The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Letters of Queen Victoria, Vol 2 (of 3), 1844-1853, by Queen Victoria This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: The Letters of Queen Victoria, Vol 2 (of 3), 1844-1853 A Selection from her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1837 and 1861 Author: Queen Victoria Editor: Arthur Christopher Benson (Viscount) Esher Release Date: March 8, 2008 [EBook #24780] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS--QUEEN VICTORIA, 1844-1853 *** Produced by Paul Murray, Lesley Halamek and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net [Illustration: H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA, 1843 From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Windsor Castle _Frontispiece, Vol. II._] THE LETTERS OF QUEEN VICTORIA A SELECTION FROM HER MAJESTY'S CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE YEARS 1837 AND 1861 PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF HIS MAJESTY THE KING EDITED BY ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER BENSON, M.A. AND VISCOUNT ESHER, G.C.V.O., K.C.B. IN THREE VOLUMES VOL. II.--1844-1853 LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. 1908 _Copyright in Great Britain and Dependencies, 1907, by_ H.M. THE KING. _In the United States by_ Messrs LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. _All rights reserved_. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER XIII 1844 PAGES Duc de Bordeaux--Hanoverian Orders--Domestic happiness--Death of the Duke of Coburg--Lord Melbourne on old age--Recall of Lord Ellenborough--Uncle and niece--Lord Ellenborough's honours--Prince de Joinville's _brochure_--The Emperor Nicholas--A great review--At the Opera--The Emperor's character--The Emperor and Belgium--Crisis in Parliament--The King of Saxony--Lord Ellenborough and India--England, France, and Russia--France and Tahiti--King Louis Philippe expected--Arrangements for the visit--Queen Louise's solicitude--Arrival of King Louis Philippe--A successful visit--The King's departure--Opening of the Royal Exchange--Gift to the Prince of Wales--Education in India 1-29 CHAPTER XIV 1845 The Spanish marriages--Position of the Prince--Title of King Consort--Purchase of Osborne--Maynooth grant--Religious bigotry--Public executions--Birthday letter--Princess Charlotte--Vacant Deanery--Wine from Australia--King of Holland--Projected visit to Germany--Question of Lords Justices--Visit to the Château d'Eu--Spanish marriages--The Prince criticised--Governor-Generalship of Canada--Corn Laws--Cabinet dissensions--Interview with Sir Robert Peel--Lord John Russell suggested--Attitude of Lord Melbourne--The Queen's embarrassment--Attitude of Sir Robert Peel--Lord Stanley resigns--The Commandership-in-Chief--Duke of Wellington-- King Louis Philippe--Anxiety for the future--Insuperable difficulties--Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston--Lord John Russell fails--Chivalry of Sir Robert Peel--He resumes office--Cordial support--The Queen's estimate of Sir Robert Peel--Lord Stanley--The Prince's Memorandum--Comprehensive scheme--The unemployed--Lord Palmerston's justification--France and the Syrian War--Letter to King Louis Philippe--Ministry reinstated 30-70 CHAPTER XV 1846 Sir Robert Peel's speech--Extension of Indian Empire--Bravery of English troops--Death of Sir Robert Sale--Memorandum by the Prince--Celebration of victory--Letter from King Louis Philippe--Irish Crimes Bill--Attack on Sir Robert Peel--His resignation--Intrigues--End of Oregon dispute--Sir Robert Peel's tribute to Cobden--New Government--Cobden and the Whigs--Parting with the Ministers--Whig jealousies--A weak Ministry--Anxieties--French Royal Family--Spanish marriages--Portugal--Prerogative of dissolution--Views of Lord Melbourne--The Prince and Sir Robert Peel--Proposed visit to Ireland--Government of Canada--Wellington statue--Lord Palmerston and Spain--Instructions to Mr Bulwer--Don Enrique--Sudden decision--Double engagement--The Queen's indignation--Letter to the Queen of the French--View of English Government--Letter to King Leopold--Baron Stockmar's opinion--Letter to Queen Louise--Lord Palmerston and the French--Princess of Prussia--England and the Three Powers--Interruption of _entente cordiale_--Spanish marriages--Peninsular medal--Duke of Wellington's view--England and Portugal--The Queen's decision on Peninsular medal--Cracow 71-114 CHAPTER XVI 1847 England and Portugal--Peaceable policy advised--Spain and Portugal--Sir Hamilton Seymour--Septennial Act--Church preferments--Jenny Lind--Wellington statue--Prosperity in India--General election--Earldom of Strafford--Mission to the Vatican--Portugal--Crisis in the City--Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland--Mr Cobden--Foreign policy--Queen of Spain--Queen of Portugal--Hampden controversy--Lord Palmerston's despatches--Civil war in Switzerland--Letter from King of Prussia--The Queen's reply--The Bishops and Dr Hampden 115-140 CHAPTER XVII 1848 Death of Madame Adélaïde--Grief of Queen Louise--The Queen's sympathy--England and the Porte--Improvements at Claremont--Revolution in France--Flight of the Royal Family--Letter from King of Prussia--Anarchy in Paris--Queen Louise's anxiety--Revolution foreseen--England's hospitality--New French Government--British Consul's plan--Escape of the King and Queen--Graphic narrative--Plan successful--Arrival in England--Reception at Claremont--Letter of gratitude--Flight of Guizot--Royal fugitives--Orleanist blunders--Letter to Lord Melbourne--The Czar on the situation--State of Germany--Chartist demonstration--Prince Albert and the unemployed--Chartist fiasco--Alarming state of Ireland--Conduct of the Belgians--Events in France--Anxiety in Germany--Italy--Spain--The French Royal Family--Affairs in Lombardy--Sir Henry Bulwer--Lord Palmerston's justification--Instructions to Sir H. Seymour--Lord Palmerston's drafts--England and Italy--Lord Minto's mission--Duchesse de Nemours--Commissions in the Army--Northern Italy--Irish rebellion--Minor German states--An ambassador to France--The Queen's displeasure--Opening the Queen's letters--Lord Palmerston and Italy--Austria declines mediation--Austria and Italy--In the Highlands--The Queen and Lord Palmerston--Affairs in the Punjab--Hostility of the Sikhs--Greece--State of Germany--Letter of the Prince of Leiningen--Sir Harry Smith at the Cape--Governorship of Gibraltar--Mediation in Italy--Death of Lord Melbourne--The Orleans family--Letter from the Pope--The French President--Relations with France--England slighted 141-207 CHAPTER XVIII 1849 Letter to the Pope--Letter from President of French Republic--Lord Palmerston and Naples--The army in India--State of the Continent--France and the President--Gaelic and Welsh--Lord Gough superseded--End of the Sikh War--Courage of Mrs G. Lawrence--Letter from King of Sardinia--Novara--The Queen fired at by Hamilton--Annexation of the Punjab--Drafts and despatches--Schleswig-Holstein Question--Proposed visit to Ireland--Irish title for the young Prince--Cork and Waterford--The Irish visit--Enthusiasm in Ireland--Brevet promotions--New Coal Exchange--Critical position of Germany--Death of Queen Adelaide 208-230 CHAPTER XIX 1850 Grand Duchess Stéphanie--The Draft to Greece--Lord Palmerston's explanation--Lord John Russell's plan--Suggested rearrangement--_Status quo_ maintained--Baron Stockmar's Memorandum--State of France--The Prince's speech--Lord Palmerston and Spain--Lord Howden--The Koh-i-noor diamond--A change imminent--Lord John Russell's report--Sunday delivery of letters--Prince George of Cambridge--The Earldom of Tipperary--Mr Roebuck's motion--Lord Stanley's motion--Holstein and Germany--Lord Palmerston's explanation--The Protocol--Christening of Prince Arthur--Don Pacifico Debate--Sir Robert Peel's accident--Letter from King of Denmark--Death of Sir Robert Peel--The Queen assaulted by Pate--Death of Duke of Cambridge--Prince of Prussia--The Foreign Office--Denmark and Schleswig--Sir Charles Napier's resignation--Lord Palmerston--Lord Clarendon's opinion--Duke of Bedford's opinion--Lord John Russell's report--Press attacks on Lord Palmerston--Duties of Foreign Secretary--Death of King Louis Philippe--Visit to Scotland--Illness of Queen Louise--Attack on General Haynau--Note to Baron Koller--The Draft gone--Lord Palmerston rebuked--Holstein--A great grief--Mr Tennyson made Poet Laureate--Ritualists and Roman Catholics--Unrest in Europe--England and Germany--Constitutionalism in Germany--Austria and Prussia--Religious strife--England and Rome--Lady Peel--The Papal aggression--Ecclesiastical Titles Bill 231-282 CHAPTER XX 1851 Life Peerages--Diplomatic arrangements--Peril of the Ministry--Negotiations with Sir J. Graham--Defeat of the Government--Ministerial crisis--The Premier's statement--Lord Lansdowne consulted--Lord Stanley sent for--Complications--Fiscal policy--Sir James Graham--Duke of Wellington--Difficulties--Lord Aberdeen consulted--Lord Stanley to be sent for--His letter--Lord Stanley's difficulties--Mr Disraeli--Question of dissolution-- Explanations--Lord Stanley resigns--His reasons--The Papal Bill--Duke of Wellington--Appeal to Lord Lansdowne--Still without a Government--Lord Lansdowne's views--Further difficulties--Coalition impossible--Income Tax--Free Trade --Ecclesiastical Titles Bill--Confusion of Parties--New National Gallery--The great Exhibition--Imposing ceremony--The Prince's triumph--Enthusiasm in the City--Danish succession--The Orleans Princes--Regret at leaving Scotland--Extension of the Franchise--Louis Kossuth--Lord Palmerston's intentions--A dispute--Lord Palmerston defiant--He gives way--The Queen's anxiety--Lord Palmerston's conduct--The Queen's comment--Death of King of Hanover--The Suffrage--The _Coup d'État_--Louis Bonaparte--Excitement in France--Lord Palmerston and Lord Normanby--State of Paris--Lord Palmerston's approval--Birthday wishes--The crisis--Dismissal of Lord Palmerston--Inconsistency of Lord Palmerston--The Prince's Memorandum--Lord Clarendon--Discussion on new arrangements--Count Walewski informed--Lord Granville's appointment--The Queen's view of foreign affairs--Our policy reviewed--Difficulty of fixed principles--Prince Nicholas of Nassau--_Te Deum_ at Paris 283-355 CHAPTER XXI 1852 Denmark--Possible fusion of parties--Orleans family--Draft of the Speech--Women and politics--New Houses of Parliament--Lord Palmerston's discomfiture--M. Thiers--The Prince and the Army--Pressure of business--Defeat on Militia Bill--Interview with Lord John Russell--Resignation of the Ministry--The Queen sends for Lord Derby--Lord Derby and Lord Palmerston--New appointments--New Foreign Secretary--Interview with Lord Derby--Louis Napoleon--Audiences--Ladies of the Household--Lord Derby and the Church--Adherence to treaties--The Sovereign "People"--New Militia Bill--England and Austria--Letter from Mr Disraeli--"Necessary" measures--Question of dissolution--Lord Derby hopeful--Progress of democracy--England and Italy--Militia Bill carried--France and the Bourbons--Louis Napoleon's position--Excitement at Stockport--The Queen inherits a fortune--Death of Duke of Wellington--Military appointments--Nation in mourning--Funeral arrangements--Anecdote of Napoleon III.--England and the Emperor--National defences--Financial arrangements--Lord Dalhousie's tribute--Funeral ceremony--Confusion of parties--Lord Palmerston's position--Mr Disraeli and Mr Gladstone--Recognition of the Empire--Budget speech--Letter to the French Emperor--Secret protocol--Difficult situation--The Queen's unwillingness to decide--Injunctions to Lord Derby--Defeat of the Government--Lord Derby's resignation--Lord Aberdeen sent for--His interview with the Queen--Lord Aberdeen in office--Lord John Russell's hesitation--Letter from Mr. Disraeli--The Queen's anxiety--Christmas presents--Lord Derby's intentions--New Government--Mr Gladstone at the Exchequer--The Emperor's annoyance--Appointments--Protracted crisis--The Cabinet--Lord Derby takes leave--Letter from Lady Derby--Change of seals--Peace restored--A strong Cabinet 356-430 CHAPTER XXII 1853 The Emperor's annoyance--Headmastership of Eton--Marriage of Emperor of the French--Mademoiselle Eugénie de Montijo--Baron Beyens on the situation--Emperor of Russia and the Turkish Empire--Lord John Russell and leadership of House of Commons--Count Buol and refugees--Kossuth and Mazzini proclamations--Want of arms for the Militia--Russian fleet at Constantinople--French irritation--Russia's demands--Russia and England--Liberation of the Madiai--Letter from Emperor of Russia--Birth of Prince Leopold--Mr Gladstone's budget speech--Congratulations from the Prince--India Bill--Emperor of Austria--Church of England in the Colonies--Oriental Question--Death of Lady Dalhousie--Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen--Russia, Austria, and Turkey--England's policy--The Queen's views on the Eastern despatches--Proposed terms of settlement--Lord John Russell's retirement--Letter from the Emperor of Russia--Lord Stratford's desire for war--Letter to the Emperor of Russia--France and the Eastern Question--Letter from the Emperor of Russia--Reform Bill--Lord Palmerston's position--Lord Lansdowne's influence--Resignation of Lord Palmerston--Lord Stratford's despatch--Draft to Vienna--Return of Lord Palmerston to office 431-472 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA, 1843. _From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Windsor Castle_ _Frontispiece_ H.M. MARIE AMÉLIE, QUEEN OF THE FRENCH, 1828. _From the miniature by Millet at Windsor Castle_ _Facing p._ 104 "THE COUSINS." H.M. Queen Victoria and the Duchess of Nemours, who was a Princess of Saxe-Coburg and first cousin to the Queen and the Prince Consort. _From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace_ " 168 BARON STOCKMAR. _From the portrait by John Partridge at Buckingham Palace_ " 240 Field-Marshal THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, K.G. Believed to be by Count d'Orsay. _From a miniature at Apsley House_ " 392 INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTER XIII The new year (1844) opened with signs of improved trade, and a feeling of confidence, partly due to the friendly _entente_ with France. In Ireland, soon after the collapse of the Clontarf meeting, O'Connell and some of his associates were indicted for seditious conspiracy, and convicted. The conviction was subsequently quashed on technical grounds, but O'Connell's political influence was at an end. In Parliament, owing chiefly to the exertions of Lord Ashley (afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury), an important Bill was passed restricting factory labour, and limiting its hours. The Bank Charter Act, separating the issue and banking departments, as well as regulating the note issue of the Bank of England in proportion to its stock of gold, also became law. Meanwhile the dissensions in the Conservative party were increasing, and the Ministry were defeated on a motion made by their own supporters to extend the preferential treatment of colonial produce. With great difficulty the vote was rescinded and a crisis averted; but the Young England section of the Tory party were becoming more and more an embarrassment to the Premier. Towards the end of the year the new Royal Exchange was opened amid much ceremony by the Queen. The services rendered by Sir Charles Napier in India were the subject of votes of thanks in both Houses, but shortly afterwards Lord Ellenborough, the Governor-General, was recalled by the Directors of the East India Company: their action was no doubt due to his overbearing methods and love of display, but it was disapproved by the Ministry, and Lord Ellenborough was accorded an Earldom. During the year there was a recrudescence of the friction between this country and France, due partly to questions as to the right of search of foreign ships, partly to a _brochure_ issued by the Prince de Joinville, a son of Louis Philippe, partly to the assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti and the seizure of the English consul there by the French authorities. Reparation however was made, and the ill-feeling subsided sufficiently to enable the King of the French to visit Queen Victoria,--the first friendly visit ever paid by a French king to the Sovereign of England. Louis Philippe was cordially received in this country. Another historic royal visit also took place in 1844, that of the Emperor Nicholas, who no doubt was so much impressed with his friendly reception, both by the Court and by Aberdeen, the Foreign Secretary, that nine years later he thought he could calculate on the support of England under Aberdeen (then Premier) in a scheme for the partition of Turkey. Lord Malmesbury, who a few years later became Foreign Secretary, states in his memoirs that during this visit, the Czar, Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of Wellington, and Lord Aberdeen "drew up and signed a Memorandum, the spirit and scope of which was to support Russia in her legitimate protectorship of the Greek religion and the Holy Shrines, and to do so without consulting France," but the Memorandum was in reality only one made by Nicholas of his recollection of the interview, and communicated subsequently to Lord Aberdeen. No events of special interest took place in other parts of Europe; the condition of affairs in the Peninsula improved, though the announcement of the unfortunate marriage of the Queen Mother with the Duke of Rianzares was not of hopeful augury for the young Queen Isabella's future; as a matter of fact, the marriage had taken place some time previously. CHAPTER XIII 1844 _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th January 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the pleasure of receiving your kind letter of the 4th, which is written from Ardenne, where I grieve to see you are again gone without my beloved Louise. Charlotte is the admiration of every one, and I wish much I could have seen the three dear children _en représentation_. Our fat Vic or Pussette learns a verse of _Lamartine_ by heart, which ends with "le tableau se déroule à mes pieds"; to show how well she had understood this difficult line which Mdlle. Charier had explained to her, I must tell you the following _bon mot_. When she was riding on her pony, and looking at the cows and sheep, she turned to Mdlle. Charier and said: "_Voilà_ le tableau qui se déroule à mes pieds." Is not this extraordinary for a little child of three years old? It is more like what a person of twenty would say. You have no notion _what_ a knowing, and I am sorry to say _sly_, little rogue she is, and so _obstinate_. She and _le petit Frère_ accompany us to dear old Claremont to-day; Alice remains here under Lady Lyttelton's care. How sorry I am that you should have hurt your leg, and in such a provoking way; Albert says he remembers well your playing often with a pen-knife when you talked, and I remember it also, but it is really dangerous. I am happy that the news from Paris are good; the really good understanding between our two Governments provokes the Carlists and Anarchists. Bordeaux[1] is not yet gone; I saw in a letter that it was _debated_ in his presence whether he was on any favourable occasion _de se présenter en France!_Do you think that possible? Then again the papers say that there are fortifications being made on the coast of Normandy for fear of an invasion; is this so? These are many questions, but I hope you will kindly answer them, as they interest me. With Albert's love. Believe me, ever, your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 1: The Duc de Bordeaux, only son of the Duc de Berri, had by the death of Charles X. and the renunciation of all claims to the French Throne on the part of the Duc d'Angoulême, become the representative of the elder branch of the Bourbons. He had intended his visit to England to have a private character only.] [Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGE] _Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._ CLAREMONT, _10th January 1844_. The Queen understands that there is a negotiation with Sweden and Denmark pending about the cessation of their tribute to Morocco, likewise that Prince Metternich has sent a despatch condemning as unfair the understanding come to between us and France about the Spanish marriage;[2] that there is a notion of exchanging Hong Kong for a more healthy colony. The Queen, taking a deep interest in all these matters, and feeling it her duty to do so, begs Lord Aberdeen to keep her always well informed of what is on the _tapis_ in his Department. [Footnote 2: _See ante_, vol. i. p. 487.] _Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._ CLAREMONT, _13th January 1844._ The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 10th, and returns him the papers which he sent her, with her best thanks. She does not remember to have seen them before. The Queen takes this opportunity to beg Lord Aberdeen to cause the despatches to be sent a little sooner from the Foreign Office, as drafts in particular have often come to the Queen a week or a fortnight after they had actually been sent across the sea. With respect to the Hanoverian Orders, Lord Aberdeen has not quite understood what the Queen meant. It was Sir C. Thornton and others to whom the Queen had refused permission to accept the favour, on a former occasion, by which the King of Hanover was much affronted. The Queen would not like to have herself additionally fettered by any new regulation, but Lord Aberdeen will certainly concur with the Queen that it would not be expedient to give to the King of Hanover a power which the Queen herself does not possess, viz. that of granting orders as favours, or for personal services; as the number of the different classes of the Guelphic Order bestowed on Englishmen is innumerable, it would actually invest the King with such a power, which, considering how much such things are sought after, might be extremely inconvenient. The Queen will not give a final decision upon this case until she returns to Windsor, where she has papers explanatory of the reasons which caused her to decline the King of Hanover's application in 1838. [Pageheading: A CARRIAGE ACCIDENT] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ CLAREMONT, _16th January 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 11th. Louise can give you the details of the little upset I and Lady Douro had, and which I did not think worth while to mention.[3] It was the strangest thing possible to happen, and the most _unlikely_, for we were going quite quietly, not at all in a narrow lane, with very quiet ponies and my usual postillion; the fact was that the boy looked the _wrong_ way, and therefore did not perceive the ditch which he so cleverly got us into. We leave dear Claremont, as usual, with the greatest regret; we are so peaceable here; Windsor is beautiful and comfortable, but it is a _palace_, and God knows _how willingly_ I would _always_ live with my beloved Albert and our children in the quiet and retirement of private life, and not be the constant object of observation, and of newspaper articles. The children (Pussette and Bertie) have been most remarkably well, and so have we, in spite of the very bad weather we had most days. I am truly and really grieved that good excellent Nemours is again _not_ to get his _dotation_.[4] Really we constitutional countries are _too shabby_. Now, dearest Uncle, I must bid you adieu, begging you to believe me, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 3: On the 5th of January the Queen's phaeton was overturned at Horton, near Dachet, while driving to the meet of Prince Albert's Harriers.] [Footnote 4: On the occasion of the marriage of the Duc and Duchesse de Nemours (1840), the proposal made by the Soult Government for a Parliamentary grant of 500,000 francs had been rejected.] [Pageheading: FRANCE AND ENGLAND] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th January 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I must begin by thanking you for your kind letter of the 26th, and by wishing you joy that the fête went off _so_ well. I am glad Leo will appear at the next ball; he is nearly nine years old, and it is good to accustom children of his rank early to these things. Guizot's speech is exceedingly admired, with the exception of his having said more than he was justified to do about the right of search.[5] Our speech has been very difficult to frame; we should like to have mentioned our visits to France and Belgium, but it has been found impossible to do so; _France is_ mentioned, and it is the first time since 1834! To-morrow we go up to Town "pour ce bore," as the good King always said to me; whenever there were tiresome people to present he always said: "Je vous demande pardon de ce _bore_." I have had a tiresome though not at all violent cold which _I was_ alarmed might spoil the _sonorousness_ of my voice for the speech on Thursday, but it promises well now. I own I always look with horror to the beginning of a Parliamentary campaign. With Albert's love. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 5: He insisted that French trade must be kept under the exclusive surveillance of the French flag.] [Pageheading: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF COBURG] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th February 1844._ MY DEARLY BELOVED UNCLE,--_You_ must now be the father to us poor bereaved, heartbroken children.[6] To describe to you _all_ that we _have_ suffered, all that we _do_ suffer, would be difficult; God has heavily afflicted us; we feel crushed, overwhelmed, bowed down by the loss of one who was so deservedly loved, I may say adored, by his children and family; I loved him and looked on him as my own father; his like we shall _not see again_; that youth, _that amiability_, and kindness in his own house which was the centre and rendezvous for the whole family, will never be seen again, and my poor Angel's fondest thought of beholding that _dearly beloved Vaterhaus_--where his thoughts continually were--_again_ is for ever gone and his poor heart bleeds to feel _this_ is for ever gone. Our promised visit, our dearest Papa's, and our fondest wish, all is put an end to. The violence of our grief may be over, but the desolate feeling which succeeds it is worse, and tears are a relief. I have never known real _grief_ till now, and it has made a lasting impression on me. A father is _such_ a _near_ relation, you are a _piece_ of him in fact,--and all (as my poor _deeply afflicted_ Angel says) the earliest pleasures of your life were given you by a dear father; that can _never be replaced_ though time may soften the pang. And indeed one loves to _cling_ to one's grief; I can understand Louise's feeling in her overwhelming sorrows. Let me now join my humble entreaties to Albert's, relative to the request about dearest Louise, which he has made. It is a sacrifice I ask, but if you _knew_ the sacrifice I make in letting and urging Albert _to go_, I am sure, if you _can_ you _will_ grant it. I have _never_ been separated from him even for _one night_, and the _thought of such_ a separation is quite dreadful; still, I feel I _could_ bear it,--I have made up my mind to it, as the very _thought_ of going has been a comfort to my poor Angel, and will be of such use at Coburg. Still, if I were to remain _quite_ alone I do not think I _could_ bear it quietly. Therefore _pray_ do send me my dearly beloved Louise; she would be _such_ a comfort to me; if you could come too--or afterwards (as you promised us a longer visit), that would be still more delightful. I may be indiscreet, but you must think of _what_ the separation from my _all and all_, even only for a _fortnight_, will be to me! We feel some _years_ older since these days of mourning. Mamma is calm, but poor Aunt Julia[7] is indeed much to be pitied. Ever, dearest Uncle, your devoted and unhappy Niece and Child, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 6: The Duke of Saxe-Coburg Gotha died on 29th January.] [Footnote 7: The Grand Duchess Constantine of Russia, sister of the Duchess of Kent and of the deceased Duke of Saxe-Coburg.] [Pageheading: BEREAVEMENT] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th February 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your dear, kind but sad letter of the 8th on Sunday, and thank you much for it. God knows, poor dear Uncle, you have suffered _enough_ in your life, but you should think, dearest Uncle, of _that blessed_ assurance of _eternity_ where we shall _all meet again never_ to part; you should think (as we constantly do now) that those whom we have lost are far happier than we are, and _love us_ still, and in a far more perfect way than _we can_ do in this world! When the first moments and days of overwhelming grief are over these reflections are the greatest balm, the greatest consolation to the bleeding heart. I hope you will kindly let me have a few lines of _hope_ by the Tuesday's messenger. Ever your truly devoted Niece and Child, VICTORIA R. _P.S._--O'Connell's being pronounced guilty is a great triumph.[8] [Footnote 8: He had been indicted with Charles Gavan Duffy and others for seditious conspiracy.] _Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._ SOUTH STREET, _3rd April 1844._ Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, with many thanks for your Majesty's note of the 28th ult. Lord Melbourne believes that your Majesty is quite right in saying that Lord Melbourne has still some health left, if he will but take care of it. Lord Melbourne told Dr Holland, without mentioning your Majesty's name, that this had been said to him by a friend, and Dr Holland immediately said that it was very just and true, and very well expressed, and quite what he should have said himself. At the same time, the change from strength to weakness and the evident progress of decadence is a very hard and disagreeable trial. Lord Melbourne has been reading Cicero on old age, a very pretty treatise, but he does not find much consolation after it; the principal practical resources and alleviations which he recommends are agriculture and gardening, to both of which, but more particularly to the latter, Lord Melbourne has already had recourse. It is certainly, as your Majesty says, wrong to be impatient and to repine at everything, but still it is difficult not to be so. Lady Uxbridge's death[9] is a shocking event, a dreadful loss to him and to all. Lord Melbourne always liked her. Lord Melbourne is going down to Brocket Hall to-morrow, and will try to get Uxbridge and the girls to come over and dine. Lord Melbourne has felt very much for the grief which your Majesty must feel at a separation, even short and temporary, from the Prince, and it is extremely amiable to feel comforted by the recollection of the extreme pleasure which his visit will give to his and your Majesty's relations. It is, of course, impossible that your Majesty should in travelling divest yourself of your character and dignity. Lord Melbourne has just driven round the Regent's Park, where there are many almond trees in bloom, and looking beautiful. [Footnote 9: Henrietta Maria, daughter of Sir Charles Bagot, G.C.B.] [Pageheading: RECALL OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _23rd April 1844._ Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has every reason to believe that the Court of Directors will _to-morrow_, by an unanimous vote, resolve on the actual recall of Lord Ellenborough.[10] [Footnote 10: This anomalous privilege was exercised by the Directors in consequence chiefly of what they considered Lord Ellenborough's overbearing demeanour in communication with them, his too aggressive policy, and his theatrical love of display.] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ Buckingham Palace, _23rd April 1844._ The Queen has heard with the greatest regret from Sir R. Peel that the Court of Directors, after all, mean to recall Lord Ellenborough. She cannot but consider this _very_ unwise at this critical moment, and a very ungrateful return for the eminent services Lord Ellenborough has rendered to the Company in India. They ought not to forget so soon in what state Lord Ellenborough found affairs in 1842. The Queen would not be sorry if these gentlemen knew that this is her opinion. _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ Laeken, _3rd May 1844._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Whenever you wish to make me _truly happy_, you will have the power of doing so by repeating expressions as kind and affectionate as those contained in your dear little letter of the 30th. I have ever had the care and affection of a _real father_ for you, and it has perhaps even been freer from many drawbacks which occasionally will exist betwixt parents and children, be they ever so well and affectionately together. With me, even from the moment in January 1820, when I was called by a messenger to Sidmouth, my care for you has been unremitting, and never has there been a cloud between us.... A thing which often strikes me, in a very satisfactory manner, is that we never had any bitter words, a thing which happens even with people who are very lovingly together; and the little row which we had in 1838 you remember well, and do not now think that _I_ was wrong.[11] _De pareilles relations sont rares; may they ever continue!_ I cannot leave this more serious topic without adding that though you were always warm-hearted and right-minded, it must strike yourself how matured every kind and good feeling is in your generous heart. _The heart, and not the head, is the safest guide in positions like yours_, and this not only for this earthly and very short life, but for that which we must hope for hereafter. When a life draws nearer its close, how many earthly concerns are there that appear _still in the same light_? and how clearly the mind is struck that nothing has been and is still of _real_ value, than the nobler and better feelings of the heart; the only good we can hope to keep as a precious store for the future. What do we keep of youth, beauty, richness, power, and even the greatest extent of earthly possessions? NOTHING! ... Your truly devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Footnote 11: _See_ Letters of Queen Victoria and the King of the Belgians, _ante_, vol. i. pp. 116-120.] [Pageheading: HONOURS FOR LORD ELLENBOROUGH] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _5th May 1844._ Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, and believing that he is acting in accordance with your Majesty's own opinion, begs leave to submit to your Majesty that it may be advisable that he should by the present mail inform Lord Ellenborough that it is your Majesty's intention to confer on him, at a very early period, as a mark of your Majesty's approval of Lord Ellenborough's conduct and services in India, the rank of an Earl and the Grand Cross of the Bath. Lord Ellenborough may be at liberty (should your Majesty approve) to notify this publicly in India--and thus make it known that the general line of policy recently pursued has had the full sanction of your Majesty, and will not be departed from. These were the honours conferred upon Lord Auckland. If they were conferred _on the instant_, it might rather seem a rebuke to the East India Company than a deliberate approval of the conduct of Lord Ellenborough, but these honours might shortly follow the conclusion of the affair respecting the selection of Lord Ellenborough's successor, and any discussion that may arise in Parliament. [Pageheading: THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE'S _BROCHURE_] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ CLAREMONT, _24th May 1844._ DEAREST UNCLE,--Though _not_ my day I must write you a line to say _how vexed_ we are at this _most unfortunate_ and _most imprudent brochure_ of Joinville's;[12] it has made a _very bad_ effect here, and will rouse all the envy and hatred between the _two Navies_ again, which it was our great effort to subdue--and this _all_ for _nothing!_ I can't tell you how angry people are, and how poor Hadjy will get abused. And this _all_ after our having been on such intimate terms with him and having _sailed_ with him! If he comes here, _what_ shall we do? Receive with open arms one who has talked of ravaging our coasts and burning our towns? Indeed it is most lamentable; you know how we like him, and that therefore it must be very annoying to us to see him get himself into such a scrape. _We_ shall overlook it, but the people _here_ won't! It _will_ blow over, but it will do immense harm. We who wish to become more and more closely united with the French family are, of course, much put out by this return. We shall forgive and forget, and feel it was _not_ intended to be published--but the public _here_ will _not_ so easily, and will put the worst construction on it all. Pray, dearest Uncle, tell me what _could_ possess Joinville to write it, and still more to have it printed? Won't it annoy the King and Nemours very much? _Enfin c'est malheureux, c'est indiscret au plus haut degré_--and it provokes and vexes us sadly. Tell me _all_ you _know_ and think about it; for you _can_ do so with perfect safety by our courier. I have written dearest Louise an account of my _old_ birthday, which will please you, I think. The weather is very fine. Ever your _truly_ devoted Niece and Child, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 12: The _brochure_ was entitled, _Notes sur les forces navales de la France_. The Prince de Joinville wrote as follows to the Queen: "Le malheureux éclat de ma brochure, le tracas que cela donne au Père et à la Reine, me font regretter vivement de l'avoir faite. Comme je l'écris à ton Roi, je ne renvoie que mépris à toutes les interprétations qu'on y donne; ce que peuvent dire ministre et journaux ne me touche en rien, mais il n'y a pas de sacrifices que je ne suis disposé à faire pour l'intérieur de la Famille."] [Pageheading: THE CZAR NICHOLAS] _Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._ _29th May 1844._ If Lord Aberdeen should not have read the Prince de Joinville's pamphlet, the Queen recommends him to do so, as one cannot judge fairly by the extracts in the newspapers. Though it does not lessen the extreme imprudence of the Prince's publishing what must do harm to the various French Governments, it certainly is _not_ intentionally written to offend England, and on the contrary frankly proves _us_ to be immensely superior to the French Navy in every way. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th June 1844._ MY BELOVED UNCLE,--I gave Louise a long and detailed description of the Emperor,[13] etc. The papers are full of the details. A great event and a great compliment _his_ visit certainly is, and the people _here_ are extremely flattered at it. He is certainly a _very striking_ man; still very handsome; his profile is _beautiful_, and his manners _most_ dignified and graceful; extremely civil--quite alarmingly so, as he is so full of attentions and _politesses_. But the expression of the _eyes_ is _formidable_, and unlike anything I ever saw before. He gives me and Albert the impression of a man who is _not_ happy, and on whom the weight of his immense power and position weighs heavily and painfully; he seldom smiles, and when he does the expression is _not_ a happy one. He is very easy to get on with. Really, it seems like a dream when I think that we breakfast and walk out with _this_ greatest of all earthly Potentates as quietly as if we walked, etc., with Charles or any one. We took him, with the dear good King of Saxony,[14] who is a great contrast to the _Czar_ (and with whom I am _quite_ at my ease), to Adelaide Cottage after breakfast. The grass here is just as if it had been burned with fire. _How_ many different Princes have we not gone the same round with!! The children are much admired by the _Sovereigns_--(how _grand_ this sounds!)--and Alice allowed the Emperor to take her in his arms, and kissed him _de son propre accord_. We are always so thankful that they are _not_ shy. Both the Emperor and the King are _quite_ enchanted with Windsor. The Emperor said very _poliment_: "C'est digne de vous, Madame." I must say the Waterloo Room lit up with that entire service of gold looks splendid; and the Reception Room, beautiful to sit in afterwards. The Emperor praised _my_ Angel very much, saying: "C'est impossible de voir un plus joli garçon; il a l'air si noble et si bon"; which I must say _is very_ true. The Emperor amused the King and me by saying he was so _embarrassé_ when people were presented to him, and that he felt so "_gauche_" _en frac_, which certainly he is quite _unaccustomed_ to wear. If we can do anything to get him to do what is right by you, we shall be most happy, and Peel and Aberdeen are very anxious for it. I believe he leaves on Sunday again. To-morrow there is to be a great review, and on Thursday _I_ shall probably go with them to the races; _they_ are gone there with Albert to-day, but I have remained at home. I think it is time to conclude my long letter. If the French are angry at this visit, let their dear King and their Princes come; _they_ will be sure of a _truly affectionate_ reception on our part. The one which Emperor Nicholas has received is cordial and civil, _mais ne vient pas du c[oe]ur_. I humbly beg that any remarks which may _not_ be favourable to our great visitor may _not_ go _beyond_ you and Louise, and _not_ to _Paris_. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 13: The Emperor Nicholas of Russia had just arrived on a visit to England.] [Footnote 14: Frederick Augustus II.] [Pageheading: THE REVIEW] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S IMPRESSIONS] [Pageheading: THE CZAR NICHOLAS] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ Buckingham Palace, _11th June 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your very kind and long letter of the 7th on Sunday, and thank you very much for it. I am delighted that my accounts interested you, and I shall try and give you some more to-day, which you will see come from an unbiassed and impartial mind, and which I trust therefore _will_ be relied upon. The excitement has ceased as suddenly as it had begun, and I am still confused about it. I will go back to where I last left you. The _Revue_[15] on the 5th was really very interesting, and our reception as well as that of the Emperor _most_ enthusiastic. Louise tells me you had a review the same day, and that it also was so hot. Our children were there, and charmed. On the 6th we went with the Emperor and King to the races,[16] and I never saw such a crowd; again _here_ the reception was _most brilliant_. Every evening a large dinner in the Waterloo Room, and the two last evenings in uniforms, as the Emperor disliked so being _en frac_, and was quite embarrassed in it. On the 7th we took him and the King back here, and in the evening had a party of 260 about. On Saturday (8th) my Angel took the Emperor and King to a very elegant breakfast[17] at Chiswick, which I for prudence' sake did _not_ go to, but was very sorry for it. In the evening we went to the Opera (_not_ in State), but they recognised us, and we were most brilliantly received. I had to force the Emperor forward, as he never would come forward when I was there, and I was obliged to take him by the hand and make him appear; it was impossible to be better bred or more respectful than he was towards me. Well, on Sunday afternoon at five, he left us (my Angel accompanied him to Woolwich), and he was much affected at going, and really unaffectedly touched at his reception and stay, the simplicity and quietness of which told upon his love of domestic life, which is very great. I will now (having told _all_ that has passed) give you _my_ opinion and feelings on the subject, which I may say are Albert's also. I was extremely against the visit, fearing the _gêne_, and bustle, and even at first, I did not feel at _all_ to like it, but by living in the same house together quietly and unrestrainedly (and this Albert, and with great truth, says is the great advantage of these visits, that I not only _see_ these great people but _know_ them), I got to know the Emperor and he to know me. There is much about him which I cannot help liking, and I think his character is _one_ which should be understood, and looked upon for _once_ as it is. He is stern and severe--with fixed principles of _duty_ which _nothing_ on earth will make him change; very _clever_ I do _not_ think him, and his mind is an uncivilised one; his education has been neglected; politics and military concerns are the only things he takes great interest in; the arts and all softer occupations he is insensible to, but he is sincere, I am certain, _sincere_ even in his most despotic acts, from a sense that that _is_ the _only_ way to govern; he is not, I am sure, aware of the dreadful cases of individual misery which he so often causes, for I can see by various instances that he is kept in utter ignorance of _many_ things, which his people carry out in most corrupt ways, while he thinks that he is extremely just. He thinks of general measures, but does not look into detail. And I am sure _much_ never reaches his ears, and (as you observed), how can it? He asked for _nothing_ whatever, has merely expressed his great anxiety to be upon the best terms with us, but _not_ to the _exclusion of others_, only let things remain as they are.... He is I should say, too frank, for he talks so openly before people, which he should not do, and with difficulty restrains himself. His anxiety _to be believed_ is _very_ great, and I must say his personal promises I _am inclined_ to believe; then his feelings are very strong; he _feels_ kindness deeply--and his love for his wife and children, and for all children, is _very_ great. He has a strong feeling for domestic life, saying to me, when our children were in the room: "Voilà les doux moments de notre vie." He was not only civil, but extremely kind _to us both_, and spoke in the highest praise of dearest Albert to Sir Robert Peel, saying he wished any Prince in Germany had that ability and sense; he showed Albert great confidence, and I _think_ it will do great good, as if _he_ praises him abroad it will have great weight. He is _not_ happy, and that melancholy which is visible in the countenance made me sad at times; the sternness of the eyes goes very much off when you know him, and changes according to his being put out (and he _can_ be much embarrassed) or not, and also from his being heated, as he suffers with congestions to the head. My Angel thinks that he is a man inclined too much to give way to impulse and feeling, which makes him act wrongly often. His admiration for beauty is very great, and put me much in mind of you, when he drove out with us, looking out for pretty people. But he remains very faithful to those he admired _twenty-eight_ years ago; for instance, Lady Peel, who has hardly any remains left. Respecting Belgium he did not speak to _me_, but to Albert and the Ministers. As for unkindly feeling towards _you_, he disclaims positively any, saying he knew you well, and that you had served in the Russian Army, etc., but he says those _unfortunate_ Poles are the _only_ obstacle, and that he positively cannot enter into direct communication _with Belgium_ as long as they are _employed_. If you could only somehow or other get rid of them, I am sure the thing would be done at once. We all think he _need_ not mind this, but I fear he has pledged himself. He admired Charlotte's picture. _Pour finir_, I must say one more word or two about his personal appearance. He puts us much in mind of his and our cousins the Würtembergs, and has altogether much of the Würtemberg family about him. He is bald now, but in his Chevalier Garde Uniform he is _magnificent_ still, and very _striking_. I cannot deny that we were in great anxiety when we took him out lest some Pole might make an attempt, and I always felt thankful when we got him safe home again. His poor daughter is very ill, I fear. The good King of Saxony[18] remains another week with us, and we like him much. He is so unassuming. He is out sight-seeing _all_ day, and enchanted with everything. I hope that you will persuade the King to come all the same in September. Our _motives_ and politics are _not_ to be exclusive, but to be on good terms with _all_, and why should we not? We make no secret of it. Now I must end this very long letter. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. You will kindly not _speak_ of these details, but only in _allgemein_ say the visit went off very satisfactorily on _both sides_, and that it was _highly pacific_. [Footnote 15: In honour of the Emperor a Review was held in Windsor Great Park.] [Footnote 16: At Ascot.] [Footnote 17: Given by the Duke of Devonshire.] [Footnote 18: See _ante_, p. 12.] [Pageheading: A PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS] [Pageheading: THE KING OF SAXONY] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the happiness of receiving your dear and kind letter of the 13th on Sunday; your _parties_ at Ardenne must have been truly delightful; perhaps some day _we_ may enjoy them too: that would be delightful! I can write to you with a light heart, thank goodness, to-day, for the Government obtained a majority, which _up_ to the _last_ moment last night we feared they would not have, and we have been in sad trouble for the last four or five days about it.