The Project Gutenberg EBook of Early English Meals and Manners, by Various This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: Early English Meals and Manners Author: Various Editor: Frederick Furnivall Release Date: March 9, 2008 [EBook #24790] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY ENGLISH MEALS AND MANNERS *** Produced by Louise Hope, Kathryn Lybarger and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net [Transcriber’s Note: This e-text includes a few characters that will only display in UTF-8 (Unicode) text readers, including ȝ (yogh) œ (oe ligature) There are also a few lines of Greek, and some rarer characters: ſ (long s, used in one short selection) ł (l with bar, also used only in one selection) m̅ (m with overline, used only in the Boke of Nurture) If any of these characters do not display properly, or if the quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, make sure your text reader’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to Unicode (UTF-8). 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This very long book has been separated into independent units, set off by triple rows of asterisks: [1] Early English Text Society (information and list of titles) [2] Introductory pages with full table of contents [3] General Preface (“Forewords”) [4] Preface to Russell, _Boke of Nurture_ [5] Collations and Corrigenda (see beginning of “Corrigenda” for details of corrections) [6] John Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_ with detailed table of contents [7] Notes to _Boke of Nurture_ (longer linenotes, printed as a separate section in original text) [8] Lawrens Andrewe on Fish [9] “Illustrative Extracts” (titles listed in Table of Contents) and Recipes [10] _Boke of Keruynge_ and _Boke of Curtasye_, with Notes [11] _Booke of Demeanor_ and following shorter selections [12] _The Babees Book_ and following shorter selections [13] Parallel texts of _The Little Children’s Boke_ and _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ [14] General Index (excluding Postscript) [15] Postscript “added after the Index had been printed” [16] Collected Sidenotes (section added by transcriber: editor’s sidenotes can be read as a condensed version of full text) Each segment has its own footnotes and errata lists. Readers may choose to divide them into separate files. The following notes on text format apply to all texts and will not be repeated in full. _Italics and other text markings:_ Italicized letters within words, representing expanded abbreviations, are shown in the e-text with braces (“curly brackets”): co{n}nyng{e}. Readers who find this added information distracting may globally delete all braces; they are not used for any other purpose. Whole-word italics are shown in the usual way with _lines_. Superscripts are shown with ^, and boldface or blackletter type with +marks+. _Page Layout:_ In the original book, each text page contained several types of secondary material printed in all four margins. The HTML version of this e-text offers a closer approximation of the original appearance. _Headnotes_ appeared at the top of alternate pages, like subsidiary chapter headings. In longer selections they have been retained and moved to the beginning of the most appropriate paragraph; some are also grouped at the beginning of a selection to act as a detailed table of contents. _Footnotes_ were numbered separately for each page. In this e-text, general footnotes are numbered sequentially and grouped at the end of the selection. In some selections, text notes (glosses or variant readings) are marked with capital letters [A] and are kept in small groups near each passage. Footnotes in the form [[10a]] are additional notes from the editor’s Corrigenda. Footnotes with symbols [10*] are _footnotes to footnotes_. _Sidenotes_ were generally added by the editor to give translations or summaries. In this e-text, they are always collected into full sentences. In some verse selections, sidenotes appear immediately _before_ their original location, with no further marking. In other selections-- including all prose passages-- sidenotes are collected into longer paragraphs and placed _after_ the text they refer to. These will be identified either by line number or by lower-case letters [a] showing their original location. Sidenotes in the form [Fol. 10b] or [Page 27] are shown inline, within the body text. Numbered notes printed in the side margin were generally treated as footnotes or text notes.] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Early English Text Society. Original Series, 32. Early English Meals and Manners: John Russell’s Boke of Nurture, Wynkyn de Worde’s Boke of Keruynge, The Boke of Curtasye,  R. Weste’s Booke of Demeanor, Seager’s Schoole of Vertue, The Babees Book, Aristotle’s ABC, Urbanitatis, Stans Puer ad Mensam, The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, For to serve a Lord, Old Symon, The Birched School-Boy, &c. &c. with some Forewords on Education in Early England. Edited by FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Trin. Hall, Cambridge. London: Published for the Early English Text Society by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Limited, Dryden House, 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W. 1868. [_Re-printed 1894, 1904._] Early English Text Society Committee of Management: Director: DR. FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A. Treasurer: HENRY B. WHEATLEY, Esq. Hon. Sec.: W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67 VICTORIA ROAD, FINSBURY PARK, N. Hon. Secs. for America: { North & East: Prof. G. L. KITTREDGE, Harvard Coll., Cambr., Mass. { South & West: Prof. J. W. BRIGHT, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore. LORD ALDENHAM, M.A. ISRAEL GOLLANCZ, M.A. SIDNEY L. LEE, M.A., D.Lit. Rev. Prof. J. E. B. MAYOR, M.A. Dr. J. A. H. MURRAY, M.A. Prof. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D. EDWARD B. PEACOCK, Esq. ALFRED W. POLLARD, M.A. Rev. Prof. WALTER W. SKEAT, Litt.D. Dr. HENRY SWEET, M.A. Dr. W. ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A. (_With power to add Workers to their number._) Bankers: THE UNION BANK OF LONDON, 2, PRINCES STREET, E.C. The Early English Text Society was started by Dr. Furnivall in 1864 for the purpose of bringing the mass of Old English Literature within the reach of the ordinary student, and of wiping away the reproach under which England had long rested, of having felt little interest in the monuments of her early language and life. On the starting of the Society, so many Texts of importance were at once taken in hand by its Editors, that it became necessary in 1867 to open, besides the _Original Series_ with which the Society began, an _Extra Series_ which should be mainly devoted to fresh editions of all that is most valuable in printed MSS. and Caxton’s and other black-letter books, though first editions of MSS. will not be excluded when the convenience of issuing them demands their inclusion in the Extra Series. During the thirty-nine years of the Society’s existence, it has produced, with whatever shortcomings, an amount of good solid work for which all students of our Language, and some of our Literature, must be grateful, and which has rendered possible the beginnings (at least) of proper Histories and Dictionaries of that Language and Literature, and has illustrated the thoughts, the life, the manners and customs of our forefathers and foremothers. But the Society’s experience has shown the very small number of those inheritors of the speech of Cynewulf, Chaucer, and Shakspere, who care two guineas a year for the records of that speech: ‘Let the dead past bury its dead’ is still the cry of Great Britain and her Colonies, and of America, in the matter of language. The Society has never had money enough to produce the Texts that could easily have been got ready for it; and many Editors are now anxious to send to press the work they have prepared. The necessity has therefore arisen for trying to increase the number of the Society’s members, and to induce its well-wishers to help it by gifts of money, either in one sum or by instalments. The Committee trust that every Member will bring before his or her friends and acquaintances the Society’s claims for liberal support. Until all Early English MSS. are printed, no proper History of our Language or Social Life is possible. The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s. a year for the ORIGINAL SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be paid by Cheque, Postal Order, or Money-Order, crost ‘Union Bank of London,’ to the Hon. Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Rd., Finsbury Park, London, N. Members who want their Texts posted to them, must add to their prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original Series, and 1s. for the Extra Series, yearly. The Society’s Texts are also sold separately at the prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts at one-third less than the List-prices by sending the cash for them in advance to the Hon. Secretary. -> The Society intends to complete, as soon as its funds will allow, the Reprints of its out-of-print Texts of the year 1866, and also of nos. 20, 26 and 33. Prof. Skeat has finisht _Partenay_; Dr. McKnight of Ohio _King Horn_ and _Floris and Blancheflour_; and Dr. Furnivall his _Political, Religious and Love Poems_ and _Myrc’s Duties of a Parish Priest_. Dr. Otto Glauning has undertaken _Seinte Marherete_; and Dr. Furnivall has _Hali Meidenhad_ in type. As the cost of these Reprints, if they were not needed, would have been devoted to fresh Texts, the Reprints will be sent to all Members in lieu of such Texts. Though called ‘Reprints,’ these books are new editions, generally with valuable additions, a fact not noticed by a few careless receivers of them, who have complained that they already had the volumes. As the Society’s copies of the _Facsimile of the Epinal MS._ issued as an Extra Volume in 1883 are exhausted, Mr. J. H. Hessels, M.A., of St. John’s Coll., Cambridge, has kindly undertaken an edition of the MS. for the Society. This will be substituted for the Facsimile as an 1883 book, but will be also issued to all the present Members. JULY 1904. The Original-Series Texts for 1903 were: No. 122, Part II of _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, edited from the unique Laud MS. 595 by Dr. J. E. Wülting; and No. 123, Part II of Robert of Brunne’s _Handlyng Synne_, and its French original, ed. by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. The Extra-Series Texts for 1903 are to be: No. LXXXVIII, _Le Morte Arthur_, in 8-line stanzas, re-edited from the unique MS. Harl. 2252, by Prof. J. Douglas Bruce (issued), No. LXXXIX, Lydgate’s _Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. Ernst Sieper, Part II, and _English Fragments from Latin Medieval Service-Books_, edited, and given to the Society, by Mr. Henry Littlehales. The Original-Series Texts for 1904 will be No. 124, t. Hen. V, _Twenty-six Political and other Poems_ from the Digby MS. 102, &c, edited by Dr. J. Kail, and No. 125, Part I of the _Medieval Records of a London City Church_ (St. Mary-at-Hill), A.D. 1420-1559, copied and edited by Mr. Henry Littlehales from the Church Records in the Guildhall, the cost of the setting and corrections of the text being generously borne by its Editor. This book will show the income and outlay of the church; the drink provided for its Palm-Sunday players, its officers’ excursions into Kent and Essex, its dealing with the Plague, the disposal of its goods at the Reformation, &c., &c., and will help our members to realize the church-life of its time. The third Text will be Part I of _An Alphabet of Tales_, a very interesting collection, englisht in the Northern Dialect, about 1440, from the Latin _Alphabetum Narrationum_ by Etienne de Bésançon, and edited by Mrs. M. M. Banks from the unique MS. in the King’s Library in the British Museum; the above-named three texts are now ready for issue. Those for 1905 and 1906 will probably be chosen from Part II of the _Exeter Book_--Anglo-Saxon Poems from the unique MS. in Exeter Cathedral--re-edited by Israel Gollancz, M.A.; Part II of Prof. Dr. Holthausen’s _Vices and Virtues_; Part II of _Jacob’s Well_, edited by Dr. Brandeis; the Alliterative _Siege of Jerusalem_, edited by the late Prof. Dr. E. Kölbing and Prof. Dr. Kaluza; an Introduction and Glossary to the _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS._ by H. Hartley, M.A.; Alain Chartier’s _Quadrilogue_, edited from the unique MS. Univ. Coll. Oxford MS. No. 85, by Mr. J. W. H. Atkins of Owen’s College; a Northern Verse _Chronicle of England_ to 1327 A.D., in 42,000 lines, about 1420 A.D., edited by M. L. Perrin, B.A.; Prof. Bruce’s Introduction to _The English Conquest of Ireland_, Part II; and Dr. Furnivall’s edition of the _Lichfield Gilds_, which is all printed, and waits only for the Introduction, that Prof. E. C. K. Gonner has kindly undertaken to write for the book. Canon Wordsworth of Marlborough has given the Society a copy of the Leofric Canonical Rule, Latin and Anglo-Saxon, Parker MS. 191, C.C.C. Cambridge, and Prof. Napier will edit it, with a fragment of the englisht Capitula of Bp. Theodulf. The _Coventry Leet Book_ is being copied for the Society by Miss M. Dormer Harris--helpt by a contribution from the Common Council of the City,--and will be publisht by the Society (Miss Harris editing), as its contribution to our knowledge of the provincial city life of the 15th century. Dr. Brie of Berlin has undertaken to edit the prose _Brut_ or _Chronicle of Britain_ attributed to Sir John Mandeville, and printed by Caxton. He has already examined more than 100 English MSS. and several French ones, to get the best text, and find out its source. The Extra-Series Texts for 1904 will be chosen from Lydgate’s _DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, Part III, edited by Miss Locock; Dr. M. Konrath’s re-edition of _William of Shorcham’s Poems_, Part II; Dr. E. A. Kock’s edition of Lovelich’s _Merlin_ from the unique MS. in Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge; the _Macro Plays_, edited from Mr. Gurney’s MS. by Dr. Furnivall and A. W. Pollard, M.A.; Prof. Erdmann’s re-edition of Lydgate’s _Siege of Thebes_ (issued also by the Chaucer Society); Miss Rickert’s re-edition of the Romance of _Emare_; Prof. I. Gollanez’s re-edition of two Alliterative Poems, _Winner and Waster_, &c, ab. 1360, lately issued for the Roxburghe Club; Dr. Norman Moore’s re-edition of _The Book of the Foundation of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, London_, from the unique MS. ab. 1425, which gives an account of the Founder, Rahere, and the miraculous cures wrought at the Hospital; _The Craft of Nombrynge_, with other of the earliest englisht Treatises on Arithmetic, edited by R. Steele, B.A.; and Miss Warren’s two-text edition of _The Dance of Death_ from the Ellesmere and other MSS. These Extra-Series Texts ought to be completed by their Editors: the Second Part of the prose Romance of _Melusine_--Introduction, with ten facsimiles of the best woodblocks of the old foreign black-letter editions, Glossary, &c, by A. K. Donald, B.A. (now in India); and a new edition of the famous Early-English Dictionary (English and Latin), _Promptorium Parvulorum_, from the Winchester MS., ab. 1440 A.D.: in this, the Editor, the Rev. A. L. Mayhew, M.A., will follow and print his MS. not only in its arrangement of nouns first, and verbs second, under every letter of the Alphabet, but also in its giving of the flexions of the words. The Society’s edition will thus be the first modern one that really represents its original, a point on which Mr. Mayhew’s insistence will meet with the sympathy of all our Members. The Texts for the Extra Series in 1906 and 1907 will be chosen from _The Three Kings’ Sons_, Part II, the Introduction &c. by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner; Part II of _The Chester Plays_, re-edited from the MSS., with a full collation of the formerly missing Devonshire MS., by Mr. G. England and Dr. Matthews; the Parallel-Text of the only two MSS. of the _Owl and Nightingale_, edited by Mr. G. F. H. Sykes (at press); Prof. Jespersen’s editions of John Hart’s _Orthographie_ (MS. 1551 A.D.; blackletter 1569), and _Method to teach Reading_, 1570; Deguilleville’s _Pilgrimage of the Sowle_, in English prose, edited by Prof. Dr. L. Kellner. (For the three prose versions of _The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_--two English, one French--an Editor is wanted.) Members are askt to realise the fact that the Society has now 50 years’ work on its Lists,--at its present rate of production,--and that there is from 100 to 200 more years’ work to come after that. The year 2000 will not see finisht all the Texts that the Society ought to print. The need of more Members and money is pressing. Offers of help from willing Editors have continually to be declined because the Society has no funds to print their Texts. An urgent appeal is hereby made to Members to increase the list of Subscribers to the E. E. Text Society. It is nothing less than a scandal that the Hellenic Society should have nearly 1000 members, while the Early English Text Society has not 300! Before his death in 1895, Mr. G. N. Currie was preparing an edition of the 15th and 16th century Prose Versions of Guillaume de Deguilleville’s _Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, with the French prose version by Jean Gallopes, from Lord Aldenham’s MS., he having generously promist to pay the extra cost of printing the French text, and engraving one or two of the illuminations in his MS. But Mr. Currie, when on his deathbed, charged a friend to burn _all_ his MSS. which lay in a corner of his room, and unluckily all the E. E. T. S.’s copies of the Deguilleville prose versions were with them, and were burnt with them, so that the Society will be put to the cost of fresh copies, Mr. Currie having died in debt. Guillaume de Deguilleville, monk of the Cistercian abbey of Chaalis, in the diocese of Senlis, wrote his first verse _Pèlerinaige de l’Homme_ in 1330-1 when he was 36.[1] Twenty-five (or six) years after, in 1355, he revised his poem, and issued a second version of it,[2] a revision of which was printed ab. 1500. Of the prose representative of the first version, 1330-1, a prose Englishing, about 1430 A.D., was edited by Mr. Aldis Wright for the Roxburghe Club in 1869, from MS. Ff. 5. 30 in the Cambridge University Library. Other copies of this prose English are in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, Q. 2. 25; Sion College, London; and the Laud Collection in the Bodleian, no. 740.[3] A copy in the Northern dialect is MS. G. 21, in St. John’s Coll., Cambridge, and this is the MS. which will be edited for the E. E. Text Society. The Laud MS. 740 was somewhat condenst and modernised, in the 17th century, into MS. Ff. 6. 30, in the Cambridge University Library:[4] “The Pilgrime or the Pilgrimage of Man in this World,” copied by Will. Baspoole, whose copy “was verbatim written by Walter Parker, 1645, and from thence transcribed by G. G. 1649; and from thence by W. A. 1655.” This last copy may have been read by, or its story reported to, Bunyan, and may have been the groundwork of his _Pilgrim’s Progress_. It will be edited for the E. E. T. Soc., its text running under the earlier English, as in Mr. Herrtage’s edition of the _Gesta Romanorum_ for the Society. In February 1464,[5] Jean Gallopes--a clerk of Angers, afterwards chaplain to John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France--turned Deguilleville’s first verse _Pèlerinaige_ into a prose _Pèlerinage de la vie humaine_.[6] By the kindness of Lord Aldenham, as above mentiond, Gallopes’s French text will be printed opposite the early prose northern Englishing in the Society’s edition. The Second Version of Deguilleville’s _Pèlerinaige de l’Homme_, A.D. 1355 or -6, was englisht in verse by Lydgate in 1426. Of Lydgate’s poem, the larger part is in the Cotton MS. Vitellius C. xiii (leaves 2-308). This MS. leaves out Chaucer’s englishing of Deguilleville’s _ABC_ or _Prayer to the Virgin_, of which the successive stanzas start with A, B, C, and run all thro’ the alphabet; and it has 2 main gaps, besides many small ones from the tops of leaves being burnt in the Cotton fire. All these gaps (save the A B C) have been fild up from the Stowe MS. 952 (which old John Stowe completed) and from the end of the other imperfect MS. Cotton, Tiberius A vii. Thanks to the diligence of the old Elizabethan tailor and manuscript-lover, a complete text of Lydgate’s poem can be given, though that of an inserted theological prose treatise is incomplete. The British Museum French MSS. (Harleian 4399,[7] and Additional 22,937[8] and 25,594[9]) are all of the First Version. Besides his first _Pèlerinaige de l’homme_ in its two versions, Deguilleville wrote a second, “de l’ame separee du corps,” and a third, “de nostre seigneur Iesus.” Of the second, a prose Englishing of 1413, _The Pilgrimage of the Sowle_ (with poems by Hoccleve, already printed for the Society with that author’s _Regement of Princes_), exists in the Egerton MS. 615,[10] at Hatfield, Cambridge (Univ. Kk. 1. 7, and Caius), Oxford (Univ. Coll. and Corpus), and in Caxton’s edition of 1483. This version has ‘somewhat of addicions’ as Caxton says, and some shortenings too, as the maker of both, the first translater, tells us in the MSS. Caxton leaves out the earlier englisher’s interesting Epilog in the Egerton MS. This prose englishing of the _Sowle_ will be edited for the Society by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner after that of the _Man_ is finisht, and will have Gallopes’s French opposite it, from Lord Aldenham’s MS., as his gift to the Society. Of the Pilgrimage of Jesus, no englishing is known. As to the MS. Anglo-Saxon Psalters, Dr. Hy. Sweet has edited the oldest MS., the Vespasian, in his _Oldest English Texts_ for the Society, and Mr. Harsley has edited the latest, c. 1150, Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter. The other MSS., except the Paris one, being interlinear versions,--some of the Roman-Latin redaction, and some of the Gallican,--Prof. Logeman has prepared for press, a Parallel-Text edition of the first twelve Psalms, to start the complete work. He will do his best to get the Paris Psalter--tho’ it is not an interlinear one--into this collective edition; but the additional matter, especially in the Verse-Psalms, is very difficult to manage. If the Paris text cannot be parallelised, it will form a separate volume. The Early English Psalters are all independent versions, and will follow separately in due course. Through the good offices of the Examiners, some of the books for the Early-English Examinations of the University of London will be chosen from the Society’s publications, the Committee having undertaken to supply such books to students at a large reduction in price. The net profits from these sales will be applied to the Society’s Reprints. Members are reminded that _fresh Subscribers are always wanted_, and that the Committee can at anytime, on short notice, send to press an additional Thousand Pounds’ worth of work. The Subscribers to the Original Series must be prepared for the issue of the whole of the Early English _Lives of Saints_, sooner or later. The Society cannot leave out any of them, even though some are dull. The Sinners would doubtless be much more interesting. But in many Saints’ Lives will be found valuable incidental details of our forefathers’ social state, and all are worthful for the history of our language. The Lives may be lookt on as the religious romances or story-books of their period. The Standard Collection of Saints’ Lives in the Corpus and Ashmole MSS., the Harleian MS. 2277, &c. will repeat the Laud set, our No. 87, with additions, and in right order. (The foundation MS. (Laud 108) had to be printed first, to prevent quite unwieldy collations.) The Supplementary Lives from the Vernon and other MSS. will form one or two separate volumes. Besides the Saints’ Lives, Trevisa’s englishing of _Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum_, the mediæval Cyclopædia of Science, &c, will be the Society’s next big undertaking. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker will edit it. Prof. Napier of Oxford, wishing to have the whole of our MS. Anglo-Saxon in type, and accessible to students, will edit for the Society all the unprinted and other Anglo-Saxon Homilies which are not included in Thorpe’s edition of Ælfric’s prose,[11] Dr. Morris’s of the Blickling Homilies, and Prof. Skeat’s of Ælfric’s Metrical Homilies. The late Prof. Kölbing left complete his text, for the Society, of the _Ancren Riwle_, from the best MS., with collations of the other four, and this will be edited for the Society by Dr. Thümmler. Mr. Harvey means to prepare an edition of the three MSS. of the _Earliest English Metrical Psalter_, one of which was edited by the late Mr. Stevenson for the Surtees Society. Members of the Society will learn with pleasure that its example has been followed, not only by the Old French Text Society which has done such admirable work under its founders Profs. Paul Meyer and Gaston Paris, but also by the Early Russian Text Society, which was set on foot in 1877, and has since issued many excellent editions of old MS. Chronicles, &c. Members will also note with pleasure the annexation of large tracts of our Early English territory by the important German contingent, the late Professors Zupitza and Kölbing, the living Hausknecht, Einenkel, Haenisch, Kaluza, Hupe, Adam, Holthausen, Schick, Herzfeld, Brandeis, Sieper, Konrath, Wülfing, &c. Scandinavia has also sent us Prof. Erdmann and Dr. E. A. Kock; Holland, Prof. H. Logeman, who is now working in Belgium; France, Prof. Paul Meyer--with Gaston Paris as adviser (alas, now dead);--Italy, Prof. Lattanzi; Austria, Dr. von Fleischhacker; while America is represented by the late Prof. Child, by Dr. Mary Noyes Colvin, Miss Rickert, Profs. Mead, McKnight, Triggs, Perrin, &c. The sympathy, the ready help, which the Society’s work has cald forth from the Continent and the United States, have been among the pleasantest experiences of the Society’s life, a real aid and cheer amid all troubles and discouragements. All our Members are grateful for it, and recognise that the bond their work has woven between them and the lovers of language and antiquity across the seas is one of the most welcome results of the Society’s efforts. ORIGINAL SERIES. 1. _Early English Alliterative Poems_, ab. 1360 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 16s. 1864 2. _Arthur_, ab. 1440, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 4s. „ 3. _Lauder on the Dewtie of Kyngis, &c._, 1556, ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s. „ 4. _Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight_, ab. 1360, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. „ 5. _Hume’s Orthographie and Congruitie of the Britan Tongue_, ab. 1617, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s. 1865 6. _Lancelot of the Laik_, ab. 1500, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 8s. „ 7. _Genesis & Exodus_, ab. 1250, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 8s. „ 8. _Morte Arthure_, ab. 1440, ed. E. Brock. 7s. „ 9. _Thynne on Speght’s ed. of Chaucer_, A.D. 1599, ed. Dr. G. Kingsley and Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 10s. „ 10. _Merlin_, ab. 1440, Part I., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 2s. 6d. „ 11. _Lyndesay’s Monarche, &c._, 1552, Part I., ed. J. Small, M.A. 3s. „ 12. _Wright’s Chaste Wife_, ab. 1462, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 1s. „ 13. _Seinte Marherete_, 1200-1330, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne; re-edited by Dr. Otto Glauning. [_Out of print._ 1866 14. _Kyng Horn, Floris and Blancheflour, &c._, ed. Rev. J. R. Lumby, B.D., re-ed. Dr. G. H. McKnight. 5s. „ 15. _Political, Religious, and Love Poems_, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 7s. 6d. „ 16. _The Book of Quinte Essence_, ab. 1460-70, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s. „ 17. _Parallel Extracts from 45 MSS. of Piers the Plowman_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 1s. „ 18. _Hali Meidenhad_, ab. 1200, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne, re-edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. [_At Press._ „ 19. _Lyndesay’s Monarche, &c._, Part II., ed. J. Small, M.A. 3s. 6d. „ 20. _Hampole’s English Prose Treatises_, ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 1s. [_Out of print._ „ 21. _Merlin_, Part II., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s. „ 22. _Partenay_ or _Lusignen_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. „ 23. _Dan Michel’s Ayenbite of Inwyt_, 1340, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. 6d. „ 24. _Hymns to the Virgin and Christ; the Parliament of Devils, &c._, ab. 1430, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1867 25. _The Stacions of Rome, the Pilgrims’ Sea-voyage, with Clene Maydenhod_, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s. „ 26. _Religious Pieces in Prose and Verse_, from R. Thornton’s MS., ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 2s. [_Out of print._ „ 27. _Levins’s Manipulus Vocabulorum, a ryming Dictionary_, 1570, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 12s. „ 28. _William’s Vision of Piers the Plowman_, 1362 A.D.; Text A, Part I., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s. „ 29. _Old English Homilies_ (ab. 1220-30 A.D.). Series I, Part I. Edited by Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 7s. „ 30. _Pierce the Ploughmans Crede_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 2s. „ 31. _Myrc’s Duties of a Parish Priest_, in Verse, ab. 1420 A.D., ed. E. Peacock. 4s. 1868 32. _Early English Meals and Manners: the Boke of Norture of John Russell, the Bokes of Keruynge, Curtasye, and Demeanor, the Babees Book, Urbanitatis, &c._, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 12s. „ 33. _The Knight de la Tour Landry_, ab. 1440 A.D. A Book for Daughters, ed. T. Wright, M.A. [_Out of print._ 34. _Old English Homilies_ (before 1300 A.D.). Series I, Part II., ed. R. Morris, LL.D. 8s. „ 35. _Lyndesay’s Works_, Part III.: The Historie and Testament of Squyer Meldrum, ed. F. Hall. 2s. „ 36. _Merlin_, Part III. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. On Arthurian Localities, by J. S. Stuart Glennie. 12s. 1869 37. _Sir David Lyndesay’s Works_, Part IV., Ane Satyre of the Three Estaits. Ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s. „ 38. _William’s Vision of Piers the Plowman_, Part II. Text B. Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s. 6d. „ 39. _Alliterative Romance of the Destruction of Troy_. Ed. D. Donaldson & G. A. Panton. Pt. I. 10s. 6d. „ 40. _English Gilds_, their Statutes and Customs, 1389 A.D. Edit. Toulmin Smith and Lucy T. Smith, with an Essay on Gilds and Trades-Unions, by Dr. L. Brentano. 21s. 1870 41. _William Lauder’s Minor Poems_. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 3s. „ 42. _Bernardus De Cura Rei Famuliaris_, Early Scottish Prophecies, &c. Ed. J. R. Lumby, M.A. 2s. „ 43. _Ratis Raving_, and other Moral and Religious Pieces. Ed. J. R. Lumby, M.A. „ 44. _The Alliterative Romance of Joseph of Arimathie_, or _The Holy Grail_: from the Vernon MS.; with W. de Worde’s and Pynson’s Lives of Joseph: ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 5s. 1871 45. _King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care_, edited from 2 MSS., with an English translation, by Henry Sweet, Esq., B.A., Balliol College, Oxford. Part I. 10s. „ 46. _Legends of the Holy Rood, Symbols of the Passion and Cross Poems_, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. „ 47. _Sir David Lyndesay’s Works_, Part V., ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 3s. „ 48. _The Times’ Whistle_, and other Poems, by R. C., 1616; ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s. „ 49. _An Old English Miscellany_, containing a Bestiary, Kentish Sermons, Proverbs of Alfred, and Religious Poems of the 13th cent., ed. from the MSS. by the Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 10s. 1872 50._King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care_, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. Part II. 10s. „ 51. _The Life of St Juliana_, 2 versions, A.D. 1230, with translations; ed. T. O. Cockayne & E. Brock. 2s. „ 52. _Palladius on Husbondrie_, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.), ed. Rev. Barton Lodge, M.A. Part I. 10s. 1872 53. _Old-English Homilies_, Series II., and three Hymns to the Virgin and God, 13th-century, with the music to two of them, in old and modern notation; ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 8s. 1873 54. _The Vision of Piers Plowman, Text C: Richard the Redeles_ (by William, the author of the _Vision_) and _The Crowned King_; Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 18s. „ 55. _Generydes_, a Romance, ab. 1440 A.D., ed. W. Aldis Wright, M.A. Part I. 3s. „ 56. _The Gest Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy_, in alliterative verse; ed. by D. Donaldson, Esq., and the late Rev. G. A. Panton. Part II. 10s. 6d. 1874 57. _The Early English Version of the “Cursor Mundi”_; in four Texts, edited by the Rev. R. Morris, M.A., LL.D. Part I, with 2 photolithographic facsimiles. 10s. 6d. „ 58. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. Part I. 8s. „ 59. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. B. Morris. Part II. 15s. 1875 60. _Meditacyuns on the Soper of our Lorde_ (by Robert of Brunne), edited by J. M. Cowper. 2s. 6d. „ 61. _The Romance and Prophecies of Thomas of Eroeldoune_, from 5 MSS.; ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 10s. 6d. „ 62. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. B. Morris. Part III. 15s. 1876 63. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part II. 7s. „ 64. _Francis Thynne’s Embleames and Epigrams_, A.D. 1600, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 7s. „ 65. _Be Domes Dæge_ (Bede’s _De Die Judicii_), &c., ed. J. R. Lumby, B.D. 2s. „ 66. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part IV., with 2 autotypes. 10s. 1877 67. _Notes on Piers Plowman_, by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. Part I. 21s. „ 68. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in 4 Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris Part V. 25s. 1878 69. _Adam Davie’s 5 Dreams about Edward II., &c._, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 5s. „ 70. _Generydes_, a Romance, ed. W. Aldis Wright, M.A. Part II. 4s. „ 71. _The Lay Folks Mass-Book_, four texts, ed. Rev. Canon Simmons. 25s. 1879 72. _Palladius on Husbondrie_, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.). Part II. Ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s. „ 73. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part III. 10s. 1880 74. _English Works of Wyclif_, hitherto unprinted, ed. F. D. Matthew, Esq. 20s. „ 75. _Catholicon Anglicum_, an early English Dictionary, from Lord Monson’s MS. A.D. 1483, ed., with Introduction & Notes, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.; and with a Preface by H. B. Wheatley. 20s. 1881 76. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints_, in MS. Cott. Jul. E 7., ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A. Part I. 10s. „ 77. _Beowulf_, the unique MS. autotyped and transliterated, edited by Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. 25s. 1882 78. _The Fifty Earliest English Wills_, in the Court of Probate, 1387-1439, ed. by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 7s. „ 79. _King Alfred’s Orosius_, from Lord Tollemache’s 9th century MS., Part I, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 13s. 1883 79b. _The Epinal Glossary_, 8th cent., ed. J. H. Hessels, M.A. 15s. [_Preparing._ „ 80. _The Early-English Life of St. Katherine_ and its Latin Original, ed. Dr. Einenkel. 12s. 1884 81. _Piers Plowman_: Notes, Glossary, &c. Part IV, completing the work, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A. 18s. „ 82. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints, MS_. Cott. Jul. E 7., ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A., LL.D. Part II. 12s. 1885 83. _The Oldest English Texts, Charters, &c._, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 20s. „ 84. _Additional Analogs to ‘The Wright’s Chaste Wife,’_ No. 12, by W. A. Clouston. 1s. 1886 85. _The Three Kings of Cologne_. 2 English Texts, and 1 Latin, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 17s. „ 86. _Prose Lives of Women Saints_, ab. 1610 A.D., ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. C. Horstmann. 12s. „ 87. _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_ (earliest version), Laud MS. 108, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s. 1887 88. _Hy. Bradshaw’s life of St. Werburghe_ (Pynson, 1521), ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 10s. „ 89. _Vices and Virtues_, from the unique MS., ab. 1200 A.D., ed. Dr. F. Holthausen. Part I. 8s. 1888 90. _Anglo-Saxon and Latin Rule of St. Benet_, interlinear Glosses, ed. Dr. H. Logeman. 12s. „ 91. _Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery-Books_, ab. 1430-1450, edited by Mr. T. Austin. 10s. „ 92. _Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter_, from the Trin. Cambr. MS., ab. 1150 A.D., ed. F. Harsley, B. Pt. I. 12s. 1889 93. _Defensor’s Liber Scintillarum_, edited from the MSS. by Ernest Rhodes, B.A. 12s. „ 94. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints, MS_. Cott. Jul. E 7, Part III., ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 12s. 1890 95. _The Old-English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, re-ed. by Dr. Thomas Miller. Part I, § 1. 18s. „ 96. _The Old-English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, re-ed. by Dr. Thomas Miller. Pt. I, § 2. 15s. 1891 97. _The Earliest English Prose Psalter_, edited from its 2 MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part I. 15s. „ 98. _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS_., Part I., ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s. 1892 99. _Cursor Mundi_. Part VI. Preface, Notes, and Glossary, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. „ 100. _Capgrave’s Life of St. Katharine_, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann, with Forewords by Dr. Furnivall. 20s. 1893 101. _Cursor Mundi_. Part VII. Essay on the MSS., their Dialects, &c., by Dr. H. Hupe. 10s. „ 102. _Lanfranc’s Cirurgie_, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. Part I. 20s. 1894 103. _The Legend of the Cross_, from a 12th century MS., &c., ed. Prof. A. S. Napier, M.A., Ph.D. 7s. 6d. „ 104. _The Exeter Book_ (Anglo-Saxon Poems), re-edited from the unique MS. by I. Gollancz, M.A. Part I. 20s. 1895 105. _The Prymer or Lay-Folks’ Prayer-Book_, Camb. Univ. MS., ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part I. 10s. „ 106. _R. Misyn’s Fire of Love and Mending of Life_ (Hampole), 1434, 1435, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A. 15s. 1896 107. _The English Conquest of Ireland_, A.D. 1166-1185, 2 Texts, 1425, 1440, Pt. I., ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s. „ 108. _Child-Marriages and Divorces, Trothplights, &c_. Chester Depositions, 1561-6, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s. 1897 109. _The Prymer or Lay-Folks’ Prayer-Book_, ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part II. 10s. „ 110. _The Old-English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 1. 15s. 1898 111. _The Old-English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 2. 15s. „ 112. _Merlin, Part IV: Outlines of the Legend of Merlin_, by Prof. W. E. Mead. Ph.D. 15s. 1899 113. _Queen Elizabeth’s Englishings of Boethius, Plutarch &c. &c_., ed. Miss C. Pemberton. 15s. „ 114. _Aelfric’s Metrical lives of Saints_, Part IV and last, ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 10s. 1900 115. _Jacob’s Well_, edited from the unique Salisbury Cathedral MS. by Dr. A. Brandeis. Part I. 10s. „ 116. _An Old-English Martyrology_, re-edited by Dr. G. Herzfeld. 10s. „ 117. _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS._, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part II. 15s. 1901 118. _The Lay Folks’ Catechism,_ ed. by Canon Simmons and Rev. H. E. Nolloth, M.A. 5s. „ 119. _Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne_ (1303), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. I. 10s. „ 120. _The Rule of St. Benet_, in Northern Prose and Verse, & Caxton’s Summary, ed. Dr. E. A. Kock. 15s. 1902 121. _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595, by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part I. 15s. „ 122. _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595, by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part II. 20s. 1903 123. _Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne_ (1303), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s. „ 124. _Twenty-six Political and other Poems_ from Digby MS. 102 &c, ed. by Dr. J. Kail. Part I. 10s. 1904 125. _Medieval Records of a London City Church_, ed. Henry Littlehales. Pt. 1. 20s. „ 126. _An Alphabet of Tales_, in Northern English from Latin, ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks. Part I. 10s. „ 127. 1905 EXTRA SERIES. The Publications for _1867-1901_ (one guinea each year) are:-- I. _William of Palerne_; or, _William and the Werwolf._ Re-edited by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 13s. 1867 II. _Early English Pronunciation_ with especial Reference to Shakspere and Chaucer, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part I. 10s. „ III. _Caxton’s Book of Curtesye_, in Three Versions. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 5s. 1868 IV. _Havelok the Dane._ Re-edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s. „  V. _Chaucer’s Boethius._ Edited from the two best MSS. by Rev. Dr. R. Morris 12s. „ VI. _Chevelere Assigne._ Re-edited from the unique MS. by Lord Aldenham, M.A. 3s. „ VII. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II. 10s. 1869 VIII. _Queene Elizabethes Achademy, &c._ Ed. F. J. Furnivall. Essays on early Italian and German Books of Courtesy, by W. M. Rossetti and Dr. E. Oswald. 13s. „ IX. _Awdeley’s Fraternitye of Vacabondes, Harmon’s Caveat, &c._ Ed. E. Viles & F. J. Furnivall. 7_a_. 6d. „ X. _Andrew Boorde’s Introduction of Knowledge, 1547, Dyetary of Helth, 1542, Barnes in Defence of the Berde, 1542-3._ Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 18s. 1870 XI. _Barbour’s Bruce_, Part I. Ed. from MSS. and editions, by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 12s. „ XII. _England in Henry VIII’s Time_: a Dialogue between Cardinal Pole & Lupset, by Thom. Starkey, Chaplain to Henry VIII. Ed. J. M. Cowper. Part II. 12s. (Part I. is No. XXXII, 1878, 8s.) 1871 XIII. _A Supplicacyon of the Beggers_, by Simon Fish, 1528-9 A.D., ed. F. J. Furnivall; with _A Supplication to our Moste Soueraigne Lorde; A Supplication of the Poore Commons_; and _The Decaye of England by the Great Multitude of Sheep_, ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s. „ XIV. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part III. 10s. „ XV. _Robert Crowley’s Thirty-One Epigrams, Voyce of the Last Trumpet, Way to Wealth, &c._, A.D. 1550-1, edited by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 12s. 1872 XVI. _Chaucer’s Treatise on the Astrolabe._ Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 6s. „ XVII. _The Complaynt of Scotlande_, 1549 A.D., with 4 Tracts (1542-48), ed. Dr. Murray. Part I. 10s. „ XVIII. _The Complaynt of Scotlande_, 1549 A.D., ed. Dr. Murray. Part II. 8s. 1873 XIX. _Oure Ladyes Myroure_, A.D. 1530, ed. Rev. J. H. Blunt, M.A. 24s. „ XX. _Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail_ (ab. 1450 A.D.), ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part I. 8_s_ 1874 XXI. _Barbour’s Bruce_, Part II., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 4s. „ XXII. _Henry Brinklow’s Complaynt of Roderyck Mors_ (ab. 1542): and _The Lamentacion of a Christian against the Citie of London_, made by Roderigo Mors, A.D. 1545. Ed. J. M. Cowper. 9s. „ XXIII. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part IV. 10s. „ XXIV._ Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part II. 10s. 1875 XXV. _Guy of Warwick_, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 20s. „ XXVI. _Guy of Warwick_, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part II. 14s. 1876 XXVII. _Bp. Fisher’s English Works_ (died 1535). ed. by Prof. J. E. B. Mayor. Part I, the Text. 16s. „ XXVIII. _Lovelich’s Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part III. 10s. 1877 XXIX. _Barbour’s Bruce._ Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 21s. „ XXX. _Lovelich’s Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part IV. 15s. 1878 XXXI. _The Alliterative Romance of Alexander and Dindimus_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s. „ XXXII. _Starkey’s “England in Henry VIII’s time.”_ Pt. I. Starkey’s Life and Letters, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 8s. „ XXXIII. _Gesta Romanorum_ (englisht ab. 1440), ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s. 1879 XXXIV. _Charlemagne Romances:--1. Sir Ferumbras_, from Ashm. MS. 33, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s. „ XXXV. _Charlemagne Romances:--2. The Sege off Melayne, Sir Otuell, &c._, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 12s. 1880 XXXVI. _Charlemagne Romances:--3. Lyf of Charles the Grete_, Pt. I., ed. S. J. Herrtage. 16s. „ XXXVII. _Charlemagne Romances:--4. Lyf of Charles the Grete_, Pt. II., ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s. 1881 XXXVIII. _Charlemagne Romances:--5. The Sowdone of Babylone_, ed. Dr. Hausknecht. 15s. „ XXXIX. _Charlemagne Romances:--6. Rauf Colyear, Roland, Otuel, &c._, ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s. 1882 XL. _Charlemagne Romances:--7. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Part I. 15s. „ XLI. _Charlemagne Romances:--8. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Pt. II. 15s. 1883 XLII. _Guy of Warwick_: 2 texts (Auchinleck MS. and Cains MS.), ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 15s. „ XLIII. _Charlemagne Romances:--9. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Pt. III. 15s. 1884 XLIV. _Charlemagne Romances:--10. The Four Sons of Aymon_, ed. Miss Octavia Richardson. Pt. I. 15s. 1884 XLV. _Charlemagne Romances:--11. The Four Sons of Aymon_, ed. Miss O. Richardson. Pt. II. 20s. 1885 XLVI. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, from the Auchinleck and other MSS., ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part I. 10s. „ XLVII. _The Wars of Alexander_, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 20s. 1886 XLVIII. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part II. 10s. „ XLIX. _Guy of Warwick_, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Pt. II., ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s. 1887 L. _Charlemagne Romances:--12. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B. Part IV. 5s. „ LI. _Torrent of Portyngale_, from the unique MS. in the Chetham Library, ed. E. Adam, Ph.D. 10s. „ LII. _Bullein’s Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence, 1578_ (ed. 1, 1564). Ed. M. & A. H. Bullen. 10s. 1888 LIII. _Vicary’s Anatomie of the Body of Man, 1548_, ed. 1577, ed. F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part I. 15s. „ LIV. _Caxton’s Englishing of Alain Chartier’s Curial_, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall & Prof. P. Meyer. 5s. „ LV. _Barbour’s Bruce_, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. Part IV. 5s. 1889 LVI. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Pt. V., the present English Dialects. 25s. „ LVII. _Caxton’s Eneydos_, A.D. 1490, coll. with its French, ed. M. T. Culley, M.A. & Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 13s. 1890 LVIII. _Caxton’s Blanchardyn & Eglantine_, c. 1489, extracts from ed. 1595, & French, ed. Dr. L. Kellner. 17s. „ LIX. _Guy of Warwick_, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Part III., ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s. 1891 LX. _Lydgate’s Temple of Glass_, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. J. Schick. 15s. „ LXI. _Hoccleve’s Minor Poems, I._, from the Phillipps and Durham MSS., ed. F. J. Furnivall, Ph.D. 15s. 1892 LXII. _The Chester Plays_, re-edited from the MSS. by the late Dr. Hermann Deimling. Part I. 15s. „ LXIII. _Thomas a Kempis’s De Imitatione Christi_, englisht ab. 1440, & 1502, ed. Prof. J. K. Ingram. 15s. 1893 LXIV. _Caxton’s Godfrey of Boloyne_, or _Last Siege of Jerusalem_, 1481, ed. Dr. Mary N. Colvin. 15s. „ LXV. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part III. 15s. 1894 LXVI. _Lydgate’s and Burgh’s Secrees of Philisoffres_, ab. 1445-50, ed. R. Steele, B.A. 15s. „ LXVII. _The Three Kings’ Sons_, a Romance, ab. 1500, Part I., the Text, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 10s. 1895 LXVIII. _Melusine_, the prose Romance, ab. 1500, Part I, the Text, ed. A. K. Donald. 20s. „ LXIX. _Lydgate’s Assembly of the Gods_, ed. Prof. Oscar L. Triggs, M.A., Ph.D. 15s. 1896 LXX. _The Digby Plays_, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s. „ LXXI. _The Towneley Plays_, ed. Geo. England and A. W. Pollard, M.A. 15s. 1897 LXXII. _Hoccleve’s Regement of Princes, 1411-12, and 14 Poems_, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s. „ LXXIII. _Hoccleve’s Minor Poems, II._, from the Ashburnham MS., ed. I. Gollancz, M.A. [_At Press._ „ LXXIV. _Secreta Secretorum_, 3 prose Englishings, by Jas. Yonge, 1428, ed. R. Steele, B. Part I. 20s. 1898 LXXV. _Speculum Guidonis de Warwyk_, edited by Miss G. L. Morrill, M.A., Ph.D. 10s. „ LXXVI. _George Ashby’s Poems, &c._, ed. Miss Mary Bateson. 15s. 1899 LXXVII. _Lydgate’s DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, 1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part I. 10s. „ LXXVIII. _The Life and Death of Mary Magdalene_, by T. Robinson, c. 1620, ed. Dr. H. O. Sommer. 5s. „ LXXIX. _Caxton’s Dialogues, English and French_, c. 1483, ed. Henry Bradley, M.A. 10s. 1900 LXXX. _Lydgate’s Two Nightingale Poems_, ed. Dr. Otto Glauning. 5s. „ LXXXI. _Gower’s Confessio Amantis_, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. Vol. I. 15s. „ LXXXII. _Gower’s Confessio Amantis_, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. Vol. II. 15s. 1901 LXXXIII. _Lydgate’s DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, 1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s. „ LXXXIV. _Lydgate’s Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. Part I. 5s. „ LXXXV. _Alexander Scott’s Poems_, 1568, from the unique Edinburgh MS., ed. A. K. Donald, B.A. 10s. 1902 LXXXVI. _William of Shoreham’s Poems_, re-ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. M. Konrath. Part I. 10s. „ LXXXVII. _Two Coventry Corpus-Christi Plays_, re-edited by Hardin Craig, M.A. 10s. [_At Press._ „ LXXXVIII. _Le Morte Arthur_, re-edited from the Harleian MS. 2252 by Prof. Bruce, Ph.D. 15s. 1903 LXXXIX. _Lydgate’s Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. Part II. 15s. „ XC. _William of Shoreham’s Poems_, re-ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. M. Konrath. Part II. [_At Press._ 1904 XCI. „ EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY TEXTS PREPARING. Besides the Texts named as at press on p. 12 of the Cover of the Early English Text Society’s last Books, the following Texts are also slowly preparing for the Society:-- ORIGINAL SERIES. _The Earliest English Prose Psalter_, ed. Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part II. _The Earliest English Verse Psalter_, 3 texts, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A. _Anglo-Saxon Poems_, from the Vercelli MS., re-edited by Prof. I. Gollancz, M.A. _Anglo-Saxon Glosses_ to Latin Prayers and Hymns, edited by Dr. F. Holthausen. _All the Anglo-Saxon Homilies and Lives of Saints_ not accessible in English editions, including those of the Vercelli MS. &c., edited by Prof. Napier, M.A., Ph.D. _The Anglo-Saxon Psalms_; all the MSS. in Parallel Texts, ed. Dr. H. Logeman and F. Harsley, B.A. _Beowulf, a critical Text, &c._, edited by a Pupil of the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. _Byrhtferth’s Handboc_, edited by Prof. G. Hempl. _The Seven Sages_, in the Northern Dialect, from a Cotton MS., edited by Dr. Squires. _The Master of the Game, a Book of Huntynge_ for Hen. V. when Prince of Wales. (_Editor wanted._) _Ailred’s Rule of Nuns, &c._, edited from the Vernon MS., by the Rev. Canon H. R. Bramley, M.A. _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_, Standard Collection, from the Harl. MS. (_Editor wanted._) _Early English Confessionals_, edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. _A Lapidary_, from Lord Tollemache’s MS., &c., edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. _Early English Deeds and Documents_, from unique MSS., ed. Dr. Lorenz Morsbach. _Gilbert Banastre’s Poems_, and other _Boccaccio englishings_, ed. by Prof. Dr. Max Förster. _Lanfranc’s Cirurgie_, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker, Part II. _William of Nassington’s Mirror of Life_, from Jn. of Waldby, edited by J. A. Herbert, M.A. _More Early English Wills from the Probate Registry at Somerset House._ (_Editor wanted._) _Early Lincoln Wills and Documents from the Bishops’ Registers, &c._, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. _Early Canterbury Wills_, edited by William Cowper, B.A., and J. Meadows Cowper. _Early Norwich Wills_, edited by Walter Rye and F. J. Furnivall. _The Cartularies of Oseney Abbey and Godstow Nunnery_, englisht ab. 1450, ed. Rev. A. Clark, M.A. _Early Lyrical Poems_ from the Harl. MS. 2253, re-edited by Prof. Hall Griffin, M.A. _Alliterative Prophecies_, edited from the MSS. by Prof. Brandl, Ph.D. _Miscellaneous Alliterative Poems_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. L. Morsbach. _Bird and Beast Poems_, a collection from MSS., edited by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Scire Mori, &c._, from the Lichfield MS. 16, ed. Mrs. L. Grindon, LL.A., and Miss Florence Gilbert. _Nicholas Trivet’s French Chronicle_, from Sir A. Acland-Hood’s unique MS., ed. by Miss Mary Bateson. _Early English Homilies_ in Harl. 2276 &c., c. 1400, ed. J. Friedländer. _Extracts from the Registers of Boughton_, ed. Hy. Littlehales, Esq. _The Diary of Prior Moore of Worcester_, A.D. 1518-35, from the unique MS., ed. Henry Littlehales, Esq. _The Pore Caitif_, edited from its MSS., by Mr. Peake. _Thomas Berkley’s englisht Vegetius on the Art of War_, MS. 30 Magd. Coll. Oxf., ed. L. C. Wharton, M.A. EXTRA SERIES. _Bp. Fisher’s English Works_, Pt. II., with his _Life and Letters_, ed. Rev. Ronald Bayne, B.A. [_At Press._ _Sir Tristrem_, from the unique Auchinleck MS., edited by George F. Black. _John of Arderne’s Surgery_, c. 1425, ed. J. F. Payne, M.D. _De Guilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Sowle_, edited by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner. _Vicary’s Anatomie, 1548_, from the unique MS. copy by George Jeans, edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall. _Vicary’s Anatomie, 1548_, ed. 1577, edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part II. [_At Press._ _A Compilacion of Surgerye_, from H. de Mandeville and Lanfrank, A.D. 1392, ed. Dr. J. F. Payne. _William Staunton’s St. Patrick’s Purgatory, &c._, ed. Mr. G. P. Krapp, U.S.A. _Trevisa’s Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum_, re-edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. _Bullein’s Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence_, 1564, 1573, 1578. Ed. A. H. and M. Bullen. Pt. II. _The Romance of Boctus and Sidrac_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _The Romance of Clariodus_, re-edited by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Sir Amadas_, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Sir Degrevant_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. Luick. _Robert of Brunne’s Chronicle of England_, from the Inner Temple MS., ed. by Prof. W. E. Mead, Ph.D. _Maundeville’s Voiage and Travaile_, re-edited from the Cotton MS. Titus C. 16, &c., by Miss M. Bateson. _Avowynge of Arthur_, re-edited from the unique Ireland MS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. _Guy of Warwick_, Copland’s version, edited by a pupil of the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. _Awdelay’s Poems_, re-edited from the unique MS. Douce 302, by Prof. Dr. E. Wülfing. _The Wyse Chylde_ and other early Treatises on Education, Northwich School, Harl. 2099 &c., ed. G. Collar, B.A. _Caxton’s Dictes and Sayengis of Philosophirs_, 1477, with Lord Tollemache’s MS. version, ed. S. I. Butler, Esq. _Caxton’s Book of the Ordre of Chyualry_, collated with Loutfut’s Scotch copy. (_Editor wanted._) _Lydgate’s Court of Sapience_, edited by Dr. Borsdorf. _Lydgate’s Lyfe of oure Lady_, ed. by Prof. Georg Fiedler, Ph.D. _Lydgate’s Dance of Death_, edited by Miss Florence Warren. _Lydgate’s Life of St. Edmund_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. Axel Erdmann. _Lydgate’s Triumph Poems_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. _Lydgate’s Minor Poems_, edited by Dr. Otto Glauning. _Richard Coer de Lion_, re-edited from Harl. MS. 4690, by Prof. Hausknecht, Ph.D. _The Romance of Athelstan_, re-edited by a pupil of the late Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. _The Romance of Sir Degare_, re-edited by Dr. Breul. _Mulcaster’s Positions_ 1581, and _Elementarie_ 1582, ed. Dr. Th. Klaehr, Dresden. _Walton’s verse Boethius de Consolatione_, edited by Mark H. Liddell, U.S.A. _The Gospel of Nichodemus_, edited by Ernest Riedel. _Sir Landeval and Sir Launfal_, edited by Dr. Zimmermann. _Rolland’s Seven Sages_, the Scottish version of 1560, edited by George F. Black. The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s. a year for the ORIGINAL SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be paid by Cheque, Postal Order, or Money-Order, crost ‘Union Bank of London,’ to the Hon. Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. Members who want their Texts posted to them must add to their prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original Series, and 1s. for the Extra Series, yearly. The Society’s Texts are also sold separately at the prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts at one-third less than the List-prices by sending the cash for them in advance to the Hon. Secretary. [Footnote 1: He was born about 1295. See Abbé GOUGET’S _Bibliothèque française_, Vol. IX, p. 73-4.