, betaking your Honour to the keeping of the
Almightie. From Bristoll this 14 of September. 1591. Your Honours most
humbly at commandement. THOMAS IAMES.




IX. A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.


In the first voyage of Iaques Carthier, wherein he discouered the Gulfe of
S. Laurence and the said Isle of Ramea, in the yeere 1534. as you may
reade in pag. 250 of this present volume,(10) he met with these beasts, as
he witnesseth in these words. About the said Island are very great beasts
as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in their mouthes like vnto
Elephants teeth, and liue also in the sea. Wee sawe one of them sleeping
vpon the banke of the water, and thinking to take it, we went to it with
our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe into the sea.
Touching these beasts which Iaques Carthier saith to be as big as Oxen,
and to haue teeth in their mouthes like Elephants teeth: True it is that
they are called in Latine Boues Marini, or Vaccæ Marinæ, and in the
Russian tongue Morsses, the hides whereof I haue seene as big as any Oxe
hide, and being dressed I haue yet a piece of one thicker then any two Oxe
or Buls hides in England. The Leather dressers take them to be excellent
good to make light targets against the arrowes of the Sauages; and I hold
them farre better then the light leather targets which the Moores vse in
Barbarie against arrowes and lances, whereof I haue seene diuers in her
Maiesties stately Armorie in the towre of London. The teeth of the sayd
fishes, whereof I haue seene a dry flat full at once, are a foote and some
times more in length: and haue bene sold in England to the combe and knife
makers, at 8 groats and 3 shillings the pound weight, whereas the best
Iuory is solde for halfe the money: the graine of the bone is somewhat
more yellow then the Iuorie. One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristoll my old
friend, an excellent Mathematician and skilful Phisition, shewed me one of
these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle of Ramea in the first
prize, which was half a yard long or very little lesse: and assured mee
that he had made tryall of it in ministering medicine to his patients, and
had found it as soueraigne against poyson as any Vnicornes horne.(11)




X. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife vnto
Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe, 1593.
Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.


(M56) The ship called the Marigold of 70 tunnes in burthen furnished with
20 men, wherof 10 were mariners, the Masters name being Richard Strong of
Apsham, the Masters mate Peter Langworth of Apsham, with 3 coopers, 2
butchers to flea the Morsses or sea Oxen (whereof diuers haue teeth aboue
a cubit long and skinnes farre thicker then any buls hide) with other
necessary people, departed out of Falmouth the 1 of Iune 1593 in consort
of another ship of M. Drakes of Apsham, which vpon some occasion was not
ready so soone as shee should haue bene by two moneths. (M57) The place
for which these two ships were bound was an Island within the streightes
of Saint Peter on the backe side of Newfoundland to the Southwest in the
latitude of fortie seuen degrees, called by the Britons of Saint Malo the
Isle of Ramea, but by the Sauages and naturals of the Continent next
adioyning Menquit: On which Isle are so great abundance of the huge and
mightie Sea Oxen with great teeth in the moneths of April, May and Iune,
that there haue bene fifteene hundreth killed there by one small barke, in
the yeere 1591. The two English shipps aforesayde, lost companie before
they came to Newfoundland: and neuer came after together in all their
voyage.

The ship of M. George Drake fell first with New-foundland, and afterward
very directly came to the Isle Ramea, though too late in the yeere to make
her voyage: where shee found a shippe of Saint Malo three parts fraighted
with these fishes: the men whereof enquiring whence our shippe was and who
was the Master thereof, being answered that shee was belonging to Master
George Drake of Apsham, fearing to bee taken as good prize being of a
Leaguer towne, and at that time out of league with England, fled so
hastily that present night that they left three and twentie men and three
Shallops behinde them, all which our men seazed vpon and brought away as
good prises home.

Here our men tooke certaine Sea-Oxen, but nothing such numbers as they
might haue had, if they had come in due season, which they had neglected.
The shippe called the Marigolde fell with Cape Saint Francis in
Newfoundland the eleuenth of Iulie, and from thence wee went into the Bay
Rogneuse, and afterward doubled Cape Razo, and sayling toward the straight
of Saint Peter (which is the entrance betweene Newfoundland and Cape
Briton,) being vnacquainted with the place, beate vp and downe a very long
time, and yet missed it, and at length ouer shot it, and fell with Cape
Briton.

(M58) Here diuerse of our men went on land vpon the very Cape, where, at
their arriuall they found the spittes of Oke of the Sauages which had
roasted meate a litle before. And as they viewed the countrey they sawe
diuers beastes and foules, as blacke Foxes, Deere, Otters, great Foules
with redde legges, Pengwyns, and certaine others. But hauing found no
people here at this our first landing wee went againe on shipboorde, and
sayled farther foure leagues to the West of Cape Briton, where wee sawe
many Seales. (M59) And here hauing neede of fresh water we went againe on
shore. And passing somewhat more into the land, wee founde certaine round
pondes artificially made by the Sauages to keepe fish in, with certaine
weares in them made to take fish. To these pondes wee repayred to fill our
caske with water. (M60) Wee had not bene long here, but there came one
Sauage with blacke long hayre hanging about his shoulders who called vnto
vs, weauing his handes downewardes towardes his bellie, vsing these
wordes, Calitogh Calitogh: as wee drewe towardes him one of our mens
musket vnawares shot off: wherevpon hee fell downe, and rising vp suddenly
againe hee cryed thrise with a loude voyce Chiogh, Chiogh, Chiogh. (M61)
Thereupon nine or tenne of his fellowes running right vp ouer the bushes
with great agilitie and swiftnesse came towardes vs with white staues in
their handes like halfe pikes, and their dogges of colour blacke not so
bigge as a grey-hounde followed them at the heeles; but wee retired vnto
our boate without any hurt at all receiued. Howbeit one of them brake an
hogshead which wee had filled with fresh water, with a great branche of a
tree which lay on the ground. Vpon which occasion we bestowed halfe a
dozen muskets shotte vpon them, which they avoyded by falling flatte to
the earth, and afterwarde retired themselues to the woodes. One of the
Sauages, which seemed to bee their Captaine, ware a long mantle of beastes
skinnes hanging on one of his shoulders. The rest were all naked except
their priuities, which were couered with a skinne tyed behinde. After they
had escaped our shotte they made a great fire on the shore, belike to giue
their fellowes warning of vs.

The kindes of trees that wee noted to bee here, were goodly Okes, Firre
trees of a great height, a kinde of tree called of vs Quickbeame, and
Cherie trees, and diuerse other kindes to vs vnknowne, because wee stayed
not long with diligence to obserue them: and there is great shewe of
rosen, pitch, and tarre. Wee found in both the places where wee went on
land abundance of Raspeses, Strawberies, Hurtes, and herbes of good smell,
and diuers good for the skuruie, and grasse very ranke and of great
length. (M62) Wee sawe fiue or sixe boates sayling to the Southwestwardes
of Cape Briton, which wee iudged to bee Christians, which had some trade
that way. Wee sawe also, while wee were on shore, the manner of their
hanging vp their fish and flesh with withes to dry in the ayre: they also
lay them vpon raftes and hurdles and make a smoake vnder them, or a softe
fire, and so drie them as the Sauages vse to doe in Virginia.

(M63) While wee lay foure leagues South of Cape Briton wee sounded and had
sixtie fathomes black ozie ground. And sayling thence Westwarde nine or
ten leagues off the shore, we had twenty foure fathomes redde sande, and
small whitish stones. (M64) Wee continued our course so farre to the
Southwest, that wee brought ourselues into the latitude of fourtie foure
degrees and an half, hauing sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues to the
Southwest of Cape Briton. We found the current betweene this Cape Briton
and Cape Rey to set out toward the Eastsoutheast. (M65) In our course to
the West of Cape Briton we saw exceeding great store of seales, and
abundance of Porposes, whereof we killed eleuen. We sawe Whales also of
all sortes aswel small as great: and here our men tooke many Iberded
Coddes with one teate vnderneath, which are like to the Northeast Cods,
and better then those of Newfoundland.

(M66) From our arriuall at the hauen of Saint Francis in Newfoundland,
(which was as is aforesayde the eleuenth of Iuly) we continued beating vp
and downe on the coast of Arambec to the West and Southwest of Cape Briton
vntil the twentie eight of September, fully by the space of eleuen weekes:
and then by the perswasion of our Master and certaine others wee shaped
our course homeward by the Isles of the Açores, and came first to Coruo
and Flores, where beating vp and downe, and missing of expected pray, we
sayled by Tercera, and from thence to Saint Michael, where we sought to
boorde a Portugall shippe, which we found too well appointed for vs to
bring along with vs, and so being forced to leaue them behinde and hauing
wasted all our victuals, wee were constrained against our willes to hasten
home vnto our narrowe Seas: but it was the two and twentieth of December
before wee could get into the Downes: where for lacke of winde wee kept
our Christmas with dry breade onely for dropping of our clothes. (M67) One
thing very strange hapened in this voyage: to witte, that a mightie great
Whale followed our shippe by the space of many dayes as we passed by Cape
Razo, which by no meanes wee coulde chase from our ship, untill one of our
men fell ouerboord and was drowned, after which time shee immediatly
forsooke vs, and neuer afterward appeared vnto vs.(12)




XI. A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to
Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.


In the beginning of the former relation written by Richard Fisher seruant
to the worshipfull Master Hill of Redriffe is, as you reade, a briefe
reporte of their loosing of their consort the shippe of Master George
Drake of Apsham: which though shee came directly to the Isle of Ramea, yet
because shee was not ready so soone by two moneths as she ought to haue
bene, she was not onely the hinderance of her consort the Marigolde, and
lost the season of the yere for the making of her voyage of killing the
Morses or Sea Oxen, which are to be taken in Aprill, May, and Iune: but
also suffered the fit places and harboroughs in the Isle which are but
two, as farre as I can learne, to be forestalled and taken vp by the
Britons of Saint Malo and the Baskes of Saint Iohn de Luz, by comming a
day after the Fayre, as wee say. Which lingering improuidence of our men
hath bene the ouerthrowe of many a worthy enterprize and of the
vndertakers of the same.

The relation of this voyage at large I was promised by the Authour
himselfe: but the same not comming to my handes in tyme I am constrained
to leaue it out. The want whereof, for the better vnderstanding of the
state of the sayde Island, the frequenting of that gainefull trade by the
aforesayd nations of the Britons and Baskes, may in part be supplyed by
the voyage of Master Charles Leigh to the sayde Island of Ramea: which
also comming much too late thither, as Master George Drake had done, was
wholly preuented and shutte out to his and his friendes no small detriment
and mischiefe, and to the discouraging of others hereafter in the sayde
gainefull and profitable trade.

Neuerthelesse albeit hitherto the successe hath not answered our
expectation through our owne default, as is abouesaid, yet I was very
willing to set downe in briefe and homely stile some mention of these
three voyages of our owne men. The first of M. George Drake, the second of
M. Siluester Wyet, the third of M. Charles Leigh, because they are the
first, for ought that hitherto is come to my knowledge, of our own Nation,
that haue conducted English ships so farre within this gulfe of S.
Laurence, and haue brought vs true relation of the manifold gaine which
the French, Britaynes, Baskes, and Biskaines do yerely returne from the
sayd partes; while wee this long time haue stood still and haue bene idle
lookers on, making courtesie who should giue the first aduenture, or once
being giuen, who should continue or prosecute the same.




XII. The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of
thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of
Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for the
barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet,
Shipmaster of Bristoll.


Wee departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place
aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594 and fell with Cape d’Espere
on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteenth of May in the heighth of 47.
We went thence for Cape Raz, being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues,
the very same day.

The 20 day we were thwart of Cape Raz.

Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie, which is distant from
Cape Raz 19 leagues, and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia
almost at the entrie thereof.

(M68) From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing
by the broken Islands of the Martyers, our course to the Isles of S. Pedro
was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire
harbour, which we went into with our barke, and found there 2 ships of
Sibiburo fishing for Cod: where we stayed 2 dayes, and tooke in balest for
our ship. There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein, as in
any other part of Newfoundland. Then wee departed thence, and as we came
out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee, and in 2 houres
space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision
of our ship. Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the
gulffe of S. Laurence betweene Cape Briton and the said Isle, and set our
course West North West, and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be
distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues. From Cape de Rey to Cape de
Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13
leagues. From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran
Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues.

In this bay of Saint George, we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine
ships, which had bene cast away three yeeres before: where we had some
seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes, and some yron bolts and chaines of
their mayne shrouds and fore shroudes: al their traine was beaten out with
the weather but the caske remained still. Some part of the commodities
were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils, which couered
part of the caske, and the greater part of those Whale finnes, which we
vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped, and were brought
to S. Iohn de Luz. Here we found the houses of the Sauages, made of firre
trees bound together in the top and set round like a Doue-house, and
couered with the barkes of firre trees, wee found also some part of their
victuals, which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire,
and a dish made of a ryne of a tree, sowed together with the sinowes of
the Deere, wherein was oile of the Deere. There were also foules called
Cormorants, which they had pluckt and made ready to haue dressed, and
there we found a wooden spoone of their making. And we discerned the
tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men, women and children.

When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed
there ten dayes, wee departed for the Northern point of the said Bay,
which is nine or ten leagues broade. Then being enformed, that the Whales
which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay, and yet escape the fisher for a
time, are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of
Assumption, or Natiscotec, which lieth in the very mouth of the great
riuer that runneth vp to Canada, we shaped our course ouer to that long
Isle of Natiscotec, and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost
ende thereof to be about fourty foure leagues: and it standeth in the
latitude of 49. (M69) Here wee arriued about the middest of Iune at the
East end, and rode in eighteene fadome water, in faire white sand and very
good ankerage, and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found
wonderfull faire and great Cod fish: we went also seuen of vs on shore and
found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees, and heard and
sawe store of land and sea foules, and sawe the footing of diuers beastes
in the sand when we were on shore. From the Easter end we went to the
Norther side of the Island, which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect
of the length thereof. And after wee had searched two dayes and a night
for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there, and
missed of our purpose, we returned backe to the Southwarde, and were
within one league of the Island of Penguin, which lyeth South from the
Eastermost part of Natiscoter some twelue leagues. From the Isle of
Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island
of Cape Briton: then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro, and so came
into the Bay of Placentia, and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten
leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of
Sibiburo and of Biskay, which were to the number of threescore and odde
sayles, whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes, of whom we were very
well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There
the men of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to
make vp our voyage with fish. Then wee departed ouer to the other side of
the Bay, where we arriued in an harbour which is called Pesmarck, and
there made our stage and fished so long, that in the ende the Sauages
came, and in the night, when our men were at rest, cut both our pinnesse
and get them againe. Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages, we
departed for Cape Saint Marie, and hauing passed Cape Kaz, we passed
Northwarde foureteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon, and finding there
two and twentie sayles of Englishmen, wee made vp our fishing voyage to
the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good
content: and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a
seuen night, and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the
grace of God the 24 of September. 1594.




XIII. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton and
the Isle of Ramea.


The Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes, whereof was M.
William Crafton, and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes,
whereof was M. Steuen Bennet, bound vnto the riuer of Canada, set to sea
at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of
London merchants (the saide Charles Leigh himselfe, and Steuen Van Herwick
brother to the sayd Abraham, going themselues in the said ships as chiefe
commanders of the voyage) departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8
of April 1597. And after some hindrances, arriuing at Falmouth in Cornewal
the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe. And with prosperous windes
the 18 of May we were vpon the Banke of Newfoundland. The 19 we lost the
Chancewel. The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of
Assumption, where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French
ship: and afterward in the same bay wee met with our consort. Whereupon we
presently put to sea againe: and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay,
where we remained by extremitie of foule weather, and to mend a pinnes of
7 or 8 tunnes (which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of
Dartmouth the Admiral of that place) vntill the last of May. On which day
departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke
Shallops but could find none. The first of Iune we set saile from
Rogneuse, and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape
Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme. The 4 we set saile, and this
day we saw a great Island of yce. The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in
a fog at the mouth of the bay of Placentia. The 11 at Sunne setting we had
sight of Cape Briton. (M70) And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we
cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of
Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground. In that place we caught great
store of Cods, which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland.
The 13 wee weyed anker againe, and being becalmed about a league from the
shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes
aboue ground, and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship.
(M71) The 14 we came to the two Islands of Birds, some 23 leagues from
Monego: where there were such abundance of Birds, as is almost incredible
to report. (M72) And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds, we saw
great store of Morsses or sea Oxen, which were a sleepe vpon the rockes:
but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues
into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee
from them. The 16 we arriued at Brians Island, which lyeth 5 leagues West
from the Island of Birds. About this Island ther is as great aboundance of
cods as in any place can be found. In litle more then an houre we caught
with 4 hookes 250 of them. Here we caught also a great Turbut which was an
elle long and a yard broad: which was so great that the hooke could not
hold her into the ship: but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke
and escaped. (M73) In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for
corne and meadow, and great store of wood, but of smal groweth. Springes
of fresh water we found none in all the Island, but some standing pooles
of raine water. The same day at night we weighed anker againe. The 17 we
had stormy weather. The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea, where we
appointed to meet with our consort. And approching neere vnto the
harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our
great boate into the harborough, with the masters mate and some dozen more
of the company: who when they came in, found 4 ships. Namely 2 of Saint
Malo in Britaigne, and two of Sibiburo adioyning to Saint Iohn de Luz
being the French Kings subiects, whom they supposed to haue bene of
Spaine, and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into
harborough, finding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre
and a mightie great current in, when wee had cast anker we sent presently
to speake with the masters of all the ships: but those only of Saint Malo
came aboord, whom wee entertained very friendly, and demaunded of whence
the other two shippes were. They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de
Luz or Sibiburo. Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both
the sayd shippes, to request them to come aboord, and to bring with them
there Charters parties and other euidences, to the ende we might knowe of
whence they were. At which message one of the sayde Masters came aboord,
with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe: whom when we had
examined, they sayd that they were of Sibiburo, and the French Kings
subiects. We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough
peaceably to deliuer up their powder and munition: promising them that if
we found them to be the French Kings subiects it shoulde be kept in
safetie for them without diminishing. But they woulde not consent
thereunto: whereunto we replyed, that vnlesse they would consent thereunto
we would hold them to be our enemies. They not consenting, we sent the
boate well manned to fetch their powder and munition from aboorde their
ship; but straightly commanded our men not to touch anything else in the
ship vpon their further perill: which they promised to performe. When they
came aboorde the said ships which were mored together, they were resisted
by force of armes, but quickly they got the victorie: which done, they
fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes, contrary to their promise:
whereupon we sent another to forbidde them: but when he came to them, none
was more ready of pillage then he. Whereupon I went my selfe, and tooke
away from our men whatsoever they had pillaged, and gaue it againe to the
owners: onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be
kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were. When I had done, I
gaue the Baskes possession of their shippe againe, and tolde them they
should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings
subjects. Then I caryed away all our men, and also tooke with me two or
three of the chiefest of them, and when I came aboord went to examining of
them, and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France:
whereupon I tolde the master of the said ship, that I was throughly
satisfied that he was of France and so dismissed him in peace. Of the
other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine, but had no
certaine proofe thereof, wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace.
After I had thus dismissed them, our ships company fell into a mutiny, and
more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away. But they
were preuented of their euill purpose by ayde which the saide ships
receiued from their countreymen in the other harborough: (M74) For the
next morning, which was the twentieth of Iune, very early there were
gathered together out of all the ships in both harboroughs, at the least
300 Frenchmen and Britons, who had planted vpon the shore three pieces of
Ordinance against vs, and had prepared them selues in al readinesse to
fight with vs, which so soone as as we had discried them gaue the onset
vpon vs with at least an hundred small shot out of the woods. There were
also in a readines to assault vs about three hundred Sauages. (M75) But
after we had skirmished a while with them, we procured a parley by one of
the men of Saint Malo, whose ship rowed hard by vs: In which parley they
required some of our men to come on shore vnto them: wherevpon wee
requested M. Ralph Hill and the Boatswaines mate to go on shore to them:
whom when they had they detained as prisoners; and then required the
powder and munition, which we had of the Baskes in possession; which we
surrendered vnto them in safetie as our intent alwayes was, which done,
there (M76) came aboord vnto vs one Captaine Charles, who was captaine of
the great ship of Saint Malo, which rode in the other harborough: who
challenged our great boate which we had at Farillon to be his. And while
we were in talke with him about the two Baskes which at first we thought
to be Spaniards, wee had almost bene betraied. For the said Captaine
Charles with halfe a dozen more of his company kept themselues aboord of
our ship and held vs in a talke, while thirtie or fortie others should
haue entred our ship vnawares from one of the ships of S. Malo, which
professed to be our friend, and vnto whom we shewed all courtesie. But we
perceiuing their treacherous intent, threatned to set fire on the said
ship, which was then thwart our hawse, from which they would haue entred.
By which resolution of ours God did discourage them from effecting their
mischieuous purposes. Now the said captaine Charles when he saw himself
preuented of his wicked intents, took his boat presently to go on shore,
and promised that all things should be ended in peace betweene vs, and
that he would send vs our two men againe. But when he was on shore he
presently sent for our great boat which he claimed to be his, and withall
commanded vs out of the harborough, but he sent not our men as he
promised, we being now the weaker side did not only deliuer his boat but
also determined to be gon and then requested them to help vs with our
anker which was on shore; but they would not. Then we desired them to cut
the bent of the cable vpon the anker on shore (for we durst not send our
boat lest they should haue kept from vs both our boat and men) which they
promised to do for vs, as also to send our men; but when they were on
shore, they would do neither. We therefore seeing their falshood in euery
thing, durst no longer tary for feare of farther treachery; wherefore we
concluded to cut our cable in the hawse: which we did, and so departed the
harborow about 9 of the clock, leauing two of our men with our cable and
anker, and 20 fathoms of a new hawser behind vs. And as we were going
away, they made great shewes of friendship, and dranke vnto vs from the
shore; but more for feare then loue, and requested vs to come on shore for
our men, whom then they deliuered. (M77) The same morning in passing ouer
the barre before the harborowes mouth, and by that time that we had all
our men aboord, our ship came on ground vpon the sands; where we lay some
8 houres: during which time, at low water we trimmed our ship without
boord, and by the great prouidence of God found our leake which then we
stopped. About sixe of the clocke at night we got our ship on float
againe, and that night ankered within part of the barre, which then
because of the wind we could not passe. (M78) But it pleased God to send
vs faire weather all that night, and the next day by noone we had gotten
our ship cleane ouer the bar. The 21 day after we got ouer the barre the
wind arose at east and eastsoutheast, we blew right into the bay: which if
it had come before we were cleere of the bar, we had both ship and men
perished in the sands. (M79) The same day, because the wind kept vs within
the bay, we went to the Isle Blanch, where the ships of the other harborow
had their stages: but it was at least two leagues from their ships: where
we hoped by friendship to procure a shallope and assurance of our cable
and anker againe. But when we had approched nere the shore with our ship,
and weaued them with a white flag, they in sted of comming vnto vs, sent
their message by a bullet out of a piece of great ordinance, which they
had placed on shore of purpose against vs; so that they would neither
speake with vs, nor permit vs to come nere them. Thus we departed, and
would haue put to sea that night: but there was much wind at East, which
kept vs within the bay, and inforced vs to come to an anker vnder Isle
Blanch. The next morning being the 22. we put to sea, and about 12 of the
clocke the same day, the wind being at Northeast and foule weather, the
master sayd he could not ply vp to Grande Coste, because of the leeshore,
and the wind against vs, and therefore asked what we should do. (M80) I
asked then how farre we had to the river of cape Briton: he sayd a little
way. Then sayd I, If it be not farre, we were best to go thither to trade
with the Sauages while the wind is contrary, and to take in water and
balist, which we wanted. To which the master sayd, that if I would he
would cary vs thither. I thinking it to be the best course, sayd I was
content, so farre forth as that from thence we tooke the first faire wind
for Grande Coste. Hereupon the master willed him at the helme to keepe his
course southeast and southeast and by south. Presently after I asked him
how many leagues we had to the sayd riuer, and from the sayd riuer to
Grande Coste. He then sayd that we had 40. leagues to the riuer, and from
the riuer to Grande Coste 120 leagues. Hereupon I said I would not consent
to go so far out of our way, but willed him to keep his directest course
for Grande Coste; which he did. Within one halfe houre afterwards the 23
day the gunner and company of the ship presented me and the master with a
request in writing to returne for England or to goe for the Islands of
Açores for a man of war, for they would not proceed on their voyage to
Grande Coste; and therefore do what I could they turned the the helme
homewards. (M81) The 14 of Iune we sent our boat on shore in a great bay
vpon the Isle of Cape Briton for water. The 25 we arriued on the West side
of the Isle of Menego, where we left some caske on shore in a sandy bay,
but could not tary for foule weather. The 26 we cast anker in another bay
vpon the maine of Cape Briton. (M82) The 27 about tenne of the clocke in
the morning we met with eight men of the Chancewell our consort in a
shallope; who told vs that their ship was cast away vpon the maine of Cape
Briton, within a great bay eighteene leagues within the Cape, and vpon a
rocke within a mile of the shore, vpon the 23 of this moneth about one of
the clocke in the afternoon: and that they had cleered their ship from the
rocke: but being bilged and full of water, they presently did run her vp
into a sandy bay, where she was no sooner come on ground, but presently
after there came aboord many shallops with store of French men, who robbed
and spoiled all they could lay hands on, pillaging the poore men euen to
their very shirts, and vsing them in sauage maner: whereas they should
rather as Christians haue aided them in that distresse. Which newes when
we heard, we blessed God, who by his diuine prouidence and vnspeakeable
mercy had not onely preserued all the men, but brought vs thither so
miraculously to ayd and comfort them. (M83) So presently we put into the
road where the Chancewell lay; where was also one ship of Sibiburo, whose
men that holpe to pillage the Chancewell were runne away into the woods.
But the master thereof which had dealt very honestly with our men stayed
in his ship, and came aboord of vs whom we vsed well, not taking any thing
from him that was his, but onely such things as we could finde of our
owne. And when we had dispatched our businesse, we gaue him one good
cable, one olde cable and an anker, one shallop with mast, sailes, and
other furniture, and other things which belonged to the ship. In
recompence whereof he gaue vs two hogsheads of sider, one barrel of peaze,
and 25 score of fish. The 29 betimes in the morning we departed from that
road toward a great Biskaine some 7 leagues off of 300 tun, whose men
dealt most doggedly with the Chancewels company. The same night we ankered
at the mouth of the harborow, where the Biskain was. The 30 betimes in the
morning we put into the harborow; and approching nere their stage, we saw
it vncouered, and so suspected the ship to be gone: whereupon we sent our
pinnesse on shore with a dozen men, who when they came, found great store
of fish on shore, but all the men were fled: neither could they perceiue
whether the ship should be gone, but as they thought to sea. This day
about twelue of the clocke we tooke a Sauages boat which our men pursued:
but all the Sauages ran away into the woods, and our men brought their
boat on boord. The same day in the afternoone we brought our ship to an
anker in the harborow: and the same day we tooke three hogsheads and an
halfe of traine, and some 300 of greene fish. (M84) Also in the euening
three of the Sauages, whose boat we had, came vnto vs for their boat; to
whom we gaue coats and kniues, and restored them their boate againe. The
next day being the first of Iuly, the rest of the Sauages came vnto vs,
among whom was their king, whose name was Itarey, and their queene, to
whom also we gaue coats and kniues, and other trifles. (M85) These Sauages
called the harborow Cibo. In this place are the greatest multitude of
lobsters that euer we heard of: for we caught at one hawle with a little
draw net aboue 140. The fourth of Iuly in the morning we departed from
Cibo. And the fift we cast anker in a reasonable good harborow called New
Port vnder an Island some eight leagues from Cibo, and within three
leagues from the English port. At this place in pursuing certaine shallops
of a ship of Rochel, one of them came aboord, who told vs, that the
Biskainer whom we sought, was in the English port with two Biskainers
more, and two ships of Rochel. Thereupon wee sent one of our men in the
Rochellers shallop to parle with the admiral and others our friends in the
English port, requesting them ayd for the recouery of our things, which
the other ship called the Santa Maria of S. Vincent (whereof was Master
Iohannes de Harte, and Pilot Adame de Lauandote) had robbed from the
Chancewell. To which they answered, that if we would come in vnto them in
peace, they would assist vs what they might. This answere we had the sixt
day: and the seuenth in the fornoone we arriued in the English port, and
cast anker aloofe from the other ships: which done, I went aboord the
Admirall, to desire the performance of his promise: who sent for Iohannes
de Harte, who was contented to restore most of our things againe:
whereupon I went aboord his ship to haue them restored. This day and the
eighth I spent in procuring such things as they had robbed; but yet in the
end we wanted a great part thereof. Then we were briefe with them, and
willed them either to restore vs the rest of our things which they had, or
els we would both inforce them to doe it, and also haue satisfaction for
our victuals and merchandises which by their meanes were lost in the
Chancewell. The ninth in the morning wee prepared our ship to goe neere
vnto them. Whereupon their Admirall sent his boat aboord, and desired to
speake with mee: then I went aboord vnto him, and desired to haue our
things with peace and quietnesse, proffering to make him and the Masters
of the two ships of Rochel our vmpires, and what they should aduise I
would stand vnto. Heereupon he went aboord the other ship to make peace;
but they would heare no reason, neither yet condescend to restore any
thing els which they had of ours. Then I desired that as I came in peace
vnto them, they would so set me aboord my ship againe: which they denied
to doe, but most vniustly detained me and Stephen van Herwicke who was
with me. A while after our shallop came with foure men to know how I did,
and to fetch me aboord: but so soone as she came to the Admirals ships
side, his men entred, and tooke her away, detaining our men also as
prisoners with vs. Then presently all the three Biskainers made toward our
ship, which was not carelesse to get the winde of them all: and hauing by
the mercy of God obtained the same, shee then stayed for them: but when
they saw they had lost their aduantage, they presently turned their
course, making as great haste in againe as they did out before. Afterwards
I attempted twise to goe aboord, but was still enforced backe by the two
other Biskainers, who sought our liues: so that in the end the Master of
the Admirall was inforced to man his great boat to waft vs: and yet
notwithstanding they bent a piece of great ordinance at vs: for we were to
passe by them vnto our ship: but we rescued our shallop vnder our Masters
great boat; and by that meanes passed in safety. The next morning being
the tenth of the moneth, we purposed if the winde had serued our turne, to
haue made them to repent their euill dealing, and to restore vs our owne
againe, or els to haue suncke their ships if we could. (M86) But the winde
serued not our turne for that purpose; but caried vs to sea: so that the
same morning wee tooke our course toward the bay of S. Laurence in
Newfoundland: where wee hoped to finde a Spanish ship, which as we had
intelligence, did fish at that place. (M87) The thirteenth day we had
sight of S. Peters Islands. And the foureteenth day being foggy and misty
weather, while we made towards the land, we sent our shallop before the
shippe to discouer dangers: but in the fogge, through the mens negligence
which were in her, she lost vs: yet we kept on our course, thinking that
although we could not see them, yet they might see our ship: and comming
into sixteene fathoms water we cast anker, supposing our selues to be
neere the shore: and in the euening it pleased God to giue vs for the
space of one quarter of an houre clere weather, by which we found our
selues to be imbayed, and also had sight of our shallop, which was at the
point of a land about one league from vs. The same night we went further
into the same bay, where we had very good riding. The fifteenth we went on
shore, and in that place found footing of deere, and before we returned we
killed one. (M88) The eighteenth we departed toward S. Laurence: the same
euening we had sight of S. Laurence, and sent off our boat in the night
with our Master and sixteene men to surprise the Spanyard, which lay in
Litle S. Laurence: who presently vpon the entrance of our men surrendered
vp their ship and goods. The nineteenth in the morning before day, the
Master of our ship with two more, and three Spanyards, tooke a boat and
came foorth to meet our shippe, but being foggy, he cast anker by the
mouth of the harborow, thinking in faire weather to put out to our ship,
which through the current and foggy weather was put fiue or sixe leagues
to leeward: and while they were at anker in the boat they were surprised
again by certaine Basks of S. Iohn de Luz who were in Great S. Laurence
hard by. These Basks with their forces (hauing receiued intelligence by
one of the Spanyards, who sleeping on shore, escaped vnto them ouerland)
on the sudden surprised the sayd boat with our Master and others: and then
presently made vnto the ship; but our men aboord defended them off. (M89)
In the end they threatned that vnlesse they would yeeld, they would kill
M. Crafton and our other men before their eyes. So at last vpon M.
Craftons intreaty and our mens, to saue their liues, they yeelded vp the
ship againe, vpon condition, that they should not iniure any of our men,
but should let them all with their weapons peaceably depart: yet when our
men had yeelded, they brake their couenant, profering them great violence,
threatning to kill them, disarming them, stripping their clothes from
their backs, and vsing them more like dogs then men. After they had thus
robbed our men of their prize and weapons, they presently towed the shippe
with their boats out of that harborow into Great S. Laurence, where their
owne shippes did ride, and within lesse then an houre after they had
caried our prize away, our shippe arriued in the bay: where after we had
bene a while at anker, our shallop came aboord vnto vs, with most part of
our sixteene men, who tolde vs the whole story before recited, as also
that captaine Laurence had caried away our Master, and Stephen van
Herwicke prisoners, and turned the rest of our men on shore in the woods,
without either meat, drinke, or almost any apparell. The 20 all our men
came aboord, except the two prisoners: and the same day we tooke with our
boats three of the Spanyards shallops, with fiue hogsheads of traine oile
in ech of them, and in one boat foure Spanyards; but the men of the other
two shallops fled on shore. The same day also we tooke the Master of one
of the ships which was in the harborow with three other of his men, whom
we detained prisoners to ransome M. Crafton and Stephen van Henrick: The
22 captaine Laurence sent them aboord, and we also released all our
prisoners, except one Spanyard, who was boatswaine of the Spanish ship,
whom we kept with vs: and the same day we set from thence. (M90) The 24 we
had aduice of our Spanyard of certain Leagers which were in the harborow
of cape S. Mary. Whereupon the same night, being within fiue or six
leagues of the harborow, I sent off our two shallops with thirty men to
discouer the harborow, and to surprise the enemy. The 25 in the morning we
approched the harborow with our ship, and in the mouth thereof we espied
three shallops, two whereof were ours, and the third of a ship of Rochel,
which they had surprised with foure men in her: who told them that there
were but two ships in the harborow, whereof one was of Rochel, and the
other of Bell isle. And as we were discoursing with the Rochellers, we had
sight of the ships: whereupon we sent our boat aboord the Rocheller to
certifie him that we were his friends, and to request him not to hinder
our fight with the enemy. This message being sent, we made all the haste
we could vnto the ship of Belle isle, which first began with vs with three
great shot, one whereof hit our maintopsaile, but both the other missed
vs. And we also sent one vnto them: then being approched nere vnto them
ten or twelue of vs went in a shallop to enter them, and we caried also a
warpe with vs to make fast vnto their ship, whereby our ship might the
better come vp to ayd vs. And when we boorded them in our boat, they
betooke themselues to their close fights, playing chiefly vpon vs with
shot and pikes out at two ports, between which we entred very dangerously,
escaping neere dangers both by shot and pike. Some of our men were
wounded, but no great harme was done. And mine owne piece in entring, was
shot out of my hand into the sea: which shot also burst one side of the
ladder, by which I entred. We had not long bene aboord, but through the
helpe of God we caused them to yeeld vnto our mercy. (M91) There were of
them in the ship aboue forty men, most whereof we sent aboord our shippe,
there to be kept in holde, with order to our chyrurgion to dresse the
wounded men, one of which was wounded vnto death. That done, we had then
time to view our prize, which we found of great defence, and a notable
strong ship, almost two hundred tun in burden, very well appointed, and in
all things fitted for a man of warre. They had also foureteene or fifteene
men more, which were then absent from the ship; otherwise we should haue
had the hoter fight. The same day we got our sailes to the yard, and our
top masts on end, and rigged the shippe what we could. The 26 day we got
some oile aboord, and there we taried vntill the second of August, fitting
our selues for the sea, and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs.
During our abode there we diuided our men, and appointed to ech ship their
company, my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the
prize; wherein when we were shipped, and the company, there arose great
enmity against vs by the other shippe, which afterward was quieted. The
second day of August, hauing taken in water and wood, we put to sea from
that harborow in company of the Hopewell, with purpose to go directly to
Parlican, which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland, where we
expected another prize. But when we came to sea we found our sailes so
olde, our ropes so rotten, and our prouision of bread and drinke so short,
as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England:
whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August, and sent them
aboord the Hopewell, to certifie them the cause of our resolution for
England: wherat they were generally offended, thinking and saying, that we
in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them. To conclude, they sent
vs word that they would keepe vs company for England. But I had giuen
William Crafton commission before to go for the Island of the Açores, and
there to spend his victuals for a man of warre. The next day being the
fift of August, hauing a faire winde, we put off from the coast of
Newfoundland, and kept our course directly for England, the Hopewell
keeping vs company vntill midday, whenas hauing lost vs in a fogge, she
shot off two pieces of ordinance, and we answered her with three:
afterwards we spake not with her, supposing that she went for the Islands.
The 27 of August, drawing neere the coast of England, we sounded and found
ground at seuenty fadoms. Some of the mariners, thinking we were in
Bristow channell, and other in Silly channell: so that through variety of
iudgements, and euil marinership we were faine to dance the hay foure
dayes together, sometimes running to the Northeast, sometimes to the
Southeast, then againe to the East and Eastnortheast. Thus did we spend
faire winds, and lose our time vntill the last of August. And then it
pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of
Bristoll; from whence we shaped our course: and after diuers dangers, the
third of September we met with the Tramontane of the Queene off Dartmouth;
to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of. The
fift of September I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight, and within
few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London,
where she was made prize as belonging to the enemies of this land.

Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we
trauelled.

The Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists. The ground of it
is very rocky: and vpon it there is great store of firre trees, and in
some places red; and about the shore it hath great abundance of cod fish.
We were on land in it in foure seuerall places: 1 At Caplin bay and
Farrillon: 2 At Cape Rase: 3 At the harborow of Lano, which lieth foure
leagues to the West of Cape Laurence: 4 At S. Marie port.

The Island of Monego for the soile is much like Newfoundland, but the fish
about it, as also throwout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton, is much
larger and better than that of the Newfoundland. This Island is scant two
leagues long, and very narrow. In the midst of it, a great way within the
wood is a great poole. Here we were thrise on shore: once at the East
side, and twise at the West.

The three Islands of birds are sandy red, but with the multitude of birds
vpon them they looke white. The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in
a paued street. The greatest of the Islands is about a mile in compasse.
The second is little less. The third is a very little one, like a small
rocke. At the second of these there lay on the shore in the Sunshine about
thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses: which when our boat came nere them,
presently made into the sea, and swam after the boat.

Brions Island wee found to be very good, and sandy ground. It hath in it
store of firre trees. It is somewhat more than a league long, and about
three leagues in compasse. Here we were on land once, and went from the
one side of it to the other.

The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island, hauing
also abundance of firre trees. It seemeth to be in length about twelue or
thirteene leagues at least. We were there in harborow, but not on shore,
which we much desired, and hoped to haue bene: but the conflict which we
had there with the Basks and Britons, mentioned before, preuented vs.

The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of
it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd, but somewhat lesse. We were
not on shore vpon it, but rode before it at anker.

The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland, but
rather better. Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower
then the hils: as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland. The
Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land, as the
West. We went on shore vpon it in fiue places: 1 At the bay where the
Chancewell was cast away: 2 At Cibo: 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo
and the New port: 4 At the New port: And 5 at Port Ingles, or the English
port.

Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island, Isle Blanche,
and of Ramea, they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood, great
store of wild corne like barley, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberies,
white roses, and store of wilde peason. Also about the sayd Islands the
sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts. And the sayd Islands
also seeme to proffer, through the labour of man, plenty of all kinde of
our graine, of roots, of hempe, and other necessary commodities.

Charles Leigh.




XIV. The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land
called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.



How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo, with two ships,
and came to Newfoundland, and how he entred into the Port of Buona Vista.