[19] It is the more marvellous, as, if the Government asked for a _Vote_ of Confidence, they would have a _Majority_ of 100; but this very strength makes the supporters of the Government act in a _most_ unjustifiable manner by continually acting and voting against them, _not_ listening to the debates, but coming down and voting against the Government. So that we were really in the greatest _possible_ danger of having a resignation of the Government _without knowing to whom to turn_, and this from the recklessness of a handful of foolish _half_ "Puseyite" half "Young England"[20] people! I am sure you will agree with me that Peel's resignation would not only be for us (for _we cannot_ have a better and a _safer_ Minister), but for the whole country, and for the peace of Europe--a _great calamity_. Our present people are all _safe_, and not led away by impulses and reckless passions. We must, however, take care and not get into another crisis; for I assure you we have been quite miserable and _quite_ alarmed ever since Saturday. Since I last wrote to you, I spoke to Aberdeen (whom I should be equally sorry to lose, as he is so _very fair_, and has served _us personally_, so kindly and truly), and he told me that the Emperor has _positively pledged_ himself to send a Minister to Brussels the moment those Poles are no longer employed;[21] that he is quite aware of the importance of the measure, and would be disposed to make the arrangement easy, and that he spoke very kindly of _you_ personally. Aberdeen says it is not necessary to disgrace them in any way, but only for the present _de les éloigner_. The Emperor has evidently some time ago made some strong declaration on the subject which he feels he cannot get over, and, as I said before, he will not give up what he has once pledged his word to. _Then, no one_ on earth _can_ move him. _Au fond_, it is a fine _trait_, but he carries it too far. He wrote me a _very_ kind and affectionate letter from the Hague. The Emperor has given Bertie the Grand Cross of St Andrew, which the boy was quite proud of. Our kind and good King of Saxony leaves us to-morrow, after having seen more than anybody has done almost, and having enjoyed it of all things. He is quite at home with us and the children, whom he plays with much. Alice walks quite alone, and looks too funny, as she is so _very_ fat. Now, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 19: The Ministry had been defeated on Mr P. Miles's motion in favour of giving an increased preference to colonial sugar, but on the 17th this vote was rescinded by a majority of twenty-two, Mr Disraeli taunting the Premier with expecting that "upon every division and at every crisis, his gang should appear, and the whip should sound."] [Footnote 20: The name given to the group comprising Disraeli, George Smythe, Lord John Manners, etc. See _Coningsby_, which was published about this time.] [Footnote 21: See _ante_, p. 15.] _Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._ SOUTH STREET, _19th June 1844._ Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thanks your Majesty much for the letter of the 14th inst. Lord Melbourne was very glad to have the opportunity of seeing the Emperor of Russia at Chiswick. Lord Melbourne humbly believes that the opinion, which your Majesty has formed and expresses of the Emperor's character is just, and he considers it extremely fortunate that a sovereign of such weight and influence in Europe, and with whom it is probable that Great Britain will have such near and intimate relations, should also be a man upon whose honour and veracity strong reliance may be safely and securely placed. Lord Melbourne is very glad to believe that the late political movements, with which the public mind has been agitated, have subsided, and are entirely terminated by the last vote of the House of Commons, and by the determination evinced to support the Administration.[22] This finishes for the present a business which at one moment seemed likely to be troublesome, and out of which there did not appear to present itself any hope or practicable escape. Lord Melbourne will not make any observation upon what is known and understood to have passed, further than to say that, as far as he is acquainted with the history of public affairs in this country, it is an entire novelty, quite new and unprecedented.[23] Many a Minister has said to the Crown, "My advice must be taken, and my measures must be adopted," but no Minister has ever yet held this language or advanced this pretension to either House of Parliament. However, it seems to be successful at present, and success will justify much. Whether it will tend to permanent strength or a steady conduct of public affairs, remains to be seen. Lord Melbourne begs to be respectfully remembered to His Royal Highness. [Footnote 22: See _ante_, p. 16.] [Footnote 23: Lord Melbourne refers to the House rescinding its own vote.] [Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH] _The Earl of Ellenborough to Queen Victoria._ _22nd June 1844._ Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly acquaints your Majesty that on the 15th of June he received the announcement of his having been removed from the office of Governor-General of India by the Court of Directors. By Lord Ellenborough's advice, letters were immediately despatched by express to every important native Court to assure the native Princes that this change in the person at the head of the Government would effect no change in its policy, and Lord Ellenborough himself wrote in similar terms to the British Representatives at the several Courts.... Lord Ellenborough has written a letter to the Earl of Ripon with reference to the reasons alleged by the Court of Directors for his removal from office, to which letter he most humbly solicits your Majesty's favourable and attentive consideration. It treats of matters deeply affecting the good government of India. Amidst all the difficulties with which he has had to contend in India, aggravated as they have been by the constant hostility of the Court of Directors, Lord Ellenborough has ever been sustained by the knowledge that he was serving a most gracious Mistress, who would place the most favourable construction upon his conduct, and he now humbly tenders to your Majesty the expression of his gratitude, not only for those marks of Royal favour with which it has been intimated to him that it is your Majesty's intention to reward his services, but yet more for that constant support which has animated all his exertions, and has mainly enabled him to place India in the hands of his successor in a state of universal peace, the result of two years of victories, and in a condition of prosperity heretofore unknown. [Pageheading: ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _28th June 1844._ MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I have again to offer my warmest and best thanks for a very long and kind letter. I am truly and sincerely happy that a Ministerial crisis has been spared you; it is in all constitutional concerns an _awful_ business; but in such a colossal machinery as the British Empire, it shakes the whole globe. For your sake, for the good of England, and for the quiet of the whole earth, we must most devoutly pray that _Sir Robert may remain for many, many years your trusty and faithful Minister._ Parliaments and Chambers are extremely fond of governing, particularly as long as it does not bore themselves. We have had an instance of it recently. I was anxious to keep the Chamber longer, as there are still many important things which it ought to have finished; but they were hot, they got tired, voted twelve _projets de loi_ in one day, and disappeared afterwards, leaving one the trouble of managing the affairs of the State as best one may.... As a general political event, the Emperor's visit in England can only be useful; it is probable that he would _not_ have made the visit if another had not been talked of. His policy is naturally to _separate_ as much as possible the two great Western Powers; he is too weak to resist single-handed their dictates in the Oriental question; _but if they act not in concert_, it is evident that _he is the master_; in all this he acts wisely and in conformity with the great interests of his Empire. England has greater interests at stake at the mercy of Russia than at that of France. With France the questions are sometimes questions of jealousy, but, on the other hand, a tolerable understanding keeps France quiet and secures the peace of Europe, much more in the sense of the European policy of England than of that of France. The only consolation the French can find in it is that they are aware that _together_ with England they have a great position, but they always lament that they can _get nothing by it_. A bad understanding with France opens not only the door to a European war, but also to revolution; and that is perhaps the most serious and most awfully dangerous part of the business. England wants nothing from the Emperor than that he should leave the _status quo_ of Europe and great part of Asia alone. At Paris they are not so much moved at the Emperor's visit as perhaps they ought to be, but they have put the flattering notion into their heads that he had made _fiasco_, which is _not true_; as, in fact, he has so far been rather _successful_, and has convinced people in England that he is a mild and good-natured man, himself and his Empire, without any ambition. Now it is high time I should finish my immense scrawl, for which I claim your forgiveness, remaining ever your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Pageheading: TAHITI] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th August 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind long letter, which I received yesterday, dated 23rd. I can report very well of ourselves. We are all well. The dear day of yesterday[24] we spent very quietly and happily and full of gratitude to Providence for so many blessings. I can only pray for the continuance of our present happiness. The impending political cloud, I hope and trust, looks less black and lowering. But I think it very unwise in Guizot not to have at once disavowed D'Aubigny for what you yourself call an "outrage,"[25] instead of letting it drag on for _four weeks_ and letting our people get excited. The Tangiers Affair[26] is unfortunate, and I hope that in future poor Joinville will not be exposed to such disagreeable affairs. What _can_ be done will be, to get him justified in the eyes of the public here, but I fear that at first they will not be very charitable. Those letters in the _Times_ are outrageous, and all that abuse very bad taste.[27] There is to be an investigation about the three officers, whose conduct is unworthy of Englishmen. Now, dearest Uncle, believe me always, your most affectionate Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 24: The Prince Albert's birthday. Prince Alfred was born on 6th August of this year.] [Footnote 25: The assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti.] [Footnote 26: Hostilities had commenced between France and Morocco, and Tangiers was bombarded.] [Footnote 27: A series of letters had appeared in the _Times_, written by British naval officers who had witnessed the bombardment of Tangiers, and accused the French Admiral and Navy of being deficient in courage. The _Times_ was much criticised for its publication of these letters.] [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND FRANCE] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BLAIR ATHOL, _15th September 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your kind letter of the 6th the day we arrived here, and thank you very much for it. As I have written an account of our journey to Louise, I will _not_ repeat it here. The good ending of our difficulties with France is an immense blessing, but it is really and truly necessary that you and those at Paris should know that the danger was _imminent_, and that poor Aberdeen stood _almost alone_ in trying to keep matters peaceable. We must try and prevent these difficulties for the future. I must, however, clear _Jarnac_[28] of all blame, for Aberdeen does nothing but praise him.... In Greece affairs look very black, and God knows how it all will end. [Footnote 28: _Chargé d'Affaires_ in the absence of the French Ambassador.] [Pageheading: VISIT OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE] _The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _5th October 1844._ MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... I have not much to say about my father's _lodging habits_ and _likings_.[29] My father is one of the beings _most easy_ to _please_, _satisfy_, and to _accommodate_. His eventful life has used him to everything, and makes any kind of arrangements acceptable to him; there is only _one thing_ which he _cannot easily do_, it is to be _ready very early_. He means notwithstanding to try to come to your breakfast, but you _must insist upon his not doing it_. It would disturb him in all his habits, and be bad for him, as he would certainly eat, a thing he is not used to do in the morning. He generally takes hardly what may be called a _breakfast_, and eats _only twice_ in the day. It would be also _much better_ for him if he only appeared to luncheon and dinner, and if you kindly dispensed him altogether of the breakfast. You must not tell him that I wrote you _this_, but you must manage it with Montpensier, and kindly order for him a bowl of _chicken broth_. It is the only thing he takes generally in the morning, and between his meals. I have also no observation to make, but I have told Montpensier to speak openly to Albert whenever he thought something ought to be done for my father, or might hurt and inconvenience him, and you may consult him when you are in doubt. He is entrusted with all the recommendations of my mother, for my father is naturally _so imprudent_ and _so little accustomed_ to _caution and care_, that he must in some measure be _watched_ to prevent his catching cold or doing what may be injurious to him. About his _rooms_, a hard bed and a large table for his papers are the only things he requires. He generally sleeps on a horse-hair mattress with a plank of wood under it: but _any kind_ of bed will do, if it is not _too soft_. His liking will be to be entirely at _your commands_ and to do _all you like_. You know he can take a great deal of exercise, and _everything_ will _interest_ and _delight_ him, to see, as to do: this is not a compliment, but a _mere fact_. His only wish is, that you should not go out of your way for him, and change your habits on his account. Lord Aberdeen will be, of course, at Windsor, and I suppose you will ask, as you told me, the Royal Family. My father hopes to see also Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and your other Ministers. You will probably ask most of them during his stay. He wishes very much to see again those he already knows, and to make the acquaintance of those he does not know yet. In writing all this I think I _dream_, I _cannot believe_ yet that in a few days my dear father will have, God willing, the _unspeakable happiness_ to see you again and at _Windsor_, a thing he had _so much wished_ for and which for a _long time_ seemed so _improbable_. You have _no notion_ of the _satisfaction_ it gives him, and _how delighted_ he will be to see you again, and to be once more in England. God grant he may have a good passage, and arrive to you _safely_ and _well_. _Unberufen_, as you will soon, I trust, be able to see, he is, notwithstanding the usual talk of the papers, _perfectly well_.... Yours most devotedly, LOUISE. [Footnote 29: The difficulty with France as to Tahiti having been satisfactorily disposed of, King Louis Philippe was enabled to visit England, the first French King to come on a visit to the Sovereign of England. The King was enthusiastically received in England, visited Claremont (which he was destined to occupy in exile), was installed as a Knight of the Garter at Windsor with great magnificence, and visited Eton College and Woolwich Arsenal.] [Pageheading: SOLICITUDE OF QUEEN LOUISE] _The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _7th October 1844._ MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... I wrote to my mother, to quiet her, all you kindly tell me about my dear father. We are _quite sure_, I assure you, that you and Albert will _take care of him_, and that he is with you _in safe hand_. And what makes my mother _uneasy_ is the fear that, being at liberty without control, he will make _too much_, as she says, _le jeune homme_, ride, go about, and do everything as if he was still twenty years old. If I must tell you _all the truth_, she is afraid also he will _eat too much_. I am sure he will tell it to you himself, as he was so much amused with _this fear_; but to do her pleasure, being well assured by me that you would allow it, and that it was even _customary_, he has given up, of himself, all thought of attending your early breakfast: but I perceive I write as if _he was not already_ under _your_ roof. I will also only say, that though he has sent over his horses in case they should be wanted, my mother begs you to _prevent, if possible, his riding at all_. I wrote to her already that I supposed there would be _no occasion_ for riding, and that your _promenades_ would be either on foot or in carriage. I entrusted Montpensier with all my messages for you, my beloved Victoria and your dear children. He hopes you will permit him, during his stay at Windsor, to make _two_ excursions--one to London, and one to Woolwich--he is very curious to see, as an artillery officer. I mention it as he would be, perhaps, _too shy_ or _too discreet_ to mention it himself. He might very well do those two trips by the railroad and be back for dinner-time, and I am sure you will have no objection to them.... Yours most devotedly, LOUISE. I am very glad that Lord Charles Wellesley is one of those who will attend my father. Montpensier and him will have surely capital fun together, and he was, you know, a great favourite with every one at Eu. If by chance Lord Hardwicke was in waiting during my father's stay, you must kindly put my father in mind to thank him for the _famous cheese_, which arrived safely, and was found very good.... [Pageheading: THE KING'S ARRIVAL] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th October 1844._ DEAREST UNCLE,--You will, I am sure, forgive my writing but a few lines as I am all alone in the agitation of the dear King's arrival, and I will leave my letter open to announce it to you. My _dearest_ master is gone to Portsmouth to receive him. The excitement and curiosity to see the dear King, and the desire to give him a most hearty reception, is _very great indeed_. Many thanks for your kind letters of the 28th and 4th. I can't think who could have said that Peel, etc., would _not_ have been here; for he, Aberdeen, and the old Duke are to be here the whole time, and all the other Ministers will come _during_ his stay. I am very glad Joinville is arrived, and avoided his _entrées triomphales_. I hope he will take great care of himself. You will have heard from dear Louise of our voyage, etc. I cannot reconcile myself to be _here_ again, and pine for my _dear_ Highlands, the hills, the pure air, the quiet, the retirement, the liberty--_all_--more than is right. The children are well. I am sorry to hear that you are not quite so yet. 3.30.--The King and Montpensier arrived quite safely at two, and are both looking extremely well. We have just lunched with them. It seems like a dream to me, and a very pleasant one. Albert sends his affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. Bertie has immediately taken a passion for Montpensier. _Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._ BROCKET HALL, _9th October 1844._ Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thanks your Majesty much for the letter of the 7th inst., which he has just received, and with very great satisfaction, as he had begun to think your Majesty's silence rather long. But he perfectly understands the reasons which prevented your Majesty from writing during your stay in the Highlands. Lord Melbourne is very glad to find that your Majesty enjoyed that country so much, and is so enthusiastically fond of it. Lord Melbourne believes that he was at the places which your Majesty mentions. In the year 1802 he stayed some months in Perthshire with the late Lord Kinnaird, and enjoyed it much. It annoys him sometimes to think how altered he is in strength since that time. Lord Melbourne has never yet thanked your Majesty for the pretty etchings of poor Islay and Eos, which your Majesty sent to Lord Melbourne when he was last at Windsor. Lord Melbourne has ordered them both to be framed, and will hang them up in his room here. They will afford Lord Melbourne most agreeable and pleasing souvenirs of the happiest period of his life, for he cannot say otherwise than that he continually misses and regrets the time when he had daily confidential communication with your Majesty. Lord Glenlyon[30] has one merit in Lord Melbourne's eyes, which is that he was a steady and firm supporter to the last of Lord Melbourne's Government. Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts that he feels no animosity against those who opposed him. But he does and always shall entertain a kindly and grateful recollection of those who supported him. Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness. [Footnote 30: _See_ vol. i. p. 429.] _The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _12th October 1844._ MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... I thank you very much for attending to all my recommendations about _my_ father: I only fear that they will lead you to believe that we consider him as a _great child_ and treat him like one: but he is so _precious_ and _dear_ to _us all_ that I am sure you will _understand_ and _excuse_ our being _over anxious_... Yours most devotedly, LOUISE. [Pageheading: A SUCCESSFUL VISIT] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE HOUSE, _17th October 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had intended to have written to you on Monday, but you will since have heard of the great _confusion_ of that day which prevented me from doing so. The dear King's visit went off to perfection, and I much and deeply regret its being passed. He was _delighted_, and was _most_ enthusiastically and affectionately received wherever he showed himself. Our proceedings I wrote to good, dear Louise (whom you should not leave so long alone), who will no doubt have given you the details. What an extraordinary man the King is! What a wonderful memory, and how lively, _how sagacious!_He spoke very openly to us all, and is determined that our affairs should go on well. He wishes Tahiti _au fond de la mer_. He spoke also very openly about poor Hadjy's _brochure_ which seems to have distressed him more than anything. The King praised my dearest Albert most highly, and fully appreciates his great qualities and talents--and what gratifies me _so much_, treats him completely as his equal, calling him "Mon Frère," and saying to me that _my husband_ was the same as me, which it is--and "Le Prince Albert, c'est pour moi le Roi." The King is _very_ sad to go, but he is determined, he says, _to see me every year_. Another _very_ great thing is, that the officers of the two Navies staying at Portsmouth were on the best terms together and paying one another every sort of compliment. As Admiral La Susse (a very gentlemanlike man) and his squadron were sadly disappointed on Monday,[31] we thought it would please them if we went on board the _Gomer_, which we did, on Tuesday morning, and breakfasted there, and I drank the King's health. I am certain that the visit and everything connected with it can but do the _greatest good_. We stay here till Monday. It is a very comfortable little house, and the grounds and place are delightful, so private--and the view so fine. I must now conclude, begging you to believe me, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. I forgot to say how much we liked good Montpensier, who got on extremely well. [Footnote 31: It had been intended that the King should return to France, as he had come, by way of Portsmouth, crossing in the frigate _Gomer_, but, in consequence of the wet and stormy weather, he returned by Dover and Calais.] [Pageheading: DEPARTURE OF THE KING] _Queen Victoria to the King of the French._ OSBORNE HOUSE, _le 17 Octobre 1844._ SIRE, ET MON TRÈS CHER FRÈRE,--Votre Majesté m'a écrit deux bien bonnes lettres de Douvres pour lesquelles je vous remercie de tout mon c[oe]ur. Les expressions de bonté et d'amitié que vous me vouez ainsi qu'à mon cher Albert nous touchent sensiblement; je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire encore, combien nous vous sommes attachés et combien nous désirons voir se raffermir de plus en plus cette _entente cordiale_ entre nos deux pays qui existe si heureusement entre nous personnellement. C'était avec un vif regret que nous nous sommes séparés de votre Majesté, et de Montpensier, et ce sera une grande fête que de voir renouveler une visite dont le souvenir nous est si cher. Albert se met à vos pieds, Sire, bien sensible ainsi que moi-même de l'amitié et la confiance que vous lui avez témoignées. J'ose prier votre Majesté d'offrir mes plus tendres hommages à la Reine et à Madame votre S[oe]ur et de me rappeler au souvenir de Montpensier. Je suis pour la vie, Sire et mon cher Frère, de votre Majesté la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur et fidèle Amie, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: OPENING OF ROYAL EXCHANGE] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th October 1844._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the happiness of receiving your kind letter of the 26th while I was dressing to go to the City for the opening of the Royal Exchange.[32] Nothing ever went off better, and the procession there, as well as all the proceedings _at_ the Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal in the extreme. It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the myriads of people assembled--more than at the Coronation even, and all in such good humour, and so loyal; the articles in the papers, too, are most kind and gratifying; they say _no_ Sovereign _was more_ loved than I am (I am bold enough to say), and _that_, from our _happy domestic home_--which gives such a good example. The _Times_ you have, and I venture to add a _Chronicle_, as I think it very pretty; you should read the accounts. _I_ seldom remember being so gratified and pleased with any public show, and my beloved Albert was so enthusiastically received by the people. He is _so_ beloved by all the really influential people, and by _all_ right-thinking ones. We came back here yesterday evening. The accounts from Paris are excellent too. How long are the good Joinvilles to remain in the south, and where? By-the-by, dearest Uncle, have you read the continuation of Consuelo,[33] called the "Comtesse de Rudolstadt"? It is _dreadfully_ interesting. The Knights of the Garter did _not_ wear the whole costume, but only the mantle. Being on this topic, shall tell you that I intend giving the Garter to Ernest, but pray do not mention it to E. or _any one_. With Albert's affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece and Child, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 32: On the preceding day.] [Footnote 33: The novel by George Sand (1804-1876), published in 1842.] _The King of the French to Queen Victoria._ SAINT CLOUD, _le 15 Novembre 1844._ MADAME MA BIEN CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--Mes souvenirs de Windsor sont de ceux dont aucun ne s'efface. Je n'oublie donc pas une petite question qui m'a été si joliment adressée, _Where is my gun?_ et à présent j'en ai trouvé un qui serait indigne de la destinée que je prie votre Majesté de me permettre de lui donner, si le regret que la disparition du premier fusil avait causé, ne m'avait pas appris que le second devait être d'un genre à supporter tous les accidents que l'enfance aime à infliger à ses joujoux. C'est donc tout simplement un très modeste fusil de munition adapté a sa taille que j'adresse á votre Majesté pour son auguste et charmant enfant le Prince de Galles, comme ma réponse à sa question. J'ai encore une autre dette dont je vous prie de me permettre de m'acquitter. Quelque vif que soit mon désir de revoir Windsor, ce serait un trop long retard que d'attendre cet heureux moment, pour offrir à la Princesse Royale cette petite boîte à ouvrage, de Paris, qu'elle m'a fait espérer lui serait agréable, et tout ce que je désire c'est que vos enfants se ressouviennent un jour d'avoir vu celui qui a été le fidèle ami de leur grand-père, comme il l'est et le sera toujours de leurs bien aimés parents. Que votre Majesté me permette encore d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression de la vive et sincère amitié que je lui porte et que je lui garderai toujours, et d'accepter celle de l'inaltérable attachement avec lequel je suis pour la vie, Madame ma bien chère S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère bien affectionné et fidèle Ami, LOUIS PHILIPPE R. [Pageheading: EDUCATION IN INDIA] [Pageheading: SIR HENRY HARDINGE] _Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria._ _23rd November 1844._ Sir Henry Hardinge[34] with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly submits for your Majesty's consideration the following observations on the state of affairs in this large portion of your Majesty's dominions. The return of peace has also increased the desire of the native population to receive the advantages of English education. The literature of the West is the most favourite study amongst the Hindoos in their schools and colleges. They will discuss with accuracy the most important events in British History. Boys of fifteen years of age, black in colour, will recite the most favourite passages from Shakespeare, ably quoting the notes of the English and German commentators. They excel in mathematics, and in legal subtleties their acuteness is most extraordinary. In order to reward native talent and render it practically useful to the State, Sir Henry Hardinge, after due deliberation, has issued a resolution, by which the most meritorious students will be appointed to fill the public offices which fall vacant throughout Bengal. This encouragement has been received by the Hindoo population with the greatest gratitude. The studies in the Mohammedan schools and colleges have hitherto been confined to Arabic, the Koran, and abstruse studies relating to their religion, having always shown a marked aversion to English literature. Since the publication of the Resolution they have at once determined to change their system in order to participate in the benefits held out to native merit of every sect. It is impossible throughout your Majesty's immense Empire to employ the number of highly paid European civil servants which the public service requires. This deficiency is the great evil of British Administration. By dispersing annually a proportion of well-educated natives throughout the provinces, under British superintendence, well-founded hopes are entertained that prejudices may gradually disappear, the public service be improved, and attachment to British institutions increased.... Sir Henry Hardinge, in closing these observations, most humbly ventures to assure your Majesty that he anticipates no occurrence as probable, by which the tranquillity of this portion of your Majesty's dominions is likely to be disturbed. H. HARDINGE. [Footnote 34: Governor-General of India, in succession to Lord Ellenborough.] INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTER XIV The new year (1845) opened auspiciously, trade improving owing to the great impetus given to it by the many lines of railway then in course of promotion. Over two hundred schemes were prepared at the commencement of the session to seek legislative sanction, and speculation outran all reasonable limits. The Income Tax (which in the ordinary course would have expired) was renewed, and the Anti-Corn Law Leaguers were more persistent than ever in their assaults on Protection, while the attacks on the Ministry from a section of their own party were redoubled. The most remarkable measure of the year was the Government Bill for increasing the grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, which was strongly opposed from the Conservative and the Protestant points of view; Mr Gladstone, though he approved of the measure, retired from the Ministry, as he had a few years before written in the opposite sense. Towards the close of the year the condition of Ireland, owing to the failure of the potato crop, became very alarming, and the Ministry greatly embarrassed. Lord John Russell wrote from Edinburgh to the electors of the City of London, announcing his conversion to the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and the _Times_ announced that such a Bill would be brought in by the Ministry. Peel, reluctant to accept the task, resigned office in December, and a Whig Ministry was attempted. Owing to dissensions, the attempt had to be abandoned, and Peel returned to office, without Lord Stanley, but with Mr Gladstone, who however did not seek re-election for the seat vacated by his acceptance of office. A dispute of great importance arose during the year with the United States, relating to the boundary line between English and American territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Twenty-five years earlier the same question had arisen, and had been settled on the footing of joint occupancy. The increased importance of the Pacific slope made the matter more vital, involving as it did the ownership of Vancouver Island and the mouth of the Columbia River; President Polk unequivocally claimed the whole, and said he would not shrink from upholding America's interests; the British Government was equally firm, and the matter was not adjusted till 1846. In India, which during nearly the whole year enjoyed peace, the Sikhs in December assumed the aggressive, and crossed the Sutlej, invading British India. They were signally defeated by Sir Hugh Gough at Moodkee and Ferozeshah. In Scinde Sir Charles Napier prosecuted operations against the mountain desert tribes. In New Zealand some disastrous collisions took place between the natives and the settlers; the former on two occasions either defeating or repulsing the British arms. In France the most important events were the Bill for fortifying Paris, the campaign waged against Abd-el-Kader in Algeria, and a horrible act of cruelty perpetrated there. In Spain Don Carlos abdicated his claims to the throne in favour of his son; the Queen's engagement to Count Trapani was rumoured. In other parts of Europe little that was eventful occurred. CHAPTER XIV 1845 _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th January 1845._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--What you say about Aquila[1] and Montpensier interests me. What madness is it then to force Trapani on Spain! Pray explain to me the cause of the King's obstinacy about that Spanish marriage, for _no_ country has a right to dictate in that way to another. If Tatane[2] was _to think_ of the Infanta, England would be extremely indignant, and would (and with right) consider it tantamount to a marriage with the Queen herself. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 1: Louis Charles, Comte d'Aquila, a son of Francis I., King of the Two Sicilies, and brother of the Comte de Trapani and of Queen Christina; he and his brother were therefore uncles of Queen Isabella.] [Footnote 2: The Duc de Montpensier.] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _18th January 1845._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... The Spanish marriage question is really very curious; in fact, all the other Bourbon branches are hostile to the Orleans family, but the idea that makes the King so constant in his views about it, is that he imagines it would create in France a bad impression if _now_ any other than a Bourbon was to marry the Queen of Spain. That feeling they have _themselves created_, as in France they did not at all care about it; having, however, declared _quasi_ officially in the French Chambers that they _will not have any but a Bourbon_, if circumstances should after all decide it otherwise it would now be a defeat, but certainly one of their own making.... Your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th January 1845._ ...The feeling of loyalty in this country is happily _very_ strong, and wherever we show ourselves we are most heartily and warmly received, and the civilities and respect shown to us by those we visit is _most_ satisfactory. I mention merely a trifling instance to show _how_ respectful they are--the Duke of Buckingham, who is immensely proud, bringing the cup of coffee after dinner on a waiter to Albert himself. And everywhere my dearest Angel receives the respect and honours I receive. Many thanks for returning the list;[3] it was not Albert but _Tatane_ who made the black crosses. Are not "Les 3 Mousquetaires," by Dumas, and "Arthur," by Eugène Sue, _readable_ for _me_? Now adieu, dearest, best Uncle. Ever your truly devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 3: A list of French books which the Queen was proposing to read.] [PAGEHEADING: STATE OF BUCKINGHAM PALACE] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ PAVILION, _10th February 1845._ Though the Queen knows that Sir Robert Peel has already turned his attention to the urgent necessity of doing something to Buckingham Palace, the Queen thinks it right to recommend this subject herself to his serious consideration. Sir Robert is acquainted with the state of the Palace and the total want of accommodation for our little family, which is fast growing up. Any building must necessarily take some years before it can be safely inhabited. If it were to be begun this autumn, it could hardly be occupied before the spring of 1848, when the Prince of Wales would be nearly seven, and the Princess Royal nearly eight years old, and they cannot possibly be kept in the nursery any longer. A provision for this purpose ought, therefore, to be made this year. Independent of this, most parts of the Palace are in a sad state, and will ere long require a further outlay to render them _decent_ for the occupation of the Royal Family or any visitors the Queen may have to receive. A room, capable of containing a larger number of those persons whom the Queen has to invite in the course of the season to balls, concerts, etc., than any of the present apartments can at once hold, is much wanted. Equally so, improved offices and servants' rooms, the want of which puts the departments of the household to great expense yearly. It will be for Sir Robert to consider whether it would not be best to remedy all these deficiencies at once, and to make use of this opportunity to render the exterior of the Palace such as no longer to be a _disgrace_ to the country, which it certainly now is. The Queen thinks the country would be better pleased to have the question of the Sovereign's residence in London so finally disposed of, than to have it so repeatedly brought before it.[4] [Footnote 4: Peel replied that, as a renewal of the Income Tax was about to be proposed, it would be better to postpone the application to Parliament till the public feeling as to the tax had been ascertained.] [PAGEHEADING: TITLE OF KING CONSORT] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ PAVILION, _18th February 1845._ The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's letter, and is glad that the progress in the House of Commons was so satisfactory. The Queen was much hurt at Mr Borthwick's most impertinent manner of putting the question with respect to the title of King Consort, and much satisfied with Sir Robert's answer.[5] The title of King is open assuredly to many difficulties, and would perhaps be no _real_ advantage to the Prince, but the Queen is positive that something must at once be done to place the Prince's position on a constitutionally recognised footing, and to give him a title adequate to that position.[6] _How_ and _when_, are difficult questions.... [Footnote 5: A paragraph had appeared in the _Morning Chronicle_, giving credence to a rumour that this title was about to be conferred on the Prince, but, in answer to Mr Peter Borthwick, Sir Robert Peel positively contradicted it.] [Footnote 6: _Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._ WHITEHALL, _15th February 1845._ SIR,--I received yesterday the accompanying note from Mr Borthwick, and in conformity with the notice therein given, he put the question to me in the House of Commons last evening respecting the paragraph which appeared in the _Morning Chronicle_ respecting the intention of proposing to Parliament that your Royal Highness should assume the title of King Consort. I very much regret that the _Morning Chronicle_ inserted that paragraph. The prominent place assigned to it in the newspaper, and a vague intimation that there was some authority for it, have caused a certain degree of credit to be attached to it. It has been copied into all the country newspapers and has given rise to a good deal of conjecture and speculation, which it is far from desirable to excite without necessity. It appears to me that the editor of the _Morning Chronicle_ acted most unwarrantably in inserting such a paragraph with a pretence of some sort of authority for it. It has produced an impression which strongly confirms the observations which I took the liberty of making to your Royal Highness on Sunday evening. I trust, however, that my decided contradiction of the paragraph will put a stop to further surmise and discussion on the subject. To Mr Borthwick's note I add one of several letters addressed to me, which shows the proneness to speculate upon constitutional novelties. I have the honour to be, Sir, with sincere respect, your Royal Highness's most faithful and obedient Servant, ROBERT PEEL.] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th March 1845._ The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's box containing his recommendation relative to the filling up of the vacant Bishopric of Ely. The Queen quite approves of the present Dean of Westminster[7] as the new Bishop. As Sir Robert has asked the Queen whether she would like to see Archdeacon Wilberforce succeed to the Deanery of Westminster in case the Dean should accept the Bishopric, she must say that such an arrangement would be _very satisfactory_ to us, and the Queen believes would highly please the Archdeacon. This would again vacate, the Queen believes, a stall at Winchester, which she would like to see filled by a person decidedly adverse to Puseyism. The Queen approves of the Bishop of Lichfield[8] being transferred to the See of Ely in case Doctor Turton should decline it. It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand sponsor to Sir Robert Peel's little grandson, and perhaps Sir Robert would communicate this to Lady Villiers. [Footnote 7: Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of Peterborough.] [Footnote 8: John Lonsdale (1788-1867) was Bishop of Lichfield from 1843 till his death.] [Pageheading: PURCHASE OF OSBORNE] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th March 1845._ ... I copied what you wrote me about Peel[9] in a letter I wrote him, which I am sure will please him much, and a Minister in these days _does_ require a little encouragement, for the abuse and difficulties they have to contend with are dreadful. Peel works so hard and has so much to do, that sometimes he says he does not know _how_ he is to get through it all! You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that we have succeeded in purchasing _Osborne_ in the Isle of Wight,[10] and if we can manage it, we shall probably run down there before we return to Town, for three nights. It sounds so snug and nice to have a place of _one's own_, quiet and retired, and free from all Woods and Forests, and other charming Departments who really are the plague of one's life. Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 9: See Peel's reply, _Life of the Prince Consort_, chap. xiii.] [Footnote 10: The purchase was suggested by Sir Robert Peel.] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd April 1845._ The Queen had intended to have written to Lord Melbourne from Osborne to thank him for his last note of the 19th, but we were so occupied, and so delighted with _our new_ and really delightful _home_, that she hardly had time for anything; besides which the weather was so beautiful, that we were out almost all day. The Queen refers Lord Melbourne to Mr Anson for particulars of the new property, which is very extensive, as she is not at all competent to explain about acres, etc. But she thinks it is impossible to imagine a prettier spot--valleys and woods which would be beautiful anywhere; but all this near the sea (the woods grow into the sea) is quite perfection; we have a charming beach quite to ourselves. The sea was so blue and calm that the Prince said it was like Naples. And then we can walk about anywhere by ourselves without being followed and mobbed, which Lord Melbourne will easily understand is delightful. And last, not least, we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand, that we shall be able to watch what is going on, which will please the Navy, and be hereafter very useful for our boys. The Children are all well. The Queen has just had a lithograph made after a little drawing which she did herself of the three eldest, and which she will send Lord Melbourne with some Eau de Cologne. Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; she is looking very well, and he seems much pleased at being in office, and being employed. The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this fine weather, and here concludes with the Prince's kind remembrance. [Pageheading: THE MAYNOOTH GRANT] [Pageheading: RELIGIOUS BIGOTRY] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th April 1845._ MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Here we are in a great state of agitation about one of the greatest measures ever proposed;[11] I am sure poor Peel ought to be _blessed by_ all Catholics for the manly and noble way in which he stands forth to protect and do good to poor Ireland. But the bigotry, the wicked and blind passions it brings forth is quite dreadful, and I blush for Protestantism![12] A Presbyterian clergyman said very truly, "_Bigotry_ is more _common than shame_...." [Footnote 11: The Bill to increase the grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth of opposition from half his party: another measure was passed to establish colleges for purely secular teaching ("godless colleges" they were nicknamed) in Cork, Belfast, and Galway, and affiliate them to a new Irish university.] [Footnote 12: As Macaulay had said during the previous night's debate: "The Orangeman raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets up its bray, Mr Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer than ever provided for the priests of Baal at the table of the Queen, and the Protestant operatives of Dublin call for impeachments in exceedingly bad English."] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd April 1845._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our Maynooth Bill is through the second reading. I think, if you read Sir Robert's admirable speeches, you will see how good his plan is. The _Catholics_ are quite delighted at it--full of gratitude, and behave extremely well; but the Protestants behave shockingly, and display a narrow-mindedness and want of sense on the subject of religion which is quite a disgrace to the nation. The case of Austria, France, etc., cannot be compared to this, as _this_ is a _Protestant_ country, while the others are Catholic; and I think it would never do to support a Roman Catholic Church with money belonging to the Protestant Church. The Protestant Establishment in Ireland must remain untouched, but let the Roman Catholic Clergy be well and handsomely educated. The Duc de Broglie[13] dined with us last night; his _travaux_ are going on satisfactorily; he asked when you were coming, and said you were "_beaucoup Anglais et un peu Français_," which is true, I think. With Albert's affectionate respects, believe me always, your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 13: Achille Charles, Duc de Broglie, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs.] _Mr Goulburn[14] to Queen Victoria._ DOWNING STREET, _30th April 1845._ Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to your Majesty that several representations have been made to the Treasury as to the convenience which the public would derive from the circulation of silver threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are lawfully current under your Majesty's Proclamation of the 5th July 1838. But as such pieces have been hitherto reserved as your Majesty's Maundy money, and as such especially belong to your Majesty's service, Mr Goulburn considers that a coinage of them for general use could not take place without a particular signification of your Majesty's pleasure. Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your Majesty's gracious consideration the signification of your Majesty's pleasure as to the issue of such a coinage. [Footnote 14: Chancellor of the Exchequer.] [Pageheading: PUBLIC EXECUTIONS] _Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _13th May 1845._ Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty the enclosed Memorial. The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of the last condemned sermon and on the morning of the execution have been fully investigated;[15] and the report established the necessity of legislative interference to prevent the recurrence of scenes so disgraceful and demoralising. The policy of depriving capital executions of their present publicity is well worthy of careful revision; and Sir James Graham, in obedience to your Majesty's desire, will bring the subject under the notice of his colleagues. He is disposed to think that the sentence might be carried into execution in the presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff with good effect; and that the great body of idle spectators might be excluded, without diminishing the salutary terror and awful warning which this extreme punishment is intended to produce on the public mind. In dealing, however, with a matter in which the community has so deep an interest, it is prudent not to violate public opinion, and caution is necessary before a change of the long-established usage is proposed.