--P. M. The Roxburghe Club printed the 1st version in 1893.] [Footnote 2: The Roxburghe Club’s copy of this 2nd version was lent to Mr. Currie, and unluckily burnt too with his other MSS.] [Footnote 3: These 3 MSS. have not yet been collated, but are believed to be all of the same version.] [Footnote 4: Another MS. is in the Pepys Library.] [Footnote 5: According to Lord Aldenham’s MS.] [Footnote 6: These were printed in France, late in the 15th or early in the 16th century.] [Footnote 7: 15th cent., containing only the _Vie humaine_.] [Footnote 8: 15th cent., containing all the 3 Pilgrimages, the 3rd being Jesus Christ’s.] [Footnote 9: 14th cent., containing the _Vie humaine_ and the 2nd Pilgrimage, _de l’Ame_: both incomplete.] [Footnote 10: Ab. 1430, 106 leaves (leaf 1 of text wanting), with illuminations of nice little devils--red, green, tawny, &c--and damnd souls, fires, angels &c.] [Footnote 11: Of these, Mr. Harsley is preparing a new edition, with collations of all the MSS. Many copies of Thorpe’s book, not issued by the Ælfric Society, are still in stock. Of the Vercelli Homilies, the Society has bought the copy made by Prof. G. Lattanzi.] Typographical Errors: 50. _King Alfred’s ... [_“5” invisible_] _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_ ... (_Editor wanted._) [_closing parenthesis missing_] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Meals and Manners in Olden Time. Berlin: Asher & Co., 5, Unter Den Linden. New York: C. Scribner & Co.; Leypoldt & Holt. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. Early English Meals and Manners: John Russell’s Boke of Nurture, Wynkyn de Worde’s Boke of Lernynge, The Boke of Curtasye,  R. Weste’s Booke of Demeanor, Seager’s Schoole of Vertue, The Babees Book, Aristotle’s A B C, Urbanitatis, Stans Puer ad Mensam, The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, For to serve a Lord, Old Symon, The Birched School-Boy, &c. &c. with some Forewords on Education in Early England. Edited by FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Trin. Hall, Cambridge. London: Published for the Early English Text Society by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Limited, Dryden House, 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W. 1868. [_Reprinted 1894, 1904._] Original Series, 32. _Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay._ DEDICATED to The Historian Of “The Early & Middle Ages Of England,” CHARLES H. PEARSON, ESQ., M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, Late Professor of History at King’s College, London, In Admiration of his Learning and In Gratitude for his Help, BY THE EDITOR NOTICE. The _Russell_ and _De Worde_ of this work were issued, with _Rhodes’s Boke of Nurture_, to the Roxburghe Club, in 4to, in 1867. The whole of the work (except p. 361), with Rhodes, and some short poems in English, French, and Latin, was issued to the Early English Text Society, in 8vo, in 1868, with the title _The Babees Book_, &c. (_Manners and Meals in Olden Time_). CONTENTS. PAGE FOREWORDS, OR GENERAL PREFACE i Education in Early England iv Cleanliness, or Dirt, of Men, Houses, &c. lxiii Notice of the separate Poems up to _Russell_ lxviii PREFACE TO RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE, and the Poems and Treatises following it (except those in the Postscript) lxix COLLATIONS AND CORRECTIONS xcii JOHN RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE 1 (Contents thereof, inserted after title; Notes thereon, p. 84. Lawrens Andrewe on Fish, p. 113.) Wilyam Bulleyn on Boxyng and Neckeweede 124 Andrew Borde on Sleep, Rising, and Dress 128 William Vaughan’s Fifteen Directions to preserve Health 133 The Dyet for every Day (from Sir John Harington’s Schoole of Salerne) 138 On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed (from the same) 140 Recipes (for Fritters, Jussell, and Mawmeny) 145 Recipes (for Hares and Conies in Civeye, and for Doucettes) 146 WYNKYN DE WORDE’S BOKE OF KERUYNGE (ed. 1513) 147 (Contents thereof, p. 150; Notes thereon, p. 173. Note on the first edition of 1508, p. lxxxvii.) THE BOKE OF CURTASYE (from the Sloane MS. 1986, ab. 1460 A.D.) 175 Contents thereof, p. 176. Notes thereto, p. 283 THE BOOKE OF DEMEANOR (from The Schoole of Vertue by Richard Weste) 207 Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes (from the Sloane MS. 1986) 215 Stanzas and Couplets of Counsel (from the Rawlinson MS. C. 86) 219 THE SCHOOLE OF VERTUE by F. Seager (A.D. 1557) 221 Whate-ever thow sey, avyse thee welle! 244 A Dogg Lardyner, & a Sowe Gardyner 246 Maxims in -ly 247 Roger Ascham’s Advice to Lord Warwick’s Servant 248 THE BABEES BOOK, (or a ‘lytyl Reporte’ of how Young People should behave) 250 Lerne or be Lewde 258 The A B C of Aristotle 260 _Vrbanitatis_ 262 The Boris Hede furst 264* The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, or Edyllys be (on left-hand pages to p. 273) 265 The Young Children’s Book (on right-hand pages to p. 274) 266 Stans Puer ad Mensam (in English, from MS. Harl. 2251; on left-hand pages to p. 281) 275 The Book of Curteisie that is clepid _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ (from Lambeth MS. 853; on right-hand pages to p. 282) 276 Notes to the Boke of Curtasye, &c. 283 Index to the Poems, &c. (before the Postscript) 286 [***] POSTSCRIPT (added after the Index was printed). FFOR TO SERVE A LORD (see Preface to Russell, p. lxxii.), with _A Feste for a Bryde_, p. 358 349 Suffer, and hold your tongue 361 The Houshold Stuff occupied at the Lord Mayor’s Feast, A.D. 1505 362 The Ordre of goyng or sittyng 365 Latin Graces 366 SYMON’S Lesson of Wysedome for all maner Chyldryn 381 The Birched School-Boy of about 1500 A.D. 385 The Song of the School-Boy at Christmas 387 The Boar’s Head 388 * * * * * * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: The Headnotes from the General Preface are collected here to act as a table of contents. Each note will also appear in the text at approximately its original location.] EDWARD THE FOURTH’S HENCHMEN RICH MEN’S EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND. HOUSES OF NOBLES AND CHANCELLORS WERE SCHOOLS. BP. GROSSETETE TAUGHT NOBLES’ SONS. YOUNG NOBLES IN WOLSEY’S HOUSEHOLD. KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH. APPRENTICESHIP IN HENRY VII.’S TIME. GIRLS SENT OUT TO LADIES’ HOUSES. PRIVATE TUITION IN EARLY ENGLAND. EDUCATION AT HOME AND AT TUTORS’. STUDIES OF YOUTHS, TEMP. HEN. VIII. AND ELIZABETH. NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS. UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND. POVERTY OF UNIVERSITY SCHOLARS. UNDERGRADUATE’S EXPENSES AT OXFORD, 1478. FEW NOBLEMEN AT CAMBRIDGE. NOBLES AND GENTLEMEN AT OXFORD. FAVOURITISM OF THE RICH IN THE UNIVERSITIES. BAD EXAMPLE OF RICH MEN AT COLLEGE. FOREIGN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION. MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS. LYDGATE’S TRICKS AT SCHOOL. EDUCATION OF FIELD LABOURERS. NO BONDSMAN’S SON TO BE AN APPRENTICE. POST-REFORMATION CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS. POOR MEN’S SONS HAVE HEADS AS WELL AS RICH ONES’. AN ETON BOY IN A.D. 1478. POST-REFORMATION GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. STUDY OF ENGLISH RECOMMENDED IN 1582-1612. A GRAMMAR-SCHOOL BOY’S DAY IN A.D. 1612. THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH. NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS. FOREWORDS. “The naturall maister Aristotell saith that euery body be the course of nature is enclyned to here & se all that refressheth & quickeneth the spretys of man[1] / wherfor I haue thus in this boke folowinge[2]” gathered together divers treatises touching the Manners & Meals of Englishmen in former days, & have added therto divers figures of men of old, at meat & in bed,[3] to the end that, to my fellows here & to come, the home life of their forefathers may be somewhat more plain, & their own minds somewhat rejoiced. The treatises here collected consist of a main one--John Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_, to which I have written a separate preface[4]--extracts and short books illustrating Russell, like the _Booke of Demeanor_ and _Boke of Curtasy_, and certain shorter poems addressed partly to those whom Cotgrave calls “_Enfans de famille_, Yonkers of account, youthes of good houses, children of rich parents (yet aliue),” partly to carvers and servants, partly to schoolboys, partly to people in general, or at least those of them who were willing to take advice as to how they should mend their manners and live a healthy life. [Headnote: EDWARD THE FOURTH’S HENCHMEN] The persons to whom the last poems of the present collection are addressed, the yonge Babees, whom{e} bloode Royall{e} With{e} grace, feture, and hyhe habylite Hath{e} en{ou}rmyd, the “Bele Babees” and “swete Children,” may be likened to the “young gentylmen, Henxmen,--VI Enfauntes, or more, as it shall please the Kinge,”--at Edward the Fourth’s Court; and the authors or translators of the Bokes in this volume, somewhat to that sovereign’s Maistyr of Henxmen, whose duty it was “to shew the schooles[5] of urbanitie and nourture of Englond, to lerne them to ryde clenely and surely; to drawe them also to justes; to lerne them were theyre barneys; to haue all curtesy in wordes, dedes, and degrees; dilygently to kepe them in rules of goynges and sittinges, after they be of honour. Moreover to teche them sondry languages, and othyr lerninges vertuous, to harping, to pype, sing, daunce, and with other honest and temperate behaviour and patience; and to kepe dayly and wekely with these children dew convenity, with corrections in theyre chambres, according to suche gentylmen; and eche of them to be used to that thinge of vertue that he shall be moste apt to lerne, with remembraunce dayly of Goddes servyce accustumed. This maistyr sittith in the halle, next unto these Henxmen, at the same boarde, to have his respecte unto theyre demeanynges, howe manerly they ete and drinke, and to theyre communication and other formes curiall, after _the booke of urbanitie_.” (Liber Niger in _Household Ordinances_, p. 45.) That these young Henxmen were gentlemen, is expressly stated,[6] and they had “everyche of them an honest servaunt to keepe theyre chambre and harneys, and to aray hym in this courte whyles theyre maisters he present in courte.” I suppose that when they grew up, some became Esquires, and then their teaching would prove of use, for “These Esquiers of houshold of old [were] accustumed, wynter and sumer, in aftyrnoones and in eveninges, to drawe to lordes chambres within courte, there to kepe honest company aftyr theyre cunnynge, in talkyng of cronycles of Kings and of other polycyes, or in pypeyng or harpyng, synging, or other actes martialles, to help occupy the courte, and accompany straungers, tyll the tyme require of departing.” But that a higher station than an Esquier’s was in store for some of these henchmen, may be known from the history of one of them. Thomas Howard, eldest son of Sir John Howard, knight (who was afterwards Duke of Norfolk, and killed at Bosworth Field), was among these henchmen or pages, ‘enfauntes’ six or more, of Edward IV.’s. He was made Duke of Norfolk for his splendid victory over the Scots at Flodden, and Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard were his granddaughters. Among the ‘othyr lerninges vertuous’ taught him at Edward’s court was no doubt that of drawing, for we find that ‘He was buried with much pomp at Thetford Abbey under a tomb designed by himself and master Clarke, master of the works at King’s College, Cambridge, & Wassel a freemason of Bury S. Edmund’s.’ Cooper’s _Ath. Cant._, i. p. 29, col. 2. [Headnote: RICH MEN’S EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.] The question of the social rank of these Bele Babees,[[6a]] children, and _Pueri_ who stood at tables, opens up the whole subject of upper-class education in early times in England. It is a subject that, so far as I can find, has never yet been separately treated[7], and I therefore throw together such few notices as the kindness of friends[8] and my own chance grubbings have collected; these as a sort of stopgap till the appearance of Mr Anstey’s volume on early Oxford Studies in the _Chronicles and Memorials_, a volume which will, I trust, give us a complete account of early education in our land. If it should not, I hope that Mr Quick will carry his pedagogic researches past Henry VIII.’s time, or that one of our own members will take the subject up. It is worthy of being thoroughly worked out. For convenience’ sake, the notices I have mentioned are arranged under six heads: 1. Education in Nobles’ houses. 2. At Home and at Private Tutors’, p. xvii. (Girls, p. xxv.) 3. At English Universities, p. xxvi. 4. At Foreign Universities, p. xl. 5. At Monastic and Cathedral Schools, p. xli. 6. At Grammar Schools, p. lii. One consideration should be premised, that manly exercises, manners and courtesy, music and singing, knowledge of the order of precedency of ranks, and ability to carve, were in early times more important than Latin and Philosophy. ‘Aylmar þe kyng’ gives these directions to Athelbrus, his steward, as to Horn’s education: Stiwarde, tak nu here Mi fundlyng for to lere 228 Of þine meste{re}, Of wude {and} of riuere; {And} tech him to harpe Wiþ his nayles scharpe; 232 Biuore me to kerue, And of þe cupe serue; Þu tech him of alle þe liste (craft, AS. _list_) Þat þu eure of wiste; 236 [And] his feiren þou wise (mates thou teach) Into oþere s{er}uise. Horn þu underuonge, {And} tech him of harpe {and} songe. 240 _King Horn_, E. E. T. Soc., 1866, ed. Lumby, p. 7.[9] So in Romances and Ballads of later date, we find The child was taught great nurterye; a Master had him vnder his care, & taught him _curtesie_. _Tryamore_, in Bp. Percy’s Folio MS. vol. ii. ed. 1867. It was the worthy Lord of learen, he was a lord of hie degree; he had noe more children but one sonne, he sett him to schoole to learne _curtesie_. _Lord of Learne_, Bp. Percy’s Folio MS. vol. i. p. 182, ed. 1867. Chaucer’s Squire, as we know, at twenty years of age hadde ben somtyme in chivachie, In Flaundres, in Artoys, and in Picardie, And born him wel, as in so litel space, In hope to stonden in his lady grace ... Syngynge he was, or flowtynge, al the day ... Wel cowde he sitte on hors, and wel cowde ryde. He cowde songes wel make and endite, Justne and eek daunce, and wel purtray and write ... Curteys he was, lowly, and servysable, And carf beforn his fadur at the table.[10] Which of these accomplishments would Cambridge or Oxford teach? Music alone.[[10a]] That, as Harrison says, was one of the Quadrivials, ‘arithmetike, musike, geometrie, and astronomie.’ The Trivium was grammar, rhetoric, and logic. [Headnote: HOUSES OF NOBLES AND CHANCELLORS WERE SCHOOLS.] 1. The chief places of education for the sons of our nobility and gentry were the houses of other nobles, and specially those of the Chancellors of our Kings, men not only able to read and write, talk Latin and French themselves, but in whose hands the Court patronage lay. As early as Henry the Second’s time (A.D. 1154-62), if not before[11], this system prevailed. A friend notes that Fitz-Stephen says of Becket: “The nobles of the realm of England and of neighbouring kingdoms used to send their sons to serve the Chancellor, whom he trained with honourable bringing-up and learning; and when they had received the knight’s belt, sent them back with honour to their fathers and kindred: some he used to keep. The king himself, his master, entrusted to him his son, the heir of the realm, to be brought up; whom he had with him, with many sons of nobles of the same age, and their proper retinue and masters and proper servants in the honour due.” --_Vita S. Thomæ_, pp. 189, 190, ed. Giles. Roger de Hoveden, a Yorkshireman, who was a clerk or secretary to Henry the Second, says of Richard the Lionheart’s unpopular chancellor, Longchamps the Bishop of Ely: “All the sons of the nobles acted as his servants, with downcast looks, nor dared they to look upward towards the heavens unless it so happened that they were addressing him; and if they attended to anything else they were pricked with a goad, which their lord held in his hand, fully mindful of his grandfather of pious memory, who, being of servile condition in the district of Beauvais, had, for his occupation, to guide the plough and whip up the oxen; and who at length, to gain his liberty, fled to the Norman territory.” (Riley’s _Hoveden_, ii. 232, quoted in _The Cornhill Magazine_, vol. xv. p. 165.)[12] All Chancellors were not brutes of this kind, but we must remember that young people were subjected to rough treatment in early days. Even so late as Henry VI.’s time, Agnes Paston sends to London on the 28th of January, 1457, to pray the master of her son of 15, that if the boy “hath not done well, nor will not amend,” his master Greenfield “will truly belash him till he will amend.” And of the same lady’s treatment of her marriageable daughter, Elizabeth, Clere writes on the 29th of June, 1454, “She (the daughter) was never in so great sorrow as she is now-a-days, for she may not speak with no man, whosoever come, ne not may see nor speak with my man, nor with servants of her mother’s, but that she beareth her on hand otherwise than she meaneth; and she hath since Easter the most part been beaten once in the week or twice, and sometimes twice on a day, and her head broken in two or three places.” (v. i. p. 50, col. 1, ed. 1840.) The treatment of Lady Jane Grey by her parents was also very severe, as she told Ascham, though she took it meekly, as her sweet nature was: “One of the greatest benefites that God ever gave me, is, that he sent me so sharpe and severe Parentes, and so jentle a scholemaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother, whether I speake, kepe silence, sit, stand, or go, eate, drinke, be merie or sad, be sewyng, plaiyng, dauncing, or doing anie thing els, I must do it, as it were, in soch weight, mesure, and number, even so perfitelie as God made the world, or els I am so sharplie taunted, so cruellie threatened; yea presentlie some tymes, with pinches, nippes, and bobbes, and other waies which I will not name for the honor I beare them, so without measure misordered, that I thinke my self in hell till tyme cum that I must go to _M. Elmer_, who teacheth me so jentlie, so pleasantlie, with soch faire allurementes to learning, that I thinke all the tyme nothing whiles I am with him. And when I am called from him, I fall on weeping.” --_The Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor. The inordinate beating[13] of boys by schoolmasters--whom he calls in different places ‘sharp, fond, & lewd’[14]--Ascham denounces strongly in the first book of his _Scholemaster_, and he contrasts their folly in beating into their scholars the hatred of learning with the practice of the wise riders who by gentle allurements breed them up in the love of riding. Indeed, the origin of his book was Sir Wm. Cecil’s saying to him “I have strange news brought me this morning, that divers scholars of Eton be run away from the school for fear of beating.” Sir Peter Carew, says Mr Froude, being rather a troublesome boy, was chained in the Haccombe dog-kennel till he ran away from it. [Headnote: BP. GROSSETETE TAUGHT NOBLES’ SONS.] But to return to the training of young men in nobles’ houses. I take the following from Fiddes’s Appendix to his Life of Wolsey: _John de Athon_, upon the Constitutions of _Othobon, tit._ 23, in respect to the Goods of such who dyed intestate, and upon the Word _Barones_, has the following Passage concerning _Grodsted_ Bishop of _Lincoln_[15] (who died 9th Oct., 1253),-- “Robert surnamed Grodsted of holy memory, late Bishop of Lincoln, when King Henry asked him, as if in wonder, where he learnt the Nurture in which he had instructed the sons of nobles (&) peers of the Realm, whom he kept about him as pages (_domisellos_[16]),--since he was not descended from a noble lineage, but from humble (parents)--is said to have answered fearlessly, ‘In the house or guest-chambers of greater kings than the King of England’; because he had learnt from understanding the scriptures the manner of life of David, Solomon, & other Kings[15].” _Reyner,_ in his _Apostol. Bened._ from _Saunders_ acquaints us, that the Sons of the Nobility were placed with _Whiting_ Abbot of _Glastenbury_ for their Education, who was contemporary with the Cardinal, and which Method of Education was continued for some Time afterward. There is in the Custody of the present Earl of _Stafford_, a Nobleman of the greatest Humanity and Goodness, an Original of Instructions, by the Earl of _Arundell_, written in the Year 1620, for the Benefit of his younger Son, the Earl of _Stafford’s_ Grandfather, under this Title; _Instructions for you my Son _William_, how to behave your self at _Norwich_._ In these Instructions is the following paragraph, “You shall in all Things reverence honour and obey my Lord Bishop of _Norwich_, as you would do any of your Parents, esteeminge whatsoever He shall tell or Command you, as if your Grandmother of _Arundell_, your Mother, or my self, should say it; and in all things esteem your self as my Lord’s Page; a breeding which youths of my house far superior to you were accustomed unto, as my Grandfather of _Norfolk_, and his Brother my good Uncle of _Northampton_ were both bred as Pages with Bishopps, _&c_.” Sir Thomas More, who was born in 1480, was brought up in the house of Cardinal Morton. Roper says that he was “received into the house of the right reverend, wise, and learned prelate Cardinal Morton, where, though he was young of years, yet would he at Christmas-tide suddenly sometimes step in among the players, and never studying for the matter make a part of his own there presently among them, which made the lookers on more sport than all the players beside. In whose wit and towardness the Cardinal much delighting would say of him unto the nobles that divers times dined with him, _This child here waiting at the table, Whosoever shall live to see it, will prove a marvellous man._ Whereupon for his better furtherance in learning he placed him at Oxford, &c.” (Roper’s _Life of More_, ed. Singer, 1822, p. 3.) Cresacre More in his _Life of More_ (ed. 1828, p. 17) states the same thing more fully, and gives the remark of the Cardinal more accurately, thus:-- “that that boy there waiting _on him_, whoever should live to see it, would prove a marvellous rare man.”[17] [Headnote: YOUNG NOBLES IN WOLSEY’S HOUSEHOLD.] Through Wolsey’s household, says Professor Brewer, almost all the Officials of Henry the Eighth’s time passed. Cavendish, in his Life of Wolsey (vol. i. p. 38, ed. Singer, 1825) says of the Cardinal, “And at meals, there was continually in his chamber a board kept for his Chamberlains, and Gentlemen Ushers, having with them _a mess of the young Lords_, and another for gentlemen.” Among these young Lords, we learn at p. 57, was “my Lord Percy, the son and heir of the Earl of Northumberland, [who] then attended upon the Lord Cardinal, and was also his servitor; and when it chanced the Lord Cardinal at any time to repair to the court, the Lord Percy would then resort for his pastime unto the queen’s chamber, and there would fall in dalliance among the queen’s maidens, being at the last more conversant with Mistress Anne Boleyn than with any other; so that there grew such a secret love between them that, at length they were insured together, intending to marry[18].” Among the persons daily attendant upon Wolsey in his house, down-lying and up-rising, Cavendish enumerates “of Lords nine or ten, who had each of them allowed two servants; and the Earl of Derby had allowed five men” (p. 36-7). On this Singer prints a note, which looks like a guess, signed _Growe_, “Those Lords that were placed in the great and privy chambers were _Wards_, and as such paid for their board and education.” It will be seen below that he had a particular officer called “Instructor of his Wards” (_Cavendish_, p. 38, l. 2). Why I suppose the note to be a guess is, because at p. 33 Cavendish has stated that Wolsey “had also a great number daily attending upon him, both of noblemen and worthy gentlemen, of great estimation and possessions,--with no small number of the tallest yeomen that he could get in all his realm; in so much that well was that nobleman and gentleman that might prefer any tall and comely yeoman unto his service.” In the household of the Earl of Northumberland in 1511 were “..yong gentlemen at their fryndes fynding,[19] in my lords house for the hoole yere” and “Haunsmen ande Yong Gentlemen at thir Fryndes fynding v[j] (As to say, Hanshmen iij. And Yong Gentlemen iij” p. 254,) no doubt for the purpose of learning manners, &c. And that such youths would be found in the house of every noble of importance I believe, for as Walter Mapes (? ab. 1160-90 A.D.) says of the great nobles, in his poem _De diversis ordinibus hominum_, the example of manners goes out from their houses, _Exemplar morum domibus procedit eorum_. That these houses were in some instances only the finishing schools for our well-born young men after previous teaching at home and at College is possible (though the cases of Sir Thomas More and Ascham are exactly the other way), but the Lord Percy last named had a schoolmaster in his house, “The Maister of Graimer j”, p. 254; “Lyverays for the Maister of Gramer[20] in Housholde: Item Half a Loof of Houshold Breide, a Pottell of Beere, and two White Lyghts,” p. 97. “Every Scolemaister techyng Grammer in the Hous C _s_.” (p. 47, 51). Edward IV.’s henxmen were taught grammar; and if the Pastons are to be taken as a type of their class, our nobles and gentry at the end of the 15th century must have been able to read and write freely. Chaucer’s Squire could write, and though the custom of sealing deeds and not signing them prevailed, more or less, till Henry VIII.’s time, it is doubtful whether this implied inability of the sealers to write. Mr Chappell says that in Henry VIII.’s time half our nobility were then writing ballads. Still, the bad spelling and grammar of most of the letters up to that period, and the general ignorance of our upper classes were, says Professor Brewer, the reason why the whole government of the country was in the hands of ecclesiastics. Even in Henry the Eighth’s time, Sir Thomas Boleyn is said to have been the only noble at Court who could speak French with any degree of fluency, and so was learned enough to be sent on an embassy abroad. But this may be questioned. Yet Wolsey, speaking to his Lord Chamberlain and Comptroller when they [Headnote: KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH.] “showed him that it seemed to them there should be some noblemen and strangers [Henry VIII. and his courtiers masked] arrived at his bridge, as ambassadors from some foreign prince. With that, quoth the Cardinal, ‘I shall desire you, _because ye can speak French_, to take the pains to go down into the hall to encounter and to receive them, according to their estates, and to conduct them into this chamber’ (_Cavendish_, p. 51). Then spake my Lord Chamberlain unto them _in French_, declaring my Lord Cardinal’s mind (p. 53).” The general[21] opinion of our gentry as to the study of Letters, before and about 1500 A.D., is probably well represented by the opinion of one of them stated by Pace, in his Prefatory Letter to Colet, prefixed to the former’s _De Fructu_[22]. It remains that I now explain to you what moves me to compile and publish a treatise with this title. When, two years ago, more or less, I had returned to my native land from the city of Rome, I was present at a certain feast, a stranger to many; where, when enough had been drunk, one or other of the guests--no fool, as one might infer from his words and countenance--began to talk of educating his children well. And, first of all, he thought that he must search out a good teacher for them, and that they should at any rate attend school. There happened to be present one of those whom we call gentle-men (_generosos_), and who always carry some horn hanging at their backs, as though they would hunt during dinner. He, hearing letters praised, roused with sudden anger, burst out furiously with these words. “Why do you talk nonsense, friend?” he said; “A curse on those stupid letters! all learned men are beggars: even Erasmus, the most learned of all, is a beggar (as I hear), and in a certain letter of his calls τήν κατάρατον πενίαν (that is, execrable poverty) his wife, and vehemently complains that he cannot shake her off his shoulders right into βαθυκήτεα πόντον, that is, into the deep sea. I swear by God’s body I’d rather that my son should hang than study letters. For it becomes the sons of gentlemen to blow the horn nicely (_apte_), to hunt skilfully, and elegantly carry and train a hawk. But the study of letters should be left to the sons of rustics.” At this point I could not restrain myself from answering something to this most talkative man, in defence of good letters. “You do not seem to me, good man,” I said, “to think rightly. For if any foreigner were to come to the king, such as the ambassadors (_oratores_) of princes are, and an answer had to be given to him, your son, if he were educated as you wish, could only blow his horn, and the learned sons of rustics would be called to answer, and would be far preferred to your hunter or fowler son; and they, enjoying their learned liberty, would say to your face, ‘We prefer to be learned, and, thanks to our learning, no fools, than boast of our fool-like nobility.’ “Then he upon this, looking round, said, “Who is this person that is talking like this? I don’t know the fellow.” And when some one whispered in his ear who I was, he muttered something or other in a low voice to himself; and finding a fool to listen to him, he then caught hold of a cup of wine. And when he could get nothing to answer, he began to drink, and change the conversation to other things. And thus I was freed from the disputing of this mad fellow,--which I was dreadfully afraid would have lasted a long time,--not by Apollo, like Horace was from his babbler, but by Bacchus. [Headnote: APPRENTICESHIP IN HENRY VII.’S TIME.] On the general subject it should be noted that Fleta mentions nothing about boarders or apprentices in his account of household economy; nor does the _Liber Contrarotulatoris Garderobæ Edw. I^mi_ mention any young noblemen as part of the King’s household. That among tradesmen in later times, putting out their children in other houses, and apprenticeships, were the rule, we know from many statements and allusions in our literature, and “The Italian Relation of England” (temp. Hen. VII.) mentions that the Duke of Suffolk was boarded out to a rich old widow, who persuaded him to marry her (p. 27). It also says The want of affection in the English is strongly manifested towards their children; for after having kept them at home till they arrive at the age of 7 or 9 years at the utmost, they put them out, both males and females, to hard service in the houses of other people, binding them generally for another 7 or 9 years. And these are called apprentices, and during that time they perform all the most menial offices; and few are born who are exempted from this fate, for every one, however rich he may be, sends away his children into the houses of others, whilst he, in return, receives those of strangers into his own. And on inquiring their reason for this severity, they answered that they did it in order that their children might learn better manners. But I, for my part, believe that they do it because they like to enjoy all their comforts themselves, and that they are better served by strangers than they would be by their own children. Besides which, the English being great epicures, and very avaricious by nature, indulge in the most delicate fare themselves and give their household the coarsest bread, and beer, and cold meat baked on Sunday for the week, which, however, they allow them in great abundance. That if they had their own children at home, they would be obliged to give them the same food they made use of for themselves. That if the English sent their children away from home to learn virtue and good manners, and took them back again when their apprenticeship was over, they might, perhaps, be excused; but they never return, for the girls are settled by their patrons, and the boys make the best marriages they can, and, assisted by their patrons, not by their fathers, they also open a house and strive diligently by this means to make some fortune for themselves; whence it proceeds that, having no hope of their paternal inheritance, that all become so greedy of gain that they feel no shame in asking, almost “for the love of God,” for the smallest sums of money; and to this it may be attributed, that there is no injury that can be committed against the lower orders of the English, that may not be atoned for by money. --_A Relation of the Island of England_ (Camden Society, 1847), pp. 24-6. “This evidently refers to tradesmen.[23] The note by the Editor[24] however says it was the case with the children of the first nobility, and gives the terms for the Duke of Buckingham’s children with Mrs Hexstall. The document only shows that Mrs Hexstall boarded them by contract ‘during the time of absence of my Lord and my Ladie.’” The Earl of Essex says in a letter to Lord Burleigh, 1576, printed in Murdin’s _State Papers_, p. 301-2. “Neverthelesse, uppon the assured Confidence, that your love to me shall dissend to my Childrenne, and that your Lordship will declare yourself a Frend to me, both alive and dead, I have willed Mr _Waterhouse_ to shew unto you how you may with Honor and Equity do good to my Sonne _Hereford_, and how to bind him with perpetual Frendship to you and your House. And to the Ende I wold have his Love towardes those which are dissended from you spring up and increase with his Yeares, I have wished his Education to be in your Household, though the same had not bene allotted to your Lordship as Master of the Wardes; and that the whole Tyme, which he shold spend in _England_ in his Minority, might be devided in Attendance uppon my Lord _Chamberlayne_ and you, to the End, that as he might frame himself to the Example of my Lord of _Sussex_ in all the Actions of his Life, tending either to the Warres, or to the Institution of a Nobleman, so that he might also reverence your Lordship for your Wisdome and Gravyty, and lay up your Counsells and Advises in the Treasory of his Hart.” [Headnote: GIRLS SENT OUT TO LADIES’ HOUSES.] That girls, as well as boys, were sent out to noblemen’s houses for their education, is evident from Margaret Paston’s letter of the 3rd of April, 1469, to Sir John Paston, “Also I would ye should purvey for your sister [? Margery] to be with my Lady of Oxford, or with my Lady of Bedford, or in some other worshipful place whereas ye think best, and I will help to her finding, for we be either of us weary of other.” Alice Crane’s Letter, in the Paston Letters, v. i. p. 35, ed. 1840, also supports this view, as does Sir John Heveningham’s to Margaret Paston, asking her to take his cousin Anneys Loveday for some time as a boarder till a mistress could be found for her. “If that it please you to have her with you to into the time that a mistress may be purveyed for her, I pray you thereof, and I shall content you for her board that ye shall be well pleased.” Similarly Anne Boleyn and her sister were sent to Margaret of Savoy, aunt of Charles V., who lived at Brussels, to learn courtesy, &c., says Prof. Brewer. Sir Roger Twysden says that Anne was “Not above seven yeares of age, Anno 1514,” when she went abroad. He adds: “It should seeme by some that she served three in France successively; Mary of England maryed to Lewis the twelfth, an. 1514, with whome she went out of England, but Lewis dying the first of January following, and that Queene (being) to returne home, sooner than either Sir Thomas Bullen or some other of her frendes liked she should, she was preferred to Clauda, daughter to Lewis XII. and wife to Francis I. then Queene (it is likely upon the commendation of Mary the Dowager), who not long after dying, an. 1524, not yet weary of France she went to live with Marguerite, Dutchess of Alançon and Berry, a Lady much commended for her favor towards good letters, but never enough for the Protestant religion then in the infancy--from her, if I am not deceived, she first learnt the grounds of the Protestant religion; so that England may seem to owe some part of her happyness derived from that Lady.” (Twysden’s Notes quoted by Singer in his ed. of Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey, 1825, p. 57.) As Henry VIII. fell in love with his wife’s maid of honour,--“began to kindle the brand of amours” at the light of Anne Boleyn’s beauty, “her excellent gesture and behaviour,”--so we find in later times rich young men became enamoured of poor young women staying in the same house with them. Mr Bruce sends me an instance: “the young lady was niece, you will perceive, to a well-beneficed clergyman, and a thriving gentleman well-advanced in the public service. She had lost her mother, and her father was in debt and difficulties. She was therefore placed by the influence of her uncles in a well-known family in Wiltshire.” _State Papers. Dom. Car._ I. Vol. ccclii. No. 29. Dr Matthew Nicholas, afterwards Dean of St Paul’s, to Edward Nicholas, Clerk of the Council, and afterwards Secretary of State. Dated, West Dean, April 4, 1637. “I have spoken with Miss Evelyn since I wrote last unto you, and enquired of her the cause w{hi}ch moued her to displace my coson Hunton. She told me much accordinge to what she had sayd unto my coson Hunton, w{i}th this addition, that she had respect in it as well unto her good as her owne convenience, for hauinge nowe noe employment for her but her needle, she founde that sittinge still at her worke made her sickly, and therefore thought she might doe better in another seruice where she might haue the orderinge of an huswifely charge, for w{hi}ch (she told me) she had made her very able. I expressed myselfe tender of the disgrace w{hi}ch would lay uppon my coson in beinge displaced in such a manner by warninge giuen, wherof whatsoeuer were the cause, it would be imagined by all that knowe it not, to be in her ill carriage, and wished she had done me that fauour as to haue acquainted me with her intents in such time as I might haue taken some course to haue disposed of her before it had bin knowne that she was to leaue her: she slubbered it ouer w{i}th a slight excuse that she had acquainted my wife ... but for my satisfaction she told me that she would be as mindfull of her when God should call her as if she were w{i}th her, and in testimony of her good likinge of her seruice she would allowe her forty shillings yearly towarde her maintainance as longe as herself should liue. I am soe well acquainted w{i}th what she hath as yet disposed to her by will, and soe little value forty shillings to my coson Hunton’s credit, as I gaue her noe thankes. Mr Downes (I heare) is sent for home by his father w{i}th an intent to keepe him w{i}th him, but I doe imagine that when my coson Hunton shall be other where disposed off, he shall returne; for my conceit is stronge that the feare of his beinge match’d to his disadvantage, who was placed w{i}th Mr Evelyn a youth to be bred for his p{re}ferment, hath caused this alteration; howsoever there be noe wordes made of it. I confess that when I have bin told of the good will that was obserued betweene my coson Hunton and Mr Downes, I did put it by w{i}th my coson Huntons protestation to the contrary, and was willinge by that neglect to have suffered it to have come to pass (if it mought have bin) because I thought it would haue bin to her aduantage, but nowe that the busines is come to this issue (as whatsoeuer be p{re}tended I am confident this is the cause of my cosons partinge) I begin to quæstion my discretion.... Good brother, let me haue your aduise what to do.” [Headnote: PRIVATE TUITION IN EARLY ENGLAND.] 2. _Home and Private Education._ Of these, more or less must have been going on all over England, by private tutors at home, or in the houses of the latter. “In five years (after my baptism) I was handed over by my father to Siward, a noble priest, to be trained in letters, to whose mastery I was subdued during five years learning the first rudiments. But in the eleventh year of my age I was given up by my own father for the love of God, and destined to enter the service of the eternal King.” --_Orderic_, vol. ii. p. 301, ed. Prevost. From Adam de Marisco’s Letters, 53, we find that Henry and Almeric, the eldest and youngest sons of the Earl of Montfort, were put under Grosseteste for tuition, he being then a Bishop. At Paris, John of Salisbury (who died in 1180) gained a living by teaching the sons of noblemen,--(_instruendos susceperam_, ? took them in to board). --_Metalogicus_, lib. 11, c. 10. Henry of Huntingdon says, “Richard, the king’s (Henry I.’s) bastard son, was honourably brought up (_festive nutritus_) by our Bishop Robert (Blote of Lincoln), and duly reverenced by me and others in the same household I lived in.” --_Anglia Sacra_, vol. ii. p. 696. Giraldus Cambrensis speaks of beating his _coætanei et conscolares terræ suæ_, of being reproved for idleness by his uncle, the Bishop of St David’s, and of being constantly chaffed by two of his uncle’s chaplains, who used to decline _durus_ and _stultus_ to him. Also he alludes to the rod. Probably there was some sort of school at either Pembroke or St David’s[[24a]].--_De Rebus a se Gestis_, lib. 1, c. 2.[25] The Statutes of a Gild of young Scholars formed to burn lights in honour of some saint or other, and to help one another in sickness, old age, and to burial, will be printed for us by Mr Toulmin Smith in the Early English Text Society’s books this year. Under this head of Private Tuition we may class the houses of Abbots, where boys of good birth were educated. In his History of English Poetry, section 36, vol. iii. p. 9, ed. 1840, Warton says: “It appears to have been customary for the governors of the most considerable convents, especially those that were honoured with the mitre, to receive into their own private lodgings the sons of the principal families of the neighbourhood for education. About the year 1450, Thomas Bromele, abbot of the mitred monastery of Hyde near Winchester, entertained in his own abbatial house within that monastery eight young gentlemen, or _gentiles pueri_, who were placed there for the purpose of literary instruction, and constantly dined at the abbot’s table. I will not scruple to give the original words, which are more particular and expressive, of the obscure record which preserves this curious anecdote of monastic life. ‘_Pro octo gentilibus pueris apud dominum abbatem studii causa perhendinantibus, et ad mensam domini victitantibus, cum garcionibus suis ipsos comitantibus, hoc anno_, xvii_l._ ixs. _Capiendo pro_[26]...’” This, by the way, was more extraordinary, as William of Wykeham’s celebrated seminary was so near. And this seems to have been an established practice of the abbot of Glastonbury, “whose apartment in the abbey was a kind of well-disciplined court, where the sons of noblemen and young gentlemen were wont to be sent for virtuous education, who returned thence home excellently accomplished.[27]” Richard Whiting, the last abbot of Glastonbury, who was cruelly executed by the king, during the course of his government educated near three hundred ingenuous youths, who constituted a part of his family; beside many others whom he liberally supported at the universities.[28] Whitgift, the most excellent and learned archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, was educated under Robert Whitgift his uncle, abbot of the Augustine monastery of black canons at Wellhow in Lincolnshire, “who,” says Strype, “had several other young gentlemen under his care for education.” (Strype’s Whitgift, v. i. ch. i. p. 3.) Of Lydgate--about 1420-30 A.D. I suppose--Prof. Morley says in his _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 423: “After studying at Oxford, Paris, and Padua, and after mastering with special delight the writings of such poets as Dante, Boccaccio, and Alain Chartier, Lydgate opened at his monastery of Bury St Edmund’s a school of rhetoric in which he taught young nobles literature and the art of versifying!” Richard Pace says in his _De Fructu_, 1517: “Now the learning of music too demands its place, especially from me whom it distinguished when a boy amongst boys. For Thomas Langton, bishop of Winchester (the predecessor of him who is now living), whose secretary I was, when he had marked that I was making a proficiency in music far beyond my age (as himself--perchance from his too great affection for me--would point out and repeatedly say), ‘The talent of this lad,’ he said, ‘is born for greater things,’ and a few days afterwards he sent me, to pursue the study of literature, into Italy, to the school at Padua, which then was at its greatest prime, and benevolently supplied the annual expenses, as he showed wonderful favour to all men of letters, and in his day played the part of a second Mecænas, well remembering (as he ofttimes said) that he had been advanced to the episcopal dignity on account of his learning. For he had gained, with the highest commendation, the distinctions of each law[29] (as they say now-a-days). Also he so highly prized the study of Humanity[30] that he had boys and youths instructed in it at a school in his house; And he was vastly delighted to hear the scholars repeat to him at night the lessons given them by the teacher during the day. In this competition he who had borne himself notably went away with a present of something suitable to his character, and with commendation expressed in the most refined language; for that excellent governor had ever in his mouth the maxim that merit grows with praise.”[31] [Headnote: EDUCATION AT HOME AND AT TUTORS’.] Palsgrave in 1530 speaks of “maister Petrus Vallensys, scole maister to his [Charles, Duke of Suffolk’s] excellent yong sonne the Erle of Lyncolne.” Roger Ascham, author of the _Scholemaster_, &c., born in 1515, “was received at a very youthful age into the family of Sir Antony Wingfield, who furnished money for his education, and placed Roger, together with his own sons, under a tutor whose name was Bond. The boy had by nature a taste for books, and showed his good taste by reading English in preference to Latin, with wonderful eagerness. This was the more remarkable from the fact that Latin was still the language of literature, and it is not likely that the few English books written at that time were at all largely spread abroad in places far away from the Universities and Cathedral towns. In or about the year 1530, Mr Bond the domestic tutor resigned the charge of young Roger, who was now about fifteen years old, and by the advice and pecuniary aid of his kind patron Sir Antony, he was enabled to enter St John’s College, Cambridge, at that time the most famous seminary of learning in all England ... he took his bachelor’s degree in 1531, Feb. 18, in the 18th year of his age [“being a boy, new bachelor of art,” he says himself,] a time of life at which it is now more common to enter the University than to take a degree, but which, according to the modes of education then in use, was not thought premature. On the 23rd of March following, he was elected fellow of the College.” Giles’s Life of Ascham, Works, vol. i. p. xi-xiv. Dr Clement and his wife were brought up in Sir T. More’s house. Clement was taken from St Paul’s school, London, appointed tutor to More’s children, and afterwards to his daughter Margaret, p. 402, col. 1. What a young nobleman learnt in Henry the Eighth’s time may be gathered from the following extracts (partly given by Mr Froude, Hist., v. i. p. 39-40) from the letters of young Gregory Cromwell’s tutor, to his father, the Earl of Essex, the King’s Chief Secretary. “The order of his studie, as the houres lymyted for the Frenche tongue, writinge, plaienge att weapons, castinge of accomptes, pastimes of instruments, and suche others, hath bene devised and directed by the prudent wisdome of Mr Southwell; who with a ffatherly zeale and amitie muche desiringe to have hime a sonne worthy suche parents, ceasseth not aswell concerninge all other things for hime mete and necessary, as also in lerninge, t’expresse his tendre love and affection towardes hime, serchinge by all meanes possible howe he may moste proffitte, dailie heringe hime to rede sumwhatt in thenglishe tongue, and advertisenge hime of the naturell and true kynde of pronuntiacõn therof, expoundinge also and declaringe the etimologie and native signification of suche wordes as we have borowed of the Latines or Frenche menue, not evyn so comonly used in our quotidiene speche. Mr Cheney and Mr Charles in lyke wise endevoireth and emploieth themselves, accompanienge Mr Gregory in lerninge, amonge whome ther is a perpetuall contention, strife, and conflicte, and in maner of an honest envie who shall do beste, not oonlie in the ffrenche tongue (wherin Mr Vallence after a wonderesly compendious, facile, prompte, and redy waye, nott withoute painfull delegence and laborious industrie doth enstructe them) but also in writynge, playenge at weapons, and all other theire exercises, so that if continuance in this bihalf may take place, whereas the laste Diana, this shall (I truste) be consecrated to Apollo and the Muses, to theire no small profecte and your good contentation and pleasure. And thus I beseche the Lord to have you in his moste gratious tuition. At Reisinge in Norff[olk] the last daie of Aprill. Your faithfull and most bounden servaunte HENRY DOWES. To his right honorable maister Mr Thomas Crumwell chief Secretary vnto the King’s Maiestie.” Ellis, _Original Letters_. Series I. vol. i. p. 341-3. The next Letter gives further details of Gregory’s studies-- “But forcause somer was spente in the servyce of the wylde goddes, it is so moche to be regarded after what fashion yeouth is educate and browght upp, in whiche tyme that that is lerned (for the moste parte) will nott all holelie be forgotten in the older yeres, I thinke it my dutie to asserteyne yo^r Maistershippe how he spendith his tyme.... And firste, after he hath herde Masse he taketh a lecture of a Diologe of Erasmus Colloquium, called Pietas Puerilis, whereinne is described a veray picture of oone that sholde be vertuouselie brought upp; and forcause it is so necessary for hime, I do not onelie cause him to rede it over, but also to practise the preceptes of the same, and I have also translated it into Englishe, so that he may conferre theime both to-githers, whereof (as lerned men affirme) cometh no smalle profecte[32] ... after that, he exerciseth his hande in writing one or two houres, and redith uppon Fabian’s Chronicle as longe; the residue of the day he doth spende uppon the lute and virginalls. When he rideth (as he doth very ofte) I tell hime by the way some historie of the Romanes or the Greekes, whiche I cause him to reherse agayn in a tale. For his recreation he useth to hawke and hunte, and shote in his long bowe, which frameth and succedeth so well with hime that he semeth to be therunto given by nature.” Ellis, i. 343-4. [Headnote: STUDIES OF YOUTHS, TEMP. HEN. VIII. AND ELIZABETH.] Of the course of study of ‘well-bred youths’ in the early years of Elizabeth’s reign we have an interesting account by Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper, father of the great Bacon, in a Paper by Mr J. Payne Collier in the _Archæologia_, vol. 36, Part 2, p. 339, Article xxxi.[33] “Before he became Lord Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon had been Attorney of that Court” [the Court of Wards and Liveries] “a most lucrative appointment; and on the 27th May, 1561, he addressed a letter to Sir William Cecil, then recently (Jan., 1561) made Master of the Wards, followed by a paper thus entitled:--’Articles devised for the bringing up in vertue and learning of the Queenes Majesties Wardes, being heires males, and whose landes, descending in possession and coming to the Queenes Majestie, shall amount to the cleere yearly value of c. markes, or above.’” Sir Nicholas asks the new Master of Wards to reform what he justly calls most “preposterous” abuses in the department:--“That the proceeding hath bin preposterous, appeareth by this: the chiefe thinge, and most of price, in wardeship, is the wardes mynde; the next to that, his bodie; the last and meanest, his land. Nowe, hitherto the chiefe care of governaunce hath bin to the land, being the meaneste; and to the bodie, being the better, very small; but to the mynde, being the best, none at all, which methinkes is playnely to sett the carte before the horse” (p. 343). Mr Collier then summarises Bacon’s Articles for the bringing up of the Wards thus: “The wards are to attend divine service at six in the morning: nothing is said about breakfast,[34] but they are to study Latin until eleven; to dine between 11 and 12; to study with the music-master from 12 till 2; from 2 to 3 they are to be with the French master; and from 3 to 5 with the Latin and Greek masters. At 5 they are to go to evening prayers; then they are to sup; to be allowed honest pastimes till 8; and, last of all, before they go to bed at 9, they are again to apply themselves to music under the instruction of the master. At and after the age of 16 they were to attend lectures upon temporal and civil law, as well as _de disciplinâ militari_. It is not necessary to insert farther details; but what I have stated will serve to show how well-bred youths of that period were usually brought up, and how disgracefully the duty of education as regards wards was neglected.... It may appear singular that in these articles drawn up by Sir Nicholas, so much stress is laid upon instruction in music[35]; but it only serves to confirm the notion that the science was then most industriously cultivated by nearly every class of society.” Pace in 1517 requires that every one should study it, but should join with it some other study, as Astrology or Astronomy. He says also that the greatest part of the art had perished by men’s negligence; “For all that our musicians do now-a-days, is almost trivial if compared with what the old ones (_antiqui_) did, so that now hardly one or two (_unus aut alter_) can be found who know what harmony is, though the word is always on their tongue.” (_De Fructu_, p. 54-5.) Ascham, while lamenting in 1545 (_Toxophilus_, p. 29) ‘that the laudable custom of England to teach children their plain song and prick-song’ is ‘so decayed throughout all the realm as it is,’ denounces the great practise of instrumental music by older students: “the minstrelsy of lutes, pipes, harps, and all other that standeth by such nice, fine, minikin fingering, (such as the most part of scholars whom I know use, if they use any,) is far more fit, for the womanishness of it, to dwell in the Court among ladies, than for any great thing in it which should help good and sad study, to abide in the University among scholars.” [Headnote: NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS.] By 1577 our rich people, according to Harrison, attended properly to the education of their children. After speaking “of our women, whose beautie commonlie exceedeth the fairest of those of the maine,” he says: “This neuerthelesse I vtterlie mislike in the poorer sort of them, for the wealthier doo sildome offend herein: that being of themselues without competent wit, they are so carelesse in the education of their children (wherein their husbands also are to be blamed,) by means whereof verie manie of them neither fearing God, neither regarding either manners or obedience, do oftentimes come to confusion, which (if anie correction or discipline had beene vsed toward them in youth) might haue prooued good members of their common-wealth & countrie, by their good seruice and industrie.” --_Descr. of Britaine_, Holinshed, i. 115, col. 2. This is borne out by Ascham, who says that young men up to 17 were well looked after, but after that age were turned loose to get into all the mischief they liked: “In deede, from seven to seventene, yong jentlemen commonlie be carefullie enough brought up: But from seventene to seven and twentie (the most dangerous tyme of all a mans life, and most slipperie to stay well in) they have commonlie the rein of all licens in their owne hand, and speciallie soch as do live in the Court. And that which is most to be merveled at, commonlie the wisest and also best men be found the fondest fathers in this behalfe. And if som good father wold seek some remedie herein, yet the mother (if the household of our Lady) had rather, yea, and will to, have her sonne cunnyng and bold, in making him to lyve trimlie when he is yong, than by learning and travell to be able to serve his Prince & his countrie, both wiselie in peace, and stoutlie in warre, whan he is old. “The fault is in your selves, ye noble mens sonnes, and therfore ye deserve the greater blame, that commonlie the meaner mens children cum to be the wisest councellours, and greatest doers, in the weightie affaires of this realme.” --_Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor, p. 39-40. Note lastly, on this subject of private tuition, that Mulcaster in his _Elementarie_, 1582, complains greatly of rich people aping the custom of princes in having private tutors for their boys, and withdrawing them from public schools where the spirit of emulation against other boys would make them work. The course he recommends is, that rich people should send their sons, with their tutors, to the public schools, and so get the advantage of both kinds of tuition. _Girls’ Home Education._ The earliest notice of an English Governess that any friend has found for me is in “the 34th Letter of Osbert de Clare in Stephen’s reign, A.D. 1135-54. He mentions what seems to be a Governess of his children, ‘_quædam matrona quæ liberos ejus_ (sc. _militis, Herberti de Furcis_) _educare consueverat_.’ She appears to be treated as one of the family: e.g. they wait for her when she goes into a chapel to pray. I think a nurse would have been ‘ancilla quæ liberos ejus nutriendos susceperat.’” Walter de Biblesworth was the tutor of the “lady Dionysia de Monchensi, a Kentish heiress, the daughter of William de Monchensi, baron of Swanescombe, and related, apparently,[[35a]] to the Valences, earls of Pembroke, and wrote his French Grammar, or rather Vocabulary[36], for her. She married Hugh de Vere, the second son of Robert, fifth earl of Oxford. (Wright.) Lady Jane Grey was taught by a tutor at home, as we have seen. Palsgrave was tutor to Henry VIII.’s “most dere and most entirely beloved suster, quene Mary, douagier of France,” and no doubt wrote his _Lesclaircissement de la Langue Francoise_ mainly for her, though also “desirous to do some humble service unto the nobilitie of this victorious realme, and universally unto all other estates of this my natyfe country.” Giles Du Guez, or as Palsgrave says to Henry VIII., “the synguler clerke, maister Gyles Dewes, somtyme instructor to your noble grace in this selfe tong, at the especiall instaunce and request of dyvers of your highe estates and noble men, hath also for his partye written in this matter.” His book is entitled “An Introductorie for to lerne to rede, to pronounce & to speke French trewly: compyled for the Right high, excellent, and most vertuous lady The Lady Mary of Englande, doughter to our most gracious soverayn Lorde Kyng Henry the Eight.” [Headnote: UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.] 3. _English University Education._ In early days Cambridge and Oxford must be looked on, I suppose, as mainly the great schools for boys, and the generality of scholars as poor men’s children,[37] like Chaucer’s ‘poore scolares tuo that dwelten in the soler-halle of Cantebregge,’ his Clerk of Oxenford, and those students, gifts to whom are considered as one of the regular burdens on the husbandman, in “God speed the Plough.” Mr Froude says, Hist. of England, I. 37: “The universities were well filled, by the sons of yeomen chiefly. The cost of supporting them at the colleges was little, and wealthy men took a pride in helping forward any boys of promise[38] (_Latimer’s Sermons_, p. 64). It seems clear also, as the Reformation drew nearer, while the clergy were sinking lower and lower, a marked change for the better became perceptible in a portion at least of the laity.” But Grosseteste mentions a “noble” scholar at Oxford (_Epist._ 129), and Edward the Black Prince and Henry V. are said to have been students of Queen’s College, Oxford. Wolsey himself was a College tutor at Oxford, and had among his pupils the sons of the Marquess of Dorset, who afterwards gave him his first preferment, the living of Lymington. (Chappell.) [[38a]] The legend runs that the first school at Oxford was founded by King Alfred[39], and that Oxford was a place of study in the time of Edward the Confessor (1041-66). If one may quote a book now considered to be ‘a monkish forgery and an exploded authority,’ Ingulfus, who was Abbot of Croyland, in the Isle of Ely, under William the Conqueror, says of himself that he was educated first at Westminster, and then passed to Oxford, where he made proficiency in such books of Aristotle as were then accessible to students,[40] and in the first two books of Tully’s Rhetoric.--_Malden_, On the Origin of Universities, 1835, p. 71. In 1201 Oxford is called a _University_, and said to have contained 3000 scholars; in 1253 its first College (University) is founded. In 1244, Hen. III. grants it its first privileges as a corporate body, and confirms and extends them in 1245. In his reign, Wood says the number of scholars amounted to 30,000, a number no doubt greatly exaggerated. [Headnote: POVERTY OF UNIVERSITY SCHOLARS.] In the reign of Stephen, we know that Vacarius, a Lombard by birth, who had studied the civil law at Bologna, came into England, and formed a school of law at Oxford[41] ... he remained in England in the reign of Henry II. On account of the difficulty and expense of obtaining copies of the original books of the Roman law, and _the poverty of his English scholars_, Vacarius [ab. 1149, A.D.] compiled an abridgment of the Digests and Codex, in which their most essential parts were preserved, with some difference of arrangement, and illustrated from other law-books.... It bore on its title that it was “_pauperibus presertim destinatus_;” and hence the Oxford students of law obtained the name of _Pauperists._--_Malden_, p. 72-3. Roger Bacon (who died 1248)[[41a]] speaks of a young fellow who came to him, aged 15, not having wherewithal to live, or finding proper masters: “because he was obliged to serve those who gave him necessaries, during two years found no one to teach him a word in the things he learned.” --_Opus Tertium_, cap. xx. In 1214 the Commonalty of Oxford agreed to pay 52s. yearly for the use of poor scholars, and to give 100 of them a meal of bread, ale, and pottage, with one large dish of flesh or fish, every St Nicholas day.--_Wood’s An._ i. 185. _Wood’s Annals_ (ed. Gutch, v. i. p. 619-20) also notes that in 1461 A.D. divers Scholars were forced to get a license under the Chancellor’s hand and seal (according to the Stat. 12 Ric. II., A.D. 1388, _Ib._, p. 519) to beg: and Sir Thos. More says “then may wee yet, like poor Scholars of Oxford, go a begging with our baggs & wallets, & sing salve Regina at rich mens dores.” On this point we may also compare the Statutes of Walter de Merton for his College at Oxford, A.D. 1274, ed. Halliwell, 1843, p. 19: Cap. 13. De admissione scholarium. Hoc etiam in eadem domo specialiter observari volo et decerno, ut circa eos, qui ad hujusmodi eleemosinæ participationem admittendi fuerint, diligenti solicitudine caveatur, ne qui præter castos, honestos, pacificos, humiles, _indigentes_, ad studium habiles ac proficere volentes, admittantur. Ad quorum agnitionem singulis, cum in dicta societate fuerint admittendi sustentationis gratia in eadem, ad annum unum utpote probationis causa primitus concedatur, ut sic demum si in dictis conditionibus laudabiliter se habuerint, in dictam congregationem admittantur. See also cap. 31, against horses of scholars being kept. Lodgings were let according to the joint valuation of 2 Magistri (scholars) and two townsmen (probi et legales homines de Villa). _Wood_, i. 255. An. 15 Hen. III. A.D. 1230-1. In the beginning of the 15th century it had become the established rule that every scholar must be a member of some college or hall. The scholars who attended the public lectures of the university, without entering themselves at any college or hall, were called _chamber dekyns_, as in Paris they were called martinets; and frequent enactments were made against them.--_Malden_, p. 85, ref. to _Woods Annals_, 1408, -13, -22, and 1512, &c. The following are the dates of the foundations of the different Colleges at Oxford as given in the University Calendar:-- University College, 1253-80[42] Balliol Coll., betw. 1263 & 1268 Merton College, founded at Maldon, in Surrey, in 1264, removed to Oxford in 1274 Exeter College 1314 Oriel „ 1326 The Queen’s College 1340 New „ 1386 Lincoln „ 1427 All Souls „ 1437 Magdalen „ 1458 The King’s Hall and } College of Brasenose } 1509 Corpus Christi College 1516 Christ Church „ 1526 Trinity College 1554 St John’s „ 1555 Jesus „ 1571 Wadham „ 1613 Pembroke „ 1624 Worcester „ 1714 HALLS St Edmund Hall 1317 St Mary’s „ 1333 New Inn „ 1438 Magdalen „ 1487 St Alban „ after 1547 [Headnote: UNDERGRADUATE’S EXPENSES AT OXFORD, 1478.] ‘The Paston Letters’ do not give us much information about studies or life at Oxford, but they do give us material for estimating the cost of a student there (ii. 124[43]); they show us the tutor reporting to a mother her son’s progress in learning (ii. 130), and note the custom of a man, when made bachelor, giving a feast: “I was made bachelor ... on Friday was se’nnight (18 June, 1479), and I made my feast on the Monday after (21 June). I was promised venison against my feast, of my Lady Harcourt, and of another person too, but I was deceived of both; but my guests held them pleased with such meat as they had, blessed be God.” The letter as to the costs is dated May 19, 1478. “I marvel sore that you sent me no word of the letter which I sent to you by Master William Brown at Easter. I sent you word that time that I should send you mine expenses particularly; but as at this time the bearer hereof had a letter suddenly that he should come home, & therefore I could have no leisure to send them to you on that wise, & therefore I shall write to you in this letter the whole sum of my expenses since I was with you till Easter last past, and also the receipts, reckoning the twenty shillings that I had of you to Oxon wards, with the bishop’s finding:-- £ s. d. The whole sum of receipts is 5 17 6 And the whole sum of expenses is 6 5 5¾ And that [= what] cometh over my receipts & my expenses I have borrowed of Master Edmund, & it draweth to 8 0 and yet I reckon none expenses since Easter; but as for them, they be not great.” On this account Fenn says, “he (Wm. Paston) had expended £6 5s. 5¾d. from the time he left his mother to Easter last, which this year fell on the 22nd March, from which time it was now two months, & of the expenses ‘since incurred’ he says ‘they be not great.’ We may therefore conclude the former account was from the Michaelmas preceding, and a moderate one; if so, we may fairly estimate his university education at £100 a-year of our present money. I mean that £12 10s. 11½d. would then procure as many necessaries and comforts as £100 will at this day.” What was the basis of Fenn’s calculation he does not say. In 1468, the estimates for the Duke of Clarence’s household expenses give these prices, among others: s. d. £ s. d. Wheat, a quarter 6 0 now, say 3 0 0 Ale, a gallon - 1½ „ - 1 0 Beves, less hide and tallow, each 10 0 „ 15 0  0[*] Muttons „ „ 1 4 „ 2 10  0[*] Velys „ „ 2 6 „ 4 0  0[*] Porkes „ „ 2 0 „ 5 0 0 Rice, a pound 3 „ 5 Sugar „ 6 „ 6 Holland, an ell (6d., 8d., 16d.) 10 „ 1 3 Diapre „ 4 6 „ 3 0 Towelles „ 1 8 „ 1 6 Napkyns, a dozen, 12s., £1, £2, 17 4 „ 2 0 0 ---------- ------------- £2 7 0½ £31 17 8 [*: Poor ones.] This sum would make the things named nearly 14 times as dear now as in 1468, and raise Fenn’s £100 to about £180; but no reliance can be placed on this estimate because we know nothing of the condition of the beves, muttons, veles, and porkys, then, as contrasted with ours. Possibly they were half the size and half the weight. Still, I have referred the question to Professor Thorold Rogers, author of the _History of Prices_ 1250-1400 A.D., and he says: “In the year to which you refer (1478) bread was very dear, 50 per cent. above the average. But on the whole, wheat prices in the 15th century were lower than in the 14th. Fenn’s calculation, a little below the mark for wheat, is still less below it in most of the second necessaries of life. The multiple of wheat is about 9, that of meat at least 24, those of butter and cheese nearly as much. But that of clothing is not more than 6, that of linen from 4 to 5. Taking however one thing with another, 12 is a safe general multiplier.” This would make the cost of young Paston’s university education £150 11s. 6d. a year. Mr Whiston would raise Fenn’s estimate of £100 to £200. He says that the rent of land in Kent in 1540 was a shilling or eighteenpence an acre,--see _Valor Ecclesiasticus_,--and that the tithes and glebes of the Dean and Chapter of Rochester, which were worth about £480 a-year in 1542, are now worth £19,000. The remaining Oxford letter in the Paston volumes seems to allude to the students bearing part of the expenses of the degree, or the feast at it, of a person related to royal family. “I supposed, when that I sent my letter to my brother John, that the Queen’s brother should have proceeded at Midsummer, and therefore I beseeched her to send me some money, _for it will be some cost to me_, but not much.” The first school at Cambridge is said to have been founded by Edward the Elder, the son of Alfred, but on no good authority. In 1223 the term _University_ was applied to the place. The dates of the foundations of its Colleges, as given in its Calendar, are: St Peter’s 1257 (date of charter, 1264) Clare Hall 1326 Pembroke 1347 Caius 1349 Trinity Hall 1350 Corpus Christi 1351 King’s 1441 Queen’s 1446 (refounded 1465) St Catherine’s Hall 1473 Jesus 1496 Christ’s 1505 St John’s 1511 Magdalene 1519 Trinity 1546 Emmanuel 1584 Sidney 1598 Downing 1800 [Headnote: FEW NOBLEMEN AT CAMBRIDGE.] Lord Henry Brandon, son of the Duke of Suffolk, died of the sweating sickness then prevalent in the University, on the 16th July, 1551, while a student of Cambridge. His brother, Lord Charles Brandon, died on the same day. Their removal to Buckden was too late to save them (_Ath. Cant._, i. 105, 541). Of them Ascham says, ‘two noble Primeroses of Nobilitie, the yong Duke of Suffolke and Lord _H. Matrevers_ were soch two examples to the Courte for learnyng, as our tyme may rather wishe, than look for agayne.’--_Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor, p. 62. Besides these two young noblemen, the first 104 pages of Cooper’s _Athenæ Cantabrigienses_ disclose only one other, Lord Derby’s son, and the following names of sons of knights:[44] CAMBRIDGE MEN. 1443 Thomas Rotherham, Fellow of King’s, son of Sir Thomas Rotherham, knight, and Alice his wife. 1494 Reginald Bray, high-steward of the university of Oxford, son of Sir Richard Bray, knight, and the lady Joan his second wife. 1502 Humphrey Fitzwilliam, of Pembroke Hall, Vice-Chancellor, _appears_ to have been the son of Sir Richard Fitzwilliam of Ecclesfield, and Elizabeth his wife. ab. 1468 Richard Redman, son of Sir Richard Redman and Elizabeth [Aldburgh] his wife; made Bp. of St Asaph. 1492 Thomas Savage, son of Sir John Savage, knight, Bp. of Rochester. Was LL.D. ? educated at Cambridge. 1485 James Stanley, younger son of Thomas Earl of Derby, educated at both universities, graduated at Cambridge, and became prebendary of Holywell in 1485, Bp. of Ely in 1506. 1497 William Coningsby, son of Sir Humphrey Coningsby, elected from Eton to King’s. 1507 Thomas Elyot, son of Sir Richard Elyot, made M.A. ab. 1520 George Blagge, son of Sir Robert Blagge. Queen Elizabeth’s favourite, Lord Essex, was at Trinity College, Cambridge. See his letter of May 13, from there, in Ellis, series II. v. iii. p. 73; the furniture of his room, and his expenses, in the note p. 73-4; and his Tutor’s letter asking for new clothes for ‘my Lord,’ or else ‘he shall not onely be thrid bare, but ragged.’ Archbp. Whitgift[45], when B.D. at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, A.D. 1563, “bestowed some of his time and abilities in the instruction of ingenious youth, sent to the college for education, in good learning and Christian manners. And among such his pupils, were two noblemen’s sons, viz. the Lord Herbert, son and heir to the Earl of Pembroke; and John, son and heir to the Lord North.” (_Life_, by Strype, ed. 1822, vol. i. p. 14.) While Whitgift was Master of Trinity, Strype says he had bred up under him not only several Bishops, but also “the Earls of Worcester and Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Lord Dunboy of Ireland, Sir Nicolas and Sir Francis Bacon. To which I may add one more, namely, the son of Sir Nicolas White, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, who married a Devereux.” (_Life_, i. 157, ed. 1822.) [Headnote: NOBLES AND GENTLEMEN AT OXFORD.] A search through the whole of the first volume of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_, comprising a period of nearly 100 years, has resulted in the following meagre list of men of noble or knightly birth who distinguished themselves. There are besides many men of “genteel parents,” some of trader-ones, many friars, some Winchester men, but no Eton ones, educated at Oxford. 1478 Edmund Dudley, son of John Dudley, Esq., 2nd son of John Lord Dudley, of Dudley Castle in Staffordshire. ab. 1483 John Colet, the eldest son of Sir Henry Colet, twice lord mayor of London ... was educated in grammaticals, partly in London or Westminster. „ Nicholas Vaux, son of Sir Will. Vaux of Harwedon in Northamptonshire (not the Poet, Lord Vaux). end of Edw. IV. John Bourchier, Lord Berners, eldest son of Sir John Bourchier, knight, Lord Berners of Hertfordshire ... was instructed in several sorts of learning in the university in the latter end of K. Edw. IV.; in whose reign, and before, were the sons of divers of the English nobility educated in academical literature in Baliol Coll.,[46] wherein, as ’tis probable, this our author was instructed also. 1497 Thomas More, son of Sir John More, knight. (_The_ Sir Thomas More.) ? ab. 1510 George Bulleyn, son and heir of Sir Tho. Bullen, and brother of Anne Bulleyn. ? „ Henry Parker, son of Sir William Parker, knight. 1515 Christopher Seintgerman, son of Sir Henry Seintgerman, knight. ? ab. 1520 Thomas Wyatt, son of Henry Wyatt of Alington Castle in Kent, knight and baronet, migrated from St John’s, Cambridge.[47] 1538[48] John Heron, a Kentish man born, near of kin to Sir John Heron, knight. ? ab. 1520 Edward Seymoure, son of Sir John Seymoure, or St Maure of Wolf-hall in Wilts, knight, was educated in trivials, and partly in quadrivials for some time in this university. He was Jane Seymour’s brother, and afterwards Duke of Somerset, and was beheaded on Jan. 22, 1552-3. 1534 John Philpot, son of Sir Pet. Philpot, knight of the Bath. Fellow of New Coll. ab. 15-- Henry Lord Stafford (author of the _Mirror for Magistrates_), the only son of Edward, Duke of Bucks, ‘received his education in both the universities, especially in that of Cambridge, to which his father had been a benefactor.’ 1515 Reynold Pole (the Cardinal), a younger son of Sir Rich. Pole. ? ab. 1530 Anthony Browne, son of Sir Weston Browne, of Abbesroding and of Langenhoo in Essex, knight. ab. 1574 Patrick Plunket, baron of Dunsary in Ireland, son of Rob. Plunket, baron of the same place. ab. 1570 Philip Sidney (the poet), son of Sir Henry Sidney. ? John Smythe, son of Sir Clem. Smythe. (Peter Levens or Levins, our _Manipulus_ or Rhyming-Dictionary man, became a student in the university, an. 1552, was elected probationer-fellow of Mag. Coll. into a Yorkshire place, 18 Jan. 1557, being then bach. of arts, and on the 19th Jan. 1559 was admitted true and perpetual fellow. In 1560 he left his fellowship. _Ath. Ox._ p. 547, col. 2.) ? ab. 1570 Reynolde Scot, a younger son of Sir John Scot of Scotshall, near to Smeeth in Kent. 1590 Hayward Townshend, eldest son of Sir Henry Townshend, knight. ab. 1587 Francis Tresham (of Gunpowder Plot notoriety), son of Sir Thomas Tresham, knight. The number of friars and monks at the Universities before the Reformation, and especially at Oxford, must have been large. Tanner says, In our universities ... were taught divinity and canon law (then, t. Hen. III., much in vogue), and the friers resorting thither in great numbers and applying themselves closely to their studies, outdid the monks in all fashionable knowledge. But the monks quickly perceived it, and went also to the universities and studied hard, that they might not be run down by the friers.[49] And as the friers got houses in the universities, the monks also got colleges founded and endowed there[50] for the education of their novices, where they were for some years instructed in grammar, philosophy, and school divinity, and then returning home, improved their knowledge by their private studies, to the service of God and the credit of their respective societies. So that a little before the Reformation, the greatest part of the proceeders in divinity at Oxford were monks and Regular canons. [Headnote: FAVOURITISM OF THE RICH IN THE UNIVERSITIES.] By Harrison’s time, A.D. 1577[51], rich men’s sons had not only pressed into the Universities, but were scrooging poor men’s sons out of the endowments meant only for the poor, learning the lessons that Mr Whiston so well shows our Cathedral dignitaries have carried out with the stipends of their choristers, boys and men. “_Les gros poissons mangent les menus._ Pro. Poore men are (easily) supplanted by the rich, the weake by the strong, the meane by the mighty.”[52] (Cotgrave, u. _manger_.) The law of “natural selection” prevails. Who shall say nay in a Christian land professing the principles of the great “Inventor of Philanthropy”? Whitgift for one, see his Life of Strype, Bk. I. chap. xiii. p. 148-50, ed. 1822. In 1589 an act 31 Eliz. c. 6, was passed to endeavour to prevent the abuse, but, like modern Election-bribery Acts with their abuse, did not do it. [Headnote: BAD EXAMPLE OF RICH MEN AT COLLEGE.] “at this present, of one sort & other, there are about three thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late serveie it manifestlie appeared). They [the Colleges at our Universities] were created by their founders at the first, onelie for pore men’s sons, whose parents were not able to bring them up unto learning: but now they have the least benefit of them, by reason the rich do so incroch upon them. And so farre hath this inconvenence spread itself, that it is in my time an hard matter for a pore man’s child to come by a fellowship (though he be neuer so good a scholer & worthie of that roome.) Such packing also is used at elections, that not he which best deserveth, but he that hath most friends, though he be the worst scholer, is alwaies surest to speed; which will turne in the end to the overthrow of learning. That some gentlemen also, whose friends have been in times past benefactors to certeine of those houses, doe intrude into the disposition of their estates, without all respect of order or statutes devised by the founders, onelie thereby to place whome they think good (and not without some hope of gaine) the case is too too evident, and their attempt would soone take place, if their superiors did not provide to bridle their indevors. In some grammar schooles likewise, which send scholers to these universities, it is lamentable to see what briberie is used; for yer the scholer can be preferred, such briberye is made, that pore men’s children are commonly shut out, and the richer sort received (who in times past thought it dishonour to live as it were upon almes) and yet being placed, most of them studie little other than histories, tables, dice & trifles, as men that make not the living by their studie the end of their purposes; which is a lamentable bearing. Besides this, being for the most part either gentlemen, or rich men’s sonnes, they oft bring the universities into much slander.[53] For standing upon their reputation and libertie, they ruffle and roist it out, exceeding in apparell, and hanting riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes into an other trade). And for excuse, when they are charged with breach of all good order, thinke it sufficient to saie, that they be gentlemen, which grieveth manie not a little. But to proceed with the rest. “Everie one of these colleges haue in like manner their professors or readers of the tongs and severall sciences, as they call them, which dailie trade up the youth there abiding privatlie in their halles, to the end they may be able afterwards (when their turne commeth about, which is after twelve termes) to show themselves abroad, by going from thence into the common schooles and publike disputations (as it were _In aream_) there to trie their skilles, and declare how they have profited since their coming thither. “Moreover in the publike schooles of both the universities, there are found at the prince’s charge (and that verie largelie) five professors & readers, that is to saie, of divinitie, of the civill law, physicke, the Hebrew and the Greek tongues. And for the other lectures, as of philosophie, logike, rhetorike and the quadriuials, although the latter (I mean, arithmetike, musike, geometrie and astronomie, and with them all skill in the perspectives are now smallie regarded in either of them) the universities themselves do allowe competent stipends to such as reade the same, whereby they are sufficiently provided for, touching the maintenance of their estates, and no less encouraged to be diligent in their functions.” On the introduction of the study of Greek into the Universities, Dr S. Knight says in his _Life of Colet_: “As for _Oxford_, its own _History_ and _Antiquities_ sufficiently confess, that nothing was known there but _Latin_, and that in the most depraved Style of the _School-men_. _Cornelius Vitellius_, an _Italian_, was the first who taught _Greek_ in that University[54]; and from him the famous _Grocyne_ learned the first Elements thereof. “In _Cambridge_, _Erasmus_ was the first who taught the _Greek Grammar_. And so very low was the State of Learning in that University, that (as he tells a Friend) about the Year 1485, the Beginning of _Hen._ VII. Reign, there was nothing taught in that publick Seminary besides _Alexander’s Parva Logicalia_, (as they called them) the old _Axioms_ of _Aristotle_, and the _Questions_ of John Scotus, till in Process of time _good Letters_ were brought in, and some Knowledge of the _Mathematicks_; as also _Aristotle_ in a new Dress, and some Skill in the _Greek_ Tongue; and, by Degrees, a Multitude of _Authors_, whose _Names_ before had not been heard of.[55] “It is certain that even _Erasmus_ himself did little understand _Greek_, when he came first into _England_, in 1497 (13 _Hen._ VII.), and that our Countryman _Linacer_ taught it him, being just returned from _Italy_ with great Skill in that Language: Which _Linacer_ and _William Grocyne_ were the two only Tutors that were able to teach it.” Saml. Knight, Life of Dr John Colet, pp. 17, 18. The age at which boys went up to the University seems to have varied greatly. When Oxford students were forbidden to play marbles they could not have been very old. But in “The Mirror of the Periods of Man’s Life” (? ab. 1430 A.D.), in the Society’s _Hymns to the Virgin and Christ_ of this year, we find the going-up age put at twenty: Quod resou{n}, in age of .XX. ȝeer, Goo to oxenford, or lerne lawe[56]. This is confirmed by young Paston’s being at Eton at nineteen (see below, p. lvi). In 1612, Brinsley (_Grammar Schoole_, p. 307) puts the age at fifteen, and says, “such onely should be sent to the Vniuersities, who proue most ingenuous and towardly, and who, in a loue of learning, will begin to take paines of themselues, hauing attained in some sort the former parts of learning; being good Grammarians at least, able to vnderstand, write and speake Latine in good sort. “Such as haue good discretion how to gouerne themselues there, and to moderate their expenses; which is seldome times before 15 yeeres of age; which is also the youngest age admitted by the statutes of the Vniuersity, as I take it.” [Headnote: FOREIGN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION.] 4. _Foreign University Education._ That some of our nobles sent their sons to be educated in the French universities (whence they sometimes imported foreign vices into England[57]) is witnessed by some verses in a Latin Poem “in MS. Digby, No. 4 (Bodleian Library) of the end of the 13th or beginning of the 14th century,” printed by Mr Thomas Wright in his _Anecdota Literaria_, p. 38. Filii nobilium, dum sunt juniores, Mittuntur in Franciam fieri doctores; Quos prece vel pretio domant corruptores, Sic prætaxatos referunt artaxata mores. An English _nation_ or set of students of the Faculty of Arts at Paris existed in 1169; after 1430 the name was changed to the German nation. Besides the students from the French provinces subject to the English, as Poictou, Guienne, &c, it included the English, Scottish, Irish, Poles, Germans, &c. --_Encyc. Brit._ John of Salisbury (born 1110) says that he was twelve years studying at Paris on his own account. Thomas a Becket, as a young man, studied at Paris. Giraldus Cambrensis (born 1147) went to Paris for education; so did Alexander Neckham (died 1227). Henry says, “The English, in particular, were so numerous, that they occupied several schools or colleges; and made so distinguished a figure by their genius and learning, as well as by their generous manner of living, that they attracted the notice of all strangers. This appears from the following verses, describing the behaviour of a stranger on his first arrival in Paris, composed by Negel Wircker, an English student there, A.D. 1170:-- The stranger dress’d, the city first surveys, A church he enters, to his God he prays. Next to the schools he hastens, each he views, With care examines, anxious which to chuse. The English most attract his prying eyes, Their manners, words, and looks, pronounce them wise. Theirs is the open hand, the bounteous mind; Theirs solid sense, with sparkling wit combin’d. Their graver studies jovial banquets crown, Their rankling cares in flowing bowls they drown.[58] Montpelier was another University whither Englishmen resorted, and is to be remembered by us if only for the memory of Andrew Borde, M.D., some bits of whose quaintness are in the notes to Russell in the present volume. Padua is to be noted for Pace’s sake. He is supposed to have been born in 1482. Later, the custom of sending young noblemen and gentlemen to Italy--to travel, not to take a degree--was introduced, and Ascham’s condemnation of it, when no tutor accompanied the youths, is too well known to need quoting. The Italians’ saying, _Inglese Italianato è un diabolo incarnato_, sums it up.[59] [Headnote: MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.] 5. _Monastic and Cathedral Schools._ Herbert Losing, Bp. of Thetford, afterwards Norwich, between 1091 and 1119, in his 37th Letter restores his schools at Thetford to Dean Bund, and directs that no other schools be opened there. Tanner (_Not. Mon._ p. xx. ed. Nasmith), when mentioning “the use and advantage of these Religious houses”--under which term “are comprehended, cathedral and collegiate churches, abbies, priories, colleges, hospitals, preceptories (Knights Templars’ houses), and frieries”--says, “Secondly, They were schools of learning & education; for every convent had one person or more appointed for this purpose; and all the neighbours that desired it, might have their children taught grammar and church musick without any expence to them.[60] In the nunneries also young women were taught to work, and to read English, and sometimes Latin also. So that not only the lower rank of people, who could not pay for their learning, but most of the noblemen and gentlemen’s daughters were educated in those places.”[61] [Headnote: LYDGATE’S TRICKS AT SCHOOL.] As Lydgate (born at Lydgate in Suffolk, six or seven miles from Newmarket) was ordained subdeacon in the Benedictine monastery of Bury St Edmunds in 1389[62], he was probably sent as a boy to a monastic school. At any rate, as he sketches his early escapades--apple-stealing, playing truant, &c.,--for us in his _Testament_[63], I shall quote the youth’s bit of the poem here:-- [Line numbers in the following selections were added by the transcriber for use with sidenotes.] Harleian MS. 2255, fol. 60. Duryng the tyme / of this sesou{n} ver I meene the sesou{n} / of my yeerys greene Gynnyng fro childhood / strecchith{e}[A] vp so fer to þe yeerys / accountyd ful Fifteene bexperience / as it was weel seene The gerissh{e} sesou{n} / straunge of condiciou{n}s Dispoosyd to many vnbridlyd passiouns 7 [Sidenote: [fol. 60 b.]] ¶ Voyd of resou{n} / yove to wilfulnesse Froward to vertu / of thrift gaf[B] litil heede loth to lerne / lovid no besynesse Sauf pley or merthe / strau{n}ge to spelle or reede Folwyng al appetites / longyng to childheede lihtly tournyng wylde / and seelde sad Weepyng for nouht / and anoon afftir glad 14 ¶ For litil wroth / to stryve with my felawe As my passiou{n}s / did my bridil leede Of the yeerde somtyme / I Stood in awe to be scooryd[C] / that was al my dreede loth toward scole / lost my tyme in deede lik a yong colt / that ran with-owte brydil Made my freendys / ther good to spend in ydil / 21 [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] In my boyhood, [4] up to 15, [10] I loved no work but play [17] yet I was afraid of being scored by the rod.] ¶ I hadde in custom / to come to scole late Nat for to lerne / but for a contenaunce with my felawys / reedy to debate to Iangle and Iape / was set al my plesaunce wherof rebukyd / this was my chevisaunce to forge a lesyng / and therupon to muse whan I trespasyd / my silven to excuse 28 [Sidenote: [fol. 61.]] ¶ To my bettre / did no reverence Of my sovereyns / gaf no fors at al wex obstynat / by inobedience Ran in to garydns / applys ther I stal To gadre frutys / sparyd hegg[D] nor wal to plukke grapys / in othir mennys vynes Was moor reedy / than for to seyn[E] matynes 35 ¶ My lust was al / to scorne folk and iape Shrewde tornys / evir among to vse to Skoffe and mowe[F] / lyk a wantou{n} Ape whan I did evil / othre I did[G] accuse My wittys five / in wast I did abuse[H] Rediere chirstoonys / for to[I] telle Than gon to chirche / or heere the sacry[K] belle 42 [Sidenotes (by line number): [22] I came to school late, [25] talked, [27] lied to get off blame, [29] and mocked my masters. [32] I stole apples and grapes, [36] played tricks and mocked people, [40] liked counting cherry-stones better than church.] ¶ Loth to ryse / lother to bedde at eve with vnwassh handys[L] / reedy to dyneer My _pater noster_ / my _Crede_ / or my beleeve Cast at the[M] Cok / loo this was my maneer Wavid with ech{e} wynd / as doth a reed speer Snybbyd[N] of my frendys / such techchys fortame{n}de[O] Made deff ere / lyst nat / to them attende 49 [Sidenote: [fol. 61 b.]] ¶ A child resemblyng / which was nat lyk to thryve Froward to god / reklees[P] in his servise loth to correcciou{n} / slouh{e} my sylf to shryve Al good thewys / reedy to despise Cheef bellewedir / of feyned[Q] trwaundise this is to meene / my silf I cowde feyne Syk lyk a trwaunt / felte[R] no maneer peyne 56 ¶ My poort my pas / my foot alwey vnstable my look my eyen / vnswre and vagabounde In al my werkys / sodeynly chaungable To al good thewys / contrary I was founde Now ovir sad / now moornyng / now iocounde Wilful rekles / mad[S] stertyng as an hare To folwe my lust / for no man wold I spare. 63 [Sidenotes (by line number): [43] Late to rise, I was; dirty at dinner, [49] dea to the snubbings of my friends, [51] reckless in God’s service, [54] chief shammer of illness when I was well, [57] always unsteady, [60] ill-conducted, [62] sparing none for my pleasure.] [Collations: A: strecched. (These collations are from Harl. 218, fol. 65, back.) B: toke. C: skoured. D: nedir hegge. E: sey. F: mowen. G: koude. H: alle vse. I: cheristones to. K: sacryng. L: hondes. M: atte. N: Snybbyng. O: tamende. P: rekkes. Q: froward. R: and felt. S: made.] At these monastic schools, I suppose, were educated mainly the boys whom the monks hoped would become monks, cleric or secular; mostly the poor, the Plowman’s brother who was to be the Parson, not often the ploughman himself. Once, though, made a scholar and monk there, and sent by the Monastery to the University, the workman’s, if not the ploughman’s, son, might rule nobles and sit by kings, nay, beard them to their face. Thomas a Becket, himself the son of independent[[63a]] parents, was sent to be brought up in the “religious house of the Canons of Merton.” In 1392 the writer of Piers Plowman’s Crede sketches the then state of things thus: Now mot ich soutere hys sone · seten to schole, And ich a beggeres brol · on the book lerne, And worth to a writere · and with a lorde dwelle, Other falsly to a frere · the fend for to serven; 4 So of that beggares brol · a [bychop[64]] shal worthen, Among the peres of the lond · prese to sytten, And lordes sones[65] lowly · to tho losels alowte, Knyghtes crouketh hem to · and cruccheth ful lowe; 8 And his syre a soutere · y-suled in grees, His teeth with toylyng of lether · tatered as a sawe. [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] Now every cobbler’s son and beggar’s brat turns writer, then Bishop, [7] and lords’ sons crouch to him, [9] a cobbler’s son.] Here I might stop the quotation, but I go on, for justice has never yet been done[66] to this noble _Crede_ and William’s _Vision_ as pictures of the life of their times,--chiefly from the profound ignorance of us English of our own language; partly from the grace, the freshness, and the brilliance of Chaucer’s easier and inimitable verse:-- Alaas! that lordes of the londe · leveth swiche wreechen, And leveth swych lorels · for her lowe wordes. They shulden maken [bichopes[64]] · her owen bretheren childre, Other of som gentil blod · And so yt best semed, 4 And fostre none faytoures[64] · ne swich false freres, To maken fat and fulle · and her flesh combren. For her kynde were more · to y-clense diches Than ben to sopers y-set first · and served with sylver. 8 A grete bolle-ful of benen · were beter in hys wombe, And with the bandes[A] of bakun · his baly for to fillen Than pertryches or plovers · or pecockes y-rosted, And comeren her stomakes · with curiuse drynkes 12 That maketh swyche harlotes · hordom usen, And with her wikkid word · wymmen bitrayeth. God wold her wonyynge · were in wildernesse, And fals freres forboden · the fayre ladis chaumbres; 16 For knewe lordes her craft · treuly I trowe They shulden nought haunten her house · so ho[m]ly[64] on nyghtes, Ne bedden swich brothels · in so brode shetes, 20 But sheten her heved in the stre · to sharpen her wittes. [Sidenotes (by line number): [1] Lords [3] should make gentlemen Bishops, [5] and set these scamps [7] to clean ditches, [9] and eat beans and bacon-rind instead of peacocks, [13] and having women. [17] If Lords but knew their tricks, [20] they’d turn these beggars into the straw.] [Textnote A: ? randes. Sk.] [Headnote: EDUCATION OF FIELD LABOURERS.] There is one side of the picture, the workman’s son turned monk, and clerk to a lord. Let us turn to the other side, the ploughman’s son who didn’t turn monk, whose head _was_ ‘shet’ in the straw, who delved and ditched, and dunged the earth, eat bread of corn and bran, worts fleshless (vegetables, but no meat), drank water, and went miserably (_Crede_, l. 1565-71). What education did he get? To whom could he be apprenticed? What was his chance in life? Let the Statute-Book answer:-- A.D. 1388. 12º Rich. II., Cap. v. _Item._ It is ordained & assented, That he or she which used to labour at the Plough and Cart, or other Labour or Service of Husbandry _till they be of the Age of Twelve Years, that from thenceforth they shall abide at the same Labour_, without being put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond of Apprentie (_so_) be from henceforth made to the Contrary, the same shall be holden for none. A.D. 1405-6. 7º Henri IV., Cap. xvii. .....And Whereas in the Statutes made at Canterbury among other Articles it is contained That he or she that useth to labour at the Plough or Cart, or other Labour or Service of Husbandry, till he be of the age of Twelve Years, that from the same time forth he shall abide at the same Labour, without being put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond be made from that time forth to the contrary, it shall be holden for none: Notwithstanding which Article, and the good Statutes afore made through all parts of the Realm, the Infants born within the Towns and Seignories of Upland, whose Fathers & Mothers have no Land nor Rent nor other Living, but only their Service or Mystery, be put by their said Fathers and Mothers and other their Friends to serve, and bound Apprentices, to divers Crafts within the Cities and Boroughs of the said Realm _sometime at the Age of Twelve Years, sometime within the said Age_, and that for the Pride of Clothing and other evil Customs that Servants do use in the same; so that there is so great Scarcity of Labourers and other Servants of Husbandry _that the Gentlemen and other People of the Realm be greatly impoverished for the Cause aforesaid:_ Our Sovereign Lord the King considering the said Mischief, and willing thereupon to provide Remedy, by the advice & assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and at the request of the said Commons, hath ordained and stablished, That no Man nor Woman, of what Estate or Condition they be, shall put their Son or Daughter, of whatsoever Age he or she be, to Serve as Apprentice to no Craft nor other Labour within any City or Borough in the Realm, except he have Land or Rent to the Value of Twenty Shillings by the Year at the least, but they shall be put to other labours as their Estates doth require, upon Pain of one Year’s Imprisonment, and to make Fine and Ransom at the King’s Will. And if any Covenant be made of any such Infant, of what Estate that he be, to the contrary, it shall be holden for none. Provided Always, that every Man and Woman, of what Estate or Condition that he be, shall be free to set their Son or Daughter to take Learning at any manner School that pleaseth them within the Realm. A most gracious saving clause truly, for those children who were used to labour at the plough and cart till they were twelve years old[67]. Let us hope that some got the benefit of it! These Acts I came across when hunting for the Statutes referred to by the _Boke of Curtasye_ as fixing the hire of horses for carriage at fourpence a piece, and they caused me some surprise. They made me wonder less at the energy with which some people now are striving to erect “barriers against democracy” to prevent the return match for the old game coming off.--However improving, and however justly retributive, future legislation for the rich by the poor in the spirit of past legislation for the poor by the rich might be, it could hardly be considered pleasant, and is surely worth putting up the true barrier against, one of education in each poor man’s mind. (He who americanizes us thus far will be the greatest benefactor England has had for some ages.)--These Statutes also made me think how the old spirit still lingers in England, how a friend of my own was curate in a Surrey village where the kind-hearted squire would allow none of the R’s but Reading to be taught in his school; how another clergyman lately reported his Farmers’ meeting on the school question: Reading and Writing might be taught, but Arithmetic not; the boys would be getting to know too much about wages, and that would be troublesome; how, lastly, our gangs of children working on our Eastern-counties farms, and our bird-keeping boys of the whole South, can almost match the children of the agricultural labourer of 1388. [Headnote: NO BONDSMAN’S SON TO BE AN APPRENTICE.] The early practice of the Freemasons, and other crafts, refusing to let any member take a bondsman’s son as an apprentice, was founded on the reasonable apprehension that his lord would or might afterwards claim the lad, make him disclose the trade-secrets, and carry on his art for the lord’s benefit. The fourth of the ‘Fyftene artyculus or fyftene poyntus’ of the Freemasons, printed by Mr Halliwell (p. 16), is on this subject. _Articulus quartus_ (MS. Bibl. Reg. 17 A, Art. I., fol. 3, &c.) The fowrthe artycul thys moste be, That the mayster hym wel be-se That he _no bondemon_ prentys make, Ny for no covetyse do hym take; For the lord that he ys bond to, May fache the prentes whersever he go. Ȝef yn the logge he were y-take, Muche desese hyt myȝth ther make, And suche case hyt myȝth befalle That hyt myȝth greve summe or alle; For alle the masonus that ben there Wol stonde togedur hol y-fere. Ȝef suche won yn that craft schulde dwelle, Of dyvers desesys ȝe myȝth telle. For more ȝese thenne, and of honesté, Take a prentes of herre[A] degré. By olde tyme, wryten y fynde That the prentes schulde be of gentyl kynde; And so sumtyme grete lordys blod Toke thys gemetry that ys ful good. [Text Note: A: higher.] I should like to see the evidence of a lord’s son having become a working mason, and dwelling seven years with his master ‘hys craft to lurne.’ [Headnote: POST-REFORMATION CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.] _Cathedral Schools._ About the pre-Reformation Schools I can find only the extract from Tanner given above, p. xlii. On the post-Reformation Schools I refer readers to Mr Whiston’s _Cathedral Trusts_, 1850. He says: “The Cathedrals of England are of two kinds, those of the old and those of the new foundation: of the latter, Canterbury (the old archiepiscopal see) and Carlisle, Durham, Ely, Norwich, Rochester, and Worcester, old episcopal sees, were A.D. 1541-2 refounded, or rather reformed, by Henry VIII. ... Besides these, he created five other cathedral churches or colleges, in connexion with the five new episcopal sees of Bristol, Chester, Gloucester, Oxford, and Peterborough. He further created the see of Westminster, which was ... subsequently (A.D. 1560) converted to a deanery collegiate by Queen Elizabeth ... (p. 6). The preamble of the Act 31 Henry VIII. c. 9, for founding the new cathedrals, preserved in Henry’s own handwriting, recites that they were established ‘To the intente that Gods worde myght the better be sett forthe, _cyldren broght up in lernynge, clerces nuryshyd in the universities_, olde servantes decayed, to have lyfing, allmes housys for pour folke to be sustayned in, _Reders of grece, ebrew, and latyne to have good stypende_, dayly almes to be mynistrate, mending of hyght wayes, and exhybision for mynisters of the chyrche.’” “A general idea of the scope and nature of the cathedral establishments, as originally planned and settled by Henry VIII., may be formed from the first chapter of the old statutes of Canterbury, which is almost identical with the corresponding chapter of the statutes of all the other cathedrals of the new foundation. It is as follows: “On[68] the entire number of those who have their sustentation (qui sustentantur) in the cathedral and metropolitical church of Canterbury: “First of all we ordain and direct that there be for ever in our aforesaid church, one dean, twelve canons, six preachers, twelve minor canons, one deacon, one subdeacon, twelve lay-clerks, _one master of the choristers, ten choristers, two teachers of the boys in grammar, one of whom is to be the head master, the other, second master, fifty boys to be instructed in grammar_,[69] twelve poor men to be maintained at the costs and charges of the said church, two vergers, two subsacrists (_i.e._, sextons), four servants in the church to ring the bells, and arrange all the rest, two porters, who shall also be barber-tonsors, one caterer,[70] one butler, and one under butler, one cook, and one under-cook, who, indeed, in the number prescribed, are to serve in our church every one of them in his own order, according to our statutes and ordinances.” In the Durham statutes, as settled in the first year of Philip and Mary, the corresponding chapter is as follows: On[71] the total number of those who have their sustentation (qui sustentantur) in the cathedral church of Durham. “We direct and ordain that there be for ever in the said church, one dean, twelve prebendaries, twelve minor canons, one deacon, one sub-deacon, ten clerks, (who may be either clerks or laymen,) _one master of the choristers, ten choristers, two teachers of the boys in grammar, eighteen boys to be instructed in grammar_, eight poor men to be maintained at the costs of the said church, two subsacrists, two vergers, two porters, one of whom shall also be barber-tonsor, one butler, one under-butler, one cook, and one under-cook.” “The monastic or collegiate character of the bodies thus constituted, is indicated by the names and offices of the inferior ministers above specified, who were intended to form a part of the establishment of the Common Hall, in which most of the subordinate members, including the boys to be instructed in grammar, were to take their meals. There was also another point in which the cathedrals were meant to resemble and supply the place of the old religious houses, _i.e._, in the maintenance of a certain number of students at the universities.” R^t. WHISTON, _Cathedral Trusts and their Fulfilment_, p. 2-4. ”The nature of these schools, and the desire to perpetuate and improve them, may be inferred from ‘certein articles noted for the reformation of the cathedral churche of Excestr’, submitted by the commissioners of Henry VIII., unto the correction of the Kynges Majestie,’ as follows: _The tenth Article_ submitted. “That ther may be in the said Cathedral churche a free songe scole, the scolemaster to have yerly of the said pastor and prechars xx. marks for his wages, and his howss free, to teache xl. children frely, to rede, to write, synge and playe upon instruments of musike, also to teache ther A. B. C. in greke and hebrew. And every of the said xl. children to have wekely xiid. for ther meat and drink, and yerly vi^s viii^d. for a gowne; they to be bownd dayly to syng _and_ rede within the said Cathedral churche such divine service as it may please the Kynges Majestie to allowe; the said childre to be at comons alltogether, with three prests hereaffter to be spoke off, to see them well ordered at the meat and to reforme their manners.” _Article the eleventh_, submitted. “That ther may be a fre grammer scole within the same Cathedral churche, the scole-master to have xx^li. by yere and his howss fre, the ussher x^li. & his howss fre, and that the said pastor and prechars may be bound to fynd xl. children at the said grammer scole, giving to every oon of the children xiid. wekely, to go to commons within the citie at the pleasour of the frendes, so long to continew as the scolemaster do se them diligent to lerne. The pastor to appointe viii. every prechar iiii. and the scolemaster iiii.; the said childre serving in the said churche and going to scole, to be preferred before strangers; provided always, that no childe be admitted to thexhibicion of the said churche, whose father is knowne to be worthe in goodes above ccc^li., or elles may dispend above xl^li. yerly enheritance.” --_Ibid._, p. 10--12. “Now £300 at that time was worth about £5,000 now, so that these schools were _designed_ for the lower ranks of society, and open to the sons of the poorer gentry. “An interesting illustration of this [and of the class-feeling in education at this time] is supplied,” says Mr Whiston, “by the narrative of what took place-- “when the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was altered from monks to secular men of the clergy, viz.: prebendaries or canons, petty-canons, choristers and scholars. At this erection were present, Thomas Cranmer, archbishop, with divers other commissioners. And nominating and electing such convenient and fit persons as should serve for the furniture of the said Cathedral church according to the new foundation, it came to pass that, when they should elect the children of the Grammar school, there were of the commissioners more than one or two who would have none admitted but sons or younger brethren of gentlemen. As for other, husbandmen’s children, they were more meet, they said, for the plough, and to be artificers, than to occupy the place of the learned sort; so that they wished none else to be put to school, but only gentlemen’s children. Whereunto the most reverend father, the Archbishop, being of a contrary mind, said, ‘That he thought it not indifferent so to order the matter; for,’ said he, ‘poor men’s children are many times endued with more singular gifts of nature, which are also the gifts of God, as, with eloquence, memory, apt pronunciation, sobriety, and such like; and also commonly more apt to apply their study, than is the gentleman’s son, delicately educated.’ Hereunto it was on the other part replied, ‘that it was meet for the ploughman’s son to go to plough, and the artificer’s son to apply the trade of his parent’s vocation; and the gentleman’s children are meet to have the knowledge of government and rule in the commonwealth. For we have,’ said they, ‘as much need of ploughmen as any other state; and all sorts of men may not go to school.’ ‘I grant,’ replied the Archbishop, ‘much of your meaning herein as needful in a commonwealth; but yet utterly to exclude the ploughman’s son and the poor man’s son from the benefits of learning, as though they were unworthy to have the gifts of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon them as well as upon others, is as much to say, as that Almighty God should not be at liberty to bestow his great gifts of grace upon any person, nor nowhere else but as we and other men shall appoint them to be employed, according to our fancy, and not according to his most goodly will and pleasure, who giveth his gifts both of learning, and other perfections in all sciences, unto all kinds and states of people indifferently. Even so doth he many times withdraw from them and their posterity again those beneficial gifts, if they be not thankful. If we should shut up into a strait corner the bountiful grace of the Holy Ghost, and thereupon attempt to build our fancies, we should make as perfect a work thereof as those that took upon them to build the Tower of Babel; for God would so provide that the offspring of our first-born children should peradventure become most unapt to learn, and very dolts, as I myself have seen no small number of them very dull and without all manner of capacity. And to say the truth, I take it, that none of us all here, being gentlemen born (as I think), but had our beginning that way from a low and base parentage; and through the benefit of learning, and other civil knowledge, for the most part all gentlemen ascend to their estate.’ Then it was again answered, that the most part of the nobility came up by feats of arms and martial acts. ‘As though,’ said the Archbishop, ‘that the noble captain was always unfurnished of good learning and knowledge to persuade and dissuade his army rhetorically; who rather that way is brought unto authority than else his manly looks. To conclude; the poor man’s son by pains-taking will for the most part be learned when the gentleman’s son will not take the pains to get it. And we are taught by the Scriptures that Almighty God raiseth up from the dunghill, and setteth him in high authority. And whensoever it pleaseth him, of his divine providence, he deposeth princes unto a right humble and poor estate. Wherefore, if the gentleman’s son be apt to learning, let him be admitted; if not apt, let the poor man’s child that is apt enter his room.’ With words to the like effect.” R. WHISTON, _Cathedral Trusts_, p. 12-14. The scandalous way in which the choristers and poor boys were done out of their proportion of the endowments by the Cathedral clergy, is to be seen in Mr Whiston’s little book. [Headnote: POOR MEN’S SONS HAVE HEADS AS WELL AS RICH ONES’.] 6. _Endowed Grammar Schools._ These were mainly founded for citizens’ and townsmen’s children. Winchester (founded 1373) was probably the only one that did anything before 1450 for the education of our gentry. Eton was not founded till 1440. The following list of endowed schools founded before 1545, compiled for me by Mr Brock from Carlisle’s _Concise Description_, shows the dates of all known to him. BEFORE 1450 A.D. bef. 1162 Derby. Free School. 1195 St Alban’s. Free Grammar School. 1198 St Edmund’s, Bury. Fr. Sch. 1328 Thetford. Gr. Sch. ? 1327 Northallerton. Gr. Sch. 1332 Exeter. Gr. Sch. 1343 Exeter. High School. bef. 1347 Melton Mowbray. Schools. 1373 Winchester College. 1384 Hereford. Gr. Sch. 1385 Wotton-under-Edge. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1395 or 1340 Penrith. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1399-1413 (Hen. IV.) Oswestry. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1418 Sevenoaks. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1422 Higham Ferrers. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1422-61 (Hen. VI.) Ewelme. Gr. Sch. 1440 Eton College. 1447 London. Mercers’ School, but founded earlier. SCHOOLS FOUNDED 1450--1545 A.D. 1461-83 (Edw. IV.) Chichester. The Prebendal School. bef. 1477 Ipswich.[72] Gr. Sch. 1484 Wainfleet. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1485-1509 (Hen. VII.) or before. Kibroorth, near Market Harborough. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. 1486 Reading. Gr. Sch. 1486 Kingston upon Hull. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1487 Stockport. Gr. Sch. 1487 Chipping Campden. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1491 Sudbury. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. 1495 Lancaster. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1497 Wimborne Minster. Fr. Gr. Sch. time of Hen. VII., 1485-1509 King’s Lynn. Gr. Sch. 1502-52 Macclesfield. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1503 Bridgenorth. Fr. Sch. 1506 Brough _or_ Burgh _under_ Stainmore. Fr. Sch. 1507 Enfield. Gr. Sch. 1507 Farnworth, in Widnes, near Prescot. Fr. Gr. Sch. ab. 1508 Cirencester. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1509 Guildford. Royal Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Peterborough. Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Basingstoke. Gr Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Plymouth. Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Warwick. College or Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Earl’s Colne, near Halsted. Fr. Gr. Sch.  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Carlisle. Gr. Sch. 1512 Southover and Lewes. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1513 Nottingham. Fr. Sch. 1515 Wolverhampton. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1517 Aylesham. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1512-18 London.[73] St Paul’s Sch. 1520 Bruton or Brewton. Fr. Gr. Sch. ab. 1520 Rolleston, nr. Burton-upon-Trent. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. 1521 Tenterden. Fr. Sch. 1521 Milton Abbas, near Blandford. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1522 Taunton. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1522 Biddenden, near Cranbrook. Free Latin Gr. Sch. bef. 1524-5 Manchester. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1524 Berkhampstead. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1526 Pocklington. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1526 Childrey, near Wantage. Fr. Sch. bef. 1528 Cuckfield. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1528 Gloucester. Saint Mary de Crypt. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1528 Grantham. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1530 Stamford, or Stanford. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1530 Newark-upon-Trent. Fr. Gr. Sch. bef. Reform. Norwich. Old Gr. Sch.  t. Ref. Loughborough. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1532 Horsham. Fr. Sch. 1533 Bristol. City Fr. Gr. Sch. ab. 1533 Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Royal Gr. Sch. ab. 1535 Stoke, near Clare. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1541 Brecknock. Gr. Sch. 1541 Ely. Fr. Sch. 1541 Durham. Gr. Sch. 1541-2 Worcester. The King’s [t.i. Cathedral Grammar] or College School. 1542 Canterbury. The King’s School. 1542 Rochester. The King’s Sch.[74] 1542 Findon, properly Thingdon, near Wellingborough. Fr. Sch. 1542 Northampton. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1543 Abergavenny. Fr. Gr. Sch. 1544 Chester. [Cathedral] Gr., or King’s School. 1544 Sutton Coldfield. Gr. Sch. bef. 1545 Gloucester. Cathedral [t.i. King’s], or College School. 1545 St Mary of Ottery. Gr. Sch. bef. 1547 Wisbech. Gr. Sch. bef. 1549 Wellington. Gr. Sch. About 1174 A.D., Fitzstephen speaks of the London schools and scholars thus:--I use Pegge’s translation, 1772, to which Mr Chappell referred me,-- “The three principal churches in London[75] are privileged by grant and ancient usage with schools, and they are all very flourishing. Often indeed through the favour and countenance of persons eminent in philosophy, more schools are permitted. On festivals, at those churches where the Feast of the Patron Saint is solemnized, the masters convene their scholars. The youth, on that occasion, dispute, some in the demonstrative way, and some logically. These produce their enthymemes, and those the more perfect syllogisms. Some, the better to shew their parts, are exercised in disputation, contending with one another, whilst others are put upon establishing some truth by way of illustration. Some sophists endeavour to apply, on feigned topics, a vast heap and flow of words, others to impose upon you with false conclusions. As to the orators, some with their rhetorical harangues employ all the powers of persuasion, taking care to observe the precepts of art, and to omit nothing opposite to the subject. The boys of different schools wrangle with one another in verse; contending about the principles of Grammar, or the rules of the Perfect Tenses and Supines. Others there are, who in Epigrams, or other compositions in numbers, use all that low ribaldry we read of in the Ancients; attacking their school-masters, but without mentioning names, with the old Fescennine licentiousness, and discharging their scoffs and sarcasms against them; touching the foibles of their school-fellows, or perhaps of greater personages, with true Socratic wit, or biting them more keenly with a Theonine tooth: The audience, fully disposed to laugh, ‘With curling nose ingeminate the peals.’” Of the sports of the boys, Fitzstephen gives a long description. On Shrove-Tuesday, each boy brought his fighting cock to his master, and they had a cock-fight all morning in the school-room.[76] After dinner, football in the fields of the suburbs, probably Smithfield. Every Sunday in Lent they had a sham-fight, some on horseback, some on foot, the King and his Court often looking on. At Easter they played at the Water-Quintain, charging a target, which if they missed, souse they went into the water. ‘On holidays in summer the pastime of the youths is to exercise themselves in archery, in running, leaping, wrestling, casting of stones, and flinging to certain distances, and lastly with bucklers.’ At moonrise the maidens danced. In the winter holidays, the boys saw boar-fights, hog-fights, bull and bear-baiting, and when ice came they slid, and skated on the leg-bones of some animal, punting themselves along with an iron-shod pole, and charging one another. A set of merry scenes indeed. “In general, we are assured by the most learned man of the thirteenth century, Roger Bacon, that there never had been so great an appearance of learning, and so general an application to study, in so many different faculties, as in his time, when schools were erected in every city, town, burgh, and castle.” (Henry’s Hist. of England, vol. iv. p. 472-3.) In the twenty-fifth year of Henry VI., 1447, four Grammar schools were appointed to be opened in London[77] for the education of the City youth (_Carlisle_). But from the above lists it will be seen that Grammar Schools had not much to do with the education of our nobility and gentry before 1450 A.D. [Headnote: AN ETON BOY IN A.D. 1478.] Of Eton studies, the Paston Letters notice only Latin versifying, but they show us a young man supposed to be nineteen, still at school, having a smart pair of breeches for holy days, falling in love, eating figs and raisins, proposing to come up to London for a day or two’s holiday or lark to his elder brother’s, and having 8d. sent him in a letter to buy a pair of slippers with. William Paston, a younger brother of John’s, when about nineteen years old, and studying at Eton, writes on Nov. 7, 1478, to thank his brother for a noble in gold, and says, “my creanser (creditor) Master Thomas (Stevenson) heartily recommendeth him to you, and he prayeth you to send him some money for my commons, for he saith ye be twenty shillings in his debt, for a month was to pay for when he had money last; also I beseech you to send me a hose cloth, one for the holy days of some colour, and another for working days (how coarse soever it be, it maketh no matter), and a stomacher and two shirts, and a pair of slippers: and if it like you that I may come with Alweder by water”--would they take a pair-oar and pull down? (the figs and raisins came up by a barge;)--“and sport me with you at London a day or two this term-time, then ye may let all this be till the time that I come, and then I will tell you when I shall be ready to come from Eton by the grace of God, who have you in his keeping.” _Paston Letters_, modernised, vol. 2, p. 129. This is the first letter; the second one about the figs, raisins, and love-making (dated 23 Feb. 1478-9) is given at vol. ii. p. 122-3. Tusser, who was seized as a Singing boy for the King’s Chapel, lets us know that he got well birched at Eton. “From Paul’s I went · to Eton sent To learn straightways · the Latin phrase When fifty-three · stripes given to me At once I had: For fault but small · or none at all It come to pass · thus beat I was. See, Udall,[78] see · the mercy of thee To me poor lad!” I was rather surprised to find no mention of any Eton men in the first vol. of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_ (ed. Bliss) except two, who had first taken degrees at Cambridge, Robert Aldrich and William Alley, the latter admitted at Cambridge 1528 (Wood, p. 375, col. 2). Plenty of London men are named in Wood, vol. 1. No doubt in early times the Eton men went to their own foundation, King’s (or other Colleges at) Cambridge, while the Winchester men went to their foundation, New College, or elsewhere at Oxford. In the first volume of Bliss’s edition of Wood, the following Winchester men are noticed: p. 30, col. 2, William Grocyn, educated in grammaticals in Wykeham’s school near Winchester. p. 78, col. 2, William Horman, made fellow of New Coll. in 1477. Author of the _Vulgaria Puerorum_, &c. (See also Andrew Borde, p. xxxiv, above, note.) p. 379, col. 2, John Boxall, Fellow of New Coll. 1542. 402, col. 2, Thomas Hardyng „ „ „ 1536. 450, col. 2, Henry Cole „ „ „ 1523. 469, col. 1, Nicholas Saunders „ „ „ 1548. 678, col. 2, Richard Haydock „ „ „ 1590. [Headnote: POST-REFORMATION GRAMMAR SCHOOLS.] That the post-Reformation Grammar Schools did not at first educate as many boys as the old monastic schools is well known. Strype says, “On the 15th of January, 1562, Thomas Williams, of the Inner Temple, esq. being chosen speaker to the lower house, was presented to the queen: and in his speech to her ... took notice of the want of schools; that at least an hundred were wanting in England which before this time had been, [being destroyed (I suppose he meant) by the dissolution of monasteries and religious houses, fraternities and colleges.] He would have had England continually flourishing with ten thousand scholars, which the schools in this nation formerly brought up. That from the want of these good schoolmasters sprang up ignorance: and covetousness got the livings by impropriations; which was a decay, he said, of learning, and by it the tree of knowledge grew downward, not upward; which grew greatly to the dishonour, both of God and the commonwealth. He mentioned likewise the decay of the universities; and how that great market-towns were without schools or preachers: and that the poor vicar had but 20_l._ [or some such poor allowance,] and the rest, being no small sum, was impropriated. And so thereby, no preacher there; but the people, being trained up and led in blindness for want of instruction, became obstinate: and therefore advised that this should be seen to, and impropriations redressed, notwithstanding the laws already made [which favoured them].--Strype, _Annals of the Reformation_, vol. i. p. 437. Of the Grammar Schools in his time (A.D. 1577) Harrison says: Besides these universities, also there are a great number of Grammer Schooles throughout the realme, and those verie liberallie endued for the better relief of pore scholers, so that there are not manie corporate townes, now under the queene’s dominion that have not one Gramer Schole at the least, with a sufficient living for a master and usher appointed to the same. There are in like manner divers collegiat churches, as Windsor, Wincester, Eaton, Westminster (in which I was sometime an unprofitable Grammarian under the reverend father, master Nowell, now dean of Paules) and in those a great number of pore scholers, dailie maintained by the liberality of the founders, with meat, bookes, and apparell; from whence after they have been well entered in the knowledge of the Latine and Greek tongs, and rules of versifying (the triall whereof is made by certain apposers, yearlie appointed to examine them), they are sent to certain especiall houses in each universitie[79], where they are received & trained up in the points of higher knowledge in their privat halls till they be adjudged meet to show their faces in the schooles, as I have said alreadie. [Headnote: STUDY OF ENGLISH RECOMMENDED IN 1582-1612.] Greek was first taught at a public school in England by Lillye soon after the year 1500. This was at St Paul’s School in London, then newly established by Dean Colet, and to which Erasmus alluded as the best of its time in 1514, when he said that he had in three years taught a youth more Latin than he could have acquired in any school in England, _ne Liliana quidem excepta_, not even Lillye’s excepted. (Warton, iii. 1.) The first schoolmaster who stood up for the study of English was, I believe, Richard Mulcaster, of King’s College, Cambridge, and Christ Church, Oxford. In 1561 he was appointed the first head-master of Merchant-Taylors School in London, then just founded as a feeder or pro-seminary for St John’s College, Oxford (_Warton_, iii. 282). In his Elementarie, 1582, he has a long passage on the study of English, the whole of which I print here, at Mr Quick’s desire, as it has slipt out of people’s minds, and Mulcaster deserves honour for it:-- “But bycause I take vpon me in this Elementarie, besides som frindship to secretaries for the pen, and to correctors for the print, to direct such peple as teach childern to read and write English, and the _reading_ must nedes be such as the writing leads vnto, thererfor, (_sic_) befor I medle with anie particular precept, to direct the Reader, I will thoroughlie rip vp the hole certaintie of our English writing, so far furth and with such assurance, as probabilitie can make me, bycause it is a thing both proper to my argument, and profitable to my cuntrie. For our naturall tung being as beneficiall vnto vs for our nedefull deliuerie, as anie other is to the peple which vse it: & hauing as pretie, and as fair obseruations in it, as anie other hath: and being as readie to yield to anie rule of Art, as anie other is: why should I not take som pains to find out the right writing of ours, as other cuntrimen haue don to find the like in theirs? & so much the rather, bycause it is pretended, that the writing thereof is meruellous vncertain, and scant to be recouered from extreme confusion, without som change of as great extremitie? I mean therefor so to deall in it, as I maie wipe awaie that opinio{n} of either vncertaintie for co{n}fusion, or impossibilitie for directio{n}, that both the naturall English maie haue wherein to rest, & the desirous st[r]anger maie haue whereby to learn. For the performa{n}ce whereof, and mine own better direction, I will first examin those means, whereby other tungs of most sacred antiquitie haue bene brought to Art and form of discipline for their right writing, to the end that by following their waie, I maie hit vpo{n} their right, and at the least by their president deuise the like to theirs, where the vse of our tung, & the propertie of our dialect will not yeild flat to theirs. That don, I will set all the varietie of our now writing, & the vncertaine force of all our letters, in as much certaintie, as anie writing ca{n} be, by these sene{n} precepts,-- 1. _Generall rule_, which concerneth the propertie and vse of ech letter: 2. _Proportion_ which reduceth all words of one sou{n}d to the same writing: 3. _Composition_, which teacheth how to write one word made of mo: 4. _Deriuation_, which examineth the ofspring of euerie originall: 5. _Distinction_ which bewraieth the difference of sound and force in letters by som writen figure or accent: 6. _Enfranchisment_, which directeth the right writing of all incorporat foren words: 7. _Prerogatiue_, which declareth a reseruation, wherein common vse will continew hir precèdence in our En[g]lish writing, as she hath don euerie where else, both for the form of the letter, in som places, which likes the pen better: and for the difference in writing, where som particular caueat will chek a common rule. In all these seuen I will so examin the particularities of our tung, as either nothing shall seme strange at all, or if anie thing do seme, yet it shall not seme so strange, but that either the self same, or the verie like vnto it, or the more strange then it is, shal appear to be in, those things, which ar more familiar vnto vs for extraordinarie learning, then required of vs for our ordinarie vse. And forasmuch as the eie will help manie to write right by a sene president, which either cannot vnderstand, or cannot entend to vnderstand the reason of a rule, therefor in the end of this treatis for right writing, I purpos to set down a generall table of most English words, by waie of president, to help such plane peple, as cannot entend the vnderstanding of a rule, which requireth both time and conceit in perceiuing, but can easilie run to a generall table, which is readier to their hand. By the which table I shall also confirm the right of my rules, that theie hold thoroughout, & by multitude of exa{m}ples help som maim (_so_) in precepts. Thus much for the right writing of our English tung, which maie seme (_so_) for a preface to the principle of _Reading_, as the matter of the one is the maker of the other.--1582. Rich^d. Mulcaster. The First Part of the Elementarie, pp. 53-4. Brinsley follows Mulcaster in exhorting to the study of English: “there seemes vnto mee, to bee a verie maine want in all our Grammar schooles generally, or in the most of them; whereof I haue heard som great learned men to complain; That there is no care had in respect, to traine vp schollars so as they may be able to expresse their minds purely and readily in our owne tongue, and to increase in the practice of it, as well as in the Latine or Greeke; whereas our chiefe indeuour should bee for it, and that for these reasons. 1. Because that language which all sorts and conditions of men amongst vs are to haue most vse of, both in speech & writing, is our owne natiue tongue. 2. The purity and elegancie of our owne language is to be esteemed a chiefe part of the honour of our nation: which we all ought to aduance as much as in vs lieth. As when Greece and Rome and other nations haue most florished, their languages also haue beene most pure: and from those times of Greece & Rome, wee fetch our chiefest patterns, for the learning of their tongues. 3. Because of those which are for a time trained vp in schooles, there are very fewe which proceede in learning, in comparison of them that follow other callings. John Brinsley, _The Grammar Schoole_, p. 21, 22. His “Meanes to obtaine this benefit of increasing in our English tong, as in the Latin,” are 1. Daily vse of Lillies rules construed. 2. Continuall practice of English Grammaticall translations. 3. Translating and writing English, with some other Schoole exercises. _Ibid._, side-notes, p. 22, 23. On this question of English boys studying English, let it be remembered that in this year of grace 1867, in all England there is just one public school at which English is studied historically--the City of London School--and that in this school it was begun only last year by the new Head-Master, the Rev. Edwin A. Abbot, all honour to him. In every class an English textbook is read, _Piers Plowman_ being that for the highest class. This neglect of English as a subject of study is due no doubt to tutors’ and parents’ ignorance. None of them know the language historically; the former can’t teach it, the latter don’t care about it; why should their boys learn it? Oh tutors and parents, there are such things as asses in the world. [Headnote: A GRAMMAR-SCHOOL BOY’S DAY IN A.D. 1612.] Of the school-life of a Grammar-school boy in 1612 we may get a notion from Brinsley’s p. 296, “chap. xxx. Of Schoole times, intermissions and recreations,” which is full of interest. ‘1. The Schoole-time should beginne at sixe: all who write Latine to make their exercises which were giuen ouernight, in that houre before seuen’.--To make boys punctual, ‘so many of them as are there at sixe, to haue their places as they had them by election[80] or the day before: all who come after six, euery one to sit as he commeth, and so to continue that day, and vntill he recouer his place againe by the election of the fourme or otherwise.... If any cannot be brought by this, them to be noted in the blacke Bill by a speciall marke, and feele the punishment thereof: and sometimes present correction to be vsed for terrour.... Thus they are to continue vntill nine [at work in class], signified by Monitours, Subdoctour or otherwise. Then at nine ... to let them to haue a quarter of an houre at least, or more, for intermission, eyther for breakefast ... or else for the necessitie of euery one, or their honest recreation, or to prepare their exercises against the Masters comming in. [2.] After, each of them to be in his place in an instant, vpon the knocking of the dore or some other sign ... so to continue vntill eleuen of the clocke, or somwhat after, to counteruaile the time of the intermission at nine. (3.) To be againe all ready, and in their places at one, in an instant; to continue vntill three, or halfe an houre after: then to haue another quarter of an houre or more, as at nine for drinking and necessities; so to continue till halfe an houre after fiue: thereby in that halfe houre to counteruaile the time at three; then to end so as was shewed, with reading a peece of a Chapter, and with singing two staues of a Psalme: lastly with prayer to be vsed by the Master.’ To the objectors to these intermissions at nine and three, who may reproach the schoole, thinking that they do nothing but play, Brinsley answers,-- ‘2. By this meanes also the Schollars may bee kept euer in their places, and hard to their labours, without that running out to the Campo (as the[y] tearme it) at school times, and the manifolde disorders thereof; as watching and striuing for the clubbe,[81] and loytering then in the fields; some hindred that they cannot go forth at all. (5.) it is very requisite also, that they should have weekly one part of an afternoone for recreation, as a reward of their diligence, obedience and profiting; and that to be appointed at the Masters discretion, eyther the Thursday, after the vsuall custom; or according to the best opportunity of the place.... All recreations and sports of schollars, would be meet for Gentlemen. Clownish sports, or perilous, or yet playing for money, are no way to be admitted.’ On the age at which boys went to school, Brinsley says, p. 9, “For the time of their entrance with vs, in our countrey schooles, it is commonly about 7. or 8. yeares olde: six is very soone. If any begin so early, they are rather sent to the schoole to keepe them from troubling the house at home, and from danger, and shrewd turnes, then for any great hope and desire their friends haue that they should learne anything in effect.” [Headnote: THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH.] To return from this digression on Education. Enough has been said to show that the progress of Education, in our sense of the word, was rather from below upwards, than from above downwards; and I conclude that the young people to whom the _Babees Boke_, &c., were addressed, were the children of our nobility, knights, and squires, and that the state of their manners, as left by their home training, was such as to need the inculcation on them of the precepts contained in the Poems. If so, dirty, ill-mannered, awkward young gawks, must most of these hopes-of-England have been, to modern notions. The directions for personal cleanliness must have been much needed when one considers the small stock of linen and clothes that men not rich must have had; and if we may judge from a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_, even the King himself did not use his footpan every Saturday night, and would not have been the worse for an occasional tubbing:-- “This barbour shall have, every satyrday at nyght, _if_ it please the Kinge to cleanse his head, legges, or feet, and for his shaving, two loves, one picher wyne. And the ussher of chambre ought to testyfye if this is necessaryly dispended or not.” So far as appears from Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger Domus_, soap was used only for washing clothes. The yeoman lavender, or washerman, was to take from the Great Spicery ‘as muche whyte soape, greye, and blacke, as can be thought resonable by proufe of the Countrollers,’ and therewith ‘tenderly to waysshe ... the stuffe for the Kinges propyr persone’ (_H. Ord._ p. 85); but whether that cleansing material ever touched His Majesty’s sacred person (except doubtless when and if the barber shaved him), does not appear. The Ordinances are considerate as to sex, and provide for “weomen lavendryes” for a Queen, and further that “these officers oughte to bee sworne to keepe the chambre counsaylle.” But it is not for one of a nation that has not yet taken generally to tubbing and baths, or left off shaving, to reproach his forefathers with want of cleanliness, or adherence to customs that involve contradiction of the teachings of physiologists, and the evident intent of Nature or the Creator. Moreover, reflections on the good deeds done, and the high thoughts thought, by men of old dirtier than some now, may prevent us concluding that because other people now talk through their noses, and have manners different from our own, they and their institutions must be wholly abominable; that because others smell when heated, they ought to be slaves; or that eating peas with a knife renders men unworthy of the franchise. The temptation to value manners above morals, and pleasantness above honesty, is one that all of us have to guard against. And when we have held to a custom merely because it is old, have refused to consider fairly the reasons for its change, and are inclined to grumble when the change is carried out, we shall be none the worse for thinking of the people, young and old, who, in the time of Harrison and Shakspere, the “Forgotten Worthies”[82] and Raleigh, no doubt ‘hated those nasty new oak houses and chimnies,’ and sighed for the good old times: “And yet see the change, for when our houses were builded of willow, then had we oken men; but now that our houses are come to be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs, altogither of straw, which is a sore alteration.... Now haue we manie chimnies, and yet our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses. Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake.[83] For as the smoke in those daies was supposed to be a sufficient hardning for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far better medicine to keepe the goodman and his familie from the quack or pose, wherewith as then verie few were oft acquainted.” _Harrison_, i. 212, col. 1, quoted by Ellis. If rich men and masters were dirty, poor men and servants must have been dirtier still. William Langlande’s description of Hawkyn’s one metaphorical dress in which he slept o’ nightes as well as worked by day, beslobbered (or by-_moled_, bemauled) by children, was true of the real smock; flesh-moths must have been plentiful, and the sketch of Coveitise, as regards many men, hardly an exaggeration: ... as a bonde-man of his bacon · his berd was bi-draveled, With his hood on his heed · a lousy hat above, And in a tawny tabard · of twelf wynter age Al so torn and baudy · and ful of lys crepyng, But if that a lous[84] couthe · han lopen the bettre, She sholde noght han walked on that welthe · so was it thred-bare. (_Vision_, Passus V. vol. 1, l. 2859-70, ed. Wright.) In the _Kinge and Miller_, Percy Folio MS., p. 236 (in vol. ii. of the print), when the Miller proposes that the stranger should sleep with their son, Richard the son says to the King, “Nay, first,” q{uo}th Richard, “good fellowe, tell me true, hast thou noe creep{er}s in thy gay hose? art thou not troabled w{i}th the Scabbado?” The colour of washerwomen’s legs was due partly to dirt, I suppose. The princess or queen Clarionas, when escaping with the laundress as her assistant, is obliged to have her white legs reduced to the customary shade of grey: Right as she should stoupe a-douñ, The quene was tukked wel on high; The lauender p{er}ceiued wel therbigh Hir white legges, and seid “ma dame, Youre shin boones might doo vs blame; Abide,” she seid, “so mot I thee, More slotered thei most be.” Asshes with the water she menged, And her white legges al be-sprenged. ab. 1440 A.D., _Syr Generides_, p. 218, ll. 7060-8. [Headnote: NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS.] If in Henry the Eighth’s kitchen, scullions lay about naked, or tattered and filthy, what would they do elsewhere? Here is the King’s Ordinance against them in 1526: “And for the better avoydyng of corruption and all uncleannesse out of the Kings house, which doth ingender danger of infection, and is very noisome and displeasant unto all the noblemen and others repaireing unto the same; it is ordeyned by the Kings Highnesse, that the three master cookes of the kitchen shall have everie of them by way of reward yearly twenty marks, to the intent they shall prouide and sufficiently furnish the said kitchens of such scolyons as shall not goe _naked or in garments of such vilenesse as they now doe, and have been acustomed to doe, nor lie in the nights and dayes in the kitchens or ground by the fireside;_ but that they of the said money may be found with honest and whole course garments, without such uncleannesse as may be the annoyance of those by whom they shall passe”... That our commonalty, at least, in Henry VIII.’s time did stink (as is the nature of man to do) may be concluded from Wolsey’s custom, when going to Westminster Hall, of “holding in his hand a very fair orange, whereof the meat or substance within was taken out, and filled up again with the part of a sponge, wherein was vinegar, and other confections against the pestilent airs; the which he most commonly smelt unto, passing among the press, or else when he was pestered with many suitors.” (_Cavendish_, p. 43.) On the dirt in English houses and streets we may take the testimony of a witness who liked England, and lived in it, and who was not likely to misrepresent its condition,--Erasmus. In a letter to Francis, the physician of Cardinal Wolsey, says Jortin, “Erasmus ascribes the plague (from which England was hardly ever free) and the sweating-sickness, partly to the incommodious form and bad exposition of the houses, to the filthiness of the streets, and to the sluttishness within doors. The floors, says he, are commonly of clay, strewed with rushes, under which lies unmolested an ancient collection of beer, grease (?), fragments, bones, spittle, excrements [t.i. urine] of dogs and cats [t.i. men,] and every thing that is nasty, &c.” (_Life of Erasmus_, i. 69, ed. 1808, referred to in Ellis, i. 328, note.) The great scholar’s own words are, Tum sola fere sunt argilla, tum scirpis palustribus, qui subinde sic renovantur, ut fundamentum maneat aliquoties annos viginti, sub se fovens sputa, vomitus, mictum canum et hominum, projectam cervisiam, et piscium reliquias, aliasque sordes non nominandas. Hinc mutato cœlo vapor quidam exhalatur, mea sententia minime salubris humano corpori. After speaking also _De salsamentis_ (rendered ‘_salt meat_, beef, pork, &c.,’ by Jortin, but which _Liber Cure Cocorum_ authorises us in translating ‘Sauces’[85]), _quibus vulgus mirum in modum delectatur_, he says the English would be more healthy if their windows were made so as to shut out noxious winds, and then continues, “Conferret huc, si vulgo parcior victus persuaderi posset, ac salsamentorum moderatior usus. Tum si publica cura demandaretur Ædilibus, ut viæ mundiores essent a cœno, mictuque: Curarentur et ea quæ civitati vicina sint. _Jortin’s Life of Erasmus_, ed. 1808, iii. 44 (Ep. 432, C. 1815), No. VIII. Erasmus Rot. Francisco. Cardinalis Eboracencis Medico, S. If it be objected that I have in the foregoing extracts shown the dark side of the picture, and not the bright one, my answer is that the bright one--of the riches and luxury in England--must be familiar to all our members, students (as I assume) of our early books, that the Treatises in this Volume sufficiently show this bright side, and that to me, as foolometer of the Society, this dark side seemed to need showing. But as _The Chronicle_ of May 11, 1867, in its review of Mr Fox Bourne’s _English Merchants_, seems to think otherwise, I quote its words, p. 155, col. 2. “All the nations of the world, says Matthew of Westminster, were kept warm by the wool of England, made into cloth by the men of Flanders. And while we gave useful clothing to other countries, we received festive garments from them in return. For most of our information on these subjects we are indebted to Matthew Paris, who tells us that when Alexander III. of Scotland was married to Margaret, daughter of Henry III., one thousand English knights appeared at the wedding in _cointises_ of silk, and the next day each knight donned a new robe of another kind. This grand entertainment was fatal to sixty oxen, and cost the then Archbishop of York no less a sum than 4000 marks. Macpherson remarks on this great display of silk as a proof of the wealth of England under the Norman kings, a point which has not been sufficiently elaborated. In 1242 the streets of London were covered or shaded with silk, for the reception of Richard, the King’s brother, on his return from the Holy Land. Few Englishmen are aware of the existence of such magnificence at that early period; while every story-book of history gives us the reverse of the picture, telling us of straw-covered floors, scarcity of body linen, and the like. Long after this, in 1367, it is recorded, as a special instance of splendour of costume, that 1000 citizens of Genoa were clothed in silk; and this tale has been repeated from age to age, while the similar display, at an earlier date, in England, has passed unnoticed.” For a notice of the several pieces in the present volume, I refer the reader to the Preface to Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_, which follows here. It only remains for me to say that the freshness of my first interest in the poems which I once hoped to re-produce in these Forewords, has become dulled by circumstances and the length of time that the volume has been in the press--it having been set aside (by my desire) for the _Ayenbite_, &c.;--and that the intervention of other work has prevented my making the collection as complete as I had desired it to be. It is, however, the fullest verse one that has yet appeared on its subject, and will serve as the beginning of the Society’s store of this kind of material.[86] If we can do all the English part of the work, and the Master of the Rolls will commission one of his Editors to do the Latin part, we shall then get a fairly complete picture of that Early English Home which, with all its shortcomings, should be dear to every Englishman now. 3, _St George’s Square, N.W._, 5th _June_, 1867. [Footnote 1: The first sentence of Aristotle’s _Metaphysics_ is ‘All men by nature are actuated by the desire of knowledge.’ Mr Skeat’s note on l. 78 of _Partenay_, p. 228.] [Footnote 2: Lawrens Andrewe. _The noble lyfe & natures of man, of bestes_, &c. Johñes Desborrowe. Andewarpe.] [Footnote 3: The woodcuts are Messrs Virtue’s, and have been used in Mr Thomas Wright’s _History of Domestic Manners and Customs_, &c.] [Footnote 4: If any one thinks it a bore to read these Prefaces, I can assure him it was a much greater bore to have to hunt up the material for them, and set aside other pressing business for it. But the Boke of Curtasye binding on editors does not allow them to present to their readers a text with no coat and trowsers on. If any Members should take offence at any expressions in this or any future Preface of mine, as a few did at some words in the last I wrote, I ask such Members to consider the first maxim in their Boke of Curtasye, _Don’t look a gift horse in the mouth_. Prefaces are gift horses; and if mine buck or shy now and then, I ask their riders to sit steady, and take it easy. On the present one at least they’ll be carried across some fresh country worth seeing.] [Footnote 5: scholars?] [Footnote 6: Sir H. Nicolas, in his Glossary to his _Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII._, p. 327, col. 2, says, “No word has been more commented upon than ‘Henchmen’ or Henxmen. Without entering into the controversy, it may be sufficient to state, that in the reign of Henry the Eighth it meant the pages of honour. They were the sons of gentlemen, and in public processions always walked near the monarch’s horse: a correct idea may be formed of their appearance from the representation of them in one of the pictures in the meeting room of the Society of Antiquarians. It seems from these entries (p. 79,[*] 125, 182, 209, 230, 265) that they lodged in the house of Johnson, the master of the king’s barge, and that the rent of it was 40_s_. per annum. Observations on the word will be found in Spelman’s _Etymol._, Pegge’s _Curialia_, from the Liber Niger, Edw. IV., Lodge’s _Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 359, the _Northumberland Household Book_, Blount’s _Glossary_.” The _Promptorium_ has “Heyncemann (henchemanne) _Gerolocista, duorum generum, (gerolocista)_,” and Mr Way in his note says, “The pages of distinguished personages were called henxmen, as Spelman supposes, from Ger. _hengst_, a war-horse, or according to Bp. Percy, from their place being at the side or _haunch_ of their lord.” See the rest of Mr Way’s note. He is a most provokingly careful editor. If ever you hit on a plum in your wanderings through other books you are sure to find it afterwards in one of Mr Way’s notes when you bethink yourself of turning to the Promptorium. In Lord Percy’s Household (_North. H. Book_, p. 362) the Henchemen are mentioned next to the Earl’s own sons and their tutor (?) in the list of “Persones that shall attende upon my Lorde at his Borde Daily, ande have no more but his Revercion Except Brede and Drynk.” My Lordes Secounde Son to serve as Kerver. My Lordes Thurde Son as Sewer. A Gentillman that shall attende upon my Lord’s Eldest Son in the rewarde, and appoynted Bicause he shall allwayes be with my Lord’s Sonnes for seynge the Orderynge of them. My Lordes first _Hauneshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lorde. My Lords ij^de _Hanshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lady. See also p. 300, p. 254, The _Hansmen_ to be at the fyndynge of my Lord, p. 47] [Footnote 6*: p. 79, It{e}m the same daye paied to Johnson the mayster of the king{is} barge for the Rent of the house where the henxe men lye xl s.] [[Footnote 6a: ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of the Court of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles brought up with the young Princes.’ H. Reeve.]] [Footnote 7: When writing this I had forgotten Warton’s section on the Revival of Learning in England before and at the Reformation, _Hist. English Poetry_, v. iii. ed. 1840. It should be read by all who take an interest in the subject. Mr Bruce also refers to Kynaston’s _Museum Minervæ_. P.S.--Mr Bullein and Mr Watts have since referred me to Henry, who has in each volume of his _History of England_ a regular account of learning in England, the Colleges and Schools founded, and the learned men who flourished, in the period of which each volume treats. Had I seen these earlier I should not have got the following extracts together; but as they are for the most part not in Henry, they will serve as a supplement to him.] [Footnote 8: First of these is Mr Charles H. Pearson, then the Rev. Prof. Brewer, and Mr William Chappell.] [Footnote 9: Mr Wm. Chappell gave me the reference.] [Footnote 10: In the Romance of Blonde of Oxford, Jean of Dammartin is taken into the service of the Earl of Oxford as _escuier_, esquire. He waits at table on knights, squires, valets, boys and messengers. After table, the ladies keep him to talk French with them.] [[Footnote 10a: This is not intended to confine the definition of Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus, Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is & of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis.]] [Footnote 11: It was in part a principle of Anglo-Saxon society at the earliest period, and attaches itself to that other universal principle of fosterage. A Teuton chieftain always gathered round him a troop of young retainers in his hall who were voluntary servants, and they were, in fact, almost the only servants he would allow to touch his person. T. Wright.] [Footnote 12: Compare Skelton’s account of Wolsey’s treatment of the Nobles, in _Why come ye not to Courte_ (quoted in Ellis’s _Letters_, v. ii. p. 3). --“Our barons be so bolde, Into a mouse hole they wold Runne away and creep Like a mainy of sheep: Dare not look out a dur For drede of the maystife cur, For drede of the boucher’s dog “For and this curre do gnarl, They must stande all afar To holde up their hand at the bar. For all their noble bloude, He pluckes them by the hood And shakes them by the eare, And bryngs them in such feare; He bayteth them lyke a beare, Like an Ox or a Bul. Their wittes, he sayth, are dul; He sayth they have no brayne Their estate to maintaine: And make to bowe the knee Before his Majestie.”] [Footnote 13: Compare also the quotation from Piers Plowman’s Crede, under No. 5, p. xlv, and Palsgrave, 1530 A.D., ‘I mase, I stonysshe, _Je bestourne_. You mased the boye so sore with beatyng that he coulde not speake a worde.’ See a gross instance of cruelty cited from Erasmus’s Letters, by Staunton, in his _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-80.] [Footnote 14: “And therfore do I the more lament that soch [hard] wittes commonlie be either kepte from learning by fond fathers, or _bet from learning by lewde scholemasters_,” ed. Mayor, p. 19. But Ascham reproves parents for paying their masters so badly: “it is pitie, that commonlie more care is had, yea and that emonges verie wise men, to finde out rather a cunnynge man for their horse than a cunnyng man for their children. They say nay in worde, but they do so in deede. For, to the one they will gladlie give a stipend of 200. Crounes by yeare, and loth to offer to the other, 200. shillinges. God, that sitteth in heauen, laugheth their choice to skorne, and rewardeth their liberalitie as it should: for he suffereth them to have tame and well ordered horse, but wilde and unfortunate Children.” _Ib._ p. 20] [Footnote 15-15: _Sanctæ memoriæ _Robertum_ Cognominatum _Grodsted_ dudum _Lincolniendem_ Episcopum, Regi _Henrico_ quasi admirando, cum interrogavit, ubi Noraturam didicit, quâ Filios Nobilium Procerum Regni, quos secum habuit Domisellos, instruxerat, cum non de nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus traxisset Originem, fertur intrepide respondisse, In Domo seu Hospitio Majorum Regum quam sit Rex Angliæ; Quia Regum, _David, Salomonis_, & aliorum, vivendi morem didicerat ex Intelligentia scripturarum._] [Footnote 16: DOMICELLUS, Domnicellus, diminutivum a _Domnus_. Gloss. antiquæ MSS.: _Heriles, Domini minores, quod possumus aliter dicere Domnicelli_, Ugutio: _Domicelli et Domicellas dicuntur, quando pulchri juvenes magnatum sunt sicut servientes._ Sic porro primitus appellabant magnatum, atque adeo Regum filios. Du Cange.] [Footnote 17: Mr Bruce sends me the More extracts.] [Footnote 18: How Wolsey broke off the _insurance_ is very well told. Mistress Anne was “sent home again to her father for a season; _whereat she smoked_”; but she “was revoked unto the Court,” and “after she knew the king’s pleasure and the great love that he bare her _in the bottom of his stomach_, then she began to look very hault and stout, having all manner of jewels or rich apparel that might be gotten with money” (p. 67).] [Footnote 19: Under the heading “Gentylmen of Houshold, viz. Kervers, Sewars, Cupberers, and Gentillmen Waiters” in the _North. Household Book_, p. 40, we find Item, Gentillmen in Housholde ix, Viz. ij Carvers for my Loords Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym both, _except thai be at their frendis fyndyng_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant. --Two Sewars for my Lordis Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym, _except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant.--ij Cupberers for my Lorde and my Lady, and a Servant allowed bitwixt theym, _except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, And than ather of theym to have a Servant allowid. Under the next heading “My Lordis Hansmen at the fyndynge of my Lorde, and Yonge Gentyllmen _at there Frendys fyndynge_,” is Item, my Lordis Hansmen iij. Yonge Gentyllmen in Houshold _at their Frendis fyndynge_ ij = v.] [Footnote 20: Grammar usually means Latin. T. Wright.] [Footnote 21: The exceptions must have been many and marked.] [Footnote 22: _Richardi Pacei, invictissimi Regis Angliæ primarii Secretarii, eiusque apud Elvetios Oratoris, De Fructu qui ex Doctrinæ percipitur, Liber._ Colophon. _Basileae apud Io. Frobenium, mense VIII. bri. an._ M.D.XVII. Restat ut iam tibi explicem, quid me moueat ad libellum hoc titulo co{n}scribendum _et_ publicandu{m}. Quu{m} duobus annis plus minus iam præteritis, ex Romana urbe in patriam redijssem, inter-fui cuida{m} conuiuio multis incognitus. Vbi quu{m} satis fuisset potatum, unus, nescio quis, ex conuiuis, non imprudens, ut ex uerbis uultuq{ue} conijcere licuit, cœpit mentionem facere de liberis suis bene institue{n}dis. Et primu{m} omniu{m}, bonum præceptorem illis sibi quærendu{m}, & scholam omnino frequentanda{m} censuit. Aderat forte unus ex his, quos nos generosos uocamus, & qui semper cornu aliquod a tergo pende{n}s gestant, acsi etiam inter prandendu{m} uenare{n}tur. Is audita literaru{m} laude, percitus repe{n}tina ira, furibundus p{ro}rupit in hæc uerba. Quid nugaris, inquit, amice? abeant in mala{m} rem istæ stultæ literæ, omnes docti sunt me{n}dici, etia{m} Erasmus ille doctissimus (ut audio) pauper est, & in quadam sua epistola vocat την καράρατον πενιαν uxore{m} suam, id est, execrandam paupertatem, & uehementer conqueritur se son posse illam humeris suis usq{ue} in βαθυκήτεα πόντον, id est, p{ro}fundum mare excutere. (Corpus dei iuro) uolo filius meus pendeat potius, qua{m} literis studeat. Decet e{n}im generosoru{m} filios, apte inflare cornu, perite uenari, accipitre{m} pulchre gestare & educare. Studia uero literaru{m}, rusticorum filiis sunt relinquenda. Hic ego cohibere me no{n} potui, quin aliq{ui}d homini loquacissimo, in defensione{m} bonaru{m} literaru{m}, respo{n}dere{m}. No{n} uideris, inqua{m}, mihi bone uir recte sentire, na{m} si ueniret ad rege{m} aliq{ui}s uir exterus, quales sunt principu{m} oratores, & ei dandu{m} esset responsum, filius tuus sic ut tu uis, institutus, inflaret du{n}taxat cornu, & rusticoru{m} filij docti, ad respondendu{m} nocarent{ur}, ac filio tuo uenatori uel aucupi longe anteponerent{ur}, & sua erudita (usi libertate, tibi in facie{m} dicere{n}t, Nos malumus docti esse, & p{er} doctrina{m} no{n} imprudentes, q{uam} stulta gloriari nobilitate. Tu{m} ille hincinde circu{m}spiciens, Quis est iste, inquit, q{ui} hæc loquit{ur}? homine{m} non cognosco. Et quu{m} diceret{ur} in aure{m} ei quisna{m} essem, nescio q{ui}d submissa uoce sibimet susurra{n}s, & stulto usus auditore, illico arripuit uini poculu{m}. Et quu{m} nihil haberet respo{n}dendu{m}, cœpit bibere, & in alia sermone{m} transferre. Et sic me liberauit, non Apollo, ut Horatiu{m} a garrulo, sed Bacchus a uesani hominis disputatione, qua{m} diutius longe duraturam ueheme{n}ter timeba{m}. Professor Brewer gives me the reference.)] [Footnote 23: As to agricultural labourers and their children A.D. 1388-1406, see below, p. xlvi.] [Footnote 24: Readers will find it advisable to verify for themselves some of the statements in this Editor’s notes, &c.] [[Footnote 24a: The regular Cathedral school would have existed at St David’s.]] [Footnote 25: The foregoing three extracts are sent me by a friend.] [Footnote 26: From a fragment of the Computus Camerarii Abbat. Hidens. in Archiv. Wulves. apud Winton. ut supr. (? Hist. Reg. Angl. edit. Hearne, p. 74.)] [Footnote 27: Hist. and Antiq. of Glastonbury. Oxon. 1722, 8vo, p. 98.] [Footnote 28: Reyner, Apostolat. Benedict. Tract. 1, sect. ii. p. 224. Sanders de Schism. page 176.] [Footnote 29: _utriusque juris_, Canon and Civil.] [Footnote 30: _Lit. humaniores._ Latin is still called so in Scotch, and French (I think), universities. J. W. Hales.] [[Footnote 30a: “There are no French universities, though we find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the _Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning, in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the country, than our London University, to which, however, its organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10, 1867.]] [Footnote 31: (Pace _de Fructu_, p. 27.) Exigit iam suu{m} musica quoq{ue} doctrina locu{m}, a me præsertim, que{m} puer{um} inter pueros illustravit. Na{m} Thomas Langton Vyntoniensis episcopus, decessor huius qui nunc [1517 A.D.] uiuit, cui eram a manu minister, quum notasset me longex supra ætatem (ut ipse nimis fortasse amans mei iudicabat, & dictitabat) in musicis proficere, Huius, inquit, pueri ingeniu{m} ad maiora natum est. & paucos post dies in Italia{m} ad Patauinu{m} gymnasium, quod tu{n}c flore{n}tissimu{m} erat, ad bonas literas discendas me misit, annuasq{ue} impensas benigne suppeditauit, ut omnibus literatis mirifice fauebat, & ætate sua alterum Mecenatem agebat, probe memor (ut freque{n}ter dictitabat) sese doctrinæ causa ad episcopalem dignitate{m} prouectum. Adeptus enim fuerat per summam laudem, utriusq{ue} iuris (ut nu{n}c loquu{n}tur) insignia. Item humaniores literas tanti æstimabat, ut domestica schola pueros & iuuenes illis erudiendos curarit. Et summopere oblectabat{ur} audire scholasticos dictata interdiu a præceptore, sibi nocta reddere. In quo certamine qui præclare se gesserat, is aliqua re personæ suæ acco{m}modata, donatus abibat, & humanissimis uerbis laudatus. Habebet e{n}im semper in ore ille optimus Præsul, uirtutem laudatam crescere.] [Footnote 32: Ascham praises most the practice of double translation, from Latin into English, and then back from English into Latin.--_Scholemaster_, p. 90, 178, ed. Giles.] [Footnote 33: Mr Wm. Chappell gives me the reference, and part of the extract.] [Footnote 34: When did _breakfast_ get its name, and its first notice as a regular meal? I do not remember having seen the name in the early part of _Household Ordinances_, or any other work earlier than the _Northumberland Household Book_.] [Footnote 35: On Musical Education, see the early pages of Mr Chappell’s _Popular Music_, and the note in Archæol., vol. xx, p. 60-1, with its references. ‘Music constituted a part of the _quadrivium_, a branch of their system of education.’] [[Footnote 35a: “The first William de Valence married Joan de Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.” _The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867.]] [Footnote 36: Le treytyz ke moun sire Gauter de Bibelesworthe fist à MA DAME DYONISIE DE MOUNCHENSY, pur aprise de langwage.] [Footnote 37: Later on, the proportions of poor and rich changed, as may be inferred from the extract from Harrison below. In the ‘exact account of the whole number (2920) of Scholars and Students in the University of Oxford taken anno 1612 in the Long Vacation, the _Studentes_ of Christ Church are 100, the _Pauperes Scholares et alii Servientes_ 41; at Magdalene the latter are 76; at New College 18, to 70 _Socii_; at Brasenose (Æneasense Coll.) the _Communarii_ are 145, and the _Pauperes Scholares_ 17; at Exeter, the latter are 37, to 134 _Communarii_; at St John’s, 20 to 43; at Lincoln the _Communarii_ are 60, to 27 _Batellatores et Pauperes Scholares_.’ Collectanea Curiosa, v. i. p. 196-203.] [Footnote 38: Was this in return for the raised rents that Ascham so bitterly complains of the new possessors of the monastic lands screwing out of their tenants, and thereby ruining the yeomen? He says to the Duke of Somerset on Nov. 21, 1547 (ed. Giles, i. p. 140-1), Qui auctores sunt tantæ miseriæ?... Sunt illi qui hodie passim, in Anglia, prædia monasteriorum gravissimis annuis reditibus auxerunt. Hinc omnium rerum exauctum pretium; hi homines expilant totam rempublicam. Villici et coloni universi laborant, parcunt, corradunt, ut istis satisfaciant.... Hinc tot familiæ dissipatæ, tot domus collapsæ.... Hinc, quod omnium miserrimum est, nobile illud decus et robur Angliæ, nomen, inquam, _Yomanorum Anglorum_, fractum et collisum est ... NAM VITA, QUÆ NUNC VIVITUR A PLURIMIS, NON VITA, SED MISERIA EST. When will these words cease to be true of our land? They should be burnt into all our hearts.] [[Footnote 38a: One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons, Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_, p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s, Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41). 1631. Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the vestrie £6. 13. 4. 1628. Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0. Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37.]] [Footnote 39: “He placed Æthelweard, his youngest son, who was fond of learning, together with the sons of his nobility, and of many persons of inferior rank, in schools which he had established with great wisdom and foresight, and provided with able masters. In these schools the youth were instructed in reading and writing both the Saxon and Latin languages, and in other liberal arts, before they arrived at sufficient strength of body for hunting, and other manly exercises becoming their rank.” Henry, _History of England_, vol. ii. pp. 354-5 (quoted from Asser).] [Footnote 40: None were so. T. Wright.] [Footnote 41: Gervaise of Canterbury says, in his account of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus erat magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.” [[‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days, Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while he gives for the statement about the law school no authority whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood. But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t} magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.]] ] [[Footnote 41a: Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in 1294. _Book of Dates._]] [Footnote 42: This College is said to have been founded in the year 872, by Alfred the Great. It was restored by William of Durham, said to have been Archdeacon of Durham; but respecting whom little authentic information has been preserved, except that he was Rector of Wearmouth in that county, and that he died in 1249, bequeathing a sum of money to provide a permanent endowment for the maintenance of a certain number of “Masters.” The first purchase with this bequest was made in 1253, and the first Statutes are dated 1280.-- _Oxford Univ. Calendar_, 1865, p. 167.] [Footnote 43: I refer to the modernized edition published by Charles Knight in two volumes.] [Footnote 44: Other well-born men, in the _Ath. Cant._, then connected with the University, or supposed to be, were, 1504 Sir Roger Ormston, knight, died. Had been High Steward of the University. 1504 Sir John Mordaunt, High Steward. 1478 George Fitzhugh, 4th son of Henry lord Fitzhugh, admitted B.A. 1488 Robert Leyburn, born of a knightly family, Fellow of Pembroke-hall, and proctor. 1457 John Argentine, of an ancient and knightly family, was elected from Eton to King’s. 1504 Robert Fairfax, of an ancient family in Yorkshire, took the degree of Mus. Doc. 1496 Christopher Baynbrigg, of a good family at Hilton, near Appleby, educated at and Provost of Queen’s, Oxford, incorporated of Cambridge. 1517 Sir Wm. Fyndern, knight, died, and was a benefactor to Clare Hall, in which it is supposed he had been educated. 1481 Robert Rede, of an ancient Northumbrian family, was sometime of Buckingham College, and the Fellow of King’s-hall (?), and was autumn reader at Lincoln’s Inn in 1481. ab. 1460 Marmaduke Constable, son of Sir Robert Constable, knight, believed to have been educated at Cambridge. „ So, Edward Stafford, heir of Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, is also believed to have been educated at Cambridge, because his father was a munificent patron of the University, constantly maintaining, or assisting to maintain, scholars therein. „ So, Thomas Howard, son of Sir John Howard, knight, and afterwards Duke of Norfolk, who defeated the Scots at Flodden, is believed, &c. 1484 John Skelton, the poet, probably of an ancient Cumberland family. 1520? Henry Howard, son of Lord Thomas Howard, ultimately Duke of Norfolk. Nothing is known as to the place of his education. If it were either of the English Universities, the presumption is in favour of Cambridge. The only tradesman’s son mentioned is, 1504 Sir Richard Empson, son of Peter Empson, a sieve-maker, High-Steward.] [Footnote 45: Whitgift himself, born 1530, was educated at St. Anthony’s school, then sent back to his father in the country, and sent up to Cambridge in 1548 or 1549.] [Footnote 46: No proof of this is given.] [Footnote 47: Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, son and heir of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, ‘was for a time student in Cardinal Coll. as the constant tradition has been among us.’ p. 153, col. 1.] [Footnote 48: Andrew Borde, who writes himself _Andreas Perforatus_, was born, as it seems, at Pevensey, commonly called Pensey [now Pemsey], in Sussex, and not unlikely educated in Wykeham’s school near to Winchester, brought up at Oxford (as he saith in his _Introduction to Knowledge_, cap. 35), p. 170, col. 2, and note.] [Footnote 49: See Mat. Paris, p. 665, though he speaks there chiefly of monks[*] beyond sea.] [Footnote 49*: As appears from Wood’s _Fasti Oxon._ The following names of Oxford men educated at monkish or friars’ schools, or of their bodies, occur in the first volume of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxon._, ed. Bliss: p. 6, col. 2. William Beeth, educated among the Dominicans or Black Friers from his youth, and afterwards their provincial master or chief governor. p. 7, col. 2. Richard Bardney, a Benedictine of Lincolnshire. p. 11, col. 2. John Sowle, a Carme of London. p. 14, col. 1. William Galeon, an Austin friar of Lynn Regis. p. 18, col. 2. Henry Bradshaw, one of the Benedictine monks of St Werberg’s, Chester. p. 19, col. 1. John Harley, of the order of the Preaching or Dominican, commonly called Black, Friars p. 54, col. 2. Thomas Spenser, a Carthusian at Henton in Somersetshire; ‘whence for a time he receded to Oxford (as several of his order did) to improve himself, or to pass a course, in theology.’ p. 94, col. 2. John Kynton, a Minorite or Grey-friar p. 101, col. 1. John Rycks, „ „ p. 107, col. 1. John Forest, a Franciscan of Greenwich. p. 189, col. 1. John Griffen, a Cistercian. p. 278, col. 2. Cardinal Pole, educated among the Carthusians, and Carmelites or ‘White-fryers.’ p. 363, col. 2. William Barlowe, an Austin of St Osith in Essex. p. 630, col. 2. Henry Walpoole and Richard Walpoole, Jesuits. The 5th Lord Percy, he of the _Household Book_, in the year 1520 founded an annual stipend of 10 marcs for 3 years, for a _Pedagogus sive Magister, docens ac legens Grammaticam et Philosophiam canonicis et fratribus_ of the monastery of Alnwick (Warton, ii. 492).] [Footnote 50: It was customary then at Oxford for the Religious to have schools that bore the name of their respective orders; as the Augustine, Benedictine, Carmelite, and Franciscan schools; and there were schools also appropriated to the benefit of particular Religious houses, as the Dorchester and Eynsham schools, &c. The monks of Gloucester had Gloucester convent, and the novices of Pershore an apartment in the same house. So likewise the young monks of Canterbury, Westminster, Durham, St Albans, &c. Kennet’s Paroch. Antiq., p. 214. So also Leland saith, Itin. vol. vi. p. 28, that at Stamford the names of Peterborough Hall, Semplingham, and Vauldey yet remain, as places whither the Religious of those houses sent their scholars to study. Tanner, Notitia Monastica, Preface, p. xxvi. note _w_.] [Footnote 51: The abuse was of far earlier date than this. Compare Mr Halliwell’s quotation in his ‘Merton Statutes,’ from his edition of ‘the Poems of John Awdelay, the blind poet of Haghmon Monastery in the 14th century,’ Now ȝif a pore mon set hys son to Oxford to scole, Bothe the fader and the moder hyndryd they schal be; And ȝif ther falle a benefyse, hit schal be ȝif a fole, To a clerke of a kechyn, ore into the chaunceré . . Clerkys that han cunyng, . . thai mai get no vaunsyng Without symony.] [Footnote 52: Compare Chaucer: ‘wherfore, as seith Senek, ther is nothing more covenable to a man of heigh estate than debonairté and pité; and therfore thise flies than men clepen bees, whan thay make here king, they chesen oon that hath no pricke wherwith he may stynge.’