After that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye, and Viceadmirall
of France had caused the Captaines, Masters, and Mariners of the shippes
to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of
the most Christian King of France, vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier,
vpon the twentieth day of Aprill 1534, we departed from the Port of S.
Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden, and 61 well appointed
men in each one: and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards, that
vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland, where we entred into
the Cape of Buona Vista, which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe, and
in longitude ——.(13) But because of the great store of the ice that was
alongst the sayd land, we were constrayned to enter into an hauen called
S. Katherins Hauen, distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward
Southsoutheast: there did we stay tenne days looking for faire weather;
and in the meanwhile we mended and dressed our boats.



How we came to the Island of Birds, and of the great quantity of birds
that there be.


Vpon the 21 of May the wind being in the West, we hoisted saile, and
sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came
to the Island of Birds, which was enuironed about with a banke of ice, but
broken and crackt: notwithstanding the sayd banke, our two boats went
thither to take in some birds, whereof there is such plenty, that vnlesse
a man did see them, he would thinke it an incredible thing: for albeit the
Island (which containeth about a league in circuit) be so full of them,
that they seeme to haue been brought thither, and sowed for the nonce, yet
are there an hundred folde as many houering about as within; some of which
are as big as iayes, blacke and white, with beaks like vnto crowes: they
lie alwayes upon the sea; they cannot flie very high, because their wings
are so little, and no bigger then halfe ones hand, yet do they flie as
swiftly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water; they are also
exceeding fat: we named them Aporath. In lesse then halfe an houre we
filled two boats full of them, as if they had bene with stones: so that
besides them which we did eat fresh, euery ship did powder and salt fiue
or sixe barrels full of them.



Of two sorts of birds, the one called Godetz, the other Margaulx; and how
we came to Carpunt.


Besides these, there is another kinde of birds which houer in the aire,
and ouer the sea, lesser than the others; and these doe all gather
themselves together in the Island, and put themselues vnder the wings of
birds that are greater: these we named Godetz. There are also of another
sort, but bigger, and white, which bite euen as dogs: those we named
Margaulx. And albeit the sayd island be 14 leagues from the maine land,
notwithstanding beares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd (M92)
birds: and our men found one there as great as any cow, and as white as
any swan, who in their presence leapt into the sea: and vpon Whitsunmunday
(following our voyage toward the land) we met her by the way, swimming
toward land as swiftly as we could saile. So soone as we saw her, we
pursued her with our boats, and by maine strength tooke her, whose flesh
was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calf of two yeres olde. (M93)
The Wednesday following, being the 27 of the moneth, we came to the
entrance of the bay of the Castles; but because the weather was ill and
the great store of ice we found, we were constrained to enter into an
harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt, where, because we would
not come out of it, we stayed til the ninth of Iune, what time we
departed, hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the said
Carpunt, which is latitude 51 degrees.



The description of Newfoundland, from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad.


The land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad, which is the point of the entrance
of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast, and
Southsouthwest. All this part of land is parted into Islands one so near
the other, that there are but small riuers betweene them: thorow the which
you may passe with little boats, and therefore there are certaine good
harborows, among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad. In one of these
Islands that is the highest of them all, being the top of it you may
plainly see the two low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo, from whence to
the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues; and there are
two entrances thereat, one on the East, the other on the South side of the
Island. But you must take heed of the side and point of the East, because
that euery where there is nothing els but shelues, and the water is very
shallow: you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe
a cable or thereabout, and then to goe toward the South to the sayd
Carpunt. Also you are to take heed of three shelues that are in the
chanell vnder the water: and toward the Island on the East side in the
chanell, the water is of three or four fadome deepe, and cleere ground.
The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast, and on the West you may go on
shore.



Of the Island which is now called S. Katherins Island.


Going from the point Degrad, and entring into the sayd bay toward the West
and by North: there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right
side, one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues, and
the other seuen, either more or lesse then the first, being a low and
plaine land, and it seemeth to be part of the maine land. I named it Saint
Katherines Island; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry soile;
but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground so that you must
go a little about. The sayd Island and the Port of Castles trend toward
North northeast, and South southwest, and they are about 15. leagues
asunder. (M94) From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte, which
is in the northerne part of the said Bay, that trendeth toward East
northeast, and West southwest, there are 12. leagues and an halfe: and
about two leagues from the port of Balances, that is to say, the third
part athwart the saide Bay the depth being sounded it is about 38.
fadomes: and from the said port of Balances to the white Sands towards
West southwest there is 15. leagues, but you must take heed of a shelfe
that lyeth about 3. leagues outward from the said white Sands on the
Southwest side aboue water like a boat.



Of the place called Blanc Sablon or the white Sand: of the Iland of Brest,
and of the Iland of Birds, of the sorts and quantitie of birds that there
are found: and of the Port called the Islettes.


White Sand is a Road in the which there is no place guarded from the
South, nor southeast. (M95) But toward South southwest from the saide road
there are two Ilands, one of the which is called Brest Iland, and the
other the Iland of Birds, in which there is great store of Godetz, and
crowes with red beakes and red feete: they make their nestes in holes
vnder the ground euen as Conies. A point of land being passed about a
league from white Sand, there is a Port and passage found called the
Islettes, a better place then white Sand: and there is great fishing. From
the said Port of the Islettes vnto another called Brest, the circuit is
about ten leagues. This Port is in latitude 51. degrees and 55. minutes,
and longitude ——.(14) From the Islettes to that place there are many other
Ilands: and the saide Port of Brest is also amongst those Ilands. Moreouer
the Ilands do compasse more then 3. leagues from the said Brest, being
low, and ouer them are the other lands aboue mentioned seene.



How we with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, and sayling onward
toward the West we passed amidst the Islettes, which were so many in
number, that it was not possible to tell them: and how we named them the
Islettes.


Vpon the 10. of June wee with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, to
furnish our selues with water and wood, and to make vs ready to passe the
said Bay. Vpon S. Barnabas day Seruice being heard, we with our boats went
beyond the said Port toward the west, to see what harboroughes were there:
wee passed through the midst of the Islettes, which were so many in number
that it was not possible they might be tolde, for they continued about 10.
leagues beyond the said Port. We to rest our selues stayed in one of them
a night, and there we found great store of ducke egges, and other birds
that there do make their nests, we named them all The Islettes.



Of the Port called S. Antonies Port, S. Seruans Port, Iames Cartiers Port:
of the riuer called S. Iames: of the customes and apparell of the
inhabitants in the Iland of White Sand.


The next day we passed the said Ilands, and beyond them all we found a
good hauen, which we named S. Antonies Hauen, and one or two leagues
beyond wee found a little riuer towarde the southwest coast, that is
betweene two other Ilands, and is a good harborough. There we set vp a
Crosse, and named it S. Seruans Port: and on the Southwest side of the
said Port and riuer, about one league there is a small Iland as round as
an Ouen, enuironed about with many other litle Ilands that giue notice to
the said Ports. Further about two leagues there is another greater riuer,
in (M96) which we tooke a good store of salmon, that we named S. Iames his
Riuer. Being in the said riuer, we saw a ship of Rochel that the night
before had passed the Port of Brest, where they thought to haue gone a
fishing: but the Mariners knew not where they were. We with our boats
approched neere vnto it, and did direct it to another Port one league more
toward the West than the said riuer of S. Iames, which I take to be one of
the best in all the world, and therefore wee named it Iames Carthiers
Sound. If the soile were as good as the harboroughes are, it were a great
commoditie: but it is not to be called The new Land, but rather stones and
wilde cragges, and a place fit for wilde beastes, for in all the North
Iland I did not see a Cart-load of good earth: yet went I on shoare in
many places, and in the Iland of White Sand, there is nothing else but
mosse and small thornes scattered here and there, withered and dry. To be
short, I beleeue that this was the land that God allotted to Caine. There
are men of an indifferent good stature and bignesse, but wilde and vnruly:
they weare their haire tied on the top like a wreath of hay, and put a
wooden pinne within it, or any other such thing instead of a naile, and
with them they binde certaine birdes feathers. They are clothed with
beastes skinnes as well the men as women, but that the women go somewhat
straiter and closer in their garments than the men do, with their wastes
girded: they paint themselues with certaine Roan colours: (M97) their
boates are made of the barke of birch trees, with the which they fish and
take great store of Seales, and as farre as we could vnderstand since our
comming thither, that is not their habitation, but they come from the
maine land out of hotter countreys, to catch the saide seales and other
necessaries for their liuing.



Of certaine Capes, that is to say, The double Cape, The pointed Cape, Cape
Royal, and the Cape of Milke: of the mountaines of Granges: of the Ilands
of Doue houses: and of the great fishing of Cods.


Vpon the 13. of that moneth we came to our ships againe with our boats on
purpose to saile forwards because the weather was faire, and vpon Sunday
we caused Seruice to be saide; then on Munday being the 15. of the moneth
we departed from Brest, and sailed toward the South to take a view of the
lands that there wee had seene, that seemed vnto vs to bee two Ilands: but
when we were amidst the Bay, we knew it to be firme land, where was a
great double Cape one aboue the other, and therefore wee named it The
double Cape. In the entrance of the Bay wee sounded, and found it to be an
hundred fadome round about vs. From Brest to The double Cape there is
about 20 leagues, and about fiue or sixe leagues beyond we sounded againe
and found 40 fadome water. The said land lieth Northeast and Southwest.
The next day being the 16 of the moneth we sailed along the said coast
toward the Southwest, and by South about 35 leagues from the double Cape,
where we found very steepe and wilde hilles, among the which were seene
certaine smal cabbans, which we in the countrey call Granges, and
therefore we named them The hilles of the Granges. The other lands and
mountaines are all craggie, cleft and cut, and betwixt them and the Sea,
there are other Ilands, but low. The day before through the darke mists
and fogges of the weather, we could not haue sight of any land, but in the
euening we spied an entrance into the land, by a riuer among the said
Hilles of Granges, and a Cape lying toward the Southwest about 3 leagues
from vs. The said Cape is on the top of it blunt-pointed, and also toward
the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee named it The pointed Cape, on
the North side of which there is a plaine Iland. And because we would haue
notice of the said entrance, to see if there were any good hauens, we
strooke saile for that night. The next day being the 17 of the moneth we
had stormie weather from Northeast, wherefore we tooke our way toward the
Southwest, vntill Thursday morning, and we went about 37 leagues, till wee
came athwart a Bay full of round Ilands like doue houses, and therefore
wee named them The doue houses. And from the Bay of S. Iulian, from the
which to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called Cape Roial,
there are 7. leagues, and toward the West southwest side of the saide
Cape, there is another that beneath is all craggie, and aboue round. On
the North side of which about halfe a league there lieth a low Iland: that
Cape we named The Cape of milke. Betweene these two Capes there are
certaine low Ilands, aboue which there are also certaine others that shew
that there be some riuers. About two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded
and found 20 fadome water, and there is the greatest fishing of Cods that
possible may be: for staying for our company, in lesse then an houre we
tooke aboue an hundreth of them.



Of certaine Ilands that lie betweene Cape Royall, and The Cape of milke.


The next day being the 18 of the moneth, the winde with such rage turned
against vs, that we were constrained to go backe towards Cape Royal,
thinking there to finde some harborough, and with our boates went to
discouer betweene the Cape Royal, and the Cape of Milke, and found that
aboue the low Ilands there is a great and very deepe gulfe, within which
are certaine Ilands. The said gulfe on the Southside is shut vp. The
foresaid low grounds are on one of the sides of the entrance, and Cape
Royal is on the other. The saide low grounds doe stretch themselues more
then halfe a league within the Sea. It is a plaine countrey, but an ill
soile: and in the middest of the entrance thereof, there is an Iland. The
saide gulfe in latitude is fourtie eight degrees and an halfe, and in
longitude ——.(15) That night we found no harborough, and therefore we
lanched out into the Sea, leauing the Cape toward the West.



Of the Iland called S. Iohn.


From the said day vntill the 24 of the moneth being S. Iohns day we had
both stormie weather and winde against vs, with such darknesse and mistes,
that vntill S. Iohns day, we could haue no sight of any land, and then we
had sight of a Cape of land, that from Cape Royal lieth Southwest about 35
leagues, but that day was so foggie and mistie, that we could not come
neere land, and because it was S. Iohns day, we named it Cape S. Iohn.



Of certaine Ilands called the Ilands of Margaulx, and of the kinds of beas
and birds that there are found. Of the Iland of Brion, and Cape Dolphin.


The next day being the 25. of the moneth, the weather was also stormie,
darke, and windy, but yet we sailed a part of the day toward West North
west, and in the euening wee out our selues athwart vntill the second
quarter: when as we departed, then did we by our compasse know that we
were Northwest and by West about seuen leagues and an halfe from the Cape
of S. Iohn, and as wee were about to hoise saile, the winde turned into
the Northwest, wherefore we went Southeast, about 15. leagues, and came to
three Ilands, two of which are as steepe and vpright as any wall, so that
it was not possible to climbe them: and betweene them there is a little
rocke. These Ilands were as full of birds, as any field or medow is of
grasse, which there do make their nestes: and in the greatest of them,
there was a great and infinite number of those that wee call Margaulx,
that are white, and bigger then any geese, which were seuered in one part.
In the other were onely Godetz, but toward the shoare there were of those
Godetz, and great Apponatz, like to those of that Iland that we aboue haue
mentioned: we went downe to the lowest part of the least Iland, where we
killed aboue a thousand of those Godetz, and Apponatz. (M98) We put into
our boates so many of them as we pleased, for in lesse then one houre we
might haue filled thirtie such boats of them: we named them The Ilands of
Margaulx. About fiue leagues from the said Ilands on the West, there is
another Iland that is about two leagues in length, and so much in breadth:
there did we stay all night to take in water and wood. That Iland is
enuironed round about with sand, and hath a very good road about it three
or foure fadome deepe. Those Ilands haue the best soile that euer we saw,
for that one of their fields is more worth then all the New land. We found
it all full of goodly trees, medowes, fields full of wild corne and peason
bloomed, as thicke, as ranke, and as faire as any can be seene in
Britaine, so that they seemed to haue bene plowed and sowed. There was
also a great store of gooseberies, strawberies, damaske roses, parseley,
with other very sweete and pleasant hearbes. (M99) About the said Iland
are very great beastes as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in
their mouths like vnto Elephants teeth, and liue also in the Sea. We saw
one of them sleeping vpon the banke of the water: wee thinking to take it,
went to it with our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe
into the Sea. We also saw beares and wolues: we named it Brions Iland.
About it toward Southeast, and Northwest, there are great lakes. As farre
as I could gather and comprehend, I thinke that there be some passage
betweene New found land, and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a
great shortening, aswel of the time as of the way, if any perfection could
be found in it. About foure leagues from that Iland toward West-South-west
is the firme land, which seemeth to be as an Iland compassed about with
litle Ilands of sands. There is a goodly Cape which we named Cape Dolphin,
for there is the beginning of good grounds. On the 27. of Iune we
compassed the said lands about that lie West Southwest: and a farre off
they seeme to be little hilles of sand, for they are but low landes: wee
could neither goe to them, nor land on them, because the winde was against
vs. That day we went 15. leagues.



Of the Iland called Alezai, and of the cape of S. Peter.


The next day we went along the said land about 10. leagues, till we came
to a Cape of redde land, that is all craggie, within the which there is a
bracke looking toward the North. It is a very low countrey. There is also
betweene the Sea and a certaine poole, a plaine field: and from that Cape
of land and the poole vnto another Cape, there are about 14 leagues. The
land is fashioned as it were halfe a circle, all compassed about with sand
like a ditch, ouer which as farre as ones eye can stretch, there is
nothing but marrish grounds and standing pooles. And before you come to
the first Cape very neere the maine land there are two little Ilands.
About fiue leagues from the second Cape toward the Southwest, there is
another Iland very high and pointed, which we named Alezai. The first Cape
we named S. Peters Cape, because vpon that day we came thither.



Of the Cape called Cape Orleans: of the Riuer of boates: of Wilde mens
Cape: and of the qualitie and temperature of the countrey.


From Brions Iland to this place there is good anckorage of sand, and
hauing sounded toward Southwest euen to the shoare about fiue leagues, wee
found twentie and fiue fadome water, and within one league twelue fadome,
and very neere the shoare six fadome, rather more then lesse, and also
good anckorage. But because wee would bee the better acquainted with this
stonie and rockie ground, wee strooke our sailes lowe and athwart. The
next day being the last of the moneth saue one, the winde blewe South and
by East. Wee sailed Westward vntill Tuesday morning at Sunne rising, being
the last of the moneth, without any sight or knowledge of any lande except
in the euening toward Sunne set, that wee discouered a lande which seemed
to be two Ilands, that were beyond vs West southwest, about nine or tenne
leagues. All the next day till the next morning at sunne rising wee sailed
Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the way we perceiued that the land
we had seene like Ilands, was firme land, lying South southeast, and North
northwest, to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. (M100) Al the
said land is low and plaine, and the fairest that may possibly be seene,
full of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we could finde no
harborough there, because it is all full of shelues and sands. We with our
boats went on shore in many places, and among the rest wee entred into a
goodly riuer, but very shallow, which we named The riuer of boats, because
that there wee saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the riuer.
We had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wind came from the
sea, and so beat vs against the shore, that wee were constrained to retire
our selues with our boates toward our ships. Till the next day morning at
Sunne rising, being the first of Iuly we sailed Northeast, in which time
there rose great mistes and stormes, and therefore wee strucke our sailes
till two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the weather became cleare,
and there we had sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about seuen leagues
from vs, lying North and by East, and that we called Wilde mens Cape. On
the Northside of this Cape about halfe a league, there is a very dangerous
shelfe, and banke of stones. Whilst wee were at this Cape, we sawe a man
running after our boates that were going along the coast, who made signes
vnto vs that we should returne toward the said Cape againe. We seeing such
signes, began to turne toward him, but he seeing vs come, began to flee:
so soone as we were come on shoare, we set a knife before him and a
woollen girdle on a little staffe, and then came to our ships again. That
day we trended the said land about 9. or 10. leagues, hoping to finde some
good harborough, but it was not possible: for as I haue said already, it
is a very low land, and enuironed round about with great shelues.
Neuerthelesse we went that (M101) day on shore in foure places to see the
goodly and sweete smelling trees that were there: we found them to be
Cedars, ewetrees, Pines, white elmes, ashes, willowes, with many other
sorts of trees to vs vnknowen, but without any fruit. The grounds where no
wood is, are very faire, and all full of peason, white and red
gooseberies, strawberies, blackeberies, and wilde corne, euen like vnto
Rie, which seemed to have bene sowen and plowed. This countrey is of
better temperature then any other that can be seene, and very hote. There
are many thrushes, stockdoues, and other birds: to be short, there wanteth
nothing but good harboroughs.



Of the Bay called S. Lunario, and other notable Bayes and Capes of land,
and of the qualitie, and goodnesse of those grounds.


The next day being the second of Iuly we discouered and had sight of land
on the Northerne side toward vs, that did joyne vnto the land abouesaid,
al compassed about, and we knew that it had about ——(16) in depth, and as
much athwart, and we named it S. Lunarios Bay, and with our boats we went
to the Cape toward the North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the
space of a league from land there was but a fadome water. On the Northeast
side from the said Cape about 7. or 8. leagues there is another Cape of
land, in the middst whereof there is a Bay fashioned trianglewise, very
deepe, and as farre off, as we could ken from it the same lieth Northeast.
The said Bay is compassed about with sands and shelues about 10. leagues
from land, and there is but two fadome water: from the said Cape to the
bank of the other, there is about 15. leagues. We being a crosse the said
Capes, discouered another land and Cape, and as farre as we could ken, it
lay North and by East. All that night the weather was very ill, and great
winds, so that wee were constrained to beare a smal saile vntil the next
morning, being the thirde of July when the winde came from the West: and
we sailed Northward to haue a sight of the land that we had left on the
Northeast side, aboue the low lands, among which high and low lands there
is a gulfe or breach in some places about 55. fadome deepe, and 15.
leagues in bredth. By reason of the great depth and bredth of the gulfe,
and change of the lands, (M102) we conceiued hope that we should finde a
passage, like vnto the passage of The Castles. The said gulfe lieth East
Northeast, and West southwest. The ground that lieth on the Southside of
the said gulfe, is as good and easie to be manured, and full of as goodly
fields and meadowes, as any that euer wee haue seene, as plaine and smooth
as any die: and that which lyeth on the North is a countrey altogether
hilly, full of woods, and very high and great trees of sundry sorts:
(M103) among the rest there are as goodly Ceders, and Firre trees, as
possibly can be seene, able to make mastes for ships of three hundred
Tunne: neither did we see any place that was not full of the saide trees,
except two onely that were full of goodly medowes, with two very faire
lakes. The middest of the said Bay is 47. degrees and halfe in latitude.



Of the Cape D’Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, and of S. Martins Creeke,
and how seven boats full of wilde men comming to our boat, would not
retire themselues, but being terrified with our Culuerins which we shot at
them, and our lances, they fled with great hast.


The Cape of the said South land was called The Cape of Hope, through the
hope that there we had to finde some passage. The fourth of Iuly we went
along the coast of the said land on the Northerly side to find some
harborough, where wee entred into a creeke altogether open toward the
South, where there is no succour against the wind: we thought good to name
it S. Martines Creeke. There we stayed from the fourth of Iuly vntil the
twelfth: while we were there, on Munday being the sixth of the moneth,
Seruice being done, wee with one of our boates went to discouer a Cape and
point of land that on the Westerne side was about seuen or eight leagues
from vs, to see which way it did bend, and being within halfe a league of
it, wee sawe two companies of boates of wilde men going from one land to
the other: (M104) their boates were in number about fourtie or fiftie. One
part of the which came to the said point, and a great number of men went
on shore making a great noise, beckening vnto vs that wee should come on
land, shewing vs certaine skinnes vpon pieces of wood, but because we had
but one onely boat, wee would not goe to them, but went to the other side
lying in the See: they seeing vs flee, prepared two of their boats to
follow vs, with which came also fiue more of them that were comming from
the Sea side, all which approched neere vnto our boate, dancing, and
making many signes of ioy and mirth, as it were desiring our friendship,
saying in their tongue Napeu tondamen assurtah, with many other words that
we vnderstood not. But because (as we haue said) we had but one boat, wee
would not stand to their courtesie, but made signes vnto them that they
should turne back, which they would not do, but with great furie came
toward vs: and suddenly with their boates compassed vs about: and because
they would not away from vs by any signes that we could make, we shot off
two pieces among them, which did so terrifie them, that they put
themselues to flight toward the sayde point, making a great noise: and
hauing staid a while, they began anew, euen as at the first to come to vs
againe, and being come neere our boat wee strucke at them with two lances,
which thing was so great a terrour vnto them, that with great haste they
beganne to flee, and would no more follow vs.



How the said wilde men comming to our ships, and our men going toward
them, both parties went on land, and how the saide wilde men with great
ioy began to trafique with our men.


The next day part of the saide wilde men with nine of their boates came to
the point and entrance of the Creeke, where we with our ships were at
road. We being aduertised of their comming, went to the point where they
were with our boates: but so soone as they saw vs, they began to flee,
making signes that they came to trafique with us, shewing vs, such skinnes
as they cloth themselues withall, which are of small value. We likewise
made signes vnto them, that we wished them no euill: and in signe thereof
two of our men ventured to go on land to them, and carry them kniues with
other Iron wares, and a red hat to giue vnto their Captaine. Which when
they saw, they also came on land, and brought some of their skinnes, and
so began to deale with vs, seeming to be very glad to haue our iron ware
and other things, stil dancing with many other ceremonies, as with their
hands to cast Sea water on their heads. They gave vs whatsoeuer they had,
not keeping any thing, so that they were constrained to go back againe
naked, and made signes that the next day they would come againe, and bring
more skinnes with them.



How that we hauing sent two of our men on land with wares, there came
about 300. wilde men with great gladnesse. Of the qualitie of the
countrey, what it bringeth forth, and of the Bay called Baie du Chaleur,
or The Bay of heat.


Vpon Thursday being the eight of the moneth, because the winde was not
good to go out with our ships, we set our boates in a readinesse to goe to
discouer the said Bay, and that day wee went 25. leagues within it. The
next day the wind and weather being faire, we sailed vntil noone, in which
time we had notice of a great part of the said Bay, and how that ouer the
low lands, there were other lands with high mountaines: but seeing that
there was no passage at all, wee began to turne back againe, taking our
way along the coast: and sayling, we saw certaine wilde men that stood
vpon the shoare of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who were making
fires and smokes: wee went thither, and found that there was a channel of
the sea that did enter into the lake, and setting our boats at one of the
banks of the chanell, the wilde men with one of their boates came vnto vs,
and brought vp pieces of Seales ready sodden, puttiug them vpon pieces of
wood: then retiring themselues, they would make signes vnto vs, that they
did giue them vs. We sent two men vnto them with hatchets, kniues, beads,
and other such like ware, whereat they were very glad, and by and by in
clusters they came to the shore where wee were, with their boates,
bringing with them skinnes and other such things as they had, to haue of
our wares. (M105) They were more than 300. men, women, and children: Some
of the women, which came not ouer, wee might see stand vp to the knees in
water, singing and dancing: the other that had passed the riuer where we
were, came very friendly to vs, rubbing our armes with their owne handes,
then would they lift them vp toward heauen, shewing many signes of
gladnesse: and in such wise were wee assured one of another, that we very
familiarly began to trafique for whatsoeuer they had, til they had nothing
but their naked bodies; for they gaue vs all whatsoeuer they had, and that
was but of small value. We perceiued that this people might very easily be
conuerted to our Religion. They goe from place to place. They liue onely
with fishing. They haue an ordinarie time to fish for their prouision. The
countrey is hotter than the countrey of Spaine, and the fairest that can
possibly be found, altogether smooth, and leuel. There is no place be it
neuer so little, but it hath some trees (yea albeit it be sandie) or else
is full of wilde corne, that hath an eare like vnto Rie: the corne is like
oates, and smal peason as thicke as if they had bene sowen and plowed,
white and red gooseberies, strawberies, blackberies, white and red Roses,
with many other floures of very sweet and pleasant smell. There be also
many goodly medowes full of grasse, and lakes wherein great plentie of
salmons be. (M106) They call a hatchet in their tongue Cochi, and a knife
Bacon: we named it The bay of heat.



Of another nation of wilde men: of their manners, liuing, and clothing.


Being certified that there was no passage through the said Bay, we hoised
saile, and went from S. Martines Creeke vpon Sunday being the 12. of July,
to goe and discouer further beyond the said Bay, and went along the sea
coast Eastward about eighteene leagues, till we came to the Cape of Prato,
where we found the tide very great, but shallow ground, and the Sea
stormie, so that we were constrained to draw toward shore, between the
said Cape and an Iland lying Eastward, about a league from the said Cape,
where we cast anker for that night. The next morning we hoised saile to
trend the said coast about, which lyeth North Northeast. But there rose
such a stormie and raging winde against vs, that we were constrained to
come to the place againe, from whence we were come: there did we stay all
that day til the next that we hoised vp saile, and came to the middest of
a riuer fiue or sixe leagues from the Cape of Prato Northward, and being
ouerthwart the said Riuer, there arose againe a contrary winde, with great
fogges and stormes. So that we were constrained vpon Tuesday being the
fourteenth of the moneth to enter into the riuer, and there did we stay
till the sixteenth of the moneth looking for faire weather to come out of
it: on which day being Thursday, the winde became so raging that one of
our ships lost an anker, and we were constrained to goe vp higher into the
riuer seuen or eight leagues, into a good harborough and ground that we
with our boates found out, and through the euill weather, tempest, and
darkenesse that was, wee stayed in the saide harborough till the fiue and
twentieth of the moneth, not being able to put out: in the meane time wee
sawe a great multitude of wilde men that were fishing for mackerels,
whereof there is great store. Their boates were about 40, and the persons
what with men, women, and children two hundred, which after they had
hanted our company a while, they came very familiarly with their boats to
the sides of our ships. We gaue them kniues, combes, beads of glasse, and
other trifles of small value, for which they made many signes of
gladnesse, lifting their hands vp to heauen dancing and singing in their
boates. These men may very well and truely be called Wilde, because there
is no poorer people in the world. For I thinke all that they had together,
besides their boates and nets was not worth fiue souce.(17) They goe
altogether naked sawing their priuities, which are couered with a little
skinne, and certaine olde skinnes that they cast vpon them. Neither in
nature nor in language, doe they any whit agree with them which we found
first: their heads be altogether shauen, except one bush of haire which
they suffer to grow vpon the top of their crowne as long as a horse taile,
and then with certaine leather strings binde it in a knot vpon their
heads. They haue no other dwelling but their boates, which they turne
vpside downe, and vnder them they lay themselues all along vpon the bare
ground. They eate their flesh almost raw, saue onely that they heat it a
little vpon imbers of coales, so doe they their fish. Vpon Magdalens day
we with our boates went to the bancke of the riuer, and freely went on
shore among them, whereat they made many signs, and all their men in two
or three companies began to sing and dance, seeming to be very glad of our
comming. They had caused all the young women to flee into the wood, two or
three excepted, that stayed with them, to ech of which we gaue a combe,
and a little bell made of Tinne, for which they were very glad, thanking
our Captaine, rubbing his armes and breasts with their hands. When the men
saw vs giue something vnto those that had stayed, it caused al the rest to
come out of the wood, to the end that that they should haue as much as the
others: These women are about twenty, who altogether in a knot fell vpon
our Captaine, touching and rubbing him with their hands, according to
their manner of cherishing and making much of one, who gaue to each of
them a little Tinne bell: then suddenly they began to dance, and sing many
songs. There we found great store of mackrels, that they had taken vpon
the shore, with certaine nets that they made to fish, of a kinde of Hempe
that groweth in that place where ordinarily they abide, for they neuer
come to the sea, but onely in fishing time. (M107) As farre as I
vnderstand, there groweth likewise a kind of Millet as big as Peason, like
vnto that which groweth in Bresil, which they eate in stead of bread. They
had great store of it. They call it in their tongue Kapaige. They haue
also Prunes (that is to say Damsins) which they dry for winter as we doe,
they call them Honesta. They haue also Figs, Nuts, Apples, and other
fruits, and Beans, that they call Sahu, their nuts Cahehya. If we shewed
them any thing that they haue not, nor know not what it is, shaking their
heads, they will say Nohda, which is as much to say, they haue it not, nor
they know it not. Of those things they haue, they would with signes shew
vs how to dresse them, and how they grow. They eate nothing that hath any
taste of salt. They are very great theeues, for they will filch and steale
whatsoeuer they can lay hold of, and all is fish that commeth to net.



How our men set vp a great Crosse vpon the poynt of the sayd Porte, and
the Captaine of those wild men, after a long Oration, was by our Captain
appeased, and contented that two of his Children should goe with him.


(M108) Vpon the 25 of the moneth, wee caused a faire high Crosse to be
made of the height of thirty foote, which was made in the presence of many
of them, vpon the point of the entrance of the sayd hauen, in the middest
whereof we hanged vp a Shield with three Floure de Luces in it, and in the
top was carued in the wood with Anticke letters this posie, Viue le Roy de
France. Then before them all we set it vpon the sayd point. They with
great heed beheld both the making and setting of it vp. So soone as it was
vp, we altogether kneeled downe before them, with our hands toward Heauen,
yeelding God thankes: and we made signes vnto them, shewing them the
Heauens, and that all our saluation, dependeth onely on him which in them
dwelleth: whereat they shewed a great admiration, looking first one at
another, and then vpon the Crosse. And after wee were returned to our
ships, their Captaine clad with an old Beares skin, with three of his
sonnes, and a brother of his with him, came vnto vs in one of their
boates, but they came not so neere vs as they were wont to doe: there he
made a long Oration vnto vs, shewing vs the crosse we had set vp, and
making a crosse with two fingers, then did he shew vs all the Countrey
about vs, as if he would say that all was his, and that wee should not set
vp any crosse without his leaue. His talke being ended, we shewed him an
Axe, faining that we would giue it him for his skin, to which he listned,
for by little and little hee came neere our ships. (M109) One of our
fellowes that was in our boate, tooke hold on theirs, and suddenly leapt
into it, with two or three more, who enforced them to enter into our
ships, whereat they were greatly astonished. But our Captain did
straightwaies assure them, that they should haue no harme, nor any iniurie
offred them at all, and entertained them very friendly, making them eate
and drinke. Then did we shew them with signes, that the crosse was but
onely set vp to be as a light and leader which wayes to enter into the
port, and that wee would shortly come againe, and bring good store of iron
wares and other things, but that we would take two of his children with
vs, and afterward bring them to the sayd port againe: and so wee clothed
two of them in shirts, and coloured coates, with red cappes, and put about
euery ones necke a copper chaine, whereat they were greatly contented:
then gaue they their old clothes to their fellowes that went backe againe,
and we gaue to each one of those three that went backe, a hatchet, and
some kniues, which made them very glad. After these were gone, and had
told the newes vnto their fellowes, in the after noone there came to our
ships sixe boates of them, with fiue or sixe men in euery one, to take
their farewels of those two we had detained to take with vs, and brought
them some fish, vttering many words which we did not vnderstand, making
signes that they would not remoue the crosse we had set vp.



How after we were departed from the sayd porte, following our voyage along
the sayd coast, we went to discover the land lying Southeast, and
Northwest.


The next day, being the 25 of the moneth, we had faire weather, and went
from the said port: and being out of the riuer, we sailed Eastnortheast,
for after the entrance into the said riuer, the land is enuironed about,
and maketh a bay in maner of halfe a circle, where being in our ships, we
might see all the coast sayling behind, which we came to seeke, the land
lying Southeast and Northwest, the course of which was distant from the
riuer about twentie leagues.



Of the Cape S. Aluise, and Cape Memorancie, and certaine other lands, and
how one of our Boates touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer it.


On Munday being the 27 of the moneth, about sunne-set we went along the
said land, as we haue said, lying Southeast and Northwest, till Wednesday
that we saw another Cape where the land beginneth to bend toward the East:
we went along about 15 leagues, then doeth the land begin to turne
Northward. About three leagues from the sayd Cape we sounded, and found 24
fadome water. The said lands are plaine, and the fairest and most without
woods that we haue seene, with goodly greene fields and medowes: we named
the sayd Cape S. Aluise Cape, because that was his day: it is 49 degrees
and an halfe in latitude, and in longitude ——.(18) On Wednesday morning we
were on the East side of the Cape, and being almost night we went
Northwestward for to approch neere to the sayd land, which trendeth North
and South. From S. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie, about
fifteene leagues, the land beginneth to bend Northwest. (M110) About three
leagues from the sayd Cape we would needes sound, but wee could finde no
ground at 150 fadome, yet went we along the said land about tenne leagues,
to the latitude of 50 degrees. The Saturday following, being the first of
August, by Sunne rising, wee had certaine other landes, lying North and
Northeast, that were very high and craggie, and seemed to be mountaines:
betweene which were other low lands with woods and riuers: wee went about
the sayd lands, as well on the one side as on the other, still bending
Northwest, to see if it were either a gulfe, or a passage, vntill the fift
of the moneth. The distance from one land to the other is about fifteene
leagues. The middle betweene them both is 50 degrees and a terce in
latitude. We had much adoe to go fiue miles farther, the winds were so
great and the tide against vs. And at fiue miles end, we might plainely
see and perceiue land on both sides, which there beginneth to spread it
selfe, but because we rather fell, then got way against the wind, we went
toward land, purposing to goe to another Cape of land, lying Southward,
which was the farthermost out into the sea that we could see, about fiue
leagues from vs, but so soone as we came thither, we found it to be naught
else but Rockes, stones, and craggie cliffes, such as we had not found any
where since we had sailed Southward from S. Iohns Cape: and then was the
tide with vs, which caried vs against the wind Westward, so that as we
were sayling along the sayd coast, one of our boats touched a Rocke, and
suddenly went ouer, but we were constrained to leape out for to direct it
on according to the tide.



How after we had agreed and consulted what was best to be done, we
purposed to returne: and of S. Peters Streight, and of Cape Tiennot.


After we had sailed along the sayd coast, for the space of two houres,
behold, the tide began to turne against vs, with so swift and raging a
course, that it was not possible for vs with 13 oares to row or get one
stones cast farther, so that we were constrained to leaue our boates with
some of our men to guard them, and 10 or 12 men went ashore to the sayd
Cape, where we found that the land beginneth to bend Southwest, which
hauing seene, we came to our boats againe, and so to our ships, which were
stil ready vnder saile, hoping to go forward: but for all that, they were
fallen more then foure leagues to leeward from the place where we had left
them, where so soone as we came, wee assembled together all our Captaines,
Masters, and Mariners, to haue their aduice and opinion what was best to
be done: and after that euery one had said, considering that the Easterly
winds began to beare away, and blow, and that the flood was so great, that
we did but fall, and that there was nothing to be gotten, and that stormes
and tempests began to reigne in Newfound land, and that we were so farre
from home, not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind, for either
we must agree to returne home againe, or els to stay there all the yeere.
Moreouer, we did consider, that if the Northerne winds did take vs, it
were not possible for vs to depart thence. All which opinions being heard
and considered, we altogether determined to addresse our selues homeward.
(M111) Nowe because vpon Saint Peters day wee entred into the sayd
Streite, wee named it Saint Peters Streite. Wee sounded it in many places,
in some wee found 150 fadome water, in some 100, and neere the shoare
sixtie, and cleere ground. From that day till Wednesday following, we had
a good and prosperous gale of winde, so that we trended the said North
shore East, Southeast, West Northwest: for such is the situation of it,
except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast, about
twenty fiue leagues from the Streight. In this place we saw certaine
smokes, that the people of the countrey made vpon the sayd cape: but
because the wind blewe vs toward the coast, we went not to them, which
when they saw, they came with two boates and twelue men vnto vs, and as
freely came vnto our ships, as if they had bene French men, and gaue vs to
vnderstand, that they came from the great gulfe,(19) and that Tiennot was
their Captaine, who then was vpon that Cape, making signes vnto vs, that
they were going home to their Countreys whence we were come with our
ships, and that they were laden with Fish. We named the sayd Cape, Cape
Tiennot. From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast, and
Westnorthwest. All these lands lie low, very pleasant, enuironed with
sand, where the sea is entermingled with marishes and shallowes, the space
of twentie leagues: then doth the land begin to trend from West to
Eastnortheast altogether enuironed with Islands two or three leagues from
land, in which as farre as we could see, are many dangerous shelues more
then foure or fiue leagues from land.



How that vpon the ninth of August wee entred within White Sands, and vpon
the fift of September we came to the Port of S. Malo.


From the sayd Wednesday vntill Saturday following, we had a great wind
from the Southwest, which caused vs to run Eastnortheast, on which day we
came to the Easterly partes of Newfoundland, between the Granges and the
Double Cape. There began great stormie windes comming from the East with
great rage: wherefore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest, to search the
Northerne part, which is (as we haue sayd) all enuironed with Islands, and
being neere the said Islands and land, the wind turned into the South,
which brought vs within the sayd gulfe, so that the next day being the 9
of August, we by the grace of God entred within the white Sands. And this
is so much as we haue discouered. After that, vpon the 15 of August, being
the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, after that we had heard seruice,
we altogether departed from the porte of White Sands, and with a happy and
prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea, that is between
Newfoundland and Britanie, in which place we were tost and turmoyled three
dayes long with great stormes and windy tempests comming from the East,
which with the ayde and assistance of God we suffred: then had we faire
weather, and vpon the fift of September, in the sayd yere, we came to the
Port of S. Malo whence we departed.



The language that is spoken in the Land newly discouered, called New
France.


God                        ——
the Sunne                  Isnez
the Heauen                 camet
the Day                    ——
the Night                  aiagla
Water                      ame
Sand                       estogaz
a sayle                    aganie
the Head                   agonaze
the Throate                conguedo
the Nose                   hehonguesto
the Teeth                  hesangue
the Nayles                 agetascu
the Feete                  ochedasco
the Legs                   anoudasco
a dead man                 amocdaza
a Skinne                   aionasca
that Man                   yca
a Hatchet                  asogne
a Cod fish                 gadagoursere
good to be eaten           guesande
Flesh                      ————
Almonds                    anougaza
Figs                       asconda
Gold                       henyosco
the priuie members         assegnega
an Arrow                   cacta
a greene Tree              haueda
an earthen dish            vndaco
a Bow                      ————
Brasse                     aignetaze
the Brow                   ansce
a Feather                  yco
the Moone                  casmogan
the Earth                  conda
the Wind                   canut
the Raine                  onnoscon
Bread                      cacacomy
the Sea                    amet
a Ship                     casaomy
a Man                      vndo
the Haires                 hoc hosco
the Eyes                   ygata
the Mouth                  heche
the Eares                  hontasco
the Armes                  agescu
a Woman                    enrasesco
a sicke Man                alouedeche
Shooes                     atta
a skinne to couer a mans   ouscozon
priuy members
red cloth                  cahoneta
a Knife                    agoheda
a Mackrell                 agedoneta
Nuttes                     caheya
Apples                     honesta
Beanes                     sahe
a Sword                    achesco




XV. A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the
commandement of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay, and diuers others which now are called New France, with the
particular customes, and maners of the inhabitants therein.