[16] Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken by the newspapers in seeking to indulge the general curiosity with respect to all details of the conduct, habits, and demeanour of these wretched criminals in their last moments; but he fears that the license of the Press cannot be checked by any act of authority; if the public be excluded from witnessing the executions, they will probably become still more anxious to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place; and Sir James Graham is so thoroughly convinced that the punishment of death in certain cases must be maintained, that he would consider any course inexpedient which was likely to lead the public to desire the remission of capital executions in all cases without exception.... J. R. G. GRAHAM. [Footnote 15: The attraction these executions had for the general public was at this time a great scandal.] [Footnote 16: Public executions were abolished in 1868.] [Pageheading: A BIRTHDAY LETTER] [Pageheading: THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _21st May 1845._ MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,--Receive my sincerest and most heartfelt good wishes on the happy reappearance of your birthday. I need not dwell on my sentiments of devotion to you; they began with _your life, and will only end with mine_. The only claim I make is to be remembered with some little affection. Thank heaven, I have little to wish you, than that your present happiness may not be disturbed, and that those who are dear to you may be preserved for your happiness. My gift is Charlotte's portrait. The face is extremely like, and the likest that exists; the hair is a little too fair, it had become also darker. I take this opportunity to repeat that Charlotte was a noble-minded and highly gifted creature. She was nervous, as all the family have been; she could be violent, but then she was full of repentance for it, and her disposition _highly generous_ and _susceptible_ of _great devotion_. I am the more bound to say this, as I understood that you had some notion that she had been _very imperious_, and not mistress of her temper. Before her marriage some people by dint of flattery had tried to give her masculine tastes; and in short had pushed her to become one day a sort of Queen Elizabeth. These sentiments were already a little modified before her marriage. But she was particularly determined to be a _good_ and _obedient_ wife; some of her friends were anxious she should _not_; amongst these Madame de Flahaut must be mentioned _en première ligne_. This became even a subject which severed the intimacy between them. Madame de Flahaut, much older than Charlotte, and of a sour and determined character, had gained an influence which partook on Charlotte's part a little of fear. She was afraid of her, but when once supported took courage. People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 at Carlton House with the clearness and firmness with which she pronounced "_and obey_," etc., as there had been a _general belief_ that it would be _for the husband_ to give _these promises_. The Regent put me particularly on my guard, and said, "If you don't resist she will govern you with a high hand." Your own experience has convinced you that real affection changes many sentiments that may have been implanted into the mind of a young girl. With Charlotte it was the more meritorious, as from a very early period of her life she was considered as the heiress of the Crown; the Whigs flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by my intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made great efforts to please her. Her understanding was extremely good; she knew everybody, and I even afterwards found her judgment generally extremely correct. _She had read a great deal and knew well what she had read._ Generous she was almost _too much_, and her _devotion_ was quite affecting, from a character so much pushed to be selfish and imperious. I will here end my souvenir of poor dear Charlotte, but I thought that the subject could not but be interesting to you. Her constancy in wishing to marry me, which she maintained under difficulties of every description, has been the foundation of all that touched the family afterwards. You know, I believe, that your poor father was the chief promoter, though also the Yorks were; but our correspondence from 1814 till 1816 was entirely carried on through his kind intervention; it would otherwise have been impossible, as she was really treated as a sort of prisoner. Grant always to that good and generous Charlotte, who sleeps already with her beautiful little boy so long, where all will go to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she deserves it. Forgive my long letter, and see in it, what it really is, a token of the great affection I have for you. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle. LEOPOLD R. _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1845._ The Queen understands that the Deanery of Worcester has become vacant by some new arrangement. Believing that Sir Robert's brother, Mr John Peel, has a fair claim to such preferment, but being afraid that Sir Robert would perhaps hesitate to recommend him on account of his near relationship to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this Deanery through Sir Robert to his brother. _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1845._ Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, hastens to acknowledge your Majesty's most kind and considerate communication, and to express his grateful acknowledgments for it. He must, in justice to his brother, assure your Majesty that he never has expressed, and probably never would express, a wish to Sir Robert Peel on the subject of preferment in the Church. Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the name of one so nearly connected with him under the notice of your Majesty, but as his brother was highly distinguished in his academical career at Oxford, and is greatly respected for the discharge of every professional duty, Sir Robert Peel could not feel himself justified in offering an impediment to the fulfilment of your Majesty's gracious intentions in his favour, if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in the Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should be preferred.[17] [Footnote 17: Dean Peel lived till 1875.] [Pageheading: AUSTRALIAN WINE] _Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._ DOWNING STREET, _10th July 1845._ Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty a despatch just received from the Governor of South Australia, enclosing the letter of a settler in the province, Mr Walter Duffield, who is anxious to be allowed the honour of offering for your Majesty's acceptance a case of the first wine which has been made in the colony. Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the quality of the vintage; but as the wine has been sent over with a loyal and dutiful feeling, and the importer, as well as the colonists in general, might feel hurt by a refusal of his humble offering, he ventures to hope that he may be permitted to signify, through the Governor, your Majesty's gracious acceptance of the first sample of a manufacture which, if successful, may add greatly to the resources of this young but now thriving colony. The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject, STANLEY. [Pageheading: THE KING OF HOLLAND] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _29th July 1845._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your very kind little note of the 26th. As Albert writes to you about the King of Holland's visit[18] I will say but little, except that it really went off wonderfully well in our little house. We took him a sail in the _Victoria and Albert_ on Saturday, which he admired amazingly, and after luncheon he went away, Albert taking him over to Gosport. He intends, I believe, to come here one morning for luncheon to take leave. He is grown old, and has lost all his front teeth, but he is as talkative and lively as he used to be, and seems very happy to be in England again. He was very anxious that we should pay him a visit this year, but was quite satisfied when we told him that this year it was impossible, but that we hoped some other time to do so. He was much struck at seeing me now independent and unembarrassed, and talking; as when he was here in 1836[19] I was extremely crushed and kept under and hardly dared say a word, so that he was quite astonished. He thought me grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle, your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 18: This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit to Goodwood races and a review of the Household troops in Hyde Park. His Majesty was also appointed a Field-Marshal.] [Footnote 19: _Ante_, vol. i. p. 47. He was then Prince of Orange, and succeeded his father, who abdicated in his favour in 1840.] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._ OSBORNE, _31st July 1845._ The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for his last kind letter of the 11th, by which she was truly rejoiced to see he was better. We are comfortably and peacefully established here since the 19th, and derive the greatest benefit, pleasure, and satisfaction from our little possession here. The dear Prince is constantly occupied in directing the many necessary improvements which are to be made, and in watching our new house, which is a constant interest and amusement. We are most anxiously waiting for the conclusion of the Session that we may set off on our much-wished-for journey to Germany. The Queen is extremely sorry to leave England without seeing Lord Melbourne, and without having seen him all this season; but something or other always prevented us from seeing Lord Melbourne each time we hoped to do so. We only return the night before the Prorogation and embark that same day. We have the children here. We went to the Undercliff--Ventnor, Bonchurch, etc.--on Monday, and were much delighted with all we saw. We had a visit from the King of Holland last week, who is grown old, but otherwise just the same as he used to be. The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned satisfaction at the success of the Irish measures, after so much factious opposition. Lord Grey's death[20] will have shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor Lord Dunmore's death is a very shocking event. The Prince wishes to be most kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne. [Footnote 20: Charles, second Earl Grey, had been Prime Minister, 1830-1834.] [Pageheading: THE SOVEREIGN'S ABSENCE] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _6th August 1845._ Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that in the course of a long speech made by Lord John Russell last night, reviewing the policy of the Government and the proceedings of the Session, Lord John expressed himself strongly on the subject of your Majesty's absence from the country, without provision made for the exercise of the Royal authority by the appointment of Lords Justices. Sir Robert Peel thinks it very probable that a motion will be made upon the subject in the course of the next Session--particularly in the event of any occurrence during your Majesty's absence, which might cause public inconvenience from the want of immediate access to the Royal authority, or compel any assumption of power on the part of your Majesty's servants of a questionable character. The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather startled at the intention of departing from the precedent of George IV.'s reign, on seeing the legal opinions of their predecessors; they did not differ from the _legal_ doctrines laid down by them, but were not very well satisfied on the point of discretion and policy. Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty what has passed on this subject, and to apprize your Majesty of the possibility of a question being hereafter raised in Parliament upon it. Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short absence, and a distance not precluding easy and rapid communication with your Majesty, the appointment of Lords Justices may be dispensed with; but he is humbly of opinion that were the distance greater or the period of absence longer than that contemplated by your Majesty, the reasons for the nomination of Lords Justices would preponderate. Should the subject be again mentioned in Parliament and a direct question be put upon it, Sir Robert Peel will, of course, assume the entire responsibility for the non-appointment of Lords Justices; vindicating the departure from the precedent of George IV. on the ground of the shorter period of absence and the more easy means of communication.[21]... [Footnote 21: The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of State (Lord Aberdeen), so that an act of State could be performed as well abroad as at home; see _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. i. p. 272.] [Pageheading: VISIT TO THE CHÂTEAU D'EU] [Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES] _The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir Robert Peel._ CHÂTEAU D'EU, _8th September 1845._ MY DEAR PEEL,--We left Antwerp very early yesterday morning, and anchored for a few hours off Flushing.[22] We passing down the Channel during the night, and as the weather was perfectly bright and fine, found ourselves off Tréport before nine o'clock this morning. The King came off to the yacht, and took the Queen in his barge to land. I need not say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal Family. Although I shall have opportunities, both this evening and to-morrow morning, of speaking again with the King and Guizot, I have already discussed several subjects with each of them; and as the Queen particularly desires to send a messenger this evening, I will give you some notion of what has passed between us. I think the marriage of the Queen of Spain is the subject on which the greatest interest is felt at this moment. It was the first introduced, both by the King and Guizot, and treated by both in the same manner. They said, that having promised to support the King of Naples, they were bound not to abandon the Count de Trapani, so long as there was a chance of his being successful in his suit. I said in answer to their desire, that we would assist this arrangement, that we had no objection to Count Trapani, and that we would take no part against him; but unless it should be the decided wish of the Spanish Government and people, we could give no support to the marriage, as we were honestly of opinion that it was not desired in Spain, and that we saw nothing in the proposal to call for our support under these circumstances. Both the King and Guizot said they had no objection to the Duke of Saville[23] (Don Enrique), and that if it should be found that Count Trapani was impossible, they would willingly support him. With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in the most positive and explicit manner, that _until the Queen was married and had children_, they should consider the Infanta precisely as her sister, and that any marriage with a French Prince would be entirely out of the question. The King said he did not wish that his son should have the prospect of being on the throne of Spain; but that if the Queen had children, by whom the succession would be secured, he did not engage to preclude himself from the possibility of profiting by the great inheritance which the Infanta would bring his son. All this, however, was uncertain, and would require time at all events to accomplish; for I distinctly understood, that it was not only a marriage and a child, but _children, that were necessary to secure the succession_. I thought this was as much as we could desire at present, and that the policy of a marriage with a French Prince might safely be left to be considered whenever the contingency contemplated should arrive. Many things may happen, both in France and Spain, in the course of a few years to affect this question in a manner not now apparent. ABERDEEN. [Footnote 22: Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August, and the Queen and Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp in the Royal yacht. Sir Theodore Martin gives a very full description of the visit to Coburg. The Queen was especially delighted with the Rosenau and Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning of the 8th of September the yacht, which had left the Scheldt on the previous evening, arrived at Tréport, and a second visit was paid to the King and Queen of the French at the Château d'Eu.] [Footnote 23: Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first cousin to Queen Isabella, both through his father and his mother.] [Pageheading: CHURCH APPOINTMENTS] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ OSBORNE, _15th September 1845._ Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that there remains the sum of £700 to be applied in the current year to the grant of Civil List Pensions. Sir Robert Peel humbly recommends to your Majesty that another sum of £200 should be offered to Mr Tennyson, a poet of whose powers of imagination and expression many competent judges think most highly. He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert Peel by Mr Hallam. His pecuniary circumstances are far from being prosperous. There is a vacancy in the Deanery of Lincoln, but the preferment is less eligible from there being no residence, and the necessity for building one at the immediate expense of the new Dean. Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your Majesty that an offer of this preferment should be made to Mr Ward, the Rector of St James's. Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of the name of Maurice,[24] of whom the Archbishop says: "Of unbeneficed London clergy there is no one, I believe, who is so much distinguished by his learning and literary talent as the Rev. Frederick Maurice, Chaplain of St Guy's Hospital. His private character is equally estimable." Should Mr Ward decline[25] the Deanery it might, should your Majesty approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. The Archbishop says that the appointment of Mr Maurice would be very gratifying to the _King of Prussia_. [Footnote 24: Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872), the friend of Kingsley, afterwards Chaplain of St. Peter's, Vere Street.] [Footnote 25: Mr Ward accepted the Deanery.] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ ST CLOUD, _10th October 1845._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... All you say about our dear Albert, whom I love like my own child, is perfectly true. The attacks, however unjust, have but one advantage, that of showing the points the enemy thinks _weakest_ and best calculated to hurt. This, being the case, Anson, without boring A. with _daily_ accounts which in the end become very irksome, should pay attention to these very points, and contribute to avoid what may be turned to account by the enemy. To hope to _escape_ censure and calumny is next to impossible, but whatever is considered by the enemy as a fit subject for attack is better modified or avoided. The dealings with artists, for instance, require great prudence; they are acquainted with all classes of society, and for that very reason dangerous; they are hardly _ever satisfied_, and when you have too much to do with them, you are sure to have _des ennuis_.... Your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Pageheading: LORD METCALFE] _Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _2nd November 1845._ The Queen has read with great concern Lord Stanley's letter of the 1st November. From private information she had been led to expect that Lord Metcalfe would not be able to continue at his irksome post.[26] He will be an immense loss, and the selection of a successor will be most difficult. The Queen hopes that there will not be too great a delay in making the new appointment, as experience has shown that nothing was more detrimental to the good government of Canada than the last interregnum after Sir Charles Bagot's death; it would certainly likewise be desirable that Lord Metcalfe should be able personally to make over his Government to his successor, whom he could verbally better put in possession of the peculiarities of his position than any instructions could do. It strikes the Queen to be of the _greatest importance_, that the judicious system pursued by Lord Metcalfe (and which, after a long continuation of toil and adversities, only now just begins to show its effect) should be followed up by his successor. The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for the appointment as Lord Elgin, who seems to have given great satisfaction in Jamaica, where he has already succeeded Lord Metcalfe, whose original appointment there had _likewise_ taken place under circumstances of great difficulty, which his prudence and firmness finally overcame.[27] [Footnote 26: He retired from the Governor-Generalship of Canada through ill-health.] [Footnote 27: Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private letter from Lord Elgin, expressing a wish to return home; Earl Cathcart was provisionally appointed Governor-General.] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ OSBORNE, _28th November 1845._ The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert Peel apprehends further differences of opinion in the Cabinet, at a moment of impending calamity; it is more than ever necessary that the Government should be strong and united. The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the restrictions upon the importation of food cannot be successfully resisted. Should this be Sir Robert's own opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none of his colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is _right_ to do. [Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _4th December 1845._ Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that a leading paragraph in the _Times_ of to-day, asserting that your Majesty's servants had unanimously agreed to an immediate and total repeal of the Corn Laws, is quite without foundation.[28] [Footnote 28: See _Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve_, vol. i. p. 175, for Lord Dufferin's refutation of the story that Sidney Herbert confided the secret to Mrs Norton, and that she sold it to the _Times_. The story has obtained a wide currency through Mr Meredith's _Diana of the Crossways_. Lord Stanmore, in his _Life of Sidney Herbert_, substantially attributes the communication to Lord Aberdeen, but does not give the details.] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._[29] WHITEHALL, _5th December 1845._ (_Friday evening._) Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will wait upon your Majesty to-morrow evening, leaving London by the half-past twelve train. Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty's kind proposal to remain at Osborne until Monday morning. He will come to Osborne with a heart full of gratitude and devotion to your Majesty, but with a strong conviction (all the grounds for which he will, with your Majesty's permission, explain to your Majesty) that in the present state of affairs, he can render more service to your Majesty and to the country in a private than in a public station. [Footnote 29: Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet discussions on the Corn Law question. The Queen wrote that the news caused her much uneasiness, and that she felt certain that her Minister would not leave her at a moment of such difficulty, and when a crisis was impending.] [Pageheading: CABINET DISSENSIONS] [Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH PEEL] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ OSBORNE, _7th December 1845._ On receiving the preceding letter[30] ... we were, of course, in great consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert Peel arrived here and explained the condition of affairs. [Footnote 30: From Sir Robert Peel, 5th December, _ante._] On 1st November he had called his Cabinet, and placed before its members the reports of the Irish Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr Playfair and Dr Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which was to the effect that the half of the potatoes were ruined by the rot, and that no one could guarantee the remainder. Belgium, Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, in which states the potato disease had likewise deprived the poorer class of its usual food, have immediately taken energetic means, and have opened the harbours, bought corn, and provided for the case of a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the same thing for England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation for the abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues refused, and of the whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr Sidney Herbert voted with him. Sir Robert hoped that in time the opinions of the others would change, and therefore postponed a final decision. In the meanwhile the agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League began; in every town addresses were voted, meetings were held, the _Times_--barometer of public feeling--became suddenly _violently_ Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet roused attention, a general panic seized on the mass of the public. Sir Robert called anew his Cabinet. In the midst of their deliberation Lord John Russell issues from Edinburgh an address to the City of London.[31] [Footnote 31: Declaring for the Repeal of the Corn Laws.] The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are doomed. Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that nothing but unanimity could save the cause, and pressed for a decision. The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared they could not take a part in a measure abolishing the Corn Laws, and would therefore have to resign. The other members, including the Duke of Wellington, showed themselves ready to support Sir Robert, yet, as the latter says, "apparently not willingly and against their feelings." Thereupon Sir Robert resolved to lay down his office as Minister. When he arrived here he was visibly much moved, and said to me, that it was one of the most painful moments of his life to separate himself from us, "but it is necessary, and if I have erred it was from loyalty and too great an anxiety not to leave Her Majesty in a moment of such great difficulty. I ought to have gone when I was first left by my colleagues in a minority in my own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, to try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost time. As soon as I saw Lord John's letter I felt that the ground was slipping away from under me, and that whatever I might now propose would appear as dictated by the Opposition, as taking Lord John's measure. On the 1st of November the whole country was prepared for the thing; there had been no agitation, everybody looking to the Government, as soon as they saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided for itself, and Lord John has the merit, owing to his most dexterous move and our want of unanimity." On my observing that Sir Robert has a majority of one hundred in the House of Commons, and asking whether it was not possible for him to continue the Government, he said:-- "The Duke of Buccleuch will carry half Scotland with him, and Lord Stanley, leading the Protectionists in the House of Lords, would lead to great and immediate defections even in Her Majesty's household. The Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers, Lord Beverley, etc., would resign, and we should not be able to find successors; in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, the Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round upon me and be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who would say, 'This is _our_ measure and we will not allow you to carry it.' It is better that I should go now, when _nobody has committed himself_ in the heat of party contest, when no factions have been formed, no imprudent declarations been made; it is better for Her Majesty and for the country that it should be so." After we had examined what possibilities were open for the Crown, the conclusion was come to that Lord John was the only man who could be charged with forming a Cabinet. Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy as his base, would bring about an insurrection [or riots], and the ground on which one would have to fight would be this: to want to force the mass of the people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their bread a high price, in favour of the landlords. It is a matter of the utmost importance not to place the House of Lords into direct antagonism with the Commons and with the masses of the people. Sir Robert says very correctly:-- "I am afraid of other interests getting damaged in the struggle about the Corn Laws; already the system of promotion in the Army, the Game Laws, the Church, are getting attacked with the aid of the league." After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] decided in favour of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert: "But how is it possible for him to govern with so exceedingly small a minority?" Sir Robert said: "He will have difficulties and perhaps did not consider what he was doing when he wrote that letter; but _I will support him_. I feel it my duty to your Majesty not to leave you without a Government. Even if Lord John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that letter (which I think goes too far), I will support him in Parliament and use all my influence with the House of Lords to prevent their impeding his progress. I will do more, if he likes it. I will say that the increase of the estimates which will become necessary are my work, and I alone am responsible for it." Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in which he is to make this promise in writing. He was greatly moved, and said it was not "the loss of power (for I hate power) nor of office," which was nothing but a plague for him, but "the breaking up of those relations in which he stood to the Queen and me, and the loss of our society," which was for him a loss, for which there was no equivalent; we might, however, rely on his being always ready to serve us, in what manner and in what place it might be. Lord Aberdeen is said to feel the same, and very deeply so; and on our side the loss of two so estimable men, who possess our whole and perfect confidence in public as well as in private affairs, and have always proved themselves true friends, leaves _a great gap_. ALBERT. [Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE INFORMED] _Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._ OSBORNE, _7th December 1845._ Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in consequence of differences prevailing in the Cabinet, he is very reluctantly compelled to solicit from the Queen the acceptance of his resignation, which she has as reluctantly accepted. From the Queen's unabated confidence in Lord Melbourne, her first impulse was to request his immediate attendance here that she might have the benefit of his assistance and advice, but on reflection the Queen does not think herself justified, in the present state of Lord Melbourne's health, to ask him to make the sacrifice which the return to his former position of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon him. It is this consideration, and this _alone_, that has induced the Queen to address to Lord John Russell the letter of which she sends a copy. The Queen hopes, however, that Lord Melbourne will not withhold from her new Government his advice, which would be so valuable to her. It is of the _utmost importance_ that the whole of this communication should be kept a _most profound secret_ until the Queen has seen Lord John Russell. [Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ATTITUDE] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ _8th December 1845._ Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the letters to Lord John and to Lord Melbourne. We considered it necessary to write to the latter, in consideration of the confidential position which he formerly enjoyed. Sir Robert Peel has not _resigned_, thinking it a matter of great strength for the Sovereign to keep his ministry until a new one can be got. ALBERT. _Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._ BROCKET HALL, _9th December 1845._ Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just received your Majesty's letter of the 7th inst., which, of course, has astonished him by the magnitude of the event which it announces, although something of this sort has been long pending and to be expected. Lord Melbourne returns your Majesty many thanks for this communication, and more for your Majesty's great kindness and consideration for him personally at the present moment. He is better, but so long a journey would still not have been convenient to him, and he has such a horror of the sea, that a voyage from Southampton to Cowes or from Portsmouth to Ryde seems to him in prospect as formidable as a voyage across the Atlantic. Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty's injunction of secrecy. With respect to the kind wishes about office which your Majesty is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne will of course give to your Majesty's new Government, if formed under Lord John Russell, all the support in his power, but as to taking office, he fears that he would find some difficulty. He would be very unwilling to come in pledged to a total and immediate reform of the Corn Law, and he also strongly feels the difficulty which has in fact compelled Sir Robert Peel to retire, viz. the difficulty of carrying on the Government upon the principle of upholding and maintaining the present law with respect to corn. Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for your great and considerate kindness. [Pageheading: PEEL'S ATTITUDE] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _10th December 1845._ Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and influenced by no other motive than the desire to contribute if possible to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and the protection of the public interests from injury, is induced to make this confidential communication to your Majesty explanatory of his position and intentions with regard to the great question which is now agitating the public mind. Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication known to the Minister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel, may be honoured by your Majesty's confidence. On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel advised his colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland and many districts of Great Britain as to the failure of the potato crop from disease, and for the purpose of guarding against contingencies which in his opinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Majesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be suspended for a limited period either by Order in Council, or by Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case being summoned without delay. Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would compel, during the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the Corn Laws. If the opinions of his colleagues had been in concurrence with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of suspension, and of the necessary consequence of suspension, a comprehensive review of the laws imposing restrictions on the import of foreign grain and other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate removal. He was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be enacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual and ultimate removal. Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private capacity measures which may be in general conformity with those which he advised as a Minister. It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any reference to the details of such measures. Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him that it is your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake the formation of a Government. The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recommend the reconsideration of the laws affecting the import of the main articles of food, was in general accordance with that referred to in the concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of the City of London.[32] Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal of restrictions on the admission of such articles, with relief to the land from such charges as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as in the terms of Lord John Russell's letter "caution and even scrupulous forbearance may suggest." Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote their success. Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should your Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy demands upon the Army of this country for colonial service, of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare, and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do all that he can to prevent it from being considered as indicative of hostile or altered feeling towards France, and will assume for the increase in question any degree of responsibility present or retrospective which can fairly attach to him. ROBERT PEEL. [Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision of taxation to make the arrangement more equitable, and the safeguards suggested by caution and scrupulous forbearance, restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and clothing used by the mass of the people should be removed.] [Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS] _Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._ ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _11th December 1845._ ... Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be permitted to avail himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty the deep regret and pain with which he has felt himself compelled to dissent from the advice intended to have been tendered to your Majesty on the subject of the Corn Laws. He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have shrunk from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle, for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your Majesty and to the country inseparable from any change of Administration; but being unconvinced of the necessity of a change of policy involving an abandonment of opinions formerly maintained, and expectations held out to political supporters, he felt that the real interests of your Majesty's service could not be promoted by the loss of personal character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would necessarily have involved; and that he might far more usefully serve your Majesty and the country out of office, than as the official advocate of a policy which he could not sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to assure your Majesty that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay, as far as may lie in his power, the excitement which he cannot but foresee as the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon your Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient apology in the deep anxiety which he feels that his regret at being compelled not only to retire from your Majesty's service, but also to take a step which he is aware may have had some influence on the course finally adopted by Sir Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the apprehension of having, in the performance of a most painful duty, incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject, STANLEY. _Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._ OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._ The Queen, of course, _much regrets_ that Lord Stanley could not agree in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject of such importance to the country. However, Lord Stanley may rest assured that the Queen gives full credit to the disinterested motives which guided Lord Stanley's conduct. [Pageheading: THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF] _Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._ OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._ The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in consequence of Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his inability to carry on any longer the Government, she has sent for Lord John Russell, who is not able at present to state whether he can form an Administration, and is gone to Town in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of his enquiries may be, the Queen has a _strong_ desire to see the Duke of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The Queen appeals to the Duke's so often proved loyalty and attachment to her person, in asking him to give her this assurance. The Duke will thereby render the greatest service to the country and to her own person. [Pageheading: THE DUKE'S ADVICE] _The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._ STRATHFIELDSAYE, _12th December 1845._ (_11 at night._) Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just now received your Majesty's commands from Osborne of this day's date. He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places him in constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's Ministers, and particularly with the one filling the office of First Lord of the Treasury. Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the counsel, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consult the nobleman or gentleman who should be your Majesty's first Minister, before any other step should be taken upon the subject. He might think that he had reason to complain if he should find that it was arranged that the Duke of Wellington should continue to fill the office of Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an influence upon his future relations with that office. Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord John Russell and all your Majesty's former Ministers were aware, that during the whole period of the time during which Lord Hill was the General Commanding-in-Chief your Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion and services of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times at the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and were given whenever required. He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a member; but that circumstance made no difference. It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a political connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any relation with the political course of the Government over which he should preside. Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence, be considered creditable to either party, or be useful to the service of your Majesty. Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should exist; on the other hand, the performance of these duties would require that the person filling the office should avoid to belong to, or to act in concert with, a political party opposed to the Government. Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his duty to submit these considerations, in order that your Majesty may be perfectly aware of the position in which he is about to place himself, in case Lord John Russell should counsel your Majesty to command Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington to continue to hold the office of Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces. He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he will cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's command upon receiving the official intimation thereof, and that he will as usual make every effort in his power to promote your Majesty's service. All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant, WELLINGTON. [Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE] _The King of the French to Queen Victoria._ ST CLOUD, _le 16 Décembre 1845._ MADAME MA TRÈS CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--J'ai à remercier votre Majesté de l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clém m'a remise de sa part. Elle m'a été droit au c[oe]ur, et je ne saurais exprimer à quel point j'ai été touché de vos bons voeux pour ma famille, et de tout ce que vous me témoignez sur l'accroissement qu'il a plû à la Providence de lui donner dans mes _onze petits fils_. Je me disposais à dire à votre Majesté que, quoiqu'avec un bien vif regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui vous portaient à remettre à une autre année, cette visite si vivement désirée, et que j'espérais toujours trouver une compensation à cette privation, en allant de nouveau Lui offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les sentiments que je Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondément à Elle, ainsi qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai reçu la nouvelle de la démission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous leurs Collégues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'étaient toujours si bien entendus avec les miens pour établir entre nos deux Gouvernements, cette heureuse _entente cordiale_ qui est la base du repos du monde et de la prospérité de nos pays, continueraient encore longtemps à l'entretenir, et à la consolider de plus en plus. Cet espoir est déçu!![33] Il faut s'y résigner; mais je suis empressé d'assurer votre Majesté, que quelque soit son nouveau Ministère, celui qui m'entoure aujourd'hui, et que je désire, et que j'espère conserver longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir cet heureux accord qu'il est si évidemment dans notre intérêt commun de conserver intact. Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement précieux d'être uni à votre Majesté et au Prince Albert par tant de liens, et qu'il se soit formé entre nous cet attachement mutuel, cette affection et cette confiance, qui sont au dessus et indépendants de toute considération politique; mais qui pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer une influence salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis à votre Majesté et à son Epoux avec un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur cette assistance occasionnelle, et j'y compte entièrement en vous demandant d'avoir la même confiance de mon côté, et en vous répétant que cette confiance ne sera pas plus déçue dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a été dans le passé. Votre Majesté me permettra d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression de ma vive et sincère amitié. Je la prie aussi de recevoir celle de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame ma très chère S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère et bien fidèle Ami, LOUIS PHILIPPE R. [Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office was of course dreaded by the King and Guizot.] [Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th December 1845._ The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of this day's date,[34] and considering that it is of great importance that no time should be lost, has immediately forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel. The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord John in using every effort to ensure the success of the great measure which is impending before he undertakes to form a Government. The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has taken a copy of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she does not feel to have been authorised to allow this, the Queen hopes that in case Sir Robert should have an objection to it Lord John will not retain the copy. [Footnote 34: It is printed in the _Annual Register_, 1846, p. 17. Lord John considered the temporary suspension or repeal of duties, with the prospect of their re-imposition, open to grave objections.] [Pageheading: INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th December 1845._ Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and informed the Queen that after considerable discussion, and after a full consideration of his position, _he will undertake to form a Government_. As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the Queen much wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R. Peel, however painful it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert Peel to inform her when he thinks it best to come down here.[35] [Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli, "handed back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir Robert."] [Pageheading: GREY AND PALMERSTON] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._ (_12 o'clock._) We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to explain why he had to give up the task of forming a Government. He had written to all his former colleagues to join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord Grey, who answered, "that he could only belong to a Government which pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade and abolition of all protection; that he had his own views upon the sugar question (as to which he advocated the admission of slave labour) and upon the Irish question (as to which his principle was to establish entire religious equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new Government no personal considerations should stand in the way of a full attention to public Duty." Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the immediate question before them was the _Corn Laws_, he thought it wiser not to complicate this by other declarations which would produce a good deal of animosity; that the sugar question and Ireland might be discussed in Cabinet when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in the last sentence. After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord John considered now with his colleagues the peculiar measure to be proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could arrange a financial scheme which would satisfy Lord Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed interest. They all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon them, though they very much disliked taking office under such peculiar difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion the different offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him that the Queen had some apprehension that his return to the Foreign Office might cause great alarm in other countries, and particularly in France, and that this feeling was still more strongly manifested in the city; whether under these circumstances he would prefer some other office--for instance, the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he was not at all anxious for office, and should much regret that his accession should in any way embarrass Lord John; that he was quite prepared to support him out of office, but that his taking another department than his former one would be a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that had been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a long official life his disposition for peace, and only in one instance broke with France;[36] that that matter was gone by, and that nobody had stronger conviction of the necessity to keep in amity with that Power than himself. Upon this Lord John said that he could not form a Government without him, and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord Palmerston's declaration. [Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.] Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This was an infringement of their compact"; that no _personal_ consideration should interfere with the discharge of public duty, and that he must decline entering the Government, as he considered Lord Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office as fraught with danger to the peace of Europe. Lord John could not, under these circumstances, form a Government. He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with the intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by saying that therefore _he_ was not answerable for the failure to form an Administration.[37] [Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay in a letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to the Press.] Lord John gave the Queen a written statement[38] of the causes which induced him to relinquish the Government, and of the position he means to assume in Parliament. (He is most anxious that Sir R. Peel should re-enter and successfully carry his measures.) [Footnote 38: Printed in _Annual Register_, 1846, p. 20.] The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been-- Lord PALMERSTON, _Foreign Secretary_. Lord GREY, _Colonial Secretary_. Sir GEORGE GREY, _Home Secretary_. (Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and willing to go as Governor-General to Canada.) Mr BARING, _Chancellor of the Exchequer_. Lord CLARENDON, _President of the Board of Trade_. (The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his brother, Mr Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted Mr Cobden to be in the Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of the question.) Lord LANSDOWNE, _President of the Council_. [Pageheading: CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL] [Pageheading: PEEL RESUMES OFFICE] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._ (_4 o'clock_ P.M.) We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir James Graham (to whom Lord John Russell had written) of what had passed. He was much affected, and expressed his concern at the failure of Lord John to form a Government, seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives. He would have supported Lord John in _any_ measure which he should have thought fit to introduce, and many would have followed his example. He blamed the want of deference shown to the Queen, by not answering her call with more readiness; he said it was quite new and unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he undertook to form a Government, and to pass that time in discussion with other people, to whom the Sovereign had not yet committed the task; and he had been certain it would end so, when so many people were consulted. He in 1834 had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste and had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen nobody, consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the King's hand as his Minister. He was now prepared to stand by the Queen, all other considerations he had thrown aside, he would undertake to deal with the difficulties, and should have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if she called upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet him at nine o'clock that evening, and that he would tell them what he meant to do. Those who would not go with him, he would dismiss at once. He did not wish to avail himself of any undue advantage, and therefore would not advise an Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!" He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination alone could overcome. We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which he declared himself very much satisfied. He advised the Queen to write a letter to Lord John, announcing to him Sir Robert's consent to go on with the Government, and wrote a draft of it, which follows here. He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the men whom Lord John had assembled in town. Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with much warmth: "There is no sacrifice that I will not make for your Majesty, except that of my honour." _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._ Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed great regret that Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the formation of a Government. He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell with the most scrupulous good faith, and that he should have done everything in his power to give Lord John support. He thinks many would have been induced to follow his example. Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing his offer of resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to resume his office, though he is deeply sensible of the difficulties with which he has to contend. [Pageheading: PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _21st December 1845._ Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and proceeds to give your Majesty an account of what has passed since he left your Majesty at four o'clock yesterday. The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing Street at half-past nine. Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned them for the purpose of deliberating on what was to be done, but for the purpose of announcing to them that he was your Majesty's Minister, and whether supported or not, was firmly resolved to meet Parliament as your Majesty's Minister, and to propose such measures as the public exigencies required. Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but nothing could shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet Parliament and to advise the Speech from the Throne. There was a dead silence, at length interrupted by Lord Stanley's declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that he thought the Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might have been maintained. The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a subordinate consideration. He was _delighted_ when he received Sir Robert Peel's letter that day, announcing to the Duke that his mind was made up to place his services at your Majesty's disposal. The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably--was much agitated--thought new circumstances had arisen--would not then decide on resigning. Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note from the Duke.[39] He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that the present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether your Majesty's former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden shall constitute your Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel defied the wit of man to suggest now another alternative to your Majesty. Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day. All the other members of the Government cordially approved of Sir Robert Peel's determination not to abandon your Majesty's service. There was no question about details, but if there is any, it shall not alter Sir Robert Peel's course. [Footnote 39: _See_ next letter.] _The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel._ MONTAGU HOUSE, _20th December 1845._ MY DEAR SIR ROBERT,--That which has occurred this evening, and that which you have communicated to us, the very critical state in which the country now is, and above all the duty which I owe to her Majesty under the present circumstances, has made a most strong impression upon my mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation or of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a few hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding upon the course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue? Believe me, my dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely, BUCCLEUCH. _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _22nd December 1845._ Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty that Mr Gladstone is willing to accept the Seals of the Colonial Office should your Majesty be pleased to confide them to him.[40] Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that immediate decision in filling up so eminent a post will have a good effect. [Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the seat at Newark which he had held through the influence of the Protectionist Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election, and though a Secretary of State, remained without a seat in Parliament.] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ESTIMATE OF PEEL] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1845._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your two kind letters of the 17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have little to add to Albert's letter of yesterday, except my _extreme_ admiration of our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of unbounded _loyalty_, _courage_, patriotism, and _high-mindedness_, and his conduct towards me has been _chivalrous_ almost, I might say. I never have seen him so excited or so determined, and _such_ a good cause must succeed. We have indeed had an escape, for though Lord John's _own notions_ were _very_ good and moderate, he let himself be entirely twisted and twirled about by his _violent_ friends, and _all_ the moderate ones were crushed.... VICTORIA R. _Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._ WHITEHALL, _23rd December 1845._ SIR,--I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will have been pleased with the progress I have made in execution of the great trust again committed to me by Her Majesty. It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's support out of office, to induce him to _discourage_ hostile combinations. I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty sees Lord Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual kindness, to say that I had done full justice in my reports to Her Majesty to the motives by which he had been actuated, and to the openness and frankness of his conduct, to regret greatly the loss of his services, but to hope that he might be still enabled not to oppose and even to promote the accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I have the honour to be, etc., etc., etc., ROBERT PEEL. [Pageheading: THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS] [Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS] [Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1845._ We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was prorogued to the 22nd of January, then to meet for the despatch of business. Lord Stanley had an audience of the Queen before, and delivered up the Seals of his office. He was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert that he dreaded this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for his services, and begged he would do his best out of office to smooth down the difficulties her Government would have to contend with. At the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat, and Mr Gladstone received the Colonial Seals. The Queen saw the Duke of Buccleuch and thanked him for the devotion he had shown her during these trying circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is in excellent spirits. On my saying, "You have such an influence over the House of Lords, that you will be able to keep them straight," he answered: "I'll do anything; I am now beginning to write to them and to convince them singly of what their duty is." We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than three hours. He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr Gladstone and kept the Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that the Duke should be made President, and Lord Haddington Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had behaved very well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him he should do with him just as he liked--leave him out of the Cabinet, shift him to another place, or leave him at the Admiralty, as would suit him best.) Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had behaved so well, but got no more out of him, but "that he would _almost_ have done the same." Sir Robert proposes to see Lord Ellenborough in order to offer him the Admiralty, received the Queen's sanction likewise to Lord St Germans (the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I said: "With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even if you had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't tell them but what is absolutely necessary, and follow your own course." He said in reply, that he should be very sorry if he had to have told his Cabinet that he meant to send for Lord Ellenborough. We could not help contrasting this conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to his people. It is to his _own_ talent and firmness that Sir Robert will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the last election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the end of the next Session to call the whole Conservative Party together and to declare this to them, that he would not meet another Parliament pledged to the maintenance of the Corn Laws, which could be maintained no longer, and that he would make a public declaration to this effect before another general election came on. This had been defeated by events coming too suddenly upon him, and he had no alternative but to deal with the Corn Laws before a national calamity would _force_ it on. The league had made immense progress, and had enormous means at their disposal. If he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and the Protectionists would have been prepared to form a Government, and a Revolution might have been the consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late. Sir Robert has _an immense scheme in view_; he thinks he shall be able to remove the contest entirely from the dangerous ground upon which it has got--that of a war between the manufacturers, the hungry and the poor against the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only end in the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one. He will deal with the whole commercial system of the country. He will adopt the principle of the League, _that of removing all protection and abolishing all monopoly_, but not in favour of one class and as a triumph over another, but to the benefit of the nation, farmers as well as manufacturers. He would begin with cotton, and take in all the necessaries of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had borne out the correctness of the principle: the wool duty was taken off, and wool sold higher than ever before; foreign cattle were let in, and the cattle of England stood better in the market than ever. He would not ask for compensation to the land, but wherever he could give it, and at the same time promote the social development, there he would do it, but on that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to the country would be the establishment of a rural police on the same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on the Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely relieved in all those counties which kept a police. One of the heaviest charges on the land was the present administration of law and the carrying on of prosecutions. Sir Robert could fancy this to be very much improved by the appointment of a _public_ prosecutor by the State, which would give the State a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary degree. Part of the maintenance of the poor, according to the Poor Law, might be undertaken by the State. A great calamity must be foreseen, when the innumerable railroads now in progress shall have been terminated, which will be the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous labouring population suddenly out of employment. There might be a law passed which would provide employment for them, and improve the agriculture and production of the country, by enabling the State to advance money to the great proprietors for the improvements of their estates, which they could not obtain otherwise without charging their estates beyond what they already have to bear. Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these details. ALBERT. [Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION] [Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY] _Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne._[41] BOWOOD, _26th December 1845._ MY DEAR MELBOURNE,--I return you with many thanks George Anson's letter, which was enclosed in yours of the 23rd, which I received just as we were setting off for this place. Pray, when next you write to George Anson, say how gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration on the part of H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's communication. But I can assure you that although John Russell, in his Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently have overstated the terms in which he had mentioned to me what Her Majesty had said to him about my return to the Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon that subject he never said anything more than is contained in George Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think that under all the circumstances of the case he could hardly have avoided telling me thus much, and making me aware of the impression which seemed to exist upon the Queen's mind as to the way in which other persons might view my return to the Foreign Office. With regard to Her Majesty's own sentiments, I have always been convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to believe for an instant that I do not attach the greatest importance to the maintenance, not merely of peace with all foreign countries, but of the most friendly relations with those leading Powers and States of the world with which serious differences would be attended with the most inconvenience. As to Peace, I succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years[42] of great and extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it unavoidably happened during that period of time, that in pursuing the course of policy which seemed the best for British interests, we thwarted the views of this or that Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object which we were pursuing was of sufficient importance to make it worth our while to submit to such temporary inconvenience. There never was indeed, during those ten years, any real danger of war except on three occasions; and on each of those occasions the course pursued by the British Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after the accession of the King of the French, when Austria, Russia, and Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack France, and when the attitude assumed by the British Government prevented a rupture. The second was when England and France united by a Convention to wrest the Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to the King of the Belgians.[43] If England had not then joined with France, Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch, or the attempt to take it would have led to a war in Europe. The third occasion was when Mehemet Ali's army occupied Syria, and when he was constantly threatening to declare himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would occupy Constantinople, and on the other hand, France announced that if Russia did so, she, France, would force the Dardanelles. The Treaty of July 1840, proposed and brought about by the British Government, and the operations in execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger; and, notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put an end to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840. I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home and abroad have imbibed the notion that I am more indifferent than I ought to be as to running the risk of war. That impression abroad is founded upon an entire mistake, but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere, would soon yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that impression has been industriously propagated to a limited extent, partly by the legitimate attacks of political opponents, and partly by a little cabal within our own ranks. These parties wanted to attack me, and were obliged to accuse me of something. They could not charge me with failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings, whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or elsewhere; they could not charge me with having involved the country in war, because, in fact, we had maintained peace; and the only thing that was left for them to say was that my policy had a _tendency_ to produce war, and I suppose they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule that it did not do so. But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter, the transaction which has by some been the most criticised in this respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the operations connected with it, were entirely approved by the leaders of the then Opposition, who, so far from feeling any disposition to favour me, had always made a determined run at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke of Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in the House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that transaction, and could not find that any fault had been committed by us in working it out; and I happen to know that Sir Robert Peel expressed to the representative of one of the German Powers, parties to the Alliance, his entire approval of our course, while Lord Aberdeen said to one of them, that the course I had taken in that affair made him forgive me many things of former years, which he had thought he never should have forgiven. I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has grown, and shall only add, with reference to our relations with France, that I had some very friendly interviews with Thiers, who was my chief antagonist in 1840, and that although we did not enter into any conspiracy against Guizot and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we parted on very good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course Guizot would do me the same good office with his supporters. My dear Melbourne, yours affectionately, PALMERSTON. [Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.] [Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.] [Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the assistance of the Belgians, who some time before had entered Antwerp, but failed to take the Citadel.] [Pageheading: THE MINISTRY REINSTATED] _Queen Victoria to the King of the French._ CH. DE W., _le 30 Décembre 1845._ SIRE ET MON TRÈS CHER FRÈRE,--Votre Majesté me pardonnera si je viens seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon c[oe]ur de votre lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous savez combien j'étais occupée pendant ces dernières 3 semaines. La Crise est passée et j'ai tout lieu de croire que le Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir de plus en plus, ce que je ne puis que désirer pour le bien-être du pays. Je dois cependant dire à votre Majesté que si le Ministère eût changé, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empressé de maintenir, comme nous le désirons si vivement, cette entente cordiale si heureusement établie entre nos deux Gouvernements. Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au mien nos félicitations les plus sincères à l'occasion de la nouvelle Année, dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons lu avec beaucoup d'intérêt le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez si aimablement du "friendly call" à Eu et des coopérations des 2 pays dans différentes parties du monde, et particulièrement pour l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs. Ayez la grâce, Sire, de déposer nos hommages et nos félicitations aux pieds de la Reine et de votre S[oe]ur. Agréez encore une fois, les expressions d'amitié et d'attachement sincère avec lesquelles je suis, Sire et mon bien cher Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien bonne S[oe]ur et fidèle Amie, VICTORIA R. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1845._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 27th, by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel being again--and I sincerely and confidently hope for many years--my Minister. I have heard many instances of the confidence the country and _all_ parties have in Peel; for instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham--a most Radical place; and _Joseph Hume_ expressed great distress when Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for Lord John Russell. The Members of the Government have behaved extremely well and with much disinterestedness. The Government has secured the services of Mr Gladstone and Lord Ellenborough,[44] who will be of great use. Lord E. is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker. We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely unwholesome. Now, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few Conservative statesmen of the day who, after remaining faithful to Sir Robert Peel till the middle of 1846, subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with those Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.] INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTER XV The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling political events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a Government, and Sir Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr Gladstone substituted for Lord Stanley, were now followed by the Ministerial measure for the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as he now was by the attacks of his old supporters, led by Bentinck and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-heartedly but in a strictly constitutional manner by the Queen and the Prince. Amid bitter taunts, the Premier piloted the measure through Parliament, but on the night that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated on an Irish Coercion Bill by a factious combination in the Commons between the Whigs and Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on this occasion was able to form an administration, though he failed in his attempt to include in it some important members of the outgoing Government. Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into power in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was shattered; after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action could take place between his supporters in the struggle of 1846 and men like Bentinck and Disraeli, who now became leaders of the Protectionist party. For the remainder of the year Peel was on the whole friendly to the Russell Government, his chief care being to maintain them in office as against the Protectionists. In India the British army was successful in its operations against the Sikhs, Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at Sobraon. Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed on between Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars from Lahore, peace being signed on 8th March. On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her sister, which had so long been considered an international question, came at last to a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to leave the matter to the Spanish people, except in so far as might be necessary to check the undue ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor Aberdeen had in any way supported the candidature of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged at the Château d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until the Queen was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign Office despatch as one of the candidates, gave the King and his Minister the pretext they required for repudiating their solemn undertaking. In defiance of good faith the engagements were simultaneously announced of the Queen to her cousin, Don Francisco de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de Montpensier, Don Francisco being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable qualities, and feeble in _physique_. By this unscrupulous proceeding Queen Victoria and the English nation were profoundly shocked. At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner her Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an insurrection for several months: at the close of the year her arms were victorious at the lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was not entirely brought to an end. In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the Austrian troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting Powers" of Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt was seized upon as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality of Cracow, which was forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable act only became possible in consequence of the _entente_ between England and France (equally parties to the Treaty of Vienna) having been terminated by the affair of the Spanish marriages; their formal but separate protests were disregarded. There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and the United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so ominous a phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to announce in the Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for adjusting the question, had been accepted by the American President. CHAPTER XV 1846 _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd January 1846._ The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his beautiful and indeed _unanswerable_ speech of last night, which we have been reading with the greatest attention.[1] The concluding part we also greatly admire. Sir R. Peel has made a very strong case. Surely the impression which it has made must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is a fair one;[2] the Queen has _not_ a doubt that he will support Sir Robert Peel. He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but perhaps he could not do so without exposing Lord Palmerston. What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of Commons, and of the debate in the House of Lords? The debates not being adjourned is a good thing. The crowd was immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we were never better received. [Footnote 1: The Queen had opened Parliament in person; the Prime Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately after the seconder of the Address, and in his peroration, after laying stress on the responsibilities he was incurring, proceeded: "I do not desire to be Minister of England; but while I am Minister of England I will hold office by no servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other obligation than that of consulting the public interests and providing for the public safety."] [Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made the difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry insuperable.] [Pageheading: EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER] _Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria._[3] CAMP, LULLIANEE, 24 miles from LAHORE, _18th February 1846._ The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in perpetuity to your Majesty is a fine district between the Rivers Sutlej and Beas, throwing our frontier forward, within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as to have 50 miles of British territory in front of Loodiana, which, relatively with Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to the Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest side, to curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar across the Beas River instead of the Sutlej--to round off our hill possessions near Simla--to weaken the Sikh State which has proved itself to be too strong--and to show to all Asia that although the British Government has not deemed it expedient to annex this immense country of the Punjab, making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its powers in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the same political and military reason, the Governor-General hopes to be able before the negotiations are closed to make arrangements by which Cashmere may be added to the possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs of the Plains. The Sikhs declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one million and a half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an equivalent. In this case, if Gholab Singh pays the money demanded for the expenses of the war, the district of Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the Rajah become one of the Princes of Hindostan. There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but considering the military power which the Sikh nation has exhibited of bringing into the field 80,000 men and 300 pieces of field artillery, it appears to the Governor-General most politic to diminish the means of this warlike people to repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in fact a dangerous military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the British Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a reverse, would have captured Delhi, and a people having 50,000 regular troops and 300 pieces of field artillery in a standing permanent camp within 50 miles of Ferozepore, is a state of things that cannot be tolerated for the future.... The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to carry on the service in cordial co-operation with the Governor-General, and the marked bravery and invincibility of your Majesty's English troops, have overcome many serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have been such that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended the arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms. [Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th February by the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough, reinforced by Sir Harry Smith, fresh from his victory at Aliwal. _See_ p. 71.] [Pageheading: PEEL'S ANXIETIES] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _3rd March 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to thank you for a most dear and kind letter of the 28th, which I received this morning. You know how I love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is the dearest friend, after my beloved Albert, I have. I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a few days during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations and improvements which have taken place. My dearest Albert is so happy here, out all day planting, directing, etc., and it is so good for him. It is a relief to be away from all the bitterness which people create for themselves in London. Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great energy he _alone possesses_ which will carry him through the Session. He certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did he not feel (as _every one_ who is fully acquainted with the _real state_ of the country must feel) that the line he pursues is the _only right_ and sound one for the welfare of this country, he never would have exposed himself to all the annoyance and pain of being attacked by his friends. He was, however, determined to have done this before the next general election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to you fully himself the peculiar circumstances of the present very irregular state of affairs. His majority was _not_ a _certain_ one _last year_, for on Maynooth, upwards of a _hundred_ of his followers voted against him. The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am glad you do justice to the bravery of our good people. [Pageheading: DEATH OF SIR ROBERT SALE] _Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._ OSBORNE, _4th March 1846._ The Queen is anxious to seize the first opportunity of expressing to Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration of his conduct on the last most trying occasion, and of the courage and gallantry of the officers and men who had so severe a contest to endure.[4] Their conduct has been in every way worthy of the British name, and both the Prince and Queen are deeply impressed with it. The severe loss we have sustained in so many brave officers and men is very painful, and must alloy the satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant successes of our Arms. Most deeply do we lament the death of Sir Robert Sale, Sir John M'Caskill,[5] and Major Broadfoot,[6] and most deeply do we sympathise with that high-minded woman, Lady Sale, who has had the misfortune to lose her husband less than three years after she was released from captivity and restored to him. We are truly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge's health has not suffered, and that he and his brave son have been so mercifully preserved. The Queen will look forward with great anxiety to the next news from India. [Footnote 4: At Moodkee on 18th December, and Ferozeshah on 21st and 22nd December.] [Footnote 5: Who had commanded a brigade under Pollock in the second Afghan campaign.] [Footnote 6: Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on the north-western frontier.] [Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S MEMORANDUM] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st April 1846._ I saw this day Sir R. Peel, and showed him a memorandum, which I had drawn up respecting our conversation of the 30th. It filled six sheets, and contained, as minutely as I could render it, the whole of the arguments we had gone through. Sir Robert read it through and over again, and, after a long pause, said: "I was not aware when I spoke to your Royal Highness that my words would be taken down, and don't acknowledge that this is a fair representation of my opinion." He was visibly uneasy, and added, if he knew that what he said should be committed to paper, he would speak differently, and give his opinion with all the circumspection and reserve which a Minister ought to employ when he gave responsible advice; but he had in this instance spoken quite unreservedly, like an advocate defending a point in debate, and then he had taken another and tried to carry this as far as it would go, in order to give me an opportunity of judging of the different bearings of the question. He did so often in the Cabinet, when they discussed important questions, and was often asked: "Well, then, you are quite against this measure?" "Not at all, but I want that the counter argument should be gone into to the fullest extent, in order that the Cabinet should not take a one-sided view." He viewed the existence of such a paper with much uneasiness, as it might appear as if he had left this before going out of office in order to prepossess the Queen against the measures, which her future Minister might propose to her, and so lay secretly the foundation of his fall. The existence of such a paper might cause great embarrassment to the Queen; if she followed the advice of a Minister who proposed measures hostile to the Irish Church, it might be said, she knew what she undertook, for Sir R. Peel had warned her and left on record the serious objections that attached to the measure. I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance to possess his views on the question, but that I thought I would not have been justified in keeping a record of our conversation without showing it to him, and asking him whether I had rightly understood him; but if he felt a moment's uneasiness about this memorandum, I would at once destroy it, as I was anxious that nothing should prevent his speaking without the slightest reserve to me in future as he had done heretofore. I felt that these open discussions were of the greatest use to me in my endeavour to investigate the different political questions of the day and to form a conclusive opinion upon them. As Sir Robert did not say a word to dissuade me, I took it as an affirmative, and threw the memorandum into the fire, which, I could see, relieved Sir Robert. ALBERT. _Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria._ 13 CARLTON HOUSE TERRACE, _1st April 1846._ Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and prays that he may be honoured with your Majesty's permission to direct that the Park and Tower Guns may be fired forthwith in celebration of the victory which was achieved by your Majesty's forces over the Sikh army in Sobraon on the 10th of February.[7] [Footnote 7: In September 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as a precedent for firing the Park Guns after the victory of Tel-el-Kebir. See _Life of Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers_, by Colonel Childers, C.B., R.E., vol. ii p. 127.] _Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th April 1846._ The Queen must write a line to Sir Henry Hardinge in order to express her extreme satisfaction at the brilliant and happy termination of our severe contest with the Sikhs, which he communicated to her in his long and interesting letter of the 18th and 19th February. The Queen much admires the skill and valour with which their difficult operations have been conducted, and knows how much she owes to Sir Henry Hardinge's exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an acknowledgment of this in the communication she has ordered to be made to him relative to his elevation to the Peerage. The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen's feelings on this glorious occasion, wishes to be named to Sir Henry Hardinge. [Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE] _The King of the French to Queen Victoria._ PARIS, _5 Mai 1846._ MADAME MA TRÈS CHÈRE S[OE]UR,--Quand le 1^er de Mai, au moment où j'allais commencer les nombreuses et longues réceptions de mon jour de fête, on m'a remis la lettre si gracieuse que votre Majesté a eu l'aimable attention de m'écrire de manière à ce que je la reçoive ce jour là, j'en ai été pénétré, et j'ai pensé tout de suite aux paroles du Menuet d'Iphigénie comme exprimant le remercîment qu'à mon grand regret, je ne pouvais que sentir, et non exprimer par écrit dans un pareil moment. J'ai donc fait chercher tout de suite la partition de ce menuet, et celles du Ch[oe]ur du même Opéra de Glück "_Chantons, célébrons notre Reine!_" mais on n'a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et j'ai dû me contenter de les avoir arrangés pour le piano dans un livre (pas même relié) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir toute la musique de cet Opéra. Je l'ai mis dans une grande enveloppe adressée à votre Majesté et j'ai fait prier Lord Cowley de l'expédier par le premier Courier qui pourrait s'en charger, comme Dépêche, afin d'éviter ces postages dont Lord Liverpool m'a révélé l'étonnant usage. Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments dont m'a pénétré cette nouvelle marque d'amitié de votre part? Vous connaissez celle que je vous porte, et combien elle est vive et sincère. J'espère bien que l'année ne s'écoulera pas sans que j'aie été présenter mes hommages à votre Majesté.... Tout ce que j'entends, tout ce que je recueille, me donne de plus en plus l'espérance que la crise Parlementaire dans laquelle le Ministère de votre Majesté se trouve engagé, se terminera, comme Elle sait que je le désire vivement, c'est-à-dire que Sir Robert Peel, Lord Aberdeen, etc., will hold fast, et qu'ils seront encore ses Ministres quand j'aurai le bonheur de Lui faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir que ce v[oe]u est à peu près général en France, et qu'il se manifeste de plus en plus.... Que votre Majesté me permette d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression de ma plus tendre amitié, et qu'elle veuille bien me croire pour la vie, Madame ma très chère S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère et bien fidèle Ami, LOUIS PHILIPPE, R. J'ai volé ces feuilles de papier à ma bonne Reine pour échapper aux reproches trop bien fondés que Lord Aberdeen a faits à la dernière fourniture dont je me suis servi. [Pageheading: IRISH CRIMES BILL] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ HOUSE OF COMMONS, _12th June 1846._ (_Friday Night._) Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that no progress has been made to-night with the Irish Bill.[8] On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel took that opportunity of defending himself from the accusations[9] brought forward by Lord George Bentinck and Mr Disraeli against Sir Robert Peel for transactions that took place twenty years since. The debate on this preliminary question lasted until nearly half-past eleven. Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, according to Sir Robert Peel's impressions, recoiled upon its authors. He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord John Russell and Lord Morpeth behaved very well. The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to all but a few Protectionists. [Footnote 8: In consequence of a serious increase of crime in Ireland, a Coercion Bill had been introduced.] [Footnote 9: This refers to the Catholic Emancipation discussions of 1827, when Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel of having hounded Canning to death.] [Pageheading: ATTACK ON PEEL] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ WHITEHALL, _22nd June 1846._ Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and assures your Majesty that he is penetrated with a deep sense of your Majesty's great kindness and your Majesty's generous sympathy with himself and Lady Peel. Sir Robert Peel firmly believes that the recent attack made upon him was the result of a foul conspiracy concocted by Mr Disraeli and Lord George Bentinck, in the hope and belief that from the lapse of time or want of leisure in Sir Robert Peel to collect materials for his defence, or the destruction of documents and papers, the means of complete refutation might be wanting.... He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to demonstrate the falseness of the accusation, and the malignant motives of the accusers. He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the Prince for the kind interest you have manifested during the progress of this arduous struggle, which now he trusts is approaching to a successful termination. _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ DOWNING STREET, _26th June 1846._ (_Two o'clock._) Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that the members of the Government met in Cabinet to-day at one. Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting. He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of yesterday (the rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a majority as 73) he felt it to be his duty as head of the Government humbly to tender his resignation of office to your Majesty. He added that, feeling no assurance that the result of a Dissolution would be to give a majority agreeing with the Government in general principles of policy, and sufficient in amount to enable the Government to conduct the business of the country with credit to themselves and satisfaction to your Majesty and the public at large, he could not advise your Majesty to dissolve the Parliament. Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Government generally ought to resign, but his mind was made up as to his own course. There was not a dissenting voice that it was the duty of the Government to tender their resignation to your Majesty, and for the reasons stated by Sir Robert Peel, not to advise dissolution. If Sir Robert Peel does not receive your Majesty's commands to wait upon your Majesty in the course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will be at Osborne about half-past three to-morrow. [Pageheading: PEEL'S RESIGNATION] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ OSBORNE HOUSE, _28th June 1846._ Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and tendered his resignation. He is evidently much relieved in quitting a post, the labours and anxieties of which seem almost too much for anybody to bear, and which in these last six months were particularly onerous. In fact, he said that he would not have been able to stand it much longer. Nothing, however, would have induced him to give way before he had passed the Corn Bill and the Tariff.[10] The majority upon the Irish Bill was much larger than any one had expected; Sir Robert was glad of this, however, as it convinced his colleagues of the necessity of resigning. He told them at the Cabinet that, as for himself personally, he had made up his mind to resign, and on being asked what he advised his Cabinet to do, he recommended them to do the same, which received general concurrence. The last weeks had not been without some intrigue. There was a party headed by Lord Ellenborough and Lord Brougham, who wished Sir Robert and Sir James Graham to retire, and for the rest of the Cabinet to reunite with the Protection section of the Conservatives, and to carry on the Government. Lord Ellenborough and Lord Brougham had in December last settled to head the Protectionists, but this combination had been broken up by Lord Ellenborough's acceptance of the post of First Lord of the Admiralty; Lord Brougham then declared for free trade, perhaps in order to follow Lord Ellenborough into office. The Duke of Wellington had been for dissolution till he saw the complete disorganisation of his party in the House of Lords. The Whigs, having been beat twice the evening before by large majorities on the Roman Catholic Bill, had made every exertion on the Coercion Bill, and the majority was still increased by Sir Robert's advising the Free Traders and Radicals, who had intended to stay away in order not to endanger Sir Robert's Government, not to do so as they would not be able to save him. Seventy Protectionists voted with the majority. [Footnote 10: By a remarkable coincidence the Corn Bill passed through the Lords on the same night that the Ministry were defeated in the Commons.] Before leaving Town Sir R. Peel addressed a letter to Lord John Russell, informing him that he was going to the Isle of Wight in order to tender his and his colleagues' resignation to the Queen, that he did not the least know what Her Majesty's intentions were, but that in case she should send for Lord John, he (Sir Robert) was ready to see Lord John (should he wish it), and give him any explanation as to the state of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he could desire. Sir Robert thought thereby, without in the least committing the Queen, to indicate to Lord John that he had nothing to fear on his part, and that, on the contrary, he could reckon upon his assistance in starting the Queen's new Government. He hoped likewise that this would tend to dispel a clamour for dissolution which the Whigs have raised, alarmed by their defeats upon the Catholic Bill. ALBERT. [Pageheading: END OF THE OREGON DISPUTE] _Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._ HOUSE OF COMMONS, _29th June 1846._ Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has just concluded his speech notifying to the House the resignation of the Government. He thinks it was very well received.