--_Persones Tale_, Poet. Works, ed. Morris, iii. 301.] [Footnote 53: Ascham complains of the harm that rich men’s sons did in his time at Cambridge. Writing to Archbp. Cranmer in 1545, he complains of two _gravissima impedimenta_ to their course of study: (1.) that so few old men will stop up to encourage study by their example; (2.) “quod illi fere omnes qui hue Cantabrigiam confluunt, pueri sunt, divitumque filii, et hi etiam qui nunquam inducunt animum suum, ut abundanti aliqua perfectaque eruditione perpoliantur, sed ut ad alia reipublicæ munera obeunda levi aliqua et inchoata cognitione paratiores efficiantur. Et hic singularis quædam injuria bifariam academiæ intentata est; vel quia hoc modo omnis expletæ absolutæque doctrinæ spes longe ante messem, in ipsa quasi herbescenti viriditate, præciditur; vel quia omnis pauperum inopumque expectatio, quorum ætates omnes in literarum studio conteruntur, ab his fucis eorum sedes occupantibus, exclusa illusaque præripitur. Ingenium, enim, doctrina, inopia judicium, nil quicquam domi valent, ubi gratia, favor, magnatum literæ, et aliæ persimiles extraordinariæ illegitimæque rationes vim foris adferunt. Hinc quoque illud accedit incommodum, quod quidam prudentes viri nimis ægre ferunt partem aliquam regiæ pecuniæ in collegiorum socios inpartiri; quasi illi non maxime indigeant, aut quasi ulla spes perfectæ eruditionis in ullis aliis residere potest, quam in his, qui in perpetuo literarum studio perpetuum vitæ suæ tabernaculum collocarunt.” Ed. Giles, i. p. 69-70. See also p. 121-2.] [Footnote 54: _Antea enim_ Cornelius Vitellius, _homo_ Italus Corneli, _quod est maritimum_ Hetruriæ _Oppidum, natus nobili Prosapia, vir optimus gratiosusque, omnium primus_ Oxonii _bonas literas docuerat_. [Pol. Verg. _lib._ xxvi.]] [Footnote 55: _Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in schola_ Cantabrigiensi, _præter_ Alexandri Parva Logicalia, _ut vocant, & vetera illa_ Aristotelis _dictata, Scoticasque Quæstiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonæ literæ; accessit Matheseos Cognitio; accessit novus, aut certe novatus_, Aristoteles; _accessit_ Græcarum _literarum peritia; accesserunt Autores tam multi, quorum olim ne nomina quidem tenebantur, &c._ [Erasmi _Epist._ Henrico Bovillo, _Dat._ Roffæ _Cal._ Sept. 1516.]] [Footnote 56: Sir John Fortescue’s description of the study of law at Westminster and in the Inns of Chancery is in chapters 48-9 of his _De laudibus legum Angliæ_.] [Footnote 57: Mores habent barbarus, Latinus et Græcus; Si sacerdos, ut plebs est, cæcum ducit cæcus: Se mares effeminant, et equa fit equus, Expectes ab homine usque ad pecus. Et quia non metuunt animæ discrimen, Principes in habitum verterunt hoc crimen, Varium viro turpiter jungit novus hymen, Exagitata procul non intrat fœmina limen.] [Footnote 58: Pixus et ablutus tandem progressus in urbem, Intrat in ecclesiam, vota precesque facit. Inde scholas adiens, secum deliberat, utrum Expediat potius illa vel ista schola. Et quia subtiles sensu considerat Anglos, Pluribus ex causis se sociavit iis. Moribus egregii, verbo vultuque venusti, Ingenio pollent, consilioque vigent. Dona pluunt populis, et detestantur avaros, Fercula multiplicant, et sine lege bibunt. A. Wood, _Antiq. Oxon._, p. 55, in Henry’s Hist. of Eng., vol. iii. p. 440-1.] [Footnote 59: That Colet used his travels abroad, A.D. 1493-7, for a different purpose, see his life by Dr Knight, pp. 23-4.] [Footnote 60: Fuller, book vi. p. 297. Collier, vol. ii. p. 165. Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britan. p. 206. Bishop Lloyd of Church Government, p. 160. This was provided for as early as A.D. 747, by the seventh canon of council of Clovesho, as Wilkins’s Councils, vol. i. p. 95. See also the notes upon that canon, in Johnson’s Collection of canons, &c. In Tavistock abbey there was a Saxon school, as Willis, i. 171. Tanner. (Charlemagne in his Capitularies ordained that each Monastery should maintain a School, where should be taught ‘la grammaire, le calcule, et la musique.’ See Démogeot’s _Histoire de la Littérature Française_, p. 44, ed. Hachette. R. Whiston.) Henry says “these teachers of the cathedral schools were called _The scholastics_ of the diocess; and all the youth in it who were designed for the church, were intitled to the benefit of their instructions.[*] Thus, for example, William de Monte, who had been a professor at Paris, and taught theology with so much reputation in the reign of Henry II., at Lincoln, was the scholastic of that cathedral. By the eighteenth canon of the third general council of Lateran, A.D. 1179, it was decreed, That such scholastics should be settled in all cathedrals, with sufficient revenues for their support; and that they should have authority to superintend all the schoolmasters of the diocess, and grant them licences, without which none should presume to teach. The laborious authors of the literary history of France have collected a very distinct account of the scholastics who presided in the principal cathedral-schools of that kingdom in the twelfth century, among whom we meet with many of the most illustrious names for learning of that age.... The sciences that were taught in these cathedral schools were such as were most necessary to qualify their pupils for performing the duties of the sacerdotal office, as Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Theology, and Church-Music.” --_Ibid._ p. 442.] [Footnote 60*: Du Cange, Gloss. voc. _Scholasticus_.] [Footnote 61: Fuller and Collier, as before; Bishop Burnet (Reform, vol. i. p... ) saith so of Godstow. Archbishop Greenfield ordered that young gentlewomen who came to the nunneries either for piety or breeding, should wear white veils, to distinguish them from the professed, who wore black ones, 11 Kal. Jul. anno pontif. 6. M. Hutton. ex registr. ejus, p. 207. In the accounts of the cellaress of Carhow, near Norwich, there is an account of what was received “pro prehendationibus,” or the board of young ladies and their servants for education “rec. de domina Margeria Wederly prehendinat, ibidem xi. septimanas xiii s. iv d. ... pro mensa unius famulæ dictæ Margeriæ per iii. septimanas viii d. per sept.” &c. Tanner.] [Footnote 62: Morley’s _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 421.] [Footnote 63: Edited by Mr Halliwell in his ‘Selection from the Minor Poems of Dan John Lydgate.’ Percy Society, 1840, quoted by Prof. Morley.] [[Footnote 63a: ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas, “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F.]] [Footnote 64: Mr Skeat’s readings. The _abbot_ and _abbots_ of Mr Wright’s text spoil the alliteration.] [Footnote 65: Compare the previous passages under heading 1, p. vi.] [Footnote 66: May Mr Skeat bring the day when it will be done!] [Footnote 67: Later on, men’s games were settled for them as well as their trades. In A.D. 1541, the 33 Hen. VIII., cap. 9, § xvi., says, “Be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no manner of Artificer or Craftsman of any Handicraft or Occupation, Husbandman, Apprentice, Labourer, Servant at Husbandry, Journeyman or Servant of Artificer, Mariners, Fishermen, Watermen or any Serving man, shall from the said feast of the Nativity of St John Baptist play at the Tables, Tennis, Dice, Cards, Bowls, Clash, Coyting, Logating, or any other unlawful Game out of Christmas, under the Pain of xx s. to be forfeit for every Time; (2) and in Christmas to play at any of the said Games in their Master’s Houses, or in their Master’s Presence; (3) and also that no manner of persons shall at any time play at any Bowl or Bowls in open places out of his Garden or Orchard, upon the Pain for every Time so offending to forfeit vi s. viiii d.” (For _Logating_, &c., see Strutt.)] [Footnote 68: Translated from the Latin copy in the British Museum, MS. Harl. 1197, art. 15, folio 319 b.] [Footnote 69: Duodecim pauperes de sumptibus dictæ Ecclesiæ _alendi_.] [Footnote 70: Duo _unus_ Pincernæ, et _unus subpincerna_, duo unus cociquus, et unus subcoquus. Sic in MS] [Footnote 71: MS. No. 688 in Lambeth Library. MS. Harl. cod. 1594, art. 38, in Brit. Mus.] [Footnote 72: Farewell, in Oxford my college cardynall! Farewell, in _Ipsewich, my schole gramaticall!_ Yet oons farewell! I say, I shall you never see! Your somptious byldyng, what now avayllethe me? _Metrical Visions_ [Wolsey.] by George Cavendish, in his Life of Wolsey, (ed. Singer, ii. 17). Wolsey’s Letter of Directions about his school should be consulted. It is printed.] [Footnote 73: Colet’s Statutes for St Paul’s School are given in Howard Staunton’s _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-85.] [Footnote 74: ‘That there was a school at Rochester before Henry VIII.’s time is proved by our Statutes, which speak of the _Schola Grammaticalis_ as being _ruinosa & admodum deformis_.’ R. Whiston.] [Footnote 75: Pegge concludes these to have been St Paul’s, Bow, and Martin’s le Grand.] [Footnote 76: The custom of boys bringing cocks to masters has left a trace at Sedburgh, where the boys pay a sum every year on a particular day (Shrove-Tuesday?) as “cock-penny.” Quick.] [Footnote 77: On the London Schools, see also Sir George Buc’s short _cap._ 36, “Moore of other Schooles in London,” in his _Third Vniuersitie of England_ (t.i. London). He notices the old schools of the monasteries, &c., ‘in whose stead there be some few founded lately by good men, as the Merchant Taylors, and Thomas Sutton, founder of the great new Hospitall in the Charter house, [who] hath translated the Tenis court to a Grammar Schoole ... for 30 schollers, poore mens children.... There be also other Triuiall Schooles for the bringing up of youth in good literature, _viz._, in S. _Magnus_, in S. _Michaels_, in S. _Thomas_, and others.’] [Footnote 78: Udall became Master of Eton about 1534. He was sent to prison for sodomy.] [Footnote 79: The perversion of these elections by bribery is noticed by Harrison in the former extract from him on the Universities.] [Footnote 80: See p. 273-4, ‘all of a fourme to name who is the best of their fourme, and who is the best next him’.] [Footnote 81: ? key of the Campo, see pp. 299 and 300, or a club, the holder of which had a right to go out.] [Footnote 82: See Mr Froude’s noble article in _The Westminster Review_, No. 3, July, 1852 (lately republished by him in a collection of Essays, &c.).] [Footnote 83: Their eyes must have smarted. The natives’ houses in India have (generally) no chimneys still, and Mr Moreshwar says the smoke _does_ make your eyes water.] [Footnote 84: Mouffet is learned on the Louse. “In the first beginning whilest man was in his innocency, and free from wickednesse, he was subject to no corruption and filth, but when he was seduced by the wickednesse of that great and cunning deceiver, and proudly affected to know as much as God knew, God humbled him with divers diseases, and divers sorts of Worms, with Lice, Hand-worms, Belly-worms, others call _Termites_, small Nits and Acares ... a Lowse ... is a beastly Creature, and known better in Innes and Armies then it is wellcome. The profit it bringeth, _Achilles_ sheweth, _Iliad_ I. in these words: _I make no more of him then I doe of a Lowse_; as we have an English Proverb of a poor man, _He is not worth a Lowse_. The Lice that trouble men are either tame or wilde ones, those the _English_ call _Lice_, and these _Crab-lice_; the North _English_ call them _Pert-lice_, that is, a petulant Lowse comprehending both kindes; it is a certain sign of misery, and is sometimes the inevitable scourge of God.” Rowland’s _Mouffet’s Theater of Insects_, p. 1090, ed. 1658 (published in Latin, 1634). By this date we had improved. Mouffet says, “These filthy creatures ... are hated more than Dogs or Vipers by our daintiest Dames,” _ib._ p. 1093; and again, p. 1097, “Cardan, that was a fancier of subtilties, writes that the _Carthusians_ are never vexed with Wall-lice, and he gives the cause, because they eat no flesh.... He should rather have alledged their cleanliness, and the frequent washing of their beds and blankets, to be the cause of it, which when the _French_, the _Dutch_, and _Italians_ do less regard, they more breed this plague. But the English that take great care to be cleanly and decent, are seldom troubled with them.” Also, on p. 1092, he says, ‘As for dressing the body: all _Ireland_ is noted for this, that it swarms almost with Lice. But that this proceeds from the beastliness of the people, and want of cleanly women to wash them is manifest, because the English that are more careful to dress themselves, changing and washing their shirts often, having inhabited so long in _Ireland_, have escaped that plague.... Remedies. The _Irish_ and _Iseland_ people (who are frequently troubled with Lice, and such as will fly, as they say, in Summer) anoint their shirts with Saffron, and to very good purpose, to drive away the Lice, but after six moneths they wash their shirts again, putting fresh Saffron into the Lye.’ Rowland’s Mouffet (1634), _Theater of Insects_, p. 1092, ed. 1658.] [Footnote 85: Prof. Brewer says that Erasmus, rejecting the Mediæval Latin and adopting the Classical, no doubt used _salsamenta_ in its classical sense of salt-meat, and referred to the great quantity of it used in England during the winter, when no fresh meat was eaten, but only that which had been killed at the annual autumn slaughtering, and then salted down. Stall-fattening not being practised, the autumn was the time for fat cattle. _Salsamentum_, however, is translated in White and Riddle’s Dictionary, “A. Fish-pickle, brine; B. Salted or pickled fish (so usually in plural).”] [Footnote 86: If any member or reader can refer me to any other verse or prose pieces of like kind, unprinted, or that deserve reprinting, I shall be much obliged to him, and will try to put them in type.] Errata (noted by transcriber): _Capiendo pro_[26]...’” [_missing ’_] the case is too too evident [_duplication in original_] sums it up.[59] [_footnote marker missing in text_] a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_ [passaeg] ab. 1460 ... Marmaduke Constable [460] In the section “Post-Reformation Cathedral Schools” the attribution of quotes is sometimes obscure. The text layout has been kept as close as possible to the original. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * PREFACE TO RUSSELL. Though this _Boke of Nurture_ by John Russell is the most complete and elaborate of its kind, I have never seen it mentioned by name in any of the many books and essays on early manners and customs, food and dress, that have issued from the press. My own introduction to it was due to a chance turning over, for another purpose, of the leaves of the MS. containing it. Mr Wheatley then told me of Ritson’s reference to it in his _Bibliographica Poetica_, p. 96; and when the text was all printed, a reference in _The Glossary of Domestic Architecture_ (v. III. Pt. I. p. 76, note, col. 2) sent me to MS. Sloane 1315[1]--in the Glossary stated to have been written in 1452--which proved to be a different and unnamed version of Russell. Then the Sloane Catalogue disclosed a third MS., No. 2027[2], and the earliest of the three, differing rather less than No. 1315 from Russell’s text, but still anonymous. I have therefore to thank for knowledge of the MSS. that special Providence which watches over editors as well as children and drunkards, and have not on this occasion to express gratitude to Ritson and Warton, to whom every lover of Early English Manuscripts is under such deep obligations, and whose guiding hands (however faltering) in Poetry have made us long so often for the like in Prose. Would that one of our many Historians of English Literature had but conceived the idea of cataloguing the materials for his History before sitting down to write it! Would that a wise Government would commission another Hardy to do for English Literature what the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records is now doing for English History-- give us a list of the MSS. and early printed books of it! What time and trouble such a Catalogue would save! But to return to John Russell and his Boke. He describes himself at the beginning and end of his treatise as Usher and Marshal to Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, delighting in his work in youth, quitting it only when compelled by crooked age, and then anxious to train up worthy successors in the art and mystery of managing a well-appointed household. A man evidently who knew his work in every detail, and did it all with pride; not boastful, though upholding his office against rebellious cooks[3], putting them down with imperial dignity, “we may allow and disallow; our office is the chief!” A simple-minded religious man too,--as the close of his Treatise shows,--and one able to appreciate the master he served, the “prynce fulle royalle,” the learned and munificent Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, the patron of Lydgate, Occleve, Capgrave, Withamstede, Leonard Aretine, Petrus Candidus, Petrus de Monte, Tito Livio, Antoyne de Beccara, &c. &c., the lover of Manuscripts, the first great donor to the Oxford University Library which Bodley revived[4], “that prince peerless,” as Russell calls him, a man who, with all his faults, loved books and authors, and shall be respected by us as he was by Lydgate. But our business is with the Marshal, not the Master, and we will hear what John Russell says of himself in his own verse, an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} / to a prynce of high{e} degre, þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche / all{e} þo thatt wille thrive & thee, Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur} shall{e} be shewed by my diligence To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience; Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e}, þat for fawt of necligence, y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche, for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience. To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh hit charitable, for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable. (l. 3-9.) At the end of his Boke he gives us a few more details about himself and his work in life: Now good soñ, y haue shewed the / & brought þe in vre, to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e}, In pantry / botery / or celler{e} / & in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e}, A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science / y suppose ye byñ sewr{e}, Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e}, with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y, & m{er}shalle also in hall{e}, vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid / þey eu{er} ente{n}de shall{e}, Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}: For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke, be he looth{e} or leeff. (l. 1173-82.) Further on, at line 1211, he says, “Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve: my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve. þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve, y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve. while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede, y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede; but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me / & leue court y must nede. þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.” And again, at line 1227, “Now, good soñ, thy self, w{i}t{h} other þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede, which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note / lerne, & ou{er} rede, pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede, Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey, duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede. For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo, þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also, vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe, and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo. =AMEN=.” [Text Note: The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to cut it out.] As to his Boke, besides what is quoted above, John Russell says, Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende, and specially to þem þat han exsperience, p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e} and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende. And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence, Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence, which{e} to d{ra}we out [I] haue do my besy diligence, redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence. As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame, For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same, and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade, blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made; Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte; blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no persone suspecte. Now, good god, graunt vs grace / our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte! þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} / et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe. (l. 1235-50.) If John Russell was the writer of the Epilogue quoted above, lines 1235-50, then it would seem that in this Treatise he only corrected and touched up some earlier Book of Norture which he had used in his youth, and which, if Sloane 2027 be not its original, may be still extant in its primal state in Mr Arthur Davenport’s MS., “How to serve a Lord,” _said_ to be of the fourteenth century[6], and now supposed to be stowed away in a hayloft with the owner’s other books, awaiting the rebuilding and fitting of a fired house. I only hope this MS. may prove to be Russell’s original, as Mr Davenport has most kindly promised to let me copy and print it for the Society. Meantime it is possible to consider John Russell’s Book of Norture as his own. For early poets and writers of verse seem to have liked this fiction of attributing their books to other people, and it is seldom that you find them acknowledging that they have imagined their Poems on their own heads, as Hampole has it in his _Pricke of Conscience_, p. 239, l. 8874 (ed. Morris, Philol. Soc.). Even Mr Tennyson makes believe that Everard Hall wrote his _Morte d’ Arthur_, and some Leonard his _Golden Year_. On the other hand, the existence of the two Sloane MSS. is more consistent with Russell’s own statement (if it is his own, and not his adapter’s in the Harleian MS.) that he did not write his Boke himself, but only touched up another man’s. Desiring to let every reader judge for himself on this point, I shall try to print in a separate text[7], for convenience of comparison, the Sloane MS. 1315, which differs most from Russell, and which the Keeper of the MSS. at the British Museum considers rather earlier (ab. 1440-50 A.D.) than the MS. of Russell (ab. 1460-70 A.D.), while of the earliest of the three, Sloane MS. 2027 (ab. 1430-40 A.D.), the nearer to Russell in phraseology, I shall give a collation of all important variations. If any reader of the present text compares the Sloanes with it, he will find the subject matter of all three alike, except in these particulars: Sloane 1315. --Sloane 2027. Omits lines 1-4 of Russell. --Contains these lines. Inserts after l. 48 of R. a passage about behaviour which it nearly repeats, where Russell puts it, at l. 276, _Symple Condicions_. --Inserts and omits as Sl. 1315 does, but the wording is often different. Omits Russell’s stanza, l. 305-8, about ‘these cuttid galauntes with their codware.’ Omits a stanza, l. 319-24, p. 21.2, b.). --Contains this stanza (fol. 42, b.). Contracts R.’s chapter on Fumositees, p. 23-4. --Contracts the Fumositees too (fol. 45 and back). Omits R.’s _Lenvoy_, under Fried Metes, p. 33-4. --Has one verse of _Lenvoy_ altered (fol. 45 b.). Transfers R.’s chapters on _Sewes on Fische Dayes_ and _Sawcis for Fishe_, l. 819-54, p. 55-9, to the end of his chapter on _Kervyng of Fishe_, l. 649, p. 45. --Transfers as Sl. 1315 does (see fol. 48). Gives different Soteltes (or Devices at the end of each course), and omits Russell’s description of his four of the Four Seasons, p. 51-4; and does not alter the metre of the lines describing the Dinners as he does, p. 50-5. --Differs from R., nearly as Sl. 1315 does. Winds up at the end of the _Bathe or Stewe_, l. 1000, p. 69, R., with two stanzas of peroration. As there is no _Explicit_, the MS. may be incomplete, but the next page is blank. --Has 3 winding-up stanzas, as if about to end as Sloane 1315 does, but yet goes on (omitting the _Bathe Medicinable_) with the _Vssher and Marshalle_, R. p. 69, and ends suddenly, at l. 1062, p. 72, R., in the middle of the chapter. In occasional length of line, in words and rhymes, Sloane 1315 differs far more from Russell than Sloane 2027, which has Russell’s long lines and rhymes throughout, so far as a hurried examination shows. But the variations of both these Sloane MSS. are to me more like those from an original MS. of which our Harleian Russell is a copy, than of an original which Russell altered. Why should the earliest Sloane 2027 start with “An vsschere .y. am / as ye may se : to a prynce Of hygh{e} degre” if in its original the name of the prince was not stated at the end, as Russell states it, to show that he was not gammoning his readers? Why does Sloane 1315 omit lines in some of its stanzas, and words in some of its lines, that the Harleian Russell enables us to fill up? Why does it too make its writer refer to the pupil’s lord and sovereign, if in its original the author did not clench his teaching by asserting, as Russell does, that he had served one? This Sloane 1315 may well have been copied by a man like Wynkyn de Worde, who wished not to show the real writer of the treatise. On the whole, I incline to believe that John Russell’s Book of Norture was written by him, and that either the Epilogue to it was a fiction of his, or was written by the superintender of the particular copy in the Harleian MS. 4011, Russell’s own work terminating with the _Amen!_ after line 1234. But whether we consider Russell’s Boke another’s, or as in the main his own,--allowing that in parts he may have used previous pieces on the subjects he treats of, as he has used _Stans Puer_ (or its original) in his _Symple Condicions_, l. 277-304,--if we ask what the Boke contains, the answer is, that it is a complete Manual for the Valet, Butler, Footman, Carver, Taster, Dinner-arranger, Hippocras-maker, Usher and Marshal of the Nobleman of the time when the work was written, the middle of the fifteenth century.--For I take the date of the composition of the work to be somewhat earlier than that of the MS. it is here printed from, and suppose Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, “imprisoned and murdered 1447,” to have been still alive when his Marshal penned it.--Reading it, we see “The Good Duke” rise and dress[8], go to Chapel and meals, entertain at feasts in Hall, then undress and retire to rest; we hear how his head was combed with an ivory comb, his stomacher warmed, his petycote put on, his slippers brown as the waterleech got ready, his privy-seat prepared, and his urinal kept in waiting; how his bath was made, his table laid, his guests arranged, his viands carved, and his salt smoothed[9]; we are told how nearly all the birds that fly, the animals that walk the earth, the fish that swim in river and sea, are food for the pot: we hear of dishes strange to us[10], beaver’s tail, osprey, brewe, venprides, whale, swordfish, seal, torrentyne, pety perveis or perneis, and gravell of beef[11]. Bills of fare for flesh and fish days are laid before us; admired Sotiltees or Devices are described; and he who cares to do so may fancy for himself the Duke and all his brilliant circle feasting in Hall, John Russell looking on, and taking care that all goes right.[12] I am not going to try my hand at the sketch, as I do not write for men in the depths of that deducated Philistinism which lately made a literary man say to one of our members on his printing a book of the 15th century, “Is it possible that you care how those barbarians, our ancestors, lived?” If any one who takes up this tract, will not read it through, the loss is his; those who do work at it will gladly acknowledge their gain. That it is worthy of the attention of all to whose ears tidings of Early England come with welcome sound across the wide water of four hundred years, I unhesitatingly assert. That it has interested me, let the time its notes have taken on this, a fresh subject to me, testify. If any should object to the extent of them[13], or to any words in them that may offend his ear, let him excuse them for the sake of what he thinks rightly present. There are still many subjects and words insufficiently illustrated in the comments, and for the names _venprides_ (l. 820); _sprotis_, (? sprats, as in Sloane 1315), and _torrentille_ (l. 548); almond _iardyne_ (l. 744); ginger _colombyne_, _valadyne_, and _maydelyne_ (l. 132-3); leche _dugard_, &c., I have not been able to find meanings. Explanations and helps I shall gladly receive, in the hope that they may appear in another volume of like kind for which I trust soon to find more MSS. Of other MSS. of like kind I also ask for notice. The reason for reprinting Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_, which I had not at first thought of, was because its identity of phrase and word with many parts of Russell,--a thing which came on me with a curious feeling of surprise as I turned over the leaves,--made it certain that de Worde either abstracted in prose Russell’s MS., chopping off his lines’ tails,--adding also bits here[14], leaving out others there,--or else that both writers copied a common original. The most cursory perusal will show this to be the case. It was not alone by happy chance that when Russell had said O Fruture viant / Fruter sawge byñ good / bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche; Appulle fruture / is good hoot / but þe cold ye not towche (l. 501-2) Wynkyn de Worde delivered himself of “Fruyter vaunte, fruyter say be good; better is fruyter pouche; apple fruyters ben good good hote / and all colde fruters, touche not,” altering _not’s_ place to save the rhyme; or that when Russell had said of the Crane The Crane is a fowle / that strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e}; þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e}; of hyr{e} trompe in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye beware Wynkyn de Worde directed his Carver thus: “A crane, reyse the wynges fyrst, & beware of the trumpe in his brest.” Let any one compare the second and third pages of Wynkyn de Worde’s text with lines 48-137 of Russell, and he will make up his mind that the old printer was either one of the most barefaced plagiarists that ever lived, or that the same original was before him and Russell too. May Mr Davenport’s hayloft, or some learned antiquarian, soon decide the alternative for us! The question was too interesting a “Curiosity of Literature” not to be laid before our Members, and therefore _The Boke of Keruynge_ was reprinted--from the British Museum copy of the second edition of 1513--with added side-notes and stops, and the colophon as part of the title. Then came the necessary comparison of Russell’s Boke with the _Boke of Curtasye_, edited by Mr Halliwell from the Sloane MS. 1986 for the Percy Society. Contrasts had to be made with it, in parts, many times in a page; the tract was out of print and probably in few Members’ hands; it needed a few corrections[15], and was worthy of a thousand times wider circulation than it had had; therefore a new edition from the MS. was added to this volume. Relying on Members reading it for themselves, I have not in the notes indicated all the points of coincidence and difference between this Boke and Russell’s. It is of wider scope than Russell’s, takes in the duties of outdoor officers and servants as well as indoor, and maybe those of a larger household; it has also a _fyrst Boke_ on general manners, and a _Second Book_ on what to learn at school, how to behave at church, &c., but it does not go into the great detail as to Meals and Dress which is the special value of Russell’s Boke, nor is it associated with a writer who tells us something of himself, or a noble who in all our English Middle Age has so bright a name on which we can look back as “good Duke Humphrey.” This personality adds an interest to work that anonymity and its writings of equal value can never have; so that we may be well content to let the _Curtasye_ be used in illustration of the _Nurture_. The MS. of the _Curtasye_ is about 1460 A.D., Mr Bond says. I have dated it wrongly on the half-title. _The Booke of Demeanor_ was “such a little one” that I was tempted to add it to mark the general introduction of handkerchiefs. Having printed it, arose the question, ‘Where did it come from?’ No Weste’s _Schoole of Vertue_ could I find in catalogues, or by inquiring of the Duke of Devonshire, Mr W. C. Hazlitt, at the Bodleian, &c. Seager’s _Schoole of Vertue_ was the only book that turned up, and this I accordingly reprinted, as Weste’s Booke of Demeanor seemed to be little more than an abstract of the first four Chapters of Seager cut down and rewritten. We must remember that books of this kind, which we look on as sources of amusement, as more or less of a joke, were taken seriously by the people they were written for. That _The Schoole of Vertue_, for instance--whether Seager’s or Weste’s--was used as a regular school-book for boys, let Io. Brinsley witness. In his _Grammar Schoole_ of 1612, pp. 17, 18, he enumerates the “Bookes to bee first learned of children”:-- 1. their Abcie, and Primer. 2. The Psalms in metre, ‘because children wil learne that booke with most readinesse and delight through the running of the metre, as it is found by experience. 3. Then the Testament.’ 4. “If any require any other little booke meet to enter children; _the Schoole of Vertue_ is one of the principall, and easiest for the first enterers, being full of precepts of ciuilitie, and such as children will soone learne and take a delight in, thorow the roundnesse of the metre, as was sayde before of the singing Psalmes: And after it _the Schoole of good manners_[16], called, _the new Schoole of Vertue_, leading the childe as by the hand, in the way of all good manners.” I make no apology for including reprints of these little-known books in an Early English Text. _Qui s’excuse s’accuse_; and if these Tracts do not justify to any reader their own appearance here, I believe the fault is not theirs. A poem on minding what you say, which Mr Aldis Wright has kindly sent me, some Maxims on Behaviour, &c., which all end in _-ly_, and Roger Ascham’s Advice to his brother-in-law on entering a nobleman’s service, follow, and then the Poems which suggested the _Forewords_ on Education in Early England, and have been partly noticed in them, p. i-iv. I have only to say of the first, _The Babees Boke_, that I have not had time to search for its Latin original, or other copies of the text. Its specialty is its attributing so high birth to the Bele Babees whom it addresses, and its appeal to Lady Facetia to help its writer. Of the short alphabetic poems that follow,--_The A B C of Aristotle_,--copies occur elsewhere; and that in the Harleian Manuscript 1304, which has a different introduction, I hope to print in the companion volume to this, already alluded to. _Vrbanitatis_, I was glad to find, because of the mention of _the booke of urbanitie_ in Edward the Fourth’s Liber Niger (p. ii. above), as we thus know what the Duke of Norfolk of “Flodden Field” was taught in his youth as to his demeanings, how mannerly he should eat and drink, and as to his communication and other forms of court. He was not to spit or snite before his Lord the King, or wipe his nose on the table-cloth. The next tracts, _The Lytylle Chyldrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys Be_[17] (a title made up from the text) and _The Young Children’s Book_, are differing versions of one set of maxims, and are printed opposite one another for contrast sake. _The Lytil Boke_ was printed from a later text, and with an interlinear French version, by Wynkyn de Worde in ‘_Here begynneth a lytell treatyse for to lerne Englisshe and Frensshe_.’ This will be printed by Mr Wheatley in his Collection of Early Treatises on Grammar for the Society, as the copy in the Grenville Library in the Brit. Mus. is the only one known. Other copies of this Lytil Boke are at Edinburgh, Cambridge, and Oxford. Of two of these Mr David Laing and Mr Henry Bradshaw have kindly given me collations, which are printed at the end of this Preface. Of the last Poem, _Stans Puer ad Mensam_, attributed to Lydgate-- as nearly everything in the first half of the 15th century was-- I have printed two copies, with collations from a third, the Jesus (Cambridge) MS. printed by Mr Halliwell in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, v. 1, p. 156-8, and reprinted by Mr W. C. Hazlitt in his _Early Popular Poetry_, ii. 23-8. Mr Hazlitt notices 3 other copies, in Harl. MS. 4011, fol. 1, &c.; Lansdowne MS. 699; and Additional MS. 5467, which he collated for his text. There must be plenty more about the country, as in Ashmole MS. 61, fol. 16, back, in the Bodleian.[18] Of old printed editions Mr Hazlitt notes one “from the press of Caxton, but the only copy known is imperfect. It was printed two or three times by Wynkyn de Worde. Lowndes mentions two, 1518, 4to, and 1524, 4to; and in the public library at Cambridge there is said by Hartshorne (_Book Rarities_, 156) to be a third without date. It is also appended to the various impressions of the _Boke of Nurture_ by Hugh Rhodes.” This _Boke_ has been reprinted for the Early English Text Society, and its _Stans Puer_ is Rhodes’s own expansion of one of the shorter English versions of the original Latin[19]. The woodcuts Messrs Virtue have allowed me to have copies of for a small royalty, and they will help the reader to realize parts of the text better than any verbal description. The cuts are not of course equal to the beautiful early illuminations they are taken from, but they are near enough for the present purpose. The dates of those from British Museum MSS. are given on the authority of trustworthy officers of the Manuscript Department. The dates of the non-Museum MSS. are copied from Mr Wright’s text. The line of description under the cuts is also from Mr Wright’s text, except in one instance where he had missed the fact of the cut representing the Marriage Feast at Cana of Galilee, with its six water-pots. The MS. of Russell is on thick folio paper, is written in a close--and seemingly unprofessional--hand, fond of making elaborate capitals to the initials of its titles, and thus occasionally squeezing up into a corner the chief word of the title, because the _T_ of _The_ preceding has required so much room.[20] The MS. has been read through by a corrector with a red pen, pencil, or brush, who has underlined all the important words, touched up the capitals, and evidently believed in the text. Perhaps the corrector, if not writer, was Russell himself. I hope it was, for the old man must have enjoyed emphasizing his precepts with those red scores; but then he would hardly have allowed a space to remain blank in line 204, and have left his Panter-pupil in doubt as to whether he should lay his “white payne” on the left or right of his knives. Every butler, drill-serjeant, and vestment-cleric, must feel the thing to be impossible. The corrector was not John Russell. To all those gentlemen who have helped me in the explanations of words, &c.,--Mr Gillett, Dr Günther, Mr Atkinson, Mr Skeat, Mr Cockayne, Mr Gibbs, Mr Way, the Hon. G. P. Marsh--and to Mr E. Brock, the most careful copier of the MS., my best thanks are due, and are hereby tendered. Would that thanks of any of us now profiting by their labours could reach the ears of that prince of Dictionary-makers, Cotgrave, of Frater Galfridus, Palsgrave, Hexham, Philipps, and the rest of the lexicographers who enable us to understand the records of the past! Would too that an adequate expression of gratitude could reach the ears of the lost Nicolas, and of Sir Frederic Madden, for their carefully indexed Household Books,--to be contrasted with the unwieldy mass and clueless mazes of the Antiquaries’ _Household Ordinances_, the two volumes of the Roxburghe _Howard Household Books_, and Percy’s _Northumberland Household Book[21]!_--They will be spared the pains of the special place of torment reserved for editors who turn out their books without glossary or index. May that be their sufficient reward! 3, _St George’s Square_, N.W. 16 _Dec._, 1866. HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. Mr C. H. Pearson has referred me to a most curious treatise on the state of Duke Humphrey’s body and health in 1404 (that is, 1424, says Hearne), by Dr Gilbert Kymer, his physician, part of which (chapters 3 and 19, with other pieces) was printed by Hearne in the appendix to his _Liber Niger_, v. ii. p. 550 (_ed. alt._), from a MS. then in Sir Hans Sloane’s Collection, and now _Sloane_ 4 in the British Museum. It begins at p. 127 or folio 63, and by way of giving the reader a notion of its contents, I add here a copy of the first page of the MS. Incipit dietariu{m} de sanitatis custodia p{re}inclitissi{m}o p{r}incipi ac metuendissimo d{omi}no, d{omi}no humfrido, duci Gloucestrie, Alijsq{ue} p{re}claris titulis insignito, Sc{r}iptu{m} & co{m}pilatu{m}, p{er} ven{er}abile{m} doctore{m}, Magistru{m} Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinar{um} p{ro}fessorem, arciu{m} ac ph{ilosoph}ie Mag{ist}r{u}m & in legib{us} bacallariu{m} p{re}libati p{r}incipis phisicu{m}, Cui{us} dietarij[A] c{ol}l{e}cc{i}o{n}em (?) dilucidancia & effectu{m} viginti sex existu{n}t capit{u}la, q{u}or{um} {con}seque{n}t{er} hic ordo ponit{ur} Rubricar{um}[B]. [Textnotes: A: The letters are to me more like cł, or c{ol}l than anything else, but I am not sure what they are. B: The MS. runs on without breaks. [Transcriber’s Note: Marker [A] is printed at the end of “dietarij”, but must be intended for the following word.]] Cap{itulu}m 1^m est ep{isto}la de laude sanitat{is} & vtilitate bone diete. Cap{itulu}m 2^m est de illis in quib{us} consistit dieta. Cap{itulu}m 3^m de toci{us} co[r]p{or}is & p{ar}ciu{m} disposi{ci}one. Cap{itulu}m 4^m est de Ayer{e} eligendo & corrigendo. Cap{itulu}m 5^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumenda. Cap{itulu}m 6^m de ordine sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}. Cap{itulu}m 7^m de temp{or}e sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}. Cap{itulu}m 8^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumendoru{m}. Cap{itulu}m 9^m de pane eligendo. Cap{itulu}m 10^m de gen{er}ib{us} potagior{um} sumendis. Cap{itulu}m 11^m de carnib{us} vtendis & vitandis. Cap{itulu}m 12^m de ouis sumendis. Cap{itulu}m 13^m de lacticinijs vtend{is}. Cap{itulu}m 14^m de piscib{us} vtendis & vitand{is}. Cap{itulu}m 15^m de fructib{us} sumendis. Cap{itulu}m 16^m de co{n}dime{n}t{is} & sp{eci}ebus vtendis. Cap{itulu}m 17^m de potu eligendo. Cap{itulu}m 18^m de regimi{n}e replec{i}o{n}is & inanic{i}onis. Cap{itulu}m 19^m de vsu coitus. Cap{itulu}m 20^m de excercic{io} & q{u}iete. Cap{itulu}m 21^m de sompni & vigilie regimi{n}e. Cap{itulu}m 22^m de vsu acc{ide}nciu{m} anime. Cap{itulu}m 23^m de bona {con}suetudi{n}e diete tenenda. Cap{itulu}m 24^m de medic{in}is vicissim vtendis. Cap{itulu}m 25^m de adu{er}sis nature infortunijs p{re}cauendis. Cap{itulu}m 26^m de deo semp{er} colendo vt sanitate{m} melius tueatur. [“Unpacked” text, omitting signs of abbreviations or ligatures:] Incipit dietarium de sanitatis custodia preinclitissimo principi ac metuendissimo domino, domino humfrido, duci Gloucestrie, Alijsque preclaris titulis insignito, Scriptum & compilatum, per venerabilem doctorem, Magistrum Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinarum professorem, arcium ac philosophie Magistrum & in legibus bacallarium prelibati principis phisicum, Cuius dietarij colleccionem (?) dilucidancia & effectum viginti sex existunt capitula, quorum consequenter hic ordo ponitur Rubricarum. Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, v. 498, note 35) says euphemistically of the part of this treatise printed by Hearne, that “it implies how much the Duke had injured himself by the want of self-government. It describes him in his 45th year, as having a rheumatic affection in his chest, with a daily morning cough. It mentions that his nerves had become debilitated by the vehemence of his laborious exercises, and from an immoderate frequency of pleasurable indulgences. It advises him to avoid north winds after a warm sun, sleep after dinner, exercise after society, frequent bathings, strong wine, much fruit, the flesh of swine, and the weakening gratification to which he was addicted. The last (chapter), ‘De Deo semper colendo, ut sanitatem melius tueatur,’ is worthy the recollection of us all.” It is too late to print the MS. in the present volume, but in a future one it certainly ought to appear. Of Duke Humphrey’s character and proceedings after the Pope’s bull had declared his first marriage void, Sharon Turner further says: “Gloucester had found the rich dowry of Jacqueline wrenched from his grasp, and, from so much opposition, placed beyond his attaining, and he had become satiated with her person. One of her attendants, Eleanor Cobham, had affected his variable fancy; and tho’ her character had not been spotless before, and she had surrendered her honour to his own importunities, yet he suddenly married her, exciting again the wonder of the world by his conduct, as in that proud day every nobleman felt that he was acting incongruously with the blood he had sprung from. His first wedlock was impolitic, and this unpopular; and both were hasty and self-willed, and destructive of all reputation for that dignified prudence, which his elevation to the regency of the most reflective and enlightened nation in Europe demanded for its example and its welfare. This injudicious conduct announced too much imperfection of intellect, not to give every advantage to his political rival the bishop of Winchester, his uncle, who was now struggling for the command of the royal mind, and for the predominance in the English government. He and the duke of Exeter were the illegitimate brothers of Henry the Fourth, and had been first intrusted with the king’s education. The internal state of the country, as to its religious feelings and interest, contributed to increase the differences which now arose between the prelate and his nephew, who is described by a contemporary as sullying his cultivated understanding and good qualities, by an ungoverned and diseasing love of unbecoming pleasures. It is strange, that in so old a world of the same continuing system always repeating the same lesson, any one should be ignorant that the dissolute vices are the destroyers of personal health, comfort, character, and permanent influence.”[24] After narrating Duke Humphrey’s death, Turner thus sums up his character:-- “The duke of Gloucester, amid failings that have been before alluded to, has acquired the pleasing epithet of The Good; and has been extolled for his promotion of the learned or deserving clergy. Fond of literature, and of literary conversation, he patronized men of talent and erudition. One is called, in a public record, his poet and orator; and Lydgate prefaces one of his voluminous works, with a panegyric upon him, written during the king’s absence on his French coronation, which presents to us the qualities for which, while he was living, the poet found him remarkable, and thought fit to commend him.” These verses are in the Royal MS. 18 D 4, in the British Museum, and are here printed from the MS., not from Turner:-- [Fol. 4.] Eek in this lond--I dar afferme a thyng-- Ther is a prince Ful myhty of puyssau{n}ce, A kynges sone, vncle to the kynge Henry the sexte which is now i{n} frau{n}ce, And is lieftenant, & hath the gouernau{n}ce Off our breteyne; thoruh was discrecion He hath conserued in this regiou{n} Duryng his tyme off ful hih{e}[A] prudence Pes and quiete, and sustened riht{e}.[A] Ȝit natwithstandyng his noble prouyde{n}ce He is in deede prouyd a good knyht, Eied as argus with reson and forsiht; Off hih{e} lectrure I dar eek off hym telle, And treuli deeme that he doth{e} excelle In vndirstondyng all othir of his age, And hath gret Ioie with clerkis to co{m}mune; And no man is mor expert off language. Stable in studie alwei he doth contune, Settyng a side alle chau{n}ges[B] of fortune; And wher he loueth{e}, ȝiff I schal nat tarie, With{e}oute cause ful loth{e} he is to varie. Duc off Gloucestre men this prince calle; And natwithstandyng his staat & dignyte, His corage neuer doth appalle To studie in bookis off antiquite; Therin he hath{e} so gret felicite Vertuousli hym silff to ocupie, Off vicious slouth to haue the maistrie.[25] And with his prudence & wit his manheed Trouthe to susteyne he fauour set a side; And hooli chirche meyntenyng in dede, That in this land no lollard dar abide. As verrai support, vpholdere, & eek guyde, Spareth non, but maketh{e} hym silff strong To punysshe alle tho that do the chirch{e} wrong. Thus is he both manly & eek wise, Chose of god to be his owne knyht{e}; And off o thynge he hath a synguler[C] price, That heretik dar non comen in his siht{e}. In cristes feith{e} he stant so hol vpriht, Off hooli chirche defence and [c]hampion To chastise alle that do therto treson. And to do plesance to oure lord ih{es}u He studieht[D] eu{er}e to haue intelligence. Reedinge off bookis bringth{e} in vertu,-- Vices excludyng, slouthe & necligence,-- Maketh{e} a prince to haue experience To know hym silff i{n} many sundry wise, Wher he trespaseth, his errour to chastise. [Text Notes: A: These _e_-s represent the strokes through the _h_-s. B: MS. thau{n}ges. C: The _l_ is rubbed. D: So in MS.] After mentioning that the duke had considered the book of ‘Boccasio, on the Fall of Princes,’ he adds, ‘and he gave me commandment, that I should, after my conning, this book translate him to do plesance.’ MS. 18 D 4.--Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. vi. pp. 55--7. P.S. When printing the 1513 edition of Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_, I was not aware of the existence of a copy of the earlier edition in the Cambridge University Library. Seeing this copy afterwards named in Mr Hazlitt’s new catalogue, I asked a friend to compare the present reprint with the first edition, and the result follows. NOTE ON THE 1508 EDITION OF _The Boke of Keruynge_, By The Rev. Walter Skeat, M.A. The title-page of the older edition, of 1508, merely contains the words, “¶ Here begynneth the boke of Keruynge;” and beneath them is--as in the second edition of 1513--a picture of two ladies and two gentlemen at dinner, with an attendant bringing a dish, two servants at a side table, and a jester. The colophon tells us that it was “Enprynted by wynkyn de worde at London in Flete strete at the sygne of the sonne. The yere of our lorde M.CCCCC.VIII;” beneath which is Wynkyn de Worde’s device, as in the second edition. The two editions resemble each other very closely, running page for page throughout, and every folio in the one begins at the same place as in the other. Thus the word “moche” is divided into mo-che in both editions, the “-che” beginning Fol. A. ii. b. Neither is altogether free from misprints, but these are not very numerous nor of much importance. It may be observed that marks of contraction are hardly ever used in the older edition, the word “y^e” being written “the” at length, and instead of “hãged” we find “hanged.” On the whole, the first edition would seem to be the more carefully printed, but the nature of the variations between them will be best understood by an exact collation of the first two folios (pp. 151-3 of the present edition), where the readings of the first edition are denoted by the letter A. The only variations are these:-- P. 151. _lyft_ that swanne] _lyfte_ that swanne A (_a misprint_). _frusshe_ that chekyn] _fruche_ that chekyn A. thye all maner _of_ small byrdes] A _omits_ of. _fynne_ that cheuen] _fyne_ that cheuen A. _transsene_ that ele] _trassene_ that ele A. Here _hendeth_, &c.] Here _endeth_, &c. A. _Butler_] Butteler A. P. 152, l. 5. _tre{n}choures_] trenchours A. l. 12. _ha{n}ged_] hanged A. l. 15. _cannelles_] canelles A. l. 18, 19. _y^e_] the (_in both places_) A. l. 20. _seasous_] seasons A. l. 23. _after_] After A. l. 27. _good_] goot A. l. 30. _y^e_] the A. l. 34. _modo{n}_] modon A. l. 36. _sourayne_] souerayne A. P. 153. _ye_] the A (_several times_). l. 5. _wyll_] wyl A. l. 9. _rede_] reed A. _reboyle_] reboyle not A. l. 12. _the_ reboyle] _they_ reboyle A. l. 17. _lessynge_] lesynge A. l. 20. _ca{m}polet_] campolet A. l. 21. _tyer_] tyerre A. l. 22. _ypocras_] Ipocras A (_and in the next line, and l. 26_). l. 24. _gy{n}ger_] gynger A. l. 27. _ren_] hange A. l. 29. _your_] youre A. _In l._ 33, A _has_ paradico, _as in the second edition._ It will be readily seen that these variations are chiefly in the spelling, and of a trivial character. The only ones of any importance are, on p. 151, _lyste_ (which is a misprint) for _lyft_, and _trassene_ for _transsene_ (cp. Fr. _transon_, a truncheon, peece of, Cot.); on p. 152, _goot_ for _good_ is well worth notice (if any meaning can be assigned to _goot_), as the direction to beware of _good_ strawberries is not obvious; on p. 153, we should note _lesynge_ for _lessynge_, and _hange_ for _ren_, the latter being an improvement, though _ren_ makes sense, as basins hung by cords on a perch may, like curtains hung on a rod, be said to _run_ on it. The word _ren_ was probably caught up from the line above it in reprinting. The following corrections are also worth making, and are made on the authority of the first edition:-- P. 155, l. 10, _For_ treachour _read_ trenchour. l. 23. _For_ so _read_ se. l. 24. _For_ se’ _read_ se. P. 156, l. 1. _ony_] on A. l. 7. _For_ it _read_ is. l. 15. _y^e so_] and soo A. (_No doubt owing to confusion between & and_ y^e.) l. 16. _your_] you A. l. 29. _For_ bo _read_ be. P. 157, l. 20. _For_ wich _read_ with. P. 158, l. 3. _For_ fumosytces _read_ fumosytees. l. 7. _For_ pygous _read_ pynyons (whence it appears that the _pinion_-bones, not _pigeon’s_-bones, are meant). l. 25. The word “reyfe” is quite plain. P. 160, ll. 18, &c. There is some variation here; the first edition has, after the word _souerayne_, the following:--“laye trenchours before hym / yf he be a grete estate, lay fyue trenchours / & he be of a lower degre, foure trenchours / & of an other degre, thre trenchours,” &c. This is better; the second edition is clearly wrong about _five_ trenchers. This seems another error made in reprinting, the words _lower degre_ being wrongly repeated. P. 161, l. 6. It may be proper to note the first edition also has _broche_. P. 165, l. 8. _For_ for y^e _read_ for they. P. 165, l. 27. _the[y]_; _in_ A they _is printed in full._ P. 166, l. 18. _For_ raysyus _read_ raysyns. P. 167, l. 21. _For_ slytee _read_ slytte. P. 169, ll. 10, 18. _carpentes_] carpettes A. l. 14. _shall_] shake A. l. 23. _blanked_] blanket A. Nearly all the above corrections have already been made in the side-notes. Only two of them are of any importance, viz. the substitution of _pynyons_ on p. 158, and the variation of reading on p. 160; in the latter case perhaps neither edition seems quite right, though the first edition is quite intelligible. In our Cambridge edition (see p. 170, l. 5) this line about the pope is carefully struck out, and the grim side-note put “_lower down_”, with tags to show to what estate he and the cardinal and bishops ought to be degraded! NOTE TO p. xxiv. l. 10, “OUR WOMEN,” AND THEIR KNOWLEDGE OF LANGUAGES, p. xxv-vi. [These pages can be found under the headnote “NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS”.] The Ladies & Men of Queen Elizabeth’s Court. “I might here (if I would, or had sufficient disposition of matter conceiued of the same) make a large discourse of such honorable ports, of such graue councellors, and noble personages, as giue their dailie attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie there. I could in like sort set foorth a singular commendation of the vertuous beautie, or beautifull vertues of such ladies and gentlewomen as wait vpon hir person, betweene whose amiable countenances and costlinesse of attire, there séemeth to be such a dailie conflict and contention, as that it is verie difficult for me to gesse, whether of the twaine shall beare awaie the preheminence. This further is not to be omitted, to the singular commendation of both sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, [a] that there are verie few of them, which haue not the vse and skill of sundrie speaches, beside an excellent veine of writing before time not regarded. Would to God the rest of their liues and conuersations were correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers (for the most part) are the best lerned and indued with excellent gifts, so are manie of them the worst men when they come abroad, that anie man shall either heare or read of. Trulie it is a rare thing with vs now, to heare of a courtier which hath but his owne language. [b] And to saie how many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that beside sound knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine toongs, are thereto no lesse skilfull in the Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am persuaded, that as the noble men and gentlemen doo surmount in this behalfe, so these come verie little or nothing at all behind them for their parts; which industrie God continue, and accomplish that which otherwise is wanting! [Sidenotes ([b] bracketed in original): [a] English courtiers the best learned & the worst liuers. [[b] Ladies learned in languages.]] “[a] Beside these things I could in like sort set downe the waies and meanes, wherby our ancient ladies of the court doo shun and auoid idlenesse, some of them exercising their fingers with the needle, other in caul-worke, diuerse in spinning of silke, some in continuall reading either of the holie scriptures, or histories of our owne or forren nations about vs, and diuerse in writing volumes of their owne, or translating of other mens into our English and Latine toong, [b] whilest the yoongest sort in the meane time applie their lutes, citharnes, prickesong, and all kind of musike, which they vse onelie for recreation sake, when they haue leisure, and are frée from attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie, or such as they belong vnto. [c] How manie of the eldest sort also are skilfull in surgerie and distillation of waters, beside sundrie other artificiall practises perteining to the ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might (if I listed to deale further in this behalfe) easilie declare, but I passe ouer such maner of dealing, least I should séeme to glauer, and currie fauour with some of them. Neuerthelesse this I will generallie saie of them all, that as [d] ech of them are cuning in somthing wherby they kéepe themselues occupied in the court, so there is in maner none of them, but when they be at home, can helpe to supplie the ordinarie want of the kitchen with a number of delicat dishes of their owne deuising, [e] wherein the Portingall is their chéefe counsellor, as some of them are most commonlie with the clearke of the kitchen, who vseth (by a tricke taken vp of late) [f] to giue in a bréefe rehearsall of such and so manie dishes as are to come in at euerie course throughout the whole seruice in the dinner or supper while: which bill some doo call a [g] memoriall, other a billet, but some a fillet, bicause such are commonlie hanged on the file, and kept by the ladie or gentlewoman vnto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?” --1577, W. HARRISON, in _Holinshed’s Chronicles_, vol. I. p. 196, ed. 1586. [Sidenotes (all bracketed in original): [[a] Ancient ladies’ employments.] [[b] Young ladies’ recreations.] [[c] Old ladies’ skill in surgery, &c.] [[d] All are cunning [e] in cookery, helped by the Portuguese.] [[f] Introduction of the _Carte_, [g] Memorial, Billet or Fillet.]] [Footnote 1: This MS. contains a copy of “The Rewle of the Moone,” fol. 49-67, which I hope to edit for the Society.] [Footnote 2: The next treatise to Russell in this MS. is “The booke off the gou{er}naunce off Kyngis and Pryncis,” or _Liber Aristotiles ad Alexandrum Magnum_, a book of Lydgate’s that we ought to print from the best MS. of it. At fol. 74 b. is a heading,-- Here dyed this translatour and noble poette Lidgate and the yong follower gan his prolog on this wys.] [Footnote 3: One can fancy that a cook like Wolsey’s (described by Cavendish, vol. i. p. 34), “a Master Cook who went daily in damask satin, or velvet, with a chain of gold about his neck” (a mark of nobility in earlier days), would be not _leef_ but _loth_ to obey an usher and marshal.] [Footnote 4: Warton, ii. 264-8, ed. 1840. For further details about the Duke see the Appendix to this Preface.] [Footnote 5: See one MS., “How to serve a Lord,” ab. 1500 A.D., quoted in the notes to the Camden Society’s Italian Relation of England, p. 97.] [Footnote 6: For the Early English Text Society.] [Footnote 7: I have put figures before the motions in the dress and undress drills, for they reminded me so of “Manual and Platoon: by numbers.”] [Footnote 8: Mr Way says that the _planere_, l. 58, is an article new to antiquarians.] [Footnote 9: Randle Holme’s tortoise and snails, in No. 12 of his Second Course, Bk. III., p. 60, col. 1, are stranger still. “Tortoise need not seem strange to an alderman who eats turtle, nor to a West Indian who eats terrapin. Nor should snails, at least to the city of Paris, which devours myriads, nor of Ulm, which breeds millions for the table. Tortoises are good; snails excellent.” Henry H. Gibbs.] [Footnote 10: “It is nought all good to the goost that the gut asketh” we may well say with William who wrote _Piers Ploughmon_, v. 1, p. 17, l. 533-4, after reading the lists of things eatable, and dishes, in Russell’s pages. The later feeds that Phylotheus Physiologus exclaims against[*] are nothing to them: “What an _Hodg-potch_ do most that have Abilities make in their Stomachs, which must wonderfully oppress and distract Nature: For if you should take _Flesh_ of various sorts, _Fish_ of as many, _Cabbages_, _Parsnops_, _Potatoes_, _Mustard_, _Butter_, _Cheese_, a _Pudden_ that contains more then ten several Ingredents, _Tarts_, _Sweet-meats_, _Custards_, and add to these _Churries_, _Plums_, _Currans_, _Apples_, _Capers_, _Olives_, _Anchovies_, _Mangoes_, _Caveare_, _&c._, and jumble them altogether into one _Mass_, what Eye would not loath, what Stomach not abhor such a _Gallemaufrey?