Chap 1.


In the yeere of our Lord 1535, vpon Whitsunday, being the 16. of May, by
the commandement of our Captaine Iames Cartier, and with a common accord,
in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we deuoutly each one confessed our
selues, and receiued the Sacrament: and all entring into the Quier of the
sayd Church, wee presented our selues before the Reuerend Father in
Christ, the Lord Bishop of S. Malo, who blessed vs all, being in his
Bishops roabes. The Wednesday following, being the 19. of May, there arose
a good gale of wind, and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships, that
is to say, the great Hermina, being in burden about a hundreth, or a
hundreth and twentie tunne, wherein the foresaid Captaine Iames Cartier
was Generall, and master Thomas Frosmont chiefe Master, accompanied with
master Claudius de Pont Briand, sonne to the Lorde of Montceuell, and
Cup-bearer to the Dolphin of France, Charles of Pomeraies, Iohn Powlet,
and other Gentlemen. In the second ship called the little Hermina, being
of threescore tunne burden, were Captaines vnder the sayd Cartier, Mace
Salobert, and Master William Marie. In the third ship called the
Hermerillon, being of forty tunne in burden, were Captains M. William
Britton, and M. Iames Maringare. So we sayled with a good and prosperous
wind, vntill the 20 of the said moneth, at which time the weather turned
into stormes and tempests, the which with contrary winds, and darkenesse,
endured so long that our ships being without any rest, suffered as much as
any ships that euer went on seas: so that the 25 of Iune, by reason of
that foule and foggie weather, all our ships lost sight one of another
againe till wee came to Newfoundland where wee had appointed to meete.
After we had lost one another, wee in the Generals ship were with contrary
winds tost to and fro on the sea, vntill the seuenth of Iuly, vpon which
lyeth from the maine land 14 leagues. This Island is so full of birds,
that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them, and yet for
the great number that there is, it would not seeme that any were taken
away. We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them. (M112) This
Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees, and 40 minutes. (M113) Vpon the
eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further, and with a prosperous weather,
came to the Port called The Port of white sands, that is in the Bay called
The Bay of Castels, where we had purposed to meete and stay together the
15 of the said moneth. In this place therefore we looked for our fellowes,
that is to say, the other two ships, till the 26 of the moneth, on which
day both came together. So soone as our fellowes were come, we set our
ships in a readines, taking in both water, wood, and other necessaries.
And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth, early in the morning we hoised
saile to passe on further, and sayling along the Northerne coast that
runneth Northeast and Southwest, til two houres after Sun-set or
thereabouts, then we crossed along two Islands, which doe stretch further
foorth then the others, which we called S. Williams Islands, being distant
about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest. All the coast from the
Castels to that place lieth East and West, Northeast and Southwest, hauing
betweene it sundry little Islands, altogether barren and full of stones,
without either earth or trees, except certain valleys only. The next day
being the 30 of Iuly, we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands
which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe, among which there is
a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes, where
many good harboroughs seeme to be: them we named S. Marthas Islands, from
which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous
shallow, wherein are fiue rockes, which lie from Saint Marthas Islands
about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands, on the East and on
the West side, to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone, and
from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues athwart a
cape of the lower Islands, which we named S. Germans Islands.
Southeastward, from which place about three leagues, there is a very
dangerous shallow. Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas,
about two leagues from the sayd Islands, there lyeth a banke of sand, vpon
which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe, and therefore seeing the
danger of the coast, we strucke saile and went no further that night: The
next day being the last of Iuly, we went all along the coast that runneth
East and West, and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about
with Islands and drie sands, and in trueth is very dangerous. The length
from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe,
at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high
trees, albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without
any signe or shew of harboroughs, till we came to Cape Thiennot, which
trendeth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands, which
Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage, and therefore we sailed on
all that night West and Westnorthwest, till it was day, and then the wind
turned against vs, wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might
harbour our ships, and by good hap, found one fit for our purpose, about
seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot, and that we named S.
Nicholas Hauen, it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea: Vpon
the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse. But note by the way,
that this crosse must be brought Northeast, and then bending toward it,
leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water, and within
the hauen foure. Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane
outward halfe a league. All this coast is full of shoulds and very
dangerous, albeit in sight many good hauens seeme to be there, yet is
there nought else but shelues and sands. We staied and rested our selues
in the sayd hauen, vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday: on which day
we hoysed sayle, and came toward land on the South side toward Cape
Rabast, distant from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast,
and Southsouthwest: but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary
winde, and because we could find no hauen there toward the South, thence
we went coasting along toward the North, beyond the abouesayd hauen about
ten leagues, where we found a goodly great gulfe, full of Islands,
passages, and entrances toward what wind soeuer you please to bend: for
the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape
of lande, stretching somewhat further foorth than the others, and about
two leagues within the land, there is an hill fashioned as it were an
heape of corne. We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay. (M114) The
twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay,
or gulfe, sayling Westward, and discouered a Cape of land toward the
South, that runneth West and by South, distant from the sayd Saint
Laurence his Bay, about fiue and twenty leagues. And of the two wilde men
which wee tooke in our former voyage, it was tolde vs, that this was part
of the Southerne coaste, and that there was an Island, on the Southerly
parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo (where the yeere before we
had taken them) to Canada, and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape,
and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay, on the North shore extending
toward Canada, and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape, there is a
hundreth fadome water. (M115) Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so
many Whales seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape. The next day
after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth, hauing
passed the Straight, we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward
the South, which landes are full of very great and high hilles, and this
Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption, and one Cape of the said high
countreys lyeth Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest, the distance betweene
which is about fiue and twenty leagues. The Countreys lying North may
plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly, more then thirty
leagues in length. We trended the sayd landes about toward the South: from
the sayd day vntill Tewesday-noone following, the winde came West, and
therefore wee bended toward the North, purposing to goe and see the land
that we before had spied. Being arriued there, we found the sayd landes,
as it were ioyned together, and low toward the Sea. And the Northerly
mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East, and West, and a
quarter of the South. Our wild men told vs that there was the beginning of
Saguenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence commeth the red
Copper, of them named Caignetdaze. There is betweene the Southerly lands,
and the Northerly about thirty leagues distance, and more then two
hundreth fadome depth. (M116) The sayd men did moreouer certifie vnto vs,
that there was the way and beginning of the great riuer of Hochelaga and
ready way to Canada, which riuer the further it went the narrower it came,
euen vnto Canada, and that then there was fresh water, which went so farre
vpwards, that they had neuer heard of any man who had gone to the head of
it, and that there is no other passage but with small boates. Our Captaine
hearing their talke, and how they did affirme no other passage to be
there, would not at that time proceede any further, till he had seene and
noted the other lands, and coast toward the North, which he had omitted to
see from S. Laurence his gulfe, because he would know, if between the
lands toward the North any passage anight be discouered.



Chap. 2. How our Captaine caused the ships to returne backe againe, only
to know if in Saint Laurence gulfe there were any passage toward the
North.


Vpon the 18 of August being Wednesday, our Captaine caused his shippes to
wind backe, and bend toward the other shore, so that we trended the said
Northerly cost, which runneth Northeast and Southwest, being fashioned
like vnto halfe a bowe, and is a very high land, but yet not so high as
that on the South parts. The Thursday following we came to seuen very high
Islands, which we named The round Islands. These Islands are distant from
the South shore about 40 leagues, and stretch out into the sea about 3 or
4 leagues. Against these there are goodly low grounds to be seene full of
goodly trees, which we the Friday following, with our boats compassed
about. Ouerthwart these lands there are diuers sandy shelues more then two
leagues into the sea, very dangerous, which at a low water remaine almost
dry. At the furthest bounds of these lowe lands, that containe about ten
leagues, there is a riuer of fresh water, that with such swiftnesse
runneth into the sea, that for the space of one league within it the water
is as fresh as any fountaine water. We with our boates entred in the sayd
riuer, at the entrance of which we found about one fadome and a halfe of
water. There are in this riuer many fishes shaped like horses, which as
our wild men told vs, all the day long lie in the water, and the night on
land: of which we saw therin a great number. (M117) The next day being the
21 of the moneth, by breake of day we hoysed saile, and sailed so long
along the said coast, that we had sight of the rest of the sayd Northerne
coast, which as yet we had not seene, and of the Island of the Assumption
which wee went to discouer, departing from the sayd land: which thing so
soone as we had done, and that we were certified no other passage to be
there, we came to our ships againe, which we had left at the said Islands,
where is a good harborough, the water being about nine or ten fadome.
(M118) In the same place by occasion of contrary winds and foggie mists,
we were constrained to stay, not being either able to come out of it, or
hoise saile, till the 24 of the moneth: On which day we departed and came
to a hauen on the Southerly coast about 80 leagues from the said Islands.
This hauen is ouer against three flat Islands that lie amidst the riuer,
because on the midway betweene those Islands, and the sayd hauen toward
the North, there is a very great riuer that runneth betweene the high and
low landes, and more then three leagues into the sea it hath many shelues,
and there is not altogether two fadome water, so that the place is very
dangerous: and neere vnto the said shelues, there is either fifteene or 20
fadomes from shore to shore. All the Northerly coaste runneth Northeast
and by North, and Southwest and by South. The said hauen wherin we stayed
on the South side, is as it were but a sluce of the waters that rise by
the flood, and but of smal accompt: we named them S. Iohns Islets, because
we found them, and entred into them the day of the beheading of that
Saint. And before you come to the said hauen, there is an Island lying
Eastward about 5 leagues distant from the same: betweene which and the
land there is no passage sauing only for smal boats. The hauen of S. Iohns
Islets dryeth vp all the waters that rise by flowing, although they flow
two fadome at the least. The best place to harborough ships therein is on
the South part of a little Island that is ouer against the said hauen,
whereby the bancke or shore of the Island riseth. (M119) Vpon the first of
September we departed out of the said hauen, purposing to go toward
Canada; and about 15 leagues from it toward the West, and Westsouthwest,
amidst the riuer, there are three Islands, ouer against the which there is
a riuer which runneth swift, and is of a great depth, and it is that which
leadeth, and runneth into the countrey and kingdome of Saguenay, as by the
two wild men of Canada it was told vs. This riuer passeth and runneth
along very high and steepe hils of bare stone, where very little earth is,
and notwithstanding there is great quantity of sundry sorts of trees that
grow in the said bare stones, euen as vpon good and fertile ground, in
such sort that we haue seene some so great as wel would suffise to make a
mast for a ship of 30 tunne burden, and as greene as possibly can be,
growing in a stony rocke without any earth at all. At the entrance of the
sayd riuer we met with 4 boats ful of wild men, which as far as we could
perceiue, very fearfully came toward vs, so that some of them went backe
againe, and the other came as neere vs as easily they might heare and
vnderstand one of our wild men, who told them his name, and then tooke
acquaintance of them, vpon whose word they came to vs. The next day being
the 2 of September, we came out of the sayd riuer to go to Canada, and by
reason of the seas flowing, the tide was very swift and dangerous, for
that on the South part of it there lie two Islands, about which, more then
three leagues compasse, lie many rocks and great stones, and but two
fadome water: and the flowing amidst those Islands is very vnconstant and
doubtful, so that if it had not bene for our boats, we had been in great
danger to lose our Pinnesse: and coasting along the said drie sands, there
is more then 30 fadom water.

About fiue leagues beyond the riuer of Saguenay Southwest, there is
another Iland on the Northside, wherein are certaine high lands, and
thereabouts we thought to haue cast anker, on purpose to stay the next
tide, but we could sound no ground in a 120 fadome, within a flight shoot
from shore, so that we were constrained to winde backe to the said Iland,
where wee sounded againe and found 35 fadome. The next morning we hoysed
saile and went thence, sayling further on, where we had notice of a
certaine kind of fish neuer before of any man seene or knowen. They are
about the bignesse of a porpose, yet nothing like them, of body very well
proportioned, headed like Grayhounds, altogither as white as snow without
any spot, within which riuer there is great quantitie of them: they doe
liue altogither betweene the Sea and the fresh water. These people of the
Countrey call them Adhothuys, they tolde vs that they be very sauory and
good to be eaten. Moreouer they affirme none to be found elsewhere but in
the mouth of that riuer. The sixth of the month, the weather being calme
and faire, we went about 15 leagues more vpward into the riuer, and there
lighted on an Iland that looketh Northward, and it maketh a little hauen
or creeke wherein are many and innumerable great Tortoyzes, continually
lying about that Iland. There are likewise great quantitie of the said
Adhothuys taken by the inhabitours of the countrey, and there is as great
a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France at euery tide. This
Iland is in length about three leagues, and in bredth two, and is a goodly
and fertile plot of ground, replenished with many goodly and great trees
of many sorts. (M120) Among the rest there are many Filberd-trees, which
we found hanging full of them, somewhat bigger and better in sauour then
ours, but somewhat harder, and therefore we called it The Iland of
Filberds. The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladies euen, after seruice
we went from that Iland to goe vp higher into the riuer, and came to 14
Ilands seuen or eight leagues from the Iland of Filberds, where the
countrey of Canada beginneth, one of which Ilands is ten leagues in
length, and fiue in bredth, greatly inhabited of such men as onely liue by
fishing of such sorts of fishes as the riuer affordeth, according to the
season of them. (M121) After we had cast anker betwene the said great
Iland, and the Northerly coast, we went on land and tooke our two wild men
with vs, meeting with many of these countrey people, who would not at all
approch vnto vs, but rather fled from vs, vntill our two men began to
speake vnto them, telling them that they were Taignoagoy and Domagaia, who
so soone as they had taken acquaintance of them, beganne greatly to
reioyce, dancing and shewing many sorts of ceremonies: and many of the
chiefest of them came to our boats and brought many Eeles and other sorts
of fishes, with two or three burdens of great Millet wherewith they make
their bread, and many great muske millions. The same day came also many
other boates full of those countreymen and women, to see and take
acquaintance of our two men, all which were as courteously receiued and
friendly entertained of our Captaine, as possibly could be. And to haue
them the better acquainted with him, and make them his friends, hee gaue
them many small gifts, but of small value: neuerthelesse they were greatly
contented with them. The next day following, the Lord of Canada (whose
proper name was Donnacona, but by the name of Lord they call him
Agouhanna) with twelue boats came to our ships, accompanied with many
people, who causing ten of his boates to goe backe with the other two,
approched vnto vs with sixteene men. Then beganne the said Agouhanna ouer
against the smallest of our ships, according to their maner and fashion,
to frame a long Oration, moouing all his bodie and members after a strange
fashion, which thing is a ceremonie and signe of gladnesse and securitie
among them, and then comming to the Generals ship, where Taignoagny and
Domagaia were, he spake with them and they with him, where they began to
tell and shew vnto him what they had seene in France, and what good
entertainement they had had: hearing which things the said Lord seemed to
be very glad thereof, and prayed our Captaine to reach him his arme, that
he might kisse it, which thing he did: their Lord taking it, laid it about
his necke, for so they vse to doe when they will make much of one. Then
our Captaine entred into Agouhannas boat, causing bread and wine to be
brought to make the said Lord and his companie to eate and drinke, which
thing they did, and were greatly thereby contented and satisfied. Our
Captaine for that time gaue them nothing, because he looked for a fitter
opportunity. These things being done, ech one tooke leaue of others, and
the said Lord went with his boats againe to his place of abode. Our
Captaine then caused our boates to be set in order, that with the next
tide he might goe vp higher into the riuer, to find some safe harborough
for our ships: and we passed vp the riuer against the streame about tenne
leagues, coasting the said Iland, at the end whereof, we found a goodly
and pleasant sound, where is a little riuer and hauen, where by reason of
the flood there is about three fadome water. (M122) This place seemed to
vs very fit and commodious to harbour our ships therein, and so we did
very safely, we named it the holy Crosse, for on that day we came thither.
(M123) Neere vnto it, there is a village, whereof Donnacona is Lord, and
there he keepeth his abode: it is called Stadacona, as goodly a plot of
ground as possibly may be seene, and therewithall very fruitfull, full of
goodly trees euen as in France, as Okes, Elmes, Ashes, Walnut trees, Maple
tres, Cydrons, Vines, and white Thornes, that bring foorth fruit as bigge
as any damsons, and many other sortes of trees, vnder which groweth as
faire tall hempe, as any in France, without any seede or any mans worke or
labour at all. Hauing considered the place, and finding it fit for our
purpose, our Captaine withdrew himselfe on purpose to returne to our
ships: but behold, as we were comming out of the riuer we met comming
against vs one of the Lords of the said village of Stadacona, accompanied
with many others, as men, women, and children, who after the fashion of
their country, in signe of mirth and ioy, began to make a long Oration,
the women still singing and dancing vp to the knees in water. Our Captaine
knowing their good will and kindnesse toward vs, caused the boat wherein
they were, to come vnto him, and gaue them certaine trifles, as kniues,
and beades of glasse, whereat they were maruellous glad, for being gone
about leagues from them, for the pleasure they concerned of our comming we
might heare them sing, and see them dance for all they were so farre.



Chap. 3. How our Captaine went to see and note the bignesse of the Iland,
and the nature of it, and then returned to the ships, causing them to be
brought to the riuer of The holy Crosse.


After we were come with our boats vnto our ships againe, our Captaine
caused our barks to be made readie to goe on land in the said Iland, to
note the trees that in shew seemed so faire, and to consider the nature
and qualitie of it: which things we did, and found it full of goodly trees
likes to ours. (M124) Also we saw many goodly Vines, a thing not before of
vs seene in those countries, and therefore we named it Bacchus Iland. It
is in length about twelue leagues, in sight very pleasant, but full of
woods, no part of it manured, vnlesse it be in certaine places, where a
few cottages be for Fishers dwellings as before we haue said. The next day
we departed with our ships to bring them to the place of the holy Crosse,
and on the 14 of that moneth we came thither, and the Lord Donnacona,
Taignoagny, and Domagaia, with 25 boats full of those people, came to
meete vs, comming from the place whence we were come, and going toward
Stadacona, where their abiding is, and all came to our ships, shewing
sundry and diuers gestures of gladnesse and mirth, except those two that
he had brought, to wit, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, who seemed to haue
altered and changed their mind, and purpose, for by no meanes they would
come vnto our ships, albeit sundry times they were earnestly desired to
doe it, whereupon we began to mistrust somewhat. Our Captaine asked them
if according to promise they would go with him to Hochelaga? They answered
yea, for so they had purposed, and then ech one withdrew himselfe. The
next day being the fifteenth of the moneth, our Captaine went on shore, to
cause certaine poles and piles to be driuen into the water, and set vp,
that the better and safelier we might harbour our ships there: and many of
those countrey people came to meete vs there, among whom was Donnacona and
our two men, with the rest of their company, who kept themselues aside
vnder a point or nooke of land that is vpon the shore of a certaine riuer,
and no one of them came vnto vs as the other did that were not on their
side. Our Captaine vnderstanding that they were there, commanded part of
our men to follow him, and he went to the saide point where he found the
said Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and diuers other: and after
salutations giuen on ech side, Taignoagny setled himselfe formost to
speake to our Captaine, saying that the Lord Donnacona did greatly grieue
and sorrow that our Captaine and his men did weare warlike weapons, and
they not. Our Captaine answered, that albeit it did greeue them yet would
not he leaue them off, and that (as he knew) it was the maner of France.
But for all these words our Captaine and Donnacona left not off to speake
one to another, and friendly to entertaine one another. Then did we
perceiue, that whatsoeuer Taignoagny spake, was onely long of himselfe and
of his fellow, for that before they departed thence our Captaine and
Donnacona entred into a maruellous stedfast league of friendship,
whereupon all his people at once with a loude voyce, cast out three great
cryes, (a horrible thing to heare) and each one hauing taken leaue of the
other for that day, we went aboord againe. The day following we brought
our two great shippes within the riuer and harborough, where the waters
being at the highest, are three fadome deepe, and at the lowest, but halfe
a fadome. We left our Pinnesse without the road to the end we might bring
it to Hochelaga. So soone as we had safely placed our ships, behold we saw
Donnacona, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with more then fiue hundred persons,
men, women and children, and the said Lord with ten or twelue of the
chiefest of the countrey came aboord of our ships, who were all
courteously receiued, and friendly entertained both of our Captaine and of
vs all: and diuers gifts of small value were giuen them. Then did
Taignoagny tell our Captaine, that his Lord did greatly sorrow that he
would go to Hochelaga, and that he would not by any meanes permit that any
of them should goe with him, because the riuer was of no importance. Our
Captaine answered him, that for all his saying, he would not leaue off his
going thither, if by any meanes it were possible, for that that he was
commanded by his king to goe as farre as possibly he could: and that if he
(that is to say Taignoagny) would goe with him, as he had promised, he
should be very well entertained, beside that, he should haue such a gift
giuen him, as he should well content himselfe: for he should doe nothing
else but goe with him to Hochelaga and come againe. To whom Taignoagny
answered, that he would not by any meanes goe, and thereupon they sodainly
returned to their houses. The next day being the 17 of September,
Donnacona and his company returned euen as at the first, and brought with
him many Eeles, with sundry sorts of other fishes, whereof they take great
store in the said riuer, as more largely hereafter shall be shewed. And as
soone as they were come to our ships, according to their wonted use they
beganne to sing and dance. This done, Donnacona caused all his people to
be set on the one side: then making a round circle vpon the sand he caused
our Captaine with all his people to enter thereinto, then he began to make
a long Oration, holding in one of his hands a maiden child of ten or
twelue yeeres old, which he presented vnto our Captaine: then sodainly
beganne all his people to make three great shreeks, or howles, in signe of
ioy and league of friendship: presently vpon that he did present vnto him
two other young male children one after another, but younger then the
other, at the giuing of which euen as before they gaue out shreeks and
howles very loud, with other cerimonies: for which presents, our Captaine,
gaue the saide Lorde great and hearty thankes. Then Taignoagny told our
Captaine, that one of the children was his owne brother, and that the
maiden child was daughter vnto the said Lords owne sister, and the
presents were only giuen him to the end he should not goe to Hochelaga at
all: to whom our Captaine answered, that if they were only giuen him to
that intent, if so he would, he should take them againe, for that by no
meanes he would leaue his going off, for as much as he was so commanded of
his King. But concerning this, Domagaia told our Captaine that their Lord
had giuen him those children as a signe and token of goodwill and
security, and that he was contented to goe with him to Hochelaga, vpon
which talke great wordes arose betweene Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which
we plainely perceiued that Taignoagny was but a crafty knaue, and that he
intended but mischiefe and treason, as well by this deede as others that
we by him had seene. After that our Captaine caused the said children to
be put in our ships, and caused two Swords and two copper Basons, the one
wrought, the other plaine, to be brought vnto him, and them he gaue to
Donnacona, who was therewith greatly contented, yeelding most heartie
thankes vnto our Captaine for them, and presently vpon that he commanded
all his people to sing and dance, and desired our Captaine to cause a
peece of artillerie to be shot off, because Taignoagny and Domagaia made
great brags of it, and had told them maruellous things, and also, because
they had neuer heard nor seene any before: to whom our Captaine answered,
that he was content: and by and by he commanded his men to shoot off
twelue cannons charged with bullets into the wood that was hard by those
people and ships, at whose noyse they were greatly astonished and amazed,
for they thought that heauen had fallen ypon them, and put themselues to
flight, howling, crying, and shreeking, so that it seemed hell was broken
loose. But before we went thence, Taignoagny caused other men to tell vs,
that those men which we had left in our Pinnesse in the road, had slaine
two men of their company, with a peece of ordinance that they had shot
off, whereupon the rest had put themselues all to flight, as though they
should all haue bene slaine: which afterward we found vntrue, because our
men had not shot off any peece at all that day.



Chap. 4. How Donnacona and Taignoagny with others, deuised a prettie
sleight or pollicie: for they caused three of their men to be attired like
Diuels, fayning themselues to be sent from their God Cudruaigny, onely to
hinder our voyage to Hochelaga.


The next day being the eighteenth of September, these men still endeuoured
themselues to seeke all meanes possible to hinder and let our going to
Hochelaga, and deuised a prettie guile, as hereafter shalbe shewed. They
went and dressed three men like Diuels, being wrapped in dogges skinnes
white and blacke, their faces besmeered as blacke as any coales, with
hornes on their heads more then a yard long, and caused them secretly to
be put in one of their boates, but came not neere our ships as they were
wont to doe, for they lay hidden within the wood for the space of two
houres, looking for the tide, to the end the boat wherein the Diuels were,
might approach and come neere vs, which when time was, came, and all the
rest issued out of the wood comming to vs, but yet not so neere as they
were wont to do. There began Taignoagny to salute our Captaine, who asked
him if he would haue the boate to come for him; he answered, not for that
time, but after a while he would come vnto our ships: then presently came
that boat rushing out, wherein the three counterfeit Diuels were with such
long hornes on their heads, and the middlemost came making a long Oration
and passed along our ships with out turning or looking toward vs, but with
the boat went toward the land. Then did Donnacona with all his people
pursue them, and lay hold on the boat and Diuels, who so soone as the men
were come to them, fell prostrate in the boate, euen as if they had beene
dead: then were they taken vp and carried into the wood, being but a
stones cast off, then euery one withdrew himselfe into the wood, not one
staying behind with vs, where being, they began to make a long discourse,
so loud that we might heare them in our ships, which lasted aboue halfe an
houre, and being ended we began to espie Taignoagny and Domagaia comming
towards vs, holding their hands vpward ioyned together, carying their hats
vnder their vpper garment, shewing a great admiration, and Taignoagny
looking vp to heauen, cryed three times Iesus, Iesus, Iesus, and Domagaia
doing as his fellow had done before, cryed, Iesus Maria, Iames Cartier.
Our Captaine hearing them, and seeing their gestures and ceremonies, asked
of them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew; they
answered, that there were very ill tydings befallen, saying in French,
Nenni est il bon, that is to say, it was not good: our Captaine asked them
againe what it was, then answered they, that their God Cudruaigny had
spoken in Hochleaga: and that he had sent those three men to shewe vnto
them that there was so much yce and snow in that countrey, that whosoeuer
went thither should die, which wordes when we heard, we laughed and mocked
them saying, that their God Cudruaigny was but a foole and a noddie, for
he knew not what he did or said; then bade we them shew his messengers
from vs, that Christ would defend them all from colde, if they would
beleeue in him. Then did they aske of our Captaine if he had spoken with
Iesus: he answered no, but that his Priests had, and that he told them
they should haue faire weather: which wordes when they had heard, they
thanked our Captaine, and departed toward the wood to tell those newes
vnto their felowes, who sodainly came all rushing out of the wood, seeming
to be very glad for those words that our Captaine had spoken, and to shew
that thereby they had had, and felt great ioy, so soone as they were
before our ships, they altogether gaue out three great shreekes, and
thereupon beganne to sing and dance, as they were wont to doe. But for a
resolution of the matter Taignoagny and Domagaia tolde our Captaine, that
their Lord Donnacona would by no meanes permit that any of them should goe
with him to Hochelaga vnlesse he would leaue him some hostage to stay with
him: our Captaine answered them, that if they would not goe with him with
a good will, they should stay, and that for all them he would not leaue
off his iourney thither.



Chap 5. How our Captaine with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners
departed with our Pinnesse, and the two boates from Canada to goe to
Hochelaga: and also there is described, what was seene by the way vpon the
said riuer.


(M125) The next day being the 19 of September we hoysed saile, and with
our Pinnesse and two boates departed to goe vp the riuer with the flood,
where on both shores of it we beganne to see as goodly a countrey as
possibly can with eye be seene, all replenished with very goodly trees,
and Vines laden as full of grapes as could be all along the riuer, which
rather seemed to haue bin planted by mans hand than otherwise. (M126) True
it is, that because they are not dressed and wrought as they should be,
their bunches of grapes are not so great nor sweete as ours: also we sawe
all along the riuer many houses inhabited of Fishers, which take all
kindes of fishes, and they came with as great familiaritie and kindnesse
vnto vs, as if we had beene their Countreymen, and brought vs great store
of fish, with other such things as they had, which we exchanged with them
for other wares, who lifting vp their hands toward heauen, gaue many
signes of ioy: we stayed at a place called Hochelai, about fiue and
twentie leagues from Canada, where the riuer waxeth very narrow, and
runneth very swift, wherefore it is very dangerous, not onely for that,
but also for certaine great stones that are therein. Many boates and
barkes came vnto vs, in one of which came one of the chiefe Lords of the
contrey, making a long discourse, who being come neere vs, did by evident
signes and gestures shew vs, that the higher the riuer went, the more
dangerous it was, and bade vs take heede of our selues. The said Lord
presented and gaue vnto our Capuine two of his owne children, of which our
Captaine tooke one being a wench 7 or 8 yeres old, the man child he gaue
him againe, because it was too yong, for it was but two or three yeeres
old. Our Captaine as friendly and as courteously as he could did
entertaine and receiue the said Lord and his company, giuing them certaine
small trifles, and so they departed toward the shore againe. Afterwards
the sayd Lord and his wife came vnto Canada to visite his daughter,
bringing vnto our Captaine certaine small presents. From the nineteenth
vntill the eight and twentieth of September, we sailed vp along the saide
riuer, neuer losing one houre of time, all which time we saw as goodly and
pleasant a countrey as possibly can be wished for, full (as we haue said
before) of all sorts of goodly trees, that is to say, Okes, Elmes,
Walnut-trees, Cedars, Firres, Ashes, Boxe, Willowes, and great store of
Vines, all as full of grapes as could be, so that if any of our fellowes
went on shore, they came home laden with them: there are likewise many
Cranes, Swannes, Geese, Duckes, Feasants, Partriges, Thrushes, Blackbirds,
Turtles, Finches, Redbreasts, Nightingales, Sparrowes of diuerse kindes,
with many other sorts of Birds, euen as in France, and great plentie and
store. (M127) Vpon the 28 of September we came to a great wide lake in the
middle of the riuer fiue or sixe leagues broad, and twelue long, all that
day we went against the tide, hauing but two fadome water, still keeping
the sayd scantling: being come to one of the heads of the lake, we could
espie no passage or going out, nay, rather it seemed to haue bene closed
and shut vp round about, and there was but a fadome and an halfe of water,
little more or lesse. And therefore we were constrayned to cast anker, and
to stay with our Pinnesse, and went with our two boates to seeke some
going out, and in one place we found foure or fiue branches, which out of
the riuer come into the lake, and they came from Hochelaga. But in the
said branches, because of the great fiercenesse and swiftnesse wherewith
they breake out, and the course of the water, they make certaine barres
and shoulds, and at that time there was but a fadome water. Those Shouldes
being passed, we found foure or fiue fadome, and as farre as we could
perceiue by the flood, it was that time of the yeere that the waters are
lowest, for at other times they flowe higher by three fadomes. All these
foure or fiue branches do compasse about fiue or sixe Ilands very
pleasant, which make the head of the lake: about fifteene leagues beyond,
they doe all come into one. That day we landed in one of the saide
Islands, and met with fiue men that were hunting of wilde beastes, who as
freely and familiarly came to our boates without any feare, as if we had
euer bene brought vp togither. Our boates being somewhat neere the shore,
one of them tooke our Captaine in his armes, and caried him on shore, as
lightly and as easily as if he had bene a child of fiue yeeres old: so
strong and sturdie was this fellow. (M128) We found that they had a great
heape of wild Rats that liue in the water, as bigge as a Conny, and very
good to eate, which they gaue vnto our Captaine, who for a recompence gaue
them kniues and glassen Beades. We asked them with signes if that was the
way to Hochelaga, they answered yea, and that we had yet three dayes
sayling thither.



Chap 6. How our Captaine caused our boates to be mended and dressed to goe
to Hochelaga: and because the way was somewhat difficult and hard, we left
our Pinnesse behinde: and how we came thither, and what entertainment we
had of the people.


(M129) The next day our Captaine seeing that for that time it was not
possible for our Pinnesse to goe on any further, he caused our boates to
be made readie, and as much munition and victuals to be put in them, as
they could well beare: he departed with them, accompanyed with many
Gentlemen, that is to say, Cladius of Ponte Briand, Cup-bearer to the
Lorde Dolphin of France, Charles of Pommeraye, Iohn Gouion, Iohn Powlet,
with twentie and eight Mariners: and Mace Iallobert, and William Briton,
who had the charge vnder the Captaine of the other two ships, to goe vp as
farre as they could into that riuer: we sayled with good and prosperous
weather vntill the second of October, on which day we came to the towne of
Hochelaga, distant from the place where we had left our Pinnesse fiue and
fortie leagues. In which place of Hochelaga, and (M130) all the way we
went, we met with many of those countriemen, who brought vs fish and such
other victuals as they had, still dancing and greatly reioycing at our
comming. Our Captaine to lure them in, and to keepe them our friends, to
recompence them, gaue them kniues, beades, and such small trifles,
wherewith they were greatly satisfied. So soone as we were come neere
Hochelaga, there came to meete vs aboue a thousand persons, men, women and
children, who afterward did as friendly and merily entertaine and receiue
vs as any father would doe his child, which he had not of long time seene,
the men dauncing on one side, the women on another, and likewise the
children on another: after that they brought vs great store of fish, and
of their bread made of Millet, casting them into our boates so thicke,
that you would haue thought it to fall from heauen. Which when our
Captaine sawe, he with many of his company went on shore: so soone as euer
we were aland they came clustring about vs, making very much of vs,
bringing their young children in their armes, onely to haue our Captaine
and his company to touch them, making signes and shewes of great mirth and
gladnesse, that lasted more than halfe an houre. Our Captaine seeing their
louing kindnesse and entertainment of vs, caused all the women orderly to
be set in aray, and gaue them Beades made of Tinne, and other such small
trifles, and to some of the men he gaue kniues: then he returned to the
boates to supper, and so passed that night, all which while all those
people stood on the shore as neere our boates as they might, making great
fires, and dauncing very merily, still crying Aguiaze, which in their
tonge signifieth Mirth and Safetie.



Chap. 7. How our Captaine with fiue gentlemen and twentie armed men all
well in order, went to see the towne of Hochelaga, and the situation of
it.


(M131) Ovr Captaine the next day very rarely in the morning, hauing very
gorgeously attired himselfe, caused all his company to be set in order to
go to see the towne and habitation of those people, and a certaine
mountaine that is somewhat neere the citie: with whom went also fiue
Gentlemen and twentie Mariners, leauing the rest to keepe and looke to our
boates: we tooke with vs three men of Hochelaga to bring vs to the place.
All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can
be, the fairest and best countrey that possibly can be seene, full of as
goodly great Okes as are in any wood in France, vnder which the ground was
all couered ouer with faire Akornes. (M132) After we had gone about foure
or fiue miles, we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the citie,
accompanied with many moe, who so soone as he sawe vs beckned and made
signes vpon vs, that we must rest vs in that place where they had made a
great fire, and so we did. After that we had rested our selues there a
while, the said Lord began to make a long discourse, euen as we haue saide
aboue, they are accustomed to doe in signe of mirth and friendship,
shewing our Captaine and all his company a ioyfull countenance, and good
will, who gaue him two hatchets, a paire of kniues and a crosse which he
made him to kisse, and then put it about his necke, for which he gaue our
Captaine heartie thankes. This done, we went along, and about a mile and a
halfe farther, we began to finde goodly and large fieldes, full of such
corne as the countrie yeeldieth. (M133) It is euen as the Millet of
Bresil, as great and somewhat bigger than small peason, wherewith they
liue euen as we doe with ours. (M134) In the midst of those fields is the
citie of Hochelaga, placed neere, and as it were ioyned to a great
mountaine that is tilled round about, very fertill, on the top of which
you may see very farre, we named it Mount Roiall. The citie of Hochelaga
is round, compassed about with timber; with three course of Rampires, one
within another framed like a sharpe Spire, but laide acrosse aboue. The
middlemost of them is made and built, as a direct line, but perpendicular.
The Rampires are framed and fashioned with peeces of timber, layd along on
the ground, very well and cunningly ioyned togither after their fashion.
This enclosure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or entrie
thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes, and barres. Ouer it, and also
in many places of the wall, there be places to runne along, and ladders to
get vp, all full of stones, for the defence of it. There are in the towne
about fiftie houses, about fiftie paces long, and twelue, or fifteene
broad, built all of wood, couered ouer with the barke of the wood as broad
as any boord, very finely and cunning ioyned togither. Within the said
houses, there are many roomes, lodgings and chambers. In the middest of
euery one there is a great Court, in the middle whereof they make their
fire. They liue in common togither: then doe the husbands, wiues and
children each one retire themselues to their chambers. They haue also on
the top of their houses certaine garrets, wherein they keepe their corne
to make their bread withall: they call it Carraconny, which they make as
hereafter shall follow. They haue certaine peeces of wood, made hollow
like those whereon we beat our hempe, and with certaine beetles of wood
they beat their corne to powder; then they make paste of it, and of the
paste, cakes or wreathes, then they lay them on a broad and hote stone,
and then couer it with hote stones, and so they bake their bread in stead
of Ouens. (M135) They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said
corne and also of pease and of beanes, whereof they haue great store, as
also with other fruits, as Muske-Millions, and very great Cowcumbers. They
haue also in their houses certaine vessels as bigge as any But or Tun,
wherein they preserue and keepe their fish, causing the same in sommer to
be dried in the sunne, and liue therewith in winter, whereof they make
great prouision, as we by experience haue seene. All their viands and
meates are without any taste or sauour of salt at all. They sleepe vpon
barkes of trees laide all along vpon the ground being ouer-spread with the
skinnes of certaine wilde Beastes, wherewith they also cloth and couer
themselues. The thing most precious that they haue in all the world they
call Asurgny: it is as white as any snow: they take it in the said riuer
of Cornibotz, in the maner folowing. When any one hath deserued death, or
that they take any of their enemies in Warres, first they kill him, then
with certaine kniues they giue great slashes and strokes vpon their
buttocks, flankes, thighs, and shoulders: then they cast the same bodie so
mangled downe to the bottome of the riuer, in a place where the said
Esurgny is, and there leaue it ten or 12 houres, then they take it vp
againe, and in the cuts find the said Esurgny or Cornibotz. Of them they
make beads, and weare them about their necks, euen as we doe chaines of
gold and siluer, accounting it the preciousest thing in the world. (M136)
They haue this vertue and propertie in them, they will stop or stanch
bleeding at the nose, for we haue prooued it. These people are giuen to no
other exercise, but onely to husbandrie and fishing for their sustenance:
they haue no care of any other wealth or commoditie in this world, for
they haue no knowledge of it, and that is, because they neuer trauell and
go out of their countrey, as those of Canada and Saguenay doe, albeit the
Canadians with eight or nine Villages more alongst the riuer be subiects
vnto them.



Chap. 8. How we came to the Towne of Hochelaga, and the entertainement
which there we had, and of certaine gifts which our Captaine gaue them,
with diuers other things.