[11] Lord Palmerston spoke after Sir Robert Peel, but not very effectively, but no other person spoke. Sir Robert Peel is to see Lord John Russell at ten to-morrow morning. Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty on the intelligence received _this day_ from America. The defeat of the Government on the day on which they carried the Corn Bill, and the receipt of the intelligence from America[12] on the day on which they resign, are singular coincidences. [Footnote 11: He expressed his hope to be remembered with goodwill "in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour, and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows, when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because no longer leavened with a sense of injustice."] [Footnote 12: The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to the Oregon boundary had been accepted by the United States Government.] [Pageheading: PEEL'S TRIBUTE TO COBDEN] _The Bishop of Oxford[13] to Mr Anson._ 61 EATON PLACE, _29th June 1846._ (_Midnight._) MY DEAR ANSON,--Your kind letter reached me half an hour ago whilst Sir T. Acland was sitting with me; and I must say a few words in reply by the early post. I went down to hear Peel in the House of Commons, and very fine it was. The House crowded, Peers and Ambassadors filling every seat and overflowing into the House. Soon after six all private business was over; Peel not come in, all waiting, no one rose for anything; for ten minutes this lasted: then Peel came in, walked up the House: colder, dryer, more introverted than ever, yet to a close gaze showing the fullest working of a smothered volcano of emotions. He was out of breath with walking and sat down on the Treasury Bench (placing a small despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the table) as he would be fully himself before he rose. By-and-by he rose, amidst a breathless silence, and made the speech you will have read long ere this. It was very fine: very effective: really almost solemn: to fall at such a moment. He spoke as if it was his last political scene: as if he felt that between alienated friends and unwon foes he could have no party again; and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and advise others. There was but one point in the Speech which I thought doubtful: the apostrophe to "Richard Cobden."[14] I think it was wrong, though there is very much to be said for it. The opening of the American peace was noble; but for the future, what have we to look to? Already there are whispers of Palmerston and War; the Whig budget and deficiency. The first great question all men ask is: does Lord John come in, leaning on Radical or Conservative aid? Is Hawes to be in the Cabinet? the first Dissenter? the first tradesman? the Irish Church? I wish you were near enough to talk to, though even then you would know too much that must not be known for a comfortable talk. But I shall hope soon to see you; and am always, my dear Anson, very sincerely and affectionately yours, S. OXON. [Footnote 13: Dr S. Wilberforce.] [Footnote 14: "Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will be, associated with the success of these measures, is the name of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, has advocated their cause with untiring energy, and by appeals to reason, enforced by an eloquence the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned--the name which ought to be and which will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden."] [Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ OSBORNE HOUSE, _30th June 1846._ Lord John Russell arrived here this afternoon; he has seen Sir Robert Peel this morning, and is prepared to undertake the formation of a Government which he thinks will stand; at least, for the present session he anticipates no difficulty, as Sir R. Peel has professed himself ready not to obstruct its progress, and as the Protectionists have held a meeting on Saturday at which Lord Stanley has declared that he would let this Government go on smoothly unless the word "Irish Church" was pronounced. About men and offices, Lord John has consulted with Lord Lansdowne, Palmerston, Clarendon, and Cottenham, who were of opinion that the Liberal members of Sir Robert's Cabinet ought to be induced to retain office under Lord John, viz. Lord Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the interview of this morning had stated to Lord John that he would not consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters away from him (it not being his intention to form a party), and that he would not dissuade them from accepting the offer, but that he feared that they would not accept. We concurred in this opinion, but Lord John was authorised by Victoria to make the offer. Mr F. Baring, the Chancellor of the Exchequer under the late Whig Government, has intimated to Lord John that he would prefer if no offer of office was made to him; Lord John would therefore recommend Mr Charles Wood for this office. Lord Grey was still a difficulty; in or out of office he seemed to be made a difficulty. It would be desirable to have him in the Cabinet if he could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. His speech in the House of Lords[15] at the beginning of the session had done much harm, had been very extreme, and Lord John was decidedly against him in that. Lord Grey knew that everybody blamed it, but said everybody would be of those (his) opinions ten years hence, and therefore he might just as well hold them now. Mr Wood having great influence with him might keep him quiet, and so would the Colonial seals, as he would get work enough. About Lord Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no more make any difficulty. [Footnote 15: On the 23rd of March, in the course of a long speech on the state of Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the poverty of the Roman Catholic Church in that country with the affluence of the Establishment, diverted, as he said, by the superior power of England from its original objects; adding that the Protestant Church was regarded by the great mass of the Irish people as an active cause of oppression and misery.] Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he had forgotten to mention one subject to the Queen: it was that Sir Robert Peel by his speech and his special mention of Mr Cobden as the person who had carried the great measure, had made it very difficult for Lord John not to offer office to Mr Cobden. The Whigs were already accused of being exclusive, and reaping the harvest of other people's work. The only thing he could offer would be a _Cabinet_ office. Now this would affront a great many people whom he (Lord J.) had to conciliate, and create even possibly dissension in his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going on the Continent for a year, Lord John was advised by Lord Clarendon to write to Mr C., and tell him that he had heard he was going abroad, that he would not make any offer to him therefore, but that he considered him as entitled once to be recommended for office to the Queen. This he would do, with the Queen's permission.... [Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY] _Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._ OSBORNE, _1st July 1846._ The Queen returns these letters, with her best thanks. The settlement of the Oregon question has given us the greatest satisfaction. It does seem strange that at the moment of triumph the Government should have to resign. The Queen read Sir Robert Peel's speech with great admiration. The Queen seizes this opportunity (though she will see Sir Robert again) of expressing her _deep_ concern at losing his services, which she regrets as much for the Country as for herself and the Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel may be, we shall ever look on him as a kind and true friend, and ever have the greatest esteem and regard for him as a Minister and as a private individual. The Queen will not say anything about what passed at Lord John Russell's interview, as the Prince has already written to Sir Robert. She does not think, however, that he mentioned the wish Lord John expressed that Lord Liverpool should retain his office, which however (much as we should personally like it) we think he would not do. What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and what do his own followers say to the state of affairs? [Pageheading: WHIG JEALOUSIES] _Memorandum by the Prince Albert._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1846._ Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a Privy Council, and the Seals of Office transferred to them. We had a long conversation with Sir Robert Peel, who took leave. I mentioned to him that his word of "Richard Cobden" had created an immense sensation, but he was not inclined to enter upon the subject. When we begged him to do nothing which could widen the breach between him and his party, he said, "I don't think that we can ever get together again." He repeated that he was anxious not to undertake a Government again, that his health would not stand it, that it was better likewise for the Queen's service that other, younger men should be brought forward. Sir Robert, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham parted with great emotion, and had tears in their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her confidence and support. Lord Aberdeen means to have an interview with Lord Palmerston, and says that when he (Lord A.) came into office, Lord Palmerston and the _Chronicle_ assailed him most bitterly as an imbecile Minister, a traitor to his country, etc., etc. He means now to show Lord P. the contrast by declaring his readiness to assist him in every way he can by his advice, that he would at all times speak to him as if he was his colleague if he wished it. The new Court is nearly completed, and we have succeeded in obtaining a very respectable and proper one, notwithstanding the run which the Party made upon it which had been formerly used to settle these matters, to _their_ liking only. The Government is not a united one, however, by any means. Mr Wood and Lord Clarendon take the greatest credit in having induced Lord Grey to join the Government,[16] and are responsible to Lord John to keep him quiet, which they think they will be able to do, as he had been convinced of the folly of his former line of conduct. Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead only nominally, that Lord Grey is to take it really in the House of Lords. There is the _Grey Party_, consisting of Lord Grey, Lord Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and Mr Wood; they are against Lord Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Auckland, and Sir John Hobhouse, stigmatising them as old women. Lord John leans entirely to the last-named gentlemen. There is no cordiality between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, who, if he had to make a choice, would even forget what passed in December last, and join the Grey Party in preference to Lord John personally. The curious part of all this is that they cannot keep a secret, and speak of all their differences. They got the _Times_ over by giving it exclusive information, and the leading articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet, but the wicked paper added immediately a furious attack upon Sir John Hobhouse, which alarmed them so much that they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether he would be hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board of Control. (This, however, is a mere personal matter of Mr Walter, who stood against Sir John at Nottingham in 1841 and was unseated.) Sir John Easthope, the proprietor of the _Morning Chronicle_, complains bitterly of the subserviency to the _Times_ and treason to him. He says he knows that the information was sent from Lord John's house, and threatens revenge. "If you will be ruled by the _Times_," he said to one of the Cabinet, "the _Times_ has shown you already by a specimen that you will be ruled by a rod of iron." [Footnote 16: In spite of the opposition of the latter to Palmerston's re-appointment to the Foreign Office. See _ante_, p. 60.] A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in order to satisfy Lord Anglesey with the dignity of Field-Marshal. ALBERT. The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and M.P.'s, are to give a dinner to Lord Stanley at Greenwich, at which he is to announce his opinions upon the line they are to take. Lord George Bentinck is there to lay down the lead which the Party insisted upon. Who is to follow him as their leader in the Commons nobody knows. [Pageheading: A WEAK GOVERNMENT] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th July 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for your kind letter of the 3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was a very hard day for me. I had to part with Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen, who are irreparable losses to us and the Country; they were both so much overcome that it quite overset me, and we have in them two devoted friends. We felt so safe with them. Never, during the five years that they were with me, did they _ever_ recommend a _person_ or a thing which was not for my or the Country's best, and never for the Party's advantage only; and the contrast _now_ is very striking; there is much less respect and much less high and pure feeling. Then the discretion of Peel, I believe, is unexampled. Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state of affairs, which is unexampled, and I think the present Government _very_ weak and extremely disunited. What may appear to you as a mistake in November was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen very truly explained it yesterday. "We had ill luck," he said; "if it had not been for this famine in Ireland, which rendered immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would have prepared them gradually for the change." Then, besides, the Corn Law Agitation was such that if Peel had not wisely made this change (for which the _whole_ Country blesses him), a convulsion would shortly have taken place, and we should have been _forced_ to yield what has been granted as a boon. No doubt the breaking up of the Party (which _will_ come together again, whether under Peel or some one else) is a very distressing thing. The only thing to be regretted, and I do not know exactly _why_ he did it (though we _can_ guess), was his praise of _Cobden_, which has shocked people a good deal. But I can't tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen; you can't think what a delightful companion he was; the breaking up of all this intercourse during our journeys, etc., is deplorable. We have contrived to get a _very_ respectable Court. Albert's use to me, and I may say to the _Country_, by his firmness and sagacity, is beyond all belief in these moments of trial. We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal overset by all these tribulations. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. I was much touched to see Graham so very much overcome at taking leave of us. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th July 1846._ The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting communications. Lord Hardinge will have learnt all that has taken place in the Country; one of the most brilliant Governments this Country ever had has fallen at the moment of victory! The Queen has now, besides mourning over this event, the anxiety of having to see the Government carried on as efficiently as possible, for the welfare of the Country. The Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment of this object in Lord Hardinge's consenting to continue at the head of the Government of India, where great experiments have been made which require unity of purpose and system to be carried out successfully. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _10th July 1846._ ... The Queen approves of the pensions proposed by Lord J. Russell, though she cannot conceal from him that she thinks the one to Father Mathew a doubtful proceeding. It is quite true that he has done much good by preaching temperance, but by the aid of superstition, which can hardly be patronised by the Crown.[17] The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her at all times to speak out her mind, and has, therefore, done so without reserve. [Footnote 17: The pension was, however, granted.] [Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _14th July 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are very happily established here since Thursday, and have beautiful weather for this truly enjoyable place; we drive, walk, and sit out--and the nights are so fine. I long for you to be here. It has quite restored my spirits, which were much shaken by the sad leave-takings in London--of Sir R. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, etc. Lord L. could _not well_ have stayed. Lord Aberdeen was very much overset. The present Government is weak, and I think Lord J. does not possess the talent of keeping his people together. Most people think, however, that they will get through this Session; the only question of difficulty is the _sugar_ question. I think that the King of the French's visit is more than ever desirable--now; for if he were to be shy of coming, it would prove to the world that this _new_ Government was hostile, and the _entente cordiale_ no longer sure. Pray impress this on the King--and I _hope_ and _beg_ he will let the dear Nemours pay us a little visit in November. It would have the best effect, and be so pleasant, as we are so dull in the winter all by ourselves. I hope that in future, when the King and the Family are at _Eu_, some of them will frequently come over to see us _here_. It would be so nice and _so near_. Now adieu, dearest Uncle. I hope I shall _not_ have to _write_ to you again, but have the happiness of _saying de vive voix_, that I am ever, your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th July 1846._ ... With regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, Viscount Palmerston has received a good deal of general information from persons who have conversed with him on the subject, but he has learnt nothing thereupon which was not already known to your Majesty. The state of that matter seems, in a few words, to be that the Count of Trapani is now quite out of the question, that the Count of Montemolin, though wished for by Austria, and in some degree supported by the Court of the Tuileries, would be an impossible choice, and that the alternative now lies between Don Enrique and the Prince Leopold of Coburg, the two Queens being equally set against the Duke of Cadiz, Don Enrique's elder brother. In favour of Prince Leopold seem to be the two Queens, and a party (of what extent and influence does not appear) in Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, ostensibly at least, the Court of the Tuileries and the Liberal Party in Spain; and probably to a certain degree the Government of Austria. In favour of Don Enrique are a very large portion of the Spanish nation, who would prefer a Spanish prince for their Sovereign's husband; and the preference, expressed only as an opinion and without any acts in furtherance of it, by your Majesty's late Administration. Against Don Enrique are the aversion of the Queen Mother, founded on her family differences with her late sister, and the apprehensions of the present Ministers in Spain, who would think their power endangered by the political connection between Don Enrique and the more Liberal Party. The sentiments of the King of the French in regard to Don Enrique seem not very decided; but it appears likely that the King of the French would prefer Count Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to Don Enrique; but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the Prince Leopold of Coburg, because the former would fall within the category of Bourbon princes, descended from Philip the Fifth of Spain, proposed by the King of the French as the limited circle within which the Queen of Spain should find a husband. _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ _16th July 1846._ The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's interesting letter, and is very much satisfied with his parting conversation with Ibrahim Pasha, which she conceives will not be lost upon him. The view Lord Palmerston takes about the present position of the Spanish marriage question appears to the Queen quite correct. She finds only one omission, which is Queen Isabella's personal objection to Don Enrique, and the danger which attaches to marriage with a Prince taken up by a Political Party in Spain, which makes him the political enemy of the opposite Party.[18] The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal about Portugal, which is really in an alarming state.[19] She sends herewith the last letter which she received from the King of Portugal. The Queen is sorry to have lost the opportunity of seeing Marshal Saldanha. [Footnote 18: On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his celebrated despatch to Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed a copy of it to Jarnac, the French Ambassador in London. The mention of Prince Leopold in it, as a possible candidate for the Queen of Spain's hand, gave the French King and Minister the opportunity they wanted, and brought matters to a crisis. See _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. i. chap. xvii.; Dalling's _Life of Lord Palmerston,_ vol. iii. chaps. vii. and viii.] [Footnote 19: Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on the Bank of Lisbon. The Ministry (in which Saldanha was War Minister) had some difficulty in raising a loan.] [Pageheading: THE PREROGATIVE OF DISSOLUTION] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE HOUSE, _16th July 1846._ The Queen has received Lord John Russell's communication of yesterday, and sincerely hopes that Lord John's sugar measure[20] may be such that the Committee of the Cabinet, as well as the whole Cabinet and _Parliament_, may concur in it, which would save the country another struggle this year. The Queen trusts, moreover, that late experience and good sense may induce the West Indians to be moderate and accommodating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the possibility of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right to put Lord John in possession of her views upon this subject _generally_. She considers the power of dissolving Parliament a most valuable and powerful instrument in the hands of the Crown, but which ought not to be used except in extreme cases and with a certainty of success. To use this instrument and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown and hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels that she made a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 1841; the result has been a majority returned against her of nearly one hundred votes; but suppose the result to have been nearly an equality of votes between the two contending parties, the Queen would have thrown away her last remedy, and it would have been impossible for her to get any Government which could have carried on public business with a chance of success. The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir Robert Peel did not ask for a Dissolution, and she _entirely concurs_ in the opinion expressed by him in his last speech in the House of Commons, when he said: "I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be a fair, reasonable presumption, even a strong moral conviction, that after a Dissolution they will be enabled to administer the affairs of this country through the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. I do not think a Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I think the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of the Crown, and that there is a tendency to blunt that instrument if it be resorted to without necessity. "The only ground for Dissolution would have been a strong presumption that after a Dissolution we should have had a party powerful enough in this House to give effect practically to the measures which we might propose. I do not mean a support founded on a concurrence on _one great question of domestic policy_, however important that may be, not of those who differ from us on almost all questions of public policy, agreeing with us in one; but that we should have the support of a powerful party united by a general concurrence of political opinions." The Queen is confident that these views will be in accordance with Lord John Russell's own sentiments and opinions upon this subject. [Footnote 20: In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the Ministry introduced and passed a Bill reducing the duties on foreign slave-grown sugar, with the ultimate intention of equalising them with those on Colonial produce.] [Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S VIEWS] _Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._ SOUTH STREET, _21st July 1846._ Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty's letter of yesterday, and is much delighted at again hearing from your Majesty. What your Majesty says of the state of public affairs and of parties in Parliament is true. But in November last Sir Robert Peel had a party which might have enabled him to have long carried on the Government if he had not most unaccountably chosen himself to scatter it to the winds. Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation that your Majesty would not have been displeased or unwilling to see him again amongst your confidential servants, but your Majesty acted most kindly and most judiciously in not calling upon him in November last, and John Russell has done the same in forbearing to make to Lord Melbourne any offer at present. When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall during the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir Robert Peel's Government must be very speedily dissolved; and upon considering the state of his own health and feelings, he came to the determination, which he communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with him, that he could take no active part in the then speedily approaching crisis. He felt himself quite unequal to the work, and also to that of either of the Secretaries of State, or even of the more subordinate and less heavy and responsible offices. He is very subject to have accesses of weakness, which render him incapable for exertion, and deprive his life of much of its enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten its termination, but how soon they may do so it is impossible to foretell or foresee. Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to wait upon your Majesty on Saturday next, but he fears the weight of the full dress uniform. He begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness. [Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND PEEL] _Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._ DRAYTON MANOR, FAZELEY, _August 1846._ SIR,--I shall be very happy to avail myself of your Royal Highness's kind permission occasionally to write to your Royal Highness. However much I am enjoying the contrast between repose and official life, I may say--I hope without presumption, I am sure with perfect sincerity--that the total interruption of every sort of communication with your Royal Highness would be a very severe penalty. It was only yesterday that I was separating from the rest of my correspondence all the letters which I had received from the Queen and your Royal Highness during the long period of five years, in order that I might ensure their exemption from the fate to which in these days all letters seem to be destined, and I could not review them without a mixed feeling of gratitude for the considerate indulgence and kindness of which they contained such decisive proofs, and of regret that such a source of constantly recurring interest and pleasure was dried up. I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness's gracious wishes, and occasionally write to you, without saying a word of which the most jealous or sensitive successor in the confidence of the Queen could complain.... Your faithful and humble Servant, ROBERT PEEL. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._ The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who presses very much for her going to Ireland; she thinks it right to put Lord John Russell in possession of her views on this subject. It is a journey which must one day or other be undertaken, and which the Queen would be glad to have accomplished, because it must be disagreeable to her that people should speculate whether she _dare_ visit one part of her dominions. Much will depend on the proper moment, for, after those speculations, it ought to succeed if undertaken. The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it should be a National thing, and the good which it is to do must be a permanent and not a transitory advantage to a particular Government, having the appearance of a party move. As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen's former ones, but a State act, it will have to be done with a certain degree of State, and ought to be done handsomely. It cannot be expected that the main expense of it should fall upon the Civil List, nor would this be able to bear it. [Pageheading: CANADIAN AFFAIRS] _The Prince Albert to Earl Grey._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._ MY DEAR LORD GREY,--The Queen wishes me to return you the enclosed letter. The subject of the Government of Canada is one which the Queen has much at heart. Canada has been for a long time, and may probably _still_ be for the future, a source of great weakness to this Empire, and a number of experiments have been tried. It was in a very bad state before the Union, continually embarrassing the Home Government, and the Union has by no means acted as a remedy, but it may be said almost to have increased the difficulties. The only thing that has hitherto proved beneficial was the prudent, consistent, and impartial administration of Lord Metcalfe. Upon the continuance and consistent application of the system which he has laid down and acted upon, will depend, in the Queen's estimation, the future welfare of that province, and the maintenance of proper relations with the mother country. The Queen therefore is most anxious that in the appointment of a new Governor-General (for which post she thinks Lord Elgin very well qualified), regard should be had to securing an uninterrupted development of Lord Metcalfe's views. The Queen thought it the more her duty to make you acquainted with her sentiments upon this subject, because she thinks that additional danger arises from the impressions which the different agents of the different political parties in Canada try to produce upon the Home Government and the imperial Parliament, and from their desire to mix up Canadian _party_ politics with general English _party_ politics.[21] Ever yours, etc. ALBERT. [Footnote 21: In the event, Lord Elgin was appointed.] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _4th August 1846._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is greatly obliged to your Majesty for your Majesty's communication respecting a Royal visit to Ireland. He concurs in your Majesty's observations on that subject. He is of opinion that if the visit partook in any way of a party character, its effects would be mischievous, and not beneficial. He is also doubtful of the propriety of either incurring very large expense on the part of the public, or of encouraging Irish proprietors to lay out money in show and ceremony at a time when the accounts of the potato crop exhibit the misery and distress of the people in an aggravated shape. [Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ _7th August_ [_1846_]. With regard to the Statue[22] on the arch on Constitution Hill, the Queen is of opinion that if she is considered individually she is bound by her word, and must allow the Statue to go up, however bad the appearance of it will be. If the constitutional fiction is applied to the case, the Queen acts by the advice of her _responsible_ advisers. One Government advised her to give her assent, another advises the withdrawal of that assent. This latter position has been taken in Lord Morpeth's former letter to the Committee, and in the debate in the House of Commons; it must therefore now be adhered to, and whatever is decided must be the act of the Government. It would accordingly be better to keep the word "Government" at the conclusion of Lord Morpeth's proposed letter, and that the Prince should not go to Town to give an opinion upon the appearance of the figure, when up. [Footnote 22: The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington at Hyde Park Corner was much criticised at the time of its erection: it is now at Aldershot.] _The Prince Albert to Viscount Palmerston._ [_9th August 1846._] MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON,--The Queen is much obliged for Lord Howard de Walden's private letter to you, and begs you will never hesitate to send her such private communications, however unreserved they may be in their language, as our chief wish and aim is, by hearing all parties, to arrive at a just, dispassionate, and correct opinion upon the various political questions. This, however, entails a strict scrutiny of what is brought before us.... [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _17th August 1846._ The Queen has received a draft to Mr Bulwer from Lord Palmerston. The perusal of it has raised some apprehensions in the Queen's mind, which she stated to Lord Palmerston she would communicate to Lord John Russell. The draft lays down a general policy, which the Queen is afraid may ultimately turn out very dangerous. It is this: England undertakes to interfere in the internal affairs of Spain, and to promote the development of the present constitutional Government of Spain in a more democratic direction, and this for the avowed purpose of counteracting the influence of France. England becomes therefore _responsible_ for a particular direction given to the _internal_ Government of Spain, which to control she has no sufficient means. All England can do, and will have to do, is: to keep up a particular party in Spain to support her views. France, knowing that this is directed against her, must take up the opposite party and follow the opposite policy in Spanish affairs. This must bring England and France to quarrels, of which we can hardly foresee the consequences, and it dooms Spain to eternal convulsions and reactions. This has been the state of things before; theory and experience therefore warn against the renewal of a similar policy. The natural consequence of this is that Don Enrique would appear as the desirable candidate for the Queen of Spain's hand, and Lord Palmerston accordingly for the first time deviates from the line hitherto followed by us, and _urges_ Don Enrique, which in the eyes of the world must stamp him as "_an English Candidate_." Lord Palmerston, from his wish to see him succeed, does, in the Queen's opinion, not sufficiently acknowledge the obstacles which stand in the way of this combination, and which all those who are on the spot and in the confidence of the Court represent as almost insurmountable. The Queen desires Lord John Russell to weigh all this most maturely, and to let her know the result. _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _19th August 1846._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he has maturely considered, together with Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Clarendon, your Majesty's observations on the draft sent by Lord Palmerston for your Majesty's approbation. Lord John Russell entirely concurs in your Majesty's wish that England and France should not appear at Madrid as countenancing conflicting parties. Lord John Russell did not attach this meaning to Lord Palmerston's proposed despatch, but he has now re-written the draft in such a manner as he trusts will obtain your Majesty's approval. Lord John Russell will pay the utmost attention to this difficult and delicate subject. [Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES] [Pageheading: DON ENRIQUE] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ FOREIGN OFFICE, _19th August 1846._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has endeavoured to modify and rearrange his proposed instruction to Mr Bulwer in deference to your Majesty's wishes and feelings as expressed to Lord John Russell; and with this view also Viscount Palmerston has divided the instruction into two separate despatches--the one treating of the proposed marriage of the Queen, the other of the possible marriage of the Infanta. But with regard to these new drafts, as well as with regard to the former one, Viscount Palmerston would beg to submit that they are not notes to be presented to any Foreign Government, nor despatches to be in any way made public; but that they are confidential instructions given to one of your Majesty's Ministers abroad, upon matters upon which your Majesty's Government have been urgently pressed, to enable that Minister to give advice; and Viscount Palmerston would beg also to submit that in a case of this kind it would not be enough to communicate drily the opinion of the British Government, without stating and explaining some of the reasons upon which those opinions are founded. It is quite evident from Mr Bulwer's communication, and especially from the postscript to his despatch of the 4th of this month, that Queen Christina, the Duke of Rianzares, and Señor Isturitz, are earnestly and intently bent upon marrying the Queen Isabella to Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and it is very difficult to find conclusive grounds for saying that such a match would not perhaps, on the whole, be the best for Queen Isabella and the Spanish nation. But still, all things considered, your Majesty's Government incline to the opinion that a Spanish Prince would be a preferable choice, and they are prepared to give that opinion to the Spanish Court. There is however but one Spanish Prince whom it would be creditable to the British Government to recommend as husband to the Queen, and to that Prince Queen Christina is known to feel objections, principally founded upon apprehensions bearing upon her own personal interests. Viscount Palmerston has endeavoured to furnish Mr Bulwer with such arguments in favour of Don Enrique as appeared likely to meet Queen Christina's fears, and he has occasion to believe, from a conversation which he had a few days ago with Count Jarnac, that the French Government, impelled by the apprehension that your Majesty's Government intend to support Prince Leopold of Coburg, would be willing, in order to draw the British Government off from such a course, to give at least an ostensible though perhaps not a very earnest support to Don Henry. But your Majesty will no doubt at once perceive that although the British Government may come to an understanding with that of France as to which of the candidates shall be the one in whose favour an opinion is to be expressed, it would be impossible for the British Government to associate itself with that of France in any joint step to be taken upon this matter, and that each Government must act separately through its own agent at Madrid. For the two Governments have not only different objects in view in these matters, England wishing Spain to be independent, and France desiring to establish a predominant influence in Spain; but moreover, in regard to this marriage question, Great Britain has disclaimed any right to interfere except by opinion and advice, while France has assumed an authority of dictation, and it is essential that your Majesty's Government should so shape the mode of co-operating with France as not to appear to sanction pretensions which are founded in no right and are inconsistent with justice. Viscount Palmerston is by no means confident that the joint advice of the British and French Governments in favour of Don Enrique will be successful, and especially because he fears that M. Bresson has taken so active a part in favour of other arrangements, that he will not be very eager in support of Don Enrique, and will perhaps think that if this arrangement can be rendered impossible the chances may become greater in favour of some other arrangement which he and his Government may prefer. But such future embarrassments must be dealt with when they arise, and Viscount Palmerston submits that for the moment, unless the British Government had been prepared to close with the offers of the Duke of Rianzares, and to follow at once the course recommended by Mr Bulwer, the steps suggested in the accompanying drafts are the safest and the best. Viscount Palmerston has great pleasure in submitting the accompanying private letter from Mr Bulwer announcing the withdrawal of the Spanish troops from the frontier of Portugal. [Pageheading: THE DOUBLE BETROTHAL] _Mr Bulwer to Viscount Palmerston._ MADRID, _29th August 1846._ MY LORD,--I have troubled your Lordship of late with many communications.... I have now to announce to your Lordship that the Queen declared last night at twelve o'clock that she had made up her mind in favour of His Royal Highness Don Francisco de Asis.... Your Lordship is aware under what circumstances Don Francisco was summoned here, the Court having been, when I wrote on the 4th, most anxious to conclude a marriage with Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and only induced to abandon this idea from the repeated intimations it received that it could not be carried out.... The same night a Council was held of the Queen Mother's friends, who determined to bring matters forthwith to a conclusion. Queen Christina, I understand, spoke to her daughter and told her she must choose one of two things, either marrying now, or deferring the marriage for three or four years. That the Prince of Saxe-Coburg was evidently impossible; that Count Trapani would be dangerous; that Don Henry had placed himself in a position which rendered the alliance with him out of the question, and that Her Majesty must either make up her mind to marry her cousin Don Francisco de Asis, or to abandon for some time the idea of marrying. The Queen, I am told, took some little time to consider, and then decided in favour of her cousin. The Ministers were called in, and the drama was concluded.... H. L. BULWER. _P.S._--I learn that directly the Queen had signified her intention of marrying her cousin, Count Bresson formally asked the hand of the Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier, stating that he had powers to enter upon and conclude that affair, and the terms of the marriage were then definitively settled between M. Isturitz and him. H.L.B. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ On Board the _Victoria and Albert_, FALMOUTH HARBOUR, _7th September 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Though I have not heard from you for ages, you will perhaps be glad to hear from us, and to hear that our trip has been most successful. We left Osborne on the 2nd, at eight in the morning, and reached Jersey at seven that evening. We landed at St Heliers the next morning, and met with a most brilliant and enthusiastic reception from the good people. The island is beautiful, and like an orchard. The settlement of the Queen of Spain's marriage, _coupled with Montpensier's_, is _infamous_, and we _must_ remonstrate. Guizot has had the barefacedness to say to Lord Normanby that though _originally_ they said that Montpensier should _only_ marry the Infanta _when_ the Queen _was married_ and _had children_, that Leopold's being named one of the candidates had changed all, and that they must settle it now! This is _too_ bad, for _we_ were so honest as _almost to prevent_ Leo's marriage (which _might_ have been, and which Lord Palmerston, as matters now stand, regrets much did not take place), and the return is this unfair _coupling_ of the _two_ marriages which have nothing, and ought to have nothing, to do with one another. The King should know that _we_ are extremely indignant, and that this conduct is _not_ the way to keep up the _entente_ which _he_ wishes. It is done, moreover, in such a _dishonest_ way. I must do Palmerston the credit to say that he takes it very quietly, and will act very temperately about it. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. Vicky and Bertie enjoy their tour very much, and the people here are delighted to see "the Duke of Cornwall." [Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF THE FRENCH] _The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria._ NEUILLY, _8 Septembre 1846._ MADAME,--Confiante dans cette précieuse amitié dont votre Majesté nous a donné tant de preuves et dans l'aimable intérêt que vous avez toujours témoigné à tous nos Enfants, je m'empresse de vous annoncer la conclusion du mariage de notre fils Montpensier avec l'Infante Louise Fernanda. Cet événement de famille nous comble de joie, parce que nous espérons qu'il assurera le bonheur de notre fils chéri, et que nous retrouverons dans l'Infante une fille de plus, aussi bonne et aussi aimable que ses Aînées, et qui ajoutera à notre bonheur intérieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et que vous, Madame, savez si bien apprécier. Je vous demande d'avance votre amitié pour notre nouvel Enfant, sûre qu'elle partagera tous les sentiments de dévouement et d'affection de nous tous pour vous, pour le Prince Albert, et pour toute votre chère Famille. Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée S[oe]ur et Amie, MARIE AMÉLIE. _Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French._ OSBORNE, _10 Septembre 1846._ MADAME,--Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre Majesté du 8 de ce mois, et je m'empresse de vous en remercier. Vous vous souviendrez peut-être de ce qui s'est passé à Eu entre le Roi et moi, vous connaissez, Madame, l'importance que j'ai toujours attachée au maintien de Notre Entente Cordiale et le zèle avec lequel j'y ai travaillé, vous avez appris sans doute que nous nous sommes refusés d'arranger le mariage entre la Reine d'Espagne et notre Cousin Léopold (que les deux Reines avaient vivement désiré) dans le seul but de ne pas nous éloigner d'une marche qui serait plus agréable à votre Roi, quoique nous ne pouvions considérer cette marche comme la meilleure. Vous pourrez donc aisément comprendre que l'annonce soudaine de ce _double mariage_ ne pouvait nous causer que de la surprise et un bien vif regret. Je vous demande bien pardon de vous parler de politique dans ce moment, mais j'aime pouvoir me dire que j'ai toujours été _sincère_ envers vous. En vous priant de présenter mes hommages au Roi, je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée S[oe]ur et Amie, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: VIEWS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ CARLTON TERRACE, _12th September 1846._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns with many acknowledgments the accompanying letters which your Majesty has been pleased to send him, and which he has thought your Majesty would wish him also to communicate to Lord John Russell. The letter of the Queen of the French seems to Viscount Palmerston to look like a contrivance to draw your Majesty on to express, in regard to the Montpensier marriage in its character as a domestic arrangement, some sentiments or wishes which might be at variance with the opinions which your Majesty might entertain regarding that marriage in its political character and bearing. But your Majesty's most judicious answer has defeated that intention, if any such existed, and has stated in a firm, but at the same time in the friendliest manner, the grounds of complaint against the conduct of the French Government in this affair. Viscount Palmerston had yesterday afternoon a very long conversation with the Count de Jarnac upon these matters. Viscount Palmerston said that with regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, that was a matter as to which the British Government have no political objection to make. They deeply regret that a young Queen should have been compelled by moral force, and to serve the personal and political interests of other persons, to accept for husband a person whom she can neither like nor respect, and with whom her future life will certainly be unhappy at home, even if it should not be characterised by circumstances which would tend to lower her in the estimation of her people. But these are matters which concern the Queen and people of Spain more than the Government and people of England. But that the projected marriage of the Duke of Montpensier is a very different matter, and must have a political bearing that must exercise a most unfortunate effect upon the relations between England and France. [Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _14th September 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter of the 31st from Basle, by which I was sorry to see that your journey had been delayed, and that you were still not well. We are, alas! sadly engrossed with this Spanish marriage, which, though it does not threaten _war_ (for the English care very little about the Spanish marriages) threatens complications. Albert has told you all that passed between the dear Queen and me, and the very absurd ground on which the French make their stand. The details of the story are very bad--and I grieve to say that the good King, etc., have behaved _very dishonestly_. We have protested, and mean to protest very strongly, against Montpensier's marriage with the Infanta, _as long as she is presumptive heiress to the Throne of Spain_. The King departs from his principle, for _he insisted_ on a _Bourbon_, _because_ he declared he would _not_ marry one of his sons to the Queen; and now he effects the Queen's marriage with the worst Bourbon she could have, and marries his son to the Infanta, who in all probability will become Queen! It is very bad. Certainly at Madrid [Palmerston] mismanaged it--as Stockmar says--by forcing Don Enrique, in spite of all Bulwer could say. If our dear Aberdeen was still at his post, the whole thing would not have happened; for he would _not_ have forced Enriquito (which enraged Christine), and secondly, Guizot would not have _escamoté_ Aberdeen with the wish of triumphing over him as he has done over Palmerston, who has behaved most openly and fairly towards France, I must say, in this affair. But say what one will, it is _he again_ who _indirectly_ gets us into a squabble with France! And it is such a personal sort of a quarrel, which pains and grieves me so; and I pity the poor good Piat,[23] whom we are very fond of. One thing, however, I feel, that in opposing this marriage, we are not really affecting his happiness, for he has never seen the Infanta--and she is a child of fourteen, and not pretty. The little Queen I pity so much, for the poor child dislikes her cousin, and she is said to have consented _against her will_. We shall see if she really does marry him. Altogether, it is most annoying, and must ruffle our happy intercourse with the French family for a time at least. I was obliged to write very strongly and openly to poor dear Louise too. You may rely upon nothing being done rashly or intemperately on our part. Lord Palmerston is quite ready to be guided by us. In haste, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. We go into our new house to-day. [Footnote 23: A name by which the Duc de Montpensier was sometimes called in the family circle.] _Baron Stockmar to Queen Victoria._ _18th September 1846._ Baron Stockmar has been honoured with your Majesty's kind note of the 17th instant. The very day the Baron heard of the Spanish news, he wrote to a man at Paris, whom the King sees as often as he presents himself at the palace. In this letter the Baron stated _fairly and moderately but without palliation_ in what light M. Bresson's conduct must necessarily appear _in London_, and what very naturally and most probably _must be the political consequences of such conduct_. The Baron's statement was read to the King, word for word, the very evening it reached Paris. His Majesty listened to it most attentively, and said after some pause: "Notwithstanding all this, the marriage will take place. I don't consider Montpensier's marriage an affair between nations, and the English people, in particular, care very little about it; it is much more a private affair between myself and the English Secretary, Lord Palmerston, _and as such_ it will not bring on important political consequences." [Pageheading: LETTER TO QUEEN LOUISE] _Queen Victoria to the Queen of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _18 Septembre 1846._ MA BIEN CHÈRE LOUISE,--Je te remercie pour ton retour de franchise; je ne désire pas que cette controverse entre de plus dans notre correspondance privée, comme elle est le sujet et le sera je crains encore davantage de discussion politique. Je veux seulement dire qu'il est _impossible_ de donner à cette affaire le cachet d'une simple affaire de famille; l'attitude prise à Paris sur cette affaire de mariage dès le commencement était une fort étrange; il fallait toute la discrétion de Lord Aberdeen pour qu'elle n'amenât un éclat plutôt; mais ce dénouement, si contraire à la parole du Roi, qu'il m'a donnée lors de cette dernière visite à Eu _spontanément_, en ajoutant à la complication, pour la _première fois_, celle du projet de mariage de Montpensier, aura mauvaise mine devant toute l'Europe. Rien de plus pénible n'aurait pu arriver que toute cette dispute qui prend un caractère si personnel.... VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _21st September 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you very much for your very kind letter of the 5th from Zurich. It is very unfortunate that you should be so far off at this moment. Since I wrote to you we have decided to remonstrate both at Madrid (this went a week ago), and at Paris, but this last not in a formal note but in a despatch to Lord Normanby, against this very unjustifiable breach of faith on the part of France. We have seen these despatches, which are very firm, but written in a very proper and kind tone, exposing at the same time the fallacy of what has been done; for the King himself declared that he would _never_ let _one of his sons marry_ the Queen, he _insisted_ on her marrying a descendant of Philip V. This has been done, and at the same moment he says his _son_ is to marry the _Infanta_, who may _become Queen to-morrow!_And to all this he says, "C'est seulement une affaire de famille"! The King is very fond of England, and still more of peace, and he never _can_ sacrifice this (for though it would not be immediate war it would cause coolness with us and with other Powers, and would probably lead to war in a short time), for a breach of faith and _for one of his sons'_ marriages. No quarrel or misunderstanding in the world _could be more disagreeable_ and to me _more cruelly painful_, for it is _so personal_, and has come into the midst of all our communications and correspondence, and is too annoying. It is so sad, too, for dear Louise, to whom one cannot say that her father has behaved dishonestly. I hope, however, another ten days will show us some _daylight_. I will not mention anything about Leopold's[24] answer, as Albert will, I doubt not, write to you all about it. It is very satisfactory, however. We are since this day week in our charming new house, which is delightful, and to-morrow we go, alas! to Windsor, where we expect the Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia, who will remain a week with us. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. I received this afternoon your kind letter from Gais of the 12th. One word more I must just add. No doubt if Lord Aberdeen had been at his post what has happened would _not_ have taken place, and suspicion of Lord Palmerston _has_ been the cause of the _unjustifiable_ conduct of the French Government. But just as they _did_ suspect him, they should have been more cautious to do anything which could bring on a quarrel, which is surely not what the King can wish. [Footnote 24: Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.] [Pageheading: THE PRINCESS OF PRUSSIA] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th September 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received last week your very kind and _satisfactory_ letter of the 16th. Your opinion on this truly unfortunate and, on the part of the French, disgraceful affair is a great support to us. Stockmar has, I know, communicated to you what has passed, and he will send you copies of the King's letter and my answer. Our conduct has been throughout _honest_, and the King's and Guizot's the contrary. _How_ the King _can_ wantonly throw away the friendship of one who has stood by him with such sincere affection, for a _doubtful_ object of personal and family aggrandizement, is to me and to the whole country inexplicable. Have _confidence_ in _him_ I fear I never can again, and Peel, who is here on a visit, says a _war may_ arise any moment, _once_ that the good understanding is disturbed; think, then, that the King has done this in his 74th year, and leaves this inheritance to his successor; and to whom--to a _Grandchild_, and a _Minor!_And for Nemours and Paris, _our_ friendship is of the greatest importance, and yet he prefers the troubles of governing Spain, which will be a source of constant worry and anxiety, to the happy understanding so happily existing between our two countries! I cannot comprehend him. Guizot behaves shamefully, and so totally without good faith. Our protests have been presented. I feel more than ever the loss of our valuable Peel. I wish, dearest Uncle, you would not go to Paris at all at present. The Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia[25] have left us this morning after a week's stay, and I have been delighted with the Princess. I find her so clever, so amiable, so well informed, and so good; she seems to have some enemies, for there are whispers of her being _false_; but from all that I have seen of her--from her discretion, her friendship through thick and thin, and to her own detriment, for Hélène, and for the Queen-Dowager who has known her from her birth, I _cannot_ and will not believe it. Her position is a very difficult one; she is too enlightened and liberal for the Prussian Court not to have enemies; but _I believe_ that she is a friend to us and our family, and I do believe that _I_ have a friend in her, who may be most useful to us. I must conclude, envying your being in Tyrol. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 25: Marie Louise Augusta, daughter of the Grand Duke Charles of Saxe-Weimar, subsequently Empress of Germany, mother of Prince Frederick William, afterwards the Emperor Frederick, who in 1858 married the Princess Royal.] [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE THREE POWERS] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st October 1846._ The Queen wishes to express her approval of the step taken by Lord Palmerston in urging the Three Northern Powers to join in the protest against the Montpensier marriage on the ground of the Treaty of Utrecht and the Declaration of Philip V. She thinks, however, that it is necessary to do more, and wishes Lord Palmerston should send a note to the Cabinets of the three Powers, explanatory of the whole of the proceedings relative to the Spanish marriages, showing the attitude taken by us from the first, and disclosing the facts which led to this unfortunate termination. The three Powers ought to be enabled to see the whole of the transaction if we wish them to sympathise with us. _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ _1st October 1846._ Lord John Russell saw Count Jarnac to-day, and told him that your Majesty's displeasure had not been removed. He had in his hands a memorandum, which is apparently word for word the letter of the King of the French to the Queen of the Belgians.[26] Lord John Russell observed that it was admitted that the Duke of Montpensier was not to marry the Infanta till the Queen of Spain had children, and that voluntary engagement had been departed from. We might expect the same departure from the professions now made not to interfere in the affairs of Spain. Count Jarnac protested against this inference, and repeated that the promise with regard to the Infanta was only conditional. Lord John Russell expects that in consequence of the remonstrances of England, and the attention of Europe to the question, France will be cautious in her interference with the internal government of Spain, and may probably not be able to direct her external policy. M. Bresson has written a long letter to Lord Minto, defending his own conduct. [Footnote 26: See Louis Philippe's long letter of the 14th of September, printed in the _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. i. Appendix B. Queen Victoria's complete and unanswerable reply will be found there also.] [Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you very much for your last kind letter from Gais of the 23rd. This unfortunate Spanish affair has gone on, heedlessly--and our _entente wantonly_ thrown away! I mourn over it, and feel deeply the ingratitude shown; for--without boasting--I must say they never had a _truer_ friend than we; and one who _always_ stood by them. When Hadjy wrote that foolish _brochure_, who stood by him through thick and thin, but we? and our friendship for the children will ever continue, but how can we _ever_ feel at our ease with L. P. again? Guizot's conduct is beyond _all_ belief shameful, and so _shabbily_ dishonest. Molé and Thiers both say he cannot stand. It is the King's birthday to-day, but I thought it better _not_ to write to him, for to say _fine words_ at _this_ moment would be mockery. For my beloved Louise my heart bleeds; it is _so_ sad.... I must now conclude. Begging you to believe me, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th November 1846._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your long and interesting letter of the 14th. I would much rather not say anything more about this truly unfortunate and painful Spanish business; but in justice to myself I must make a few observations. You say that the King thinks me _resentful_; this is extraordinary, for I have no such feeling; my feelings were and are _deeply_ wounded at the unhandsome and secret manner (so totally, in _letter_ and _in meaning_, contrary to an _entente cordiale_) in which this affair was settled, and in which the two marriages were incorporated. What can I do? The King and French Government never _expressed regret_ at the sudden and _unhandsome_ manner, to say the _least_, in which they behaved to their _best ally_ and _friend_, and _we_ really _cannot admit_ that _they have to forgive us for duping us!_Why have they not tried to make _some_ sort of apology? What do I do, but remain silent _for the present_? It is a sad affair, but _resentment_ I have none whatever, and this accusation is a new version of the affair. With respect to Portugal, I refute most positively the unfounded accusations against us; we _cannot_ interfere in internal dissensions beyond ensuring the personal safety of the King, Queen, and Royal Family. The Constitution may be, and I believe is, an unfortunate thing in those Southern countries; but once it is established, the Queen must abide by it; but, unfortunately, the _coup de main_ in sending away Palmella's Government (which would inevitably have crumbled to pieces of itself), was both unconstitutional and unsafe, and I fear they are in a much worse position _vis-à-vis_ of the country than they ever were.[27] We are all going to-morrow to Osborne for four weeks. Ever your truly devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 27: The Duke de Palmella's Ministry was abruptly dismissed by the Queen of Portugal on the 10th of October, in consequence of their inability to raise money on loan. Civil war broke out, Das Antas, Loulé, Fornos, and Sà da Bandeira being the chief rebel leaders. The British Fleet was ordered to the Tagus to support the Queen against her subjects, with the ulterior object of restoring Constitutional Government.] [Pageheading: ETON MONTEM] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ DOWNING STREET, _19th November 1846._ ... Lord John Russell breakfasted with Dr Hawtrey yesterday, and had much conversation with him. He finds Dr Hawtrey strongly impressed with the evils of Montem, and he declared himself as decidedly against its continuance. He thinks your Majesty would please the Etonians equally by going to the boats once a year, which he said the late King was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,[28] who was at Eton, wishes to see Montem abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer seeing it regulated. Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks it would not be advisable for your Majesty to interpose your authority against the decided opinion of Dr Hawtrey, the Provost, and the assistants.[29] [Footnote 28: Mr (who a few weeks later became Sir) Charles Wood.] [Footnote 29: Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief part of which took place at Salt Hill (_ad montem_), near Slough, was abolished in 1847.] [Pageheading: A PENINSULAR MEDAL] _Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._ OSBORNE, _25th November 1846._ The Queen has learned from various quarters that there still exists a great anxiety amongst the officers and men who served under the Duke of Wellington's orders in the Peninsula to receive and wear a medal as a testimony that they assisted the Duke in his great undertaking. The Queen not only thinks this wish very reasonable, considering that for recent exploits of infinitely inferior importance such distinctions have been granted by her, but she would feel personally a great satisfaction in being enabled publicly to mark in this way her sense of the great services the Duke of Wellington has rendered to his country and to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token in remembrance of the Duke. [Pageheading: THE DUKE'S VIEW] _The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._ STRATHFIELDSAYE, _27th November 1846._ Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just now received your Majesty's most gracious commands from Osborne, dated the 26th instant. He does not doubt that many of the brave officers and soldiers who served in the armies in the Peninsula under the command of the Duke are anxious to receive and wear a medal, struck by command of the Sovereign, to commemorate the services performed in that seat of the late war. Many of them have, upon more than one occasion, expressed such desire, in their letters addressed to the Duke, in their petitions to Parliament, and, as the Duke has reason to believe, in petitions presented to your Majesty. Although the Duke has never omitted to avail himself of every occasion which offered to express his deep sense of the meritorious services of the officers and soldiers of the Army which served in the Peninsula, he did not consider it his duty to suggest to the Sovereign, under whose auspices, or the Minister under whose direction the services in question were performed, any particular mode in which those services of the Army should be recognised by the State. Neither has he considered it his duty to submit such suggestion since the period at which the services were performed, bearing in mind the various important considerations which must have an influence upon the decision on such a question, which it was and is the duty of your Majesty's confidential servants alone to take into consideration, and to decide. Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture to submit to your Majesty his sense of a comparison of the services of the Army which served in the Peninsula, with those of other armies in other parts of the world, whose recent services your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to recognise by ordering that medals should be struck, to commemorate each of such services, one of which to be delivered to each officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was graciously pleased to permit him to wear. Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly solicits your Majesty, in grateful submission to your Majesty upon the subject of the last paragraph of your Majesty's most gracious letter, that, considering the favour with which his services were received and rewarded by the gracious Sovereign, under whose auspices they were performed; the professional rank and the dignity in the State to which he was raised, and the favour with which his services were then and have been ever since received, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consider upon this occasion only the well-founded claims upon your Majesty's attention of the officers and soldiers who served in the Army in the Peninsula; and to consider him, as he considers himself, amply rewarded for any service which he might have been instrumental in rendering; and desirous only of opportunities of manifesting his gratitude for the favour and honour with which he has been treated by his Sovereign. All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted Servant and Subject, WELLINGTON. _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _28th November 1846._ The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr Southern,[30] and must observe that she does not quite approve the tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate without producing any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it must be given in a spirit of impartiality and fairness. Lord Palmerston's despatch must give the impression that we entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose conduct is, to say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to be one and the same thing. What we must insist upon is a return to Constitutional Government. And what we may advise is a compromise with the Opposition. What Ministry is to be formed ought to be left to the Portuguese themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid the despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future that Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state her opinion in good time. [Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Chargé d'Affaires in the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.] [Pageheading: THE PENINSULAR MEDAL] _Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._ ARUNDEL CASTLE, _1st December 1846._ The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of Wellington's last letter. She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing to propose himself a step having reference to his own achievements, but the Queen will not on that account forgo the satisfaction of granting this medal as an acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant achievements. The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her confidential servants will be ready to assume the responsibility of advising such a measure. _The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._ ARUNDEL CASTLE, _2nd December 1846._ (_Morning._) Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's commands, dated the 1st instant, in this Castle, till seven o'clock in the afternoon; and being under the necessity of attending at [? Dover] in the evening, he has not had it in his power till this time to express his acknowledgment of the receipt of them. He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware that it would be impolitic to confer upon the officers and soldiers who served in the Peninsula the wished-for distinction without the concurrence of your Majesty's confidential servants. They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the measure, and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience which may result from it; and it is satisfactory to him to learn, from the perusal of your Majesty's note, that Lord John Russell is disposed to adopt it, notwithstanding that the Duke has no personal wish or feeling in the adoption of the measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so many gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served. The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his last letter of the 27th of November in relation to himself, referred to the expressions in that of your Majesty of the 26th November, to the Duke; from which it appeared to be your Majesty's intention "to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke." Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your Majesty, and would promote the objects of your Majesty's Government, to the utmost of his power, he has faithfully performed his engagement, as he believes, to the satisfaction of your Majesty's servants. His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is most anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's approbation. But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may be convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty and your Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon this point, as well as whether the medal in question shall be struck and granted at all or not. If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted, or whether the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not, the Duke will be equally satisfied, and grateful for your Majesty's gracious favour, and desirous to merit a continuance of it, by his devotion to your Majesty's service. All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant, WELLINGTON. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DECISION] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._ The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of the 11th. She has carefully read the Duke of Wellington's letter to Lord John, which evinces all the Duke's honourable feelings. He should certainly be relieved from the appearance of having refused honours to others, but agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended to couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. His name should, therefore, certainly be connected with it. The introduction of the names of other commanders, even of that of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable. She does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to _re_-issue all the medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea of striking a new one. In the latter case, which appears the most natural, the word "Peninsula" would cover all the campaigns, and in these the Duke of Wellington had by far so much the greatest share that his name being introduced on _all_ the medals cannot be considered as anomalous. [Pageheading: CRACOW] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._ The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.[31] The view Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the Queen a very sound one, and she would much wish to see the plan of a conference realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant reasons. Prince Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is to be considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly compared it to the case of a person giving another a box on the ear and declaring at the same time that he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the Cabinet will well consider the question, and contrive to find means to prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against Cracow by speaking out in time, before Russia or France may have decided on acts of further infraction of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that Russia was at the bottom of the measure relative to Cracow, and it is therefore but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior object in view. [Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the _entente_ between England and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish independence. See _ante_, p. 72.] INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTER XVI During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841 with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but they were still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and children to ten hours a day was passed. An autumn session was rendered necessary by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act, and as a consequence being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity. The knowledge of the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the Queen's Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the Primate to hear objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House of Lords was used for the first time this year. Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder of the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly French Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like the Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall of the Orleanist dynasty. Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund" were the questions of the day. The latter was an offensive and defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil war raged round the question of its legality. In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law, Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent measures were in progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising against Austria, and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy. Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place, and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results anticipated in England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war, the British attempting to mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and ultimately armed intervention became necessary. CHAPTER XVI 1847 _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th January 1847._ The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a Constitutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into those _horrors_ from which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal to _establish_ a _state_ of _legality_ and _security_, by compelling any new Ministry to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas, or others), by establishing irremovable judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, by _honestly and fairly_ distributing the patronage in the Army--apart from the party--which will now be possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such measures of _internal_ improvement as will promote the _material_ welfare of the people. _These_ are the principles which the Queen would wish to see _her_ representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of an English Representative. [Pageheading: A CONCILIATORY POLICY] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ TUILERIES, _15th January 1847._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am truly happy to learn what you say about your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can assure you that many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent to politics, _renchérissent_ in expressions of dislike and contempt _seulement_, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they assume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance, "that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all, an old fox," etc. The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I trust that there will be no _bitterness_ in yours. It is as much, if not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth, has been already _under water several times, what could be spoiled has been spoiled_, what remains _is pretty solid_. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing but the dynasty, in England _the very spirit of the old Monarchy has been abolished_, and what will be, in the course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Constitution acts strongly on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th February 1847._ Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties to interfere. As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference to _foreign_ invasion only are inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not make any specific proposal. The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the rebels may have done to bring about the present state of affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by a _most minute, impartial, and anxious scrutiny_. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however, nothing but the echo of his reports. Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Government _without a parallel_ in any part of Europe," there, where not _one_ execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression. That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early termination. The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step. [Page Heading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ _14th March 1847._ The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy which has been pursued with regard to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain we have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what has been the consequence? They desert us. We have no longer the slightest influence in that country; France has it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes confirm the succession of the Infanta and her children without being able to prevent it. Of the Progressistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others always placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says _now_: "The fact is, that though they are the party least servile to France, they are the most impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of society, who have not the same feelings of honourable and gentlemanlike conduct which sometimes guide a portion, though a very small one, of their opponents." In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, _too late_; but let us not throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also lose Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour[1] confirms what _every one_ but Mr Southern has stated for the last two months, viz. that we are believed to be favourable to the rebels; consequently, that no advice of ours will be listened to. Sir H. Seymour further says: "I should have been glad to have gained a little time, and not at the outset of my mission to be obliged to call the Government to account upon various scores. Your orders, however, leave me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our unfriendly feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so very unfortunate; trifles about two horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard's by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, etc., are made topics of serious complaint. Most peremptory notes are written, threatening the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be unwise to threaten the insurgents. Then, the Court is told to believe _our feelings of attachment_ for them! Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very difficult in consequence. We have now the results before us. Let us, therefore, before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans to France or Spain in preference, as she _must_, if we give her such doubtful support, try to pursue a more conciliatory course; these peremptory and dictatory notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst and most unfortunate effect. These very Septembristas have been always the greatest enemies of England, and would be the first to turn against us should they succeed. There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister not to press things at moments when they produce embarrassment to a Government already _tottering_, but to give him the option of waiting for a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is to be done, which a person on the spot can be a better judge of than we can in England. Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the imminent danger of England losing _all_ legitimate influence in Portugal, which ought now, more than ever, to be of the greatest _importance_ to us. The Queen has in all this _spoken_ solely of English influence, but this influence becomes of still greater importance to her when the Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear relations.[2] [Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.] [Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in London between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.] [Page Heading: THE SEPTENNIAL ACT] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _19th March 1847._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord John Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that the prevailing opinion in the Cabinet is that when the necessary business in the House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should take place. This course would be conformable to the usage from the passing of the Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the present year no House of Commons has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolutions of Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of William the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841, have all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all Governments since the accession of the House of Hanover have been of opinion (with one or two exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament to continue seven years, as circumstances may arise making a Dissolution very detrimental to the public welfare. These being general considerations, Lord John Russell would reserve any decision on the subject till the moment shall arrive when a Dissolution may appear to your Majesty's advisers to be the course most likely to secure moderate and fair elections. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ _25th March 1847._ The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord Clarendon's brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The Queen would, however, draw Lord John's attention generally to the mode of filling up those Church sinecures. She is quite aware how necessary it is for a Minister to be able to recommend to such places persons of political connections, but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of great use both to the Church and the country to give these places of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for their _scientific attainments_, who have neither the means nor the time to prosecute their researches, whilst their labours might be of the greatest importance to the country. Such person of this kind, for instance, the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton, who has just published the _real_ epistles of St Ignatius, which he translated from the Syriac, and is about to produce a Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the undoubted original in the Coptic dialect, and other most important documents lately acquired for the British Museum. [Page Heading: FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th April 1847._ The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston, through Lord John Russell and personally, to see that the drafts to our Foreign Ministers are not despatched _previous_ to their being submitted to the Queen. Notwithstanding, this is still done, as for instance to-day with regard to the drafts for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more repeats her desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence of this practice. _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _18th May 1847._ Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to your Majesty the death of the Earl of Bessborough.[3] The firmness and kindness of his temper, together with his intimate knowledge of Ireland and his sound judgment, make this event a public misfortune. It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his successor should be named without loss of time, and as the Cabinet agreed yesterday that the Earl of Clarendon was the fittest person for the office, Lord John Russell would suggest that a Council should be held on Thursday next, at the hour your Majesty may appoint, for a Council for the purpose of the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure. It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not advisable to propose any measure, or make any announcement for the present. [Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl, born 1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.] [Pageheading: JENNY LIND] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th June 1847._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are here in terrible hot water, though _I_ think we shall get out of it.[4] But only think that the Radicals _and_ Protectionists join to attack Government for our interference in Portugal! A change of Government on such a subject would be _full_ of mischief for the future, independent of the great momentary inconvenience; but it would cripple all future Governments in their future conduct respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust abroad in our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient policy of upholding Portugal. In short, it would be _very_ bad. The old Duke will do _every_ thing to set matters right. To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear and see Jenny Lind[5] (who is perfection) in _Norma_, which is considered one of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going off, and after the pure angelic voice and extremely quiet, perfect acting of J. Lind, she seems quite _passée_. Poor thing! she is _quite_ furious about it, and was excessively impertinent to J. Lind. To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on Thursday to one at Gloucester House. Ever your truly devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by a coalition of Radicals and Protectionists for their intervention in Portugal. A hostile motion of Lord Stanley's in the House of Lords was opposed by the Duke of Wellington and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the House of Commons was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the Ministry.] [Footnote 5: She made her _début_ in London on the 4th of May in _Roberto il Diavolo_. The Queen had heard her sing previously at Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two years to enthusiastic audiences, she retired from the stage, and made extended concert tours in Europe and America.] [Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE] _The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._ LONDON, _12th July 1847._ (_Five in the afternoon_.) Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the expression of his sorrow and shame that your Majesty should be troubled for a moment by anything so insignificant as a statue of himself. When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue from the pedestal on which it had been placed, he was apprehensive that the measure might be misconstrued and misrepresented in this country as well as abroad. That feeling was increased when the probable existence of such misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed papers circulated by the Committee for the erection of the statue; and still farther when the removal became the subject of repeated discussions in Parliament. His daily experience of your Majesty's gracious reception of his endeavours to serve your Majesty; and the events of every day, and the repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated in his letter to Lord John Russell, that there was no foundation for the misconstruction of the intended act--which undoubtedly existed. The apprehension of such misconstruction had from the first moment created an anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal should be so regulated and should be attended by such circumstances as would tend to relieve the transaction from the erroneous but inconvenient impression which had been created. The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to perform the duties with which he had been entrusted, and therefore, when Lord John Russell wrote to him, he deprecated the measure in contemplation; and he rejoices sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the statue. All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant, WELLINGTON.[6] [Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th of December 1846:--"I should desire never to move from my principles of indifference and non-interference on the subject of a statue of myself to commemorate my own actions." And again, on the 14th of June 1847, the Duke wrote to Croker:--"It has always been my practice, and is my invariable habit, to say nothing about myself and my own actions. "More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked as little of myself or my own acts as if I had been an assistant-surgeon of the army.... "I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what I have done; with the exception only of occasions when I am urging upon modern contemporaries measures which they don't like, and when I tell them I have some experience, and have had some success in these affairs, and feel they would experience the benefit of attending to my advice, I never talk of myself. "These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care what they do with the statue. "But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who is working day and night, without any object in view excepting the public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace inflicted upon him by the Sovereign and Government whom he is serving. The ridicule will be felt, if nothing else is!"...] _Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th July 1847._ The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the Duke of Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his statue from the Arch to another pedestal might be construed as a mark of displeasure on her part. Although the Queen had hoped that her esteem and friendship for the Duke was so well known to the public in general as not to render such a construction possible, and although she had thought that another pedestal would have been more suitable for _this_ statue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly ornamented in honour of the Duke than by the statue _now_ upon it, she has given immediate direction that the Statue should remain in its present situation, and only regrets that this monument should be so unworthy of the great personage to whose honour it has been erected. [Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS] _Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria._ _27th July 1847._ Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of his conduct in the Government of your Majesty's Eastern Empire, and to sanction his return to Europe the end of this year. It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to have contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability of your Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his charge, and he feels, in the performance of these duties, that the approbation of his Sovereign is the most grateful distinction to which honourable ambition can aspire. The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine expectations that peace has been securely established beyond the north-west frontiers, as well as throughout India, and in this confidence he has ordered nearly 50,000 men of the native force to be reduced, which reductions have caused no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the part of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to the service performed. As regards internal dangers, there is no native power remaining able to face a British army in the field. The people are very generally engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a great extent in the British Provinces no longer carry arms. Confidence in the protection of the Government has superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth were concentrated in a few large cities--and Indian manufactures have been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but wealth and comfort have, under British rule, been more extensively diffused through the agricultural districts, and all classes, including the warlike tribes, are becoming more devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace. In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very confident expectation that the Government of India, by judicious attention to the native army in time of peace--which may have its peculiar dangers--will maintain due subordination in its ranks; and by abstaining from all interference in the religious prejudices of the people, will secure their loyal attachment to your Majesty, and their willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's behalf. Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your Majesty's most humble and dutiful Subject and Servant, HARDINGE. [Pageheading: A GENERAL ELECTION] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ PEMBROKE LODGE, _5th August 1847._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he considers the elections which have taken place since he last addressed your Majesty as satisfactory. The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of thirty, and when the elections are concluded will probably be upwards of forty. The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay[7] is the most disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a parallel in the rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol. The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George Grey is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John Russell or any other Minister will have the command of a regular party majority. But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently strong to resist both a reaction against free trade, and any democratic movement against the Church or the aristocracy. [Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem he wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.] [Pageheading: THE IRISH ELECTIONS] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st August 1847._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that Lord Fitzwilliam writes that he shall feel hurt if the Earldom of Strafford should be given to Lord Strafford. To save his feelings on this subject (Lord Fitzwilliam having the first Wentworth Earl of Strafford's property), Lord John Russell would humbly propose that Lord Strafford should be created Earl of Middlesex. But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset might also object, Lord John Russell will adhere to his original proposal if your Majesty should deem it best. In fact, many titles have been given in succession to different families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, are familiar instances. Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respecting the Irish elections, on which the Prince wished to have his remarks. The subject is a dark and a dreary one.... Changes of Ministry may occur, but it is to be hoped that your Majesty may be enabled to keep the present Parliament for five or six years. For nothing tends so much to favour such reformations, to impede sober improvements, and to make members stand in servile awe of their constituents, as frequent General Elections. Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers the successful progress of your Majesty's journey. It has occurred to Lord John Russell that as the harvest is very promising, and the election heats will have subsided, it may be desirable that your Majesty should go for three days to Ireland on your Majesty's return. The want of notice might in some respects be favourable, and would be an excuse to many Irish peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin in preparations. _Queen Victoria to Earl Fitzwilliam._ _3rd September 1847._ The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter of the 31st.