_ yet this is done every Day, and counted _Gallent Entertainment_.”] [Footnote 10*: Monthly Observations for the preserving of Health, 1686, p. 20-1.] [Footnote 11: See descriptions of a dinner in Parker’s Domestic Architecture of the Middle Ages, iii. 74-87 (with a good cut of the Cupboard, Dais, &c.), and in Wright’s _Domestic Manners and Customs_. Russell’s description of the Franklin’s dinner, l. 795-818, should be noted for the sake of Chaucer’s Franklin, and we may also notice that Russell orders butter and fruits to be served on an empty stomach before dinner, l. 77, as a whet to the appetite. _Modus Cenandi_ serves potage first, and keeps the fruits, with the spices and biscuits, for dessert.] [Footnote 12: The extracts from Bulleyn, Borde, Vaughan, and Harington are in the nature of notes, but their length gave one the excuse of printing them in bigger type as parts of a Text. In the same way I should have treated the many extracts from Laurens Andrewe, had I not wanted them intermixed with the other notes, and been also afraid of swelling this book to an unwieldy size.] [Footnote 13: The Termes of a Kerver so common in MSS. are added, p. 151, and the subsequent arrangement of the modes of carving the birds under these Termes, p. 161-3. The Easter-Day feast (p. 162) is also new, the bit why the heads of pheasants, partridges, &c., are unwholesome--’for they ete in theyr degrees foule thynges, as wormes, todes, and other suche,’ p. 165-6--and several other pieces.] [Footnote 14: _do the_, l. 115, is _clothe_ in the MS.; _grayne_, l. 576 (see too ll. 589, 597,) is _grayue_, Scotch _greive_, A.S. _gerefa_, a kind of bailiff; _resceyne_, ll. 547, 575, is _resceyue_, receive; &c.] [Footnote 15: This is doubtless a different book from Hugh Rhodes’s _Booke of Nurture & Schoole of Good Manners_, p. 71, below.] [Footnote 16: What this _Edyllys Be_ means, I have no idea, and five or six other men I have asked are in the same condition. A.S. _æþel_ is noble, _æþeling_, a prince, a noble; that may do for _edyllys_. _Be_ may be for A B C, alphabet, elementary grammar of behaviour.] [Footnote 17: P.S. Mr Hazlitt, iv. 366, notices two others in MS. Ashmole 59, art. 57, and in Cotton MS. Calig. A II. fol. 13, the latter of which and Ashmole 61, are, he says, of a different translation.] [Footnote 18: See Hazlitt, iv. 366.] [Footnote 19: The MS. has no title. The one printed I have made up from bits of the text.] [Footnote 20: Still one is truly thankful for the material in these unindexed books.] [Footnote 21: Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. v. pp. 496-8.] [Footnote 22: This is the stanza quoted by Dr Reinhold Pauli in his _Bilder aus Alt-England_, c. xi. p. 349: “Herzog von Glocester nennen sie den Fürsten, Der trotz des hohen Rangs und hoher Ehren Im Herzen nährt ein dauerndes Gelüsten Nach Allem, was die alten Bücher lehren; So glücklich gross ist hierin sein Begehren, Dass tugendsam er seine Zeit verbringt Und trunkne Trägheit männiglich bezwingt.” The reader should by all means consult this chapter, which is headed “Herzog Humfrid von Glocester. Bruchstück eines Fürstenlebens im fünfzehnten Jahrhunderte” (Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. Sketch of the life of a prince in the fifteenth century). There is an excellent English translation of this book, published by Macmillan, and entitled “Pictures of Old England.” --W. W. Skeat.] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * COLLATIONS. These are given as a warning to other editors either to collate in foot-notes or not at all. The present plan takes up as much room as printing a fresh text would, and gives needless trouble to every one concerned. [Transcriber’s Note: Each of these Collations will be repeated in or after the appropriate selection.] p. 260. _The A B C of Aristotle_, Harl. MS. 1706, fol. 94, collated by Mr Brock, omits the prologue, and begins after l. 14 with, “Here be-gynneth{e} Arystoles A B C. made be mayster Benett.” A, _for_ argue not _read_ Angre the B, _omit_ ne; _for_ not to large _read_ thou nat to brode D, „ „ ; _for_ not _read_ thow nat E, „ „ ; _for_ to eernesful _read_ ne curyons F, _for_ fers, famuler, freendli, _read_ Ferde, familier, frenfull{e} G, _omit_ to; _for_ & gelosie þou hate, _read_ Ne to galaunt never H, _for_ in þine _read_ off I, _for_ iettynge _read_ Iocunde; _for_ iape not to _read_ Ioye thow nat K, _omit_ to _and_ &; _for_ knaue _read_ knaves L, _for_ for to leene _read_ ne to lovyng; _for_ goodis _read_ woordys M, _for_ medelus _read_ Mellous; _for_ but as mesure wole it meeue _read_ ne to besynesse vnleffull{e} N, _for_ ne use no new iettis _read_ ne nought{e} to neffangle O, _for_ ouerþwart _read_ ouertwarth{e}; _for_ & ooþis þou hate _read_ Ne othez to haunte Q, _for_ quarelose _read_ querelous; _for_ weel ȝoure souereyns _read_ men all{e} abowte R, _omit the second_ to; _for_ not to rudeli _read_ thou nat but lyte S, _for_ ne straungeli to stare _read_ Ne starte nat abowte T, _for_ for temperaunce is best _read_ But temp{er}ate euer{e} V, _for_ ne &c. _read_ ne violent Ne waste nat to moche W, _for_ neiþer &c. _read_ Ne to wyse deme the ¶ _for_ is euere þe beste of _read_ ys best for vs _Add_ =X Y Z= x y wych{e} esed & p{er} se. Tytell{e} Tytell{e} Tytell{e} thañ Esta Amen. p. 265, _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_, with part of the Advocates Library MS., fol. 84, back (collated by Mr David Laing). l. 1, _for_ children̅ _read_ childur l. 2, _dele_ þat l. 3 _dele_ For l. 6, _for_ with mary, _read_ oure Lady l. 7, _for_ arn̅ _read_ byn l. 9, _prefix_ Forst _to_ Loke and _for_ wasshe _read_ wasshyd l. 12, _for_ tylle _read_ to l. 13, _prefix_ And _to_ Loke l. 14, _is_, To he y^t reweleth y^e howse y^e bytt l. 16, _put the_ that _between_ loke _and_ on l. 17, _for_ without any faylys _read_ withowtte fayle l. 18, _for_ hungery aylys _read_ empty ayle l. 20, _for_ ete esely _read_ etett eysely p. 267, l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ morsselle l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of l. 30, _for_ Into thy _read_ nor in the _for_ thy salte _read_ hit l. 31, _for_ fayre on þi _read_ on a l. 32, _for_ The byfore _read_ Byfore the _and dele_ þyne ll. 33-4, _are_ Pyke not y^i tethe wyth y^i knyfe Whyles y^u etyst be y^i lyfe The poem in the Advocates’ MS. has 108 lines, and fills 5 pages of the MS. (Wynkyn de Worde’s version ends with this, after l. 105, ‘And in his laste ende wyth the swete Ihesus. Amen. Here endeth the boke of curtesye.’) p. 265. _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ collated with the Cambridge University MS., by Mr Henry Bradshaw. _Hem_ is always written for _him_ in this MS., and so with other words. l. 2, _for_ wrytyne _read_ brekeyd l. 6, _for_ Elizabeth _read_ cortesey l. 7, _for_ closide _read_ clodyd l. 10, _for_ on _read_ yn l. 11, 12, _for_ þou _read_ ye l. 14, _for_ hous the bydde _read_ hall þe beyt l. 15, _for_ þe _read_ they l. 16, _for_ on _read_ no l. 17, _for_ any faylys _read_ fayle l. 18, _for_ aylys _read_ heydyt l. 19, _for_ Ete ... hastely _read_ yet ... hastey l. 20, _prefix_ Bot _to_ Abyde _for_ esely _read_ all yesley p. 267, l. 23, _for_ Kerue not thy brede _read_ Kot they bred not l. 24, _is_ Ne to theke bat be-tweyn l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ mossels; _for_ begynnysse to _read_ dost l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of l. 27, _for_ on _read_ yn ll. 28-30, _are_ Ne yn they met, feys, ne fleys. Put not thy mete yn þey salt seleyr l. 32, _is_ Be-fore the, that ys worschep l. 33, _for_ ne _read_ nother l. 34, _for_ If _read_ And _for_ come _read_ comest l. 35, _for_ And _read_ Seche _put the_ is _before_ yn l. 37, _for_ Ete ... by _read_ Kot ... yn l. 38, _prefix_ And _to_ Fylle; _omit_ done l. 40, _is_ Weyles thou hetys, bey they leyffe l. 42, _for_ þow put _read_ take owt l. 43, _for_ Ne _read_ Nether l. 44, _is_ For no cortesey het ys not habell l. 45, _for_ Elbowe ... fyst _read_ Elbowhes ... fystys l. 46, _for_ whylis þat _read_ wheyle l. 47, _is_ Bolk not as a bolle yn the crofte l. 48, _for_ karle þat _read_ charle _for_ cote _read_ cotte l. 50, _for_ of hyt or þou art _read_ the or ye be l. 51, _for_ sterke _read_ lowde p. 269, l. 52, _is_ all of curtesy loke ye carpe l. 53, _for_ at _read_ all _omit_ loke þou l. 54, _for_ Loke þou rownde not _read_ And loke ye l. 55, _omit_ thy _for_ and _read_ ne l. 56, _for_ doo _read_ make l. 57, _for_ laughe not _read_ noþer laughe l. 58, _for_ with moche speche _read_ thow meche speke _for_ mayst _read_ may l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner and _for the second_ ne _read_ not l. 60, _for_ fayre and stylle _read_ stere het not l. 61, _for_ thy _read_ the l. 66, _omit_ a l. 67, _for_ I rede of _read_ of j redde þe of l. 68, _for_ neþer _read_ neuer _omit_ yn þi _before_ drynk l. 69, _for_ þat _read_ they l. 73, _for_ þou see _read_ be saye l. 76, _for_ þou _read_ yow _for_ thow art _read_ yow ar l. 77, _for_ forthe _read_ before yow l. 78, _omit_ þow not l. 79, _for_ ynto _read_ yn p. 271, l. 83, _for_ ende _read_ hendyng l. 84, _for_ wasshen _read_ was l. 85, _for_ worthy _read_ wortheyor l. 86, _for_ to- _read_ be- _omit_ & _for_ þi prow _read_ gentyll cortesey ll. 87, 88, 89, are omitted. l. 90, _for_ nether _read_ not _for_ ne _read_ ne with l. 91, _omit_ þi _for_ the hede _read_ they lorde l. 92, _for_ hyghly _read_ mekeley l. 93, _for_ togydre ynsame _read_ yn the same manere p. 271, l. 94, _for_ no blame _read_ the same l. 95, _for_ therafter _read_ hereafter l. 96, _after_ that _add_ he ys _for_ was heere _read_ þere aftyr l. 97, _omit_ And _for_ dispiseth _read_ dispise l. 99, _for_ Nether _read_ neuer l. 100, _for_ Ner _read_ ne l. 101, _after_ for _add_ sent l. 102, _for_ Louyth this boke _read_ Loren this lesen l. 103, _omit_ and _for_ made _read_ wret l. 106, is omitted. p. 273, l. 107, _before_ vs _put_ hem and l. 108, _for the first_ Amen _read_ Sey all _for the_ Explicit &c. _read_ Expleycyt the Boke of cortesey. CORRIGENDA, ADDITIONAL NOTES, &c. [Transcriber’s Note: Where appropriate, changes listed have been incorporated into the e-text; they are marked here in double brackets as [[corrected]]. Conversely, notes and larger corrections have been added to the main text in [[double brackets]], with added footnotes shown as [[6a]], [[10a]]... The bracketed paragraph, following, is from the original text.] [A few corrections of letters and figures have been made in this Reprint.] p. iv. l. 6. ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of the Court of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles brought up with the young Princes.’ H. Reeve. [[6a]] p. v. last line. This is not intended to confine the definition of Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus, Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is & of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis. [[10a]] p. xviii. l. 16. The regular Cathedral school would have existed at St David’s. [[24a]] p. xix., note 4. “There are no French universities, though we find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the _Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning, in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the country, than our London University, to which, however, its organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10, 1867. [[30a]] p. xxiv. l. 9, _for_ 1574 _read_ 1577. [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. xxv. l. 17, related apparently. “The first William de Valence married Joan de Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.” _The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867. [[35a]] p. xxvi. One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons, Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_, p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s, Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41). 1631. Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the vestrie £6. 13. 4. 1628. Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0. Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37. [[38a]] p. xxvii., last line. Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in 1294. _Book of Dates._ [[41a]] p. xxvii., _dele_ note 3 [[41]]. ‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days, Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while he gives for the statement about the law school no authority whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood. But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t} magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F. p. xxxiii. note [[45]], l. 1, _for_ St Paul’s _read_ St Anthony’s [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. xxxiv., _for_ sister _read_ brother [[Corrected in reprint. The word “brother” appears twice on this page: “brother of Anne Bulleyn” and “Jane Seymour’s brother”.]] p. xlv. l. 2, _for_ poor _read_ independent. ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas, “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F. [[Corrected; Footnote 63a]] p. liii. Thetford. See also p. xli. [[Author’s intention unclear. List on page liii shows Thetford grammar school, founded 1328. Page xli text has “between 1091 and 1119 ... schools at Thetford”.]] p. lxxix. last line. A Postscript of nine fresh pieces has been since added, on and after p. 349, with ‘The Boris hede furst’ at p. 264*. [[Section rewritten for reprint.]] p. 6, l. 77, _for the note on_ plommys, damsons, _see_ p. 91, _note on l. 177_. [[Note corrected from “177” to “77” in reprint; note moved in e-text.]] p. 7, l. 2 of notes, _for_ Houeshold _read_ Household [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. 27, l. 418, Areyse. Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough, but he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II. p. 346 (E. E. T. Soc. 1866). [[Added to footnote 80.]] p. 35, note 3 (to l. 521), _for_ end of this volume _read_ p. 145 [[Corrected in reprint.]] p. 36, l. 536. _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason. Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they make a blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_, and that they cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67. [[127a]] p. 58, l. 851; p. 168, l. 13, 14. Green sauce. There is a herb of an acid taste, the common name for which ... is _green-sauce_ ... not a dozen miles from Stratford-on-Avon. _Notes & Queries_, June 14, 1851, vol. iii. p. 474. “of Persley leaues stamped withe veriuyce, or white wine, is made a _greene sauce_ to eate with roasted meat ... Sauce for Mutton, Veale and Kid, is _greene sauce_, made in Summer with Vineger or Verjuyce, with a few spices, and without Garlicke. Otherwise with Parsley, white Ginger, and tosted bread with Vineger. In Winter, the same sawces are made with many spices, and little quantity of Garlicke, and of the best Wine, and with a little Verjuyce, or with Mustard.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67-8. [[Added to note 237.]] p. 62, l. 909, ? _perhaps a comma should go after _hed_, and _‘his cloak or cape’_ as a side-note. But see _cappe, p. 65, l. 964. [[242a]] p. 66, l. 969. Dogs. The nuisance that the number of Dogs must have been may be judged of by the following payments in the Church-Wardens’ Accounts of St Margaret’s, Westminster, in _Nichols_, p. 34-5. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of dogs 0. 9. 8. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer more for killing 14 dozen and 10 dogs in time of visitacion 1. 9. 8. 1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of 24 dozen of dogs 1. 8. See the old French satire on the Lady and her Dogs, in _Rel. Ant._ i. 155. [[250a]] p. 67, last line of note, _for_ Hoss _read_ Hog’s [[Corrected in reprint]] p. 71, side-note 12, _for_ King’s _read_ chief [[Corrected in reprint]] p. 84, note to l. 51. Chipping or paring bread. “_Non comedas crustam, colorem quia gignit adustam_ ... the Authour in this Text warneth vs, to beware of crusts eating, because they ingender a-dust cholor, or melancholly humours, by reason that they bee burned and dry. And therefore great estates the which be [_orig._ the] chollerick of nature, cause the crustes aboue and beneath to be chipped away; wherfore the pith or crumme should be chosen, the which is of a greater nourishment then the crust.” _Regimen Sanitatis Salerni_, ed. 1634, p. 71. Fr. _chapplis_, bread-chippings. Cotgrave. [[Added to note.]] p. 85, note to l. 98, _Trencher_, should be to l. 52. [[Note corrected to “52” in reprint; note moved in e-text.]] p. 91, last note, on l. 177, should be on l. 77. [[See above under “p. 6”.]] p. 92, l. 6, _goddes good_. This, and _barme_, and _bargood_ (= beer-good) are only equivalents for ‘yeast.’ Goddes-good was so called ‘because it cometh of _the_ grete grace of God’: see the following extract, sent me by Mr Gillett, from the Book of the Corporate Assembly of Norwich, 8 Edw. IV.: “The Maior of this Cite com{m}aundeth on the Kynges bihalve, y^t alle man{er} of Brewers y^t shall brewe to sale w^tynne this Cite, kepe y^e assise accordyn to y^e Statute, & upon peyne ordeyned. And wheras berme, otherwise clepid goddis good, w^toute tyme of mynde hath frely be goven or delyv{er}ed for brede, whete, malte, egges, or other honest rewarde, to y^e valewe only of a ferthyng at y^e uttermost, & noon warned, bicause it cometh of y^e grete grace of God, Certeyn p{er}sons of this Cite, callyng themselves com{m}on Brewers, for their singler lucre & avayll have nowe newely bigonne to take money for their seid goddis good, for y^e leest parte thereof, be it never so litle and insufficient to s{er}ve the payer therefore, an halfpeny or a peny, & ferthermore exaltyng y^e p{ri}ce of y^e seid Goddis good at their p{ro}p{e}r will, ageyns the olde & laudable custome of alle Englande, & sp{eci}ally of this Cite, to grete hurte & slaunder of y^e same Cite. Wherefore it is ordeyned & provided, That no man{er} of brewer of this Cite shall from this time foorth take of eny p{er}son for lyvering, gevyng, or grauntyng of y^e s^d goddis good, in money nor other rewarde, above y^e valewe of a ferthyng. He shall, for no malice feyned ne sought, colour, warne, ne restregne y^e s^d goddis good to eny p{er}sone y^t will honestly & lefully aske it, & paye therefore y^e valewe of a ferthyng, &c.” [[Added as second footnote to note on l. 178.]] p. 161, l. 4. Flawnes. ‘Pro Caseo ad _flauns_ qualibet die . panis j’ (allowance of). _Register of Worcester Priory_, fol. 121 _a._ ed. Hale, 1865. [[Added to editor’s Note on this word.]] p. 296, col. 1, Clof. Can it be “cloth”? [[Added to Index. The entry is in col. 2, not col. 1; the word occurs on p. 192.]] p. 181, l. 144, Croscrist. _La Croix de par Dieu._ The Christs-crosse-row; or, the hornebooke wherein a child learnes it. Cotgrave. The alphabet was called the _Christ-cross-row_, some say because a cross was prefixed to the alphabet in the old primers; but as probably from a superstitious custom of writing the alphabet in the form of a cross, by way of charm. This was even solemnly practised by the bishop in the consecration of a church. See Picart’s Religious Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 131. _Nares_. [[8a.]] p. 185, l. 267, _for_ be, falle, _read_ be-falle (it befalls, becomes) [[Corrected]] p. 189, l. 393, side-note, _Hall,_ should be _Hall._ Fires in Hall lasted to _Cena Domini_, the Thursday before Easter: see l. 398. Squires’ allowances of lights ended on Feb. 2, I suppose. These lights, or _candle_ of l. 839, would be only part of the allowances. The rest would continue all the year. See _Household Ordinances & North. Hous. Book_. Dr Rock says that the _holyn_ or holly and _erbere grene_ refer to the change on Easter Sunday described in the _Liber Festivalis_:-- “In die paschẽ. Good friends ye shall know well that this day is called in many places God’s Sunday. Know well that it is the manner in every place of worship at this day _to do the fire out of the hall;_ and the black winter brands, and all thing that is foul with smoke shall be done away, and there the fire was, shall be gaily arrayed with fair flowers, and strewed with green rushes all about, showing a great ensample to all Christian people, like as they make clean their houses to the sight of the people, in the same wise ye should cleanse your souls, doing away the foul brenning (burning) sin of lechery; put all these away, and cast out all thy smoke, dusts; and strew in your souls flowers of faith and charity, and thus make your souls able to receive your Lord God at the Feast of Easter.” --Rock’s _Church of the Future_, v. iii. pt. 2, p. 250. “The holly, being an evergreen, would be more fit for the purpose, and makes less litter, than the boughs of deciduous trees. I know some old folks in Herefordshire who yet follow the custom, and keep the grate filled with flowers and foliage till late in the autumn.” --D. R. On Shere-Thursday, or _Cena Domini_, Dr Rock quotes from the _Liber Festivalis_--“First if a man asked why Sherethursday is called so, ye may say that in Holy Church it is called ‘Cena Domini,’ our Lord’s Supper Day; for that day he supped with his disciples openly.... It is also in English called Sherethursday; for in old fathers’ days the people would that day sheer their heads and clip their beards, and poll their heads, and so make them honest against Easter-day.” --Rock, _ib._, p. 235. [[Corrected; 15a. The Sidenote belongs to the Latin line between 394, 395.]] p. 192, l. 462-4, _cut out_ . _after_ hete; _put_ ; _after_ sett, _and_ , _after_ let; l. 468-9, _for_ sett, In syce, _read_ sett In syce; l. 470, ? some omission after this line. [[Corrected; 28a.]] p. 200, l. 677, side-note, steel spoon _is more likely_ spoon handle [[Corrected]] p. 215, l. 14. _The _T_ of _T the_ is used as a paragraph mark in the MS._ p. 274, l. 143-4, ? sense, reading corrupt. [[Corrected; 63a.]] p. 275, Lowndes calls the original of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ the _Carmen Juvenile_ of Sulpitius. [[Corrected; 63b.]] p. 312, col. 2, Holyn. Bosworth gives A.S. _holen_, a rush; Wright’s Vocab., _holin_, Fr. _hous_; and that Cotgrave glosses ‘The Hollie, Holme, or Huluer tree.’ _Ancren Riwle_, 418 note *, and _Rel. Ant._, ii. 280, have it too. See Stratmann’s Dict. p. 317, col. 2, _The extract for_ Lopster _should have been under_ creuis _or_ crao. p. 318, col. 1, Lorely may be _lorel-ly_, like a lorel, a loose, worthless fellow, a rascal. p. 339, col. 1, Syles _is_ strains. SILE, _v._, to strain, to purify milk through a straining dish; Su.-Got. _sila_, colare.--SILE, s., a fine sieve or milk strainer; Su.-Got. _sil_, colum. Brockett. See quotations in Halliwell’s Gloss., and Stratmann, who gives Swed. _sîla_, colare. On the general subject of diet in olden time consult “Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, with an Introduction by Sir Alex. Croke, Oxford, 1830.” H. B. Wheatley. On manners, consult _Liber Metricus Faceti Morosi_. J. E. Hodgkin. -> Ten fresh pieces relating more or less to the subjects of this volume having come under my notice since the Index was printed and the volume supposed to be finished, I have taken the opportunity of the delay in its issue--caused by want of funds--to add nine of the new pieces as a Postscript, and the tenth at p. 264*. An 11th piece, _Caxton’s Book of Curtesye_, in three versions, too important to be poked into a postscript, will form No. 3 of the Early English Text Society’s Extra Series, the first Text for 1868. POSTSCRIPT, 1894. [18 Oct. 1894. Much has been done for the history of Education since I put the foregoing notes together: see Arthur Leach’s articles in the _Contemp. Review_, Sept. 1892, Nov. 1894; _Fortnightly Review_, Nov. 1892; _Westminster Gazette_, 26 July, 1894; and _National Observer_, Sept. 1, 1894. Also Herbert Quick’s books, J. Bass Mullinger’s, Maria Hackett’s (1814, 1816, &c.), and Foster Watson’s forthcoming _Writers on Education in England_, 1500--1660.[1] See too Foss’s _Lives of the Judges_; Jn. Smith’s _Lives of the Berkeleys_; the _Life of William of Wykeham_; Lupton’s _Life of Colet_; articles in Thomassin’s _Ecclesiastica Disciplina, Vetus et Nova_; Dr. P. Alford’s _Abbots of Tavistock_, p. 119-120; R. N. Worth’s Calendar of the _Tavistock Parish Records_ (1588-9), p. 37, 39, &c.; _Dugdale_, i. 82, ii. 142, iii. 10, iv. 404-5; Leland, _Collectanea_, vol. i, pt. 2, p. 302; Ellis, _Orig. Let._, 3rd Series, i. 333, ii. 243; Marston’s _Scourge of Villanie_ (1599), Works, ed. 1856, iii. 306; Cavendish’s _Life of Wolsey_, Kelmscott Press, 1893, p. 24; John of Salisbury, Epist. XIX, ed. Giles; _Churchwardens’ Accounts_, Somerset Record Soc. (1890), p. xix; _Glastonbury Abbey Accounts_, p. 249; _Engl. Hist. Rev._, Jan. 1891, p. 24; _Songs & Carols_, Warton Club, 1855, p. 10; Dr. Woodford’s Report on National Education in Scotland, 1868; _Macmillan’s Mag._, July 1870 (Scotch at Oxford); Essays on Grammar Schools, by members of the Free Kirk in Scotland; Stevenson’s _Nottingham Boro’ Records_, iv. 272, 299, 302; Dr. Buelbring’s Introduction to Defoe’s _Compleat English Gentleman_; Bradshaw on the _A B C_ as a School-book, Cambr. Antiq. Soc., vol. iii.; &c., &c. Much of my Forewords above, appeard in two numbers of the _Quarterly Journal of Education_, no. 2, Aug. 1867, vol. i, p. 48-56, and no. 3, Nov. 1867, p. 97-100.--F. J. F.] The friend to whom this book was dedicated, C. H. Pearson, died, alas, this year (1894) after his return from Melbourne, where he had organised free education thro’ the whole State, and done much other good work. [Footnote 1: Department of Education, Washington, U.S.A.] Errata (noted by transcriber): Collations: _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ ... (Wynkyn de Worde ...) [_final parenthesis missing_] l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner [first] Corrigenda: p. 36, l. 536. [l. 356] * * * * * * * * * * * * * * [Transcriber’s Note: This second table of contents is as originally printed. Note that Andrewe on Fish is a separate text, although listed in the Contents as part of the linenotes to the Boke of Nurture. To aid in text searching, the Headnotes from the Boke of Nurture are interlaced with the table of contents. Each note will also appear in the text at approximately its original location. Large boldface initials are marked with a double ++ before the letter. Further details about the transcription are at the beginning of the full e-text.] * * * * * * * * * The BOKE OF NURTURE Folowyng Englondis gise by me JOHN RUSSELL, Sum Tyme Seruande With Duke Vmfrey Of Glowcetur, A Prynce Fulle Royalle, With Whom Vschere In Chambur Was Y, And Mershalle Also In Halle. _Edited from the Harleian MS. 4011 in the British Museum_ by FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A., Trin. Hall. Camb.; Member of Council of the Philological and Early English Text Societies; Lover of Old Books. CONTENTS. [Line numbers added by transcriber] Page Line PROLOGUE 1 1 INTRODUCTION. MEETING OF MASTER AND PUPIL 2-3 13 [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.] THE PANTER OR BUTLER. HIS DUTIES 3-9 41 (And Herein of Broaching Wine, of Fruits and Cheese, and of the Care of Wines in Wood) [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.] [Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.] [Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.] NAMES OF SWEET WINES 9 117 HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS 9-12 121 [Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.] THE BOTERY 12-13 177 [Headnote: THE BOTERY.] HOW TO LAY THE TABLE-CLOTH, ETC. 13-14 185 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.] HOW TO WRAP UP BREAD STATELY 14-16 209 HOW TO MAKE THE SURNAPE 16-17 237 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.] HOW TO MANAGE AT TABLE 17-18 257 SYMPLE CONDICIONS, 18-21 277 (Or Rules for Good Behaviour for Every Servant) [Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.] THE CONNYNGE OF KERVYNGE 21-3 313 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.] FUMOSITEES 23-4 349 [Headnote: FUMOSITEES.] KERUYNG OF FLESH 24-30 377 [Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.] BAKE METES (How to Carve) 30-2 477 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS, SWAN, CAPON, &C.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.] FRIED METES; WITH L’ENVOY 33-4 501 POTAGES 34-5 517 [Headnote: POTAGES.] DIUERCE SAWCES 35-7 529 [Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.] KERVYNG OF FISCH{E} 37-45 546 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.] OFFICE OF A SEWER 46-7 658 (Or Arranger of the Dishes on the Table, etc.) [Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.] A DYNERE OF FLESCH{E}: THE FURST COURSE 48 686 [Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] THE SECOND COURSE 49 693 THE iij^D COURSE 49-50 705 [Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] A DINERE OF FISCH{E}: THE FURST COURSE 50-1 719 [Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.] THE SECOND COURSE 51 731 THE THRID COURSE 52 744 [Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.] THE .iiij. COURSE OF FRUTE, WITH FOUR SOTELTEES 52-3 757 THE SUPERSCRIPCIOUN OF THE SUTILTEES ABOUE SPECIFIED 53-4 787 A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN 54-5 795 [Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.] SEWES ON FISH{E} DAYES 55-6 819 SAWCE FOR FISCH{E} 56-9 831 [Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.] THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE 59-64 863 (How to Dress Your Lord, Prepare his Pew in Church, Strip his Bed, Prepare his Privy, etc.) [Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.] THE WARDEROBES 64-6 939 (How to Put Your Lord to Bed, and Prepare his Bedroom, etc.) [Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.] [Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.] A BATHE OR STEWE SO CALLED 66-7 975 (How to Prepare One for Your Lord) [Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.] THE MAKYNG OF A BATH{E} MEDICINABLE 67-9 991 [Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.] THE OFFICE OF VSSHER & MARSHALL{E} 69-78 1001 (With the Order of Precedency of All Ranks) [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.] [Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK AND DINE TOGETHER.] [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL AND PROPERTY.] [Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.] THE SUMMARY 78-82 1173 [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.] [Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE CHIEF OFFICER.] L’ENVOY 82-3 1235 (The Author Asks the Prayers of his Readers, and He or the Copier Commends this Book to Them) [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.] NOTES 84-123 (With Bits from Lawrens Andrewe, on Fish, &c.) ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. WILYAM BULLEYN ON BOXYNG AND NECKEWEEDE 124-7 ANDREW BORDE ON SLEEP, RISING, AND DRESS 128-32 WILLIAM VAUGHAN’S 15 DIRECTIONS TO PRESERVE HEALTH 133-7 SIR JN. HARINGTON’s DYET FOR EVERY DAY 138-9 SIR JN. HARINGTON ON RISING, DIET, AND GOING TO BED 140-3 John Russells Boke of Nurture. [_Harl. MS. 4011, Fol. 171._] [Sidenote: In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, God keep me! I am an Usher to a Prince, and delight in teaching the inexperienced.] ++In nomine patris, god kepe me / et filij for charite, Et spiritus sancti, wher{e} that y goo by lond or els by see! an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} / to a prynce of high{e} degre, þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche / all{e} þo thatt will{e} thrive & thee[1], 4 Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur} shall{e} be shewed by my diligence To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience; Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e}, þat[2] for fawt of necligence, y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche, for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience. 8 [Sidenote: It is charitable to teach ignorant youths. If any such won’t learn, give them a toy.] To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh{e} hit charitable, for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable; þer-for{e} he þ{a}t no good cañ / ne to nooñ will{e} be agreable. he shall{e} neu{er} y-thryve / þ{er}for{e} take to hym a babull{e}. 12 [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.] [Sidenote: One May I went to a forest, and by the Forester’s leave walked in the woodland,] ++As y rose owt of my bed, in a mery sesou{n} of may, to sporte me in a forest / wher{e} sightes wer{e} fresch{e} & gay, y met w{i}t{h} þe forst{er} / y prayed hym to say me not nay, þat y mygh[t] walke in to his lawnde[3] where þe deer{e} lay. 16 [Sidenote: where I saw three herds of deer in the sunshine.] as y wandered weldsomly[4] / in-to þe lawnd þat was so grene, þer lay iij. herdis of deer{e} / a semely syght for to sene; y behild oñ my right hand / þe soñ þat shoñ so shene; y saw wher{e} walked / a semely yong{e} mañ, þat sklendur was & leene; 20 [Sidenote: A young man with a bow was going to stalk them, but I asked him to walk with me, and inquired whom he served.] his bowe he toke in hand toward þe deer{e} to stalke; y prayed hym his shote to leue / & softely w{i}t{h} me to walke. þis yong{e} mañ was glad / & louyd w{i}t{h} me to talke, he prayed þat he myȝt with{e} me goo / in to som herne[5] or halke[6]; 24 [Sidenote: ‘No one but myself, and I wish I was out of this world.’] þis yong{e} mañ frayned[7] / w{i}t{h} hoom þ{a}t he wo{n}ned þañ, “So god me socour{e},” he said / “Sir, y serue myself / & els nooñ oþ{er} mañ.” “is þy gou{er}naunce good?” y said, / “soñ, say me ȝiff þow cañ.” “y wold y wer{e} owt of þis world” / seid he / “y ne rouȝt how sone whañ.” 28 [Sidenote: ‘Good son, despair is sin; tell me what the matter is. When the pain is greatest the cure is nearest!’] “Sey nought so, good soñ, bewar{e} / me thynketh{e} þow menyst amysse; for god forbedith{e} wanhope, for þat a horrible synne ys, þerfor{e} Soñ, opeñ thyñ hert / for p{er}aveñtur{e} y cowd the lis[8]; “wheñ bale is hext / þañ bote is next” / good sone, lerne well{e} þis.” 32 [Sidenote: ‘Sir, I’ve tried everywhere for a master; but because I know nothing, no one will take me.’] “In certeyñ, sir / y haue y-sought / Ferr{e} & ner{e} many a wilsom way to gete mete[9] a mastir; & for y cowd nouȝt / eu{er}y mañ seid me nay, y cowd no good, ne nooñ y shewd{e} / wher{e} eu{er} y ede day by day but wantouñ & nyce, recheles & lewd{e} / as Iangelyng{e} as a Iay.” 36 [Sidenote: ‘Will you learn if I’ll teach you? What do you want to be?’] ++“Now, son, ȝiff y the teche, wiltow any thyng{e} ler{e}? [Fol. 171b.] wiltow be a s{er}uaunde, plowȝmañ, or a laborer{e}, Courtyour or a clark / Marchaund / or masou{n}, or an artificer{e}, Chamburlayn, or buttiller{e} / panter{e} or karver{e}?” 40 [Sidenote: ‘A Butler, Sir, Panter, Chamberlain, and Carver. Teach me the duties of these.’] ++“The office of buttiler, sir, trewly / panter{e} or chamburlayne, The connyng{e} of a kerver{e}, specially / of þat y wold lerne fayne all{e} þese co{n}nyng{es} to haue / y say yow in certayñ, y shuld pray for your{e} sowle nevyr to come in payne.” 44 [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.] [Sidenote: ‘I will, if you’ll love God and be true to your master.’] ++“Son, y shall{e} teche þe with{e} ryght a good will{e}, So þat þow loue god & drede / for þat is ryght and skyll{e}, and to þy mastir be trew / his good{es} þat þow not spill{e}, but hym loue & drede / and hys co{m}maundementȝ dew / fulfylle. 48 [Sidenote: A Panter or Butler must have three knives: 1 to chop loaves, 1 to pare them, 1 to smooth the trenchers.] The furst yer{e}, my soñ, þow shall{e} be panter{e} or buttilar{e}, þow must haue iij. knyffes kene / in pantry, y sey the, eu{er}mar{e}: Oñ knyfe þe loves to choppe, another{e} them for to pare, the iij. sharpe & kene to smothe þe trenchurs and squar{e}.[10] 52 [Sidenote: Give your Sovereign new bread, others one-day-old bread; for the house, three-day bread; for trenchers four-day bread;] alwey thy sou{er}aynes bred thow choppe, & þat it be newe & able; se all{e} oþ{er} bred a day old or þ{o}u choppe to þe table; all{e} howsold bred iij. dayes old / so it is p{ro}fitable; and trencher bred iiij. dayes is co{n}venyent & agreable. 56 [Sidenote: Have your salt white, and your salt-planer of ivory, two inches broad, three long.] loke þy salte be sutill{e}, whyte, fayre and drye, and þy planer{e} for thy salte / shall{e} be made of yverye / þe brede þ{er}of ynches two / þen þe length, ynche told thrye; and þy salt seller{e} lydde / towche not thy salt bye. 60 [Sidenote: Have your table linen sweet and clean, your knives bright, spoons well washed, two wine-augers some box taps, a broaching gimlet, a pipe and bung.] Good soñ, loke þat þy napery be soote / & also feyr{e} & clene, bordcloth{e}, towell{e} & napkyñ, foldyñ all{e} bydene. bryght y-pullished your{e} table knyve, semely in syȝt to sene; and þy spones fayr{e} y-wasch{e} / ye wote well{e} what y meene. 64 looke þow haue tarrers[11] two / a mor{e} & lasse for wyne; wyne canels[12] accordyng{e} to þe tarrers, of box fetice & fyne; also a gymlet sharpe / to broche & perce / sone to turne & twyne, w{i}t{h} fawcet[13] & tampyne[14] redy / to stoppe whe{n} ye se tyme. 68 [Sidenote: To broach a pipe, pierce it with an auger or gimlet, four fingers- breadth over the lower rim, so that the dregs may not rise.] So wheñ þow settyst a pipe abroche / good [sone,] do aft{ur} my lor{e}: iiij fyngur ou{er} / þe ner{e} chyne[15] þow may percer or bor{e}; with tarrer{e} or gymlet perce ye vpward þe pipe ashor{e},[16] and so shall{e} ye not cawse þe lies vp to ryse, y warne yow eu{er} mor{e}. 72 [Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.] [Sidenote: Serve Fruit according to the season, figs, dates, quince-marmalade, ginger, &c.] Good sone, all{e} man{er} frute / þat longeth{e} for sesoñ of þe yer{e}, Fygg{es} / reysons / almand{es}, dat{es} / butt{ur}, chese[17] / nottus, apples, & per{e}, Compost{es}[18] & confit{es}, char{e} de quync{es} / white & grene gynger{e}; and ffor aft{ur} questyons, or þy lord sytte / of hym þow know & enquer{e}. 76 [Sidenote: Before dinner, plums and grapes after, pears, nuts, and hard cheese. After supper, roast apples, &c.] Serve fastyng{e} / plommys / damsons / cheries / and grapis to plese; [Fol. 172.] aft{ur} mete / peer{es}, nottys / strawberies, wȳneberies,[19] and hardchese, also blawnderell{es},[20] pepyns / careawey in comfyte / Compost{es}[21] ar like to þese. aftur sopper, rosted apples, per{es}, blaunche powd{er},[22] yo{ur} stomak for to ese. 80 [Sidenote: In the evening don’t take cream, strawberries, or junket, unless you eat hard cheese with them.] [Footnote *: ‘at eve’ has a red mark through as if to cut it out] Bewar at eve[*] / of crayme of cowe & also of the goote, þauȝ it be late, of Strawberies & hurtilberyes / w{i}t{h} the cold Ioncate,[23] For þese may marr{e} many a mañ changyng{e} his astate, but ȝiff he haue aft{u}r, hard chese / wafurs, w{i}t{h} wyne ypocrate.[24] 84 [Sidenote: Hard cheese keeps your bowels open.] hard chese hath{e} þis condiciou{n} in his operaciou{n}: Furst he will{e} a stomak kepe in the botom opeñ,[25] the helth{e} of eu{er}y creatur{e} ys in his condiciou{n}; yf he diete hym̅ thus dayly / he is a good co{n}clusiou{n}. 88 [Sidenote: Butter is wholesome in youth and old age, anti-poisonous, and aperient.] buttir is an holsom mete / furst and eke last,[26] For he will{e} a stomak kepe / & helpe poyson a-wey to cast, also he norisheth{e} a mañ to be laske / and evy humer{us} to wast, and w{i}t{h} white bred / he will{e} kepe þy mouthe in tast. 92 [Sidenote: Milk, Junket, Posset, &c., are binding. Eat hard cheese after them.] Milke, crayme, and crudd{es}, and eke the Ioncate,[27] þey close a ma{n}nes stomak / and so doth{e} þe possate; þerfor{e} ete hard chese aftir, yef ye sowpe late, and drynk romney modou{n},[28] for feere of chekmate.[29] 96 [Sidenote: Beware of green meat; it weakens your belly.] bewar{e} of saladis, grene metis, & of frut{es} rawe for þey make many a mañ haue a feble mawe. Þ{er}for{e}, of suche fresch lust{es} set not an hawe, For suche wantou{n} appetit{es} ar not worth a strawe. 100 [Sidenote: For food that sets your teeth on edge, eat almonds and cheese, but not more than half an ounce.] all{e} man{er} met{is} þat þy teth{e} oñ egge doth sette, take almond{es} þ{er}for{e}; & hard chese loke þ{o}u not for-gette. hit will{e} voide hit awey / but looke to moche þ{er}of not þ{o}u ete; for þe wight of half an vnce w{i}t{h}-owt rompney is gret. 104 [Sidenote: If drinks have given you indigestion, eat a raw apple. Moderation is best sometimes, at others abstinence.] Ȝiff dyu{er}se drynk{es} of their{e} fumosite haue þe dissesid, Ete an appull{e} rawe, & his fumosite will{e} be cesed; mesur{e} is a mery meene / whañ god is not displesed; abstyne{n}s is to prayse what body & sowle ar plesed. 108 [Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.] [Sidenote: Look every night that your wines don’t ferment or leak [the _t_ of the MS. has a _k_ over it.] Always carry a gimlet, adze, and linen cloths; and wash the heads of the pipes with cold water.] Take good hede to þe wynes / Red, white / & swete, looke eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} a Candell{e} þ{a}t þey not reboyle / nor lete; eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} cold wat{ur} wash{e} þe pipes hede, & hit not forgete, & all{e}-wey haue a gy{m}let, & a dise,[30] w{i}t{h} lynneñ clowt{es} small{e} or grete. 112 [Sidenote: If the wine boil over, put to it the lees of red wine, and that will cure it. Romney will bring round sick sweet wine.] Ȝiff þe wyne reboyle / þow shall{e} know by hys syngyng{e}; þ{er}for{e} a pipe of colour{e} de rose[31] / þ{o}u kepe þ{a}t was spend in drynkyng{e} the reboyle to Rakke to þe lies of þe rose / þ{a}t shall{e} be his amendyng{e}. [Fol. 172b.] Ȝiff swete wyne be seeke or pallid / put in a Rompney for lesyng{e}.[32] 116 ++Swete Wynes.[33] [Sidenote: _The names of Sweet Wines._] ++The namys of swete wynes y wold þ{a}t ye them knewe: Vernage, vernagell{e}, wyne Cute, pyment, Raspise, Muscadell{e} of grew, Rompney of modoñ, Bastard, Tyre, Oȝey, Torrentyne of Ebrew. Greke, Malevesyñ, Caprik, & Clarey whañ it is newe. 120 [Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.] ++Ypocras. [Sidenote: _Recipe for making Ypocras._ Take spices thus, Cinnamon, &c., long Pepper] ++Good soñ, to make ypocras, hit wer{e} gret lernyng{e}, and for to take þe spice þ{er}to aft{ur} þe p{ro}porcionyng{e}, [Sidenote: +for lord{es}[34] [MS].+] [Sidenote: +fo[r] co{m}mynte+] Gynger, Synamome / Graynis, Sugur / Turnesole, þ{a}t is good colouryng{e}; For co{m}myñ peple / Gynger, Canell{e} / long{e} pepur / hony aft{ur} claryfiyng{e}. 124 [Sidenote: Have three basins and three straining-bags to them; hang ’em on a perch.] look ye haue of pewt{ur} basons ooñ, two, & thre, For to kepe in you{re} powdurs / also þe lico{ur} þ{er}in to renne wheñ þ{a}t nede be; to iij. basou{n}s ye must haue iij bagges renners / so clepe ham we, & hang{e} þem̅ oñ a p{er}che, & looke þat Sur{e} they be. 128 [Sidenote: Let your ginger be well pared, hard, not worm-eaten, (Colombyne is better than Valadyne or Maydelyne);] Se þat your{e} gynger be well{e} y-pared / or hit to powd{er} ye bete, and þ{a}t hit be hard / w{i}t{h}-owt worme / bytyng{e}, & good hete; For good gyng{er} colombyne / is best to drynke and ete; Gyng{er} valadyne & maydelyñ ar not so holsom in mete. 132 [Sidenote: your sticks of Cinnamon thin, hot and sweet; Canel is not so good. Cinnamon is hot and dry, Cardamons are hot and moist.] looke þat yo{ur} stikk{es} of synamome be thyñ, bretill{e}, & fayr{e} in colewr{e}, and in your{e} mowth{e}, Fresch{e}, hoot, & swete / þat is best & sure, For canell{e} is not so good in þis crafte & cur{e}. Synamome is hoot & dry in h{i}s worchyng{e} while he will{e} dur{e}. 136 [Sidenote: Take sugar or sugar candy, red wine,] Graynes of p{ar}adise,[35] hoote & moyst þey be: Sugre of .iij. cute[36] / white / hoot & moyst in his p{ro}purte; Sugr{e} Candy is best of all{e}, as y telle the, and red wyne is whote & drye to tast, fele, & see, 140 [Sidenote: graines, ginger, pepper, cinnamon, spice, and turnesole, and put each powder in a bladder by itself.] Graynes[35] / gyng{er}, long{e} pepur, & sugr{e} / hoot & moyst in worchyng{e};[37] Synamome / Canelle[38] / red wyne / hoot & drye in þeir{e} doyng{e}; Turnesole[39] is good & holsom for red wyne colowryng{e}: all{e} þese ingredyent{es}, þey ar for ypocras makyng{e}. 144 [Sidenote: Hang your straining-bags so that they mayn’t touch,--first bag a gallon, others a pottle.] Good soñ, your{e} powdurs so made, vche by þam self in bledd{ur} laid, hang{e} sur{e} your{e} p{er}che & bagges þ{a}t þey from yow not brayd, & þat no bagge touche oþ{er} / do as y haue yow said{e}; þe furst bag a galou{n} / all{e} oþ{er} of a potell{e}, vchoñ by oþ{er} teied. 148 [Sidenote: Put the powders in two or three gallons of red wine; then into the runner, the second bag,] Furst put in a basou{n} a galou{n} ij. or iij. wyne so red; [Fol. 173.] þeñ put in your{e} powdurs, yf ye will{e} be sped, and aftyr in-to þe renner{e} so lett hym be fed, þañ in-to þe second bagge so wold it be ledde. 152 [Sidenote: (tasting and trying it now and then), and the third vessel.] loke þ{o}u take a pece in þyne hand eu{er}mor{e} among{e}, and assay it in þy mouth{e} if hit be any thyng{e} strong{e}, and if þow fele it welle boþe w{i}t{h} mouth{e} & tong{e}, þañ put it in þe iij. vessell{e} / & tary not to long{e}. 156 [Sidenote: If it’s not right, add cinnamon, ginger, or sugar, as wanted.] And þañ ȝiff þ{o}u feele it be not made p{ar}fete, þat it cast to moche gyng{er}, with synamome alay þ{a}t hete; and if hit haue synamome to moche, w{i}t{h} gyng{er} of iij. cute; þañ if to moche sigur{e} þ{er} be / by discressiou{n} ye may wete. 160 [Sidenote: If it’s not right, add cinnamon, ginger, or sugar, as wanted. Mind you keep tasting it. Strain it through bags of fine cloth,] Thus, son, shaltow make p{ar}fite ypocras, as y the say; but w{i}t{h} þy mowth{e} to prove hit, / be þow tastyng{e} all{e}-way; let hit renne in iiij. or vj bagg{es}[40]; gete þem, if þow may, of bultell{e} cloth{e}[41], if þy bagg{es} be þe fyner{e} w{i}t{h}-owteñ nay. 164 [Sidenote: hooped at the mouth, the first holding a gallon, the others a pottle,] Good soñ loke þy bagg{es} be hoopid at þe mothe a-bove, þe surer{e} mayst þow put in þy wyne vn-to þy behoue, þe furst bag of a galou{n} / all{e} oþ{er} of a potell{e} to prove; hang{e} þy bagg{es} sur{e} by þe hoopis; do so for my loue; 168 [Sidenote: and each with a basin under it. The Ypocras is made. Use the dregs in the kitchen.] And vndur eu{er}y bagge, good soñ, a basou{n} cler{e} & bryght; and now is þe ypocras made / for to plese many a wight. þe draff of þe spicery / is good for Sewes in kychyn diȝt; and ȝiff þow cast hit awey, þow dost þy mastir no riȝt. 172 [Sidenote: Put the Ypocras in a tight clean vessel, and serve it with wafers.] ++Now, good son, þyne ypocras is made p{ar}fite & well{e}; y wold þan ye put it in staunche & a clene vessell{e}, and þe mouth{e} þ{er}-off y-stopped eu{er} more wisely & fell{e}, and s{er}ue hit forth w{i}t{h} wafurs boþe in chambur & Cell{e}. 176 [Headnote: THE BOTERY.] [Sidenote: _The Buttery._] ++The botery. [Sidenote: Keep all cups, &c., clean. Don’t serve ale till it’s five days old.] ++Thy cuppes / þy pott{es}, þ{o}u se be clene boþe w{i}t{h}-in & owt; [T]hyne ale .v. dayes old er þow s{er}ue it abowt, for ale þat is newe is wastable w{i}t{h}-owteñ dowt: And looke þat all{e} þyng{e} be pure & clene þat ye go abowt. 180 [Sidenote: Be civil and obliging, and give no one stale drink.] Be fayr{e} of answer{e} / redy to s{er}ue / and also gentell{e} of cher{e}, and þañ meñ will{e} sey ‘þer{e} goth{e} a gentill{e} officer{e}.’ be war{e} þat ye geue no p{er}sone palled[42] drynke, for feer{e} hit myȝt bryng{e} many a man in dissese / duryng{e} many a ȝer{e}. 184 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.] [Sidenote: _To lay the cloth_, &c. Wipe the table. Put a cloth on it (a cowche); you take one end, your mate the other;] ++Son, hit is tyme of þe day / þe table wold be layde. [Fol. 173b.] Furst wipe þe table w{i}t{h} a cloth{e} or þ{a}t hit be splayd, þañ lay a cloth{e} oñ þe table / a cowche[43] it is called & said: take þy felow ooñ ende þ{er}of / & þ{o}u þat other{e} that brayde, 188 [Sidenote: lay the fold of the second cloth(?) on the outer edge of the table, that of the third cloth(?) on the inner.] Thañ draw streight þy cloth{e}, & ley þe bouȝt[44] oñ þe vtt{ur} egge of þe table, take þe vpper part / & let hyt hang{e} evyñ able: þanñ take þe .iij. cloth{e}, & ley the bouȝt oñ þe Inner side plesable, and ley estate w{i}t{h} the vpper part, þe brede of half fote is greable. 192 [Sidenote: Cover your cupboard with a diaper towel, put one round your neck, one side on your left arm with your sovereign’s napkin;] Cover þy cuppeborde of thy ewery w{i}t{h} the towell{e} of diapery; take a towell{e} abowt thy nekke / for þat is curtesy, lay þ{a}t ooñ side of þe towaile oñ þy lift arme manerly, an oñ þe same arme ley þy sou{er}aignes napkyñ honestly; 196 [Sidenote: on that, eight loaves to eat, and three or four trencher loaves: in your left the salt-cellar. In your right hand, spoons and knives.] þañ lay oñ þat arme viij. louys bred / w{i}t{h} iij. or iiij. trencher{e} lovis; Take þat oo ende of þy towaile / in þy lift hand, as þe man{er} is, and þe salt Seller{e} in þe same hand, looke þ{a}t ye do this; þat oþ{er} ende of þe towaile / in riȝt hand w{i}t{h} spones & knyffes y-wis; 200 [Sidenote: Put the Salt on the right of your lord; on its left, a trencher or two; on their left, a knife, then white rolls,] Set your{e} salt oñ þe right side / wher{e} sitt{es} your{e} soverayne, oñ þe lyfft Side of your{e} salt / sett your{e} trencher oon & twayne, oñ þe lifft side of yo{ur} tr{e}nchour{e} lay your{e} knyffe syng{u}l{e}r & playñ; [Textnote: [* a space in the MS.]] and oñ þe ....[*] side of your{e} knyff{es} / ooñ by oñ þe white payne; 204 [Sidenote: and beside them a spoon folded in a napkin. Cover all up. At the other end set a Salt and two trenchers.] your{e} spone vppoñ a napkyñ fayr{e} / ȝet foldeñ wold he be, besides þe bred it wold be laid, soñ, y telle the: Cover your spone / napkyñ, trencher, & knyff, þ{a}t no mañ hem se. at þe oþ{er} ende of þe table / a salt w{i}t{h} ij. trenchers sett ye. 208 [Sidenote: _How to wrap up your lord’s bread in a stately way._ Cut your loaves all equal.] [Textnote: [† ? MS.]] +S+{ir},[†] ȝeff þow wilt wrappe þy sou{er}aynes bred stately, Thow must square & p{ro}porciou{n} þy bred clene & evenly, and þat no loof ne bunne be mor{e} þañ oþ{er} p{ro}porcionly, and so shaltow make þy wrappe for þy mast{er} man{er}ly; 212 [Sidenote: Take a towel two and a half yards long by the ends, fold up a handful from each end,] þañ take a towaile of Raynes,[45] of ij. yard{es} and half wold it be, take þy towaile by the end{es} dowble / and fair{e} oñ a table lay ye, þañ take þe end of þ{a}t bought / an handfull{e} in hande, now her{e} ye me: wrap ye hard þat handfull{e} or mor{e} it is þe styffer, y telle þe 216 [Sidenote: and in the middle of the folds lay eight loaves or buns, bottom to bottom;] Þañ ley betwene þe endes so wrapped, in myddes of þat towell{e}, viij loves or bonnes, botom to botom̅, forsothe it will{e} do well{e}, and wheñ þe looff{es} ar betweñ, þañ wrappe hit wisely & fell{e}; and for your{e} enformaciou{n} mor{e} playnly y will{e} yow tell{e}, 220 [Sidenote: put a wrapper on the top, twist the ends of the towel together, smooth your wrapper,] ley it oñ þe vpper part of þe bred, y telle yow honestly; [Fol. 174.] take boþe endis of þe towell{e}, & draw þem straytly, and wrythe an handfull{e} of þe towell{e} next þe bred myghtily, and se þat thy wrapper{e} be made strayt & evyñ styffely. 224 [Sidenote: and quickly open the end of it before your lord.] wheñ he is so y-graithed,[46] as riȝt befor{e} y haue saide, þeñ shall{e} ye opeñ hym thus / & do hit at a brayd, opeñ þe last end of þy wrapper{e} befor{e} þi sou{er}ayne laid, and your{e} bred sett in man{er} & forme: þeñ it is honestly arayd. 228 [Sidenote: After your lord’s lay the other tables. Deck your cupboard with plate, your washing-table with basins, &c.] ++Soñ, wheñ þy sou{er}eignes table is drest in þus array, kou{er} all{e} oþ{er} bord{es} w{i}t{h} Salt{es}; trenchers & cuppes þ{er}oñ ye lay; þan emp{er}iall{e} þy Cuppeborde / w{i}t{h} Silu{er} & gild full{e} gay, þy Ewry borde w{i}t{h} basons & lauo{ur}, wat{ur} hoot & cold, eche oþ{er} to alay. 232 [Sidenote: Have plenty of napkins, &c., and your pots clean.] loke p{a}t ye haue napkyns, spones, & cuppis eu{er} y-nowe to your sou{er}aynes table, your{e} honeste for to allowe, also þat pott{es} for wyne & ale be as clene as þey mowe; be eu{er}more war{e} of flies & mot{es}, y telle þe, for þy prowe. 236 [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.] [Sidenote: Make the _Surnape_ with a cloth under a double napkin.] ++The surnape[47] ye shull{e} make w{i}t{h} lowly curtesye with a cloth{e} vndir a dowble of riȝt feir{e} napry; take thy towailes end{es} next yow w{i}t{h}-out vilanye, and þe ende of þe cloth{e} oñ þe vttur side of þe towell{e} bye; 240 [Sidenote: Fold the two ends of your towel, and one of the cloth, a foot over, and lay it smooth for your lord to wash with.] Thus all{e} iij. end{es} hold ye at onis, as ye well{e} may; now fold ye all{e} ther{e} at oonys þ{a}t a pliȝt passe not a fote brede all{e} way, þañ lay hyt fayr{e} & evyñ þer{e} as ye cañ hit lay; þus aft{ur} mete, ȝiff yowr{e} mastir will{e} wasch{e}, þat he may. 244 [Sidenote: The marshal must slip it along the table, and pull it smooth.] at þe riȝt ende of þe table ye must it owt gyde, þe marchall{e} must hit convey along{e} þe table to glide; So of all{e} iij clothes vppeward þe riȝt half þat tide, and þat it be draw strayt & evyñ boþe in length{e} & side. 248 [Sidenote: Then raise the upper part of the towel, and lay it even, so that the Sewer (arranger of dishes) may make a state.] Then must ye draw & reyse / þe vpper p{ar}te of þe towell{e}, Ley it w{i}t{h}-out ruffelyng{e} streiȝt to þat oþ{er} side, y þe telle; þañ at eu{er}y end þ{er}of convay half a yarde or an elle, þat þe sewer{e} may make[A] a state / & plese h{i}s mastir well{e}. 252 [Text note A: _make_ is repeated in the MS.] [Sidenote: When your lord has washed, take up the Surnape with your two arms, and carry it back to the Ewery.] whan þe state hath wasch{e}, þe surnap drawne playne, þeñ must ye ber{e} forþe þe surnape befor{e} your{e} souerayne, and so must ye take it vppe with{e} your{e} armes twayne, and to þe Ewery bere hit your{e} silf agayne. 