So soone as we were come neere the Towne, a great number of the
inhabitants thereof came to present themselues before vs after their
fashion, making very much of vs: we were by our guides brought into the
middest of the towne. They haue in the middlemost part of their houses a
large square place, being from side to side a good stones cast, whither we
were brought, and there with signes were commanded to stay: then suddenly
all the women and maidens of the towne gathered themselues together, part
of which had their armes full of young children, and as many as could came
to rubbe our faces, our armes, and what part of the bodie soeuer they
could touch, weeping for very ioy that they saw vs, shewing vs the best
countenance that possibly they could, desiring vs with their signes, that
it would please vs to touch their children. That done, the men caused the
women to withdraw themselues backe, then they euery one sate downe on the
ground round about vs, as if they would haue shewen and rehearsed some
Comedie or other shew: then presently came the women againe, euery one
bringing a foure square Matte in manner of Carpets, and spreading them
abroad on the ground in that place, they caused vs to sit vpon them. That
done, the the Lord and King of the countrey was brought vpon 9 or 10 mens
shoulders, (whom in their tongue they call Agouhanna) sitting vpon a great
Stagges skinne, and they laide him downe vpon the foresaid mats neere to
the Captaine euery one beckning vnto vs that hee was their Lord and King.
This Agouhanna was a man about fiftie yeeres old: he was no whit better
apparelled then any of the rest, onely excepted, that he had a certaine
thing made of the skinnes of Hedgehogs like a red wreath, and that was in
stead of his Crowne. He was full of the palsie, and his members shronke
togither. After he had with certaine signes saluted our Captaine and all
his companie, and by manifest tokens bid all welcome, he shewed his legges
and armes to our Captaine, and with signes desired him to touch them, and
so he did, rubbing them with his owne hands: then did Agouhanna take the
wreath or crowne he had about his head, and gaue it vnto our Captaine:
that done they brought before him diuers diseased men, some blinde, some
criple, some lame and impotent, and some so old that the haire of their
eyelids came downe and couered their cheekes, and layd them all along
before our Captaine, to the end they might of him be touched: for it
seemed vnto them that God was descended and come downe from heauen to
heale them. Our Captaine seeing the misery and deuotion of this poore
people, recited the Gospel of Saint Iohn, that is to say, In the beginning
was the word; touching euery one that were diseased, praying to God that
it would please him to open the hearts of this poore people, and to make
them know his holy word, and that they might receiue Baptisme and
Christendome: that done, he tooke a Seruice-booke in his hand, and with a
loud voyce read all the passion of Christ, word by word that all the
standers by might heare him: all which while this poore people kept
silence, and were maruellously attentiue, looking vp to heauen, and
imitating vs in gestures. Then he caused the men all orderly to be set on
one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on an other, and
to the chiefest of them he gaue hatchets, to the other kniues, and to the
women beads and such other small trifles. Then where the children were, he
cast rings, counters, and brooches made of Tin, whereat they seemed to be
very glad. That done, our Captaine commanded Trumpets and other musicall
instruments to be sounded, which when they heard, they were very merie.
Then we tooke our leaue and went to our boate: the women seeing that, put
themselues before to stay vs, and brought vs out of their meates that they
had made readie for vs, as fish, pottage beanes, and such other things,
thinking to make vs eate, and dine in that place: but because the meates
had no sauour at all of salt, we liked them not, but thanked them, and
with signes gaue them to vnderstand that we had no neede to eate. When wee
were out of the Towne, diuerse of the men and women followed vs, and
brought vs to the toppe of the foresaid mountaine, which we named Mount
Roiall, it is about a league from the Towne. (M137)

When as we were on the toppe of it, we might discerne and plainly see
thirtie leagues about. On the Northside of it there are many hilles to be
seene running West and East, and as many more on the South, amongst and
betweene the which the Countrey is as faire and as pleasant as possibly
can be seene, being leuell, smooth, and very plaine, fit to be husbanded
and tilled: and in the middest of those fieldes we saw the riuer further
vp a great way then where we had left our boates, where was the greatest
and the swiftest fall of water that any where hath beene seene, and as
great, wide, and large as our sight might discerne, going Southwest along
three faire and round mountaines that wee sawe, as we judged about
fifteene leagues from vs. Those which brought vs thither tolde and shewed
vs, that in the sayd riuer there were three such falles of water more, as
that was where we had left our boates: but because we could not vnderstand
their language, we could not knowe how farre they were from one another.
(M138)

(M139) Moreouer they shewed vs with signes, that the said three fals being
past, a man might sayle the space of three monethes more alongst that
Riuer, and that along the hilles that are on the North side there is a
great riuer, which (euen as the other) commeth from the West, we thought
it to be the riuer that runneth through the Countrey of Saguenay: and
without any signe or question mooued or asked of them, they tooke the
chayne of our Captaines whistle, which was of siluer, and the dagger haft
of one of our fellow Mariners, hanging on his side being of yellow copper
guilt, and shewed vs that such stuffe came from the said Riuer, and that
there be Agouionda, that is as much to say, as euill people, who goe all
armed euen to their finger ends. Also they shewed vs the manner and making
of their armour: they are made of cordes and wood, finely and cunningly
wrought togither. They gaue vs also to vnderstande that those Agouionda
doe continually warre one against another, but because we did not
vnderstand them well, we could not perceiue how farre it was to that
Countrey. Our Captaine shewed them redde Copper, which, in their language
they call Caignetadze, and looking towarde that Countrey, with signes
asked them if any came from thence, they shaking their heads answered no:
but they shewed vs that it came from Saguenay, and that lyeth cleane
contrary to the other. After we had heard and seene these things of them,
we drewe to our boates accompanied with a great multitude of those people:
some of them when as they sawe any of our fellowes weary, would take them
vp on their shoulders, and carry them as on horsebacke. So soone as we
came to our boates we hoysed saile to goe toward our Pinnesse, doubting of
some mischance. Our departure grieued and displeased them very much, for
they followed vs along the riuer as farre as they could: we went so fast
that on Munday being the fourth of October wee came where our Pinnesse
was. The Tuesday following being the fift of the moneth, we hoysed saile,
and with our Pinnesse and boates departed from thence toward the Prouince
of Canada, to the port of the Holy Crosse, where we had left our ships.
The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North, and
entred into that riuer, at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands
full of faire and goodly trees: we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz:
But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the
riuer, our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be
set vp, and commanded the boates to be made readie, that with the next
tide he might goe vp the saide riuer, and consider the qualitie of it,
which wee did, and that day went vp as farre as we could: but because we
found it to be of no importance, and very shallow, we returned and sayled
down the riuer.



Chap. 9. How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse, and in what state we
found our ships: and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our
Captaine, and our Captaine him: and of certaine particular customes of the
people.


Vpon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Holy
Crosse, where our ships were, and found that the Masters and Mariners we
had left there, had made and reared a trench before the ships, altogether
closed with great peeces of timber set vpright and verywell fastened
togither: then had they beset the said trench about with peeces of
Artillerie and other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues
from the power of all the countrey. So soone as the Lord of the countrey
heard of our comming, the next day being the twelfth of October, he came
to visite vs, accompanied with Taignoagny, Domagaia, and many others,
fayning to be very glad of our comming, making much of our Captaine, who
as friendly as he could, entertained them, albeit they had not deserued
it. Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see
Canada, which he promised to doe: for the next day being the 13 of the
moneth, he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed,
went to visite Donnacona and his people, about a league from our ships.
The place where they make their abode is called Stadaoona. When we were
about a stones cast from their houses, many of the inhabitants came to
meete vs, being all set in a ranke, and (as their custome is) the men all
on one side, and the women on the other, still dancing and singing without
any ceasing: and after we had saluted and receiued one another, our
Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things: then he caused
all the women and children to passe along before him, giuing each one a
ring of Tin, for which they gaue him hearty thankes: that done, our
Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny, brought to see their houses,
which (the qualitie considered) were very well prouided, and stored with
such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth, to passe away the winter withall.
(M140) Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boards
as we do vse parchment: Donnacona told vs that they were skins of
Toudamani, a people dwelling toward the South, who continually doe warre
against them. Moreouer they told vs, that it was two yeeres past that
those Toudamans came to assault them, yea euen into the said riuer, in an
Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay, where they had bin the night
before, as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo, with 200 persons, men,
women, and children, who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made,
they were assaulted by the said Toudamans, who put fire round about the
Fort, and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues, they were
all slaine, only fiue excepted, who escaped. For which losse they yet
sorrowed, shewing with signes, that one day they would be reuenged: that
done, we came to our ships againe.



Chap. 10. The maner how the people of that Countrey liue: and of certaine
conditions: of their faith, maners, and customes.


This people beleeue no whit in God, but in one whom they call Cudruaigni:
they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather
shal follow, whether good or bad. Moreouer they say, that when he is angry
with them he casteth dust into their eyes: they beleeue that when they die
they go into the stars, and thence by litle and little descend downe into
the Horizon, euen as the stars doe, and that then they goe into certaine
greene fields full of goodly faire and precious trees, floures, and
fruits. After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand, we shewed
them their error, and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them, for
he is but a Diuell and an euill spirit: affirming vnto them, that there is
but one onely God, who is in heauen, and who giueth vs all necessaries,
being the Creatour of all himselfe, and that onely we must beleeue in him:
moreouer, that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised, otherwise wee are
damned into hell. (M141) These and many other things concerning our faith
and religion we shewed them, all which they did easily beleeue, calling
their Cudruaigni, Agouiada, that is to say, nought, so that very earnestly
they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be
baptised, and their Lorde, and Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of
the towne came vnto vs, hoping to be baptised: but because we did not
throughly know their minde, and that there was no bodie could teach them
our beliefe and religion, we excused our selues, desiring Taignoagny, and
Domagaia, to tell the rest of their countreymen, that he would come againe
another time, and bring Priests and chrisome with vs, for without them
they could not be baptised: which they did easily beleeue, for Domagaia
and Taignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they
were there. Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad.
They liue in common togither: and of such commodities as their countrey
yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored, the inhabitants of the
countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts, but
very miserably. In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts
skins, and in Sommer they goe barefooted. They keepe and obserue the rites
of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or 3 wiues, which (their
husbands being dead) do neuer marrie againe, but for the death of their
husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life,
besmearing al their faces with cole dust and grease mingled togither as
thicke as the backe of a knife, and by that they are knowen to be
widdowes. They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their
maidens, and that is this, they put them all (after they are of lawfull
age to marry) in a common place, as harlots free for euery man that will
haue to doe with them, vntill such time as they find a match. This I say,
because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those Damosels,
euen as our schooles are full of children in France to learne to reade.
Moreouer, the misrule and riot that they keepe in those houses is very
great, for very wantonly they sport and dally togither, shewing whatsoever
God hath sent them. They are no men of great labour. They digge their
grounds with certaine peeces of wood, as bigge as halfe a sword, on which
ground groweth their corne, which they call Offici: it is as bigge as our
small peason: there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill. (M142)
They haue also great store of Muske-milions, Pompions, Gourds, Cucumbers,
Peason and Beanes of euery colour, yet differing from ours. There groweth
also a certaine kind of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make great prouision
for all the yeere, making great account of it, and onely men vse of it,
and first they cause it to be dried in the Sunne, then weare it about
their neckes wrapped in a little beasts skinne made like a little bagge,
with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe: then when they please
they make pouder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the said
Cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire vpon it, at the other ende sucke
so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it commeth
out of their mouth and nostrils, euen as out of the Tonnell of a chimney.
They say that this doth keepe them warme and in health: they neuer goe
without some of it about them. We ourselues haue tryed the same smoke, and
hauing put it in our mouthes, it seemed almost as hot as Pepper. The women
of that countrey doe labour much more then the men, as well in fishing
(whereto they are greatly giuen) as in tilling and husbanding their
grounds, and other things: as well the men as women and children, are very
much more able to resist cold then sauage beastes, for wee with our owne
eyes haue seene some of them, when it was coldest (which cold was extreme
raw and bitter) come to our ships starke naked going vpon snow and yce,
which thing seemeth incredible to them that haue not seene it. When as the
snow and yce lyeth on the ground, they take great store of wilde beasts,
as Faunes, Stags, Beares, Marterns, Hares and Foxes, with diuers other
sorts whose flesh they eate raw, hauing first dried it in the sunne or
smoke, and so they doe their fish. As farre foorth as we could perceiue
and vnderstand by these people, it were a very easie thing to bring them
to some familiaritie and ciuility, and make them learne what one would.
The Lord God for his mercies sake set thereunto his helping hand when he
seeth cause. Amen.



Chap. 11. Of the greatnesse and depth of the said riuer, and of the sorts
of beasts, birdes, fishes, and other things that we haue seene, with the
situation of the place.


The said riuer beginneth beyond the Iland of the Assumption, ouer against
the high mountaines of Hognedo, and of the seuen Ilands. The distance ouer
from one side to the other is about 35 or 40 leagues. In the middest it is
aboue 200 fadome deepe. The surest way to sayle vpon it is on the South
side. And toward the North, that is to say, from the said 7 Ilands, from
side to side, there is seuen leagues distance, where are also two great
riuers that come downe from the hils of Saguenay, and make diuers very
dangerous shelues in the Sea. At the entrance of those two riuers we saw
many and great store of Whales and Sea horses. Ouerthwart the said Islands
there is another little riuer that runneth along those marrish grounds
about 3 or 4 leagues, wherein there is great store of water foules. (M143)
From the entrance of that riuer to Hochelaga there is about 300 leagues
distance: the originall beginning of it is in the riuer that commeth from
Saguenay, which riseth and springeth among high and steepe hils: it
entreth into that riuer before it commeth to the Prouince of Canada on the
North side. That riuer is very deepe, high, and streight, wherefore it is
very dangerous for any vessell to goe vpon it. After that riuer followeth
the Prouince of Canada, wherein are many people dwelling in open boroughes
and villages. There are also in the circuit and territorie of Canada,
along, and within the said riuer, many other Ilands, some great, and some
small, among which there is one that containeth aboue ten leagues in
length, full of goodly and high trees, and also many Vines. You may goe
into it from both sides, but yet the surest passage is on the South side.
On the shore or banke of that riuer Westward, there is a goodly, faire,
and delectable bay or creeke, conuenient and fit for to harborough ships.
Hard by there is in that riuer one place very narrow, deepe, and swift
running, but it is not passing the third part of a league, ouer against
the which there is a goodly high piece of land, with a towne therein: and
the countrey about it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as
possibly can be seene. That is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of
our two men we tooke in our first voyage, it is called Stadacona. But
before we come to it, there are 4 other peopled townes, that is to say,
Ayraste, Starnatan, Tailla, which standeth vpon a hill, Scitadin, and then
Stadagona, vnder which towne toward the North the riuer and port of the
holy crosse is, where we staied from the 15 of September, vntil the 16 of
May 1536, and there our ships remained dry, as we haue said before. That
place being past, we found the habitation of the people called
Teguenondahi, standing vpon an high mountaine, and the valley of Hochelay,
which standeth in a Champaigne countrey. All the said countrey on both
sides of the riuer as farre as Hochelay and beyond, is as faire and plaine
as euer was seene. (M144) There are certain mountaines farre distaines
diuers riuers descend, which fall into the said riuer. All that countrey
is full of sundry sorts of wood and many Vines, vnless it be about the
places that are inhabited, where they haue pulled vp the trees to till and
labour the ground, and to build their houses and lodgings. (M145) There is
great store of Stags, Deere, Beares, and other such sorts of beasts, as
Connies, Hares, Marterns, Foxes, Otters, Beares, Weasels, Badgers, and
Rats exceeding great and diuers other sortes of wilde beasts. They cloth
themselues with the skinnies of those beasts, because they haue nothing
else to make them apparell withall. (M146) There are also many sorts of
birdes, as Cranes, Swannes, Bustards, wild Geese white and grey, Duckes,
Thrushes, Blackbirdes, Turtles, wilde Pigeons, Lenites, Finches,
Red-breasts, Stares, Nightingales, Sparrowes, and other Birdes, euen as in
France. (M147) Also, as we haue said before, the said riuer is the
plentifullest of fish that euen hath of any man bene seene or heard of,
because that from the mouth to the end of it, according to their seasons,
you shall finde all sorts of fresh water fish and salt. There are also
many Whales, Porposes, Seahorses, and Adhothuis, which is a kind of fish
that we had neuer seene or heard of before. They are as great as Porposes,
as white as any snow, their bodie and head fashioned as a grayhound, they
are wont alwaies to abide between the fresh and salt water, which
beginneth betweene the riuer of Saguenay and Canada.



Chap. 12. Of certaine aduertisements and notes giuen vnto vs by those
countreymen, after our returne from Hochelaga.


After our returne from Hochelaga, we dealt, traffickt, and with great
familiaritie and loue were conuersant with those that dwelt neerest vnto
our ships, except that sometimes we had strife and contention with
certaine naughtie people, full sore against the will of the others. Wee
vnderstood of Donnacona and of others, that the said riuer is called the
riuer of Saguenay, and goeth to Sagnenay, being somewhat more then a
league farther Westnorthwest, and that 8 or 9 dayes journeys beyond, it
will beare but small boats. (M148) But the right and ready way to Saguenay
is vp that way to Hochelaga, and then into another that commeth from
Saguenay, and then entreth into the foresaid riuer, and that there is yet
one moneths sayling thither. (M149) Moreouer, they told vs and gave vs to
vnderstand, that there are people clad with cloth as we are, very honest,
and many inhabited townes, and that they haue great store of Gold and red
Copper: (M150) and that about the land beyond the said first riuer to
Hochelaga and Saguenay, is an Iland enuironed round about with that and
other riuers, and that beyond Saguenay the said riuer entereth into two or
3 great lakes, and that there is a Sea of fresh water found, and as they
haue heard say of those of Sanguenay, there was neuer man heard of that
found out the end thereof: for, as they told vs, they themselues were
neuer there. Moreouer they told vs, that where we had left our Pinnesse
when wee went to Hochelaga, there is a riuer that goeth Southwest, from
whence there is a whole moneths sayling to goe to a certaine land, where
there is neither yce nor snow seene, where the inhabitants doe continually
warre one against another, where there is great store of Oranges, Almonds,
Nuts, and Apples, with many other sorts of fruits, and that the men and
women are clad with beasts skinnes euen as they: we asked them if there
were any gold or red copper, they answered no. I take this place to be
toward Florida, as farre as I could perceiue and vnderstand by their
signes and tokens.



Chap. 13. Of a strange and cruell disease that came to the people of
Stadacona, wherewith because we did haunt their company, we were so
infected, that there died 25 of our company.


In the moneth of December, wee vnderstood that the pestilence was come
among the people of Stadacona, in such sort, that before we knew of it,
according to their confession, there were dead aboue 50: whereupon we
charged them neither to come neere our Fort, nor about our ships, or vs.
And albeit we had driuen them from vs, the said vnknowen sicknes began to
spread itselfe amongst vs after the strangest sort that euer was eyther
heard of or seene, insomuch as some did lose all their strength, and could
not stand on their feete, then did their legges swel, their sinnowes
shrinke as blacke as any cole. Others also had all their skins spotted
with spots of blood of a purple coulour: then did it ascend vp to their
ankels, knees, thighes, shoulders, and necke: their mouth became
stincking, their gummes so rotten, that all the flesh did fall off, even
to the rootes of the teeth, which did also almost all fall out. With such
infection did this sicknesse spread itselfe in our three ships, that about
the middle of February, of a hundreth and tenne persons that we were,
there were not ten whole, so that one could not help the other, a most
horrible and pitifull case, considering the place we were in, forsomuch as
the people of the countrey would dayly come before our fort, and saw but
few of vs. There were alreadie eight dead, and more then fifty sicke, and
as we thought, past all hope of recouery. Our Captaine seeing this our
misery, and that the sicknesse was gone so farre, ordained and commanded,
that euery one should deuoutly prepare himselfe to prayer, and in
remembrance of Christ, caused his Image to be set vpon a tree, about a
flight shot from the fort amidst the yce and snow, giuing all men to
vnderstand, that on the Sunday following, seruice should be said there,
and that whosoeuer could goe, sicke or whole, should goe thither in
Procession, singing the seuen Psalmes of Dauid, with other Letanies,
praying most heartily that it would please the said our Christ to haue
compassion vpon vs. Seruice being done, and as well celebrated as we
could, our Captaine there made a vow, that if it would please God to giue
him leaue to returne into France, he would go on Pilgrimage to our Ladie
of Rocquemado. That day Philip Rougemont, borne in Amboise, died, being 22
yeeres olde, and because the sicknesse was to vs vnknowen, our Captaine
caused him to be ripped to see if by any meanes possible we might know
what it was, and so seeke meanes to saue and preserue the rest of the
company: he was found to have his heart white, but rotten, and more then a
quart of red water about it: his liuer was indifferent faire, but his
lungs blacke and mortified, his blood was altogither shrunke about the
heart, so that when he was opened great quantitie of rotten blood issued
out from about his heart: his milt toward the backe was somewhat perished,
rough as it had bene rubbed against a stone. Moreouer, because one of his
thighs was very blacke without, it was opened, but within it was whole and
sound: that done, as well as we could he was buried. In such sort did the
sicknesse continue and increase, that there were not aboue three sound men
in the ships, and none was able to goe vnder hatches to draw drinke for
himselfe, nor for his fellowes. Sometimes we were constrained to bury some
of the dead vnder the snow, because we were not able to digge any graues
for them the ground was so hard frozen, and we so weake. Besides this, we
did greatly feare that the people of the countrey would perceiue our
weaknesse and miserie, which to hide, our Captaine, whom it pleased God
alwayes to keepe in health, would go out with two or three of the company,
some sicke and some whole, whom when he saw out of the Fort, he would
throw stones at them and chide them, faigning that so soone as he came
againe, he would beate them, and then with signes shewe the people of the
countrey that hee caused all his men to worke and labour in the ships,
some in calking them, some in beating of chalke, some in one thing, and
some in another, and that he would not haue them come foorth till their
worke was done. And to make his tale seeme true and likely, he would make
all his men whole and sound to make a great noyse with knocking stickes,
stones, hammers, and other things togither, at which time we were so
oppressed and grieued with that sicknesse, that we had lost all hope euer
to see France againe, if God of his infinite goodnesse and mercie had not
with his pitifull eye looked vpon vs, and reuealed a singular and
excellent remedie against all diseases vnto vs, the best that euer was
found vpon earth, as hereafter shall follow.



Chap. 14. How long we stayed in the Port of the holy Crosse amidst the
snow and yce, and how many died of the said disease, from the beginning of
it to the midst of March.


From the midst of Nouember vntill the midst of March, we were kept in
amidst the yce aboue two fadomes thicke, and snow aboue foure foot high
and more, higher then the sides of our ships, which lasted till that time,
in such sort, that all our drinkes were frozen in the Vessels, and the yce
through all the ships was aboue a hand breadth thicke, as well aboue
hatches as beneath, and so much of the riuer as was fresh, euen to
Hochelaga, was frozen, in which space there died fiue and twentie of our
best and chiefest men, and all the rest were so sicke, that wee thought
they should neuer recouer againe, only three or foure excepted. Then it
pleased God to cast his pitiful eye vpon vs, and sent us the knowledge of
remedie of our healthes and recouerie, in such maner as in the next
Chapter shall be shewed.



Chap. 15. How by the grace of God we had notice of a certaine tree,
whereby we all recouered our health: and the maner how to vse it.


Ovr Captaine considering our estate (and how that sicknesse was encreased
and hot amongst vs) one day went foorth of the Forte, and walking vpon the
yce, hee saw a troupe of those Countreymen comming from Stadacona, among
which was Domagaia, who not passing ten or twelue dayes afore, had bene
very sicke with that disease, and had his knees swolne as bigge as a
childe of two yeres old, all his sinews shrunke together, his teeth
spoyled, his gummes rotten, and stinking. Our Captaine seeing him whole
and sound, was thereat maruellous glad, hoping to vnderstand and know of
him how he had healed himselfe, to the end he might ease and help his men.
So soone as they were come neere him, he asked Domagaia how he had done to
heale himselfe: he answered, that he had taken the juice and sappe of the
leaues of a certain Tree, and therewith had healed himselfe: For it is a
singular remedy against that disease. Then our Captaine asked of him if
any were to be had thereabout, desiring him to shew him, for to heale a
seruant of his, who whilest he was in Canada with Donnacona, was striken
with that disease: That he did because he would not shew the number of his
sicke men. Domagaia straight sent two women to fetch some of it, which
brought ten or twelue branches of it, and therewithall shewed the way how
to vse it, and that is thus, to take the barke and leaues of the sayd
tree, and boile them togither, then to drinke of the sayd decoction euery
other day, and to put the dregs of it vpon his legs that is sicke:
moreouer, they told vs, that the vertue of that tree was, to heale any
other disease: the tree is in their language called Ameda or Hanneda, this
is thought to be the Sassafras tree. (M151) Our Captaine presently caused
some of that drink to be made for his men to drink of it, but there was
none durst tast of it, except one or two, who ventured the drinking of it,
only to tast and proue it; the other seeing that did the like, and
presently recovered their health, and were deliuered of that sickenes, and
what other disease soeuer, in such sorte, that there were some had bene
diseased and troubled with the French Pockes foure or fiue yeres, and with
this drinke were cleane healed. After this medicine was found and proued
to be true, there was such strife about it, who should be first to take
it, that they were ready to kill one another, so that a tree as big as any
Oake in France was spoiled and lopped bare, and occupied all in fiue or
sixe daies, and it wrought so wel, that if all the phisicians of
Mountpelier and Louaine had bene there with all the drugs of Alexandria,
they would not haue done so much in one yere, as that tree did in sixe
dayes, for it did so preuail, that as many as vsed of it, by the grace of
God recouered their health.



Chap. 16. How the Lord Donnacona accompanied with Taignoagny and diuers
others, faining that they would goe to hunt Stags, and Deere, taried out
two moneths, and at their returne brought a great multitude of people with
them, that we were not wont to see before.


While that disease lasted in our ships the lord Donnacona, Taignoagny,
with many others went from home, faining that they would goe to catch
Stags and Deere, which are in their tongue called Aiounesta, and
Asquenoudo, because the yce and snow was not so broken along the riuer
that they could sayle: it was told vs of Domagaia and others, that they
would stay out but a fortnight, and we beleeued it, but they stayed aboue
two moneths, which made vs mistrust that they had bene gone to raise the
countrey to come against vs, and do vs some displeasure, we seeing our
selues so weake and faint. (M152) Albeit we had vsed such diligence and
policie in our Fort, that if all the power of the countrey had bene about
it, they could haue done nothing but looke vpon vs: and whilest they were
foorth, many of the people came dayly to our ships, and brought vs fresh
meat, as Stags, Deere, fishes, with diuers other things, but held them at
such an excessiue price, that rather then they would sell them any thing
cheape, many times they would carie them backe againe, because that yere
the Winter was very long, and they had some scarcity and neede of them.



Chap. 17. How Donnacona came to Stadacona againe with a great number of
people, and because he would not come to visit our Captaine, fained
himselfe to be sore sicke, which he did only to haue the Captaine come see
him.


On the one and twentieth day of April Domagaia came to the shore side,
accompanied with diuers lusty and strong men, such as we were not wont to
see, and tolde vs that their lord Donnacona would the next day come and
see vs, and bring great store of Deeres flesh, and other things with him.
The next day he came and brought a great number of men to Stadacona, to
what end, and for what cause wee knew not, but (as the prouerb sayth) hee
that takes heede and shields himselfe from all men, may hap to scape from
some: for we had need to looke about vs, considering how in number we were
diminished, and in strength greatly weakned, both by reason of our
sicknesse and also of the number that were dead, so that we were
constrained to leaue one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our
Captaine was warned of their comming, and how they had brought a great
number of men with them, for Domagaia came to tell it vs, and durst not
passe the riuer that was betwixt Stadacona and vs, as he was wont to doe,
whereupon we mistrusted some treason. Our Captaine seeing this sent one of
his seruants to them, accompanied with Iohn Poulet being best beloued of
those people, to see who were there, and what they did. The sayd Poulet
and the other fained themselues onely to be come to visit Donnacona, and
bring him certaine presents, because they had beene together a good while
in the sayd Donnaconas Towne. So soone as he heard of their comming, he
got himselfe to bed, faining to bee very sicke. That done, they went to
Taignoagny his house to see him, and wheresoeuer they went, they saw so
many people, that in a maner one could not stirre for another, and such
men as they were neuer wont to see. Taignoagny would not permit our men to
enter into any other houses, but still kept them company, and brought them
halfe way to their ships, and tolde them that if it would please our
captaine to shew him so much fauour as to take a Lord of the Countrey,
whose name was Agonna, of whom hee had receiued some displeasure, and
carie him with him into France, he should therefore for euer be bound vnto
him, and would doe for him whatsoeuer hee would command him, and bade the
seruant come againe the next day, and bring an answere. Our Captaine being
aduertised of so many people that were there, not knowing to what end,
purposed to play a prettie prancke, that is to say, to take their Lord
Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and some more of the chiefest of them
prisoners, in so much as before hee had purposed, to bring them into
France, to shew vnto our King what he had seene in those Westerne (M153)
parts, and maruels of the world, for that Donnacona had told vs, that he
had bene in the Countrey of Saguenay, in which are infinite Rubies, Gold,
and other riches, and that there are white men, who clothe themselues with
woollen cloth euen as we doe in France. (M154) Moreover he reported, that
hee had bene in another countrey of a people called Piquemians, and other
strange people. The sayd Lord was an olde man, and euen from his
childehood had neuer left off nor ceased from trauailing into strange
Countreys, as well by water and riuers, as by lande. The sayd Poulet and
the other hauing tolde our Captaine their Embassage, and shewed him what
Taignoagny his will was, the next day he sent his seruant againe to bid
Taignoagny come and see him, and shewe what hee should, for he should be
very well entertained, and also part of his will should be accomplished.
Taignoagny sent him word, that the next day hee would come and bring the
Lord Donnacona with him, and him that had so offended him, which hee did
not, but stayed two dayes, in which time none came from Stadacona to our
shippes, as they were wont to doe, but rather fled from vs, as if we would
have slaine them, so that then wee plainely perceiued their knauery.

(M155) But because they vnderstood, that those of Sidatin did frequent our
company, and that we had forsaken the bottome of a ship which we would
leaue, to haue the olde nailes out of it, the third day following they
came from Stadacona, and most of them without difficulty did passe from
one side of the riuer to the other with small Skiffes: but Donnacona would
not come ouer: Taignoagny and Domagaia stood talking together about an
houre before they would come ouer, at last they came to speake with our
Captaine. There Taignoagny prayed him that hee would cause the foresayd
man to be taken and caried into France. Our Captaine refused to doe it,
saying that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into
France, onely that he might bring two or three yong boyes to learne the
language, but that he would willingly cary him to Newfoundland, and there
leave him in an Island. Our Captaine spake this, onely to assure them,
that they should bring Donnacona with them, whom they had left on the
other side; which wordes, when Taignoagny heard, hee was very glad,
thinking hee should neuer returne into France againe, and therefore
promised to come the next day which was the day of the Holy Crosse, and to
bring Donnacona and all the people with him.



Chap. 18. How that vpon Holyrood day our Captaine caused a Crosse to be
set vp in our Forte: and how the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and
others of their company came: and of the taking of the sayd Lord.


The third of May being Holyroode day, our Captaine for the solemnitie of
the day, caused a goodly fayre crosse of 35 foote in height to bee set vp,
vnder the crosset of which hee caused a shield to be hanged, wherein were
the Armes of France, and ouer them was written in antique letters,
Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat. And vpon that day about
noone, there came a great number of the people of Stadacona, men, women
and children, who told vs that their Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and
Domagaia were comming, whereof we were very glad, hoping to retaine them.
About two of the clocke in the afternoone they came, and being come neere
our ships, our Captaine went to salute Donnacona, who also shewed him a
merie countenance, albeit very fearefully his eyes were still bent toward
the wood. Shortly after came Taignoagny, who bade Donnacona that he should
not enter into our Forte, and therefore fire was brought forth by one of
our men, and kindled where their Lord was. Our Captaine prayed him to come
into our ships to eate and drinke as hee was wont to do, and also
Taignoagny, who promised, that after a while he would come, and so they
did, and entred into our ships: but first it was told our Captain by
Domagaia that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him, and that he had bid
Donnacona hee should not come aboord our ships. (M156) Our Captaine
perceiuing that, came out of the Forte, and saw that onely by Taignoagny
his warning the women ran away, and none but men stayed in great number,
wherefore he straight commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona,
Taignoagny, and Domagaia, and two more of the chiefest whom he pointed
vnto: then he commanded them to make the other to retire. Presently after,
the said lord entred into the Fort with the Captaine, but by and by
Taignoagny came to make him come out againe. Our Captaine seeing that
there was no other remedy, began to call vnto them to take them, at whose
crie and voice all his men came forth, and tooke the sayd Lord with the
others, whom they had appointed to take. The Canadians seeing their Lord
taken, began to run away, even as sheepe before the woolfe, some crossing
over the riuer, some through the woods, each one seeking for his owne
aduantage. That done, we retired our selues, and laid vp the prisoners
vnder good guard and safety.



Chap. 19. How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships
to seeke their men, crying and howling all night like Woolues: of the
talke and conclusion they agreed vpon the next day: and of the gifts which
they gaue our Captaine.


The night following they came before our ships, (the riuer being betwixt
vs) striking their breasts, and crying and howling like woolues, still
calling Agouhanna, thinking to speake with him, which our Captaine for
that time would not permit, neither all the next day till noone, whereupon
they made signes vnto vs, that we had hanged or killed him. About noone,
there came as great a number in a cluster, as euer we saw, who went to
hide themselues in the Forest, except some, who with a loud voice would
call and crie to Donnacona to speake vnto them. Our Captaine then
commanded Donnacona to be brought vp on high to speake vnto them, and bade
him be merrie, for after he had spoken, and shewed vnto the King of France
what hee had seene in Saguenay and other countreys, after ten or twelve
moneths, he should returne againe, and that the King of France would giue
him great reward. Donnacona was very glad, and speaking to the others told
it them, who in token of ioy, gaue out three great cryes, and then
Donaconna and his people had great talke together, which for want of
interpreters, cannot be described. Our Captaine bade Donnacona that hee
should cause them to come to the other side of the riuer, to the end they
might better talke together without any feare, and that he should assure
them: which Donnacona did, and there came a boate full of the chiefest of
them to the (M157) ships, and there anew began to talke together, giuing
great praise to our captaine, and gaue him a present of foure and twenty
chaines of Esurgny, for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they
haue in this world, for they esteeme more of that, then of any gold or
siluer. After they had long talked together, and that their Lord sawe that
there was no remedy to auoide his going into France, hee commanded his
people the next day, to bring him some victuals to serue him by the way.
Our Captaine gaue Donnacona, as a great present, two Frying pannes of
copper, eight Hatchets, and other small trifles, as Kniues, and Beades,
whereof hee seemed to be very glad, who sent them to his wiues and
children. Likewise, he gaue to them that came to speake with Donnacona,
they thanked him greatly for them, and then went to their lodgings.



Chap. 20. How the next day, being the fift of May, the same people came
againe to speake vnto their Lord, and how foure women came to the shore to
bring him victuals.


Vpon the fift of May, very early in the morning, a great number of the
sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord, and sent a boate, which
in their tongue they call Casnoni, wherein were onely foure women, without
any man, for feare their men should be retained.

These women brought great store of victuals, as great Millet, which is
their come that they liue withall, flesh, fish, and other things, after
their fashion.

These women being come to our shippes, our Captaine did very friendly
entertaine them. Then Donnacona prayed our Captaine to tell these women
that hee should come againe after ten or twelue moneths, and bring
Donnacona to Canada with him: this hee sayd only to appease them, which
our Captaine did: wherefore the women, as well by words as signes, seemed
to be very glad, giuing our Captaine thanks, and told him, if he came
againe, and brought Donnacona with him, they would giue him many things:
in signe whereof, each one gaue our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny, and then
passed to the other side of the riuer againe, where stood all the people
of Stadacona, who taking all leaue of their Lord, went home againe. On
Saturday following, (M158) being the sixt of the moneth, we departed out
of the sayd Port of Santa Croix, and came to the harborough a little
beneath the Island of Orleans, about twelue leagues from the Port of the
Holy Crosse, and vpon Sonday we came to the Island of Filberds, where we
stayed vntil the sixteenth of that moneth, till the fiercenesse of the
waters were past, which at that time ranne too swift a course, and were
too dangerous to come downe along the riuer, and therefore we stayed till
faire weather came. (M159) In the meane while many of Dannaconas subiects
came from the riuer of Saguenay to him, but being by Domagaia aduertised,
that their Lord was taken to bee carried into France they were all amazed:
yet for all that they would not leaue to come to our ships, to speake to
Dannacona, who told them that after twelue moneths he should come againe,
and that he was very well vsed by the Captaine, Gentlemen, and Mariners.
Which when they heard, they greatly thanked our Captaine and gaue their
Lord three bundles of Beauers, and Sea Woolues skinnes, with a great knife
of red copper that commeth from Saguenay, and other things. They gaue also
to our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny, for which our Captaine gaue them ten
or twelue Hatchets, and they gaue him hearty thankes, and were very well
contented. The next day, being the sixteenth of May, we hoysed sayle, and
came from the said Island of Filberds, to another about fifteene leagues
from it, which is about fiue leagues in length, and there, to the end we
might take some rest the night following, we stayed that day, in hope the
next day we might passe and auoide the dangers of the riuer of Saguenay,
which are great. (M160) That euening we went a land and found great store
of Hares, of which we tooke a great many, and therefore we called it the
Island of Hares: in the night there arose a contrary winde, with such
stormes and tempest that wee were constrained to returne to the Island of
Filberds againe, from whence wee were come, because there was none other
passage among the sayde Islandes, and there we stayed till the one and
twentieth of that moneth, till faire weather and good winde came againe:
and then wee sayled againe, and that so prosperously, that we passed to
Honguedo, which passage vntill that time had not bene discouered: wee
caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the
Port of Chaleur: and because the winde was good and conuenient, we sayled
all day and all night without staying, and the next day we came to the
middle of Brions Island, which we were not minded to doe, to the end we
might shorten our way. These two lands lie Northwest, and Southeast, and
are about fiftie leagues one from another. The said Island is in latitude
47 degrees and a halfe. Vpon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth,
and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, we coasted ouer to a land and
shallow of lowe sandes, which are about eight leagues Southwest from
Brions Island, aboue which are large Champaignes, full of trees and also
an enclosed sea, whereas we could neither see, nor perceiue any gappe or
way to enter thereinto. On Friday following, being the 27 of the moneth,
because the wind did change on the coast, we came to Brions Island againe,
where we stayed till the beginning of Iune, and toward the Southeast of
this Island, wee sawe a lande, seeming vnto vs an Island, we coasted it
about two leagues and a halfe, and by the way we had notice of three other
high Islands, lying toward the Sands: after wee had knowen these things we
returned to the Cape of the sayd land, which doeth diuide it selfe into
two or three very high Capes: the waters there are very deepe, and the
flood of the sea runneth so swift, that it cannot possibly be swifter.
That day we came to Cape Loreine, which is in forty seuen degrees and a
halfe toward the South: on which cape there is a low land, and it seemeth
that there is some entrance of a riuer, but there is no hauen of any
worth. Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the south, we named it
Saint Paules Cape, it is at 47 degrees and a quarter.

The Sonday following, being the fourth of Iune, and Whitsonday, wee had
notice of the coast lying Eastsoutheast, distant from the Newfoundland
about two and twenty leagues; and because the wind was against vs, we went
to a Hauen, which wee named S. Spiritus Porte, where we stayed till
Tewesday that we departed thence, sayling along that coast vntill we came
to Saint Peters Islands. Wee found along the sayd coast many very
dangerous Islands and shelues, which lye all in the Eastsoutheast and
Westnorthwest, about three and twenty leagues into the sea. Whilest we
were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and
of Britaine, wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day, being the eleuenth
of the moneth, vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence and came to
Cape Rase, and entred into a Port called Rognoso, where we took in fresh
water, and wood to passe the sea: there wee left one of our boates. Then
vpon Monday, being the nineteenth of Iune, we went from that Port, and
with such good and prosperous weather we sailed along the sea, in such
sorte, that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo, by
the grace of God, to whom we pray, here ending our Nauigation, that of his
infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour, and in the end bring
vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie. Amen.

Here followeth the language of the countrey, and kingdomes of Hochelaga
and Canada, of vs called New France: But first the names of their numbers.