[8] As she sees Lord Strafford's elevation to an Earldom already announced in the _Gazette_ of the same day, it will be impossible for the Queen to have the question of Lord Fitzwilliam's adverse claim reconsidered. She thinks it right, however, to say, that, knowing that the Wentworth property came to Lord Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds College had proved that Lord Strafford was the representative of the Earl of Strafford of the Second Creation, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam was not properly considered the representative of the first, that the Queen approved the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for the present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find that this step should have been annoying to Lord Fitzwilliam, for whom she has ever entertained a sincere regard. She has sent his letter on to Lord John Russell. [Footnote 8: On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng had been distinguished in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, receiving the Earldom of Strafford, Lord Fitzwilliam had written: "Your Majesty has, undoubtedly, the power of conferring this, or any other titular dignity, according to your good pleasure, but I venture to hope that, if it be your Majesty's pleasure to revive the Earldom of Strafford, it will not be bestowed upon any other person than the individual who has now the honour of addressing your Majesty. "The name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of course, familiar to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude that your Majesty is not unaware of my being his descendant, his heir, and his successor. I own his lands, I dwell in his house, I possess his papers, and, if neither my father nor myself have ever applied to the Crown for a renewal of his titles, it has not been because either of us was indifferent to those honours or to the favour of the Sovereign, but because we were well aware of the embarrassment which such applications frequently occasion to the Crown and its advisers."] [Pageheading: MISSION TO THE VATICAN] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ ARDVERIKIE, _3rd September 1847._ The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters of the 31st and 1st inst., and is glad to find that the views expressed in the Prince's Memorandum coincide with those entertained by Lord John and Lord Palmerston, and also by Lord Minto, as she infers. As it seems difficult to find a person of inferior rank and position than Lord Minto, and of equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaking the mission on the understanding that the object of it will be communicated beforehand to the Courts of Vienna and Paris, and that both these Governments will be made fully acquainted with the position England thinks herself bound to take with regard to the Italian controversy.[9] After this shall have been done, the sending of Sir William Parker with his fleet to the West Coast of Italy strikes the Queen as a very proper measure to give countenance to the Sovereigns engaged in Liberal Reform, and exposed alike to the inroads of their absolutist neighbour, and to the outbreaks of popular movements directed by a republican party, and perhaps fostered by the Austrian Government. [Footnote 9: Lord John Russell proposed that Lord Minto should be sent on a special mission to the Vatican. _See_ Introductory Note for the Year, _ante_, p. 115.] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ ARDVERIKIE, _7th September 1847._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind letter of the 28th. Mamma writes me _such_ a good report of you both, which gives us the greatest pleasure. I hope you like young Ernest? This horrid Praslin tragedy [10] is a subject one cannot get out of one's head. The Government can in no way be accused of these murders, but there is _no_ doubt that the _standard of morality_ is _very low_ indeed, in France, and that the higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This must shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my opinion, nothing has gone on so well since the _unfortunate_ false move of the Spanish marriages, and I think you will admit _que cela n'a pas porté bonheur au Roi_. I am very anxious to explain that I was out of spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I wrote to you last, for I _love_ this place dearly, and the quiet, simple and wild life we lead here, particularly, in spite of the _abominable_ weather we have had; and I _am not_ the enemy of _La Chasse_, as I expressed myself--on the contrary, I am very keen about it, and am only annoyed at being unable to see it all. Really, when one thinks of the _very dull life_, and particularly the life of constant _self-denial_, which my poor, dear Albert leads, he deserves _every_ amusement in the world, and even about his amusements he is so accommodating that I am deeply touched by it. He is very fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest moderation. Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of his birthday? The state of politics in Europe is very critical, and one feels _very_ anxious for the future. With my dearest Albert's love, and mine, to my beloved Louise. Believe me, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 10: The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse de Praslin, daughter of the diplomatist, Sebastiani, by her husband, who committed suicide. This event, as well as the affair of the Spanish marriages, largely contributed to the Orleanist catastrophe of 1848, for it was suspected that the Court and the police had not merely connived at, but had actually furnished the means for, the Duke's suicide, in order to prevent certain exposures which would have resulted from his trial.] [Pageheading: PORTUGAL] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th October 1847._ The Queen has just received these drafts, which she has read attentively, and thinks very proper; she only perceives _one_ omission which should be rectified, viz. the one in which Lord Palmerston directs Sir H. Seymour and the Admiral to remain perfectly neutral in case of a conflict, and that is that our Fleet should naturally give protection to the persons of the King and Queen and Royal Family in case of danger, for we cannot allow them to be _murdered_, even if we should not be able to prevent their losing their Crown (which God forbid). The Queen must _again_ observe that the drafts have since some weeks past been sent to her _after_ they were gone, so that she can make no remark upon them. The Queen wishes to have copies of these drafts. [Pageheading: CRISIS IN THE CITY] [Pageheading: MR COBDEN] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _14th October 1847._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has seen the Governor (Mr Morris) and Deputy-Governor (Mr Prescott) of the Bank, Mr Jones Loyd[11] and Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has seen many others connected with the City, and they have both made statements to the Cabinet. The general result is: That an unsound state of trade has prevailed for some time. More failures may be expected.[12] The funds may fall still lower. Any interference by Government in the way of issuing more notes might postpone but would aggravate the distress. The railway calls add much to the present difficulty. No forcible interference with railways would be justifiable, but a voluntary postponement of the execution of their Acts might be proposed to Parliament. It will be seen by this short summary that the persons who by official position, practical experience, and much reflection are most capable of giving an opinion think that little or nothing can be done by Parliament or by Government. It is one of those revulsions in trade which take place periodically, increased in extent by the expansion of commerce, but controlled in its operation by the sound principles of currency which have lately prevailed. The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without the least reason. The accommodation afforded by the Bank has been large, liberal, and continuous. The circulation of notes approaches nineteen millions. Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a person of ability and experience to place at the head of the Poor Law Commission, Lord John Russell has come to the conclusion that the best course he can take is to propose to Mr Cobden to accept the Presidency with a seat in the Cabinet, and to propose to the Duke of Bedford at the same time a seat in the Cabinet without office. Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden will occur to your Majesty. His ability, his popularity with the working classes, and his knowledge of sound principles of political economy are undoubted. Sir Robert Peel's tribute to him has raised him both on the Continent and in this country, so that his presence in the Cabinet would give satisfaction to many. On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry would be glad to see the Duke of Bedford take part in the deliberations of the Government. With your Majesty's permission Lord John Russell will propose these arrangements to the Cabinet to-morrow. He has sent for Mr Lee[13] to offer him the Bishopric of Manchester. It is with great regret he states that Mr Stephen[14] is obliged from ill health to retire from the Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey to be made a Privy Councillor, having received an assurance from Lord Stanley that Sir Robert Peel would propose it to your Majesty on his retirement. Lord John Russell submits the proposal to your Majesty as an honour due to Mr Stephen's long, able, and calumniated[15] public services. Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter of Lord Clarendon's in reference to a Memorandum of His Royal Highness Prince Albert. Lord John Russell thinks that in the present state of affairs, the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must not be thought of, and that with the exception noticed by Lord Clarendon, the suggestions made by the Prince would be the best measures for adoption, when that event takes place. It is possible the Prince may not have a copy of the Memorandum. [Footnote 11: Afterwards Lord Overstone.] [Footnote 12: There had been many failures in London, Liverpool, and elsewhere.] [Footnote 13: James Prince Lee, then Headmaster of King Edward's School, Birmingham, Bishop of Manchester, 1847-1869.] [Footnote 14: James Stephen, Under-Secretary for the Colonies, 1836-1847, afterwards Professor of Modern History at Cambridge.] [Footnote 15: He had made enemies by supporting the abolition of slavery.] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th October 1847._ The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, bringing several very important subjects before her. She regrets that the state of the Money Market should still be so uncomfortable, but is sure that the Government cannot by any interference do much to mend matters, though it might easily render them still more complicated, and make itself responsible for a crisis, which it has in no way either brought on or been able to avert.[16] As to Mr Cobden's appointment to the Poor Law Board, the Queen thinks that he will be well qualified for the place in many respects, and that it will be advantageous to the Government and the Country that his talents should be secured to the service of the State, but the elevation to the Cabinet directly from Covent Garden[17] strikes her as a very sudden step, calculated to cause much dissatisfaction in many quarters, and setting a dangerous example to agitators in general (for his main reputation Mr Cobden gained as a successful agitator). The Queen therefore thinks it best that Mr Cobden should first enter the service of the Crown, serve as a public functionary in Parliament, and be promoted subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will then become a very natural one. The Duke of Bedford's entrance into the Cabinet the Queen would see with great pleasure. The Queen returns the Prince's Memorandum to Lord John, whilst she has retained Lord Clarendon's letter upon it, which the Prince is anxious to keep if Lord John will allow him. The Queen must agree with Lord John and Lord Clarendon that the present moment is not a favourable one for the experiment of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy. Mr Stephen's elevation to the Privy Council will be a very proper reward for his long and faithful services. Would he not be a proper person for one of the new Civil degrees of the Bath?[18] [Footnote 16: Matters, however, became worse, and Lord John Russell and Sir Charles Wood wrote recommending that the Bank should enlarge their discounts and advances, for which they would propose a bill of indemnity. By degrees the panic subsided.] [Footnote 17: Free Trade meetings had taken place in Covent Garden Theatre.] [Footnote 18: He was made a K.C.B.] [Pageheading: ENGLAND'S FOREIGN POLICY] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th October 1847._ The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John Russell's attention to the enclosed paragraph taken from the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, which gives an account of the late events in Spain. How little honourable our line of policy appears according to this version, which the Queen is afraid is so very plausible that it will be received as the truth by the whole French public and a great part of the European public at large! It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen must admit that our policy, and especially Mr Bulwer's conduct at Madrid, lays itself open to similar construction. After the gross duplicity and immorality which characterised the conduct of France with respect to the Spanish marriages, though she had all the profit and we all the loss, still we had a very strong position on the side of integrity, morality, and honour. The Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and counter intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily more of that advantageous position without _any_ compensation on the other side. The Queen entreats Lord John Russell not to underrate the importance of keeping our foreign policy beyond reproach. Public opinion is recognised as a ruling power in our domestic affairs; it is not of less importance in the society of Europe with reference to the conduct of an individual state. To possess the _confidence_ of Europe is of the utmost importance to this country. That is the reason why the Queen is uneasy about our dealings in Greece, and anxious that we should not be misunderstood with respect to Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive that the French complain of unfair dealing on our part with reference to the negotiations in the River Plate.[19] Have they any right to do so? Have Lord Howden's private instructions been at variance in any way with the public instructions which had been agreed upon with the French Government? The Queen would consider any advantage gained at the expense of an ally as a loss. [Footnote 19: Sir John Hobart Caradoc, second Lord Howden, British Minister at Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count Walewski, the French Minister there, engaged in a special mission to the River Plate and Uruguay; Buenos Ayres was blockaded by the British Fleet.] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF SPAIN] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th October 1847._ The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer's accounts of the late extraordinary events in Spain, but must confess that she has in vain looked for an explanation of the real motives and causes of the crisis. Has Lord Palmerston received any private letters throwing more light upon the matter? There seems to prevail the greatest mystery about the affair. Is the Queen reconciled with her husband? Has she sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred for Don Francisco and the Queen-Mother been false? All these questions are unanswered. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF PORTUGAL] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ FOREIGN OFFICE, _30th October 1847._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has many apologies to make for not having attended your Majesty's Council to-day, and the more so as his absence arose from an inadvertence which he is almost ashamed to mention. But having got on horseback to ride to the station, with his thoughts occupied with some matters which he was thinking of, he rode mechanically and in a fit of absence to the Nine Elms Station,[20] and did not recollect his mistake till he had got there; and although he made the best of his way afterwards to the Paddington Station, he could not get there in time for any train that would have taken him early enough to Windsor. Viscount Palmerston received this morning your Majesty's remarks upon his proposed drafts to Sir Hamilton Seymour, and has modified some of the expressions in those drafts; but those drafts are only private and confidential answers in his own name to private and confidential communications from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his own personal opinions, and not those of the Government. Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circumstances lately mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, coupled with the course pursued at Lisbon almost ever since the successful interference of the Allied Powers, have brought Viscount Palmerston to the painful convictions expressed in the above-mentioned drafts, and he feels desirous, for his own sake, to place those convictions at least upon record in this Office. He will be most happy to find that he is mistaken, and will most truly and heartily rejoice if events should prove that the confidence which your Majesty reposes in the sincerity and good faith of the Queen of Portugal is well founded; but in a matter of this importance Viscount Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to your Majesty not to conceal his opinions, even though they should, as in the present case, unfortunately differ from those which your Majesty entertains. [Footnote 20: The former terminus of the London and South-Western Railway.] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st October 1847._ The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. She can have no objections to Lord Palmerston's putting on record his opinion that the Queen of Portugal is leaning to the Chartist Party, and exposing herself, her Throne and country, to great danger by so doing; but she would _much_ deprecate the putting on record the grave accusation "that the Queen of Portugal is in a secret and perfect understanding with the Cabrals,"[21] which is really not warranted by the facts of the case, and is likely to mislead both our Government and the Minister at Lisbon. Since the Queen wrote yesterday the Prince received a letter from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and views of the Court: we must not forget either that Sir Hamilton Seymour acknowledges that a change of Ministry at this moment would provoke a fresh Revolution at Lisbon. Although this would come from the Cabralists, the Queen of Portugal very naturally may not feel inclined to run that risk to avoid a danger the existence of which she does not see or comprehend. [Footnote 21: The Ministry in which Castro Cabral had been Premier, and his brother, José, Minister of Justice, had resigned in May 1846.] [Pageheading: THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _10th November 1847._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and after reflecting on the various reasons in favour of, and objections against, different Bishops for promotion to the Archbishopric of York, he humbly submits to your Majesty the name of Dr Musgrave, Bishop of Hereford, to be appointed Archbishop of York. The Bishop of Hereford is a man of sound information, good judgment, and business habits. It is of such consequence to have an Archbishop of York, who will, like the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and crotchets, and live peaceably with all men. Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit the name of Dr Hampden to be the new Bishop, and that of the Bishop of Oxford[22] as Queen's Almoner. [Footnote 22: Samuel Wilberforce.] _The Bishop of Oxford to Mr Anson._ _16th November 1847._ MY DEAR ANSON,--I enclose you a letter from Lord John Russell, offering me the Lord Almonership. I have ventured to write direct to Her Majesty, to express to her my grateful feelings at this notice of me. But I have been so afraid of offending by anything like freedom of expression that I much fear I have instead said coldly and formally what, if I had said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest and most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may venture to say is not an ungrateful heart. Ungrateful it would be most certainly if it did not feel to its deepest core the uniform and great kindness I have received now for so many years from Her Majesty and from the Prince. I wish I could better show them my feelings.... You have read no doubt the _Times_ article on Dr Hampden. I am afraid it is too true. I cannot conceive _what_ was Dr Hampden's recommendation. He was not a persecuted man, for he had got a station far higher than he ever dreamed of already; he is not an able, or an active man, or one popular with any party, and unless Lord John Russell wished for an opportunity of shocking the young confidence of the Church in him, I cannot conceive why he should have made it. I deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of your health, if it be only a single line (to Cuddesdon), and believe me to be, ever your truly affectionate, S. OXON. [Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCHES] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ _17th November 1847._ The Queen has been struck by the concluding passage of the accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. It gives an official declaration of the views of England with respect to a point of the greatest gravity and importance, and upon which the Queen apprehends that the mind of the Cabinet is not yet made up. The Queen herself has come to no determination upon it, and it may involve the question of peace or war. Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and in such an indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to speak to Lord John Russell upon the subject, and to show him the draft and these remarks of the Queen upon it. _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ FOREIGN OFFICE, _17th November 1847._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in compliance with your Majesty's wishes he has omitted the whole of the latter part of the proposed despatch to Mr Bulwer. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ (_Undated._) The Queen has seen with surprise in the _Gazette_ the appointment of Mr Corigan,[23] about which she must complain to Lord John Russell. Not only had her pleasure not been taken upon it, but she had actually mentioned to Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always have found the Queen desirous to meet his views with regard to all appointments and ready to listen to any reasons which he might adduce in favour of his recommendations, but she must insist upon appointments in her Household not being made _without_ her previous sanction, and least of all such as that of a _Physician to her person_. [Footnote 23: Dominic John Corigan, M.D., Physician-in-Ordinary to Her Majesty in Ireland.] [Pageheading: SWITZERLAND] [Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA] _The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._ [_Translation._] _25th November 1847._ ... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased your Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the dreadful Swiss quarrels.[24] I took the liberty to propose my beloved and truly amiable town of Neuchâtel as the place for the Conference, not only because its position in neutral territory and in Switzerland herself qualifies it above every other place for that purpose, but _particularly_ because this meeting of the representatives of the great Powers there would protect it and the courageous and faithful country of Neuchâtel from indignities, spoliation, and all the _horrors_ which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a full appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill Switzerland with murders and the miseries of the most abominable Civil War. Your Majesty's happy realms have centuries ago passed through the "phase" of such horrors, and with you the state of parties has been (as one says here) grown in bottles,[25] under the glorious Constitution given by God and History, but _not_ "made"; but there, in Switzerland, a party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the exercise of Christian charity, can only be called "_Gottlos und Rechtlos_" (without God and without right). For Germany, the saving of Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is _simply_ a _vital question_. If they are victorious there, in Germany likewise torrents of blood will flow; I will answer for that. The murder of Kings, Priests, and Aristocrats is no empty sound with them, and Civil War in song, writing, word, and deed, is their watchword. "Toute charité bien entendue commence par soi-même." So they begin with their own country, true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are allowed to proceed, surely they _won't stop there_. Thousands of emigrated malefactors wait only for a sign (which their comrades and allies in Germany will not be backward in giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier. In Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they were in Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland teaches us that that alone cannot stem their victorious march, if circumstances are favourable to them. The German people rely upon their Governments, and do nothing, but Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism (the precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their own negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that godless band will march through Germany, because, though small, it is strong through being united and determined. All this I have pondered in my head and heart (led, so to say, by the hand of History), and that has prompted me now to propose that the German Confederation (which _en parenthèse_ includes a population of more than forty millions) should appear as one of the great Powers of Europe at the settlement of the Swiss dispute, and should be admitted as such by the other great Powers. _Would your Majesty do justice, and give_ PROTECTION _to this idea_?... F. W. [Footnote 24: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p. 115.] [Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY] _Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._ OSBORNE, _5th December 1847._ Since your letter was written events have followed each other so rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland may be considered as terminated; by the capitulations of the Cantons formerly constituting the Sonderbund, _two_ parties, between which a mediation of the great Powers could have taken place, have ceased to exist, and consequently mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in fact no longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as the place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived this proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed a wish of seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchâtel, and I should have felt truly happy if by so doing I could have met your wishes, and given further protection to the principality against possible aggressions on the part of the Federal Government of Switzerland. As matters now stand, the only complication which might arise is that between Neuchâtel and the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event, instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his utmost to dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on your territory, and he has been furnished with an able and elaborate state paper for his guidance, which Chevalier Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal merits of the case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did not arrive in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step against Neuchâtel, you may rely upon my readiness at all times to put my good offices at your disposal. Should a conference upon Swiss affairs still become necessary, I conceive that the only plea upon which the great Powers could meet in conference would be their having guaranteed the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This has not been the case with regard to the German Confederation, and I do not readily see in consequence how the Confederation could be admitted into this Conference, however much I confess I would like to see Germany take her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her strength and population fairly entitle her. I may say that my Government are equally impressed with me with the importance of German unity and strength and of this strength weighing in the balance of power of Europe; I am sure that the English public generally share this feeling, but I must not conceal from your Majesty that much would depend upon the manner in which this power was represented. Much as the English would like to see this power represented by the enlightened councils of your Majesty, they would be animated with very different feelings in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich ... VICTORIA R. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _19th December 1847._ The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters from Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the Debates have been brought to such a satisfactory conclusion, all the propositions of the Government having passed with such good majorities. The Queen must mention to Lord John that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood in his speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the _future Government_, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr Disraeli(!), and Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold _high offices_ in the next Government. The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and the Bishop of Exeter[26] is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion, that he might be prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling the supremacy on the Crown a _foul act_ and _the Magna Charta of Tyranny_. The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is quite recovered. We are going to Windsor the day after to-morrow. [Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.] [Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE] _Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._ BROCKET HALL, _30th December 1847._ Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of this morning, and reciprocates with the most cordial heartiness your Majesty's good wishes of the season, both for your Majesty and His Royal Highness. Lord Melbourne is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he has been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has long pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before communicated to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a long time found himself much straitened in his pecuniary circumstances, and these embarrassments are growing now every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads before long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so many. This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has always avoided the honour of the Garter, when pressed upon him by his late Majesty and also by your Majesty. Lord Melbourne knows that the expense of accepting the blue ribbon amounts to £1000, and there has been of late years no period at which it would not have been seriously inconvenient to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.[27] [Footnote 27: The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson, advanced Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which seems to have been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord Melbourne's declining health caused him to magnify his difficulties. The report which Mr Anson made shows that he was in no sense seriously embarrassed.] INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTER XVII At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England at the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by the indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of Wellington to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment the whole South Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no means of opposing a hostile force. The Government turned its attention to reconstructing the Militia, and raising the Income Tax for the purpose. But the outlook was completely changed by the French Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just lost his sister and counsellor, Madame Adélaïde, impulsively abdicated, on a rising taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England and Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich, like Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation, and throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative institutions made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was constituted, and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the German dominions. In Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was serious. The Pope, not yet reactionary, declared war against Austria; the Milanese rose against Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia marched to their assistance. A republic was proclaimed in Venice, but these successes were afterwards nullified, and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand II. of Naples was suppressed. In France the revolutionary movement held steadily on its course, a National Assembly was elected, and national workshops established; Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in England, was allowed to return, and was elected President of the Republic by an immense majority of the popular vote. The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious riot at Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus O'Connor for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to carry a huge petition in favour of the People's Charter to the House of Commons, proved a ridiculous _fiasco_. Ireland was much disturbed during the year by what was known as the Young Ireland agitation, a movement organised by youthful, and for the most part cultivated, leaders, and utterly different from the sturdy Repeal movement of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord Inchiquin, was the ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher, and others, as well as by the _Nation_ and _United Irishman_ newspapers. Like Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time passed reducing some offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and improving the law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign. The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to operations against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie--who had recently become Viceroy--after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, and proceeding in person to the frontier; a British force sustained a reverse at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a decisive result was not arrived at till 1849. In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers, and ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith defeated the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz. CHAPTER XVII 1848 _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _1st January 1848._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--This is a most melancholy beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Adélaïde,[1] so kind to us, has departed this life yesterday morning. Poor Louise feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be more affectionate and more motherly than she was for Louise. She was always very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King; he must feel the loss of a sister and friend so entirely devoted to him deeply; it is the thing most likely to hurt and shake his health. You will forgive if I cut short here, as I am much disturbed by this melancholy event. I think you would act kindly in writing to the King. We are too nearly connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better than we do this most melancholy January. My best love to Albert, and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly and devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Footnote 1: Sister of King Louis Philippe.] [Pageheading: DEATH OF MADAME ADÉLAÏDE] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[2] WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd January 1848._ The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter from her Uncle, the King of the Belgians, which will show how dreadful a blow Mme. Adélaïde's death will be to the King of the French and Royal Family. The Queen's first thought was to write to the King, which she would not have done without first mentioning it to Lord John; but upon reflection she thought it quickest and best to write _at once_ to her cousin Clémentine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to convey in her name to the King her sincere sympathy at this melancholy event. The King of the Belgians' letter has, however, brought back to the Queen her first thought of writing to the King, and she wishes to know what Lord John thinks of it. The Queen thinks it as undignified as unfeeling to carry on political coolness at moments like these, when her own feelings of sympathy are so strong and so sincere. The Queen would certainly under other circumstances have instantly written to the King. On the other hand, her first letter to her cousin (the King's daughter) may be sufficient, as it conveys a direct message; and there may be people who will construe this into a political act, but the Queen thinks that this risk should rather be run than that she should appear unfeeling and forgetful of former kindness and intimacy. The Queen would be glad to have Lord John's opinion on this subject as soon as possible. [Footnote 2: This letter is headed "Reproduction--Substance of a letter to Lord John Russell, written from recollection."] _The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _3rd January 1848._ MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I thank you _most sincerely_ for your kind last letter, and all your good wishes for the New Year. Alas! the year _ended_ and _began_ in a _most painful_ and _heartrending way for us_. The loss of my good, excellent, beloved Aunt is an _immense misfortune_ for _us all_, and the most _dreadful blow_ for my poor Father. We are all broken-hearted by this, at last _unexpected_ event. Some years we were uneasy about my poor Aunt's health, and of late I had been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her increasing weakness; but I was very far from believing that her end was _so near_. I was only anxious for the winter. At least her end was peaceful. She went to sleep and did not wake more. She died without a struggle; the horror of death, and the still greater pang of the last farewell, of the last leave-taking of her beloved brother, was spared her. I thank God for _this_ proof of His mercy, and hope He will keep up my Father under _such a heavy affliction_. To him the loss is _irretrievable_. My Aunt lived _but_ for him; one may almost say that her affection alone had kept her alive these last years, and a devotion like hers--that devotion of all instants--so complete, so full of self-denial--cannot, will never, be replaced. A heart _like hers_, so true, so noble, so warm, so loving, so devoted, is _rarely_ seen. To us also, independently of my Father, the loss is a _dreadful_ one. My Aunt was a second mother for us; we loved her and looked up to her in this way, and certainly few mothers do for their children what she did for us, or loved them better. We are overwhelmed with grief by the sudden disappearance of a being _so dear_ and _so necessary_ to us all, and we go to-morrow to Paris, to mourn with the remainder of the family, and offer my poor Father the only consolation he can feel at this cruel moment, that of being surrounded by all those he loves. I have still so much to do previous to our melancholy journey that I cannot say more to-day. I am sure you will excuse me. I shall, God willing, write in a more proper way the next time. In the meanwhile I thank God that you are _unberufen_ all well, and, in sorrow or in joy, I am equally, my beloved Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, yours most devotedly, LOUISE. [Pageheading: LETTER TO KING LOUIS PHILIPPE] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ WOBURN ABBEY, _4th January 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has no hesitation in saying that he thinks your Majesty will do well to follow your own kind impulse to write a letter to the King of the French. There will be some persons, and M. Guizot perhaps among the number, who will construe this into a political act; but it is better to be subject to such misconstructions than to leave undone any act of sympathy to the King of the French in his sore affliction. Should the King attempt to found upon your Majesty's letter any political intercourse, Lord John Russell has no doubt that your Majesty will explain to him that your present proceeding is entirely founded upon private regard, and past recollections of intimacy, and is not intended as an opening for political correspondence. _Queen Victoria to the King of the French._ CH. DE WINDSOR, _5 Janvier 1848._ SIRE ET MON BON FRÈRE,--Je ne voulais pas suivre l'impulse de mon c[oe]ur, dans les premiers instants de la vive douleur de votre Majesté, en vous écrivant--mais maintenant où la violence de cette rude secousse peut-être sera un peu adoucie, je viens moi-même exprimer à votre Majesté la part sincère que nous prenons, le Prince et moi, à la cruelle perte que vous venez d'éprouver, et qui doit vous laisser un vide irréparable. Ayez la bonté, Sire, d'offrir nos expressions de condoléance à la Reine, et faisant des v[oe]ux pour le bonheur de V.M., je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de V.M., la bonne S[oe]ur, V. R. A S.M. le Roi des Français. [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE PORTE] _The King of the French to Queen Victoria._ PARIS, _8 Janvier 1848._ MADAME MA BONNE S[OE]UR,--Dans la profonde douleur où m'a plongé le coup cruel qui vient de me frapper, une des plus douces consolations que je pusse recevoir, est la lettre que votre Majesté a eu la bonté de m'adresser, tant en son nom qu'en celui du Prince son Epoux. L'expression de la part que vous prenez tous deux à mon malheur, et de l'intérêt que vous continuez à me porter, m'a vivement ému, et quelque douloureuse qu'en soit l'occasion, qu'il me soit permis, Madame, de vous en remercier, et de dire à votre Majesté que mon c[oe]ur et mes sentimens pour elle, sont et seront toujours les mêmes que ceux que j'étais si heureux de Lui manifester à Windsor et au Château d'Eu. Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien être, auprès du Prince son Epoux, l'interprète de toute ma sensibilité. La Reine est bien touchée de ce que votre Majesté m'a chargé de Lui témoigner, et je la prie de croire que je suis toujours, Madame, ma bonne S[oe]ur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère, LOUIS PHILIPPE R. _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848.[sic: 1843]_ The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed to Lord Cowley, in which he is desired to advise the Sultan to give Abd-el-Kader a command in his Army--a step which the Queen cannot approve, not because it is not good advice to the Porte, but because it is uncalled for on our part, and might be considered by France as a hostile step towards her. What would we say if the French were to advise M. Ali to give Akbar Khan the command of his army?[3] [Footnote 3: See _ante_, vol. i. p. 254.] [Pageheading: CLAREMONT] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ CLAREMONT, _11th January 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I always write with pleasure to you from this _so_ very dear old place, where we are safely and happily housed with our _whole_ little family since yesterday. The weather is very cold, and it is the third night of a black frost which is likely to continue for some days. Many thanks for your kind letter of the 7th, which, according to the new arrangement, I received already on the 8th. Your visit will, I fear, have been a very melancholy one. Poor Mme. Adélaïde's death was so extremely sudden, it must be a dreadful blow to the poor King. I _have_ written to him. Louise will have told you that poor Aunt Sophia[4] is decidedly sinking. I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal to coming to us now (which would be a _sad disappointment_), _you_ would come to see us. Why not come while she is at Paris? It would be such a pleasure to us. You will of course have no balls, and you might come even sooner than you originally intended. Pray do see if you could manage this. I am sure you could. If Louise could come, of course that would be still better. Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, viz. if you would give us the picture that is here of Grand Uncle Frederic (the Field-Marshal), that we might hang it up in London, where we have made a fine collection of his contemporaries, and we would replace it by a faithful copy, which could be hung up in the frame here. Will you grant this? We are very desirous of getting the Woods and Forests to build a small _glass dome_ to the greenhouse here where the palm-trees are, and (if you approved) there could be no difficulty in getting this done; the palm-trees are beautiful, and will be quite stunted and spoilt if not allowed to grow. We shall stay here till Monday next. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 4: Fifth daughter of George III., born 1777. She died in May 1848.] [Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _12th January 1848._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--A messenger of my own going to England, I take advantage of it to write you a few words. Your kind letter to the poor King was an act for which I thank you from the bottom of my soul, because it made him so happy. I was still in his rooms--where the family has been breakfasting and dining till now--when your letter arrived; he was so delighted with it that he _kissed it most tenderly_. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but with rather a severe cold. He had certainly at the end of December the Grippe, which perhaps was the immediate cause of poor Aunt's death, as from over-anxiety for her beloved brother, she got up in the night to find out how he was. His cold had been better when he went to Dreux, then he met the procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church; this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves are also a good deal shaken, and this renders him very irritable. He is much occupied about some of the arrangements connected with poor Aunt's fortune; she left her landed property to Nemours, Joinville, and Montpensier, charged with the various sums she left to nearly all the branches of her family. The King is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole of this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to employ the revenues, from the whole of the succession legacies as well as landed property, to free the landed property of the mortgage of the various legacies. This will require a good many years, and I told him that it would force him to live till it would be arranged, which will easily require ten years. In France a good feeling has been shown on this occasion. I heard from trustworthy quarters that even people who were known to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed themselves most anxious for his preservation. Whenever that sad event will take place, the reaction in Europe will be great, as all the bad passions which are kept down by him will then of course try to get the over hand. The Queen is much affected by all this, and thinks much of her own end. The children, including good Hélène, have all behaved with the utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal particularly good Nemours' devotion and attention. My beloved Child, your truly devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Pageheading: REVOLUTION IN FRANCE] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _12th February 1848._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... From Paris the news are alarming;[5] the struggle of the Liberal Party leaning towards radicalism, or in fact merely their own promotion; principles are _out_ of the question. This state of affairs reacts in a very lamentable way upon the well-being of the great European community. Great complaints are made that the working classes are deprived of work and at the same time political agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of stopping transactions of every description. The human race is a _sad_ creation, and I trust the other planets are better organised and that we may get there hereafter.... Your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Footnote 5: The Republican movement had been making rapid headway in Paris, and the leader of the Opposition, M. Odilon Barrot, proposed Guizot's impeachment on the 22nd of February. Louis Philippe, when it was unfortunately too late, consented to a change of Ministry, but the formation of a new Government proved impossible. The Revolution could have been quelled, had it not been for the King's reluctance to shed blood in defence of the Throne to which he had been elected; even to the agitators themselves the completeness of the Revolution was a surprise.] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ DOWNING STREET, _23rd February 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at three o'clock to-morrow. Lord Normanby's letters from Paris give a little information.