256 [Sidenote: Carry a towel round your neck. Uncover your bread; see that all diners have knife, spoon, and napkin.] a-bowt your{e} nekke a towell{e} ye ber{e}, so to s{er}ue your{e} lorde, þañ to hym make curtesie, for so it will{e} accorde. vnkeu{er} your{e} brede, & by þe salt sette hit euyñ oñ þe borde; looke þer{e} be knyfe & spone / & napkyñ w{i}t{h}-outy[{n}] any worde. 260 [Sidenote: Bow when you leave your lord. Take eight loaves from the bread-cloth, and put four at each end.] Eu{er} whañ ye dep{ar}te from your{e} sou{er}aigne, looke ye bowe yo{ur} knees; [Fol. 174b.] to þe port-payne[48] forth{e} ye passe, & þer{e} viij. loues ye leese: Set at eiþur end of þe table .iiij. loofes at a mese, þañ looke þat ye haue napkyñ & spone eu{er}y p{er}sone to plese. 264 [Sidenote: Lay for as many persons as the Sewer has set potages for, and have plenty of bread and drink.] wayte well{e} to þe Sewer{e} how many potag{es} keuered he; keu{er} ye so many p{er}sonis for your{e} honeste. þañ serve forth{e} your{e} table / vche p{er}sone to his degre, and þat þ{er} lak no bred / trenchour{e}, ale, & wyne / eu{er}mor{e} ye se. 268 [Sidenote: Be lively and soft-spoken, clean and well dressed. Don’t spit or put your fingers into cups.] be glad of cher{e} / Curteise of kne / & soft of speche, Fayr{e} hand{es}, clene nayles / honest arrayed, y the teche; Coughe[*] not, ner spitte, nor to lowd ye reche, ne put your{e} fyngurs in the cuppe / moot{es} for to seche. 272 [Footnote *: Mark over _h_.] [Sidenote: Stop all blaming and backbiting, and prevent complaints.] yet to all{e} þe lord{es} haue ye a sight / for groggy{n}g{e} & atwytyng{e}[49] of fellows þat be at þe mete, for þeir{e} bakbytyng{e}; Se þey be s{er}ued of bred, ale, & wyne, for complaynyng{e}, and so shall{e} ye haue of all{e} meñ / good loue & praysyng{e}. 276 [Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.] [Sidenote: _General Directions for Behaviour._] ++Symple condicions. [Sidenote: Don’t claw your back as if after a flea; or your head, as if after a louse.] ++Symple Co{n}dicyons of a p{er}sone þ{a}t is not taught, y will{e} ye eschew, for eu{er}mor{e} þey be nowght. your{e} hed ne bak ye claw / a fleigh as þaugh{e} ye sought, ne your{e} heer{e} ye stryke, ne pyke / to prall{e}[50] for a flesch{e} mought.[51] 280 [Sidenote: See that your eyes are not blinking and watery. Don’t pick your nose, or let it drop, or blow it too loud,] Glowtyng{e}[52] ne twynkelyng{e} w{i}t{h} your{e} yȝe / ne to heuy of cher{e}, watery / wynkyng{e} / ne droppyng{e} / but of sight cler{e}. pike not your{e} nose / ne þat hit be droppyng{e} w{i}t{h} no peerlis cler{e}, Snyff nor snityng{e}[53] hyt to lowd / lest your{e} sou{er}ayne hit her{e}. 284 [Sidenote: or twist your neck. Don’t claw your cods, rub your hands,] wrye not your{e} nek a doyle[54] as hit wer{e} a dawe; put not your{e} hand{es} in your{e} hoseñ your{e} codwar{e}[55] fer to clawe, nor pikyng{e}, nor trifelyng{e} / ne shrukkyng{e} as þauȝ ye wold sawe; yo{ur} hond{es} frote ne rub / brydelynge w{i}t{h} brest vppoñ yo{ur} crawe; 288 [Sidenote: pick your ears, retch, or spit too far. Don’t tell lies,] w{i}t{h} your{e} eris pike not / ner be ye slow of heryng{e}; areche / ne spitt to ferr{e} / ne haue lowd laughyng{e}; Speke not lowd / be war of mowyng{e}[56] & scornyng{e}; be no lier w{i}t{h} your{e} mouth{e} / ne lykorous, ne dryvelyng{e}. 292 [Sidenote: or squirt with your mouth, gape, pout, or put your tongue in a dish to pick dust out.] w{i}t{h} your{e} mouthe ye vse nowþ{er} to squyrt, nor spowt; be not gapyng{e} nor ganyng{e}, ne w{i}t{h} þy mouth to powt lik not w{i}t{h} þy tong{e} in a disch, a mote to haue owt. Be not rasche ne recheles, it is not worth a clowt. 296 [Sidenote: Don’t cough, hiccup, or belch, straddle your legs, or scrub your body.] w{i}t{h} your{e} brest / sigh{e}, nor cowgh{e} / nor brethe, your{e} sou{er}ayne befor{e}; [Fol. 175.] be yoxing{e},[57] ne bolkyng{e} / ne gronyng{e}, neu{er} þe more; w{i}t{h} your{e} feet trampelyng{e}, ne settyng{e} your{e} leggis a shor{e}[58]; w{i}t{h} your{e} body be not shrubbyng{e}[59]; Iettyng{e}[60] is no loor{e}. 300 [Sidenote: Don’t pick your teeth, cast stinking breath on your lord, fire your stern guns, or expose your codware before your master.] Good soñ, þy teth{e} be not pikyng{e}, grisyng{e},[61] ne gnastynge[62]; ne stynkyng{e} of breth{e} oñ your{e} sou{er}ayne castyng{e}; w{i}t{h} puffyng{e} ne blowyng{e}, nowþ{er} full{e} ne fastyng{e}; and all{e} wey be war{e} of þy hyndur part from gu{n}nes blastyng{e}. 304 These Cuttid[63] galaunt{es} with their{e} codwar{e}; þat is añ vngoodly gise;-- Other tacches[64] as towchyng{e} / y spar{e} not to mysp{ra}ue aft{ur} myne avise,-- wheñ he shall{e} s{er}ue his mastir, befor{e} hym̅ oñ þe table hit lyes; Eu{er}y sou{er}eyne of sadnes[65] all{e} suche sort shall{e} dispise. 308 [Sidenote: Many other improprieties a good servant will avoid.’] Many moo condicions a mañ myght fynde / þañ now ar named her{e}, þ{er}for{e} Eu{er}y honest s{er}uand / avoyd all{e} thoo, & worshipp{e} lat hym leer{e}. Panter, yomañ of þe Celler{e}, butler{e}, & Ewer{e}, y will{e} þat ye obeye to þe marshall{e}, Sewer{e}, & kerver{e}.[66]’ 312 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.] [Sidenote: ‘Sir, pray teach me how to carve, handle a knife, and cut up birds, fish, and flesh.’] “++Good syr, y yow pray þe connyng{e}[A] of kervyng{e} ye will{e} me teche, and þe fayr{e} handlyng{e} of a knyfe, y yow beseche, and all{e} wey wher{e} y shall{e} all{e} man{er} fowles / breke, vnlace, or seche,[67] and w{i}t{h} Fysch{e} or flesch{e}, how shall{e} y demene me w{i}t{h} eche.” 316 [Text note: MS. comynge.] [Sidenote: ‘Hold your knife tight, with two fingers and a thumb,] ++“Soñ, thy knyfe must be bryght, fayr{e}, & clene, and þyne hand{es} fair{e} wasch{e}, it wold þe well{e} be sene. hold alwey thy knyfe sur{e}, þy self not to tene, and passe not ij. fyngurs & a thombe oñ thy knyfe so kene; 320 [Sidenote: in your midpalm. Do your carving, lay your bread, and take off trenchers, with two fingers and thumb.] In mydde wey of thyne hande set the ende of þe haft Sur{e}, Vnlasyng{e} & mynsyng{e} .ij. fyngur{s} w{i}t{h} þe thombe / þ{a}t may ye endur{e}. kervyng{e} / of bred leiyng{e} / voydyng{e} / of cromes & trenchewr{e}, w{i}t{h} ij. fyngurs and a thombe / loke ye haue þe Cure. 324 [Sidenote: Never touch others’ food with your right hand, but only with the left.] Sett neu{er} oñ fysch{e} nor flesch{e} / beest / nor fowle, trewly, Moor{e} þañ ij. fyngurs and a thombe, for þat is curtesie. Touche neu{er} w{i}t{h} your{e} right hande no man{er} mete surely, but w{i}t{h} your lyft hande / as y seid afor{e}, for þ{a}t is goodlye. 328 [Sidenote: Don’t dirty your table or wipe your knives on it.] All{e}-wey w{i}t{h} your{e} lift hand hold yo{ur} loof w{i}t{h} myght, [Fol. 175b.] and hold your{e} knyfe Sur{e}, as y haue geue yow sight. enbrewe[68] not your{e} table / for þañ ye do not ryght, ne þ{er}-vppoñ ye wipe your{e} knyff{es}, but oñ your{e} napkyñ plight. 332 [Sidenote: Take a loaf of trenchers, and with the edge of your knife raise a trencher, and lay it before your lord;] Furst take a loofe of trenchurs in þy lifft hande, þañ take þy table knyfe,[69] as y haue seid afor{e} hande; w{i}t{h} the egge of þe knyfe your{e} trencher{e} vp be ye reysande as nyghe þe poynt as ye may, to-for{e} your{e} lord hit leyande; 336 [Sidenote: lay four trenchers four-square, and another on the top. Take a loaf of light bread,] right so .iiij. trenchers ooñ by a-nothur .iiij. squar{e} ye sett, and vppoñ þo trenchurs .iiij. a trenchur sengle w{i}t{h}-out lett; þañ take your{e} loof of light payne / as y haue said ȝett, and w{i}t{h} the egge of þe knyfe nygh{e} your hand ye kett. 340 [Sidenote: pare the edges, cut the upper crust for your lord,] Furst par{e} þe quarters of the looff round all{e} a-bowt, þañ kutt þe vpper crust / for your{e} sou{er}ayne, & to hym alowt. Suffer{e} your{e} parell{e}[70] to stond still{e} to þe botom / & so nyȝe y-spend owt, so ley hym of þe cromes[A] a quarter of þe looff Sauncȝ dowt; 344 [Text note: MS. _may be_ coomes.] [Sidenote: and don’t touch it after it’s trimmed. Keep your table clean.] Touche neu{er} þe loof aft{ur} he is so tamed, put it, [on] a plater{e} or þe almes disch þ{er}-for{e} named. Make clene your{e} bord eu{er}, þañ shall{e} ye not be blamed, þañ may þe sewer{e} his lord s{er}ue / & neyth{ur} of yow be gramed[71] 348 [Headnote: FUMOSITEES.] [Sidenote: _Indigestibilities._] Fumositees. [Sidenote: You must know what meat is indigestible, and what sauces are wholesome.] ++Of all{e} man{er} met{es} ye must thus know & fele þe fumositees of fysch, flesch{e}, & fowles dyu{er}s & feele, And all{e} man{er} of Sawc{es} for fisch{e} & flesch{e} to p{re}serue yo{ur} lord in heele; to yow it behouyth to knew all{e} þese eu{er}y deele.” 352 ++“Syr, hertyly y pray yow for to telle me Certenle of how many met{es} þat ar fumose in þeir{e} degre.” [Sidenote: These things are indigestible:] ++“In certeyñ, my soñ, þat sone shall{e} y shew the by letturs dyu{er}s told{e} by thries thre, 356 [Sidenote: Fat and Fried, Raw and Resty, Salt and Sour,] +F, R,+ and +S+ / in dyu{er}se tyme and tyde +F+ is þe furst / þat is, ++Fatt, ++Farsed, & ++Fried; +R+, ++raw / ++resty, and ++rechy, ar combero{us} vndefied; +S+ / ++salt / ++sowre / and ++sowse[72] / all{e} suche þow set a-side, 360 [Sidenote: also sinews, skin, hair, feathers, crops, heads, pinions, &c., legs, outsides of thighs, skins;] w{i}t{h} other of the same sort, and lo thus ar thay, Senowis, skynnes / heer{e} / Cropyns[73] / yong{e} fedurs for certeñ y say, heedis / py{n}nyns, boonis / all{e} þese pyke away, Suffir neu{er} þy sou{er}ayne / to fele þem, y the pray / 364 [Sidenote: these destroy your lord’s rest.’] All{e} man{er} leggis also, bothe of fowle and beestis, the vttur side of the thygh{e} or legge of all{e} fowlis in feest{is}, the fumosite of all{e} man{er} skynnes y p{ro}mytt þe{e} by heestis, all{e} þese may benym[74] þy sou{er}ayne / from many nyght{is} rest{is}.” 368 [Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.] [Sidenote: ‘Thanks, father, I’ll put your teaching into practice, and pray for you.] ++“Now fayr{e} befall{e} yow fadur / & well{e} must ye cheve,[75] For these poyntes by practik y hope full{e} well{e} to p{re}ve, and yet shall{e} y p{ra}y for yow / dayly while þat y leue / bothe for body and sowle / þat god yow gyde from greve; 372 [Sidenote: But please tell me how to carve fish and flesh.’] Prayng{e} yow to take it, fadur / for no displesur{e}, yf y durst desir{e} mor{e} / and þat y myght{e} be sur{e} to know þe kervyng{e} of fisch{e} & flesch{e} / aftur cock{es} cur{e}: y hed leu{er} þe sight of that / thañ A Scarlet hur{e}.”[76] 376 [Sidenote: _Carving of Meat._] Kervyng of flesh: [Sidenote: Cut _brawn_ on the dish, and lift slices off with your knife;] ++“Son, take þy knyfe as y taught þe while er{e}, kut bravne in þe disch{e} riȝt as hit lieth{e} ther{e}, and to þy sou{er}eynes trenchour{e} / w{i}t{h} þe knyfe / ye h{i}t ber{e}: pare þe fatt þ{er}-from / be war{e} of hide & heer{e}. 380 [Sidenote: serve it with mustard. Venison with furmity.] Thañ whan ye haue it so y-leid / oñ þy lord{es} trenchour{e}, looke ye haue good mustarde þ{er}-to and good licour{e}; Fatt venesou{n} w{i}t{h} frumenty / hit is a gay plesewr{e} your{e} sou{er}ayne to s{er}ue with in sesou{n} to his honowr{e}: 384 [Sidenote: Touch _Venison_ only with your knife, pare it, cross it with 12 scores,] Towche not þe venisou{n} w{i}t{h} no bare hand but with{e} þy knyfe; þis wise shall{e} ye be doand{e}, with{e} þe fore part of þe knyfe looke ye be hit parand, xij. draught{es} w{i}t{h} þe egge of þe knyfe þe venison crossand{e}. 388 [Sidenote: cut a piece out, and put it in the furmity soup.] Thañ whañ ye þat venesou{n} so haue chekkid hit, [Fol. 176b.] with þe fore p{ar}te of your{e} knyfe / þ{a}t ye hit owt kytt, In þe frume{n}ty potage honestly ye co{n}vey hit, in þe same forme w{i}t{h} pesyñ & bakeñ whañ sesou{n} þ{er}-to doth{e} sitt. 392 [Sidenote: Touch with your left hand, pare it clean, put away the sinews, &c.] With{e} your{e} lift hand touche beeff / Chyne[77] / motou{n}, as is a-for{e} said, & pare hit clene or þ{a}t ye kerve / or hit to yo{ur} lord be layd; and as it is showed afor{e} / bewar{e} of vpbrayd{e}; all{e} fumosite, salt / senow / Raw / a-side be hit convayd{e}. 396 [Sidenote: _Partridges_, &c.: take up by the pinion, and mince them small in the sirrup.] In siripp{e} / p{ar}trich{e} / stokdove / & chekyns, in s{er}uyng{e}, w{i}t{h} yo{ur} lifft hand take þem by þe pynoñ of þe whyng{e}, & þat same w{i}t{h} þe fore p{ar}te of þe knyfe be ye vp reryng{e}, Mynse hem small{e} in þe sirupp{e}: of fumosite algate be ye feeryng{e}. 400 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS, SWAN, CAPON, &C.] [Sidenote: Larger roast birds, as the _Osprey_, &c., raise up [? cut off] the legs, then the wings,] Good soñ, of all{e} fowles rosted y tell{e} yow as y Cañ, Every goos / teele / Mallard / Ospray / & also swanne, reyse vp þo leggis of all{e} þese furst, y sey the thañ, afft{ur} þat, þe whyng{es} large & rownd / þañ dar{e} blame þe no man; 404 [Sidenote: lay the body in the middle, with the wings and legs round it, in the same dish.] Lay the body in mydd{es} of þe disch{e} / or in a-nod{ur} charger{e}, of vche of þese w{i}t{h} whyng{es} in mydd{es}, þe legg{es} so aftir ther{e}. of all{e} þese in .vj. lees[78] / if þat ye[A] will{e}, ye may vppe arer{e}, & ley þem̅ betwene þe legg{es}, & þe whyng{es} in þe same plater{e}. 408 [Text note: _MS. may be_ yo.] [Sidenote: _Capons:_ take off the wings and legs; pour on ale or wine, mince them into the flavoured sauce.] Capoñ, & hen of hawt grees[79], þus wold þey be dight:-- Furst, vn-lace þe whynges, þe legg{es} þan in sight, Cast ale or wyne oñ þem̅, as þ{er}-to belo{n}geth of ryght, & mynse þem̅ þañ in to þe sawce w{i}t{h} powdurs kene of myght. 412 [Sidenote: Give your lord the left wing, and if he want it, the right one too.] Take capou{n} or heñ so enlased, & devide; take þe lift whynge; in þe sawce mynce hit eueñ beside, and yf your{e} sou{er}ayne ete sau{er}ly / & haue þ{er}to appetide, þañ mynce þat oþur whyng{e} þ{er}-to to satisfye hym̅ þ{a}t tyde. 416 [Sidenote: _Pheasants_, &c.: take off the wings, put them in the dish, then the legs.] Feysaunt, p{ar}trich{e}, plou{er}, & lapewynk, y yow say, areyse[80] þe whyng{es} furst / do as y yow pray; In þe disch{e} forth{e}-with{e}, boþe þat ye ham lay, þañ aftur þat / þe leggus / w{i}t{h}out lengur delay. 420 [Sidenote: _Woodcocks_, Heronshaws, Brew, &c. break the pinions, neck, and beak.] wodcok / Betowr{e}[81] / Egret[82] / Snyte[83] / and Curlew, heyrou{n}sew[84] / resteratiff þey ar / & so is the brewe;[85] þese .vij. fowles / must be vnlaced, y tell{e} yow trew, breke þe pynons / nek, & beek, þus ye must þem shew. 424 [Sidenote: Cut off the legs, then the wings, lay the body between them.] Thus ye must þem vnlace / & in thus manere: [Fol. 177.] areyse þe leggis / suffir{e} þeir{e} feete still{e} to be oñ ther{e}, þañ þe whyng{es} in þe disch{e} / ye may not þem forber{e}, þe body þañ in þe middes laid / like as y yow leer{e}. 428 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.] [Sidenote: _Crane_: take off the wings, but not the trompe in his breast.] The Crane is a fowle / þat strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e}; þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e}; of hyr{e} trompe[86] in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye bewar{e}. towche not hir trompe / eu{er}mor{e} þat ye spar{e}. 432 [Sidenote: _Peacocks_, &c.: carve like you do the Crane, keeping their feet on.] Pecok / Stork / Bustarde / & Shovellewr{e}, ye must vnlace þem in þe plite[87] / of þe crane prest & pur{e}, so þ{a}t vche of þem̅ haue þeyre feete aft{ur} my cur{e}, and eu{er} of a sharpe knyff wayte þat ye be sur{e}. 436 [Sidenote: _Quails_, larks, pigeons: give your lord the legs first.] Of quayle / sparow / larke / & litell{e} / m{er}tinet, pygeou{n} / swalow / thrusch{e} / osull{e} / ye not forgete, þe legges to ley to yo{ur} sou{er}eyne ye ne lett, and afturward þe whyngus if his lust be to ete. 440 [Sidenote: _Fawn_: serve the kidney first, then a rib. Pick the fyxfax out of the neck.] Off Foweñ / kid / lambe, / þe kydney furst it lay, Þañ lifft vp the shuldur, do as y yow say, Ȝiff he will{e} þ{er}of ete / a rybbe to hym̅ convay; but in þe nek þe fyxfax[88] þat þow do away. 444 venesou{n} rost / in þe disch{e} if your{e} sou{er}ayne hit chese, [Sidenote: _Pig_: 1. shoulder, 2. rib. _Rabbit_: lay him on his back; pare off his skin;] þe shuldir of a pigge furst / þañ a rybbe, yf hit will{e} hym plese; þe cony, ley hym oñ þe bak in þe disch, if he haue grece, while ye par awey þe skyñ oñ vche side / & þañ breke hym̅ or y[e] sece 448 [Sidenote: break his haunch bone, cut him down each side of the back, lay him on his belly, separate the sides from the chine, put them together again,] betwene þe hyndur legg{is} breke þe canell{e} booñ,[89] þañ w{i}t{h} your{e} knyfe areyse þe sides along{e} þe chyne Alone; so lay yo{ur} cony wombelong{e} vche side to þe chyne / by craft as y co{n}ne, betwene þe bulke, chyne, þe sid{es} to-gedur{e} lat þem be dooñ; 452 [Sidenote: cutting out the nape of the neck; give your lord the sides.] The .ij. sides dep{ar}te from þe chyne, þus is my loor{e}, þen ley bulke, chyne, & sides, to-gedir{e} / as þey wer{e} yor{e}. Furst kit owte þe nape in þe nek / þe shuldurs befor{e}; w{i}t{h} þe sides serve your{e} sou{er}anyne / hit state to restor{e}. 456 [Sidenote: Sucking rabbits: cut in two, then the hind part in two; pare the skin off, serve the daintiest bit from the side.] Rabett{es} sowkers,[90] þe furþ{er} p{ar}te from þe hyndur, ye devide; þañ þe hyndur part at tweyñ ye kut þat tyde, par{e} þe skyñ away / & let it not þer{e} abide, þañ s{er}ue your{e} sou{er}ayne of þe same / þe deynteist of þe side. 460 [Sidenote: Such is the way of carving gross meats.] ++The man{er} & forme of kervyng{e} of met{es} þat byñ groos, [Fol. 177b.] afftur my symplenes y haue shewed, as y suppose: yet, good soñ, amonge oþ{er} estat{es} eu{er} as þow goose, as ye se / and by vse of your{e} self / ye may gete yow loos. 464 [Sidenote: Cut each piece into four slices (?) for your master to dip in his sauce.] But furþ{er}mor{e} enforme yow y must in metis kervyng{e}; Mynse ye must iiij lees[91] / to ooñ morsell{e} hangyng{e}, þat your{e} mastir may take w{i}t{h} .ij. fyngurs in his sawce dippyng{e}, and so no napkyñ / brest, ne borcloth{e}[92], in any wise enbrowyng{e}. 468 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.] [Sidenote: Of large birds’ wings, put only three bits at once in the sauce.] Of gret fowle / in to þe sawce mynse þe whyng{e} this wise; pas not .iij. morcell{es} in þe sawc{e} at onis, as y yow avise; To your{e} sou{er}ayne þe gret fowles legge ley, as is þe gise, and þus mowe ye neu{er} mysse of all{e} co{n}nyng{e} s{er}uise. 472 [Sidenote: Of small birds’ wings, scrape the flesh to the end of the bone, and put it on your lord’s trencher.] Of all{e} man{er} smale brydd{is}, þe whyng{is} oñ þe trencher leying{e}, w{i}t{h} þe poynt of your{e} knyfe / þe flesch{e} to þe booñ end ye bryng{e}, and so co{n}veye hit oñ þe trencher{e}, þ{a}t wise yo{ur} sou{er}ayne plesyng{e}, and w{i}t{h} fair{e} salt & trenchour{e} / hym̅ also oft renewyng{e}. 476 [Sidenote: _How to carve Baked Meats._] Bake metes.[93] [Sidenote: Open hot ones at the top of the crust, cold ones in the middle.] Almaner{e} bakemet{es} þat byñ good and hoot, Opeñ hem aboue þe brym of þe coffyñ[94] cote, and all{e} þat byñ cold / & lusteth your{e} sou{er}eyñ to note, alwey in þe mydway opeñ hem ye mote. 480 [Sidenote: Take Teal, &c., out of their pie, and mince their wings,] Of capoñ, chikeñ, or teele, in coffyñ bake, Owt of þe pye furst þat ye hem take, In a dische besyde / þat ye þe whyngus slake, thynk[95] y-mynsed in to þe same w{i}t{h} yo{ur} knyfe ye slake, 484 [Sidenote: stir the gravy in; your lord may eat it with a spoon.] And ster{e} well{e} þe stuff þ{er}-in w{i}t{h} þe poynt of yo{ur} knyfe; Mynse ye thynne þe whyng{is}, be it in to veele or byffe; w{i}t{h} a spone lightely to ete yo{ur} sou{er}ayne may be leeff, So w{i}t{h} suche diet as is holsom he may length{e} his life. 488 [Sidenote: Cut Venison, &c., in the pasty. Custard: cut in squares with a knife.] ++Venesou{n} bake, of boor or othur venur{e}, [Fol. 178.] Kut it in þe pastey, & ley hit oñ his trenchur{e}. Pygeoñ bake, þe legg{is} leid to your{e} lord sur{e}, Custard,[96] chekkid buche,[97] squar{e} w{i}t{h} þe knyfe; þ{us} is þe cur{e} 492 [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.] [Sidenote: Dowcets: pare away the sides; serve in a sawcer.] Þañ þe sou{er}ayne, w{i}t{h} his spone whañ he lusteth{e} to ete. of dowcet{es},[98] par{e} awey the sid{es} to þe botom̅, & þ{a}t ye lete, In a sawcer{e} afor{e} your{e} sou{er}ayne semely ye hit sett whañ hym̅ liketh{e} to atast: looke ye not forgete. 496 [Sidenote: Payne-puff: pare the bottom, cut off the top. Fried things are indigestible.] Payne Puff,[99] par{e} þe botom nyȝe þe stuff, take hede, Kut of þe toppe of a payne puff, do thus as y rede; [Textnote: (? p{ar}neys)] Also pety p{er}ueys[100] be fayr{e} and clene / so god be your{e} spede. off Fryed met{es}[101] be war{e}, for þey ar Fumose in dede. 500 Fried metes. [Sidenote: Poached-egg (?) fritters are best. Tansey is good hot. Don’t eat Leessez.] ++O Frutur{e} viant[102] / Frutur sawge,[102] byñ good / bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche;[102] Appull{e} frutur{e}[103] / is good hoot / but þe cold ye not towche. Tansey[104] is good hoot / els cast it not in your{e} clowche. all{e} man{er} of leesseȝ[105] / ye may forber{e} / herber{e} in yow none sowche. 504 _Len-voy_ [Sidenote: Cooks are always inventing new dishes that tempt people and endanger their lives:] { Cook{es} w{i}t{h} þeir{e} newe co{n}ceyt{es}, choppyng{e} / stampyng{e}, & gryndyng{e}, { Many new curies / all{e} day þey ar co{n}tryvyng{e} & Fyndyng{e} { þ{a}t p{ro}voketh{e} þe peple to p{er}ell{es} of passage / þrouȝ peyne soor{e} pyndyng{e}, { & þrouȝ nice excesse of suche receyt{es} / of þe life to make a endyng{e}. 508 [Sidenote: Syrups Comedies, Jellies, that stop the bowels.] { Some w{i}t{h} Sireppis[106] / Sawces / Sewes,[107] and soppes,[108] { Comedies / Cawdell{es}[109] cast in Cawdrons / ponnes, or pottes, { leesses / Ielies[110] / Fruturs / fried mete þat stoppes { and distempereth{e} all{e} þe body, bothe bak, bely, & roppes:[111] 512 [Sidenote: Some dishes are prepared with unclarified honey. Cow-heels and Calves’ feet are sometimes mixed with unsugared leches and Jellies.] { Some man{er} cury of Cooke{s} crafft Sotelly y haue espied, { how þeir{e} dischmet{es} ar dressid w{i}t{h} hony not claryfied. { Cow heelis / and Calves fete / ar der{e} y-bouȝt some tide { To medill{e} among{e} leeches[112] & Ielies / whañ sug{er} shall{e} syt a-side. 516 [Headnote: POTAGES.] Potages.[113] [Sidenote: Furmity with venison, mortrewes,] ++Wortus w{i}t{h} an henne / Cony / beef, or els añ haar{e}, [Fol. 178b.] Frumenty[114] w{i}t{h} venesou{n} / pesyñ w{i}t{h} bakoñ, long{e} wort{es} not spar{e}; Gr{ow}ell{e} of force[115] / Gravell{e} of beeff[116] / or motou{n}, haue ye no car{e}; Gely, mortrows[117] / creyme of almond{es}, þe mylke[118] {þer}-of is good fare. 520 [Sidenote: jussell, &c., are good. Other out-of-the-way soups set aside.] Iussell{e}[119], tartlett[120], cabag{es}[121], & nombles[122] of vennur{e},[A] all{e} þese potages ar good and sur{e} of oþ{er} sewes & potages þ{a}t ar not made by natur{e}, all{e} Suche siropis sett a side your{e} heer{e} to endur{e}. 524 [Text note: The long _r_ and curl for _e_ in the MS. look like f, as if for vennuf.] [Sidenote: Such is a flesh feast in the English way.] ++Now, soñ, y haue yow shewid somewhat of myne avise, þe service of a flesch{e} feest folowyng{e} englondis gise; Forgete ye not my loor{e} / but looke ye ber{e} good yȝes vppoñ oþur co{n}nyng{e} kervers: now haue y told yow twise. 528 [Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.] [Sidenote: Sauces.] Diuerce Sawces.[123] [Sidenote: Sauces provoke a fine appetite.] ++Also to know your{e} sawces for flesch{e} conveniently, hit p{ro}vokith{e} a fyne apetide if sawce your{e} mete be bie; to the lust of your{e} lord looke þ{a}t ye haue þer redy suche sawce as hym liketh{e} / to make hym glad & mery. 532 [Sidenote: Have ready Mustard for brawn, &c., Verjuice for veal, &c., Chawdon for cygnet and swan, Garlic, &c., for beef and goose,] Mustard[124] is meete for brawne / beef, or powdred[125] motou{n}; verdius[126] to boyled capou{n} / veel / chikeñ /or bakoñ; And to signet / & swañ, co{n}venyent is þe chawdoñ[127]; Roost beeff / & goos / w{i}t{h} garlek, vinegr{e}, or pepur,[[127a]] in co{n}clusiou{n}. 536 [Sidenote: Ginger for fawn, &c., Mustard and sugar for pheasant, &c., Gamelyn for heronsew, &c., Sugar and Salt for brew, &c.,] Gyng{er} sawce[128] to lambe, to kyd / pigge, or fawñ / in fere; to feysand, p{ar}trich{e}, or cony / Mustard w{i}t{h} þe sugur{e}; Sawce gamelyñ[129] to heyroñ-sewe / egret / crane / & plover{e}; also / brewe[130] / Curlew / sugre & salt / w{i}t{h} water{e} of þe ryver{e}; 540 [Sidenote: Gamelyn for bustard, &c., Salt and Cinnamon for woodcock, thrushes, &c., and quails, &c.] Also for bustard / betowr{e} / & shoveler{e},[131] gamelyñ[132] is in sesou{n}; Wodcok / lapewynk / M{er}tenet / larke, & venysou{n}, Sparows / thrusches / all{e} þese .vij. w{i}t{h} salt & synamome: Quayles, sparowes, & snytes, whañ þeir{e} sesou{n} com,[133] 544 Thus to p{ro}voke a{n} appetide þe Sawce hath{e} is op{er}aciou{n}. [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.] [Sidenote: _How to carve Fish._] Kervyng of fische.[134] [Sidenote: With pea soup or furmity serve a Beaver’s tail, salt Porpoise, &c.] ++Now, good soñ, of kervyng{e} of fysch{e} y wot y must þe leer{e}: To pesoñ[135] or frumeñty take þe tayle of þe bever{e},[136] or ȝiff ye haue salt purpose[137] / ȝele[138] / torrentill{e}[139], deynteith{us} fulle der{e}, 548 ye must do aftur{e} þe forme of frumenty, as y said while er{e}. [Sidenote: Split up Herrings, take out the roe and bones, eat with mustard.] Bakeñ heryng{e}, dressid & diȝt w{i}t{h} white sugur{e}; þe white heryng{e} by þe bak a brode ye splat hym̅ sur{e}, bothe rough{e} & boon{us} / voyded / þeñ may your{e} lorde endur{e} 552 to ete merily w{i}t{h} mustard þ{a}t tyme to his plesur{e}. [Sidenote: Take the skin off salt fish, Salmon, Ling, &c., and let the sauce be mustard,] Of all{e} man{er} salt fisch{e}, looke ye par{e} awey the felle, Salt samou{n} / Congur[140], grone[141] fisch{e} / boþe lyng{e}[142] & myllewelle[143], & oñ your{e} sou{er}aynes trenche{ur} ley hit, as y yow telle. 556 þe sawce þ{er}-to, good mustard, alway accordeth{e} well{e}. [Sidenote: but for Mackarel, &c., butter of Claynes or Hackney (?)] Saltfysch{e}, stokfisch{e}[144] / m{er}lyng{e}[145] / makerell{e}, butt{ur} ye may w{i}t{h} swete butt{ur} of Claynos[146] or els of hakenay, þe boon{us}, skynnes / & fynnes, furst y-fette a-way, 560 þeñ sett your{e} dische þer{e} as your{e} sou{er}ey{n} may tast & assay. [Sidenote: Of Pike, the belly is best, with plenty of sauce.] Pike[147], to your{e} sou{er}eyñ y wold þat it be layd, þe wombe is best, as y haue herd it said{e}, Fysch{e} & skyñ to-gedir be hit convaied 564 w{i}t{h} pike sawce y-noughe þ{er}-to / & h{i}t shall{e} not be denayd. [Sidenote: Salt Lampreys, cut in seven gobbets, pick out the backbones, serve with onions and galentine.] The salt lamprey, gobeñ hit a slout[148] .vij. pec{is} y assigne; þañ pike owt þe boon{us} nyȝe þe bak spyne, and ley hit oñ {your} lord{es} trencher{e} wheþ{er} he sowpe or dyne, 568 & þat ye haue ssoddyñ ynons[149] to meddill{e} w{i}t{h} galantyne.[150] [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.] [Sidenote: Plaice: cut off the fins, cross it with a knife, sauce with wine, &c.] Off playce,[151] looke ye put a-way þe wat{ur} clene, afft{ur} þat þe fynnes also, þat þey be not sene; Crosse hym þeñ w{i}t{h} yo{ur} knyffe þat is so kene; 572 wyne or ale / powd{er} þ{er}-to, your{e} sou{er}ayñ well{e} to queme. [Sidenote: Gurnard, Chub, Roach, Dace, Cod, &c., split up and spread on the dish.] Gurnard / roche[152] / breme / chevyñ / base / melet / in her kervyng{e}, Perche / rooche[153] / darce[154] / Makerell{e}, & whityng{e}, Codde / haddok / by þe bak / splat þem̅ in þe disch{e} liyng{e}, 576 pike owt þe boon{us}, clense þe refett[155] in þe bely bydyng{e}; [Sidenote: Soles, Carp, &c., take off as served.] Soolus[156] / Carpe / Breme de mer{e},[157] & trowt, [Fol. 179b.] þey must be takyñ of as þey in þe disch{e} lowt, bely & bak / by gobyñ[158] þe booñ to pike owt, 580 so serve ye lord{es} trencher{e}, looke ye well{e} abowt. [Sidenote: Whale, porpoise, congur, turbot, Halybut, &c., cut in the dish,] Whale / Swerdfysch{e} / purpose / dorray[159] / rosted wele, Bret[160] / samoñ / Congur[161] / sturgeou{n} / turbut, & ȝele, þornebak / thurle polle / hound fysch[162] / halybut, to hy{m} þ{a}t hath{e} heele, 584 all{e} þese / cut in þe disch{e} as your{e} lord eteth{e} at meele. [Sidenote: and also Tench in jelly. On roast Lamprons cast vinegar, &c., and bone them.] Tenche[163] in Iely or in Sawce[164] / loke þe{re} ye kut hit so, and oñ your{e} lord{es} trencher{e} se þ{a}t it be do. Elis & lampurnes[165] rosted / wher{e} þ{a}t eue{r} ye go, 588 Cast vinegr{e} & powd{er} þ{er}oñ / furst fette þe bon{us} þem̅ fro. [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.] [Sidenote: Crabs are hard to carve: break every claw, put all the meat in the body-shell,] Crabbe is a slutt / to kerve / & a wrawd[166] wight; breke eu{er}y Clawe / a sond{ur} / for þ{a}t is his ryght: In þe brode shell{e} putt your{e} stuff / but furst haue a sight 592 þat it be clene from skyñ / & senow / or ye begyñ to dight. [Sidenote: and then season it with _vinegar or verjuice_ and powder. (?)] And what[167] ye haue piked / þe stuff owt of eu{er}y shell{e} w{i}t{h} þe poynt of your{e} knyff, loke ye temp{er} hit well{e}, put vinegr{e} / þ{er}to, verdjus, or aysell{e},[168] 596 Cast þ{er}-oñ powdur, the bettur it will{e} smell{e}. [Sidenote: Heat it, and give it to your lord. Put the claws, broken, in a dish.] Send þe Crabbe to þe kychyñ / þer{e} for to hete, agayñ hit facch{e} to þy sou{er}ayne sittyng{e} at mete; breke þe clawes of þe crabbe / þe small{e} & þe grete, 600 In a disch þem̅ ye lay / if hit like yo{ur} sou{er}ayne to ete. [Sidenote: The sea Crayfish: cut it asunder, slit the belly of the back part, take out the fish,] Crevise[169] / þus wise ye must them dight: Dep{ar}te the crevise a-sondir{e} euyñ to your{e} sight, Slytt þe bely of the hyndur part / & so do ye right, 604 and all{e} hoole take owt þe fisch{e}, like as y yow behight. [Sidenote: clean out the _gowt_ in the middle of the sea Crayfish’s back; pick it out, tear it off the fish,] Par{e} awey þe red skyñ for dyu{er}s cawse & dowt, and make clene þe place also / þat ye call{e} his gowt,[170] hit lies in þe mydd{es} of þe bak / looke ye pike it owt; 608 areise hit by þe þyknes of a grote / þe fisch{e} rownd abowt. [Sidenote: and put vinegar to it; break the claws and set them on the table.] put it in a disch{e} lees{e} by lees[171] / & þat ye not forgete to put vinegr{e} to þe same / so it towche not þe mete; breke þe gret clawes your{e} self / ye nede no cooke to trete, 612 Set þem̅ oñ þe table / ye may / w{i}t{h}-owt any man{er} heete. [Sidenote: Treat the back like the crab, stopping both ends with bread.] The bak of þe Crevise, þus he must be sted: array hym̅ as ye doth{e} / þe crabbe, if þat any be had, and boþe end{es} of þe shell{e} / Stoppe them fast w{i}t{h} bred, 616 & s{er}ue / your{e} sou{er}eyñ þ{er} w{i}t{h} / as he liketh{e} to be fedd. [Sidenote: The fresh-water Crayfish: serve with vinegar and powder.] Of Crevis dewe douȝ[172] Cut his bely a-way, [Fol. 180.] þe fisch{e} in A disch{e} clenly þat ye lay w{i}t{h} vineg{er} & powdur þ{er} vppoñ, þus is vsed ay, 620 þañ your{e} sou{er}ayne / whañ hym semeth{e}, sadly he may assay. [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.] [Sidenote: Salt Sturgeon: slit its joll, or head, thin. Whelk: cut off its head and tail, throw away its operculum, mantle, &c.,] The Iolle[173] of þe salt sturgeou{n} / thyñ / take hede ye slytt, & rownd about þe disch{e} dresse ye musteñ hit. Þe whelke[174] / looke þat þe hed / and tayle awey be kytt, 624 his pyntill[175] & gutt / almond & mantill{e},[176] awey þ{er} fro ye pitt; [Sidenote: cut it in two, and put it on the sturgeon, adding vinegar.] Theñ kut ye þe whelk asond{ur}, eveñ pec{is} two, and ley þe pecis þ{er}of / vppoñ your{e} sturgeou{n} so, rownd all abowt þe disch / while þ{a}t hit will{e} go; 628 put vinegr{e} þ{er}-vppoñ / þe bett{ur} þañ will{e} hit do. [Sidenote: Carve Baked Lampreys thus: take off the piecrust, put thin slices of bread on a Dish,] Fresch{e} lamprey bake[177] / þus it must be dight: Opeñ þe pastey lid, þ{er}-in to haue a sight, Take þeñ white bred þyñ y-kut & liȝt, 632 lay hit in a charger{e} / disch{e}, or plater, ryght; [Sidenote: pour galentyne over the bread, add cinnamon and red wine.] w{i}t{h} a spone þeñ take owt þe gentill{e} galantyne,[178] In þe disch{e}, oñ þe bred / ley hit, le{m}mañ myne, þeñ take powd{ur} of Synamome, & te{m}p{er} hit w{i}t{h} red wyne: 636 þe same wold plese a por{e} mañ / y suppose, well{e} & fyne. [Sidenote: Mince the lampreys, lay them on the sauce, &c., on a hot plate, serve up to your lord.] Mynse ye þe gobyns as thyñ as a grote, þañ lay þem̅ vppoñ your{e} galantyne stondyng{e} oñ a chaffir{e} hoote: þus must ye diȝt a lamprey owt of his coffyñ cote, 640 and so may your{e} sou{er}ayne ete merily be noote. [Sidenote: White herrings fresh; the roe must be white and tender serve with salt and wine.] White heryng{e} in a disch{e}, if hit be seaward & fressh{e}, yo{ur} sou{er}eyñ to ete in seesou{n} of yer{e} / þ{er}-aft{ur} he will{e} Asch{e}. looke he be white by þe booñ / þe rough{e} white & nesch{e}; 644 w{i}t{h} salt & wyne s{er}ue ye hym̅ þe same / boldly, & not to bassh{e}. [Sidenote: Shrimps picked, lay them round a sawcer, and serve with vinegar.”] Shrympes well{e} pyked / þe scales awey ye cast, Round abowt a sawcer / ley ye þem in hast; þe vinegr{e} in þe same sawcer, þ{a}t your{e} lord may attast, 648 þañ w{i}t{h} þe said fisch{e} / he may fede hym̅ / & of þem make no wast.” [Sidenote: “Thanks, father, I know about Carving now,] ++“Now, fadir, feir{e} falle ye / & crist yow haue in cure, For of þe nurtur{e} of kervyng{e} y suppose þat y be sur{e}, [Fol. 180b.] but yet a-nod{ur} office þ{er} is / saue y dar not endure 652 to frayne yow any further / for feer{e} of displesur{e}: [Sidenote: but I hardly dare ask you about a Sewer’s duties, how he is to serve.”] For to be a sewer{e} y wold y hed þe co{n}nyng{e}, þañ durst y do my devoir{e} / w{i}t{h} any worshipfull{e} to be wo{n}nyng{e}; señ þat y know þe course / & þe craft of kervyng{e}, 656 y wold se þe siȝt of a Sewer{e}[179] / what wey he / sheweth{e} in s{er}uyng{e}.” [Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.] [Sidenote: _The Duties of a Sewer._] Office of a sewer.[180] [Sidenote: “Son, since you wish to learn, I will gladly teach you.] ++“Now sen yt is so, my son / þat science ye wold fayñ lere, drede yow no þyng{e} daungeresnes; þ{us}[A] y shall{e} do my dever{e} to enforme yow feithfully w{i}t{h} ryght gladsom cher{e}, 660 & yf ye woll{e} lysteñ my lor{e} / somewhat ye shall{e} her{e}: [Text note: Inserted in a seemingly later hand.] [Sidenote: Let the Sewer, as soon as the Master begins to say grace, hie to the kitchen.] Take hede whañ þe worshipfull{e} hed / þat is of any place hath wasch{e} afor{e} mete / and bigy{n}neth{e} to sey þe grace, Vn-to þe kechyñ þañ looke ye take your{e} trace, 664 Entendyng & at your{e} co{m}maundyng{e} þe s{er}uaund{es} of þe place; [Sidenote: I. Ask the Panter for fruits (as butter, grapes, &c.),] Furst speke w{i}t{h} þe panter{e} / or officer{e} of þe spicery For frutes a-fore mete to ete þem fastyng{e}ly, as butt{ur} / plommes / damesyns, grapes, and chery, 668 Suche in sesons of þe yer{e} / ar served / to make meñ mery, [Sidenote: if they are to be served. II. Ask the cook and Surveyor what dishes are prepared.] Serche and enquere of þem̅ / yf such{e} s{er}uyse shall{e} be þat day; þan co{m}myñ w{i}t{h} þe cooke / and looke what he will{e} say; þe surveyour{e} & he / þe certeynte tell{e} yow will{e} þay, 672 what met{es} // & how many disches / þey dyd for{e} puruay. [Sidenote: III. Let the Cook serve up the dishes, the Surveyor deliver them] And whañ þe surveour{e}[181] & þe Cooke / w{i}t{h} yow done accorde, þen shall{e} þe cook dresse all{e} þyng{e} to þe surveyng{e} borde, þe surveour{e} sadly / & soburly / w{i}t{h}-owteñ any discorde 676 Delyu{er} forth{e} his disches, ye to co{n}vey þem̅ to þe lorde; [Sidenote: and you, the Sewer, have skilful officers to prevent any dish being stolen.] And wheñ ye bith{e} at þe borde / of s{er}uyce and surveyng{e}, [Fol. 181.] se þat ye haue officers boþe courtly and co{n}nyng{e}, For drede of a disch{e} of your{e} course stelyng{e}[181], 680 whych{e} myght cawse a vileny ligtly in your{e} s{er}uice sewyng{e}. [Sidenote: IV. Have proper servants, Marshals, &c., to bring the dishes from the kitchen. V. You set them on the table yourself.] And se þ{a}t ye haue s{er}uytours semely / þe disches for to ber{e}, M{ar}chall{es}, Squyers / & s{er}geaunt{es} of armes[182], if þ{a}t þey be ther{e}, þat your{e} lord{es} mete may be brought w{i}t{h}out dowt or der{e}; 684 to sett it surely oñ þe borde / your{e} self nede not feer{e}. [Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _A Meat Dinner._] A dynere of flesche.[183] [Sidenote: _First Course._] The Furst Course. [Sidenote: 1. Mustard and brawn. 2. Potage. 3. Stewed Pheasant and Swan, &c. 4. Baked Venison.] ++Furst set forth{e} mustard / & brawne / of boor{e},[184] þe wild swyne, Suche potage / as þe cooke hath{e} made / of yerbis / spice / & wyne, Beeff, motoñ[185] / Stewed feysaund / Swañ[186] w{i}t{h} the Chawdwyñ,[187] 688 Capou{n}, pigge / vensou{n} bake, leche lombard[188] / frutur{e} viaunt[189] fyne; +A Sotelte+ [Sidenote: 5. A Device of Gabriel greeting Mary.] { And þan a Sotelte: { Maydoñ mary þat holy virgyne, { And Gabriell{e} gretyng{e} hur / w{i}t{h} an Ave. 692 [Sidenote: _Second Course._] The Second Course. [Sidenote: 1. Blanc Mange (of Meat). 2. Roast Venison, &c. 3. Peacocks, heronsew,] T{w}o potag{es}, blanger manger{e},[190] & Also Iely[191]: For a standard / vensou{n} rost / kyd, favne, or cony, bustard, stork / crane / pecok in hakill{e} ryally,[192] heiron-sew or / betowr{e}, w{i}t{h}-s{er}ue wit{h} bred, yf þat drynk be by; 696 [Sidenote: egrets, sucking rabbits, larks, bream, &c. 4. Dowcets, amber Leche, poached fritters.] Partrich{e}, wodcok / plover{e} / egret / Rabett{es} sowker{e}[193]; Gret briddes / larkes / gentill{e} breme de mer{e}, dowcett{es},[194] payne puff, w{i}t{h} leche / Ioly[195] Amber{e}, Fretour{e} powche / a sotelte folowyng{e} in fer{e}, 700 [Sidenote: 5. A Device of an Angel appearing to three Shepherds on a hill.] þe course for to fullfylle, An angell{e} goodly kañ apper{e}, and syngyng{e} w{i}t{h} a mery cher{e}, Vn-to .iij. shep{er}d{es} vppoñ añ hill{e}. 704 [Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _Third Course._] The iij^d Course. [Sidenote: 1. Almond cream. 2. Curlews, Snipes, &c. 3. Fresh-water crayfish, &c. 4. Baked Quinces, Sage fritters, &c.] “Creme of almond{es}, & mameny, þe iij. course in coost, Curlew / brew / snyt{es} / quayles / sp{ar}ows / m{er}tenett{es} rost, P{er}che in gely / Crevise dewe douȝ / pety p{er}ueis[196] w{i}t{h} þe moost, Quynces bake / leche dugard / Frutur{e} sage / y speke of cost, 708 [Sidenote: 5. Devices: The Mother of Christ, presented by the Kings of Cologne.] and soteltees full{e} soleyñ: þat lady þ{a}t conseuyd by the holygost hym̅ þ{a}t distroyed þe fend{es} boost, presentid plesauntly by þe kyng{es} of coleyñ. 712 [Sidenote: _Dessert._ White apples, caraways, wafers and Ypocras.] Afft{ur} þis, delicat{is} mo. Blaunderell{e}, or pepyns, w{i}t{h} carawey in confite, Waffurs to ete / ypocras to drynk w{i}t{h} delite. [Sidenote: _Clear the Table._] now þis fest is fynysched / voyd þe table quyte 716 Go we to þe fysch{e} fest while we haue respite, & þañ w{i}t{h} godd{es} g{ra}ce þe fest will{e} be do. [Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _A Fish Dinner._] A Dinere of Fische.[197] [Sidenote: _First Course._] The Furst Course. [Sidenote: 1. Minnows, &c. 2. Porpoise and peas. 3. Fresh Millwell. 4. Roast Pike.] “Musclade or[198] menows // w{i}t{h} þe Samou{n} bellows[199]// eles, lampurns in fer{e}; Pesoñ w{i}t{h} þe purpose // ar good potage, as y suppose // 720 as falleth{e} for tyme of þe yer{e}: Bakeñ herynge// Sugr{e} þ{er}oñ strewyng{e} // [Fol. 182.] grene myllewell{e}, deynteth{e} & not der{e}; pike[200] / lamprey / or Soolis // purpose rosted oñ coles[201] // 724 g{ur}nard / lamp{ur}nes bake / a leche, & a fritur{e}; [Sidenote: 5. A Divice: A young man piping on a cloud, and called _Sanguineus_, or Spring.] a semely sotelte folowyng{e} evyñ þer{e}. A galaunt yong{e} mañ, a wanton wight, pypyng{e} & syngyng{e} / lovyng{e} & lyght, 728 Standyng{e} oñ a clowd, Sang{ui}neus he hight, þe begy{n}nyng{e} of þe sesoñ þ{a}t cleped is ver.” [Sidenote: _Second Course._] The second course. [Sidenote: 1. Dates and Jelly, 2. Doree in Syrup, 3. Turbot, &c. 4. Eels, Fritters,] “Dat{es} in confyte // Iely red and white // þis is good dewyng{e}[202]; 732 Cong{ur}, somoñ, dorray // In siripp{e} if þey lay // w{i}t{h} oþ{er} disches in sewyng{e}. Brett / turbut[203] / or halybut // Carpe, base / mylet, or trowt // Cheveñ,[204] breme / renewyng{e}; 736 Ȝole / Eles, lampurnes / rost // a leche, a frytur{e}, y make now bost // [Sidenote: 5. A Device: A Man of War, red and angry called _Estas_, or Summer.] þe seco{n}d / sotelte sewynge. A mañ of warr{e} semyng{e} he was, A rough{e}, a red, angry syr{e}, 740 An hasty mañ standyng{e} in fyr{e}, As hoot as som{er} by his attyre; his name was þ{er}oñ, & cleped Estas. [Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.] [Sidenote: _Third Course._] The thrid course. [Sidenote: 1. Almond Cream, &c., 2. Sturgeon, Whelks, Minnows, 3. Shrimps, &c., 4. Fritters.] Creme of almond[205] Iardyne // & mameny[206] // good & fyne // 744 Potage for þe .iij^d s{er}uyse. Fresch sturgeñ / breme de mer{e} // P{er}che in Iely / oryent & cler{e} // whelk{es}, menuse; þ{us} we devise: Shrympis / Fresch heryng{e} bryled // pety p{er}ueis may not be exiled, 748 leche frytur{e},[207] a tansey gyse // [Sidenote: 5. A Device: A Man with a Sickle, tired, called Harvest.] The sotelte / a mañ w{i}t{h} sikell{e} in his hand{e}, In a ryver{e} of watur stand{e} / wrapped in wed{es} in a werysom wyse, hauyng{e} no deynteith{e} to daunce: 752 þe thrid age of mañ by liklynes; hervist we clepe hym̅, full{e} of werynes ȝet þer folowyth{e} mo þat we must dres, regard{es} riche þ{a}t ar full{e} of plesaunce. 756 [Sidenote: _Fourth Course._] The .iiij. course of frute. [Sidenote: Hot apples, Ginger, Wafers, Ypocras.] Whot appuls & peres w{i}t{h} sugr{e} Candy, [Fol. 182b.] With{e} Gyng{re} columbyne, mynsed man{er}ly, Wafurs w{i}t{h} ypocras. Now þis fest is fynysched / for to make glad cher{e}: 760 and þaugh{e} so be þat þe vse & maner{e} not afor{e} tyme be seyñ has, [Sidenote: The last Device, _Yemps_ or Winter, with grey locks, sitting on a stone.] Neu{er}thelese aft{ur} my symple affeccioñ y must conclude w{i}t{h} þe fourth co{m}pleccioñ, 764 ‘yemps’ þe cold terme of þe yer{e}, Wyntur / w{i}t{h} his lokkys grey / febill{e} & old, Syttyng{e} vppoñ þe stone / bothe hard & cold, Nigard in hert & hevy of cher{e}. 768 [Sidenote: These Devices represent the Ages of Man: _Sanguineus_, the 1st age, of pleasure.] ++The furst Sotelte, as y said, ‘Sang{ui}ne{us}’ hight [T]he furst age of mañ / Iocond & light, þe sp{ri}ngyng{e} tyme clepe ‘ver.’ [Sidenote: _Colericus_, the 2nd, of quarrelling.] ¶ The second course / ‘colericus’ by callyng{e}, 772 Full{e} of Fyghtyng{e} / blasfemyng{e}, & brallyng{e}, Fallyng{e} at veryaunce w{i}t{h} felow & fere. [Sidenote: _Autumpnus_ the 3rd, of melancholy.] ¶ The thrid sotelte, y declar{e} as y kan, ‘Autu{m}pnus,’ þat is þe .iij^d age of mañ, 776 With a flewisch{e}[208] countenaunce. [Sidenote: _Winter_, the 4th, of aches and troubles.] ¶ The iiij^th countenaunce[209], as y seid before, is wyntur w{i}t{h} his lokk{es} hoor{e}, þe last age of mañ full{e} of grevaunce. 780 [Sidenote: These Devices give great pleasure, when shown in a house.] ++These iiij. soteltees devised in towse,[210] wher þey byñ shewed in an howse, hith{e} doth{e} gret plesaunce w{i}t{h} oþ{er} sightes of gret Nowelte 784 þañ hañ be shewed in Riall{e} feest{es} of solempnyte, A notable cost þe ordynaunce. [Sidenote: _Inscriptions for the Devices._] The superscripcioun of þe sutiltees aboue specified, here folowethe +Versus+ [Sidenote: _Spring._] +Sanguine{us}.+ [Sidenote: Loving, laughing, singing, benign.] Largus, amans, hillaris, ridens, rubei q{ue} coloris, Cantans, carnos{us}, sat{is} audax, atque benignus. 788 [Sidenote: _Summer._] +¶ Estas+ +Colericus.+ [Fol. 183.] [Sidenote: Prickly, angry, crafty, lean.] Hirsutus, Fallax / irascens / p{ro}digus, sat{is} audax, Astutus, gracilis / Siccus / crocei q{ue} coloris. [Sidenote: _Autumn._] +¶ Autumpnus+ +Fleumaticus.+ [Sidenote: Sleepy, dull, sluggish, fat, white-faced.] Hic sompnolentus / piger, in sputamine multus, Ebes hinc sensus / pinguis, facie color albus. 792 [Sidenote: _Winter._] +¶ yemps+ +Malencolicus.+ [Sidenote: Envious, sad, timid, yellow-coloured.] Invidus et tristis / Cupidus / dextre que tenac{is}, Non expers fraudis, timidus, lutei q{ue} coloris. [Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.] [Sidenote: _A Franklin’s Feast._] +A fest for a franklen.+ [Sidenote: Brawn, bacon and pease,] ++“A Frankleñ may make a feste Imp{ro}berabill{e}, brawne w{i}t{h} mustard is con{c}ordable, 796 bakoñ s{er}ued w{i}t{h} pesoñ, [Sidenote: beef and boiled chickens,] beef or motoñ stewed s{er}uysable, Boyled Chykoñ or capoñ agreable, convenyent for þe sesoñ; 800 [Sidenote: roast goose, capon, and custade.] Rosted goose & pygge full{e} profitable, Capoñ / Bakemete, or Custade Costable, wheñ eggis & crayme be gesoñ. [Sidenote: _Second Course._ Mortrewes,] Þerfor{e} stuffe of household is behoveable, 804 Mortrowes or Iussell{e}[211] ar delectable for þe second course by resoñ. [Sidenote: veal, rabbit, chicken, dowcettes,] Thañ veel, lambe, kyd, or cony, Chykoñ or pigeoñ rosted tendurly, 808 bakemet{es} or dowcett{es}[212] w{i}t{h} all{e}. [Sidenote: fritters, or leche,] þeñ followyng{e}, frytowrs & a leche lovely; Suche s{er}uyse in sesou{n} is full{e} semely To s{er}ue w{i}t{h} bothe chambur & hall{e}. 812 [Sidenote: spiced pears, bread and cheese,] Theñ appuls & peris w{i}t{h} spices delicately Aft{ur} þe terme of þe yer{e} full{e} deynteithly, w{i}t{h} bred and chese to call{e}. [Sidenote: spiced cakes, bragot and mead.] Spised cak{es} and wafurs worthily 816 with{e} bragot[213] & meth{e},[214] þus meñ may meryly plese well{e} bothe gret & small{e}.” [Sidenote: _Dinners on Fish-days._] Sewes on fishe dayes. [Fol. 183b.] [Sidenote: Gudgeons, minnows, venprides (?) musclade (?) of almonds, oysters dressed,] ++“Flowndurs / gogeons, muskels,[215] menuce in sewe, Eles, lampurnes, venprid{es} / quyk & newe, 820 Musclade in wortes / musclade[216] of almondes for stat{es} full{e} dewe, Oysturs in Ceuy[217] / oysturs in grauey,[218] your helth{e} to renewe, [Sidenote: porpoise or seal, pike cullis, jelly, dates, quinces, pears,] The baly of þe fresch{e} samoñ / els purpose, or seele[219], Colice[220] of pike, shrympus[221] / or p{er}che, ye know full{e} wele; 824 P{ar}tye gely / Creme of almond{es}[222] / dat{es} in confite / to rekeu{er} heele, Quinces & peris / Ciryppe w{i}t{h} p{ar}cely rot{es} / riȝt so bygyñ yo{ur} mele. [Sidenote: houndfish, rice, mameny. If you don’t like these potages, taste them only.] Mortrowis of houndfisch{e}[223] / & Rice standyng{e}[224] white, Mameny,[225] mylke of almond{es}, Rice rennyng{e} liquyte,-- 828 þese potages ar holsom for þem þat hañ delite þ{er}of to ete / & if not so / þeñ taste he but a lite.” [Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.] [Sidenote: _Fish Sauces._] Sawce for fishe.[226] [Sidenote: Mustard for salt herring, conger, mackerel, &c.] ++“Yowr{e} sawces to make y shall{e} geue yow lerynge: Mustard is[A] / is metest w{i}t{h} all{e} man{er} salt heryng{e}, 832 Salt fysch{e}, salt Congur, samou{n}, w{i}t{h} sparlyng{e},[227] Salt ele, salt makerell{e}, & also with{e} m{er}lyng{e}.[228] [Text note: ? _is_ repeated by mistake.] [Sidenote: Vinegar for salt porpoise, swordfish, &c. Sour wine for whale, with powder.] ++Vynegur is good to salt purpose & torrentyne,[229] Salt sturgeoñ, salt swyrd-fysch{e} savery & fyne. 836 Salt Thurlepolle, salt whale,[230] is good w{i}t{h} egr{e} wyne, with{e} powdur put þ{er}-oñ shall{e} cawse ooñ well{e} to dyne. [Sidenote: Wine for plaice. Galantine for lamprey. Verjuice for mullet. Cinnamon for base, carp, and chub.] Playce w{i}t{h} wyne; & pike with{e} his reffett; þe galantyne[231] for þe lamprey / wher{e} þey may be gete; 840 verdius[232] to roche / darce / breme / soles / & molett; Baase, flow[{n}]durs / Carpe / Cheveñ / Synamome ye þ{er}-to sett. [Sidenote: Garlic, verjuice, and pepper, for houndfish, stockfish, &c.] Garlek / or mustard, v{er}geus þ{er}to, pep{ur} þe {po}wderyng{e}-- For þornebak / houndfysch{e} / & also fresch{e} heryng{e}, 844 hake[233], stokfysh{e}[234], haddok[235] / cod[236] / & whytyng{e}-- ar moost metist for thes met{es}, as techith{e} vs þe wrytynge. [Sidenote: Vinegar, cinnamon, and ginger, for fresh-water crayfish, fresh porpoise, sturgeon, &c.] Vinegr{e} / powdur with{e} synamome / and gynger{e}, [Fol. 184.] to rost Eles / lampurnes / Creveȝ dew douȝ, and breme de mer{e}, 848 For Gurnard / for roche / & fresch{e} purpose, if hit appe{re}, Fresch{e} sturgeoñ / shrympes / p{er}che / molett / y wold it wer{e} her{e}. [Sidenote: Green Sauce for green fish (fresh ling): Mustard is best for every dish.] ++Grene sawce[237] is good w{i}t{h} grene fisch[238], y her{e} say; botte lyng{e} / brett[239] & fresch{e} turbut / gete it who so may. 852 yet make moche of mustard, & put it not away, For w{i}t{h} euery disch{e} he is dewest / who so lust to assay. [Sidenote: Other sauces are served at grand feasts, but the above will please familiar guests.”] Other sawces to sovereyns ar s{er}ued in som solempne festis, but these will plese them full{e} well{e} / þ{a}t ar but hoomly gestis. 856 Now have y shewyd yow, my soñ, somewhat of dyu{er}se Iestis þat ar reme{m}bred in lord{es} courte / þer{e} as all rialte restis.” [Sidenote: “Fair fall you, father! You have taught me lovesomely; but please tell me, too, the duties of a Chamberlain.”] ++“Now fayre falle yow fadir / in fayth{e} y am full fayñ, For louesomly ye han lered me þe nurtur þat ye han sayñ; 860 pleseth{e} it you to certifye me with ooñ worde or twayñ þe Curtesy to co{n}ceue conveniently for eu{er}y chamburlayñ.” [Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.] [Sidenote: _The Chamberlain’s Duties._] The office off a chamburlayne.[240] [Sidenote: He must be diligent, neatly dressed, clean-washed, careful of fire and candle,] ++“The Curtesy of a chamburlayñ is in office to be diligent, Clenli clad, his cloþis not all to-rent; 864 handis & face wascheñ fayr{e}, his hed well kempt; & war eu{er} of fyr{e} and candill{e} þat he be not neccligent. [Sidenote: attentive to his master, light of ear, looking out for things that will please.] To your{e} mastir looke ye geue diligent attendaunce; be curteyse, glad of cher{e}, & light of er{e} in eu{er}y semblaunce, 868 eu{er} waytyng{e} to þat thyng{e} þat may do hym plesaunce: to these p{ro}purtees if ye will apply, it may yow well{e} avaunce. [Sidenote: The Chamberlain must prepare for his lord a clean shirt, under and upper coat and doublet, breeches, socks, and slippers as brown as a water-leech.] Se that your{e} sou{er}ayne haue clene shurt & breche, a petycote,[241] a dublett, a long{e} coote, if he wer{e} suche, 872 his hosyñ well brusshed, his sokk{es} not to seche, his shoñ or slyppers as browne as is þe wat{ur}leche. [Sidenote: In the morning, must have clean linen ready, warmed by a clear fire.] In þe morow tyde, agaynst your{e} sou{er}ayne doth ryse, wayte hys lynnyñ þat hit be clene; þeñ warme h{i}t in þ{i}s wise, 876 by a cler{e} fyr{e} w{i}t{h}owt smoke / if it be cold or frese, and so may ye your{e} sou{er}ayñ plese at þe best asise. [Sidenote: When his lord rises, he gets ready the foot-sheet; puts a cushioned chair before the fire, a cushion for the feet,] Agayne he riseth vp, make redy your{e} fote shete in þ{i}s man{er} made greithe / & þat ye not forgete 880 furst a chayer{e} a-for{e} þe fyr{e} / or som oþ{er} honest sete With{e} a cosshyñ þ{er} vppoñ / & a noþ{ur} for the feete [Fol. 184b.] [Sidenote: and over all spreads the foot-sheet: has a comb and kerchief ready,] aboue þe coschyñ & chayer{e} þe said shete ou{er} sprad So þat it keu{er} þe fote coschyñ and chayer{e}, riȝt as y bad; 884 Also combe & kercheff / looke þer{e} bothe be had your{e} sou{er}eyñ hed to kymbe or he be graytly clad: [Sidenote: and then asks his lord to come to the fire and dress while he waits by.] ++Than pray your{e} sou{er}eyñ w{i}t{h} wordus mansuetely to com to a good fyr{e} and aray hym ther by, 888 and ther{e} to sytt or stand / to his p{er}sone plesauntly, and ye eu{er} redy to awayte w{i}t{h} maners metely. [Sidenote: 1. Give your master his under coat, 2. His doublet, 3. Stomacher well warmed, 4. Vampeys and socks,] Furst hold to hym a petycote aboue your{e} brest and barme, his dublet þañ aftur to put in boþe hys arme, 892 his stomacher{e} well{e} y-chaffed to kepe hym fro harme, his vampeys[242] and sokkes, þañ all day he may go warme; [Sidenote: 5. Draw on his socks, breeches, and shoes, 6. Pull up his breeches, 7. Tie ’em up,] Theñ drawe oñ his sokkis / & hosyñ by the fur{e}, his shoñ laced or bokelid, draw them̅ oñ sur{e}; 896 Strike his hosyñ vppewarde his legge ye endur{e}, þeñ trusse ye them vp strayte / to his plesur{e}, [Sidenote: 8. Lace his doublet, 9. Put a kerchief round his neck, 10. Comb his head with an ivory comb, 11. Give him warm water to wash with,] Then lace his dublett eu{er}y hoole so by & bye; oñ his shuldur about his nek a kercheff þer{e} must lye, 900 and curteisly þañ ye kymbe his hed w{i}t{h} combe of yvery, and watur warme his hand{es} to wasche, & face also clenly. [Sidenote: 12. Kneel down and ask him what gown he’ll wear: 13. Get the gown, 14. Hold it out to him;] ++Than knele a dowñ oñ your{e} kne / & þ{us} to your{e} sou{er}ayñ ye say “Syr, what Robe or govñ pleseth it yow to wer{e} to day?” 904 Suche as he axeth for{e} / loke ye plese hym to pay, þañ hold it to hym̅ a brode, his body þ{er}-in to array; [Sidenote: 15. Get his girdle, 16. His Robe (see l. 957). 17. His hood or hat.] his gurdell{e}, if he wer{e}, be it strayt or lewse; Set his garment goodly / aftur as ye know þe vse; 908 take hym̅ hode or hatt / for his hed[[242a]] cloke or cappe de huse; So shall{e} ye plese hym̅ prestly, no nede to make excuse [Sidenote: 18. Before he goes brush him carefully.] Wheþ{ur} hit be feyr{e} or foule, or mysty all{e} with{e} reyñ. Or your{e} mastir depart his place, afor{e} þ{a}t þis be seyñ, 912 to brusch{e} besily about hym̅; loke all be pur and playñ wheþur he wer{e} sateñ / sendell, vellewet, scarlet, or greyñ. [Sidenote: Before your lord goes to church, see that his pew is made ready, cushion, curtain, &c.] Prynce or p{re}late if hit be, or any oþ{er} potestate, or he entur in to þe church{e}, be it erly or late, 916 p{er}ceue all þyng{e} for his pewe þ{a}t it be made p{re}p{ar}ate, boþe cosshyñ / carpet / & curteyñ / bed{es} & boke, forgete not that. [Sidenote: Return to his bedroom, throw off the clothes, beat the featherbed, see that the fustian and sheets are clean.] ++Thañ to your{e} sou{er}eynes chambur walke ye in hast; all þe cloþes of þe bed, them aside ye cast; 920 þe Fethurbed ye bete / w{i}t{h}out hurt, so no feddurs ye wast, Fustiañ[243] and shetis clene by sight and sans ye tast. [Sidenote: Cover the bed with a coverlet, spread out the bench covers and cushions, set up the headsheet and pillow, remove the urinal and basin,] Kover w{i}t{h} a keu{er}lyte clenly / þat bed so man{er}ly made; þe bankers & quosshyns, in þe chambur se þem̅ feir{e} y-sprad, 924 boþe hedshete & pillow also, þat þe[y] be saaff vp stad, the vrnell{e} & basoñ also that they awey be had. [Sidenote: lay carpets round the bed, and with others dress the windows and cupboard, have a fire laid.] Se the carpett{is} about þe bed be forth spred & laid, [Fol. 185.] wyndowes & cuppeborde w{i}t{h} carpett{is} & cosshyns splayd; 928 Se þer be a good fyr{e} in þe chambur conveyed, w{i}t{h} wood & fuell{e} redy þe fuyr{e} to bete & aide. [Sidenote: Keep the Privy sweet and clean, cover the boards with green cloth, so that no wood shows at the hole; put a cushion there,] ++Se þe privehouse for esement[244] be fayr{e}, soote, & clene, & þat þe bord{es} þ{er} vppoñ / be keu{er}ed with{e} clothe feyr{e} & grene, 932 & þe hool{e} / hym self, looke þer no borde be sene, þ{er}oñ a feir{e} quoschyñ / þe ordour{e} no mañ to tene [Sidenote: and have some blanket, cotton, or linen to wipe on; have a basin, jug, and towel, ready for your lord to wash when he leaves the privy.] looke þ{er} be blanket / cotyñ / or lynyñ to wipe þe neþ{ur} ende[245]; and eu{er} wheñ he clepith{e}, wayte redy & entende, 936 basou{n} and ewer{e}, & oñ yo{ur} shuldur a towell{e}, my frende[246]; In þis wise worship shall{e} ye wyñ / wher{e} þ{a}t eu{er} ye wende [Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.] The warderober.