      1 Secada
      Tigneni
      Hasche
      Hannaion
      Ouiscon
      Indahir
      Aiaga
      8 Addigue
      Madellon
      10 Assem

Here follow the names the chiefest partes of men, and other words
necessary to be knowen.

the Head                  aggonzi
the Browe                 hegueniascon
the Eyes                  higata
the Eares                 abontascon
the Mouth                 esahe
the Teeth                 esgongay
the Tongue                osnache
the Throat                agonhon
the Beard                 hebelim
the Face                  hegonascon
the Haires                aganiscon
the Armes                 aiayascon
the Flanckes              aissonne
the Stomacke              aggruascon
the Bellie                eschehenda
the Thighes               hetnegradascon
the Knees                 agochinegodascon
the Legges                agouguenehondo
the Feete                 onchidascon
the Hands                 aignoascon
the Fingers               agenoga
the Nailes                agedascon
a Mans member             ainoascon
a womans member           castaigne
an Eele                   esgueny
a Snaile                  vndeguezi
a Tortois                 heuleuxima
Woods                     conda
leaues of Trees           hoga
God                       cudragny
giue me some drink        quazahoaquea
giue me to breakfast      quase hoa quascaboa
giue me my supper         quaza hoa quatfriam
let vs goe to bed         casigno agnydahoa
a Man                     aguehum
a woman                   agruaste
a Boy                     addegesta
a Wench                   agniaquesta
a Child                   exiasta
a Gowne                   cahata
a Doublet                 caioza
Hosen                     hemondoha
Shooes                    atha
a Shirt                   amgoua
a Cappe                   castrua
Corne                     osizi
Bread                     carraconny
Water                     ame
Flesh                     quahottascon
Reisins                   queion
Damsons                   honnesta
Figges                    absconda
Grapes                    ozoba
Nuttes                    quahoya
a Hen                     sahomgahoa
a Lamprey                 zisto
a Salmon                  ondacon
a Whale                   ainne honne
a Goose                   sadeguenda
a Streete                 adde
Cucumber seede            casconda
to Morrowe                achide
the Heauen                quenhia
the Earth                 damga
the Sunne                 ysmay
the Moone                 assomaha
the Starres               stagnehoham
the Winde                 cohoha
good morrow               aignag
let vs go to play         casigno caudy
come and speak with me    assigniquaddadia
looke vpon me             quagathoma
hold your peace           aista
let vs go with the boat   casigno casnouy
giue me a knife           buazahca agoheda
a Hatchet                 adogne
a Bow                     ahenca
a Darte                   quaetan
let vs goe a hunting      Casigno donnascat
a Stagge                  aionnesta
a Sheepe                  asquenondo
a Hare                    Sourhanda
a Dogge                   agaya
a Towne                   canada
the Sea                   agogasy
the waues of the sea      coda
an Island                 cohena
an Hill                   agacha
the yce                   honnesca
Snow                      camsa
Colde                     athau
Hotte                     odazani
Fier                      azista
Smoke                     quea
a House                   canoca
Beanes                    sahe
Cinnamom                  adhotathny
my Father                 addathy
my Mother                 adanahoe
my Brother                addagrim
my Sister                 adhoasseue

They of Canada say, that it is a moneths sayling to goe a lande where
Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered.

Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the
Newfoundlands, by him named New France.




XVI. The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier, 1540.
vnto the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.


King Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his
Pilot generall in his two former Voyages of discouery, as well by writing
as by word of mouth, touching that which hee had found and seene in the
Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga,
and hauing also seene and talked with the people, which the sayd Cartier
had brought out of those Countreys, whereof one was king of Canada, whose
name was Donnacona, and others: which after that they had bene a long time
in France and Britaine, were baptized at their owne desire and request,
and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine. (M161) And albeit his Maiestie
was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the
people which were brought ouer by him (which were tenne in number) sauing
one little girle about tenne yeeres old, yet he resolued to send the sayd
Cartier his Pilot thither againe, with Iohn Francis de la Roche, Knight,
Lord of Roberual,(20) whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in
the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga, and the sayd Cartier Captaine
Generall and leader of the shippes, that they might discover more then was
done before in the former voyages, and attaine (if it were possible) vnto
the knowledge of the Countrey of Saguenay, whereof the people brought by
Cartier, as is declared, made mention vnto the King, that there were great
riches, and very good countreys. And the King caused a certaine summe of
money to be deliuered to furnish out the sayd voyage with fiue shippes:
which thing was performed by the sayd Monsieur Roberual and Cartier. After
that they had agreed together to rigge the sayd fiue ships at Saint Malo
in Britaine, where the two former voyages had beene prepared and set
forth. And the said Monsieur Roberual sent Cartier thither for the same
purpose. And after that Cartier had caused the said fiue ships to be built
and furnished and set in good order. Monsieur Roberual came downe to S.
Malo and found the ships fallen downe to the roade, with their yards
acrosse full ready to depart and set saile, staying for nothing else but
the comming of the Generall, and the payment of the furniture. And because
Monsieur Roberual the kings lieutenant had not as yet his artillery,
powder and munitions, and other things necessary come downe, which he had
prouided for the voyage, in the Countreys of Champaigne and Normandie: and
because the said things were very necessary, and that hee was loth to
depart without them, he determined to depart from S. Malo to Roan, and to
prepare a ship or two at Honfleur, whither he thought his things were
come. And that the said Cartier shoulde depart with the fiue shippes which
he had furnished, and should goe before. (M162) Considering also that the
said Cartier had receiued letters from the king, whereby hee did expresly
charge him to depart and set sayle immediatly vpon the sight and receit
thereof, on payne of incurring his displeasure, and to lay all the fault
on him. And after the conclusion of these things, and the said Monsieur
Roberual had taken muster and view of the gentlemen, souldiers, and
mariners which were retained and chosen for the performance of the sayd
voyage, hee gaue vnto Captain Cartier full authoritie to depart and goe
before, and to gouerne all things as if he had bene there in person: and
himselfe departed to Honfleur to make his farther preparation. After these
things thus dispatched, the winde comming faire, the foresayd fiue ships
set sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeere, the 23. of
May, 1540. (M163) And we sailed so long with contrary winds and continuall
torments, which fell out by reason of our late departure, that wee were on
the sea with our sayd fiue ships full three moneths before wee could
arriue at the Port and Hauen of Canada, without euer hauing in all that
time 30 houres of good wind to serue vs to keepe our right course: (M164)
so that our fiue shippes through those stormes lost company one of
another, all saue that two kept together, to wit that wherein the Captaine
was, and the other wherein went the Viscount of Beaupre, vntill at length
at the end of one moneth wee met all together at the Hauen of Carpont in
Newfoundland. (M165) But the length of time which we were in passing
betweene Britayne and Newfoundland was the cause that we stood in great
neede of water, because of the cattell, aswell Goates, Hogges, as other
beastes which we caried for breede in the Countrey, which wee were
constrained to water with Sider and other drinke. Now therefore because we
were the space of three moneths in sayling on the sea, and staying in
Newfoundland, wayting for Monsieur Roberual, and taking in of fresh water
and other things necessary, wee arriued not before the Hauen of Saincte
Croix in Canada, (where in the former voyage we had remayned eight
moneths) vntill the 23. day of August. (M166) In which place the people of
the Countrey came to our shippes, making shew of ioy for our arriuall, and
namely he came thither which had the rule and gouernment of the Countrey
of Canada, named Agona, which was appointed king there by Donacona, when
in the former voyage we carried him into France. And hee came to the
Captaines ship with 6. or 7. boates, and with many women and children. And
after the sayd Agona had inquired of the Captaine where Donacona and the
rest were, the Captaine answered him, That Donacona was dead in France,
and that his body rested in the earth, and that the rest stayed there as
great Lords, and were maried, and would not returne backe into their
Countrey: the said Agona made no shewe of anger at all these speeches: and
I thinke he tooke it so well because he remained Lord and Gouernour of the
countrey by the death of the said Donacona. (M167) After which conference
the said Agona tooke a piece of tanned leather of a yellow skin edged
about with Esnoguy (which is their riches and the thing which they esteeme
most precious, as wee esteeme gold) which was vpon his head in stead of a
crowne, and he put the same on the head of our Captaine, and tooke from
his wrists two bracelets of Esnoguy, and put them vpon the Captaines
armes, colling him about the necke, and shewing vnto him great signes of
ioy: which was all dissimulation, as afterward it wel appeared. The
captaine tooke the said crowne of leather and put it againe vpon his head,
and gaue him and his wiues certaine smal presents, signifying vnto him
that he had brought certaine new things, which afterward he would bestow
vpon him: for which the sayd Agona thanked the Captaine. And after that he
had made him and his company eat and drinke, they departed and returned to
the shore with their boates. (M168) After which things the sayd Captaine
went with two of his boates vp the riuer, beyond Canada and the Port of
Saincte Croix, to view a Hauen and a small riuer, which is about 4.
leagues higher: which he found better and more commodious to ride in and
lay his ships, then the former. And therefore he returned and caused all
his ships to be brought before the sayd riuer, and at a lowe water he
caused his Ordinance to bee planted to place his ships in more safetie,
which he meant to keep and stay in the Countrey, which were three: which
hee did the day following and the rest remayned in the roade in the
middest of the riuer (In which place the victuals and other furniture were
discharged, which they had brought) from the 26. of August vntill the
second of September, what time they departed to returne for S. Malo, in
which ships he sent backe Mace Iolloberte his brother in lawe, and Steuen
Noel his Nephew, skilfull and excellent pilots, with letters vnto the
king, and to aduertise him what had bene done and found: and how Monsieur
Roberual was not yet come, and that hee feared that by occasion of
contrary winds and tempests he was driven backe againe into France.



The description of the aforesayd Riuer and Hauen.


The sayd Riuer is small, not past 50. pases broad, and shippes drawing
three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea: and at a low water there
is nothing but a chanell of a foote deepe or thereabout. (M169) On both
sides of the said Riuer there are very good and faire grounds, full of as
faire and mightie trees as any be in the world, and diuers sorts, which
are aboue tenne fathoms higher then the rest, and there is one kind of
tree aboue three fathoms about, which they in the Countrey call Hanneda,
which hath the most excellent vertue of all the trees in the world,
whereof I will make mention hereafter. Moreouer there are great store of
Okes the most excellent that euer I saw in my life, which were so laden
with Mast that they cracked againe: besides this there are fairer Arables,
Cedars, Beeches, and other trees, then grow in France: and hard vnto this
wood (M170) on the South side the ground is all couered with Vines, which
we found laden with grapes as blacke as Mulberies, but they be not so kind
as those of France because the Vines bee not tilled, and because they grow
of their owne accord. (M171) Moreouer there are many white Thornes, which
beare leaues as bigge as oken leaues, and fruit like vnto Medlers. To bee
short, it is as good a Countrey to plow and mannure as a man should find
or desire. (M172) We sowed seedes here of our Countrey, as Cabages,
Naueaus,(21) Lettises and others, which grew and sprung vp out of the
ground in eight dayes. The mouth of the riuer is toward the South, and it
windeth Northward like vnto a snake: and at the mouth of it toward the
East there is a high and steepe cliffe, where we made a way in manner of a
payre of staires, and aloft we made a Fort to keepe the nether Fort and
the ships, and all things that might passe by the great as by this small
riuer. (M173) Moreouer a man may behold a great extension of ground apt
for tillage, straite and handsome, and somewhat enclining toward the
South, as easie to be brought to tillage as I would desire, and very well
replenished with faire Okes and other trees of great beauty, no thicker
then the Forrests of France. Here we set twenty men to worke, which in one
day had laboured about an acre and an halfe of the said ground, and sowed
it part with Naueaus or small Turneps, which at the ende of eight dayes,
as I said before, sprang out of the earth. And vpon that high cliffe wee
found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: (M174) adioyning
whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamants.
On the other side of the said mountaine and at the foote thereof, which is
towards the great Riuer is all along a goodly Myne of the best yron in the
world, and it reacheth euen hard vnto our Fort, and the sand which we
tread on is perfect refined Myne, ready to be put into the fornace. And on
the waters side we found certaine leaues of fine gold as thicke as a mans
nayle. And Westward of the said Riuer there are, as hath bene sayd, many
faire trees: and toward the water a goodly Medow full of as faire and
goodly grasse as euer I sawe in any Medowe in France: and betweene the
said Medow and the Wood are great store of Vines: (M175) and beyond the
said Vines the land groweth full of Hempe which groweth of it selfe, which
is as good as possibly may be seene, and as strong. And at the ende of the
sayd Medow within an hundred pases there is a rising ground, which is of a
kind of slate stone blacke and thicke, wherein are veines of mynerall
matter, which shewe like gold and siluer: and throughout all that stone
there are great graines of the sayd Myne. And in some places we haue found
stones like Diamants, the most faire, pollished and excellently cut that
it is possible for a man to see, when the Sunne shineth vpon them, they
glister as it were sparkles of fire.



How after the departure of the two shippes which were sent backe into
Britaine, and that the Fort was begun to be builded, the Captaine prepared
two boates to go vp the great Riuer to discouer the passage of the three
Saults or falles of the Riuer.


(M176) The said Captaine hauing dispatched two ships to returne to carry
newes, according as hee had in charge from the king, and that the Fort was
begun to be builded, for preseruation of their victuals and other things,
determined with the Vicount of Beaupre, and other Gentlemen, Masters, and
Pilots chosen for counsayle, to make a voyage with two boates furnished
with men and victuals to goe as farre as Hochelaga, of purpose to view and
vnderstand the fashion of the Saults of water, which are to be passed to
goe to Saguenay, that hee might be the readier in the spring to passe
farther, and in the Winter time to make all things needefull in a
readinesse for their businesse. (M177) The foresaid boates being made
ready, the Captaine and Martine de Painpont, with other Gentlemen and the
remnant of the Mariners departed from the sayd place of Charlesburg Royal
the seuenth day of September in the yeere aforesayd 1540. And the Vicount
of Beaupre stayed behind for the garding and gouernement of all things in
the Fort. And as they went vp the riuer, the Captaine went to see the Lord
of Hochelay, which dwelleth betweene Canada and Hochelaga: which in the
former voyage had giuen vnto the said Captaine a little girle, and had
oftentimes enformed him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya
(whom the Captaine in his former voyage had caried into France) would haue
wrought against him. (M178) In regard of which his curtesie the said
Captaine would not passe by without visiting of him, and to let him
vnderstand that the Captaine thought himselfe beholding vnto him, hee gaue
vnto him two yong boyes, and left them with him to learne their language,
and bestowed vpon him a cloake of Paris red, which cloake was set with
yealow and white buttons of Tinne, and small belles. And withall hee gaue
him two Basons of Laton, and certaine hachet and kniues: whereat the sayde
Lord seemed highly to reioyce, and thanked the Captaine. (M179) This done,
the Captaine and his company departed from that place: And wee sailed with
so prosperous a wind, that we arriued the eleuenth day of the moneth at
the first Sault of water, which is two leagues distant from the Towne of
Tutonaguy. And after wee were arriued there, wee determined to goe and
passe as farre vp as it was possible with one of the boates, and that the
other should stay there till it returned: and wee double manned her to
rowe vp against the course or streame of the sayde Sault. (M180) And after
wee had passed some part of the way from our other boate, wee found badde
ground and great rockes, and so great a current, that wee could not
possibly passe any further with our Boate. And the Captaine resolued to
goe by land to see the nature and fashion of the Sault. And after that we
were come on shore, wee founde hard by the water side a way and beaten
path going toward the sayde Saultes, by which wee tooke our way. And on
the sayd way, and soone after we found an habitation of people which made
vs great cheere, and entertained vs very friendly. (M181) And after that
he had signified vnto them, that wee were going toward the Saults, and
that wee desired to goe to Saguenay, foure yong men went along with vs to
shewe vs the way, and they brought vs so farre that wee came to another
village or habitation of good people, which dwell ouer against the second
Sault, which came and brought vs of their victuals, as Pottage and Fish,
and offered vs of the same. After that the Captaine had enquired of them
as well by signes as wordes, how many more Saults we had to passe to goe
to Saguenay, and what distance and way it was thither, this people shewed
vs and gaue vs to vnderstand, that wee were at the second Sault, and that
there was but one more to passe, that the Riuer was not nauigable to goe
to Saguenay, and that the sayd Sault was but a third part farther then we
had trauailed, shewing vs the same with certaine little stickes, which
they layd vpon the ground in a certaine distance, and afterward layde
other small branches betweene both, representing the Saults. And by the
sayde marke, if their saying be true, it can be but sixe leagues by land
to passe the sayd Saults.

(M182) After that we had bene aduertised by the sayde people, of the
things abouementioned, both because the day was farre spent, and we had
neither drunke nor eaten the same day, we concluded to returne vnto our
boats, and we came thither, where we found great store of people to the
number of 400 persons or thereabout, which seemed to giue vs very good
entertainment and to reioyce of our comming: And therefore our Captaine
gaue eche of them certaine small trifles, as combs, brooches of tynne and
copper, and other smal toyes, and vnto the chiefe men euery one his litle
hatchet and hooke, whereat they made certaine cries and ceremonies of ioy.
(M183) But a man must not trust them for all their faire ceremonies and
signes of ioy, for if they had thought they had bene too strong for vs,
then would they haue done their best to haue killed vs, as we vnderstood
afterward. (M184) This being done, we returned with our boats, and passed
by the dwelling of the Lord of Hochelay, with whom the Captaine had left
the two youths as hee came vp the riuer, thinking to haue found him: But
hee coulde find no body saue one of his sonnes, who tolde the Captaine
that hee was gone to Maisouna, as our boyes also told vs, saying that it
was two dayes since he departed. But in truth hee was gone to Canada to
conclude with Angona what they should doe against vs. (M185) And when we
were arriued at our Fort, wee vnderstoode by our people, that the Sauages
of the Countrey came not any more about our Fort as they were accustomed,
to bring vs fish, and that they were in a wonderful doubt and feare of vs.
Wherefore our Captaine, hauing bene aduertised by some (M186) of our men
which had bene at Stadacona to visite them, that there were a wonderfull
number of the Countrey people assembled together, caused all things in our
fortresse to bee set in good order: &c. The rest is wanting.




XVII. A letter written to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris, by Iaques Noel
of S. Malo, the nephew of Iaques Cartier, touching the foresaid discouery.


Master Growte, your brother in law Giles Walter shewed me this morning a
Mappe printed at Paris, dedicated to one M. Hakluyt an Englishman: wherein
all the West Indies, the kingdome of New Mexico, and the countreys of
Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay are contained. I hold that the Riuer of
Canada which is described in that Mappe is not marked as it is in my
booke, which is agreeable to the booke of Iaques Cartier: and that the
sayd Chart doth not marke or set downe The great Lake, which is aboue the
Saults, according as the Sauages haue aduertised vs, which dwell at the
sayd Saults. In the foresayd Chart which you sent me hither, the Great
Lake is placed too much toward the North.(22) (M187) The Saults or falles
of the Riuer stand in 44. degrees of latitude: it is not so hard a matter
to passe them, as it is thought: The water falleth not downe from any high
place, it is nothing else but that in the middest of the Riuer there is
bad ground. (M188) It were best to build boates aboue the Saults: and it
is easie to march or trauell by land to the end of the three Saults: it is
not aboue fiue leagues iourney. I haue bene vpon the toppe of a mountaine,
which is at the foot of the Saults, where I haue seene the said Riuer
beyond the sayd Saultes, which shewed vnto vs to be broader then it was
where we passed it. (M189) The people of the Countrey aduertised vs, that
there are ten dayes iourney from the Saults vnto this Great Lake. We know
not how many leagues they make to a dayes iourney. At this present I
cannot write vnto you more at large, because the messenger can stay no
longer. Here therefore for the present I will ende, saluting you with my
hearty commendations, praying God to giue you your hearts desire. From S.
Malo in haste this 19 day of Iune. 1587.

Your louing Friend,
Iaqves Noel.

Cosin, I pray you doe me so much pleasure as to send me a booke of the
discouery of New Mexico, and one of those new Mappes of the West Indies
dedicated to M. Hakluyt the English Gentleman, which you sent to your
brother in law Giles Walter. I will not faile to informe my selfe, if
there be any meane to find out those descriptions which Captain Cartier
made after his two last voyages into Canada.




XVIII. Vnderneath the aforesaid vnperfite relation that which followeth is
written on another letter sent to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris from
Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of Iaques Cartier.


I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing that I can recouer of the
writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier my uncle disceased, although I haue
made search in all places that I could possibly in this Towne: sauing of a
certaine booke made in maner of a sea Chart, which was drawne by the hand
of my said vncle, which is in the possession of master Cremeur: which
booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the Riuer of Canada,
whereof I am well assured, because I myself haue knowledge thereof as
farre as to the Saults, where I haue bene: The height of which Saults is
in 44. degrees. I found in the sayd Chart beyond the place where the Riuer
is diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer
somewhat neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest, these words
following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier.

By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land
of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones.

And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found written these two
lines following in the saide Carde enclining toward the Southwest. Here in
this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues, which they call in their language
Canodeta.

Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you, it is made after
the maner of a sea Chart, which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael
and Iohn, which at this present are in Canada. If at their returne, which
will be God willing about Magdalene tyde, they haue learned any new thing
worthy the writing, I will not faile to aduertise you thereof.

Your louing Friend,
Iaqves Noel.




XIX. Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand Bay
in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues,
obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur
Roberual, 1542.


Belles Isles are in 51 degrees and 2/3. Belles Isles and Carpont are
Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and they are ten leagues distant.
Carpont is in 52 degrees. Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are
Northeast and Southwest, and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay
is 7 leagues. The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and an halfe,
and on the Northside thereof there is a rocke: halfe a league from the
Isle, ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island,
and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke. And when thou
commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the
starreboord side, and also on the larboord side there are two or three
small Isles: and when thou commest out on the Northeast side, ranging
along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there
is a shold which lyeth on thy starboord side: and saile thou by the North
coast, and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South; because
there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea. And when thou
art come athwart the hauen of Butes, ran along the North shore about one
league or an halfe of, for the coast is without all danger; (M190) Bell
Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay, and the Isles of Blanc Sablon, which
are within the Grand Bay, neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast, West
and Southwest, and the distance is 30 leagues. The Grand Bay at the
entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer
against the Bay des Chasteaux: and from thence forward it hath not past 5
leagues in breadth. And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from
land to land. And the land on the South shore is all low land along the
sea coast. The North shore is reasonable high land, Blanc Sablon is in 51
degrees 2/3. The Isles of Blanc Sablon and the Isles de la Damoiselle are
Northeast, Westsouthwest, and take a little of the Westsouthwest, and they
are distant 36 leagues: these Isles are in 50 deg. 3/4. And there is a
good hauen: and you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the
Northeast and within the distance of a pike and an halfe, because of a
rocke which lieth on your larrebord side, and you may ancre in 10 fathome
water ouer against a little nooke: and from the great headland vnto the
place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables.
And if thou wouldest go out by the West side, thou must saile neere the
Isle by the starrebord, and giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the
comming forth: and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must
saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side, by reason of a suncken flatte
which lieth on the starrebord, and thou shalt saile so on to the
Southsouthwest, vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth, which
is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles, and thou shalt
leaue it on the larrebord: (and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto
Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues, because that
Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast and
Southsouthwest.) Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of
Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours: and on this coast,
there are faulcons and haukes, and certaine foules which seeme to be
feasants. The Isles de la Damoiselle and Cape Tienot are Northeast and
Westsouthwest and take a little of the Northeast and southwest, and they
are distant 18. leagues. Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and 1/4. And there the
sea is broadest. And it may be to the end of Newfoundland, which is at the
entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues, which is the greatest bredth of the
sea. And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle and
Cape Tienot. Cape Tienot hath in the sea 5 or 6 leagues distant from it a
suncken Iland dangerous for ships. (M191) The Cape Tienot and the midst of
the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest, and they are 22.
leagues distant, the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49. deg and 1/2.
The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeast, the Northwest end is in 50.
degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfe
and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad: and from the
Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is
not aboue seven leagues broad, but vnto the firme land on the South side
are about 15. leagues. Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention
toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest, and are distant 30.
leagues. The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of
Ascension are East and West, and take a little of the Northeast and
Southwest, and they are distant 34. leagues.

(M192) The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle, and a goodly champion land
without any hilles, standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster, all
couered with trees vnto the Sea shore, and there are al sorts of trees as
there be in France: and there be wild beasts, as beares, Luserns,
Porkespicks.(23) And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto
the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues. The Northwest end of the
Isle and the Cape des Monts nostre Dame,(24) which is on the maine land
towards the South, are Northeast and Westsouthwest, and the distance
betweene them is 15. leagues. The Cape is in 49. degrees, which is a very
high land. The Cape and end of the Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast
are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them. The Bay
of Molues or Gaspay(25) is in 48. degrees, and the coast lyeth North and
South, and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of
Heate(26) and there are 3. Isles, one great one and two smal: from the Bay
of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and
good ground al couered with trees. Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth
Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and it is a good Harbour: and you must
saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the
entrance therof: and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an
ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore, and here
within this Hauen are two riuers, one which goeth (M193) toward the
Northwest, and the other to the South west.

(M194) And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish,
where there is more store then is in Newfoundland, and better fish. And
here is great store of riuer foule, as Malards, wild Geese, and others:
And here are all sorts of trees, Rose trees, Raspesses, Filbrid(27) trees,
Apple trees, Peare trees, and it is better here in Sommer then in France.
The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie
Southeast and Westnorthwest, and are distant 24. leagues. The Cape of
Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast; and are
distant 35. leagues.

(M195) The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South,
and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues: and this is the
breadth of this Sea, and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower
and narrower. The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and 1/2. The 7. Isles and
the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene
them is 15. leagues, and betweene them are certaine small Islands: and the
point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame, which are on the South
side of the entrance of the riuer, are North and South: (M196) and the cut
ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues: and this is here the
abredth of the Sea. The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and
West, and they are distant 12. leagues. And all the coast from the Isle of
Ascension hither is very good ground, wherin growe all sorts of trees that
are in France and some fruits. The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and
1/4. And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and
Southwest, and they are distant 12. leagues. The Isle of Raquelle is in
48. degrees and 1/2. In this riuer of Caen there is great store of fish.

And here the Sea is not past 8. leagues broad. The Isle of Raquelle is a
very low Isle, which is neere vnto the South shore, hard by a high Cape
which is called the Cape of Marble. There is no danger there at all. And
betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe. And there is not
from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league, and from the Isle vnto
the North shore about foure leagues. The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance
of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest, and are distant 14. leagues, and
there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore. The
entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and 1/2, and the entrance hath not
past a quarter of a league in breadth, and it is dangerous toward the
Southwest: and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to
waxe wider and wider: and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea:
And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay,(28) for it
sendeth foorth there a great current, and there doth runne in that place a
terrible rase or tyde. (M197) And here the riuer from the North shore to
the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth, and it is a
dangerous passage betweene both the lands, because there lie bankes of
rockes in the riuer. The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye
Northeast and Southwest, and take 1/2 of the East and the West, and they
are distant 18. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of
Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast and Southsouthwest, and are distant
5. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are
Northnorthwest, and Southsouthwest, and are distant three leagues. The
Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1/16 of a degree. From the Mountaines of Nostre
Dame vnto Canada(29) and vnto Hochelaga, all the land on the South coast
is faire, a lowe land and goodly champaigne, all couered with trees vnto
the brink of the riuer. And the land on the North side is higher, and in
some places there are high mountaines. And from the Isle of Hares vnto the
Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad. Betweene the
Isle of Hares and the highland on the North side the sea is not past a
league and a halfe broad, and it is very deepe, for it is aboue 100.
fathoms deepe in the middest. To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2
or 3 small Isles and rockes. And from hence to the Isle des Coudres or of
Filbeards, all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the South shore: and
towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe. The Isle of Hares and the
Isle of Filbeards lie northeast, West and Southwest, and they are distant
12 leagues. And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north
shore; for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks. And you must
passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards, and the riuer there is not
past a quarter of a league broad, and you must sayle in the middest of the
Chanel: and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a
low water, because the sea runneth there strongly, and there are great
dangers of rocks, and you had neede of good ancre and cable. The isle of
Filbeards is a small isle, about one league long, and halfe a league
broad, but they are all banks of sand. The isle of Filberds stands in 47.
deg and 3/4. The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast
and southwest, and they are distant 10 leagues, and thou must passe by the
high land on the north-side about a quarter of a league, because that in
the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks. (M198) And
when thou shall bee ouer against a round Cape, thou must take ouer to the
South shore southwest, and a quarter toward the south; and thou shalt
sayle in 5. 6 and 7 fathoms: and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to
bee fresh, and the salt water endeth. (M199) And when thou shall be
athwart the point of the isle of Orleans, where the riuer beginneth to be
fresh, thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer, and thou shalt leaue
the isle on the starreboord, which is on the right hand: and here the
riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad, and hath 20 and 30 fathoms
water. And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered
with trees, and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans.
And the poynt of the Isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees
and one terce of a degree. And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle, all
couered with trees even vnto the riuers side: and it is about 5 leagues
long, and a league and an halfe broade. And on the North shore there is
another Riuer, which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the
Island: and Shippes may very well passe there. From the middest of the
Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West; and from the place of Canada vnto
France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest: and from the West ende of the
Isle to Canada is but one league; and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues. And when
thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which
falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a
terrible noyse. The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees, and one sixt
part of a degree.

The extension of all these lands, vpon iust occasion is called New France.
For it is as good and as temperate as France, and in the same latitude.
(M200) And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is, because the
fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea; and it is also broad and
deepe: and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth.
(M201) And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people, and is
all full of Woods, which is the cause of colde, because there is not store
of fire nor cattel. And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the
Meridian at Rochel: and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South
Southwest at Rochel. (M202) And here the north starre by the compasse
standeth North northeast. And when at Rochel it is noone, it is but halfe
an houre past nine at France-Roy. From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea
and the coast of New France, is not aboue 50 leagues distance. And from
the entrance of Norumbega(30) vnto Florida are 300 leagues: and from this
place of France-Roy to Hochelaga, are about 80 leagues: and vnto the Isle
of Rasus 30 leagues. And I doubt not but Norumbega entereth into the riuer
of Canada, and vnto the Sea of Saguenay. And from the Fort of France-Roy
vntill a man come foorth of the Grand Bay is not aboue 230 leagues. And
the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and 1/3
difference: and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree. By the nature
of the climate the lands toward Hocheslaga are still better and better,
and more fruitfull. And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares. (M203)
And I thinke that gold and siluer will be found here, according as the
people of the countrey say. These landes lye ouer against Tartarie, and I
doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia, according to the roundnesse
of the world. And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70
tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of (M204)
Florida: for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene
Norambega and Florida, and I haue not searched the ende thereof, and I
knowe not whether it passe through.(31) And in all these Countreys there
are okes, and bortz, ashes, elmes, arables, trees of life, pines,
prussetrees, ceders, great wall nut trees, and wilde nuts, hasel-trees,
wilde peare trees, wilde grapes, and there haue bene found redde plummes.
And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord,
gooseberries and strawberries. And there are goodly Forrests, wherein men
may hunt. And there are great store of stagges, deere, porkepicks, and the
Sauages say there bee Vnicornes. Fowle there are in abundance, as
bustards, wilde geese, cranes, turtle doues, rauens, crowes, and many
other birds. All things which are sowen there, are not past two or three
dayes in coming vp out of the ground. I haue tolde in one eare of corne an
hundred and twenty graines, like the corne of France. And ye neede not to
sowe your Wheate vntill March, and it will be ripe in the middest of
August. The waters are better and perfecter then in France. And if the
Countrey were tilled and replenished with people, it would be as hotte as
Rochel. (M205) And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France
is, because it raineth there but seldome: for the raine is conuerted into
snowes.

All things aboue mentioned, are true.

Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual.

There is a pardon to be seene for the pardoning of Monsieur de Saine
terre, Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual, giuen in Canada in the
presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse.




XX. The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual, to
the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall Ships,
and two hundred persons, both men, women, and children, begun in April,
1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer, and all the next winter.


Sir Iohn Francis de la Roche knight, lord of Roberual, appoynted by the
king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada, Saguenay, and
Hochelaga, furnished 3. tall Ships, chiefly at the kings cost: And hauing
in his fleete 200. persons, aswel men as women, accompanied with diuers
gentlemen of qualitie, as namely with Monsieur Saineterre his lieutenant,
l’Espiney his Ensigne, captain Guinecourt, Monsieur Noire Fontaine, Dieu
Lamont, Frote, la Brosse, Francis de Mìre, la Salle, and Roieze, and Iohn
Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot, set sayle from Rochel the 16. of
April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys,
where we were enforced to stay the night following. On Monday the
seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe de boys. The winde
serued vs notably for a time: but within fewe dayes it came quite
contrary, which hindered our iourney for a long space: For wee were
suddenly enforced to turne backe, and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle,
on the coast of Bretaigne, where wee stayed so long, and had such contrary
weather by the way, that wee could not reach Newfound lande, vntill the
seuenth of Iune. The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of
Saint Iohn, where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers. While wee made
somewhat long abode heere, Iaques Cartier and his company returning from
Canada, whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before, arriued in
the very same Harbour. Who, after hee had done his duetie to our Generall,
tolde him that hee had brought certaine Diamonts, and a quantitie of Golde
ore, which was found in the Countrey. Which ore the Sunday next ensuing
was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good.

Furthermore, hee enformed the Generall that hee could not with his small
company withstand the Sauages, which went about dayly to annoy him: and
that this was the cause of his returne into France. Neuerthelesse, hee and
his company commended the Countrey to bee very rich and fruitfull. (M206)
But when our Generall being furnished with sufficient forces, commanded
him to goe backe againe with him, hee and his company, mooued as it
seemeth with ambition, because they would haue all the glory of the
discouerie of those partes themselues, stole priuily away the next night
from vs, and without taking their leaues departed home for Bretaigne.

Wee spent the greatest part of Iune in this Harbour of Saint Iohn, partly
in furnishing our selues with fresh water, whereof wee stoode in very
great neede by the way, and partly in composing and taking vp of a quarell
betweene some of our Countreymen and certaine Portugals. At length, about
the last of the aforesayde Moneth, wee departed hence, and entred into the
Grand Baye, and passed by the Isle of Ascension: and finally arriued foure
leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans. In this place wee found a
conuenient Harbour for our shipping, where wee cast anchor, went a shoare
with our people, and chose out a conuenient place to fortifie ourselues
in, fitte to command the mayne Riuer, and of strong situation against all
inuasion of enemies. Thus towarde the ende of Iuly, wee brought our
victuals and other munitions and prouisions on shore, and began to
trauaile in fortyfying of our selues.



Of the Fort of France Roy, and that which was done there.


Hauing described the beginning, the middest, and the ende of the Voyage
made by Monsieur Roberual in the Countreyes of Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay, and other Countreyes in the West partes: He sayled so farre, (as
it is declared in other bookes) that hee arriued in the sayde Countrey,
accompanyed with two hundred persons, souldiers, mariners, and common
people, with all furniture necessary for a fleete. The sayde Generall at
his first arriuall built a fayre Fort, neere and somewhat Westward aboue
Canada, which is very beautifull to beholde, and of great force, situated
vpon an high mountaine, wherein there were two courtes of buyldings, a
great Towre and another of fortie or fiftie foote long: wherein there were
diuers Chambers, an Hall, a Kitchine, houses of office, Sellers high and
lowe, and neere vnto it were an Ouen and Milles, and a stooue to warme men
in, and a Well before the house. And the buylding was situated vpon the
great Riuer of Canada, commonly called France prime, by Monsieur Roberual.
There was also at the foote of the mountaine another lodging, part whereof
was a great Towne of two stories high, two courtes of good buylding, where
at the first all our victuals, and whatsoeuer was brought with vs was sent
to be kept: and neere vnto that Towre there is another small riuer. In
these two places aboue and beneath, all the meaner sort was lodged.

(M207) And in the moneth of August, and in the beginning of September
euery man was occupied in such woorke as eche one was able to doe. But the
fourteenth of September, our aforesayde Generall sent backe into France
two Shippes which had brought his furniture, and he appointed for Admirall
Monsieur de Saine-terre, and the other captaine was Monsieur Guinecourt,
to carie newes vnto the King, and to come backe againe vnto him the yeere
next ensuing, furnished with victuals and other things, as it should
please the King: and also to bring newes out of France how the King
accepted certaine Diamants which were sent him, and were found in this
countrey.

(M208) After these two Shippes were departed, consideration was had how
they should doe, and how they might passe out the Winter in this place.
First they tooke a view of the victuals, and it was found that they fell
out short: and they were scantled so, that in eche messe they had but two
loaues weighing a pound a piece, and halfe a pound of biefe. They ate
Bacon at Dinner with halfe a pound of butter: and Biefe at supper, and
about two handfuls of Beanes without Butter.

On the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday they did eate dry Cod, and
sometimes they did eate it greene at dinner with butter, and they ate of
Porposes and beanes at supper.

About that time the Sauages brought vs great store of Aloses, which is a
fish somewhat redde like a Salmon, to get kniues and other small trifles
for them.

In the ende many of our people fell sicke of a certaine disease in their
legges, reynes, and stomacke, so that they seemed to bee depriued of all
their lymmes, and there dyed thereof about fiftie.

(M209) Note that the yce began to breake up in April.

Monsieur Roberual vsed very good iustice, and punished euery man according
to his offence. One whose name was Michael Gaillon, was hanged for his
theft. Iohn of Nantes was layde in yrons, and kept prisoner for his
offence, and others also were put in yrons, and diuers were whipped, as
well men as women: by which meanes they liued in quiet.



The maners of the Sauages.


To declare vnto you the state of the Sauages, they are people of a goodly
stature, and well made, they are very white, but they are all naked: and
if they were apparelled as the French are, they would bee as white and as
fayre: but they paynt themselues for feare of heat and sunne burning.

(M210) In stead of apparell, they weare skinnes vpon them like mantles;
and they haue a smal payre of breeches, wherewith they couer their
priuities, as well men as women. They haue hosen and shooes of lether
excellently made. And they haue no shirts: neither couer they their heads,
but their hayre is trussed vp aboue the crowne of their heads, and playted
or broyded. Touching their victuals, they eate good meate, but all
vnsalted, but they drye it, and afterward they broyle it, as well fish as
flesh. They haue no certaine dwelling place, and they goe from place to
place, as they thinke they must best finde foode, as Aloses in one place,
and other fish, Salmons, Sturgions, Mullets, Surmullets, Barz, Carpes,
Eeles, Pinperneaux, and other fresh water fish, and store of Porposes.
They feede also of Stagges, wilde Bores, Bugles, Porkespynes, and store of
other wilde beastes. And there is as great store of Fowle as they can
desire.

Touching their bread, they make very good: and it is of great myll: and
they liue very well; for they take care for nothing else.

They drinke Seale oyle, but this is at their great feasts.

(M211) They haue a King in euery Countrey, and are wonderfull obedient
vnto him: and they doe him honour according vnto their maner and fashion.
And when they trauayle from place to place, they cary all their goods with
them in their boates.

The women nurse their children with the breast, and they sit continually,
and are wrapped about the bellies with skinnes of furre.




XXI. The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto
Saguenay, the fifth of Iune, 1543.


Monsieur Roberual the kings Lieutenant generall in the Countries of
Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, departed toward the said prouince of
Saguenay on the Tuesday the 5. day of Iune 1543. after supper: and he with
all his furniture was imbarked to make the sayd voyage. But vpon a
certaine occasion they lay in the Rode ouer against the place before
mentioned: but on the Wednesday about sixe of the clocke in the morning
they set sayle, and sayled against the streame: in which voyage their
whole furniture was of eight barks, as well great as small, and to the
number of threescore and ten persons, with the aforesayd Generall.

The Generall left behinde him in the aforesayde place and Fort thirtie
persons to remayne there vntill his returne from Saguenay, which he
appoynted to be the first of Iuly, or else they should returne into
France. And hee left there behinde him but two Barkes to cary the sayde
thirtie persons, and the furniture which was there, while hee stayed still
in the Countrey.

And for effectuating hereof, he left as his Lieutenant a gentleman named
Monsieur de Royeze, to whom he gaue commission, and charged all men to
obey him, and to be at the commandement of the sayde Lieutenant.

The victuals which were left for their mayntenance vntill the sayd first
day of Iuly, were receiued by the sayd Lieutenant Royeze.

On Thursday the 14. of Iune Monsieur de l’Espiney, la Brosse, Monsieur
Frete, Monsieur Longeual, and others, returned from the Generall, from the
voyage of Saguenay.

And note that eight men and one Barke were drowned and lost, among whom
was Monsieur de Noire Fontaine, and one named la Vasseur of Constance.

On Tuesday the 19. of Iune aforesayd, there came from the Generall,
Monsieur de Villeneufe, Talebot, and three others, which brought sixescore
pounds weight of their corne, and letters to stay yet vntill Magdalentyde,
which is the 22. day of Iuly.

The rest of this Voyage is wanting.




XXII. A Discourse of Western Planting, written by M. Richard Hakluyt,
1584.


Introductory Note.

[The following Discourse, one of the most curious and valuable
contributions to the History of early discovery in the New World, has
remained practically unknown from the date of its composition to the
present time. Written, as appears from the title page, of which I give a
copy on page 173, by Hakluyt at the request of Mr. Walter Raleigh,(32) it
must, according to the same authority, have been composed between the 17th
of April and the middle of September 1584, the former being the date of
sailing of Raleigh’s two ships there mentioned and the latter the date of
their return. The title-page itself must have been added afterwards, as it
speaks of “Mr. Walter Raghly, nowe knight,” and the 21st chapter of the
Discourse seemes to have been added at the same time. Its object was
evidently to urge Elizabeth to support Raleigh’s adventure, in which he
was then embarked under a patent granted him on 25th March 1584. It is
not, therefore, surprising to find from a letter written by Hakluyt to Sir
Francis Walsingham on the 7th April 1585,(33) and from another paper in
the Rolls Office, indicated in Mr. Lemon’s Calendar of State Papers of the
reign of Elizabeth, 1581-90, Vol. cxcv., art. 127, that this Discourse was
presented to the Queen by Hakluyt in the early autumn of 1584.(34) Four
copies were certainly made of this Discourse—the original, which Hakluyt
would probably keep; one for the Queen; one for Walsingham (as appears
from the paper in the Record Office mentioned above); and the copy from
which the present text is taken, and which alone seems to have contained
the 21st Chapter. Perhaps this last copy was made for the Earl of
Leicester, as the paper above alluded to states that the Earl “hath very
earnestly often times writ for it.” However this may be, no copy of the
Discourse was known to exist till the sale of Lord Valentia’s collection,
when Mr. Henry Stevens bought the manuscript here published. Its value
seems to have been properly appreciated by him, owing perhaps to the
following memoranda written in pencil on the second blank leaf, in the
handwriting, it is believed, of Lord Valentia:—

“This unpublished manuscript of Hakluyt’s is extremely curious.

“I procured it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson.(35)

“The editors of the last edition would have given any money for it, had it
been known to have existed.”(36)

After fruitless endeavours “to find for it a resting place in some public
or private library in America, and subsequently in the British
Museum,”(37) Mr. Stevens sent it to Puttick & Simpson’s Auction Rooms,
where it was knocked down to Sir Henry Phillipps for £44. (May, 1854.)

In the library, then, of Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, did our manuscript
lie till 1867, when Dr. Leonard Woods, late President of Bowdoin College,
was commissioned by the Governor of Maine, in pursuance of the Resolves of
the Legislature in aid of the Maine Historical Society, to procure, during
his travels in England, materials for the early History of the State. An
application made by Dr. Woods to Sir Thomas Phillipps revealed the
existence of Hakluyt’s Discourse. Dr. Woods set to work to edit this
valuable document, but a fire destroyed most of his materials, and was
followed by physical infirmity which forbade literary labour. Dr. Charles
Deane’s familiarity with the topics suggested by the matter in hand, and
his position as a “Collaborateur” of Dr. Woods for some months, at once
pointed him out as the right man to do the work to the Standing Committee
of the Maine Historical Society. Dr. Deane undertook the task, and an
excellent octavo edition of Hakluyt’s Discourse appeared in due course,
entitled:—

“Documentary History of the State of Maine. Vol II., containing A
Discourse on Western Planting, written in the year 1584, by Richard
Hakluyt. Published by the Maine Historical Society, aided by appropriation
from the State. Cambridge (Mass.): Press of John Wilson and Son. 1877.”

The text of the MS. has been preserved in every essential particular, but,
following Dr. Deane’s example, some capital letters have had liberties
taken with them, and some few abbreviated words have been printed in full.
A few corrections have also been made in the quotations from English and
foreign writers, where a comparison with the originals has shown such
corrections to be necessary. Dr. Deane’s notes have been necessarily much
shortened, and are distinguished from my own by the initials C.D.

This “extremely curious” manuscript, which by some extraordinary oversight
was not included in Hakluyt’s Collection of Voyages of 1598-1600, so
appropriately called by Froude “the great prose Epic of the modern English
nation,” and which Evans would, according to Lord Valentia, “have given
any money for,” for his edition of 1809-12, is now at length inserted in
its proper position. This I owe to the courtesy of Dr. Deane to whom I was
a perfect stranger, save perhaps in my character of corresponding member
of the Nova Scotia Historical Society and of the Oneida Historical
Society. To Dr. Deane, therefore, I venture to tender my warmest
thanks.—E.G.]

A particuler discourse concerning the greate necessitie and manifolde
comodyties that are like to growe to this Realme of Englande by the
Westerne discoueries lately attempted, written in the yere 1584. by
Richarde Hackluyt of Oxforde, at the requeste and direction of the righte
worshipfull Mr. Walter Raghly, nowe Knight, before the comynge home of his
twoo barkes, and is devided into XXI chapiters, the titles whereof followe
in the nexte leafe.

[The heads of Chapters are omitted as they are inserted in their proper
places before each Chapter.]



Chap. I. The Western Planting.


That this Westerne discoverie will be greately for thinlargemente of the
gospell of Christe, whereunto the princes of the Refourmed Religion are
chefely bounde, amongeste whome her Majestie ys principall.

Seinge that the people of that parte of AMERICA from 30. degrees in
Florida northewarde unto 63. degrees (which ys yet in no Christian princes
actuall possession) are idolaters; and that those which Stephen Gomes
broughte from the coaste of NORUMBEGA in the yere 1524.(38) worshipped the
sonne, the moone, and the starres, and used other idolatrie, as it ys
recorded in the historie of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo,(39) in Italian, fol. 52.
of the third volume of Ramusius; and that those of Canada and Hochelaga in
48. and 50. degrees worshippe a spirite which they call Cudruaigny, as we
reade in the tenthe chapiter of the seconde relation of Jaques Cartier,
whoe saieth: This people beleve not at all in God, but in one whome they
call Cudruaigny; they say that often he speaketh with them, and telleth
them what weather shall followe, whether goodd or badd, &c.,(40) and yet
notwithstandinge they are very easie to be perswaded, and doe all that
they sawe the Christians doe in their devine service, with like imitation
and devotion, and were very desirous to become Christians, and woulde
faine have been baptized, as Verarsanus witnesseth in the laste wordes of
his relation, and Jaques Cartier in the tenthe chapiter before recited—it
remayneth to be thoroughly weyed and considered by what meanes and by
whome this moste godly and Christian work may be perfourmed of inlarginge
the glorious gospell of Christe, and reducinge of infinite multitudes of
these simple people that are in errour into the righte and perfecte way of
their saluation. The blessed Apostle Paule, the converter of the Gentiles,
Rom: 10. writeth in this manner: Whosoever shall call on the name of the
Lorde shall be saved. But howe shall they call on him in whom they have
not beleved? and how shall they beleve in him of whom they have not
hearde? and howe shall they heare withoute a preacher? and howe shall they
preache excepte they be sente? Then it is necessary for the salvation of
those poore people which have sitten so longe in darkenes and in the
shadowe of deathe, that preachers should be sent unto them. But by whome
shoulde these preachers be sente? By them no doubte which have taken upon
them the protection and defence of the Christian faithe. (M212) Nowe the
Kinges and Queenes of England have the name of Defendours of the
Faithe.(41) By which title I thinke they are not onely chardged to
mayneteyne and patronize the faithe of Christe, but also to inlarge and
advaunce the same. Neither oughte this to be their laste worke, but rather
the principall and chefe of all others, accordinge to the comaundemente of
our Saviour, Christe, Mathewe 6, Ffirste seeke the kingdome of God and the
righteousnes thereof, and all other thinges shalbe mynistred unto you.

(M213) Nowe the meanes to sende suche as shall labour effectually in this
busines ys, by plantinge one or twoo colonies of our nation upon that
fyrme, where they may remaine in safetie, and firste learne the language
of the people nere adjoyninge (the gifte of tongues beinge nowe taken
awaye), and by little and little acquainte themselves with their manner,
and so with discretion and myldenes distill into their purged myndes the
swete and lively liquor of the gospel. Otherwise, for preachers to come
unto them rashly with oute some suche preparation for their safetie, yt
were nothinge els but to ronne to their apparaunte and certaine
destruction, as yt happened onto those Spanishe ffryers, that, before any
plantinge, withoute strengthe and company, landed in Fflorida, where they
were miserablye massacred by the savages.(42) On the other side, by meane
of plantinge firste, the small nation of the Portingales towardes the
Southe and Easte have planted the Christian faithe accordinge to their
manner, and have erected many bisshoprickes and colledges to traine upp
the youthe of the infidels in the same, of which acte they more vaunte in
all their histories and chronicles, then of anythinge els that ever they
atchieved. And surely if they had planted the gospell of Christe purely,
as they did not, they mighte justly have more rejoyced in that deede of
theirs, then in the conqueste of the whole contrie, or in any other thinge
whatsoever. The like may be saied of the Spaniardes, whoe (as yt is in the
preface of the last edition of Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis) have
established in the West Indies three archebisshopricks, to witt, Mexico,
Luna, and Onsco, and thirtene other bisshoprickes there named, and have
builte above CC. houses of relligion in the space of fyftie yeres or
thereaboutes. Now yf they, in their superstition, by meanes of their
plantinge in those partes, have don so greate thinges in so shorte space,
what may wee hope for in our true and syncere relligion, proposinge unto
ourselves in this action not filthie lucre nor vaine ostentation, as they
in deede did, but principally the gayninge of the soules of millions of
those wretched people, the reducinge of them from darkenes to lighte, from
falsehoode to truthe, from dombe idolls to the lyvinge God, from the depe
pitt of hell to the highest heauens. In the 16. of the Actes of the
Apostles, when Paule soughte to preache in Asia and to goe into Bithinia,
the Holy Ghoste suffered him not. But at Troas a vision appered unto him
by night. There stoode a man of Macedonia and prayed hym, sayenge: Come
into Macedonia and helpe us. And after he had seene the vysion, ymmediatly
he prepared to goe into Macedonia, beinge assured that the Lorde had
called him to preache the gospell unto them. Even so wee, whiles wee have
soughte to goe into other countries (I woulde I might say to preache the
gospell), God by the frustratinge of our actions semeth to forbydd us to
followe those courses, and the people of AMERICA crye oute unto us, their
nexte neighboures, to come and helpe them, and bringe unto them the gladd
tidinges of the gospell. Unto the prince and people that shalbe the
occasion of this worthie worke, and shall open their cofers to the
furtheraunce of this most godly enterprise, God shall open the bottomles
treasures of his riches, and fill them with aboundance of his hidden
blessinges; as he did to the goodd Queene Isabella, which beinge in
extreme necessitie, laied her owne jewells to gage for money to furnishe
out Columbus for the firste discovery of the West Indies.

(M214) And this enterprise the princes of the relligion (among whome her
Majestie ys principall) oughte the rather to take in hande, because the
papistes confirme themselves and drawe other to theire side, shewinge that
they are the true Catholicke churche because they have bene the onely
converters of many millions of infidells to Christianitie. Yea, I myselfe
have bene demaunded of them, how many infidells have been by us converted?
Whereunto, albeit I alleaged the example of the mynisters which were sente
from Geneva with Villegagnon into Bresill,(43) and those that wente with
Iohn Ribault into Florida,(44) as also those of our nation that went with
Ffrobisher Sir Fraunces Drake, and Ffenton;(45) yet in very deede I was
not able to name any one infidell by them converted. But God, quoth I,
hath his tyme for all men, whoe calleth some at the nynthe, and some at
the eleventh houer. And if it please him to move the harte of her Majestie
to put her helpinge hande to this godly action, she shall finde as
willinge subjectes of all sortes as any other prince in all Christendome.
And as for the boastinge of your conversion of such multitudes of
infidells, yt may justly be compted, rather a perversion, seeinge you have
drawen them as it were oute of Sylla into Charibdis, that is to say, from
one error into another. Nowe therefore I truste the time ys at hande when
by her Majesties forwardnes in this enterprise, not only this obiection
and suche like shalbe aunswered by our frutefull labor in Godds harvest
amonge the infidells, but also many inconveniences and strifes amongest
ourselves at home, in matters of ceremonies, shalbe ended. For those of
the clergye which by reason of idlenes here at home are nowe alwayes
coyninge of newe opynions, havinge by this voyadge to set themselves on
worke in reducinge the savages to the chefe principles of our faith, will
become lesse contentious, and be contented with the truthe in relligion
alreadie established by authoritie. So they that shall beare the name of
Christians shall shewe themselves worthye of their vocation, so shall the
mouthe of the adversarie be stopped, so shall contention amongest brethren
be avoyded, so shal the gospell amonge infidells be published.



Chap. II. That all other Englishe trades are growen beggerly or
daungerous, especially daungerous in all the Kinge of Spayne his
domynions, where our men are dryven to flinge their bibles and prayer
bookes into the sea, and to forsweare and renounce their relligion and
conscience, and consequently their obedience to her Majesty.


Wee are nowe to consider the qualitie and condition of all the trades
which at this day are frequented by our nation. And firste, to begynne
southwarde, and so come to the northe; leavinge Bresill and Guynea where
wee have little to doe, let us firste speake of our trade in Barbarie.
(M215) If any of our shippes tradinge thither be dryven upon the coaste of
Spaine, and that proofe may be made that wee have bene there, they make it
a very sufficient cause of confiscation of shippe and goodds, and so they
thruste our men into the Inquisition, chardging them that they bringe
armour, munition, and forbidden merchandize to strengthen the infidells
againste these partes of Christendome; which thinge is comitted to printe
and confessed by all our marchants tradinge thither. And thoughe our men
escape the Spaniardes tyrannie, yet at the deathe of the prince in
Barbary, all our mennes goodds there are subjecte to the spoile, the
custome of the contrie permitting the people to robbe and rifle until
another kinge be chosen, withoute making any kinde of restitution. Besides
that inconvenience, the traficque groweth daily to worse termes then
heretofore. I omytt to shewe here howe divers have bene undon by their
servauntes which have become renegadoes, of whome by the custome of the
contrie their masters can have no manner of recovery, neither call them
into justice.(46)

(M216) In all the Kinge of Spaines domynions our men are either inforced
with wounded consciences to playe the dissemblinge hipocrites, or be
drawen to mislike with the state of relligion mainteyned at home, or
cruelly made away in the Inquisition. Moreouer, he being our mortall
enemye, and his empire of late beinge increased so mightely, and our
necessitie of oiles and colours for our clothinge trade being so greate,
he may arreste almoste the one halfe of our navye, our traficque and
recourse being so greate to his domynions.

For the new trade in Turky, besides the greate expences in mayneteyninge a
kind of embassador at Constantinople, and in sendinge of presentes to
Selym the Graunde Segnior, and to divers of his insatiable bassoes, our
marchantes are faine with large rewardes to gratifie the Knightes of
Malta, in whose daunger their shippes must often passe. Moreover that
trade is so moche to the detrymente of the State of Venice, and all the
other States of Italie, that they are dayly occupied in seekinge howe they
may overthrow the same. Neither is it the leaste incomoditie that our
shippes are contynually assaulted by the corsaries and pirates and gallies
of Algiers, by which they had a rich shippe, called the Mary Martin,
soncke this yere; and the last yere another was taken at Trypoly in
Barbary, and the master with another hanged, and the reste made slaves.
Besides, the barke Reynoldes was arrested at Malta, and at lengthe with
moche adoe delivered.(47)

(M217) To leave the Levant and to come to France, the traficque there of
myne owne knowledge(48) is growen to such decaye, partely by the
impositions and taxes which are daily devised by the kinges partely by
their subtil sleights and devices to confiscate our clothes for
insufficient workemanshippe, and partely by their owne labour in makinge
more and better clothe then heretofore they were accustomed, that our men
for the moste parte are wearye of the contrie, and some of them utterly
undone by their subtill and unconcionable wranglinge. (M218) As for all
Flaunders and the Lowe Contries, these eightene yeres moste cruell civill
warres have so spoiled the traficque there, that there is nothinge but
povertie and perill, and that which is worse, there is no hope of any
spedy amendemente.

(M219) To come to the Esterlinges and the trades with the cities within
the Sounde of Denmarke, they beinge deprived of the olde priviledges of
the Stilliarde here in London, have not only offred our men at home many
injuries in their cities, but seeke all the meanes they can devise wholy
to cutt of all our occupienge that way; and to the same purpose have
lately cleane debarred our men of their accustomed and auncient
priviledges in all their greate townes. (M220) Also the exactions of the
Kinge of Denmarke at our passage in and oute by the Sounde to Lubecke,
Danske, Elvinge, Rye, Revell, and the Narve, besides the power that he
hath to arreste all our shippes within the Sounde at his pleasure, are
twoo no small inconveniences and myschefes.

(49) Our trade into Muscovye ys the laste, which was so chardgeable in the
begynnynge, what with the coste of the discoverie, what with presentes to
the Emperour, together with the disorderly dealinge of their factors, that
it stoode them in fourscore thousande poundes before they broughte it to
any goodd passe. And nowe after longe hope of gayne, the Hollanders, as
also the men of Diepe, are entred into their trade by the Emperours
permission; yea, whereas at the firste our men paid no custome, of late
yeres, contrarie to their firste priviledge, they have bene urged to pay
yt. Also the chardges of bringinge the Emperours embassador hither, and
mayneteyninge him here, and the settinge furthe of her Majesties
embassadour thither with presentes to the Emperour, lyenge all upon the
poore marchantes neckes, is no easie burden unto their shoulders. And to
encrease the some, the Kinge of Denmarke requireth a tribute of them,
thoughe they touche not upon any of his domynions. And nowe the Emperour
of Russia beinge late deade,(50) yt is greately feared that the voyadge
wilbe utterly ouerthrowen, or els become not worthe the contynuaunce.

Thus hauinge regarde unto the premisses, yt behoveth us to seeke some newe
and better trade, of lesse daunger and more securitie, of lesse dammage,
and of more advauntage; the rather to avoide the wilfull perjurie of suche
of our Englishe nation as trade to Spaine and other of Kinge Phillipps
domynions, where this oathe followinge ys usually ministred unto the
master of our shippes. Firste, he willeth the master to make a crosse with
his fore finger and his thombe, layenge one ouer the other crosswise. This
beinge don, he saieth these wordes followinge: You shall sweare to speake
the truthe of all thinges that shalbe asked of you, and yf you doe not,
that God demaunde yt of you: and the Englishe master muste saye, Amen. You
shall sweare by that crosse that you bringe no man in your shippe but
suche as are goodd christians, and doe beleue as our Catholicke Churche of
Rome dothe beleve. Nexte, that you bringe no manner of bookes but suche as
are allowed by our Catholicke Churche of Rome; and that you use no manner
of prayers but suche as are allowed by our Churche of Rome. What
marchandize bringe you; suche and suche. We will and commaunde you and
your companie to come on land to masse every Sonday and holy day, upon
paine of discommunication. Then they open their chestes, and looke if the
master and maryners bringe any bookes with them in their chests. This don,
the officers that come with the preestes aske of the master and maryners
chese, butter, befe, bacon, and candles, as beggers, and they give it to
them for feare they have of them, and so they goe from the shippes with
their walletts full of victualls. The master doth pay four ryalls of plate
for the barke that bringeth them aboorde to visite them. Thus is wilfull
perjurye permitted by the governours if they knowe it. Thus the covetous
marchante wilfully sendeth headlonge to hell from day to day the poore
subjectes of this realme. The marchant in England cometh here devoutly to
the communyon, and sendeth his sonne into Spaine to here masse. These
thinges are kepte secrete by the marchantes, and suche as depende upon the
trade of marchandize are lothe to utter the same.



Chap. III. That this westerne voyadge will yelde unto us all the
commodities of Europe, Affrica and Asia, as far as wee were wonte to
travell, and supplye the wantes of all our decayed trades.


The nexte thinge ys that nowe I declare unto you the comodities (M221) of
this newe westerne discoverie, and what marchandize are there to be had,
and from thence to be expected; wherein firste you are to have regarde
unto the scituation of the places which are left for us to be possessed.
The contries therefore of AMERICA where unto we have just title, as being
firste discovered by Sebastian Gabote, at the coste of that prudente
prince Kinge Henry the Seaventh, from Florida northewarde to 67.
degrees,(51) (and not yet in any Christian princes actuall possession,)
beinge aunswerable in clymate to Barbary, Egipte, Siria, Persia, Turky,
Greece, all the islandes of the Levant sea, Italie, Spaine, Portingale,
Fraunce, Flaunders, Highe Almayne, Denmarke, Estland, Poland, and
Muscovye, may presently or within a shorte space afforde unto us, for
little or nothinge, and with moche more safetie, eyther all or a greate
parte of the comodities which the aforesaid contries do yelde us at a very
dere hande and with manifolde daungers.

Firste, therefore, to begyn at the southe from 30. degrees, and to quote
unto you the leafe and page of the printed voyadges of those which
personally have with diligence searched and viewed these contries. John
Ribault writeth thus, in the firste leafe of his discourse, extant in
printe bothe in Frenche and Englishe:(52) Wee entred (saieth he) and
viewed the contrie which is the fairest, frutefullest, and pleasauntest of
all the worlde, aboundinge in honye, waxe, venison, wilde fowle,
fforrestes, woodes of all sortes, palme trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes,
the highest and greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the worlde,
with grapes accordinge, which naturally withoute arte or mans helpe or
trymmynge will growe to toppes of oakes and other trees that be of
wonderfull greatness and heighte. And the sighte of the faire meadowes is
a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue, full of herons, curlues,
bitters, mallardes, egriphts, woodcockes, and all other kinde of small
birdes, with hartes, hinds, bucks, (M222) wilde swyne, and all other kind
of wilde beastes, as wee perceaved well bothe by their footinge there, and
also afterwardes in other places by their crye and roaringe in the nighte.
Also there be conies and hares, silkewormes in marvelous nomber, a great
deale fairer and better then be our silkewormes. Againe, in the sixte
leafe and seconde page; They shewed unto us by signes that they had in the
lande golde and silver and copper, whereof wee have broughte some home.
Also leade like unto ours, which wee shewed them. Also turqueses and
greate aboundance of perles, which as they declared unto us they tooke
oute of oysters, whereof there is taken ever alonge the rivers side and
amongest the reedes and in the marishes, in so marvelous aboundance as it
is scante credible. And wee have perceaved that there be as many and as
greate perles found there as in any contrie in the worlde. (M223) In the
seaventh leafe it followeth thus: The scituation is under 30. degrees, a
good clymate, healthfull, and of goodd temperature, marvelous pleasaunte,
the people goodd and of a gentle and amyable nature, which willingly will
obey, yea be contented to serve those that shall with gentlenes and
humanitie goe aboute to allure them, as yt is necessarie for those that be
sente thither hereafter so to doe. (M224) In the eighth leafe: It is a
place wonderful, fertile and of stronge scituation, the grounde fatt, so
that it is like that it would bringe forthe wheate and all other come
twise a yere. (M225) In the ninth leafe yt followeth: Wee founde there a
greate nomber of pepper trees, the pepper beinge yet greene and not ready
to be gathered. In the tenth leafe: There wee sawe the fairest and the
greatest vines with grapes accordinge, and younge trees and small wooddes
very well smellinge, that ever weare sene. Thus have you brefely the some
of the comodities which were founde by John Ribault and his companye on
the coaste of America from 30. to 34. degrees.

Moreouer, Doctor Monardus, that excellent phisition of Civill, writinge of
the trees of the West Indies in his booke called Joyfull Newes out of the
New founde worlde,(53) maketh mention of a tree called Sassafras, which
the Frenchmen founde in Florida, fol. 46 of his booke, in manner
followinge: From the Florida they bringe a woodde and roote of a tree that
groweth in those partes, of greate vertues and excellencies, healinge
therewith grevous and variable deseases. It may be three yeres paste that
I had knowledge of this tree, and a Frenche man that had bene in those
partes shewed me a pece of yt, and tolde me marvells of the vertues
thereof, and howe many and variable diseases were healed with the water
which was made of it, and I judged that, which nowe I doe finde to be true
and have seene by experience. He tolde me that the Frenchemen which had
bene in the Florida, at the time when they came into those partes had bene
sicke the moste of them of grevous and variable diseases, and that the
Indians did shewe them this tree, and the manner howe they shoulde vse yt,
&c; so they did, and were healed of many evills; which surely bringeth
admiration that one onely remedy shoulde worke so variable and marvelous
effectes. The name of this tree, as the Indyans terme yt, is called
Pauame, and the Frenchemen called it Sassafras. To be brefe, the Doctor
Monardus bestoweth eleven leaves in describinge the sovereinties and
excellent properties thereof.

The nature and comodities of the reste of the coaste unto Cape Briton I
will shewe unto you oute of the printed testymonies of John Verarsanus and
Stephen Gomes, bothe which in one yere, 1524, discovered the said
contries, and broughte home of the people; Verarsana into Ffraunce, and
Gomes into Spaine.

Verarsana, fallinge in the latitude of 34. degrees, describeth the
scituation and commodities in this manner: Beyonde this wee sawe the open
contrie risinge in heighte above the sandie shoare, with many faire
feeldes and plaines full of mightie greate wooddes, some very thicke and
some very thynne, replenished with divers sortes of trees, and plesaunte
and delectable to beholde as ys possible to ymagine. And your Majestie may
not thinke that these are like the wooddes of Hyrcinia, or the wilde
desertes of Tartaria, and the northerne coastes, full of fruteles trees;
but full of palme, date trees, bayes, and highe cypresses, and many other
sortes of trees to us unknowen in Europe, which yelde moste swete savours
fair from the shoare; neyther doe wee thincke that they, partakinge of the
easte worlde rounde aboute them, are altogether voyde of drugs and
spicerye, and other riches of golde, seinge the colour of the lande dothe
altogether argue yt. And the lande is full of many beastes, as redd dere,
fallowe dere and hares, and likewise of lakes and pooles of freshe water,
with greate plentie of fowles convenient for all plesaunte game. This
lande is in latitude of 34. degrees with goodd and holesome ayre,
temperate, betwene hote and colde; no vehement winds doe blowe in these
regions, &c. Againe, in the fourth leafe as it is in Englishe, speakinge
of the nexte contrie, he saieth: Wee sawe in this contrie many vines
growinge naturally, which springinge upp tooke holde of the trees as they
doe in Lumbardye, which, if by husbandmen they were dressed in goodd
order, withoute all double they woulde yelde excellent wynes; for havinge
oftentymes seene the frute thereof dryed, which was swete and pleasaunte
and not differinge from oures, wee thinke they doe esteme of the same,
because that in every place where they growe, they take away the under
braunches growinge rounde aboute, that the frute thereof may ripen the
better. Wee founde also roses, violetts, lyllies, and many sortes of
herbes and swete and odoriferous flowers. And after, in the sixte leafe,
he saithe: Wee were oftentimes within the lande v. or vj. leagues, which
wee founde as pleasaunte as is possible to declare, apte for any kinde of
husbandrye of corne, wine, and oile. For therein there are plaines 25. or
30. leagues broade, open and withoute any impedymente of trees, of suche
frutefulnes that any seede beinge sowen therein will bringe furthe moste
excellente frule. Wee entred afterwardes into the wooddes, which wee
founde so greate and thicke, that an armye (were it never so greate)
mighte have hydd it selfe therein, the trees whereof were oakes,
cypresses, and other sortes unknowen in Europe. (M226) Wee founde pomi
appij, plommes, and nuttes, and many other sortes of frutes to us
unknowen. There are beastes in greate aboundaunce, as redd dere and
fallowe dere, leopardes and other kindes, which they take with their bowes
and arrowes, which are their chefeste weapons. This lande is scituate in
the parallele of Rome in 41. degrees and 2. terces. And towardes the ende
he saieth: Wee sawe many of the people weare earinges of copper hangings
at their eares. Thus farr oute of the relation of Verarsana.

Nowe to come to Stephen Gomes, which by the commandemente of the Emperor
Charles the Fyfte discovered the coaste of Norumbega. These are the wordes
of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo in his summarye of the Weste Indies, translated into
Italian, concerninge him, fo. 52: Dapoi ehe vostra Maestà è in questa
città di Toledo, arriuò qui nel mese di Nouembre il piloto Stephano Gomez,
ilquale nel’ anno passato del 1524. per comandamento di vostra Maestà,
nauigò alla parte di Tramontana, e trouò gran parte di terra continouata a
quella che si chiama dellos Bachallaos, dòscorrendo à Occidente, e giace
in 40. e 41. grado, e cosi poco piu e meno; del qual luogo menò alcuni
Indiani, e ne sono al presente in questa città, li quali sono di maggior
grandezza di quelli di terra ferma, secondo che communemente sono, perche
anchora il detto piloto disse hauer visto molti, che sono tutti di quella
medesima grandezza, il color veramente è come quelli di terra ferma; sono
grandi arcieri, e vanno coperti di pelle d’animali saluatichi, e d’ altri
animali. Sono in questa terra eccellenti martori, e zibellini, e altre
ricche fodere, delle quali ne portò alcune pelle il detto pilotto. Harmo
argento e rame, e secondo che dicono questi Indiani, et con segni fanno
intendere, adorano il Sole e la Luna, anche hanno altre idolatrie ed
errori, come quelli di terra ferma.

Another Frenche capitaine of Diepe,(54) which had bene alongeste this
coaste, geveth this testymonie of the people and contrie from 46. to 47.
degrees, as it is in the thirde volume of viages gathered by Ramusius,
fol. 423, pag. secunda: Gli habitatori di questa terra sono genti
trattabili, amicheuoli, e piaceuoli. La terra è abbondantissima d’ogni
frutto; vi nascono aranci, mandorle, vua saluatica e molte altre sorti
d’arbori odoriferi; la terra è detta da paesani suoi Norumbega.

This coaste, from Cape Briton CC. (200) leagues to the south west, was
again discovered at the chardges of the cardinall of Bourbon by my frende
Stephen Bellinger of Roan, the laste yere, 1583, whoe founde a towne of
fourscore houses, covered with the barkes of trees, upon a rivers side,
about C. leagues from the aforesaid Cape Briton. He reporteth that the
contrie is of the temperature of the coaste of Gascoigne and Guyann.
(M227) He broughte home a kinde of mynerall matter supposed to holde
silver, whereof he gaue me some; a kynde of muske called castor; divers
beastes skynnes, as bevers, otters, marternes, lucernes, scales, buffs,
dere skynnes, all dressed, and painted on the innerside with divers
excellent colours, as redd, tawnye, yellowe, and vermillyon,—all which
thinges I sawe; and divers other marchandize he hath which I saw not. But
he told me that he had CCCC. and xl. crownes for that in Roan, which, in
trifles bestowed upon the savages, stoode him not in fortie crownes. And
this yere, 1584. the Marques de la Roche wente with three hundreth men to
inhabte, in those partes, whose voyadge was overthrowen by occasion that
his greatest shippe of CCC. tonnes was caste away over againste Burwage,
and so the enterprize for this yere ceseth.(55)

The nature and qualitie of thother parte of America from Cape Briton,
beinge in 46 degrees unto the latitude of 52. for iij. C. leagues within
the lande even to Hochelaga, is notably described in the twoo voyadges of
Jacques Cartier. In the fifte chapiter of his seconde relation thus he
writeth: From the 19 till the 28 of September wee sailed upp the ryver,
neuer loosinge one houre of tyme, all which space wee sawe as goodly a
contrie as possibly coulde be wisshed for, full of all sortes of goodly
trees, that is to say, oakes, elmes, walnut trees, cedars, fyrres, asshes,
boxe, willoughes, and greate store of vynes, all as full of grapes as
coulde be, that if any of our fellowes wente on shoare, they came home
laden with them. There are likewise many cranes, swannes, geese,
mallardes, fesauntes, partridges, thrusshes, black birdes, turtles,
finches, redd brestes, nightingales, sparrowes, with other sortes of
birdes even as in Fraunce, and greate plentie and store. Againe in the
xi’th chapiter of the said relation there ys mention of silver and golde
to be upon a ryver that is three monethes saylinge, navigable southwarde
from Hochelaga; and that redd copper is yn Saguynay. All that contrie is
full of sondrie sortes of woodde and many vines. There is greate store of
stagges, redd dere, fallowe dere, beares, and other suche like sorts of
bestes, as conies, hares, marterns, foxes, otters, bevers, squirrells,
badgers, and rattes excedinge greate, and divers other sortes of beastes
for huntinge. There are also many sortes of fowles, as cranes, swannes,
outardes, wilde geese, white and graye, duckes, thrusshes, black birdes,
turtles, wilde pigeons, lynnetts, finches, redd brestes, stares,
nightingales, sparrowes, and other birdes even as in Fraunce. Also, as wee
have said before, the said ryver is the plentifullest of fyshe that ever
hath bene seene or hearde of, because that from the heade to the mouthe of
yt you shall finde all kinde of freshe and salt water fyshe accordinge to
their season. There are also many whales, porposes, sea horses, and
adhothuis, which is a kinde of fishe which wee have neuer seene nor hearde
of before. And in the xii’th chapiter thus: We understoode of Donnacona
and others that ... there are people cladd with clothe as wee are, very
honest, and many inhabited townes, and that they had greate store of gold
and redde copper; and that within the land beyonde the said ryver unto
Hochelaga and Saguynay, ys an iland envyroned rounde aboute with that and
other ryvers, and that there is a sea of freshe water founde, and, as they
have hearde say of those of Saguynay, there was never man hearde of that
founde oute the begynnynge and ende thereof. Finally, in the postscripte
of the seconde relation, wee reade these wordes: They of Canada saye, that
it is a moones sailinge to goe to a land where cynamonde and cloves are
gathered.

And nowe, because hitherto I have spoken of the outwarde coaste, I will
also alledge the comodities of the inland, in the latitude of 37. degrees,
about the citie of Ceuola, usinge the very wordes of Vasques de Coronado,
in the thirde chapter of his Relation, written to Don Antonio di Mendoza,
Viceroy of Mexico, which sente him thither with many Spaniardes and iiij.
C. horses and a thousande Indians to discover those contries.(56) He,
speakinge there of the citie of Ceuola, procedeth in this manner: In
questo doue io sto hora alloggiato possono esserui qualche dugento case
tutte circondate di muro, e parmi che con l’altre che non sono cosi
possono arriuare a cinquecento fuochi. V’ è un’ altra terra vicina, che è
una delle sette, ed è alqoanto maggior di questa, e un altra della
medesima grandezza di questa, e l’altre quattro sono alquanto minori, e
tutte io le mando dipinte a vostra Signoria con il viaggio, e pergamino
doue va la pittura si trouo qui con altri pergamini ... hanno mantelli
dipinti della maniera che io mando a vostra Signoria, non raccolgono
bombaso ... pero ne portano mantelli, come ella vedrà per la mostra; ed è
vero che si ritrouo nelle lor case certo bombaso filato: ... et hanno
delle turchine penso in quantità ... si trouaron in una carta due punte di
smeraldi, e certe picciole pierte rotte, che tirano al color di granate,
... ed altre pietre di cristallo ... si trouaron galline ... son
buonissime e maggiori che quelle di Messico. ... Si trouo buonissima herba
ad un quarto di legha di quà. ... Mangiano le migliori tortelle che io
habbia veduto in alcuna parte. ... Hanno buonissimo sale in grano, che
leuano da un lagune che è lunghe una giornata di quà. ... Vi sono di molti
animali, orsi, tigri, leoni, porci spinosi, lepri, conigli, e certi
castrati della grandezza d’ un cauallo, con corni molto grandi e code
picciole. ... Vi sono delle capre saluatiche, delle quali ho veduto le
teste, ... e le pelli de i cingiali. Vi sono cacciagioni di cerui, pardi,
caurioli molto grandi ... fanno otto giornate verso le champagne al mare
di settentrione. Quiui sono certe pelli ben concie, e la concia e pittura
gli dan doue uccidon le vacche. In the last chapiter he addeth: Mando a
vostra Signoria una pelle di vacca, certe turchine e duoi pendenti
d’orecchie delle medesime, e quindici pettini de gl’Indiani, e alcune
tauolette guarnite di queste turchine, &c. And for a conclusion he endethe
sayenge: In questo luogo s’è trouato alquanto oro ed argento, che quei che
s’intendon di miniera non l’ han reputato per cattiuo.

And Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in his Generall Historie of the Indies,
fol. 297. and 298. in treatinge of the seconde voyadge of Franciscus
Vasques de Coronado from Ceuola to Tigues, from Tigues to Cicuic, and from
Cicuic to Quiuira, saieth firste of the contrye about Tigues: Ci sono in
quel paese melloni, e cottone bianco e rosso, del quale fanno piu larghi
mantelli, che in altre bande delle Indie. And of Quiuira he saieth: è
Quiuira in quaranta gradi, è paese temperato di bonissime acque, di molto
herbatico, prugne, more, noci, melloni ed vue che maturanno benissimo; e
vestono pelle di vacche e caprioli; uiddero per la costa navi che
portavano arcatrarzes di oro ed argento per le proe, con mercantie, e
credettero ch’erano del Cataio e China: per chè accennavano, che havevano
nauigato trenta dì.

Touchinge Newefounde lande, because no man hath better searched it oute,
and all the comodities thereof, then those that were there the laste yere,
1583, the space of eightene daies on lande, with Sir Humfry Gilbert,(57) I
will make rehersall thereof, as I finde it comitted to printe in a learned
discourse, intituled A Trve Reporte of the late Discoueries and Possessyon
taken in the Righte of the Crowne of England, of the Newfounde Landes,
&c.(58) The wordes are these in the firste leafe: Then Sir Humfry wente to
viewe the contrye, beinge well accompanied with moste of his capitaines
and souldiers. They founde the same very temperate, but somwhat warmer
then England at that time of the yere, replenished with beastes and greate
store of fowle of divers kyndes, and fisshes of sondrye sortes, bothe in
the salte water and in the freshe, in so greate plentie as mighte suffice
to victuall an armye, and they are very easely taken. And in the fifte
chapter of the said discourse I reade in this manner: But let us omitte
all presumtions, howe vehemente soeuer, and dwell upon the certentie of
suche comodities as were discovered and founde by Sir Humfry Gilbert and
his assistantes in Newfoundelande, in Auguste laste; ffor there may very
easely be made pitche, tarr, rosen, sope asshes, in greate plentie, yea,
as it is thoughte, ynoughe to serve the whole realme of every of these
kindes; and of trayne oyle suche quantitie as if I shoulde set downe the
value that they doe esteme it at, which have bene there, it woulde seme
incredible.

(M228) To this in effecte agreeth that which one Stephanus Parmenius, a
learned Hungarian, borne in Buda, and lately, my bedfelowe in Oxforde,(59)
wrote unto me oute of Newfounde lande, beinge of Sir Humfryes companye:
Piscium (saieth he, writinge in Latin) inexhausta copia, inde huc
commeantibus magnus quæstus. Vix hamus fundum attigit, illicò insigni
aliquo onustus est. Terra universa montana et syluestris; arbores ut
plurimùm pinus et abietes. Herbæ omnes proceræ, sed rarò à nostris
diuersae. Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum. Inueni
enim gramina et spicas in similitudinem secalis. Et facilè culutra et
satione in vsum humanum assuefieri posse videntur. Rubi in siluis vel
potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate. Vrsi circa tuguria nonnunquam
apparent et conficiuntur. ... Ignotum est an aliquid metalli subsit
montibus, ... etsi aspectus eorum mineras latentes prae se ferat. (M229)
Nos Admiralio authores fuimus syluas incendere, quo ad inspiciendam
regionem spatium pateret; nec displicebat illi consilium, si non magnum
incommodum allaturum videretur. Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis hominibus,
cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua statione id accidisset, septennium
totum pisces non comparuisse, exacerbata maris vnda ex terebinthina, quae
conflagrantibus arboribus per riuulos defluebat. (M230) Coelum hoc anni
tempore ita feruidum est vt nisi pisces qui arefiunt solem assidui,
inuertantur, ab adustione defendi non possint. . . . Aer in terra
mediocriter clarus est. Ad orientem supra mare perpetuae nebulae, &c.