[247] [Sidenote: In the Wardrobe take care to keep the clothes well,] ++In þe warderobe ye must muche entende besily the robes to kepe well / & also to brusche þem̅ clenly; 940 w{i}t{h} the ende of a soft brusch{e} ye brusch{e} þem clenly, and yet ou{er} moche bruschyng{e} wereth{e} cloth lyghtly. [Sidenote: and brush ’em with a soft brush at least once a week, for fear of moths. Look after your Drapery and Skinnery.] lett neu{er} wollyñ cloth ne furr{e} passe a seuenyght to be vnbrossheñ & shakyñ / tend þ{er}to aright, 944 for mought{es} be redy eu{er} in þem to gendur & aliȝt; þerfore to drapery / & skynn{er}y eu{er} haue ye a sight. [Sidenote: If your lord will take a nap after his meal, have ready kerchief, comb, pillow and headsheet] your{e} souerayñ aftir mete / his stomak to digest yef he will{e} take a slepe / hym self þer{e} for to rest, 948 looke bothe kercheff & combe / þat ye haue þer{e} prest, bothe pillow & hedshete / for hym̅ þe[y] must be drest; [Sidenote: (don’t let him sleep too long), water and towel.] yet be ye nott ferr{e} hym fro, take tent what y say, For moche slepe is not medcynable in myddis of þe day. 952 wayte þat ye haue watur to wasch{e} / & towell{e} all{e} way aftur slepe and sege / honeste will not hit denay. [Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.] [Sidenote: When he goes to bed, 1. Spread out the footsheet, 2. Take off your lord’s Robe and put it away.] ++Whañ your{e} sou{er}ayne hath{e} supped / & to chamb{ur} takith{e} his gate, þañ sprede forth{e} your{e} fote shete / like as y lered yow late; 956 thañ his gowne ye gadir of, or garment of his estate, by his licence / & ley hit vpp in suche place as ye best wate. [Sidenote: 3. Put a cloak on his back, 4. Set him on his footsheet, 5. Pull off his shoes, socks, and breeches, 6. Throw the breeches over your arm,] vppoñ his bak a ma{n}tell ye ley / his body to kepe from cold, Set hym̅ oñ his fote shete[248] / made redy as y yow told; 960 his shoñ, sokkis, & hosyñ / to draw of be ye bolde; þe hosyñ oñ your{e} shuldyr cast / oñ vppoñ yo{ur} arme ye hold; [Fol. 185b.] [Sidenote: 7. Comb his head, 8. Put on his kerchief and nightcap, 9. Have the bed, and headsheet, &c., ready,] your{e} sou{er}eynes hed ye kembe / but furst ye knele to ground; þe kercheff and cappe oñ his hed / hit wolde be warmely wounde; 964 his bed / y-spred / þe shete for þe hed / þe pelow prest þ{a}t stounde, þat wheñ your{e} sou{er}eyñ to bed shall go / to slepe þer{e} saaf & sounde, [Sidenote: 10. Draw the curtains, 11. Set the night-light, 12. Drive out dogs and cats, 13. Bow to your lord,] The curteyns let draw þem̅ þe bed round about; se his morter[249] w{i}t{h} wax or p{er}cher{e}[250] þat it go not owt; 968 dryve out dogge[[250a]] and catte, or els geue þem̅ a clovt; Of your{e} sou{er}ayne take no leue[251]; / but low to hym̅ alowt. [Sidenote: 14. Keep the night-stool and urinal ready for whenever he calls, and take it back when done with.] looke þat ye haue þe basoñ for ch{a}mbur & also þe vrnall{e} redy at all{e} howres wheñ he will{e} clepe or call{e}: 972 his nede p{er}formed, þe same receue agayñ ye shall{e}, & þus may ye haue a thank / & reward wheñ þ{a}t eu{er} hit fall{e}. [Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.] [Sidenote: _How to prepare a Bath._] A bathe or stewe so called. [Sidenote: Hang round the roof, sheets full of sweet herbs, have five or six sponges to sit or lean on,] Ȝeff your{e} sou{er}ayne will{e} to þe bath{e}, his body to wasch{e} clene, hang shetis round about þe rooff; do thus as y meene; 976 eu{er}y shete full of flowres & herbis soote & grene, and looke ye haue sponges .v. or vj. p{er}oñ to sytte or lene: [Sidenote: and one great sponge to sit on with a sheet over and a sponge under his feet. Mind the door’s shut.] looke þ{er} be a gret sponge, þ{er}-oñ your{e} sou{er}ayne to sytt; þ{er}oñ a shete, & so he may bathe hym̅ þer{e} a fytte; 980 vndir his feete also a sponge, ȝiff þ{er} be any to putt; and alwey be sur{e} of þe dur, & se þat he be shutt. [Sidenote: With a basinful of hot herbs, wash him with a soft sponge, throw rose-water on him; let him go to bed.] A basyñ full in your{e} hand of herbis hote & fresch{e}, & with a soft sponge in hand, his body þ{a}t ye wasch{e}; 984 Rynse hym̅ with rose watur warme & feir{e} vppoñ hym flasch{e}, þeñ lett hym̅ go to bed / but looke it be soote & nesch{e}; [Sidenote: Put his socks and slippers on, stand him on his footsheet, wipe him dry, take him to bed to cure his troubles.] but furst sett oñ his sokkis, his slyppers oñ his feete, þat he may go feyr{e} to þe fyr{e}, þer{e} to take his fote shete, 988 þañ with{e} a clene cloth{e} / to wype awey all wete; thañ bryng{e} hym̅ to his bed, his bales ther{e} to bete.” [Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.] [Sidenote: _To make a Medicinal Bath._] The makyng of a bathe medicinable.[252] [Sidenote: Boil together hollyhock centaury, herb-benet, scabious,] ++“Holy hokke / & yardehok[253] / p{er}itory[254] / and þe brown fenell{e},[255] [Fol. 186.] walle wort[256] / herbe Iohñ[257] / Sentory[258] / rybbewort[259] / & camamell{e}, 992 hey hove[260] / heyriff[261] / herbe benet[262] / bresewort[263] / & smallache,[264] broke lempk[265] / Scabiose[266] / Bilgres[267] / wildflax / is good for ache; [Sidenote: withy leaves; throw them hot into a vessel, set your lord on it; let him bear it as hot as he can, and whatever disease he has will certainly be cured, as men say.] wethy leves / grene otes / boyled in fer{e} fulle soft, Cast þem̅ hote in to a vessell{e} / & sett your{e} soverayñ alloft, 996 and suffir{e} þat hete a while as hoot as he may a-bide; se þ{a}t place be cou{er}ed well{e} ou{er} / & close oñ eu{er}y side; and what dissese ye be vexed w{i}t{h}, grevaunce ouþ{er} peyñ, þis medicyne shall{e} make yow hoole surely, as meñ seyñ.” 1000 [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.] [Sidenote: _The Duties of an Usher and Marshal._] The office of ussher & marshalle.[268] [A]my lorde, my master, of lilleshull{e} abbot[A] [Text note: This line is in a later hand.] [Sidenote: He must know the rank and precedence of all people.] ++“The office of a co{n}nyng{e} vscher{e} or marshall{e} w{i}t{h}-owt fable must know all{e} estat{es} of the church goodly & greable, and þe excellent estate of a kyng{e} w{i}t{h} his blode honorable: 1004 hit is a notable nurtur{e} / co{n}nyng{e}, curyouse, and commendable. [Sidenote: I. 1. The Pope. 2. Emperor. 3. King. 4. Cardinal. 5. Prince. 6. Archbishop. 7. Royal Duke.] [Sidenote: II. Bishop, &c.] +Thestate of a+ +The pope+ hath no peere; { Emperowr{e} is nex hym eu{er}y wher{e}; { Kyng{e} corespondent; þus nurtur{e} shall{e} yow lere. { high{e} Cardynell{e}, þe dignyte doth{e} requer{e}; 1008 { Kyngis soñe, prynce ye hym Call{e}; { Archebischopp{e} is to hym p{er}egall{e}. { Duke of þe blod{e} royall{e}, { bishopp{e} / Marques / & erle / coequall{e}. 1012 [Sidenote: III. 1. Viscount. 2. Mitred abbot. 3. Three Chief Justices. 4. Mayor of London.] [Sidenote: IV. (The Knight’s rank.) 1. Cathedral Prior, Knight Bachelor. 2. Dean, Archdeacon. 3. Master of the Rolls. 4. Puisné Judge. 5. Clerk of the Crown. 6. Mayor of Calais. 7. Doctor of Divinity. 8. Prothonotary. 9. Pope’s Legate.] { ++Vycount / legate / baroune / suffrigañ / abbot w{i}t{h} myt{ur} feyr{e}, { barovñ of þescheker{e} / iij. þe cheff Iusticeȝ / of londoñ þe meyr{e}; { Pryour{e} Cathedrall{e}, myt{ur} abbot w{i}t{h}out / a knyght bachiller{e} { P{ri}oure / deane / archedekoñ / a knyght / þe body Esquyer{e}, 1016 { Mastir of the rolles / riȝt þus rykeñ y, { Vndir Iustice may sitte hym by: { Clerke of the crowne / & thescheker{e} Co{n}venyently { Meyr{e} of Calice ye may p{re}ferr{e} plesauntly. 1020 { Provynciall{e}, & doctur diuyne, [Fol. 186b.] { P{ro}thonot{ur}, ap{er}tli to-gedur þey may dyne. [Sidenote: V. (The Squire’s rank.) 1. Doctor of Laws. 2. Ex-Mayor of London. 3. Serjeant of Law. 4. Masters of Chancery. 5. Preacher. 6. Masters of Arts. 7. Other Religious. 8. Parsons and Vicars. 9. Parish Priests. 10. City Bailiffs. 11. Serjeant at Arms. 12. Heralds (the chief Herald has first place), 13. Merchants, 14. Gentlemen, 15. Gentlewomen may all eat with squires.] { ++Þe popes legate or collectour{e}, to-ged{ur} ye assigne, { Doctur of bothe lawes, beyng{e} in science digne. 1024 { ++Hym þat hath byñ meyr{e} / & a londyner{e}, { Sargeaunt of lawe / he may w{i}t{h} hym comper{e}; { The mastirs of the Chauncery w{i}t{h} comford & cher{e}, { Þe worshipfull{e} p{re}chour{e} of p{ar}dou{n} in þ{a}t place to apper{e}. 1028 The clerk{es} of connyng{e} that hañ takeñ degre, And all{e} othur ordurs of chastite chosyñ, & also of pou{er}te, all{e} p{ar}sons & vicaries þat ar of dignyte, parisch{e} prest{es} kepynge cur{e}, vn-to þem loke ye se. 1032 For þe baliff{es} of a Cite purvey ye must a space, A yemañ of þe crowne / Sargeaunt of armes w{i}t{h} mace, A herrowd of Armes as gret a dygnyte has, Specially kyng{e} harrawd / must haue þe p{ri}ncipall{e} place; 1036 Worshipfull{e} m{er}chaund{es} and riche artyficeris, Gentilmeñ well{e} nurtured & of good maneris, W{i}t{h} gentilwo{m}men / and namely lord{es} nurrieris, all{e} these may sit at a table of good squyeris. 1040 [Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK AND DINE TOGETHER.] [Sidenote: I have now told you the rank of every class, and now I’ll tell you how they may be grouped at table.] ++Lo, soñ, y haue shewid the aft{ur} my symple wytte euery state aftir þeir{e} degre, to þy knowleche y shall{e} co{m}mytte, and how þey shall{e} be s{er}ued, y shall{e} shew the ȝett, in what place aft{ur} þeir{e} dignyte how þey owght to sytte: 1044 [Sidenote: I. Pope, King, Prince, Archbishop and Duke.] +Thestate of a+ { Pope, Emp{er}owr{e} / kyng{e} or cardynall{e}, { Prynce w{i}t{h} goldyñ rodde Royall{e}, { Archebischopp{e} / vsyñg to wer{e} þe palle, { Duke / all{e} þese of dygnyte owȝt not kepe þe hall{e}. 1048 [Sidenote: II. Bishop, Marquis, Viscount, Earl. III. The Mayor of London, Baron, Mitred Abbot, three Chief Justices, Speaker,] Bisshoppes, M{er}ques, vicount, Erle goodly, May sytte at .ij. messeȝ yf þey be lovyng{e}ly. þe meyr{e} of londoñ, & a baroñ, an abbot myterly, the iij. chef Iusticeȝ, þe speker{e} of þe p{ar}lement, p{ro}purly 1052 [Sidenote: may sit together, two or three at a mess.] all{e} these Estat{es} ar gret and honorable, þey may sitte in Chambur or hall{e} at a table, .ij. or els iij. at a messe / ȝeff þey be greable: þus may ye in your{e} office to eu{er}y mañ be plesable. 1056 [Sidenote: IV. The other ranks (three or four to a mess) equal to a Knight, unmitred Abbot, Dean, Master of the Rolls,] Of all{e} oþ{er} estat{es} to a messe / iij. or iiij. þus may ye sur{e}, And of all{e} estatis þat ar egall{e} w{i}t{h} a knyght / digne & demur{e}, Off abbot & p{ri}our{e} sauncȝ myt{ur}, of co{n}vent þey hañ cur{e}; Deane / Archedecoñ, mast{ur} of þe rolles, aft{ur} your{e} plesur{e}, 1060 [Sidenote: under Judges, Doctor of Divinity, Prothonotary, Mayor of Calais.] Alle the vndirIusticeȝ and barou{n}es of þe kyng{es} Eschekier{e}, [Fol. 187.] a p{ro}vinciall{e} / a doctour{e} devine / or boþe lawes, þus yow ler{e}, A p{ro}thonot{ur} ap{ert}li, or þe popis collectour{e}, if he be ther{e}, Also þe meyr{e} of þe stapull{e} / In like purpose þ{er} may apper{e}. 1064 [Sidenote: V. Other ranks equal to a Squire, four to a mess. Serjeants of Law, ex-Mayor of London, Masters of Chancery,] Of all{e} oþ{ur} estat{es} to a messe ye may sette four{e} / & four{e}, as suche p{er}sones as ar p{er}egall{e} to a squyer{e} of honour{e}: Sargeaund{es} of lawe / & hym̅ þat hath byñ meyr{e} of londoñ aforne, and þe mastyrs of þe chauncery, þey may not be forborne. 1068 [Sidenote: Preachers and Parsons, Apprentices of Law, Merchants and Franklins.] All{e} p{re}chers / residencers / and p{er}sones þat ar greable, Apprentise of lawe In courtis pletable, Marchaund{es} & Frankloñȝ, worshipfull{e} & honorable, þey may be set semely at a squyers table. 1072 [Sidenote: Each estate or rank shall sit at meat by itself, not seeing another.] These worthy[A] Estat{es} a-foreseid / high of renowne, Vche Estate syngulerly in hall{e} shall{e} sit a-downe, that none of hem se othur{e} / at mete tyme in feld nor in towne, but vche of þem̅ self in Chambur or in pavilowne. 1076 [Text note: royall{e} _is written over_ worthy.] [Sidenote: The Bishop of Canterbury shall be served apart from the Archbishop of York, and the Metropolitan alone.] ++Yeff þe bischopp{e} of þe p{ro}vynce of Caunturbury be in þe p{re}sence of the archebischopp{e} of yorke reu{er}ently, þeir{e} s{er}uice shall{e} be kou{er}ed / vche bisshopp{e} syngulerly, and in þe p{re}sence of þe metropolytan{e} none oþ{er} sicurly. 1080 [Sidenote: The Bishop of York must not eat before the Primate of England.] yeff bischopps of yorke p{ro}vynce be fortune be syttyng{e} In þe p{re}sence of þe p{ri}mate of Englond þañ beyng{e}, þey must be cou{er}ed in all{e} þeyr{e} s{er}uyng{e}, and not in p{re}sence of þe bischopp{e} of yorke þer{e} apperyng{e}. 1084 [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL AND PROPERTY.] [Sidenote: Sometimes a Marshal is puzzled by Lords of royal blood being poor, and others not royal being rich;] ++Now, soñ, y p{er}ceue þat for dyu{er}se cawses / as well{e} as for ignorau{n}ce, a m{er}chall{e} is put oft tymes in gret comberaunce For som lord{es} þat ar of blod royall{e} / & litell{e} of lyvelode p{er} chaunce, and some of gret lyvelode / & no blode royall{e} to avaunce; 1088 [Sidenote: also by a Lady of royal blood marrying a knight, and _vice versâ_. The Lady of royal blood shall keep her rank; the Lady of low blood shall take her husband’s rank.] And som knyght is weddid / to a lady of royall{e} blode, and a poor{e} lady to blod ryall{e}, manfull{e} & myghty of mode: þe lady of blod royall{e} shall{e} kepe þe state / þat she afor{e} in stode, the lady of low blode & degre / kepe her lordis estate, y make h{i}t good. 1092 [Sidenote: Property is not so worthy as royal blood, so the latter prevails over the former, for royal blood may become King.] The substau{n}ce of lyvelode is not so digne / as is blode royall{e}, Þ{er}for{e} blode royall{e} opteyneth þe sou{er}eynte in chambur & in hall{e}, For blode royall{e} somtyme tiȝt to be kyng{e} in pall{e}; of þe which{e} mater{e} y meve no more: let god gou{er}ne all{e}! 1096 [Sidenote: The parents of a Pope or Cardinal must not presume to equality with their son,] ++There as pope or cardynall{e} in þeir{e} estate beyng{e}, þat hañ fadur & mod{ur} by their{e} dayes lyvyng{e}, þeir{e} fadur or modir ne may in any wise be p{re}sumyng{e} to be egall{e} w{i}t{h} their{e} soñ standyng{e} ne sittyng{e}: 1100 [Sidenote: and must not want to sit by him, but in a separate room.] Therfor{e} fadir ne moder / þey owe not to desire to sytte or stond by þeyr{e} son / his state will{e} h{i}t not requir{e}, but by þem self / a chambur assigned for them sur{e}, Vn-to whom vche office ought gladly [Fol. 187b.] to do plesur{e}. 1104 [Sidenote: A Marshal must look to the rank of every estate,] To the birth{e} of vche estate a m{er}shall{e} must se, and þeñ next of his lyne / for þeyr{e} dignyte; þen folowyng{e}, to officers affter{e} þeir{e} degre, As chaunceler{e}, Steward / Chamburleyñ / tresorer{e} if he be: 1108 [Sidenote: and do honour to _foreign visitors_ and residents.] Mor{e} ou{er} take hede he must / to aliene / co{m}mers straungeres, and to straungers of þis land, resi[d]ent dwelleres, and exalte þem to honour{e} / if þe be of honest maneres; þeñ all{e} oþ{er} aft{ur} þeir{e} degre / like as cace requeres. 1112 [Sidenote: A well-trained Marshal should think beforehand where to place strangers at the table.] In a man{er}able m{er}shall{e} þe co{n}nyng{e} is moost co{m}mendable to haue a for{e} sight to straungers, to sett þem at þe table; For if þey haue gentill{e} cher{e} / & gydyng{e} man{er}able, þe m{er}shall{e} doth his sou{er}eyñ honour{e} / & he þe mor{e} lawdable. 1116 [Sidenote: If the King sends any messenger to your Lord receive him one degree higher than his rank.] ¶ Ȝeff þow be a m{er}shall{e} to any lord of þis land, yff þe kyng{e} send to þy sou{er}eyñ eny his s{er}uand by sand, +Yeff he be a+ +receve hym as a+ { knyght { barouñ honorand { Squyer{e} { knyght w{i}t{h} hand { yomañ of þe crowñ { Squyer{e} { grome { yemañ in maner{e} { page { grome goodly in fer{e} { Childe { grome gentill{e} lerner{e}. [Sidenote: The King’s groom may dine with a Knight or Marshal,] ¶ hit rebuketh not a knyght / þe knyg{es} grome to sytte at his table, 1125 no mor{e} hit doth{e} a m{er}shall{e} of maners plesable; and so from̅ þe hiest degre / to be lowest honorable, if þe m{er}shall{e} haue a sight þ{er}to, he is co{m}mendable. 1128 [Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.] [Sidenote: A Marshal must also understand the rank of County and Borough officers,] ¶ Wisdom woll{e} a m{er}shall{e} man{er}abely þ{a}t he vndirstand all{e} þe worshipfull{e} officers of the comunialte of þis land, of Shires / Citees / borowes; like as þey ar ruland, þey must be sett aft{ur} þeir{e} astate dewe in degre as þey stand. 1132 [Sidenote: and that a Knight of blood and property is above a poor Knight,] ¶ hit belongeth{e} to a m{er}shall{e} to haue a for{e} sight of all{e} estatis of þis land in eu{er}y place pight, For þestate of a knyght of blode, lyvelode, & myght, [Fol. 188.] is not p{er}egall{e} to a symple & a poouere knyght. 1136 [Sidenote: the Mayor of London above the Mayor of Queenborough,] ¶ Also þe meyr{e} of londoñ, notable of dignyte, and of queneborow[269] þe meir{e}, no þyng{e} like in degre, at one messe þey owght in no wise to sitt ne be; hit no þyng{e} besemeth{e} / þ{er}for{e} to suche semble ye se / 1140 [Sidenote: the Abbot of Westminster above the poor Abbot of Tintern,] ¶ Also þe abbote of Westmynster{e}, þe hiest of þ{is} lande / The abbot of tynterne[270] þe poorest, y vndirstande, [Fol. 188a.] þey ar boþe abbot{es} of name, & not lyke of fame to fande; ȝet Tynterne w{i}t{h} Westmynster shall{e} nowþ{er} sitte ne stande. 1144 [Sidenote: the Prior of Canterbury above the Prior of Dudley,] ¶ Also þe Pryour{e} of Caunturbury,[271] a cheff churche of dignyte, And þe priour{e} of Dudley,[272] no þyng{e} so digne as he:-- ȝet may not þe priour{e} of dudley, symple of degre, Sitte w{i}t{h} þe priour{e} of Caunturbury: þ{er} is why, a dyu{er}site. 1148 [Sidenote: the Prior who is Prelate of a Cathedral Church above any Abbot or Prior of his diocese,] ¶ And reme{m}br{e} eu{er}mor{e} / añ rule þ{er} is generall{e}: A p{ri}our{e} þat is a p{re}late of any churche Cathedrall{e}, above abbot or priour{e} w{i}t{h}-in the diocise sitte he shall{e}, In churche / in chapell{e} / in chambur / & in hall{e}. 1152 [Sidenote: a Doctor of 12 years’ standing above one of 9 (though the latter be the richer),] ¶ Right so reu{er}end docturs, degre of xij. yer{e}, þem ye must assigne to sitte aboue hym / þat co{m}mensed hath but .ix. and þaugh{e} þe yonger may larger spend gold red & fyne, ȝet shall{e} þe eldur sitte aboue / wheþ{ur} he drynke or dyne. 1156 [Sidenote: the old Aldermen above the young ones, and 1. the Master of a craft, 2. the ex-warden.] ¶ like wise the aldremen, ȝef þey be eny wher{e}, þe yonger{e} shall{e} sitte or stande benethe þe elder riȝt þer{e}; and of eu{er}y crafft þe mastir aftur rule & maner{e}, and þeñ þe eldest of þem, þ{a}t wardeñ was þe for{e} yer{e}. 1160 [Sidenote: Before every feast, then, think what people are coming, and settle what their order of precedence is to be.] ¶ Soche poyntes, w{i}t{h} many oþ{er}, belongeth{e} to a m{er}shall; þerfor{e} whensoeu{er} your{e} sovereyñ a feest make shall, demeene what estates shall{e} sitte in the hall, þañ resoñ w{i}t{h} your{e} self lest your{e} lord yow call{e}; 1164 [Sidenote: If in doubt, ask your lord or the chief officer,] ¶ Thus may ye devise your{e} marshallyng{e}, like as y yow ler{e}, þe honour{e} and worshipp{e} of your{e} sou{er}eyñ eu{er}y wher{e}; And ȝeff ye haue eny dowt / eu{er} looke þ{a}t ye enquer{e}, Resorte eu{er} to your{e} souereyn{e} / or to þe cheff officer{e}; 1168 [Sidenote: and then you’ll do wrong to no one, but set all according to their birth and dignity.] ¶ Thus shall{e} ye to any state / do wronge ne pr{e}iudice, to sette eu{er}y p{er}sone accordyng{e} w{i}t{h}-owteñ mys, as aftur þe birthe / livelode / dignite / a-fore y taught yow this, all{e} degrees of high{e} officer{e}, & worthy as he is. 1172 [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.] [Sidenote: Now I have told you of Court Manners, how to manage in Pantry, Buttery, Carving, and as Sewer, and Marshal,] ¶ ++Now good soñ, y hau{e} shewed the / & brought þe in vre, to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e}, In pantry / botery / or celler{e} / & in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e}, A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science / y suppose ye byñ sewr{e}, 1176 [Sidenote: as I learnt with a Royal Prince whose Usher and Marshal I was. All other officers have to obey me.] ¶ Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e}, with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y, & m{er}shall{e} also in hall{e}, vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid / þey eu{er} ente{n}d{e} shall{e}, Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}: 1180 [Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE CHIEF OFFICER.] [Sidenote: Our office is the chief, whether the Cook likes it or not.] For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke, be he looth{e} or leeff.[273] [Sidenote: All these offices may be filled by one man, but a Prince’s dignity requires each office to have its officer, and a servant under him,] ¶ ++Thus þe diligences of dyu{er}se officeȝ y haue shewed to þe allone, [Fol. 188b.] the which science may be shewed & dooñ by a syng{e}l{er}[274] p{er}sone; 1184 but þe dignyte of a prince req{ui}reth{e} vche office must haue ooñ to be rewler{e} in his rome / a s{er}uand hym̅ waytyng{e} oñ. [Sidenote: (all knowing their duties perfectly) to wait on their Lord and please his guests.] ¶ Moor{e}-ou{er} h{i}t requireth{e} eu{er}ich of þem in office to haue p{er}fite science, For dowt and drede doyng{e} his souereyñ displicence, 1188 hym to attende, and his gest{is} to plese in place wher{e} þey ar p{re}sence, that his souereyñ þrough{e} his s{er}uice may make grete co{n}gaudence. [Sidenote: Don’t fear to serve a prince; take good heed to your duties, watch, and you need not fear.] ¶ For a prynce to s{er}ue, ne dowt he not / and god be his spede! Furþ{er} þañ his office / & þ{er}-to let hym̅ take good hede, 1192 and his warde wayte wisely // & eu{er}mor{e} þ{er}-in haue drede; Þus doyng{e} his dewte dewly, to dowte he shall{e} not nede. [Sidenote: _Tasting_ is done only for those of royal blood, as a Pope, King, Duke, and Earl: not below.] ¶ ++Tastyng{e} and credence[275] longeth{e} to blode & birth royall{e},[276] As pope / emp{er}our{e} / E{m}p{er}atrice, and Cardynall{e}, 1196 kyng{e} / queene / prynce / Archebischoppe in palle, Duke / Erle and no mo / þat y to remembraunce / calle. [Sidenote: Tasting is done for fear of poison; therefore keep your room secure, and close your safe, for fear of tricks.] ¶ ++Credence is vsed, & tastyng{e}, for drede of poysenyng{e}, To all{e} officers y-sworne / and grete oth{e} by chargyng{e}; 1200 þ{er}for{e} vche mañ in office kepe his rome sewr{e}, closyng{e} Cloos howse / chest / & gardevyañ[277], for drede of congettyng{e}. [Sidenote: A Prince’s Steward and Chamberlain have the oversight of all offices and of tasting,] ¶ ++Steward and Chamburlayñ of a p{r}ince of royalte, þey haue / knowleche of homages, s{er}uice, and fewte; 1204 so þey haue ou{er}sight of eu{er}y office / aft{ur} þeir{e} degre, by wrytyng{e} þe knowleche / & þe Credence to ou{er}se; [Sidenote: and they must tell the Marshal, Sewer, and Carver how to do it.] ¶ Therfore in makyng{e} of his credence, it is to drede, y sey, To m{er}shall{e} / sew{e}r{e}[278] and kerver{e} þey must allowte allwey, 1208 to teche hym̅ of his office / þe credence hym to prey: þus shall{e} he not stond in makyng{e} of his credence in no fray. [Sidenote: I don’t propose to write more on this matter. I tried this treatise myself,] ¶ ++Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve: my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve. 1212 þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve, y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve. [Sidenote: in my youth, and enjoyed these matters, but now age compels me to leave the court; so try yourself.”] while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede, y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede; 1216 but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me / & leue court y must nede. þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.” [Sidenote: “Blessing on you, Father, for this your teaching of me! Now I shall dare to serve where before I was afraid.] ++“Now feir{e} falle yow, fadur / & blessid mote ye be, For þis comenyng{e} / & þe co{n}nyng{e} / þat y[e] haue her{e} shewed me! 1220 now dar y do s{er}uice diligent / to dyu{er}s of dignyte, wher{e} for scantnes of conny{n}g{e} y durst no mañ y-se. [Sidenote: I will try, and shall learn by practice. May God reward you for teaching me!”] So p{er}fitely seth{e} y hit p{er}ceue / my parte y woll{e} p{re}ue and assay; / [Fol. 189.] boþe by practike and ex{er}cise / yet som good lerne y may: 1224 and for your{e} gentill{e} lernyng{e} / y am bound eu{er} to pray that our{e} lorde rewarde you in blis that lasteth aye.” [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.] [Sidenote: “Good son, and all readers of this _Boke of Nurture_, pray for the soul of me, John Russell, (servant of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester;)] ++“Now good soñ, thy self w{i}t{h} other þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede, which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note / lerne, & ou{er} rede, pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede, Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey, duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede. [Text note: The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to cut it out.] [Sidenote: also for the Duke, my wife, father, and mother, that we may all go to bliss when we die.”] For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo, þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also, 1232 vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe, and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo. +AMEN+.” [Sidenote: Little book, commend me to all learners, and to the experienced, whom I pray to correct its faults.] Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende, 1236 and specially to þem þat han exsperience, p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e} and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende. [Sidenote: Any such, put to my copying, which I have done as I best could.] ¶ And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence, Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence, 1240 which{e} to drawe out [I] haue do my besy diligence, redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence. [Sidenote: The transcriber is not to blame; he copied what was before him, and neither of us wrote it,] ¶ As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame, For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same, 1244 and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade, blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made; [Sidenote: I only corrected the rhyme. God! grant us grace to rule in Heaven with Thine elect!] ¶ Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte; blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no p{er}sone suspecte. 1248 Now, good god, graunt vs grace / our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte! þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} / et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe. [Some word or words in large black letter have been cut off at the bottom of the page.] [Footnote 1: do, get on.] [Footnote 2: ? þat = nought can.] [Footnote 3: The Lawnd in woodes. _Saltus nemorum._ Baret, 1580. _Saltus_, a launde. Glossary in _Rel. Ant._, v. 1, p. 7, col. 1. _Saltus_, a forest-pasture, woodland-pasture, woodland; a forest.] [Footnote 4: at will. A.S. _wilsum_, free willed.] [Footnote 5: A.S. _hirne_, corner. Dan. _hiörne_.] [Footnote 6: Halke or hyrne. _Angulus_, _latibulum_; A.S. hylca, _sinus_ Promptorium Parvulorum and note.] [Footnote 7: AS. _fregnan_, to ask; Goth., _fraihnan_; Germ., _fragen._] [Footnote 8: AS. _lis_ remissio, lenitas; Dan. _lise_, Sw. _lisa_, relief.] [Footnote 9: _for_ me to] [Footnote 10: In Sir John Fastolfe’s _Bottre_, 1455, are “ij. kerving knyves, iij. kneyves in a schethe, the haftys of every (ivory) withe naylys gilt ... j. trencher-knyfe.” _Domestic Arch._, v. 3, p. 157-8. _Hec mensacula_, a dressyng-knyfe, p. 256; trencher-knyves, _mensaculos_. Jn. de Garlande, Wright’s Vocab. p. 123.] [Footnote 11: An Augre, or wimble, wherewith holes are bored. Terebra & terebrum. _Vng tarriere._ Baret’s Alvearie, 1580.] [Footnote 12: A Cannell or gutter. _Canalis._ Baret. _Tuyau_, a pipe, quill, cane, reed, canell. Cotgrave. _Canelle_, the faucet [l. 68] or quill of a wine vessel; also, the cocke, or spout of a conduit. Cot.] [Footnote 13: A Faucet, or tappe, a flute, a whistle, a pipe as well to conueigh water, as an instrument of Musicke. _Fistula_ ... _Tábulus._ Baret.] [Footnote 14: _Tampon_, a bung or stopple. Cot. Tampyon for a gon--_tampon._ Palsg.] [Footnote 15: The projecting rim of a cask. Queen Elizabeth’s ‘yeoman drawer hath for his fees, all the lees of wine within fowre fingers of the _chine_, &c.’ _H. Ord._ p. 295, (referred to by Halliwell).] [Footnote 16. _Ashore_, aslant, see note to l. 299.] [_Labeled in text as “l. 71” and printed between notes 13, 14. The “note to l. 299” is Footnote 58._] [Footnote 17: ? This may be _butter-cheese_, milk- or cream-cheese, as contrasted with the ‘hard chese’ l. 84-5; but butter is treated of separately, l. 89.] [Footnote 18: Fruit preserves of some kind; not the stew of chickens, herbs, honey, ginger, &c., for which a recipe is given on p. 18 of _Liber Cure Cocorum._ Cotgrave has _Composte_: f. A condiment or composition; a wet sucket (wherein sweet wine was vsed in stead of sugar), also, a pickled or winter Sallet of hearbes, fruits, or flowers, condited in vinegar, salt, sugar, or sweet wine, and so keeping all the yeare long; any hearbes, fruit, or flowers in pickle; also pickle it selfe. Fr. _compote_, stewed fruit. The Recipe for _Compost_ in the Forme of Cury, Recipe 100 (C), p. 49-50, is “Take rote of p{er}sel. pasternak of raseñs. scrape hem and waische he{m} clene. take rap{is} & caboch{is} ypared and icorne. take an erthen pa{n}ne w{i}t{h} clene wat{er}, & set it on the fire. cast all þise þ{er}inne. whan þey buth boiled, cast þ{er}to peer{is}, & p{ar}boile hem wel. take þise thyng{is} up, & lat it kele on a fair cloth, do þ{er}to salt whan it is colde in a vessel; take vineg{ur}, & powdo{ur}, & safrou{n}, & do þ{er}to, & lat alle þise þing{is} lye þ{er}in al nyȝt oþ{er} al day, take wyne greke and hony clarified togidur, lumbarde mustard, & raisou{n}s corance al hool. & grynde powdo{ur} of canel, powdo{ur} douce, & aneys hole. & fenell seed. take alle þise þing{is}, & cast togyd{ur} i{n} a pot of erthe. and take þ{er}of whan þ{o}u wilt, & s{er}ue forth.”] [Footnote 19: ? not A.S. _wínberie_, a wine-berry, a grape, but our _Whinberry_. But ‘Wineberries, currants’, Craven Gloss.; Sw. _vin-bär_, a currant. On _hard cheese_, see note to l. 86.] [Footnote 20: _Blandureau_, m. The white apple, called (in some part of England) a Blaundrell. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 21: See note to l. 75.] [Footnote 22: _Pouldre blanche_. A powder compounded of Ginger, Cinnamon, and Nutmegs; much in use among Cookes. Cotgrave. Is there any authority for the statement in _Domestic Architecture_, v. 1, p. 132; that sugar ‘was sometimes called _blanch powdre_’? P.S.--Probably the recollection of what Pegge says in the Preface to the _Forme of Cury_, “There is mention of _blanch-powder or white sugar_,” 132 [p. 63]. They, however, were not the same, for see No. 193, p. xxvi-xxvii. On turning to the Recipe 132, of “Peer{is} in confyt,” p. 62-3, we find “whan þei [the pears] buth ysode, take he{m} up, make a syrup of wyne greke. oþ{er} v{er}nage w{i}t{h} blau{n}che powd{ur}, oþ{er} white sug{ur}, and powdo{ur} gyng{ur}, & do the per{is} þ{er}in.” It is needless to say that if a modern recipe said take “sugar or honey,” sugar could not be said “to be sometimes called” honey. See Dawson Turner in Howard Household Books.] [Footnote 23: _Ioncade_: f. A certaine spoone-meat made of creame, Rose-water and Sugar. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 24: See the recipe to make it, lines 121-76; and in _Forme of Cury_, p. 161.] [Footnote 25: Muffett held a very different opinion. ‘Old and dry cheese hurteth dangerously: for it stayeth siege [stools], stoppeth the Liver, engendereth choler, melancholy, and the stone, lieth long in the stomack undigested, procureth thirst, maketh a stinking breath and a scurvy skin: Whereupon Galen and Isaac have well noted, That as we may feed liberally of ruin cheese, and more liberally of fresh Cheese, so we are not to taste any further of old and hard Cheese, then to close up the mouth of our stomacks after meat,’ p. 131.] [Footnote 26: In youth and old age. Muffett says, p. 129-30, ‘according to the old Proverb, _Butter is Gold in the morning, Silver at noon, and lead at night._ It is also best for children whilst they are growing, and for old men when they are declining; but very unwholesom betwixt those two ages, because through the heat of young stomacks, it is forthwith converted into choler [bile]. The Dutchmen have a by-Verse amongst them to this effect, _Eat Butter first, and eat it last,_ _And live till a hundred years be past’_] [Footnote 27: See note to l. 82.] [Footnote 28: See ‘Rompney of Modoñ,’ among the sweet wines, l. 119.] [Footnote 29: _Eschec & mat._ Checke-mate at Chests; and (metaphorically) a remedilesse disaster, miserie, or misfortune. Cot.] [Footnote 30: _? ascia_, a dyse, Vocab. in _Reliq. Ant._ v. 1, p. 8, col. 1; _ascia_, 1. an axe; (2. a mattock, a hoe; 3. an instrument for mixing mortar). _Diessel_, ofte _Diechsel_, A Carpenter-axe, or a Chip-axe. Hexham.] [Footnote 31: ? The name of the lees of some red wine. Phillips has _Rosa Solis_, a kind of Herb; also a pleasant Liquor made of Brandy, Sugar, Cinnamon, and other Ingredients agreeable to the Taste, and comfortable to the Heart. (So called, as being at first prepared wholly of the juice of the plant ros-solis (sun-dew) or drosera. Dict. of Arts and Sciences, 1767.)] [Footnote 32: See note, l. 31.] [Footnote 33: See note on these wines at the end of the poem.] [Footnote 34: In the Recipe for Jussel of Flessh (Household Ord., p. 462), one way of preparing the dish is ‘for a Lorde,’ another way ‘for Commons.’ Other like passages also occur.] [Footnote 35: Graines. _Cardamomum, Graine de paradis._ Baret. ‘Graines of Paradise; or, the spice which we call, Graines.’ Cotgrave.] [Footnote 36: _Cuite_, a seething, baking. Cot.] [Footnote 37: _Spices._ Of those for the Percy Household, 1512, the yearly cost was £25 19s. 7d., for _Piper_, Rasyns of Corens, Prones, _Gynger_, Mace, Clovvez, Sugour, _Cinamom_, Allmonds, Daytts, Nuttmuggs, _Granes_, _Tornesole_, Saunders, _Powder of Annes_, Rice, Coumfetts, _Galyngga_, _Longe Piper_, _Blaynshe Powder_, and Safferon, p. 19, 20. Household Book, ed. Bp. Percy.] [Footnote 38: Canel, spyce. _Cinamomum, amomum._ Promt. Parv. _Canelle_, our moderne Cannell or Cinnamom. Cot. (Named from its tube stalk?)] [Footnote 39: _Tourne-soleil._ Tornesole, Heliotropium. Cotgrave. Take bleue _turnesole_, and dip hit in wyne, that the wyne may catch the colour thereof, and colour the potage therwith. _H. Ord._, p. 465.... and take red _turnesole_ steped wel in wyne, and colour the potage with that wine, _ibid._ ‘And then with a little _Turnsole_ make it of a high murrey [mulberry] colour.’ Markham’s Houswife, p. 70.] [Footnote 40: Manche: f. A sleeue; also a long narrow bag (such as Hypocras is made in). Cotgrave.] [Footnote 41: boulting or straining cloth. ‘ij bulteclothes.’ Status Domus de Fynchall, A.D. 1360. _Dom. Arch._ v. 1, p. 136, note _f_.] [Footnote 42: Stale, dead. Pallyd, as drynke (palled, as ale). _Emortuus._ P. Parv. See extract from A. Borde in notes at end.] [Footnote 43: See _Dict. de L’Academie_, p. 422, col. 2, ed. 1835. ‘_Couche_ se dit aussi de Toute substance qui est étendue, appliquée sur une autre, de manière à la couvrir. _Revêtir un mur d’une_ couche _de plâtre, de mortier, &c._’] [Footnote 44: Fr. _repli_: m. A fould, plait, or _bought_. Cotgrave. cf. _Bow_, bend.] [Footnote 45: Fine cloth, originally made at Rennes, in Bretagne.] [Footnote 46: A.S. _gerǣdian_, to make ready, arrange, prepare.] [Footnote 47: See the mode of laying the Surnape in Henry VII.’s time described in _H. Ord._, p. 119, at the end of this Poem.] [Footnote 48: “A _Portpayne_ for the said Pantre, an elne longe and a yerd brode.” The _Percy_, or Northumberland Household Book, 1512, (ed. 1827), p. 16, under _Lynnon Clothe_. ‘A _porte paine_, to beare breade fro the Pantree to the table with, _lintheum panarium_.’ Withals.] [Footnote 49: A.S. _ætwítan_, twit; _oðwítan_, blame.] [Footnote 50: ‘prowl, proll, to seek for prey, from Fr. _proie_ by the addition of a formative _l_, as kneel from knee.’ Wedgwood.] [Footnote 51: Louse is in English in 1530 ’Louse, a beest--_pov._ Palsgrave. And see the note, p. 19, _Book of Quinte Essence_.] [Footnote 52: To look sullen (?). _Glowting_ round her rock, to fish she falls. _Chapman_, in Todd’s Johnson. Horrour and _glouting_ admiration. _Milton._ _Glouting_ with sullen spight. _Garth._] [Footnote 53: Snytyn a nese or a candyl. _Emungo, mungo._ Prompt. Parv. _Emungo_, to make cleane the nose. _Emunctio_, snuffyng or wypynge of the nose. Cooper. _Snuyt uw neus_, Blow your nose. Sewel, 1740; but _snuyven, ofte snuffen_, To Snuffe out the Snot or Filth out of ones Nose. Hexham, 1660. A learned friend, who in his bachelor days investigated some of the curiosities of London Life, informs me that the modern Cockney term is _sling_. In the dress-circle of the Bower Saloon, Stangate, admission 3d., he saw stuck up, four years ago, the notice, “_Gentlemen_ are requested not to _sling_,” and being philologically disposed, he asked the attendant the meaning of the word.] [Footnote 54: askew. _Doyle_, squint. Gloucestershire. Halliwell.] [Footnote 55: Codde, of mannys pryuyte (preuy membris). _Piga, mentula._ Promptorium Parvulorum.] [Footnote 56: Mowe or skorne, _Vangia vel valgia_. Catholicon, in P. P.] [Footnote 57: Ȝyxyñ _Singulcio_. Ȝyxynge _singultus_. P. P. To yexe, sobbe, or haue the hicket. _Singultio._ Baret. To yexe or sobbe, _Hicken_, To Hick, or to have the Hick-hock. Hexham.] [Footnote 58: ? shorewise, as shores. ‘Schore, undur settynge of a þynge þat wolde falle.’ P. Parv. Du. _Schooren_, To Under-prop. _Aller eschays_, To shale, stradle, goe crooked, or wide betweene the feet, or legs. Cotgrave.] [Footnote 59: Dutch _Schrobben_, To Rubb, to Scrape, to Scratch. Hexham.] [Footnote 60: Iettyn _verno_. P. Parv. Mr Way quotes from Palsgrave, “I _iette_, I make a countenaunce with my legges, _ie me iamboye_,” &c.; and from Cotgrave, “_Iamboyer_, to _iet_, or wantonly to go in and out with the legs,” &c.] [Footnote 61: grinding.] [Footnote 62: gnastyn (gnachyn) _Fremo, strideo_. Catholicon. Gnastyng of the tethe--_stridevr, grincement_. Palsg. Du. _gnisteren_, To Gnash, or Creake with the teeth. Hexham.] [Footnote 63: Short coats and tight trousers were a great offence to old writers accustomed to long nightgown clothes. Compare Chaucer’s complaint in the Canterbury Tales, The Parsones Tale, _De Superbiâ_, p. 193, col. 2, ed. Wright. “Upon that other syde, to speke of the horrible disordinat scantnes of clothing, as ben these cuttid sloppis or anslets, that thurgh her schortnes ne covereth not the schamful membre of man, to wickid entent. Alas! som men of hem schewen the schap and the boce of the horrible swollen membres, that semeth like to the maladies of hirnia, in the wrapping of here hose, and eek the buttokes of hem, that faren as it were the hinder part of a sche ape in the fulle of the moone.” The continuation of the passage is very curious. “Youre schort gownys thriftlesse” are also noted in the song in Harl. MS. 372. See Weste, _Booke of Demeanour_, l. 141, below.] [Footnote 64: Fr. _tache_, spot, staine, blemish, reproach. C.] [Footnote 65: sobriety, gravity.] [Footnote 66: Edward IV. had ‘Bannerettes IIII, or Bacheler Knights, to be kervers and cupberers in this courte.’ _H. Ord._, p. 32.] [Footnote 67: See the _Termes of a Keruer_ in Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_ below.] [Footnote 68: to embrew. _Ferrum tingere sanguine._ Baret.] [Footnote 69: The table-knife, ‘Mensal knyfe, or borde knyfe, _Mensalis_,’ P. Parv., was, I suppose, a lighter knife than the trencher-knife used for cutting trenchers off very stale coarse loaves.] [Footnote 70: ? Fr. _pareil_, A match or fellow. C.] [Footnote 71: A.S. _gramian_, to anger.] [Footnote 72: Sowce mete, _Succidium_. P. Parv.] [Footnote 73: ? Crop or crawe, or cropon of a beste (croupe or cropon), _Clunis_. P. Parv. Crops are emptied before birds are cooked.] [Footnote 74: A.S. _beniman_, take away, deprive.] [Footnote 75: Fr. _achever_, To atchieue; to end, finish. Cot.] [Footnote 76: Hwyr, cappe (hure H.), _Tena_. A.S. _hufe_, a tiara, ornament. Promptorium Parv.] [Footnote 77: Chyne, of bestys bakke. _Spina._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 78: slices, strips.] [Footnote 79: ‘_De haute graisse_, Full, plumpe, goodlie, fat, well-fed, in good liking.’ Cotgrave.] [Footnote 80: Fr. _arracher_. To root vp ... pull away by violence. Cotgrave. [[Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough, but he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II. p. 346 (E. E. T. Soc. 1866).]] ] [Footnote 81: The Bittern or Bittour, _Ardea Stellaris_.] [Footnote 82: _Egrette_, as _Aigrette_; A foule that resembles a Heron. _Aigrette_ (A foule verie like a Heron, but white); a criell Heron, or dwarfe Heron. Cot. _Ardea alba_, A crielle or dwarfe heron. Cooper.] [Footnote 83: Snype, or snyte, byrde, _Ibex._ P. P. A snipe or snite: a bird lesse than a woodcocke. _Gallinago minor_, &c. Baret.] [Footnote 84: A small Heron or kind of Heron; Shakspere’s editors’ _handsaw_. The spelling _heronshaw_ misled Cotgrave, &c.; he has _Haironniere_. A herons neast, or ayrie; a _herne_-shaw or shaw of wood, wherein herons breed. ‘An Hearne. _Ardea._ A hearnsew, _Ardeola_.’ Baret, 1580. ‘Fr. _heronceau_, a young heron, gives E. _heronshaw_,’ Wedgwood. I cannot find _heronceau_, only _heronneau_. ‘A yong _herensew_ is lyghter of dygestyon than a crane. A. Borde. _Regyment_, fol. F i, ed. 1567. ‘In actual application a _heronshaw_, _hernshaw_ or _hernsew_, is simply a Common Heron (Ardea Vulgaris) with no distinction as to age, &c.’ Atkinson.] [Footnote 85: The Brewe is mentioned three times, and each time in connection with the Curlew. I believe it to be the Whimbrel (_Numenius Phæopus_) or Half Curlew. I have a recollection (or what seems like it) of having seen the name with a French form like Whimbreau. [Pennant’s British Zoology, ii. 347, gives _Le petit Courly, ou le Courlieu_, as the French synonym of the Whimbrel.] Morris (Orpen) says the numbers of the Whimbrel are lessening from their being sought as food. Atkinson.] [Footnote 86: “The singular structure of the windpipe and its convolutions lodged between the two plates of bone forming the sides of the keel of the sternum of this bird (the Crane) have long been known. The trachea or windpipe, quitting the neck of the bird, passes downwards and backwards between the branches of the merry-thought towards the inferior edge of the keel, which is hollowed out to receive it. Into this groove the trachea passes, ... and after making three turns passes again forwards and upwards and ultimately backwards to be attached to the two lobes of the lungs.” Yarrell, _Brit. Birds_ ii. 441. Atkinson.] [Footnote 87: Way, manner. Plyte or state (plight, P.). _Status._ P. Parv.] [Footnote 88: A sort of gristle, the tendon of the neck. Germ. _flachse_, Brockett. And see Wheatley’s Dict. of Reduplicated Words.] [Footnote 89: The ‘canelle boon’ between the hind legs must be the pelvis, or pelvic arch, or else the _ilium_ or haunch-bone: and in cutting up the rabbit many good carvers customarily disjoint the haunch-bones before helping any one to the rump. Atkinson.] [Footnote 90: Rabet, yonge conye, _Cunicellus_. P. Parv. ‘The Conie beareth her _Rabettes_ xxx dayes, and then kindeleth, and then she must be bucked againe, for els she will eate vp hir _Rabets_. 1575. Geo. Turbervile, The Booke of Venerie, p. 178, ch. 63.’ --H. H. Gibbs.] [Footnote 91: slices, or rather strips.] [Footnote 92: board-cloth, table-cloth.] [Footnote 93: Part IV. of _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 38-42, is ‘of bakun mete.’ On Dishes and Courses generally, see _Randle Holme_, Bk. III. Chap. III. p. 77-86.] [Footnote 94: rere a _cofyn_ of flowre so fre. _L. C. C._, p. 38, l. 8. The crust of a raised pie.] [Footnote 95: _for_ thin; _see line_ 486.] [Footnote 96: ? A dish of batter somewhat like our Yorkshire Pudding; not the _Crustade_ or pie of chickens, pigeons, and small birds of the _Household Ordinances_, p. 442, and Crustate of flesshe of _Liber Cure_, p. 40.] [Footnote 97: ? _buche de bois._ A logge, backe stocke, or great billet. Cot. I suppose the _buche_ to refer to the manner of _checkering_ the custard, buche-wise, and not to be a dish. Venison is ‘chekkid,’ l. 388-9. This rendering is confirmed by _The Boke of Keruynge’s_ “Custarde, cheke them inch square” (in Keruynge of Flesshe). Another possible rendering of _buche_ as a dish of batter or the like, seems probable from the ‘Bouce Jane, a dish in Ancient Cookery’ (Wright’s Prov^l. Dict^y.), but the recipe for it in Household Ordinances, p. 431, shows that it was a stew, which could not be checkered or squared. It consisted of milk boiled with chopped herbs, half-roasted chickens or capons cut into pieces, ‘pynes and raysynges of corance,’ all boiled together. In _Household Ordinances_, p. 162-4, _Bouche_, or _Bouche of court_, is used for allowance. The ‘Knights and others of the King’s Councell,’ &c., had each ‘for their _Bouch_ in the morning one chet loafe, one manchet, one gallon of ale; for afternoone, one manchett, one gallon of ale; for after supper, one manchett, &c.’] [Footnote 98: See the recipe, end of this volume. In Sir John Howard’s Household Books is an entry in 1467, ‘for viij boshelles of flour for _dowsetes_ vj s. viij d.’ p. 396, ed. 1841. See note 5 to l. 699, below.] [Footnote 99: The last recipe in _The Forme of Cury_, p. 89, is one for Payn Puff, but as it refers to the preceding receipt, that is given first here. THE PETY P{ER}UAU{N}T.[*] XX IX.XV.[= 195] Take male Marow. hole parade, and kerue it rawe; powd{our} of Gyng{ur}, yolk{is} of Ayren{e}, dat{is} mynced, raisoñs of corañce, salt a lytel, & loke þ{a}t þ{o}u make þy past with ȝolkes of Ayren, & þat no wat{er} come þ{er}to; and fo{ur}me þy coffyn, and make up þy past. PAYN PUFF XX IX.XVI[= 196] Eodem m{odo} fait payn puff, but make it more tendre þ^e past, and loke þ^e past be rou{n}de of þ^e payn puf as a coffyn & a pye. Randle Holme treats of Puffe, Puffs, and Pains, p. 84, col. 1, 2, but does not mention _Payn Puff_. ‘Payn puffe, and pety-pettys, and cuspis and doucettis,’ are mentioned among the last dishes of a service on Flessh-Day (_H. Ord._, p. 450), but no recipe for either is given in the book.] [Footnote 99*: Glossed _Petypanel, a Marchpayne._ Leland, Coll. vi. p. 6. Pegge.] [Footnote 100: In lines 707, 748, the _pety perueys_ come between the fish and pasties. I cannot identify them as fish. I suppose they were pies, perhaps _The Pety Peruaunt_ of note 2 above; or better still, the fish-pies, _Petipetes_ (or _pety-pettys_ of the last note), which Randle Holme says ‘are Pies made of Carps and Eels, first roasted, and then minced, and with Spices made up in Pies.’] [Footnote 101: De cibi elecc{i}one: (Sloane MS. 1986, fol. 59 b, and elsewhere,) “Frixa nocent, elixa fouent, assata cohercent.”] [Footnote 102: Meat, sage, & poached, fritters?] [Footnote 103: Recipe in _L. Cure_, p. 39.] [Footnote 104: There is a recipe ‘for a Tansy Cake’ in _Lib. C._, p. 50. Cogan says of _Tansie_,-- “it auoideth fleume.... Also it killeth worms, and purgeth the matter whereof they be engendred. Wherefore it is much vsed among vs in England, about Easter, with fried Egs, not without good cause, to purge away the fleume engendred of fish in Lent season, whereof worms are soone bred in them that be thereto disposed.” Tansey, says Bailey (_Dict. Domesticum_) is recommended for the dissipating of wind in the stomach and belly. He gives the recipe for ‘A Tansy’ made of spinage, milk, cream, eggs, grated bread and nutmeg, heated till it’s as thick as a hasty pudding, and then baked.] [Footnote 105: Slices or strips of meat, &c., in sauce. See note to l. 516, p. 34.] [Footnote 106: Recipe ‘For Sirup,’ _Liber Cure_, p. 43, and ‘Syrip for a Capon or Faysant,’ _H. Ord._ p. 440.] [Footnote 107: potages, soups.] [Footnote 108: Soppes in Fenell, Slitte Soppes, _H. Ord._ p. 445.] [Footnote 109: Recipe for a Cawdel, _L. C. C._ p. 51.] [Footnote 110: Recipes for Gele in Chekyns or of Hennes, and Gele of Flesshe, _H. Ord._ p. 437.] [Footnote 111: A.S. _roppas_, the bowels.] [Footnote 112: “leeche” is a slice or strip, _H. Ord._ p. 472 (440), p. 456 (399)--’cut hit on _leches_ as hit were pescoddes,’ p. 439,--and also a stew or dish in which strips of pork, &c., are cooked. See Leche Lumbarde, _H. Ord._ p. 438-9. Fr. _lesche_, a long slice or shiue of bread, &c. Cot. _Hic lesca Ae_, scywe (shive or slice), Wright’s Vocab. p. 198: _hec lesca_, a schyfe, p. 241. See also Mr Way’s long note 1, Prompt. Parv., p. 292, and the recipes for 64 different “Leche vyaundys” in MS. Harl. 279, that he refers to.] [Footnote 113: For Potages see Part I. of _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 7-27.] [Footnote 114: Recipe for Potage de Frumenty in _H. Ord._ p. 425, and for Furmente in _Liber Cure_, p. 7, _H. Ord._ p. 462.] [Footnote 115: Recipe ‘For gruel of fors,’ _Lib. C._ p. 47, and _H. Ord._ p. 425.] [Footnote 116: ? minced or powdered beef: Fr. _gravelle_, small grauell or sand. Cot. ‘Powdred motoun,’ l. 533, means sprinkled, salted.] [Footnote 117: Recipes for ‘Mortrewes de Chare,’ _Lib. C._ p. 9; ‘of fysshe,’ p. 19; blanched, p. 13; and _H. Ord._ pp. 438, 454, 470.] [Footnote 118: Butter of Almonde mylke, _Lib. C._ p. 15; _H. Ord._ p. 447.] [Footnote 119: See the recipe, p. 145.] [Footnote 120: Recipe for _Tartlotes_ in _Lib. C. C._ p. 41.] [Footnote 121: Recipe for _Cabaches_ in _H. Ord._ p. 426, and _caboches_, p. 454, both the vegetable. There is a fish _caboche_ in the 15th cent. Nominale in Wright’s Vocab. _Hic caput, A^e_, Caboche, p. 189, col. 1, the bullhead, or miller’s thumb, called in French _chabot_.] [Footnote 122: See two recipes for Nombuls in _Liber Cure_, p. 10, and for ‘Nombuls of a Dere,’ in _H. Ord._ p. 427.] [Footnote 123: For Sauces (_Salsamenta_) see Part II. of _Liber Cure_, p. 27-34.] [Footnote 124: Recipe ‘for lumbardus Mustard’ in _Liber Cure_, p. 30.] [Footnote 125: Fleshe _poudred_ or salted. _Caro salsa, vel salita_. Withals.] [Footnote 126: The juice of unripe grapes. See _Maison Rustique_, p. 620.] [Footnote 127: Chaudwyn, l. 688 below. See a recipe for “Chaudern for Swannes” in _Household Ordinances_, p. 441; and for “þandon (MS. chaudon [*]) for wylde digges, swannus and piggus,” in _Liber Cure_, p. 9, and “Sawce for swannus,” _Ibid._ p. 29. It was made of chopped liver and entrails boiled with blood, bread, wine, vinegar, pepper, cloves, and ginger.] [Footnote 127*: Sloane 1986, p. 48, or fol. 27 b. It is not safe to differ from Mr Morris, but on comparing the C of ‘Chaudoñ for swann{is},’ col. 1, with that of ‘Caudell{e} of almonde,’ at the top of the second col., I have no doubt that the letter is _C_. So on fol. 31 b. the C of Chaudon is more like the C of Charlet opposite than the T of Take under it. The _C_ of Caudel dalmo{n} on fol. 34 b., and that of _Cultellis_, fol. 24, l. 5, are of the same shape.] [[Footnote 127a: _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason. Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they make a blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_, and that they cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67.]] [Footnote 128: See the recipe “To make Gynger Sause” in _H. Ord._ p. 441, and “For sawce gynger,” _L. C. C._ p. 52.] [Footnote 129: No doubt the “sawce fyne þat men calles camelyne” of _Liber Cure_, p. 30, ‘raysons of corouns,’ nuts, bread crusts, cloves, ginger, cinnamon, powdered together and mixed with vinegar. “Camelin, sauce cameline, A certaine daintie Italian sauce.” Cot.] [Footnote 130: A bird mentioned in _Archæologia_, xiii. 341. Hall. See note, l. 422.] [Footnote 131: Shovelars feed most commonly upon the Sea-coast upon cockles and Shell-fish: being taken home, and dieted with new garbage and good meat, they are nothing inferior to fatted Galls. _Muffett_, p. 109. _Hic populus_, a schevelard (the _anas clypeata_ of naturalists). Wright’s Voc., p. 253.] [Footnote 132: See note 6 to line 539, above.] [Footnote 133: Is not this line superfluous? After 135 stanzas of 4 lines each, we here come to one of 5 lines. I suspect l. 544 is simply de trop. W. W. Skeat.] [Footnote 134: For the fish in the Poem mentioned by Yarrell, and for references to him, see the list at the end of this _Boke of Nurture_.] [Footnote 135: Recipes for “Grene Pesen” are in _H. Ord._ p. 426-7, p. 470; and Porre of Pesen, &c. p. 444.] [Footnote 136: Topsell in his _Fourfooted Beasts_, ed. Rowland, 1658, p. 36, says of Beavers, “There hath been taken of them whose tails have weighed four pound weight, and they are accounted a very delicate dish, for being dressed they eat like Barbles: they are used by the Lotharingians and Savoyans [says Bellonius] for meat allowed to be eaten on fish-dayes, although the body that beareth them be flesh and unclean for food. The manner of their dressing is, first roasting, and afterward seething in an open pot, that so the evill vapour may go away, and some in pottage made with Saffron; other with Ginger, and many with Brine; it is certain that the tail and forefeet taste very sweet, from whence came the Proverbe, _That sweet is that fish, which is not fish at all_.”] [Footnote 137: See the recipe for “Furmente with Purpeys,” _H. Ord._ p. 442.] [Footnote 138: I suppose this to be Seal. If it is Eel, see recipes for “Eles in Surre, Browet, Gravê, Brasyle,” in _H. Ord._ p. 467-8.] [Footnote 139: Wynkyn de Worde has ‘a salte purpos or sele turrentyne.’ If this is right, torrentille must apply to ȝele, and be a species of seal: if not, it must be allied to the Trout or Torrentyne, l. 835.] [Footnote 140: Congur in Pyole, _H. Ord._ p. 469. ‘I must needs agree with Diocles, who being asked, _whether were the better fish, a Pike or a Conger_: That (said he) sodden, and this broild; shewing us thereby, that all flaggy, slimy and moist fish (as Eeles, Congers, Lampreys, Oisters, Cockles, Mustles, and Scallopes) are best broild, rosted or bakt; but all other fish of a firm substance and drier constitution is rather to be sodden.’ _Muffett_, p. 145.] [Footnote 141: So MS., but _grone_ may mean _green_, see l. 851 and note to it. If not, ? for Fr. _gronan_, a gurnard. The Scotch _crowner_ is a species of gurnard.] [Footnote 142: Lynge, fysshe, _Colin_, Palsgrave; but _Colin_, a Sea-cob, or Gull. Cotgrave. See Promptorium, p. 296.] [Footnote 143: Fr. _Merlus ou Merluz_, A Mellwell, or Keeling, a kind of small Cod whereof Stockfish is made. Cotgrave. And see Prompt. Parv. p. 348, note 4. “Cod-fish is a great Sea-whiting, called also a Keeling or Melwel.” Bennett’s Muffett on Food, p. 148.] [Footnote 144: Cogan says of stockfish, “Concerning which fish I will say no more than Erasmus hath written in his _Colloquio_. _There is a kind of fishe_, which _is called in English_ Stockfish: _it nourisheth no more than a stock_. Yet I haue eaten of a pie made onely with Stockefishe, whiche hath been verie good, but the goodnesse was not so much in the fishe as in the cookerie, which may make that sauorie, which of it selfe is vnsavourie ... it is sayd a good Cooke can make you good meate of a whetstone.... Therfore a good Cooke is a good iewell, and to be much made of.” “Stockfish whilst it is unbeaten is called Buckhorne, because it is so tough; when it is beaten upon the stock, it is termed stockfish.” _Muffett._ Lord Percy (A.D. 1512) was to have “cxl Stok fisch for the expensys of my house for an hole Yere, after ij.d. obol. the pece,” p. 7, and “Dccccxlij Salt fisch ... after iiij the pece,” besides 9 barrels of white and 10 cades of red herring, 5 cades of Sprats (_sprootis_), 400 score salt salmon, 3 firkins of salt sturgeon and 5 cags of salt eels.] [Footnote 145: Fr. _Merlan_, a Whiting, a Merling. Cot. ‘The best Whitings are taken in Tweede, called _Merlings_, of like shape and vertue with ours, but far bigger.’ _Muffett_, p. 174.] [Footnote 146: MS. may be Cleynes. ? what place can it be; Clayness, Claynose? Claybury is near Woodford in Essex.] [Footnote 147: A recipe for Pykes in Brasey is in _H. Ord._ p. 451. The head of a Carp, the _tail_ of a Pike, and the Belly of a Bream are most esteemed for their tenderness, shortness, and well rellishing. _Muffett_, p. 177.] [Footnote 148: Cut it in gobets or lumps a-slope. “Aslet or _a-slowte_ (asloppe, a slope), _Oblique_.” P. Parv. But _slout_ may be _slot_, bolt of a door, and so _aslout_ = in long strips.] [Footnote 149: Onions make a man stink and wink. Berthelson, 1754. ‘The Onion, though it be the Countrey mans meat, is better to vse than to tast: for he that eateth euerie day tender Onions with Honey to his breakfast, shall liue the more healthfull, so that they be not too new.’ _Maison Rustique_, p. 178, ed. 1616.] [Footnote 150: Recipes for this sauce are in _Liber C._ p. 30, and _H. Ord._ p. 441: powdered crusts, galingale, ginger, and salt, steeped in vinegar and strained. See note to l. 634 below.] [Footnote 151: See “Plays in Cene,” that is, Ceue, chives, small onions somewhat like eschalots. _H. Ord._ p. 452. See note 5, l. 822. [Footnote 222 in this e-text.]] [Footnote 152: Of all sea-fish Rochets and Gurnards are to be preferred; for their flesh is firm, and their substance purest of all other. Next unto them Plaise and Soles are to be numbered, being eaten in time; for if either of them be once stale, there is no flesh more carrion-like, nor more troublesome to the belly of man. Mouffet, p. 164.] [Footnote 153: Roches or Loches in Egurdouce, _H. Ord._ p. 469.] [Footnote 154: _Or_ dacce.] [Footnote 155: _Rivet_, roe of a fish. Halliwell. Dan. _ravn, rogn_ (rowne of Pr. Parv.) under which Molbech refers to AS. _hræfe_ (raven, Bosworth) as meaning roe or spawn. G. P. Marsh. But see _refeccyon_, P. Parv.] [Footnote 156: See “Soles in Cyne,” that is, Cyue, _H. Ord._ p. 452.] [Footnote 157: Black Sea Bream, or Old Wife. _Cantharus griseus_. Atkinson. “Abramides Marinæ. Breams of the Sea be a white and solid substance, good juice, most easie digestion, and good nourishment.” _Muffett_, p. 148.] [Footnote 158: gobbets, pieces, see l. 638.] [Footnote 159: Fr. _Dorée_: f. The Doree, or Saint Peters fish; also (though not so properly) the