Nowe, to passe from Newfoundelande to 60. degrees, I finde it beste
described by Jasper Corterealis,(60) in the thirde volume of the voyadges
gathered by Ramusius, fol. 417. There I reade as followeth: Nella parte
del mondo nuouo che corre verso Tramontana e maestro all’ incontro del
nostro habitabile dell’ Europa, v’ hanno nauigato molti capitani, ed il
primo (per quel’ che si sa) fù Gasparo Cortereale Portoghese, che del
1500. v’ andò con due carauelle, pensando di trouar qualche stretto di
mare, donde per viaggio piu breue, che non è l’ andare attorno l’Affrica,
potesse passare all’ Isole delle Spicerie. Esso nauigò tanto auanti, che
venne in luogo, doue erano grandissimi freddi, et in gradi 60. di
latitudine trouò vn fiume carico di neue, dalla quale gli dette il nome,
chiamandolo Rio Neuado, nè gli bastò l’animo di passar piu auanti. Tutta
questa costa, che corre dal detto Rio Neuado infin’ al porto di Maluas
leghe 200. ilqual è in gradi 56. la vidde piena di genti, e molto
habitato: sopra laqual dismontato prese alcuni per menargli seco, scoperse
ancho molte Isole per mezo la detta costa tutte populate, a ciascuna delle
quali diede il nome. Gli habitanti sono huomini grandi, ben proportionati,
ma alquanto berrettini, e si dipingono la faccia, e tutto il corpo con
diuersi colori per galanteria. Portano manigli d’ argento e di rame, e si
cuoprono con pelli cucite insieme di martori e d’ altri animali diversi;
il verno le portono col pelo di dentro, e la state di fuori. Il cibo loro
per la maggior parte è di pesce piu che d’alcuna altra cosa, massimamente
di salmoni, che n’hanno grandissima copia: ed anchora che vi siano diuersi
sorti d’vccelli, e di frutti, nondimeno non fanno conto se non del pesce.
Le loro habitationi sono fatte di legname, delquale hanno abondantia per
esserui grandissimi, ed infiniti boschi, ed in luogo di tegole le cuoprono
di pelli di pesci, che ne pigliano grandissimi, e gli scorticano. Vidde
molti vccelli, e altri animali, massimamente orsi tutti bianchi.(61)

The reste of this coaste from 60. to 63. is described by Frobisher,(62)
and in freshe memorye, so that I shall not nede to make repetition
thereof.

(M231) Thus, havinge alleaged many printed testymonies of these credible
persons, which were personally betwene 30. and 63. degrees in America, as
well on the coaste as within the lande, which affirmed unto the princes
and kinges which sett them oute, that they founde there golde, silver,
copper, leade, and perles in aboundaunce; precious stones, as turqueses
and emrauldes; spices and druggs, as pepper, cynamon, cloves, rubarb,
muske called castor, turpentine; silke wormes, fairer then ours of Europe;
white and redd cotten; infinite multitudes of all kinde of beastes, with
their tallowe and hides dressed and undressed; cochenilio, founde last
yere by the men of St. John de Luze, and many other kindes of coulours for
clothinge; millions of all kindes of fowles for foode and fethers; salte
for fisshinge; excellent vines in many places for wines; the soile apte to
beare olyves for oile; all kindes of frutes, as oranges, almondes,
filberdes, figges, plomes, mulberies, raspis, pomi appij, melons; all
kinde of odoriferous trees and date trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes,
sapines, hony and waxe; and in New founde lande aboundaunce of pynes and
firr trees, asshes, and other like, to make mastes and deale boordes,
pitche, tarr, rosen; and hempe for cables and cordage; and, upp within the
Graunde Baye, exceedinge quantitie of all kynde of precious furres
(whereof I sawe twentie thousande French crownes worthe the laste yere
broughte to Paris to Valeron Perosse and Mathewe Grainer, the kinges
skynners); also, suche aboundaunce of trayne oile to make sope, and of
fishe as a third part of Europe ys furnished therewith,—I may well and
truly conclude with reason and authoritie, that all the comodities of all
our olde decayed and daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa, and Asia
haunted by us, (M232) may in shorte space for little or nothinge, and many
for the very workemanshippe, in a manner be had in that part of America
which lieth betwene 30. and 60. degrees of northerly latitude, if by our
slackness we suffer not the Frenche or others to prevente us.



Chap. IV. That this enterprise will be for the manifolde ymployment of
nombers of idle men, and for bredinge of many sufficient, and for
utteraunce of the greate quantitie of the comodities of our realme.


It is well worthe the observation to see and consider what the like
voyadges of discoverye and planting in the Easte and Weste Indies hath
wroughte in the kingdomes of Portingale and Spayne; bothe which realmes,
beinge of themselves poore and barren and hardly able to susteine their
inhabitaunts, by their discoveries have founde suche occasion of
employmente, that these many yeres we have not herde scarcely of any
pirate of those twoo nations; whereas wee and the Frenche are moste
infamous for our outeragious, common, and daily piracies. Againe, when
hearde wee almoste of one theefe amongest them? The reason is, that by
these, their new discoveries, they have so many honest wayes to set them
on worke, as they rather wante men than meanes to ymploy them. But wee,
for all the statutes that hitherto can be devised, and the sharpe
execution of the same in poonishinge idle lazye persons, for wante of
sufficient occasion of honest employmente cannot deliver our commonwealthe
from the multitudes of loyterers and idle vagabondes. (M233) Truthe it is,
that throughe our longe peace and seldome sicknes (twoo singuler
blessinges of Almightie God) wee are growen more populous than ever
heretofore; so that nowe there are of every arte and science so many, that
they can hardly lyve one by another, nay rather they are readie to eate
upp one another; yea many thousandths of idle persons are within this
realme, which, havinge no way to be sett on worke, be either mutinous and
seeke alteration in the state, or at leaste very burdensome to the
commonwealthe, and often fall to pilferinge and thevinge and other
lewdnes, whereby all the prisons of the lande are daily pestred and
stuffed full of them, where either they pitifully pyne awaye, or els at
lengthe are miserably hanged, even xx’ti. at a clappe oute of some one
jayle. Whereas yf this voyadge were put in execution, these pety theves
mighte be condempned for certen yeres in the westerne partes, especially
in Newfounde lande, in sawinge and fellinge of tymber for mastes shippes,
and deale boordes; in burninge of the firres and pine trees to make
pitche, tarr, rosen, and sope ashes; in beatinge and workinge of hempe for
cordage; and, in the more southerne partes, in settinge them to worke in
mynes of golde, silver, copper, leade, and yron; in dragginge for perles
and currall; in plantinge of suger canes, as the Portingales have done in
Madera; in mayneteynaunce and increasinge of silke wormes for silke, and
in dressinge the same; in gatheringe of cotten whereof there is plentie;
in tillinge of the soile there for graine; in dressinge of vines whereof
there is greate aboundaunce for wyne; olyves, whereof the soile is
capable, for oyle; trees for oranges, lymons, almondes, figges, and other
frutes, all which are founde to growe there already; in sowinge of woade
and madder for diers, as the Portingales have don in the Azores; in
dressinge of raw hides of divers kindes of beastes; in makinge and
gatheringe of salte, as in Rochel and Bayon, which may serve for the newe
lande fisshinge; in killinge the whale, seale, porpose, and whirlepoole
for trayne oile; in fisshinge, saltinge, and dryenge of linge, codde,
salmon, herringe; in makinge and gatheringe of hony, wax, turpentine; in
hewinge and shapinge of stone, as marble, jeate, christall, freestone,
which will be goodd balaste for our shippes homewardes, and after serve
for noble buildinges; in makinge of caske, oares, and all other manner of
staves; in buildinge of fortes, townes, churches; in powderinge and
barrelling of fishe, fowles, and fleshe, which will be notable provision
for sea and lande; in dryinge, sortinge and packinge of fethers, whereof
may be had there marvelous greate quantitie.

Besides this, such as by any kinde of infirmitie cannot passe the seas
thither, and now are chardgeable to the realme at home, by this voyadge
shal be made profitable members, by employinge them in England in makinge
of a thousande triflinge thinges, which will be very goodd marchandize for
those contries where wee shall have moste ample vente thereof.

And seinge the savages of the Graunde Baye, and all alonge the mightie
ryver that ronneth upp to Canada and Hochelaga, are greately delighted
with any cappe or garment made of course wollen clothe, their contrie
beinge colde and sharpe in the winter, this is manifeste wee shall finde
greate utteraunce of our clothes, especially of our coursest and basest
northerne doosens, and our Irishe and Welshe frizes and rugges; whereby
all occupations belonginge to clothinge and knittinge shalbe freshly sett
on worke, as cappers, knitters, clothiers, wollmen, carders, spyners,
weavers, fullers, sheremen, dyers, drapers, hatters and such like, whereby
many decayed townes may be repaired.

In somme, this enterprice will mynister matter for all sortes and states
for men to worke upon; namely, all severall kindes of artificer:
husbandmen, seamen, marchauntes, souldiers, capitaines, phisitions,
lawyers, devines, cosmographers, hidrographers, astronomers,
historiographers; yea olde folkes, lame persons, women, and younge
children, by many meanes which hereby shall still be mynistred unto them,
shalbe kepte from idlenes and be made able by their owne honest and easie
labour to finde themselves, withoute surchardginge others. For proofe of
the last part of my allegation I will use but onely this one example
followinge.

In the yere of our Lorde 1564. at what tyme the Flemishe nation were
growen, as they were, to the fulnes of their wealthe and to the heighte of
their pride, and not remembringe what wonderfull gaine they had yerely by
the wolles, clothes, and comodities of England, beganne to contempne our
nation and to rejecte our clothes and comodities, a subjecte of the then
twoo Erles of Emden, a man of greate observation, wrote a notable
discourse to the younge erles, to take occasion of that present tyme by
offer of large priviledges in Emden to the Englishe men.(63) In which
discourse, the said subjecte, for the better inducemente of the said twoo
younge erles, dothe write of his owne knowledge, as he in his discourse
affirmeth, and as also by his reporte appereth in the 22d booke of
Sleydans Comentaries,(64) that, anno 1550. Charles the Fifte, then
Emperour, would have had the Spanishe Inquisition broughte into Andwerpe
and into the Netherlandes; whereaboute there was moche adoe, and that
neither the sute of the towne of Andwerpe, nor the requeste of their
frendes, could perswade the Emperour from it, till at the laste they tolde
him playnely, that if the Inquisition came into Andwerpe and the
Netherlandes that the Englishe marchantes woulde departe oute of the towne
and out of his contries; and upon declaration of this suggestion, searche
was made what profile there came and comoditie grewe by the haunte of the
Englishe marchantes. Then was it founde by searche and enquirie, that
within the towne of Andwerpe alone, there were fourtene thousande persons
fedde and mayneteyned onely by the workinge of Englishe commodities,
besides the gaines that marchantes and shippers with other in the sayd
towne did gett, which was the greatest parte of their lyvinge, which were
thoughte to be in nombre half as many more; and in all other places of his
Netherlandes by the indrapinge of Englishe woll into clothe, and by the
workinge of other Englishe comodities, there were thirtie thousande
persons more mayneteyned and fedd; which in all amounteth to the nomber of
lj.M. persons. And this was the reporte that was geven to this mightie
Emperour, whereby the towne of Andwerpe and the Netherlandes were saved
from the Inquisition. And in the ende of the 45th article of the same
discourse, also, he setteth down by particuler accompte howe the subjectes
of the same Emperour in the Netherlandes dyd gaine yerely onely by the
woll and wollen clothe that came eche yere oute of England, almoste
vi.C.M. (M234) I say almoste sixe hundreth thousande poundes sterling,
besides the gaines they had for sondry other thinges, that were of
marvelous somes.

Nowe if her Majestie take these westerne discoveries in hande, and plante
there, yt is like that in shorte time wee shall vente as greate a masse of
clothe yn those partes as ever wee did in the Netherlandes, and in tyme
moche more; which was the opinion of that excellent man, Mr Roberte
Thorne, extante in printe in the laste leafe savinge one of his discourse
to Doctor Lea,(65) ambassador for King Henry the Eighte, in Spaine, with
Charles the Emperour, whose wordes are these: And althoughe (saieth he)
wee wente not into the said ilandes of spicerye, for that they are the
Emperours or Kinges of Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comynge
once to the lyne equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of golde and
spicerie, as all other landes are under the said lyne equinoctiall; and
also shoulde, yf wee may passe under the northe, enjoye the navigation of
all Tartarye, which should be no lesse profitable to our comodities of
clothe, then those spiceries to the Emperour and Kinge of Portingale.

This beinge soe, yt commeth to passe, that whatsoever clothe wee shall
vente on the tracte of that firme, or in the ilandes of the same, or in
other landes, ilandes, and territories beyonde, be they within the circle
articke or withoute, all these clothes, I say, are to passe oute of this
realme full wroughte by our naturall subjectes in all degrees of labour.
And if it come aboute in tyme that wee shall vente that masse there that
wee vented in the Base Countries, which is hoped by greate reason, then
shall alt that clothe passe oute of this realme in all degrees of labour
full wroughte by the poore natural subjectes of this realme, like as the
quantitie of our clothe dothe passe that goeth hence to Russia, Barbarie,
Turkye, Persia, &c. And then consequently it followeth, that the like
nomber of people alleaged to the Emperour shal be sett on worke in England
of our poore sujectes more then hath bene; and so her Majestie shall not
be troubled with the pitefull outecryes of cappers, knytters, spynners,
&c.

And on the other side wee are to note, that all the comodities wee shall
bringe thence wee shall not bringe them wroughte, as wee bringe now the
comodities of Fraunce and Flaunders, &c. but shall receave them all
substaunces unwroughte, to the ymploymente of a wonderfull multitude of
the poore subjectes of this realme in returne. And so to conclude, what in
the nomber of thinges to goe oute wroughte, and to come in unwroughte,
there nede not one poore creature to steale, to starve, or to begge as
they doe.

(M235) And to answer objections; where fooles for the swarminge of beggars
alleage that the realme is too populous, Solomon saieth, that the honour
and strengthe of a prince consisteth in the multitude of the people. And
if this come aboute, that worke may be had for the multitude, where the
realme hath nowe one thousande for the defence thereof, the same may have
fyve thousande. For when people knowe howe to live, and howe to maynetayne
and feede their wyves and children, they will not abstaine from mariage as
nowe they doe. And the soile thus aboundinge with come, fleshe, mylke,
butter, cheese, herbes, rootes, and frutes, &c., and the seas that envyron
the same so infynitely aboundinge in fishe, I dare truly affirme, that if
the nomber in this realme were as greate as all Spaine and Ffraunce have,
the people beinge industrious, I say, there shoulde be founde victualls
ynoughe at the full in all bounty to suffice them all. And takinge order
to cary hence thither our clothes made in hose, coates, clokes, whoodes,
&c., and to returne thither hides of their owne beastes, tanned and turned
into shoes and bootes, and other skynnes of goates, whereof they have
store, into gloves, &c., no doubte but wee shall sett on worke in this
realme, besides sailers and suche as shalbe seated there in those westerne
discovered contries, at the leaste C.M. subjectes, to the greate abatinge
of the goodd estate of subjectes of forreine princes, enemies, or
doubtfull friends, and this _absque injuria_, as the lawyers say, albeit
not _sine damno_. And having a vente of lynnen, as the Spaniardes have in
the rest of that firme, wee may sett our people, in making the same,
infinitely on worke, and in many other thinges besides; which time will
bringe aboute, thoughe nowe, for wante of knowledge and full experience of
this trade, wee cannot enter into juste accompte of all particulers.



Chap. V. That this voyage will be a greate bridle to the Indies of the
Kinge of Spaine, and a meane that wee may arreste at our pleasure for the
space of tenne weeks or three monethes every yere one or twoo C. saile of
his subjectes shippes at the fyshinge in Newfounde Land.


The cause why the Kinge of Spaine, these three or foure yeres last paste,
was at suche intollerable chardges in furnishinge oute so many navies to
wynne Tercera, and the other small ilandes of the Azores adjacent to the
same, was the opportunitie of the places in interceptinge his West India
flete at their returne homewarde, as a matter that toucheth him indeede to
the quicke. But the plantinge of twoo or three strong fortes upon some
goodd havens (whereof there is greate store) betweene Florida and Cape
Briton, woulde be a matter in shorte space of greater domage as well to
his flete as to his westerne Indies; for wee shoulde not onely often tymes
indaunger his flete in the returne thereof, but also in fewe yeres put him
in hazarde in loosinge some parte of Nova Hispania.

Touchinge the fleete, no man (that knoweth the course thereof, comynge
oute betwene Cuba and the Cape of Florida, alonge the gulfe or straite of
Bahama) can denye that it is caried by the currant northe and northeaste
towardes the coaste which wee purpose, God willinge to inhabite; which
hapned to them not twoo yeres past, as Mr. Jenynges and Mr. Smithe, the
master and masters mate of the shippe called the Toby, belonginge to
Bristowe, infourmed me, and many of the chefest merchauntes of that citie,
whereof they had particuler advertisement at Cadiz in Spaine a little
before by them that were in the same flete the selfe same yere, and were
in person driven upon the same coaste, and sawe the people, which they
reported to be bigge men, somewhat in makinge like the Hollanders, and
lighted on a towne upon a ryvers side, which they affirmed to be above a
quarter of a mile in lengthe. Besides the current, it is also a thinge
withoute controversie, that all southerne and south easterne windes
inforce the Spanish flete returninge home nere or upon the aforesaide
coaste, and consequently will bringe them into our daunger, after wee
shallbe there strongly setled and fortified.

Wee are moreover to understande that the savages of Florida are the
Spaniardes mortall enemyes, and wilbe ready to joyne with us againste
them, as they joyned with Capitaine Gourgues, a Gascoigne, whoe beinge but
a private man, and goinge thither at his owne chardges, by their aide
wonne and rased the three small fortes, which the Spaniardes aboute xx’ti.
yeres agoe had planted in Florida after their traiterous slaughter of John
Ribault; which Gourgues slewe, and hanged upp divers of them on the same
trees whereon the yere before they had hanged the Frenche. Yea, one
Holocotera, brother to one of the kinges of the savages, leapinge upp on
an highe place, with his owne handes slewe a Spanishe canonier as he was
puttinge fire to a pece of ordynaunce; which storye is at large in printe
sett furthe by Monsieur Poplynier in his book intituled Trois Mondes.

Also, within the lande on the northe side of Nova Hispania, there is a
people called Chichimici, which are bigg and stronge men and valiaunte
archers, which have contynuall warres with the Spaniardes, and doe
greately annoye them. The Spanishe histories which I have reade, and other
late discourses, make greate mention of them. Yea, Myles Phillipps, who
was xiiij. yeres in those partes, and presented his whole travell in
writinge to her Majestie, confesseth this to be moste certaine.(66)

Nowe if wee (being thereto provoked by Spanishe injuries) woulde either
joyne with these savages, or sende or give them armor, as the Spaniardes
arme our Irishe rebells, wee shoulde trouble the Kinge of Spaine more in
those partes, then he hath or can trouble us in Ireland, and holde him at
suche a bay as he was never yet helde at. For if (as the aforesaide Miles
Phillipps writeth) yt be true, that one negro which fledd from his cruel
Spanishe master is receaved and made capitaine of multitudes of the
Chichimici, and daily dothe grevously afflicte them, and hath almoste
enforced them to leave and abandon their silver mynes in those quarters,
what domage mighte divers hundreds of Englishe men doe them, being growen
once into familiaritie with that valiaunte nation.

And this is the greatest feare that the Spaniardes have, to witt, our
plantinge in those partes and joyning with those savages, their
neighbours, in Florida, and on the northe side of Nova Hispania. Which
thinge an Englishe gentleman, Capitaine Muffett, whoe is nowe in Fraunce,
tolde divers tymes this laste winter in my hearinge and others of credite,
namely, that when he was in Spaine, prisoner, not longe since, he hearde
the threasurer of the West Indies say, that there was no suche way to
hinder his master, as to plante upon the coaste nere unto Florida, from
whence by greate ryvers any man mighte easely passe farre upp into the
lande, and joyne with his enemyes, whereof he stoode in contynuall feare;
and said moreover, that that was the occasion why suche crueltie was used
towardes John Ribaulte and his companie upon his seekinge to settle there.

(M236) Fynally, if wee liste not to come so nere Florida, this is a matter
of no small momente, that if we fortifie ourselves about Cape Briton, nere
Newfounde land, partely by the strengthe of our fortification, and partely
by the aide of our navye of fishermen, which are already comaunders of
others there, havinge our double forces thus joyned together, wee shalbe
able upon every sooden to cease upon one or twoo hundreth Spanishe and
Portingale shipps, which for tenne weekes or three monethes ate there on
fisshinge every yere. This I say will be suche a bridle to him and suche
an advantage vnto us, as wee cannot possibly ymagine a greater. And thus
the Frenche served them in the time of Mounsieurs being in Flaunders,
caryenge awaye oute of some harborowes three or foure Spanishe and
Portingale shippes at ones; and more they woulde have taken, if our
Englishmen, and, namely, one of myne acquaintaunce of Ratclife, had not
defended them. And hither of necessitie they must yerely repaire, beinge
not able to make their provision for land and sea of fishe in any place
els, excepte on the coaste of Ireland, and at Cape Blancke in Africa,
which twoo are nothinge worth in comparison to this thirde place.

So shall wee be able to crye quittance with the King of Spaine if he
shoulde goe aboute to make any generall arreste of our navye, or rather
terrifie him from any such enterpryse, when he shall bethincke himself
that his navye in Newfounde lande is no lesse in our daunger, then ours is
in his domynions wheresoever.



Chap. VI. That the mischiefe that the Indian treasure wroughte in time of
Charles the late Emperor, father to the Spanishe kinge, is to be had in
consideration of the Queens most excellent Majestie, leaste the contynuall
comynge of the like treasure from thence to his sonne, worke the
unrecoverable annoye of this realme, whereof already we have had very
daungerous experience.


It is written in the xxxth. article of the discourse before specified,
dedicated to the twoo younge Erles of Emden, as followeth, verbatim: With
this greate treasure did not the Emperour Charles gett from the French
Kinge the Kingdome of Naples, the Dukedome of Myllaine, and all other his
domynions in Italy, Lombardy, Pyemont, and Savoye? With this treasure did
he not take the Pope prisoner, and sack the sea of Rome? With this
treasure did he not take the Frenche Kinge prisoner, and mayneteyne all
the greate warres with Fraunce, since the yere of our Lorde 1540. to the
yere of our Lord 1560. as is declared in the 12. and 13. article of his
booke? With this treasure hath he not mayneteyned many cities in Italie,
as well againste the Pope as againste the Frenche Kinge, as Parma,
Florence, and such other? With this treasure did he not overthrowe the
Duke of Cleave, and take Gilderland, Groyningelande, and other domynions
from him, which oughte to be a goode warninge to you all, as it shall be
most plainly and truly declared hereafter? With this treasure did he not
gett into his handes the Erledome of Lingen in Westfalia? With this
treasure did he not cause the Erie of Esones, your subject, to rebell
againste your Graces father and againste you? The cause you knowe beste.
And what works this treasure made amongest the princes and townes in
Germany, when the Duke of Saxony and the Launtzgrave Van Hessen were
taken, Sleydan, our owne countryman, by his Chronicle declareth at large.
And did not this treasure, named the Burgundishe asse, walke and ronne in
all places to make bothe warr and peace at pleasure? And tooke he nothinge
from the Empire then? Yes, truly, to moche, as you shall heare. When the
Emperor Charles was firste made Emperour, what were the townes and
contries in the Netherlandes that justly or properly came to him by birthe
or inheritaunce? There was Brabant, Flaunders, Holland, Zeland, Artoys,
and Henego. And yet there is a greate question concerninge Holland, howe
the Emperour Charles and his progenitors came by yt, and what homage and
duetie they oughte to doe for the same; because thereby the house of
Burgundy hath the mouthe of the River Rhene at their commaundemente, which
is to the greate losse, domage, and daunger of Germanye, as hereafter
shalbe declared. Here be all the contries that belonged to the house of
Burgundie when the Emperour Charles was made Emperour. But howe moche hath
bene added to the Netherlandes since by him, contrary to his oathe made?
That are these townes and contries, as yt appereth in Sleydans Chronicle;
viz. Lutzenburge, Lymeburge, Gelderlande, the Erldome of Sutphen, the
Citie and Straite of Vtright,(67) with all the landes in Over Isel, West
Frizeland, the Citie of Groninge, and Groininge land. And, as before it is
saied, he hath by pollicie gotten into his handes the Erldome of Lingen,
standinge in Westfalia; and by the like pollicie, with money, he is become
the defender of the Erledome of Esons, which is parcell of your Graces
contrie of East Frizeland. All these contries and townes, with the
treasure of the Netherlandes, hath he taken from the Empire.

Thus farr procedeth this excellent man in describinge howe Charles the
Emperour employed his treasure to the afflictinge and oppressinge of moste
of the greatest estates of Christendome. The effecte of these treasures
which he had oute of the West Indies, Peter Martir of Angleria, in the
epistle dedicatory of his Decades to the said Emperour Charles, truly
prognosticated in the begynnynge, before hand, where he writeth thus unto
him: Come therefore and embrace this newe worlde, and suffer us no longer
to consume in desire of your presence. From hence, from hence (I say),
moste noble younge Prince, shall instrumentes be prepared for you whereby
all the worlde shalbe under your obeysaunce.

And in very deede it is moste apparaunte that riches are the fittest
instrumentes of conqveste, and that the Emperour turned them to that use.

(M237) To leave the father and come to the sonne, hath not Kinge Phillippe
employed his treasure as injuriously to all princes and potentates of
Europe? Is it not he that with his Indian treasure corrupted the
_Quinqueviri_ in Portingale, that in the interregnum were appointed
overseers of the comon wealthe, and so hath joyned that kingdome to his,
with all the ilandes, townes, domynions belonginge to that crowne? Is it
not he that with his treasure hath gon aboute to hier some ungodlye
murderer to make away with Don Antonio, one while by open proclamation,
and another while _sotto capo_, under hande? Is it not he that by his
treasure hathe hired at sondry times the sonnes of Beliall to bereve the
Prince of Orange of his life?(68) And hath he not suborned by hope of
rewarde other moste ungodly persons to lay violent handes upon other
Christian princes? Hath not he these many yeres geven large pensions to
nombers of English unnaturall rebelles? Doth he not support the semynaries
of Rome and Rhemes to be thornes in the sides of their owne comon
wealthes? Hath not he divers tymes sente forren forces into Ireland,
furnished with money, armor, munition, and victualls? Hath not he sente
rounde somes of money into Scotland, both to the Kinge and those that are
aboute him, to alter the estate there and to trouble oures? And is it not
knowen that this Spanishe asse rometh upp and downe laden throughe all
Fraunce, and, when it coulde not enter into the papistes gates, yt hath
soughte to enter into the courtes of the princes of the Relligion, to
renewe the late intermitted civile warres? What it hath done and nowe
dothe in all the Empire and the Lowe Contries, and is like to worke in
other places unlesse speedy order be taken to hinder it, is described at
large by Mounsieur de Aldegonde, a Germaine gentleman, in a pithie and
moste earnest exhortation (extant in Latine, Italian, Frenche, Englishe,
and Duche) concerninge the estate of Christendome, together with the
meanes to defend and preserve the same, dedicated to all Christian kings,
princes, and potentates.(69)



Chap. VII. What speciall meanes may bringe Kinge Phillippe from his highe
throne, and make him equall to the princes his neighboures; wherewithall
is shewed his weakenes in the West Indies.


Firste, it is to be considered that his domynions and territories oute of
Spaine lye farr distant from Spaine, his chefest force; and fair distante
one from another; and are kepte by greate tyrannie; and _quos metuunt
oderunt_. And the people kepte in subjection desire nothinge more then
freedome. And like as a little passage given to water, it maketh his owne
way; so give but a small menne to suche kepte in tyranie, they will make
their owne way to libertie; which way may easely be made. And entringe
into the consideration of the way how this Phillippe may be abased, I
meane firste to begynne with the West Indies, as there to laye a chefe
foundation for his overthrowe. And like as the foundation of the strongest
holde undermyned and removed, the mightiest and strongest walles fall
flatt to the earthe; so this prince, spoiled or intercepted for a while of
his treasure, occasion by lacke of the same is geven that all his
territories in Europe oute of Spaine slide from him, and the Moores enter
into Spaine it selfe, and the people revolte in every forrein territorie
of his, and cutt the throates of the proude hatefull Spaniardes, their
governours. For this Phillippe already owinge many millions, and of late
yeres empaired in credite, bothe by lacke of abilitie of longe tyme to pay
the same, and by his shameful losse of his Spaniardes and dishonors in the
Lowe Contries, and by lacke of the yerely renewe of his revenewe, he shall
not be able to wage his severall garrisons kepte in his severall
frontiers, territories, and places, nor to corrupte in princes courtes,
nor to doe many feates. And this weyed, wee are to knowe what Phillip ys
in the West Indies; and that wee be not abused with Spanish braggs, and
made to beleve what he is not; and so, drawen into vain feare, suffer
fondly and childishly our owne utter spoile. And therefore wee are to
understande that Phillippe rather governeth in the West Indies by opinion,
then by mighte; ffor the small manred of Spaine, of itself being alwayes
at the best slenderly peopled, was never able to rule so many regions, or
to kepe in subjection such worldes of people as be there, were it not for
the error of the Indian people, that thincke he is that he is not, and
that doe ymagine that Phillippe hath a thousande Spaniardes for every
single naturall subjecte that he hath there. And like as the Romaynes,
allured hither into Britaine, perced the Iland, and planted here and there
in the mouthes of rivers and upon straites, and kepte colonies, as at
Westchester upon the River of Dee, at York upon the River of Owse, and
upon the Rivers of Thames and Severne, and yet in truthe never enioyed
more of the contries rounde aboute then the Englishe, planted at Bulloine
and Calice, did of the Frenche soile adjoyninge, nor in effecte had the
Brittishe nation at comaundement; even so hath the Spaniarde perced the
Indies, and planted here and there very thinlye and slenderlye, withoute
havinge the Indian multitude in subjection, or in their townes and fortes
any nomber to holde any of them againste the meanest force of a prince; so
as in truthe the Spaniarde ys very weake there. And it is knowen to Sir
Fraunces Drake, and to Mr. Hawkins, and Miles Phillipps (which Miles lyved
xiiij. yeres in Nova Spania), and to dyvers others of her Majesties
subjectes besides that have been there, that the ilandes there abounde
with people and nations that rejecte the proude and bluddy government of
the Spaniarde, and that doe mortally hate the Spaniarde. And they also
knowe that the Moores, and suche as the Spaniardes have broughte thither
for the mynes and for slavery, have fledd from them into the inlandes, and
of them selves maineteine in many places frontier warres againste the
Spaniarde, and many tymes so prevaile, and especially of late, that the
Spaniardes have bene inforced to sende the Spanishe marchauntes them
selves into the warres, althoughe yt be againste the speciall priviledges
graunted by Charles, the late Emperour, to the marchauntes, as may
plainely appere by Spanishe marchauntes letters taken by Sir Fraunces
Drake passinge in the sea of Sur towarde Panama, to be conveyed into
Spaine. And it is thoughte that Sir Fraunces Drake and some other Englishe
are of so greate credite with the Symerons and with those that mayneteyne
those frontier warrs, that he mighte, bringinge thither a fewe capitaines
and some of our meaner souldiers late trayned in the Base Contries, with
archers and lighte furniture, &c., bringe to passe that, joyninge with
those inland people, Kinge Phillippe mighte either be deprived of his
governmente there, or at the leaste of the takinge of his yerely benefite
of the mynes. Thus with small chardge and fewe men, nowe and then
renewinge this matter by a few sailes to be sent thither for the comforte
of suche as shalbe there resident, and for the incouragemente of the
Symerons, greater effecte may followe then by meetinge with his golden
flete, or by takinge of his treasures once or twise at the sea; for by
this meanes, or by a platforme well to be sett downe, England may enjoye
the benefite of the Indian mynes, or at the leaste kepe Phillippe from
possessinge the same.

Hereunto yf wee adde our purposed westerne discoueries, and there plante
and people ryally, and fortifie strongly, and there builde shippes and
maineteine a navy in special porte or portes, wee may by the same either
encounter the Indian fleete, or be at hande as it were to yelde freshe
supplye, courage, and comforte, by men or munition, to the Chichimici and
the Symerons, and suche other as shalbe incited to the spoile of the
mynes; which in tyme will, if it be not looked to, bringe all princes to
weake estate, that Phillippe, either for religion or other cause, dothe
hate; as the aforesaide Monsieur de Aldegond, in his pithie and moste
earneste exhortation to all Christian kinges, princes, and potentates to
beware of Kinge Phillipps ambitious growinge, dothe wisely and moste
providently forwarne.

To this may be added (the realme swarming with lustie youthes that be
turned to no profitable use), there may be sente bandes of them into the
Base Contries in more rounde nombers then are sente as yet. For if he
presently prevaile there, at our doores, farewell the traficque that els
wee have there (whereof wise men can say moche). And if he settle there,
then let the realme saye adewe to her quiet state and safetie.

If these enter into the due consideration of wise men, and if platformes
of these thinges be sett downe and executed duelye and with spede and
effecte, no doubte but the Spanishe empire falles to the grounde, and the
Spanishe kinge shall be lefte bare as Aesops proude crowe, the peacocke,
the perot, the pye, and the popingey, and every other birde havinge taken
home from him his gorgeous fethers, he will, in shorte space, become a
laughinge stocke for all the worlde; with such a mayme to the Pope and to
that side, as never hapned to the sea of Rome by the practise of the late
Kinge of famous memory, her Majesties father, or by all the former
practises of all the Protestant princes of Germanie, or by any other
advise layde downe by Monsieur de Aldegond, here after by them to be put
in execution. If you touche him in the Indies, you touche the apple of his
eye; for take away his treasure, which is _neruus belli_, and which he
hath almoste oute of his West Indies, his olde bandes of souldiers will
soone be dissolved, his purposes defeated, his power and strengthe
diminished, his pride abated, and his tyranie utterly suppressed.



Chap. VIII. That the lymites of the Kinge of Spaines domynions in the West
Indies be nothinge so large as is generally ymagined and surmised, neither
those partes which he holdeth be of any such forces as is falsly geven
oute by the Popishe clergie and others his fautors, to terrifie the
princes of the relligion and to abuse and blynde them.


As the Secretary of Don Antonio, Kinge of Portingale, called Custodio
Etan, tolde me lately at Paris, that the Portingales never had in Guinea,
Bresill, and all the Easte Indies above twelve thousande Portingale
souldiers whensoever they had moste, which was confirmed by one of the
Kinges capitaines borne in Goa, then presente; and that they governed
rather by gevinge oute of greate rumors of power and by secrecie, then by
any greate force which they had in deede; so the like is to be proved of
the Kinge of Spaine in his West Indies; ffor he beinge in those partes
exceedinge weake hath nothinge such nombers of people there as is geven
oute, neither doe his domynions stretche so far as by the ignoraunte ys
ymagined; which hereby easely may appere, seinge he hath no one towne or
forte in actuall possession in all Nova Hispania to the northe of the
Tropick of Cancer, which standeth in 23. degrees and an halfe, excepte the
towne of St. Helen and one or twoo small fortes in Florida; ffor as it is
in the mappe of Culiacan, sett oute twoo yeres paste with all diligence by
Ortelius, Saincte Michael ys the furthest towne nothwarde on the backside
of America; and Panuco and Villa Sancti Jacobi are the moste northerly
colonies upon the Bay of Mexico that the Spaniardes inhabite; as the
aforesaide Ortelius witnesseth in his mapp of those partes sett oute this
presente yere, 1584; which three townes above named are under or within
the Tropicke of Cancer. And so the Kinge of Spaine hath no footinge
beyonde the said tropicke; which is contrary to the opinion of the vulgar
sorte, which ymagine, and by some are borne in hande, that all is his from
the equinoctiall as farr as the lande stretcheth towardes the pooles.

Againe, that parte from the equinoctiall to the southe ys not inhabited by
the Spaniarde any further then unto the Tropicke of Capricorne, as ys to
be seene by the mappe of Peru this presente yere, 1584. published by
Ortelius; neither is it peopled by the Spaniardes to any purpose savinge
onely alonge the sea coaste. And howe weake they are there, and what
simple shippinge they have, and howe dayly they be afflicted by the
inhabitauntes, Sir Fraunces Drake can tell, and the letters by him
intercepted doe declare. One Peter Benzo de Millano, which was fourtene
yeres in those partes, writeth, that they holde greate townes, some with
tenne, some with sixe, some with foure, and some with twoo souldiers, and
that they commaunded that all the Italians, whome they called Levantines
in contempte, shoulde departe those contries, fearinge they shoulde
reveale their nakednes to the worlde, and encourage others to sett in
footinge there.

Seinge then they suffer no people of Europe to inhabite there savinge
onely Spaniardes, any reasonable man that knoweth the barenes, desolation,
and wante of men in Spaine, together with these eightene yeres civill
warres that hath wasted so many thousandes of them in the Lowe Contries,
must nedes confesse that they have very simple forces there. The provinces
which he holdeth are indeede many, yet more denuded than ever was any
empire since the creation of the worlde. Some of his contries are
dispeopled, some barren, some so far asonder, also held by tyrannie, that
in deed upon the due consideration of the matter, his mighte and greatenes
is not suche as _prima facie_ yt may seme to be. And weare yt not that he
doth possesse suche at masse of treasure oute of the Indies, the Frenche
kinge, of one onely kingdome, with his onely people of Fraunce, were able
to drive him oute of all his domynions that he hath in the worlde.

(M238) It is written that Antigonus, beinge to fighte againste certaine of
his enemyes, they appered a farr of to be so huge and mightie, that his
souldiers were halfe afraied to encounter them; but, beinge incouraged by
his valour, they easely overthrewe them in a conflicte; whereof he
stripped one or twoo, which, beinge turned oute of their bombasted and
large apparell, were in deede but very weakelinges and shrimpes; which,
when he had shewed unto his souldiers, they were ashamed of themselves
that ever they had bene afraied of suche wretches. So when wee shall have
looked and narrowly pried into the Spanishe forces in America, wee shalbe
doubtles ashamed of ourselves, that wee have all this while bene afraied
of those dissemblinge and feble scarr crowes.

This which I say concerninge the weakenes of the Spaniardes in America may
more easelie appere by this note followinge, gathered by an excellent
Frenche capitaine moste experte and privie to the state and force of the
islandes, havens, townes, and fortes of all that parte of America which
lieth upon our ocean; which excedinge large coaste beinge so rarely and
simply manned and fortified, wee may well assure ourselves that the
inlande is mocha more weake and unmanned.



Chap. IX. The names of the riche townes lienge alonge the sea coaste on
the north side from the equinoctiall of the mayne lande of AMERICA, under
the Kinge of Spaine.


1. Ouer againest the ilande of Margarita there is a towne called Cumana,
wherein is great store of perle. There be divers boates belonginge to the
towne, which onely dragge perles. This towne is the farthest eastwarde
which the kinge hath on the north side of India. It is environed with
their enemyes, viz., the Indyans and Caribes. The victualls come from this
towne to Margarita.

2. The next towne westwarde is Carakas, which is very riche of golde. This
towne standeth upon the sea, and hath some victualls, but not plentie, and
is environed likewise with the Indians, their mortall enemyes.

3. The towne Burborowate was destroyed by 50. Frenchemen, and the treasure
taken awaye.

4. The nexte towne to the westwarde is called Coro, which hath greate
plentie of golde and victualls. This standeth upon the sea. This is a
civill contrie, and some of the Indians broughte to a civill governemente.

5. At Rio de Hacha there is a towne called Hacha, where is greate store of
perle and silver, but no golde; and not farr from thence there is a perle
house. There is plentie of victualls, the contrie civill, and some of the
Indians at the Spaniardes comaundement. Mr. John Hawkins told me he won
this towne, and was master of yt three daies, in his laste voyadge.

6. Further westwarde is a towne called Santa Maren, alias Marta, where is
greate store of golde, but little victualls. This is envyroned with
Indians, enemies to the Spaniardes.

7. The nexte towne is Carthagena, where is greate store of silver, golde,
and precious stone. This towne hath a nomber of Indians and Symerons to
their enemyes. There is also greate store of victualls.

8. The nexte towne thereunto is Nombro di Dios. To this towne cometh all
the golde, perle, stone, and jewells that cometh from Chile, Peru, and
Panama oute of the Southe Sea. To this towne cometh halfe the fleete,
which taketh in halfe their treasure, and goeth to Havana, and so throughe
the Gulfe of Bahama unto the Ilandes of Corvo, Flores, and the Azores, and
from thence into Spaine. This towne hath no victualls but such as cometh
from Panama and the ilandes by sea. By this towne is a gulfe called
Gulnata, where the Symerons and Indians have certaine townes, and kepe
warres dayly with the Spaniardes as well as the Indians. At the southende
of the gulfe there is not paste five legues over lande into the South Sea.

9. The nexte towne is called Vraga, alias Var, where is moche golde and
small store of victualls. This is a civill contrie nere to the towne; the
nexte is Nicaragua.

10. At Nicaragua is moche golde that cometh out of the Southe Sea, and
there is a place where they make their frigotts. There ys little
victualls; the people are civill.

11. In the Bay of Hondoras is a towne called Hondoras, alias Tres Islas,
where is golde and hides and greate store of victualls. This towne
standeth upon an hill very strongly, and is but simply manned. This towne
hath within a mile great plentie of Indians, which are at warr with the
Spaniardes.

12. Then there is a towne called Porto de Cavallos, where is store of
silver, stones, perles, jewells made and sett with precious stones and
perles. To this towne come yerely twoo shippes, that goe from thence to
the Havana, and so into Spaine with all their riches. This towne is full
of victualls. This porte of Cavallos adjoyneth to the Gulfe Dowse.(70)

13. All the Bay of Mexico is full of Indian townes and full of victualls.
There is one towne named Vera Crux, to which towne cometh all their
treasure, from the citie of Mexico, and from thence to the porte of St.
John de Vlloa, from thence to Havana, and so into Spayne.

14. In Florida the Spaniardes have one towne, called Sancta Helena, where
they have perles, silver, and greate store of victualls. The Floridians be
a gentle sorte of people, and used somtymes to heade their arrowes with
silver.

15. There is one principall place called Rio de Jordan, alias Rio de Maio,
where, in an iland, standeth a forte which was Ribaults; which river
ronneth throughe the lande into the Southe Sea, from whence greate plentie
of treasure is brought thither. There are small pynnesses that use the
same river. It is also thoughte that shippes come from Cathaio to the
southwest ende of the said river. This is very full of victualls. (M239)
There was note by Peter Melanda of a river cutt from the Citie of Mexico
to Rio de Maio,(71) so that moche treasure is broughte from thence to this
forte with small pynnesses.

All that parte of America eastwarde from Cumana unto the River of St
Augustine in Bresill, conteyneth in lengthe alongest to the sea side xxj.
C. miles, in whiche compasse and track there is neither Spaniarde,
Portingale, nor any Christian man, but onely the Caribes, Indians, and
sauages. In which places is greate plentie of golde, perle, and precious
stones.

On the coaste of Bresill is one goodly ile called Trinidada, conteyninge
C. xx’ti. miles in lengthe, and lxxv. miles in bredthe, and is onely
inhabited by gentle Indians and sauages borne in the said ilande. In this
ilande is greate plentie of maiz, venison, fishe, wooddes, and grasse,
with divers faire frutes and other comodities. Yt hath also divers goodly
havens to harborowe yn, and greate stoare of tymber for buildinge of
shippes. (M240) With the kinge of this ilande wee are in league.



Chap. X. A brefe declaration of the chefe ilandes in the Baye of Mexico,
beinge under the Kinge of Spaine, with their havens and fortes, and what
comodities they yelde.


There ys one ilande, as the fleete cometh into the baye, named
Margarita,(72) wherein is greate store of perle; a riche ilande full of
maiz (which is their corne), oxen, shepe, goates, fowle and fishe, greate
store of frutes, grasse and woods.

Ouer againste the said islande, northewarde, there is one other iland
named St. John de Porto Ricco, which hath store of all manner of victualls
and suger.

The nexte is a faire iland called Hispaniola, in some parte well
inhabited; havinge one citie called Sancto Domingo, which hath a faire
hauen(73) whereunto many of the shippes of the kinges fleete come, and
there devide themselves. Some goe to St. John de Leu, and some to Nombro
di Dios and other partes of the mayne lande. This is a frutefull iland for
all manner of victuall, hides and suger.

The nexte ilande is called Jamaica, and hath in it great store of
victualls.

The nexte is a faire, greate, and longe iland, called Cuba. This iland
hath a forte and haven in it called the Havana, which is the key of all
India. It is called the key of India, for that the Spaniardes cannot well
returne into Spaine but that they muste touche there for victualls, water,
woodde, and other necessaries. It lieth at the mouthe and entraunce into
the Gulfe of Bahama. This ilande hath great plentie of victualls, but it
is not greately inhabited.

There be divers other ilandes, riche for victualls, as Aeriaba, Corsal,
Marigalante,(74) &c., havinge not in them some xx. some x. Spaniardes a
pece.

Thus you see that in all those infinite ilandes in the Gulfe of Mexico,
whereof Cuba and Hispaniola are thoughte to be very nere as bigge as
England and Ireland, wee reade not of past twoo or three places well
fortified, as Sancto Domingo in Hispaniola, and Havana in Cuba. I may
therefore conclude this matter with comparinge the Spaniardes unto a
drone, or an emptie vessell, which when it is smitten upon yeldeth a
greate and terrible sound, and that afarr of; but come nere and looke into
them, there ys nothinge in them; or rather like unto the asse which wrapte
himselfe in a lyons skynne, and marched farr of to strike terror in the
hartes of the other beastes, but when the foxe drewe nere he perceaved his
longe eares, and made him a jeste unto all the beastes of the forrest. In
like manner wee (upon perill of my life) shall make the Spaniarde
ridiculous to all Europe, if with pierceinge eyes wee see into his
contemptible weakenes in the West Indies, and with true stile painte hym
oute _ad vivum_ unto the worlde in his fainte colours.

And if any man woulde objecte, that if by his weakenes he had loste the
treasure of the West Indies, yet the riches of the Easte Indies woulde
holde upp his heade; I answer, that those contries beinge so farr of, and
suche naturall malice beinge betweene the Portingale and the Spaniarde, as
greater cannot be, that it is not possible for him to holde those partes
no more than the other, wantinge the treasure of the West Indies to
supporte his garrisons both there and in Christendome againste his
manifolde and mightie enemyes.



Chap. XI. That the Spaniardes have exercised moste outragious and more
then Turkishe cruelties in all the West Indies, whereby they are every
where there become moste odious unto them, whoe woulde joyne with us or
any other moste willinglye to shake of their moste intolerable yoke, and
have begonne to doe yt already in divers places where they were lordes
heretofore.


So many and so monstrous have bene the Spanishe cruelties, suche straunge
slaughters and murders of those peaceable, lowly, milde, and gentle
people, together with the spoiles of townes, provinces, and kingdomes,
which have bene moste ungodly perpetrated in the West Indies, as also
divers others no lesse terrible matters, that to describe the leaste parte
of them woulde require more than one chapiter, especiall where there are
whole bookes extant, in printe, not onely of straungers, but also even of
their owne contreymen (as of Bartholmewe de las Casas, a bisshoppe in Nova
Spania); yea such and so passinge straunge and excedinge all humanitie and
moderation have they bene, that the very rehersall of them drave divers of
the cruel Spanishe, which had not bene in the West Indies, into a kinde of
extasye and maze, so that the sayenge of the poet mighte therein well be
verified:—

                      Quis talia fando,
Myrmidonum Dolopumue aut duri miles Vlissis,
Temperet a lachrimis?

Nevertheless I will repeate oute of that mightie masse and huge heape of
massacres some fewe, that of them you may make an estymate of the rest,
and consider what small remainder of those moste afflicted Indians have to
revolte from the obedience of the Spaniardes, and to shake of from their
shoulders the moste intollerable and insupportable yoke of Spaine, which
in many places they have already begonne to do of themselves, withoute the
helpe of any Christian prynce.

Nowe because these moste outeragious and infinite massacres are put downe
by Don Bartholmewe de las Casas, the bisshoppe above mentioned, and
dedicated to Kinge Phillippe that nowe ys, which author testifieth that to
his inspeakable grefe he was an eye witnesse of many of them, therefore it
seemeth best unto me to bringe him in, which in his firste chapiter
describeth the same in manner followinge:—

Upon these lambes (meaninge the Indians), so meke, so qualified and
endewed of their Maker and Creator, as hath bene said, entred the
Spanishe, incontinent as they knew them, as wolves, as lyons, and as
tigres moste cruell, of longe tyme famished; and have not don in those
quarters these forty yeres be paste, neither yet doe at this presente,
oughte els then teare them in peces, kill them, martir them, afflicte
them, tormente them, and destroye them by straunge sortes of cruelties,
never either seene or reade or hearde of the like (of the which some
shalbe sett downe hereafter); so farr forthe as of above three millions of
soules that were in the Ile of Hispaniola, and that wee have seene there,
there are not nowe twoo hundreth natives of the contrie. The Ile of Cuba,
which is as farr in lengthe as from Valladolid untill Rome, ys at this
day, as it were, all waste. St John’s Ile, and that of Jammaica, bothe of
them very greate, very fertile, and very faire, are desolate. Likewise the
Iles of Lucayos nere to the Ile of Hispaniola, and of the north side unto
that of Cuba, in nomber beinge above three score ilandes, together with
those which they call the Iles of Geant, one with another greate and
little, whereof the very worste is fertiler then the kinges garden at
Civill, and the contrie the helthsomest in the worlde. There were in some
of these isles more then five hundred thousande soules, and at this day
there is not one only creature; for they have bene all of them slaine,
after that they had drawen them oute to labor in their myneralls in the
Ile of Hispaniola, where there were no more lefte of the inborne natives
of that iland. A shippe ridinge for the space of three yeres betwixte
these ilandes, to the ende that after the wyninge of this kinde of vintage
to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke (for there was a goodd
Christian moved with pitie and compassion to converte and wynne unto
Christe suche as mighte be founde), there were not founde but eleven
persons, which I sawe. Other iles, more than thirtie, nere to the Ile of
St. John, have likewise bene dispeopled and massacred. All those iles
conteyne above twoo thousande leagues of lande, and are all dispeopled and
laid waste.

As touchinge the mayne firme lande, wee are certaine that our Spaniardes,
by their cruelties and cursed doinges, have dispeopled and made desolate
more then tenne realmes greater then all Spaine, comprisinge therein also
Arragon and Portingale; and twise as moche or more lande than there is
from Civill to Jerusalem, which are above a thousand leagues; which
realmes yet, up to this presente day, remain in a wildernes and utter
desolation, havinge bene before time as well peopled as was possible.

We are able to yelde a goodd and perfecte accompte, that here is, within
the space of forty yeres, by these said tyranies and devilishe doinges of
the Spaniardes, don to deathe unjustly and tyranously more then twelve
million soules, men, women, and children. And I verely doe believe, and
thinke I doe not mistake therein, there are deade more then fiftene
millions of soules.

Thus havinge hearde of the multitudes of soules slayne, you shall heare
the manner of their slaughter.

In the chapiter of Hispaniola it thus followeth:

Nowe after sondry other forces, violences, and tormentes which they
wroughte againste them, the Indians perceaved that those were no men
descended from heaven. Some of them, therefore, hidd their victualls,
others hidd their wives and their children. Some other fledd into the
mountaines to seperate themselves afarr of from a nation of so harde
natured and ghastly conversation. The Spaniardes buffeted them with their
fistes and bastianadoes, pressinge also to lay their handes on the lordes
of the townes. And these cases ended in so greate an hazarde and
desperatnes, that a Spanishe capitaine durste adventure to ravishe
forcibly the wife of the greatest kinge and lorde of this ile. Since which
time the Indians began to searche meanes to caste the Spaniardes oute of
their landes, and sett themselves in arms. But what kinde of armes! Very
weake and feble to withstande or resiste, and of lesse defence. Wherefore
all their warres are no more warres, then the playenge of children when as
they playe at _jogo de cane_ or reedes. The Spaniardes with their horses,
speares, and launces, began to comitt murders and straunge cruelties. They
entred into townes, burroughes, and villages, sparinge neither children
nor olde men, neyther women with childe, neither them that laye in; but
they ripped their bellies and cutt them in peces, as if they had bene
openinge of lambes shutt upp in their folde. They laied wagers with suche
as with one thruste of a sworde, woulde paunche or bowell a man in the
middest, or with one blowe of a sworde most readily and moste deliverly
cut of his heade, or that woulde best perce his entralls at one stroke.
They tooke the little soules by the heeles, rampinge them from their
mothers brestes, and crusshed their heades against the cliftes. Others
they caste into the rivers, laughinge and mockinge; and when they tombled
into the water, they saied: Nowe shifte for thy selfe suche a one’s corps.
They put others, together with their mothers, and all that they mett, to
the edge of the sworde. They made certaine gibbetts longe and loughe, in
such sorte that the feete of the hanged one touched in a manner the
grounde; every one enoughe for thirtene, in the honour and worshippe of
our Saviour and his twelve apostles (as they used to speake), and setting
to fire, burned them all quicke that were fastened. Unto all others, whome
they used to take and reserve alive, cuttinge of their twoo handes as nere
as mighte be, and so lettinge them hange, they saied: Go you with those
letters to cary tydinges to those which are fled by the mountaines. They
murdred commonly the lordes and nobilitie on this fashion: they made
certen grates of perches laid on pitchforkes, and made a little fire
underneathe, to the intente that by little and little, yellinge and
despairinge in these tormentes, they mighte give up the ghoste. One time I
sawe foure or five of the principall lordes roasted and broyled upon these
gredyrons; also I thinke that there were twoo or three of the said
gredyrons garnished with the like furniture. And for that they cried oute
piteously, whiche thinge troubled the capitaine that he coulde not then
slepe, he comaunded to strangle them. The serjeant, which was worse then
the hangman, that burned them, (I knowe his name and frendes in Civill,)
woulde not have them strangled, but hymselfe puttinge bulletts in their
mouthes, to the ende they shoulde not crye, put to the fire, until they
were softly roasted after his desire. I have seene all the aforesaide
thinges and others infinite. And forasmuche as all the people that coulde
flee, hidd themselves in the mountaines and, mounted on the toppes of
them, fledd from the men, so, withoute all manhodde, emptie of all pietie,
behavinge themselves as savage beastes, the slaughterers and murderers of
mankinde, they taughte their houndes, fierce doggs, to tear them in peces
at the first viewe; and, in the space that one might say a _credo_,
assailed and devoured an Indian as if it had bene a swine. These doggs
wroughte greate destructions and slaughters. And forasmoche as somtymes
(thougbe seldome) the Indian put to death some Spaniardes upon goodd
righte and lawe of due justice, they made a lawe betwene them, that for
one Spaniarde they had to slaye an hundred Indians.

(M241) And thus farr oute of the large volume of Don Bartholomewe de las
Casas, bisshoppe of the citie of Chiape in the West Indies, where he lyved
many yeres.(75)

(M242) Will you nowe heare one testymonie of Johannes Metellus Sequanus,
whoe was a Papiste and favoured the Spanishe superstition; yet he writes
as followeth in the preface of the Historie of Osorius de rebus gestis
Emanuelis, fol. 16: At vero vt semel intelligatur quid Indos toties ad res
nouas contra Hispanos moliendas, et seditiones tanta pertinacia fouendas
impulerit, et quid causæ fuerit cur duo illa Christianæ Reipublicæ summa
capita Indicæ nationis libertatem, frementibus quibusdam et inuitis dubio
procul militibus Hispanis, sanctissimo suo calculo comprobarint, paucis
nouorum dominorum in miseros immanitatem, deinde quorundam inexplebilem
auaritiam, et ex his grauiores quosque tumultus, vnde noui orbis pene
totius nunquam satis deploranda vastitas est sequuta, perstringam.

Principio quidem illud apud plerosque milites Hispanos, pessimo sane
exemplo, in more positum fuit, vti ab oculatis et fide dignis testibus
perscriptum est, vt seruos suos grauissime punirent, si mercedem diurnam
aut non attulissent, aut pensum in auro argentoue effodiendo non
absoluissent, aut si quid leuioris denique delicti perpetrassent. Etenim
vesperi reduces, coenæ loco, primùm vestimentis exuebant, manibus dein
pedibusque in transuerso palo reuinciebant: mox chorda bubaloue neruo
dirissime verberabant. Sic tractatos, pice oleoue feruenti guttatim
perfundebant; salita post aqua corpus abluebant, et in mensa tamdiu
relinquebant, quamdiu dolorem ferre posse putarentur. Qui mos
animaduertendi ipsis etiam in Christianos seruos domi familiaris esse
dicitur. Post carnificinam huiusmodo, si durior dominus illis contigerat,
viuos in totam noctem collo tenus defodiebant, presentissimum illud ad
plagas remedium esse ludibrio dictitantes. Si quis ex illis præ dolore
moreretur, id quod non raro accidit, dominus singula seruorum capita regi
in occisorum locum sufficiens, ab homicidij poena liberabatur.

Hanc crudelitatem lege Baionæ, quam dicunt, quidem excusant; sed omnibus
impia merito videtur, tanquam omnis pietatis expers. Quamobrem diabolicæ
nomen inter Indos iure quidem obtinuit. Ad hanc autem immanitatem in
miseros Indos excercendam nonnullos ingenita quædam naturæ sæuities,
multis iam bellis exasperata, plerosque habendi sitis, impulit. Hinc
Hispanus miles, quasi ad aucupium aut venationem, sic ad prædas hominum
agendas, iam inde ab inuento nouo orbe ferri coepit. Aut igitur bello
captos in seruitutem abripiebat, aut ex eorum mancipio magnam sibi pecuniæ
vim conflabat, aut eos ad diurnas operas mittebat, quarum mercedem ab ijs
quotidie perquam importunus exigebat. Fuere qui seruos fodinis
manciparint, in quibus insolito labore fractæ, multæ seruorum myriades
periere. Alij mercibus illos permutare soliti sunt, alioue modo
distrabere. Idque tam inclementer et auare nonnulli fecerunt, vt
Christianæ omnis humanitatis prorsus obliti, e continente abreptos
vtriusque sexus hominis, nulla nec ætatis nec valetudinis habita ratione,
nauibus in vicinas insulas transportarent. Eorum non pauci qui mari non
assueuerant, et in sentinam abdebantur, et fame, foetore, et squallore
crudeliter absorpti sunt. Quid? quod fæminæ complures ex Hispanis grauidæ,
vna cum innoxio foetu pro ancillis sunt venditæ: Atque his quidem modis,
militum aliqui ad summas opes peruenerunt. Alij magnas dignitates domi
forisque sunt consequuti. Alij rem pecuniariam plurimorum damnis sic
auxerunt, vt inuenti sint, qui octo pecudum millia possiderent. Hanc tam
insignem nostrum hominum iniustitiam atque tyrannidem fieri non potuit,
quin magni statim motus et bella, tam ab ipsis inter se, quam ab incolis
in illos excitata sequerentur. After a longe beade roll of moste monstrous
cruelties of the Spanishe nation in every place of the West Indies moste
heynously committed, he concludeth yt thus: Tanta ergo fuit Hispani
militis in India tyrannis, vt ea non solum Indos, verum etiam seruorum
Maurorum animos ad rebellionem impulerit. Dicuntur enim in exigua quadam
insula ad septem millia defecisse. Quos Hispani initio securos et incautos
facilime trucidassent, nisi suo malo vigilantiores factos precibus et
pacifica legatione expugnare potius quam armis frustra tentassent. Multa
denique fugitiui Mauri in Nominis Dei provinciæ siluis habitant; qui inita
cum incolis amicitia, ferro, flammaque Hispanos vbicunque persequuntur, et
inuentos frustatim dilacerant.

This, therefore, I gather of the premisses, that those contries whereof
the Spaniarde ys lorde are partely ruinated, dispeopled, and laid waste by
their incredible, and more then barbarous, and savage, endeles cruelties,
and partely grevously infested by the Indians, Symerons, Moores,
Chichimici revolted; and consequently he is easie to be driven thence, and
turned out of all with moche lesser force then is commonly ymagined: for,
Nullum violentum est diuturnum; et malus diuturnitatis custos est metus.

(M243) And surely the more I thinke of the Spanishe monarchie, the more me
thinketh it is like the empire of Alexander the Greate, which grewe upp
sooddenly, and sooddenly vpon his deathe was rente and dissolved for
faulte of lawfull yssue. In like manner the the Kinge of Spaine, nowe 59.
yeres of age, as beinge borne in the yere of our Lorde 1526. in the moneth
of May, and beinge subjecte to the fallinge sicknes, in common reason can
be of no longe life; and leavinge no fitt yssue to wealde so greate a
governemente, and a question risinge, whether his younge weake sonne, by
his sister’s daughter, be lawfull heire, they are like upon his deathe to
fall together by the eares amongest themselves; and then, as men moste
odious, not onely to the people of the West Indies, but also to all
Christendome, and all the worlde beside, ys it not likely that euery
province wil seke their libertie? And, to say the truthe, what nation, I
pray you, of all Christendome loveth the Spaniarde, the scourge of the
worlde, but from the teethe forwarde, and for advauntage? The Italians,
which sometime were lordes of the earthe, in greate parte nowe broughte
under his vile yoke, doe many wayes shewe the utter mislike of their
satanicall arrogancie and insollencies, and in all their playes and
comedies bringe in the Spanishe souldier as a ravisher of virgins and
wives, and as the boastinge Thraso and _miles gloriosus_; notinge to the
worlde their insupportable luxuriousnes, excessive pride, and shamefull
vaine glorie. The citie of Rome, beinge sackt by Charles the Emperour, the
Pope and Cardinalls taken and ymprisoned, cannot brooke their doinges in
their hartes. The Venecians stande daily in feare of them, almoste as
moche as of the Turke, and doubte that, if they be not with spede
restrained, they will inclose them and use them at their pleasure, beinge
on bothe sides become almoste lordes of the mouthe of the Straites of
Giberaulter. The Frenche, remembringe the takinge of their kinge prisoner,
their crueltie in Florida, the late overthrowe of Strozzi and their
fleete, their takinge of Tercera, and other disgraces, hate them for the
moste parte worse then scorpions. The Princes of Germanie, the Duke of
Saxonie, the Lantsgrave of Hassia, the Duke of Cleve, the Duke Cassimere,
have susteyned wronges sufficient to make them his mortall enemies. His
innumerable outrages in the Netherlandes have inforced the Flemynges to
those termes which nowe they stande at. Their manifolde practises to
supplant us of England give us moste occasion to bethincke ourselves, howe
wee may abate and pull downe their highe myndes. The poore oppressed
prince and people of Portingale doe watche nighte and day when to finde a
conuenient occasion of defection. In fine, there is almoste no nation of
Europe that may not say againste the Spaniarde with the poet:
Distuleratque graues in idonea tempora poenas; and so, Eum multos metuere
necesse est quem multi metuunt; and, Multorum odijs nulla respublica stare
diu potest.



Chap. XII. That the passage in this voyadge is easie and shorte, that it
cutteth not nere the trade of any other mightie princes, or nere their
contries, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yere, and nedeth
but one kinde of winde; that Ireland, beinge full of goodd havens on the
southe and weste side, is the nerest parte of Europe to yt, which by this
trade shalbe in more securitie, and the sooner drawen to more civilitie.


In this voyadge wee may see by the globe that wee are not to passe
throughe the frozen seas, but in a temperate climate unto a contrie muche
like to those partes of Gascoigne and Guyen, where heretofore our nation
for a longe tyme have inhabited. And it requireth not, as longe voyadges
doe, the takinge in of freshe water by the way in divers places, by reason
it may be sailed in five or sixe weekes. Whereby the marchante nede [not]
to expecte twoo or three yeres for one returne, as in the voyadge of Sir
Fraunces Drake, of Fenton and William Hawkins; but may receave twoo
returnes every yere in the selfe same shippes, I saye, and well repose
themselves at their arryvalls; which thinge I myselfe have seene and
understoode in Ffraunce this presente yere don by the Frenchemen; whoe,
settinge furthe in January, broughte their bancke fishe which they tooke
on the Bancke, forty or three-score leagues from Newefoundelande, to Roan,
in greate quantitie, by the ende of May, and afterwarde retained this yere
againe to the fisshinge, and are looked for at home towardes the fifte of
November. To the spedy perfourmaunce of which voyadge this is a speciall
furtheraunce: that whereas moste of our other voyadges of like lengthe
require twoo or three sortes of windes at the leaste, one onely winde
suffiseth to make this; which was no doubte the cause of the quicke
returne of my frende Stephen Bellinger of Roan, whoe departed from
Newhaven in January was twelve moneths, arryved at Cape Briton in xxii
daies space, and from thence discouered very diligently CC. leagues
towardes Norumbega, and had traficque with the people in tenne or twelue
places; founde a towne conteyninge fourescore houses, and returned home,
with a diligent description of the coaste, in the space of foure monethes,
with many comodities of the contrie, which he shewed me.

Moreover this passage is neither by the Straites of Giberaulter, nor on
the coastes of Spaine, Portingall, Fraunce nor Flaunders, neither by the
Sounde of Denmarke, nor Wardhouse in Norwey: so as in takinge our course
on the highe seas wee shall not be in daunger of the corsaries in the
Levant, nor of the gallies of Barbarie, nor of the Turke, nor of any state
of Italie, neither of the Spaniarde, the Frenche, nor the Dane, nor of any
other prince nor potentate within the Sounde in the northe, or in the
northeaste partes of the worlde.

Wee may also trauell thither and perfourme the same at all tymes of the
yere, with the like facilitie as our marchantes of Bristowe, Weymouthe,
and other partes of the West Contries travell for woade to the iles of St.
Mighell and Tercera (which are halfe the way thither) all the yere longe.
For this coaste is never subjecte to the ise, which is never lightly seene
to the southe of Cape Razo in Newfounde lande.

Besides this, in our way as wee passe to and froe, wee shall have in
tempestes and other necessities the portes of Ireland to our aide, and no
nerer coaste of any enemye. Moreover by the ordinary entercourse wee may
annoye the enemyes to Ireland, and succour the Queens Majesties faithfull
subjects, and drawe the Irishe by little and little to more civilitie, and
in shorte tyme wee may yelde them from the coastes of America whatsoever
comodities they nowe receave at the handes of the Spaniardes. So the
Spaniardes shall wante the ordinarye victualls they receave every yere
from thence, whereby they cannot contynue traficque, nor fall so aptly to
practize againste our governmente there as heretofore by their trade
thither they have don and doe daily, to the greate expences of her
Majestie, and no small indaungeringe and troublinge of our state.

And to conclude: in tradinge to these contries wee shall not nede, for
feare of the Spanishe bloudy Inquisition, to throwe our bibles and prayer
bookes over boorde into the sea before our arryvall at their portes, as
these many yeres wee have don and yet doe, nor take suche horrible oathes
as are exacted of our men by the Spanishe searchers, to suche dayly
wilfull and highe offence of Almightie God, as we are driven to
continually in followinge our ordinary trafficque into the Kinge of
Spaines dominyons; whereof at large wee have spoken before in the seconde
chapiter.



Chap. XIII. That hereby the revenewes and customes of Her Majestie, bothe
outewarde and inwarde, shall mightily be inlarged by the toll, excises,
and other dueties which withoute expression may be raysed.


The manifolde testimonies, verbatim alleaged by me in the thirde chapiter,
of John Ribault, John Verarsanus, Stephen Gomes, Vasques de Coronado,
Jaques Cartier, Gasper Corterialis, and others, which all were the
discoverers of the coaste and inlande of America betwene 30 and 63
degrees, prove infallibly unto us that golde, silver, copper, perles,
pretious stones, and turqueses, and emraldes, and many other commodities,
have bene by them founde in those regions. To which testimonies I shoulde
have added many more yf I had not feared to be tedious. Nowe the fyfte
parte of all these aforenamed comodities cannot choose but amounte to a
greate matter, beinge yerely reserved unto her Majestie, accordinge to the
tenor of the patent graunted by King Henry the Seaventh in the xj’th. yere
of his raigne to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and
Sancius; the wordes whereof it shoulde not be amisse here to sett downe,
as they are printed in my booke of voyadges. These are the wordes: Ex
omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis commodis, lucris, et
obuentionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus, prefatus Joannes et
filij ac heredes et eorum deputati teneantur, et sint obligati nobis pro
omni viagio suo toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliæ applicuerint
(ad quem omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti), deductis omnibus
sumptibus et impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem
capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecuniis, persoluere.(76)

What gaines this imposition may turne unto the Crowne of England in shorte
tyme wee may more then gesse, havinge but an eye to the Kinge of Spaines
revenewes, which he nowe hath out of all his domynions in all the West
Indies.

The like in all respectes may be saied of the revenewes of the Crowne of
Portingale, which, beinge of itselfe one of the smallest and poorest
kingdomes of all Christendome, became in shorte space so riche and
honourable soone after their entringe into their southesterne discoveries,
traficques, and conquestes, that, before the deathe of their late younge
kinge Sebastian, their embassadors woulde strive and chalenge for the
chefest place with the embassadores of the greatest kinges of
Christendome; as I have hearde it dyvers tymes spoken at Paris at my
lordes table by men of greate honour and experience, in which citie moste
princes and states of Christendome have their embassadors comonly
resident.

To leave them and to come to our nation, I say that amonge other meanes to
encrease her Majesties customes this shalbe one, especially that by
plantinge and fortifieinge nere Cape Briton, what by the strengthe of our
shipps beinge harde at hande, and bearinge the sway already amongest all
nations that fishe at Newfoundelande, and what by the fortes that there
may be erected and helde by our people wee shall be able to inforce them,
havinge no place els to repaire unto so convenient, to pay us soche a
contynual custome as shall please us to lay upon them; which imposition of
twoo or three hundred shippes laden yerely with sondry sortes of fish,
trane oyle, and many kyndes of furres and hides, cannot choose but amounte
to a greate matter, beinge all to be levied upon straungers. And this not
onely wee may exacte of the Spaniardes and Portingales, but also of the
Frenche men, our olde and auncient enemyes. What shoulde I speake of the
customes of the greate multitudes of course clothes, Welshe frise, and
Irishe ruggs, that may be uttered in the more northerly partes of the
lande amonge the Esquimawes of the Grande Bay, and amonge them of Canada,
Saguynay, and Hochelaga, which are subjecte to sharpe and nippinge
winters, albeit their somers be hotter moche then oures. Againe, the
multitudes of small yron and copper workes, wherewith they are exceedingly
delighted, wilt not a little encrease the customes, being transported oute
of the lande. I omitt the rehersall of a thousande other trifinge wares,
which, besides they may sett many women, children, and ympotent persons on
worke in makinge of them, woulde also helpe to the encreasinge of the
customes. Lastly, whatsoever kind of commodyties shoulde be broughte from
thence by her Majesties subjectes into the realme, or be thither
transported oute of the realme, cannot choose but inlarge the revenewes of
the Crowne very mightely, and inriche all sortes of subjectes in
generally.



Chap. XIV. That this action will be for the greate increase,
mayneteynaunce, and safetie of our navie, and especially of greate
shippinge, which is the strengthe of our realme, and for the supportation
of all those occupations that depende upon the same.


In the Statutes moste providently ordeyned for increase and maineteynaunce
of our navigation in the Raignes of Kinge Richarde the Seconde, Kinge
Henry the Seaventh, Kinge Henry the Eighth, and her Majestie that nowe ys,
thoughe many and sundry rewardes were proposed to encourage our people
unto the sea, yet still I fynde complaintes of decaye of the navye,
notwithstanding so many goodly priviledges to mayneteine fisshermen, the
ordeyninge of Wendisday to be a newe fishe day for the better utteraunce
of their fishe that they shoulne take at sea, yea, albeit there hath bene
graunted a certene proportionable allowaunce oute of the exchequer to
suche as woulde builde any shippes of burden to serve the prince in tyme
of warr, yet very little hath bene done in that behalfe. For, setting the
Citie of London aparte, goe your waye into the west parte of England and
Wales, and search howe many shippes of CC. tonnes and upwardes those
partes can afforde, and you shall finde (God wotteth) no such nomber as at
firste you did ymagine. At this day I am assured there are scarce twoo of
CC. tones beloninge to the whole citie of Bristowe, and very fewe or none
of the like burden alonge the channell of the Severne from Glocester to
the Landes Ende on the one side, and Milforde Haven on the other. Nowe,
remedie this greate and unknowen wante, no enterprise possibly can be
devised more fitt to increase our great shippinge then this Westerne
fortifienge and planting. For in this action wee are not to cut over the
narrowe seas, in a day or a nighte, betwene Flaunders, Fraunce, or
Ireland, in small barkes of xx. or xxx’ti. tonnes; but wee are to passe
over the breste of the maine ocean, and to lye at sea a moneth or six
weekes together, whereby wee shall be constrayned of our selves, withoute
chardginge of the Prince, to builde greate shippes, as well to avoide the
daunger of tempest as also for the commoditie of portage, whereunto the
greater shippes in longe voyadges are moste conveniente, which the
Portingales and Spaniardes have founde oute by longe experience, whoe for
that cause builde shippes of v. vj. vij. viij. C. and a M. tonnes, to
sende into their Easterne and Westerne Indies.

The like whereof wee shalbe the rather invited to doe, since by this
voyadge wee shall have many thinges for little or nothinge, that are
necessarie for the furniture of greate shippinge. For beinge possessed of
Newfounde lande, which the last yere was seazed upon in her Majesties
name, wee may have tarr, rosen, mastes, and cordage for the very
workemanshippe of the same. All which comodities cannot choose but
wonderfully invite our men to the buildinge of greate shippinge,
especially havinge store of the best shipwrights of the worlde, whereof
some, for wante of employmente at home, have bene driven to flye into
forren partes, as into Demarke. Moreover, in the judgemente of those that
are experte in sea causes, yt will breed more skillfull, connynge, and
stowte pilott and maryners then other belonginge to this lande. For it is
the longe voyadges (so they be not to excessive longe, nor throughe
intemperate clymates, as those of the Portingales into their West Indies)
that harden seamen, and open unto them the secretes of navigation; the
nature of the windes; the currentes and settinge of the sea; the ebbinge
and flowinge of the mayne ocean; the influence of the sonne, the moone,
and of the rest of the celestiall planetts, and force which they have at
sondry seasons upon that mightie body; whiche skill in sea causes the
Emperour Charles the Fyfte, knowinge howe mooche yt did (M244) ymporte his
state, to the intent that it mighte better encrease amongest the
Spaniardes, in great providence erected a lecture of the arte of
navigation in Civill, and ordeyned that no man shoulde take chardge to the
West Indies that had not hearde the Reader of the same for a certaine
space, and, upon due examynation, were allowed as sufficient by him, and
others adjoyded unto him as assistantes to examyn matters of experience;
which order, if it had bene established in England, such grosse and
insufficient felowes as he that caste away the Admirall of Sir Humfreyes
company, with an C. persons in her, to the west of Newfounde lande, this
tyme twelve moneths, had not bene admittted to take so greate a chardge.

But to returne to the increase and mayneteynaunce of our shippes and
shippmen; I say that this is not as the voyadge to Muscovy, which is open
not paste foure monethes, but may be passed and repassed at our pleasure
at all tymes of the yere, and so our maryners may be sett on worke all the
yere longe. Neither is the trade likely to prove so small as that of
Muscovy, wherein not past tenne shippes at the moste are employed ones a
yere. For here there is a greate hope, the contrie beinge as bigge as all
Europe, and nothinge in frutefulnes inferior to yt, as I have proved
before at large in the thirde chapiter, that wee shall have twoo fleetes
as bigge as those of the Kinge of Spaine to his West Indies, imployed
twise in the yere at the leaste, especially after our fortifienge in the
contrie, the certene place of our factory beinge there established;
whereby yt muste nedes come to passe that our navye shalbe mightely
increased and mayneteyned, which will not onely be a chefe strengthe and
suertie in tyme of warres, as well to offende as defende, but will also be
the mayneteynaunce of many masters, maryners, and seamen, whereby they
their wyves, and children, shall have their lyvinges, and many cities,
townes, villages, havens, and creeks nere adjoyninge unto the sea coaste,
and the Queenes subjectes, as brewers, bowchers, smithes, ropers,
shipwrights, tailors, shoemakers, and other victuallers and handicraftes
men, inhabitinge and dwellinge nere thereaboutes, shall also have by the
same greate parte of their lyvinge. For proofe thereof wee nede not to
seeke any further then unto oure neighbours of Spaine and Portingale;
whoe, since the firste discoverie of their Indies, have not onely mightely
inlarged their domynions, marvellously enriched themselves and (M245)
their subjectes, but have also by juste accompte trebled the nomber of
their shippes, masters, and maryners,—a matter of no small moment and
importance; insomoche that nowe, of late Kinge Phillippe hath made the
Marques de la Cruz, which laste yere wonne Tercera, Graunde Admirall of
the Ocean Sea, and Prince d’Oria of Genoa, Admirall in the Levant. A taste
of this increase wee have had in our owne selves, even by our trade of
fisshinge in Newfoundelande; which, as yt is well knowen, hath bene
occasion, that in sondry places of this realme divers tall shippes have
bene builte and sett furthe even of late daies; and more would be if,
whereas nowe havinge but twoo moneths or tenne weekes of fisshinge, by
this newe plantinge they mighte be drawen more south-westerly, where the
speciall fisshing places are, bothe for plentie and greateness of fishe;
and beinge oute of daunger and ympedimente of yse, they mighte fishe there
safely the greatest parte of the yere, and by their nereness unto our
fortes there, builte aboute Cape Briton, they mighte yelde succour unto
them, and likewise by their neighbourhoode be themselves in more
securitie.

(M246) Fynally, their shippes, their goodds, and their persons shoulde not
be subjecte to soodden arrestes of straungers, as they are in all other
trades of Christendome; but shoulde enjoye as greate freedome, libertie,
and securitie as they usually doe in their native contrie; the havens,
townes, and villages in those partes beinge occupied and possessed by
their fellowe subjects; which freedome and liberty will greatly incourage
them to contynewe constantly in this newe traficque.



Chap. XV. That spedie plantinge in divers fitt places is moste necessarie
upon these laste luckye westerne discoveries, for feare of the danger of
beinge prevented by other nations which have the like intention, with the
order thereof, and other reasons therewithall alleaged.


Havinge by Gods goodd guidinge and mercifull direction atchieved happily
this presente westerne discoverye, after the seekinge the advauncemente of
the kingedome of Christe, the seconde chefe and principall ende of the
same is traficque, which consisteth in the vent of the masse of our
clothes and other comodities of England, and in receaving backe of the
nedeful comodities that wee nowe receave from all other places of the
worlde. But forasmoche as this is a matter of greate ymportaunce, and a
thinge of so greate gaine as forren princes will stomacke at, this one
thinge is to be don, withoute which it were in vaine to goe aboute this;
and that is, the matter of plantinge and fortificacion, withoute due
consideration whereof in vaine were it to thinck of the former. And
therefore upon the firste said viewe taken by the shippes that are to be
sente thither, wee are to plante upon the mouthes of the greate navigable
rivers which are there, by stronge order of fortification, and there to
plante our colonies. And so beinge firste setled in strengthe with men,
armour, and munition, and havinge our navy within our bayes, havens, and
roades, wee shall be able to lett the entraunce of all subjectes of forren
princes, and so with our freshe powers to encounter their shippes at the
sea, and to renewe the same with freshe men, as the soodden feightes shall
require; and by our fortes shalbe able to holde faste our firste footinge,
and readily to annoye suche weary power of any other that shall seke to
arryve; and shalbe able with our navye to sende advertisemente into
England upon every soodden whatsoever shall happen. And these
fortifications shall kepe the naturall people of the contrye in obedience
and goodd order. And these fortes at the mowthes of those greate portable
and navigable ryvers may at all tymes sende upp their shippes, barkes,
barges, and boates into the inland with all the comodities of England, and
returne unto the said fortes all the comodities of the inlandes that wee
shall receave in exchange, and thence at pleasure c