[6] There has been some fighting in the streets, and some apprehension for the night. But it does not appear probable that any serious danger will be incurred, with the troops in such force in Paris. Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between the Government of the King, and the Republicans. But in that case such men as M. Odilon Barrot will shrink from the contest. [Footnote 6: A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of March to Lord Palmerston (published in Ashley's _Life of Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. iii.) gives an account of the situation on the eve of the 22nd of February. On the 25th of February he wrote:-- "The National Guards, mixed with the people, were in full march upon the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life of the King, when Emile Girardin, the editor of the _Presse_ newspaper, who was in advance as an officer of the National Guard, hastily drew up an Act of Abdication, and placed it before the King as the only means of safety. The King at first refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Duc de Montpensier urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save his country from confusion. The King at last signed it, and threw it impatiently at the Duc de Montpensier, who, I believe, has been in favour of conciliatory counsel throughout. The Royal Family then retired through the garden, the King saying to every one as he passed, 'J'abdique, j'abdique.'"] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _26th February 1848._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am very unwell in consequence of the _awful_ events at Paris. How will this end? Poor Louise is in a state of despair which is pitiful to behold. What will soon become of us God alone knows; great efforts will be made to revolutionise this country; as there are poor and wicked people in all countries it may succeed. Against France we, of course, have a right to claim protection from England and the other Powers. I can write no more. God bless you. Ever your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Pageheading: FLIGHT OF FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY] _The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ BRUSSELS, _27th February 1848._ MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I understand by an account arrived this morning, and which seems to be correct, that my unfortunate parents arrived in England before yesterday evening: but I don't know _where_ they are. (I don't know anything of them since the 23rd, evening!!!) But you will surely know, and kindly forward the letter to my poor mother. I have just received your kind letter of the 25th, but I am unable to say more to-day. You will easily conceive my agony and anguish. What an _unbelievable_ clap of thunder! I know still nothing of what Nemours and Montpensier are become. I rely on your interest and sympathy, and remain as ever, yours most devotedly, LOUISE. I hear this moment with an _extreme relief_ that my parents were to arrive yesterday at London, and thank God from the bottom of my heart for their safety! In my agony I did not wish for anything else. [Pageheading: THE KING OF PRUSSIA] [Pageheading: ANARCHY IN PARIS] _The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._ [_Translation._] _27th February 1848._ MOST GRACIOUS QUEEN AND SISTER,--Even at this midnight hour of the day, on the evening of which the awful news from Paris has arrived, I venture to address these lines to your Majesty. God has permitted events which decisively threaten the peace of Europe. It is an attempt to "spread the principles of the Revolution by _every_ means throughout the whole of Europe." This programme binds together both these individuals and their parties. The consequences for the peace of the world are _clear_ and _certain_. If the revolutionary party carries out its programme, "The sovereignty of the people," my minor crown will be broken, no less certainly than the mighty crowns of your Majesty, and a fearful scourge will be laid upon the nations; a century [will follow] of rebellion, of lawlessness, and of godlessness. The late King did not dare to write "by the Grace of God." _We_, however, call ourselves King "by the Grace of God," because it is true. Well, then, most gracious Queen, let us now show to men, to the peoples threatened with disruption and nameless misery, both _that_ we understand our sacred office and _how_ we understand it. God has placed in your Majesty's hands, in the hands of the two Emperors, in those of the German Federation, and in mine, a power, which, if it now acts in union and harmony, with reliance on Heaven, is able humanly speaking, to enforce, with certainty, the maintenance of the peace of the world. This power is _not that of arms_, for these, more than ever, must only afford the _ultima ratio_. The power I mean is "the power of united speech." In the year 1830 the use of this immeasurable power was criminally neglected. But now I think the danger is much more pressing than it was then. This power is divided among _us_ in equal portions. I possess the smallest portion of it, and your Majesty has by far the greatest share. That share is so great that your Majesty, by your powerful word, might alone carry out the task. But the certainty of victory lies, subject to the Divine blessing, solely in our utterance being united. This must be our message to France; "that all of us are cordial well-wishers to France; we do not grudge her all possible welfare and glory; we mean never to encroach on it, and we will stand by the new Government as by the old, _foi de gentils-hommes_. But the first breach of the peace, be it with reference to Italy, Belgium, or Germany would be, undoubtedly and at the same time, a breach with 'all of us,' and we should, with all the power that God has given us, let France feel by _sea_ and by _land_, as in the years '13, '14, and '15, what our union may mean." _Now_ I bless Providence for having placed Lord Palmerston at the head of your Foreign Office, and keeping him there at this very moment. During the last quarter of the past year I could not always cordially agree with him. His genuine British disposition will honour this open confession. All the more frankly may I now express the hopes which rise in me, from the very fact of _his_ holding that office at the present moment; for a more active, more vivid, more energetic Minister of foreign affairs, a man that would more indefatigably pursue great aims, your Majesty could probably never have. If at this grave hour he sets himself to proclaim that our forces are united; if he himself utters his message as befits St George, he will earn the blessing of millions, and the blessing of God and of the world will rest on your Majesty's sacred head. That I am your Majesty's and _Old England's_ most faithful and most devoted brother and companion, you are aware, and I mean to prove it. On both, knees I adjure you, use, for the welfare of Europe, "_Engellands England_." With these words I fall at your Majesty's feet, most gracious Queen, and remain your Majesty's most faithfully devoted, most attached Servant and good Brother, FREDERIC WILLIAM. _P. S._--The Prince I embrace. He surely feels with me, and justly appraises my endeavours. _Post scriptum, 28th, in the evening._ I venture to open my letter again, for this day has brought us news from France, which one can only call _horrible_. According to what we hear, there is no longer left a King in France. A regency, a government, and the most complete anarchy has ensued, under the name of the Republic--a condition of things in which, at first, there will be no possibility of communicating with the people, infuriated with crime. In case a Government should evolve itself out of this chaos, I conscientiously hold that the "united word" of the great Powers, such as I have indicated in the preceding pages, should be made known, _without any modification, to the new holders of power_. Your Majesty's gracious friendship will certainly not take amiss this addition to my letter, though it be not conformable to strict etiquette. The fate of the poor old King, of the Duchess of Orleans, of the whole honourable and amiable family, cuts me to the heart, for up to this time we do not know what has become of any of them. We owe Louis Philippe eighteen happy years of peace. No noble heart must forget that. And yet--who would not recognise the avenging hand of the King of kings in all this? I kiss your Majesty's hands. [Pageheading: LETTER FROM QUEEN LOUISE] [Pageheading: ANXIETY OF QUEEN LOUISE] _The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ BRUSSELS, _28th February 1848._ MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--_What a misfortune! What_ an _awful, overwhelming, unexpected_ and _inexplicable catastrophe_. _Is it possible_ that we should witness _such events_, and that _this_ should be the end of nearly eighteen years of courageous and successful efforts to maintain order, peace, and make France happy, what _she was_? I have heard, I read hourly, _what has happened: I cannot believe it yet_; but if _my beloved parents_ and the remainder of the family are at least _safe_ I won't mind the rest. In the hours of agony we have gone through I asked God _only_ to spare _the lives_, and I ask still _nothing else_: but we don't know them yet _all_ saved, and till I have heard of my unfortunate parents, of my unhappy brothers far away, of all those for whom I would lay my life at any moment and whose danger I could not even share or alleviate, I cannot exist. I was _sure_, my beloved Victoria, of all _you_ would _feel for us_ when you would hear of these awful events. I received yesterday your two kind, warm, sympathising letters of the 25th and 26th, and thank you with _all my heart_ for them, and for yours and Albert's share and sympathy. _Our anguish_ has been _undescribable_. We have been _thirty-six hours without any news_, not knowing even if my parents and the family were still alive or not, and what had been their fate. Death is not worse than what we endured during these horrible hours. We don't know yet what to think, what to believe, I would almost say, what to wish; we are _stunned_ and _crushed_ by the awful blow. What has happened is _unaccountable, incomprehensible_; it appears to us like a _fearful_ dream. Alas! I fear my dear beloved father was led away by his _extreme courage_; by that same courage which had made his success and a part of his strength; for it is strange to say that even those that deplored most his resolution never to yield on certain things gave him credit for it. The exaggeration of the system of peace and resistance, or rather _immobility_, lost him, as that of war lost Napoleon. Had he shunned less war _on all occasions_, and granted in time some trifling reforms, he would have satisfied public opinion, and would probably be still where he was _only eight days ago_, strong, beloved, and respected! Guizot's accession has been _as fatal_ as his fall, and is perhaps the _first cause_ of our ruin, though my father cannot be blamed for having kept him in office, as he had the majority in the Chamber, and an overwhelming one. _Constitutionally_, he could not have been turned out, and it was _impossible to foresee_ that when all was quiet, the country prosperous and happy, the laws and liberty respected, the Government strong, a _Revolution_--and _such a Revolution_--would be brought on by a few imprudent words, and the resistance (lamentable as it was) to a manifestation which, in fact, the Government had a right to prevent. _It was the Almighty's will: we must submit._ He had decreed our loss the day He removed my beloved brother[7] from this world. Had he lived still, all this would have turned otherwise. It has been also an immense misfortune that Joinville and Aumale were both away. They were both popular (which poor dear _never-to-be-sufficiently-respected_ Nemours was _not_), energetic, courageous, and capable of turning chance in our favour. Oh! _how I long_ to know what is become of them! I cannot live till then, and the thought of my unfortunate parents _annihilates_ me! Poor dear Joinville had foreseen and foretold almost all that has happened, and it was the idea of the crisis he apprehended which made him so unhappy to go. He repeated it to me several times six weeks ago. Alas! _nobody_ would believe him, and who _could believe_ that in _a day_, almost without struggle, _all would be over_, and the past, the present, the future carried away on an unaccountable storm! _God's will be done!_ He was at least _merciful_ to my dear Aunt, and I hope He will preserve all those dear to me! Here everything is quiet: the horror general, and the best feeling and spirit prevailing. There is still now nothing to fear: but if _a republic really established_ itself in France, it is impossible to tell what may happen. For this reason your Uncle thinks it right that we should remove to some place of safety what we have of precious. If you permit I will avail myself of the various messengers that are going now to send _under your care_ several boxes, which you will kindly send to Claremont to Moor, to keep with those your Uncle already sent. They contain your Uncle's letters and those of my parents--the treasure I most value in the world. _29th._--MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,--This was written yesterday, in a moment of comparative quiet, when I thought my parents at least safe and in security in England. Albert's letter to your Uncle of the 27th, which arrived yesterday evening, says they were _not arrived yet_, and I am again in the most horrible agony. I had also yesterday evening details of their flight (_my father flying!!!_) by Madame de Murat, Victoire's lady, who has gone to England, which quite distracted me. Thank God that Nemours and Clém at least _are safe!_I am quite unable to say more, and I hope the Duchess and Alexandrine will excuse me if I don't write to them. Truly, I _can't_. I thank you only once more, my beloved Victoria, _for all your kindness_ and _interest_ for my unfortunate family, and trust all the anxiety you feel for us won't hurt you. God bless you ever, with all those dear to you. Believe me always, my beloved Victoria, yours most devotedly, LOUISE. I send you no letter for my mother in the present uncertainty. [Footnote 7: The Duc d'Orléans, who was killed on 13th July 1842.] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _29th February 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to transmit a short note from Lord Normanby, which is very satisfactory. Lord John Russell declared last night that your Majesty would not interfere in the internal affairs of France. But in repeating this declaration, in answer to Mr Cobden, he added that the sacred duties of hospitality would be, as in all times, performed towards persons of all opinions. Both declarations were generally cheered. In extending this hospitality to members of the Royal Family of France, it is only to be observed that no encouragement should be given by your Majesty to any notion that your Majesty would assist them to recover the Crown. In this light it is desirable that no _Prince_ of the House of Orleans should inhabit one of your Majesty's palaces in or near London. [Pageheading: THE NEW FRENCH GOVERNMENT] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ (_Undated._)[8] The Queen has perused the enclosed despatches and the proposed Minutes of a draft to Lord Normanby with Lord John Russell's remarks. She approves generally of the Minutes, but would like that amongst the laudable intentions of the new French Government, _that_ of keeping _inviolate_ the European Treaties should be brought in in some way. In the paper No. 2, the expression "_most cordial friendship_" strikes the Queen as rather too strong. We have just had sad experience of _cordial_ understandings. "Friendly relations" might do better or the whole sentence might run thus: "that not peace only but cordial friendship with France _had been at all times_ [instead of "is one of the," etc.] one of the first wishes of the British Government, and that this _will_ remain," etc., etc., etc. [Footnote 8: Apparently written at the end of February.] [Pageheading: ESCAPE OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Every hour seems to bring fresh news and events. Victoire and her children and Montpensier are at Jersey, and are expected to arrive to-morrow. About the King and Queen, we still know nothing, but we have some clue, and think _he may be_ somewhere on the coast, or even _in_ England. We do everything we can for the poor dear Family, who are indeed most dreadfully to be pitied; but you will naturally understand that we cannot _make cause commune_ with them and cannot take a hostile position opposite to the new state of things in France; we leave them alone, but if a Government which has the approbation of the country be formed, we shall feel it necessary to recognise it, in order to pin them down to maintain peace and the existing Treaties, which is of great importance. It will not be pleasant for us to do this, but the public good and the peace of Europe go before one's feelings. God knows what _one feels_ towards the French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain the fine and independent position you are now in, which is so gratifying to us, and I am sure you will feel that much as we all must sympathise with our poor French relations, you should not for that quarrel with the existing state of things, which however is very uncertain. There were fresh reports of great confusion at Paris, which is sure to happen. All our poor relations have gone through is worthy only of a _dreadful_ romance, and poor Clém behaves beautifully, courageously, and calmly, and is full of resignation; but she can get no sleep, poor thing--and hears the horrid cries and sees those _fiend-like faces_ before her! The children are very happy with ours, but very unmanageable. I saw the Duchesse de Montpensier to-day. Now, with every wish for _all_ going on well, believe me ever, your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: MR FEATHERSTONHAUGH] [Pageheading: A GRAPHIC NARRATIVE] _Mr Featherstonhaugh[9] to Viscount Palmerston._ HAVRE, _3rd March 1848._ MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON,--It was a hair-trigger affair altogether, but thanks be to God everything has gone off admirably. I was obliged to abandon the plan of trusting the King in a fishing-boat from Trouville. The weather was very stormy; had he attempted to find the steamer, he might have failed, for the sea was in a furious state and the wind ahead. There was also the danger of the fishing-boat being lost, a contingency the very idea of which made me miserable. I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after much and careful reflection determined to execute one more within my control, and the boldness of which, though trying to the nerves, was its very essence for success. It was to bring the King and Queen into Havre itself before anybody could suspect such a dangerous intention, and have everything ready for their embarkation to a minute. To carry out the plan, I wanted vigilant, intelligent, and firm agents, and I found them as it turned out. It was known to me that the lower classes suspected it was M. Guizot concealed at Trouville, and as some sinister occurrence might reasonably be expected there, I sent a faithful person into Calvados. It was high time. The mob had assembled at the place where the King was, who had to slip out at the back door and walk two leagues on foot. At length he reached a small cottage belonging to a gardener at Honfleur, where the Queen was. This was half-past six o'clock A.M. yesterday. My agent saw the King and Queen, who, after some conversation, sent him back with this message, that they "would wait where they were until they again heard from me, and would carry out my final arrangements with exactitude, as far as it depended upon them." I now instructed Captain Paul to be ready at half-past seven P.M., when it would be dark, to have his water hot, ready to get up steam; to have only a rope moored to the quay with an anchor astern; to expect me with a party a little before eight P.M., and as soon as I had got on board with my party and told him to push off, he was to let me go on shore, cut his rope and cable, get into the middle of the Basin, up with his steam and jib and push for England. Not a word was to be spoken on board. To get the King here from Honfleur the following method was adopted: M. Bresson, a loyal and intelligent officer in the French Navy and well known to the King, and Mr Jones, my Vice-Consul and principal Clerk, went in the steam ferry-boat a quarter before five P.M. to Honfleur. From the landing-place it is three-quarters of a mile to the place where the King and Queen were concealed. The ferry-boat was to leave Honfleur for Havre a quarter before seven o'clock. I had given M. Bresson a passport for Mr and Mrs Smith, and with this passport the King was to walk to the landing-place, where he was to be met by my Vice-Consul and be governed by him. If the _gens d'armes_ disputed his passport Mr Jones was to vouch for its regularity, and say that he was sent by me to conduct Mr Smith to Havre, who was my Uncle. M. Bresson was to follow with the Queen, and the rest of the suite were to come to the ferry-boat one after another, but none of the party were to know each other. The ferry-boat was to arrive in Havre about half-past seven, and I was to do the rest. A white pocket-handkerchief was to be twice exhibited as a signal that all was right so far. The difficulty of the _gens d'armes_ being infinitely more to be provided against and apprehended here, I first confidentially communicated to the greatest gossips in the town that I had seen a written statement from an official person that the King had reached England in a fishing-boat from the neighbourhood of Tréport, and then got some persons whom I could rely upon, sons of my tradesmen here who are in the National Guard, to be near the steamer that was to receive the King, to give me their assistance if it should be necessary, on account of the turbulence of the crowd, to embark some friends of mine who were going to England. And if an extraordinary number of _gens d'armes_ were stationed at the steamer, and they hesitated about letting my Uncle go on board, then about one hundred yards off I had two persons who were to pretend a quarrel and a fight, to which I knew the _gens d'armes_ would all go as well as the crowd. In the meantime I hoped that as Captain Paul made no noise with his steam that the crowd would not assemble, and that we might find no _gens d'armes_. The anxiously expected moment at length arrived. The ferry-boat steamer came to the quay; it was almost dark, but I saw the white pocket-handkerchief. There was a great number of passengers, which favoured the debarkation. When half of them were out, the trembling Queen came up the ladder. I took her hand, told her it was me, and M. Bresson walked with her towards our steamer. At last came the King, disguised, his whiskers shaved off, a sort of casquette on his head, and a coarse overcoat, and immense goggles over his eyes. Not being able to see well, he stumbled, when I advanced, took his hand and said, "Ah, dear Uncle, I am delighted to see you." Upon which he answered, "My dear George, I am glad you are here." The English about me now opened the crowd for their Consul, and I moved off to a quiet and shaded part of the quay. But my dear Uncle talked so loud and so much that I had the greatest difficulty to make him keep silence. At length we reached the steamer; it was like a clock-work movement. The crowd was again opened for me. I conducted the King to a state-room below, gave him some information, and having personally ascertained that the Queen was in her cabin, and being very much touched with her tears and her grateful acknowledgments, I respectfully took my leave, gave the Captain the word to cut loose, and scrambled ashore. In twenty minutes the steamer was outside, steaming away for England. I drove down to the jetty, and had that last satisfaction of seeing her beyond all possibility of recall, and then drove home. Much has been said this morning about the mysterious departure of Captain Paul, and I have been obliged to confess that the gentleman I was seen conducting on board was a brother of the King of Naples, who was immensely frightened without cause, and that I had engaged the steamer for him and his family. Many think, however, that it was the King, but then again that could not be if he crossed over from Tréport in a fishing-boat. We have got everybody completely mystified, and there are only four persons in the secret, who will all remain in the same story. I have scribbled, amidst the most hurried engagements, this little narrative, believing that it would interest your Lordship. It has the interest of romance and the support of truth. I have the honour to be, etc. G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH. Information has just reached me that one hour after the King and Queen left their hiding-place last night, and just when I was embarking them, an officer and three _gens d'armes_ came to the place to arrest him. They were sent by the new Republican _Préfet_. It appears that the man who gave him refuge had confessed who he was as soon as the King had left Trouville, and had betrayed the King's hiding-place at Honfleur. What an escape! Your Lordship will see a paragraph in the enclosed newspaper not altogether false. We in the secret know nothing about Louis Philippe; we know something about the Count of Syracuse and something about Mr William Smith. If it leaks out, it must come from England. Here no one has any proof. In the meantime almost everybody here is delighted to think that he may have escaped. [Footnote 9: British Consul at Havre. This letter was submitted to the Queen by Lord Palmerston.] [Pageheading: ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND] [Pageheading: RECEPTION AT CLAREMONT] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ CARLTON GARDENS, _3rd March 1848._ (3 P.M.) Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that General Dumas has just been with him to announce that the King and Queen of the French landed this morning at Newhaven, having been brought over in the Steam Packet Express, in which they embarked at Havre yesterday evening about eight o'clock. General Dumas says that till the morning of their arrival at Dreux the King and the Queen imagined that the Comte de Paris had succeeded to the Throne, and that the Duchess of Orleans had been declared Regent; that when they heard that a Republic and a Provisional Government had been declared they thought it unsafe to remain at Dreux; and that they then separated in order to go by different roads to Honfleur, where they were to meet at a small house belonging to a friend of General Dumas. At that house they remained for some days, until Mr Featherstonhaugh opened a communication with them. The King then removed to Trouville in order to embark from thence in a manner which Mr Featherstonhaugh had arranged, and he remained there two or three days for that purpose; but the weather was too stormy, and prevented his departure. In the meanwhile the people of Trouville found out who he was, and their demonstrations of attachment became inconvenient. He therefore returned to Honfleur, and the arrangements were altered. Yesterday evening at seven o'clock the King, the Queen, and General Dumas came to the ferry-boat which plies between Honfleur and Havre, and were met by the Vice-Consul, who treated the King as uncle of the Consul. On landing at Havre the King walked straight down to the Express Packet, which was lying ready; the Queen went separately, and after making a slight round through the streets of Havre embarked also; the Packet then immediately started, and went into Newhaven in preference to any other port, because no Packets start from thence for the French coast. General Dumas says that the whole party were unprovided with anything but the clothes they wore, and he was going to the King's banker to provide funds to enable him to come to town, and said that the King begged him to apologise for his not having at once written to your Majesty to thank your Majesty for the great interest which your Majesty has taken in his safety, and for the assistance, which he has received for his escape, but that he would do so this evening. General Dumas said that the King's present intention is to remain in England in the strictest _incognito_, and that he and the Queen will assume the title of Count and Countess of Neuilly. Viscount Palmerston explained to General Dumas that your Majesty has made arrangements for the King's reception at Claremont, and that your Majesty intended to send down an officer of your Majesty's Household to communicate with the King. General Dumas said that the King would most gratefully avail himself of the arrangement as to Claremont, but that under all circumstances, and as the King wished to remain in entire privacy, he thought it would be better that no person from your Majesty's Household should go down to the King at Newhaven, and that he was sure the King would rather find his own way from the railway station at London Bridge to Claremont than attract attention by being met at the station by any of your Majesty's carriages. The King would remain to-night at Newhaven, and would come up to-morrow morning. General Dumas said that the King and the Queen had gone through much personal fatigue and mental anxiety, but are both well in health. The General was going to Count Jarnac before he returned to Newhaven. [Pageheading: THE KING'S GRATITUDE] _The King of the French to Queen Victoria._ NEWHAVEN, SUSSEX, _3ème Mars 1848._ MADAME,--Après avoir rendu grâces à Dieu, mon premier devoir est d'offrir à votre Majesté l'hommage de ma reconnaissance pour la généreuse assistance qu'elle nous a donnée, à moi et à tous les miens et que la Providence vient de couvrir d'un succès complet, puisque j'apprends qu'ils sont tous à présent sur la terre hospitalière de l'Angleterre. Ce n'est plus, Madame, que _le Comte de Neuilly_ qui, se rappelant vos anciennes bontés, vient chercher sous ses auspices, un asyle et une retraite paisible et aussi éloignée de tout rapport politique que celle dont il y a joui dans d'autres temps, et dont il a toujours précieusement conservé le souvenir. On me presse tellement pour ne pas manquer le train qui emportera ma lettre que j'ai à peine le temps de prier votre Majesté d'être mon interprète auprès du Prince votre auguste Époux. Ma femme, accablée de fatigue par la vie que nous venons de mener depuis dix jours! écrira un peu plus tard à votre Majesté. Tout ce qu'elle a pu faire, est de tracer quelques mots pour notre bien aimée Louise que je recommande à votre bonté. On me presse encore, Madame, je ne puis que me souscrire avec mon vieil attachement pour vous, de votre Majesté, très affectionné, LOUIS PHILIPPE. _The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria._ NEWHAVEN, _3ème Mars 1848._ MADAME,--A peine arrivée dans cette contrée hospitalière après 9 jours d'une cruelle agonie, mon premier sentiment, après avoir béni la Divine Providence, c'est de remercier, du fond de mon c[oe]ur, votre Majesté, pour les facilités qu'elle a bien voulu nous donner pour venir dans ce pays terminer nos vieux jours dans la tranquillité et l'oubli. Une vive inquiétude me tourmente, c'est d'apprendre le sort de mes enfants chéris desquels nous avons dû nous séparer; j'ai la confiance qu'ils auront trouvé aussi un appui dans le c[oe]ur généreux de votre Majesté, et qu'ils auront été également sauvés comme leur admirable Père, mon premier trésor. Que Dieu vous bénisse, Madame, ainsi que le Prince Albert et vos enfants, et vous préserve de malheurs pareils aux nôtres, c'est le v[oe]u le plus sincère de celle qui se dit, Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée, MARIE AMÉLIE. [Pageheading: ARRIVAL OF GUIZOT] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ HOUSE OF COMMONS, _3rd March 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he has read with deep interest the affecting letter of the fallen King. After the vicissitudes of a long life, it may be no irremediable calamity if a Prince of great powers of mind and warm domestic affections is permitted by Providence to end his days in peace and tranquillity. Of course all enmity to his projects as a King ceases with his deposition. M. Guizot came to London from Dover at half-past six. _Queen Victoria to the King of the French._ PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _3ème Mars 1848._ SIRE ET MON CHER FRÈRE,--C'était une consolation bien vive pour moi de recevoir la bonne lettre de votre Majesté qui m'a bien touchée. Nous avons tous été dans de vives inquiétudes pour vous, pour la Reine et toute la famille, et nous remercions la Providence pour que vous soyez arrivés en sûreté sur le sol d'Angleterre, et nous sommes bien heureux de savoir que vous êtes ici loin de tous ces dangers qui vous ont récemment menacés. Votre Majesté croira combien ces derniers affreux événements si inattendus nous ont péniblement agités. Il nous tarde de savoir que vos santés n'ont pas été altérées par ces derniers jours d'inquiétude et de fatigue. Albert me charge d'offrir les hommages à votre Majesté, et je vous prie de déposer les nôtres aux pieds de la Reine, à qui je compte répondre demain. Je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur, VICTORIA R. _Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French._ PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _4ème Mars 1848._ MADAME,--Votre Majesté aura excusé que je ne vous ai pas de suite remercié de votre bonne et aimable lettre de hier. C'est des fonds de mon c[oe]ur que je me réjouis de vous savoir en sûreté à Claremont avec le Roi. Mes pensées étaient auprès de votre Majesté pendant tous ces affreux jours, et je frémis en pensant à tout ce que vous avez souffert de corps et d'âme. Albert sera le Porteur de ces lignes; j'aurais été si heureuse de l'accompagner pour vous voir, mais je n'ose plus quitter Londres. Avec l'expression de l'affection et de l'estime, je me dis toujours, Madame, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée S[oe]ur, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: THE ROYAL FUGITIVES] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ CARLTON GARDENS, _5th March 1848._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and cannot see that there could be any objection to the King and Queen of the French coming to town to visit your Majesty, and indeed, on the contrary, it would seem under all the circumstances of the case natural that they should be anxious to see your Majesty, and that your Majesty should be desirous of receiving them. Viscount Palmerston was sure that your Majesty would read with interest Mr Featherstonhaugh's account of the manner in which he managed the escape of the King and Queen of the French. It is like one of Walter Scott's best tales, and the arrangements and the execution of them do great credit to Mr Featherstonhaugh, who will be highly gratified to learn, as Viscount Palmerston proposes to inform him, that your Majesty has approved his conduct. Mr Featherstonhaugh has also probably rendered a good service to the Provisional Government, who would have been much embarrassed if their Commissioner had arrested the King and Queen. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th March 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert has written to you so constantly that I have little to add; he just tells me this is not quite true. However, there is nothing very new except that we have seen the King and Queen; Albert went down to Claremont to see them on Saturday, and yesterday they came here with Montpensier. They both look very _abattus_, and the poor Queen cried much in thinking of what she had gone through--and what dangers the King had incurred; in short, humbled poor people they looked. Dearest Vic I saw on Sunday; _she_ has also gone through much, and is so dear and good and gentle. She looked wonderfully well _considering_. They are still _very_ much in want of means, and live on a very reduced scale. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S VIEW OF THE CRISIS] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th March 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I profit by the departure of Andrews to write to you a few lines, and to wish you joy of the continued satisfactory behaviour of my friends, the good Belgians; fervently do I hope and really trust all will go on well; but what an extraordinary state of things everywhere! _"Je ne sais plus où je suis,"_ and I fancy really that we have gone back into the _old_ century. But I also feel one must not be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of good cheer, and muster up courage to meet all the difficulties. Our little riots are mere nothing, and the feeling here is good.... _What_ is _your_ opinion as to the late events at Paris? Do you not think the King ought to have retired to Vincenness or somewhere else a day or two before, and put himself at the head of the army? Ought not Montpensier at least to have gone to Vincennes? I know Clém even thinks this--as also that _one_ ought to have foreseen, and ought to have managed things better. Certainly at the _very last_, if they had not gone, they would all have been massacred; and _I_ think they were quite right, and in short could not avoid going as quickly as they could; but there is an impression they _fled_ too quickly. Still the recollection of Louis XVI.... is enough to justify all, and everybody will admit that; but the Princes, they think, ought to have remained. _What_ do _you_ think of all this? I think the blunders were _all_ on the last three or four days--and on the last day, but were no longer to be avoided at last; there seemed a _fatality_, and _all_ was lost. Poor Nemours did his best till he could _no longer_ get to the troops. People here also abuse him for letting Victoire go alone--but he _remained_ to do his _duty_; a little more _empressement_ on her arrival here I would have wished. Albert told you all about the Montpensiers' journey. It would do the King irreparable mischief if they went now to Spain; the feeling of anger would all return. Poor people! they are all in a sad state of _want_ at present. I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to have your opinion. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SYMPATHY] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th March 1848._ The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering Lord Melbourne hers and the Prince's best wishes for many happy returns of it in health and strength. Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the last three weeks have brought back the times of the last century, and we are in the midst of troubles abroad. The Revolution in France is a sad and alarming thing.... The poor King and his Government made many mistakes within the last two years, and were obstinate and totally blind at the last till flight was inevitable. But for _sixteen_ years he did a great deal to maintain peace, and made France prosperous, which should _not_ be forgotten.... Lord Melbourne's kind heart will grieve to think of the _real want_ the poor King and Queen are in, their dinner-table containing barely enough to eat. And the poor Nemours hardly know which way to turn. If the private property be not restored God only knows what is to become of these distinguished young Princes and their little children. What will be their _avenir_? It breaks one's heart to think of it, and the Queen, being so nearly related to them and knowing them all, feels it very much. Surely the poor old King is sufficiently punished for his faults. Lord Beauvale will surely be shocked at the complete ruin of the family. Has he seen or heard from his old friend Madame de Montjoye, who is here with the Queen of the French? The poor dear Queen of the Belgians is quite broken-hearted, but, thank God, Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany also there are everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans are at bottom very loyal.... The state of Paris is very gloomy; the rabble armed--keeping the Government in awe--failures in all directions, and nothing but ruin and misery. This is too gloomy a letter for a birthday, and the Queen must apologise for it. The Prince wishes to be kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne. [Pageheading: THE CZAR'S VIEW] _The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._ 22 Mars ST. PETERSBURG, _le ------- 1848._ 3 Avril MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Veuillez me permettre, Madame, d'offrir à votre Majesté mes sincères félicitations de son heureuse délivrance.[10] Puisse le bon Dieu conserver votre Majesté et toute son auguste famille, c'est mon v[oe]u de tous les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame, au milieu des désastres qui renversent l'ordre social, l'on éprouve le besoin de relier les liens d'amitié que l'on a été heureux de former dans de meilleurs temps; ceux-là au moins nous restent, car ils sont hors de la portée des hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de ce que votre noble c[oe]ur me comprendra. En jettant les yeux sur ce qui se passe, peut-être votre Majesté accordera-t-elle un souvenir à ce que j'eus l'honneur de lui prédire, assis à table près d'elle: depuis, 4 années à peine se sont écoulées, et que reste-t-il encore debout en Europe? La Grande-Bretagne et la Russie! Ne serait-il pas naturel d'en conclure que notre union intime est appelée peut-être à sauver le monde? Excusez, Madame, cet épanchement d'un c[oe]ur qui vous est dévoué et qui a pris l'habitude de souvenir à vous. J'ose avec une entière confiance compter sur l'amitié de votre Majesté, et la prie de recevoir l'assurance de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué et fidèle bon Frère et Ami, NICOLAS. Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son Altesse Royale Monsieur le Prince Albert. [Footnote 10: The Princess Louise was born on 18th March.] _The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._ BRUSSELS, _25th March 1848._ MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... England seems quiet, and even the attempt in Ireland seems to have passed over. But Germany is in an awful state, beyond what I ever should have thought possible in that country, and with such a good nation. For years, however, all sorts of people had been stirring them up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of the Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, who in fact was desirous of retiring from politics, should be on the Continent the only Sovereign who stood the storm, though I am at ten hours' distance from Paris. I trust we shall be able to go on with our money matters to enable us to keep up; our working classes are at this moment what occupies us most, and much has been done, and our Banks, which were much threatened, are now safe. We work hard, and with these few days I suffered a little, but I am better to-day. Louise is tolerably well; the poor children are attentive and amiable. Poor things! _their existence_ is a good deal on the cards, and fortunes, private and public, are in equal danger. Now I will leave you that you should not be tired. Ever, my beloved child, your devoted Uncle, LEOPOLD R. [Pageheading: THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th April 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for three most kind letters, of the 18th and 25th March, and of the 1st. Thank God, I am _particularly strong_ and _well_ in _every possible respect_, which is a blessing in these _awful, sad, heart-breaking_ times. From the first I heard all that passed, and my only thoughts and talk were--Politics; but I never was calmer and quieter or less nervous. _Great_ events make me quiet and calm, and little trifles fidget me and irritate my nerves. But _I feel_ grown old and serious, and the future is very dark. God, however, will come to help and protect us, and we must keep up our spirits. _Germany_ makes me so sad; on the other hand, Belgium is a real pride and happiness. We saw your poor father and mother-in-law with the Nemours, Joinville, and Aumale yesterday. Still a dream to see them _thus, here!_They are well in health, and the young people's conduct most praiseworthy; really the three Princesses are astonishing, and a beautiful lesson to every one. They are so much admired and respected for it. My beloved Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so cheerful. She often comes to see me, and this is a great pleasure to me, if only it was not caused by such misfortunes! Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the continuation of your present most flourishing position, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. _Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._ CHESHAM PLACE, _9th April 1848._ SIR,--The Cabinet have had the assistance of the Duke of Wellington in framing their plans for to-morrow. Colonel Rowan[11] advised that the procession should be formed, and allowed to come as far as the bridge they may choose to pass, and should there be stopped. He thinks this is the only way to avoid a fight. If, however, the Chartists fire and draw their swords and use their daggers, the Military are to be called out. I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a London mob. But any loss of life will cause a deep and rankling resentment. I trust, for this and every reason, that all may pass off quietly. I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant, J. RUSSELL. [Footnote 11: Chief Commissioner of Police, afterwards Sir C. Rowan, K.C.B. The Chartist meeting had been fixed for the 10th.] [Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED] _The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _10th April 1848._ MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--To-day the strength of the Chartists and all evil-disposed people in the country will be brought to the test against the force of the law, the Government, and the good sense of the country. I don't feel doubtful for a moment who will be found the stronger, but should be exceedingly mortified if anything like a commotion was to take place, as it would shake _that_ confidence which the whole of Europe reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon which will depend the prosperity of the country. I have enquired a good deal into the state of employment about London, and I find, to my great regret, that the number of workmen of all trades out of employment is _very_ large, and that it has been increased by the reduction of all the works under Government, owing to the clamour for economy in the House of Commons. Several hundred workmen have been discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham Palace much fewer hands are employed than are really wanted; the formation of Battersea Park has been suspended, etc., etc. Surely this is not the moment for the tax-payers to economise upon the working classes! And though I don't wish our Government to follow Louis Blanc in his system of _organisation du travail_,[12] I think the Government is bound to do what it can to help the working classes over the present moment of distress. It may do this consistently with real economy in its own works, whilst the reductions on the part of the Government are followed by all private individuals as a sign of the times. I have before this spoken to Lord Morpeth[13] upon this subject, but I wish to bring it specially under your consideration at the present moment. Ever yours truly, ALBERT. [Footnote 12: Alluding to the _Ateliers Nationaux_, to be established under the guidance of a Council of Administration.] [Footnote 13: Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests.] [Pageheading: FEARGUS O'CONNOR] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ DOWNING STREET, _10th April 1848._ (2 P.M.) Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the Kennington Common Meeting has proved a complete failure. About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. Feargus O'Connor, upon arriving upon the ground in a car, was ordered by Mr Mayne[14] to come and speak to him. He immediately left the car and came, looking pale and frightened, to Mr Mayne. Upon being told that the meeting would not be prevented, but that no procession would be allowed to pass the bridges, he expressed the utmost thanks, and begged to shake Mr Mayne by the hand. He then addressed the crowd, advising them to disperse, and after rebuking them for their folly he went off in a cab to the Home Office, where he repeated to Sir George Grey his thanks, his fears, and his assurances that the crowd should disperse quietly. Sir George Grey said he had done very rightly, but that the force at the bridges should not be diminished. Mr F. O'Connor--"Not a man should be taken away. The Government have been quite right. I told the Convention that if they had been the Government they never would have allowed such a meeting." The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 rapidly dispersing. The mob was in good humour, and any mischief that now takes place will be the act of individuals; but it is to be hoped the preparations made will daunt those wicked but not brave men. The accounts from the country are good. Scotland is quiet. At Manchester, however, the Chartists are armed, and have bad designs. A quiet termination of the present ferment will greatly raise us in foreign countries. Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty has profited by the sea air. [Footnote 14: Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police, created a K.C.B. in 1851.] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _15th April 1848._ Lord John Russell has a letter from Lord Clarendon to-day in better spirits, but somewhat fearing an outbreak in Dublin to-night. He speaks confidently of the disposition of the troops. Lord John Russell cannot wonder that your Majesty has felt deeply the events of the last six weeks. The King of the French has brought upon his own family, upon France, and upon Europe a great calamity. A moderate and constitutional Government at home, coupled with an abstinence from ambitious projects for his family abroad, might have laid the foundation of permanent peace, order, and freedom in Europe. Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which honesty and wisdom might have maintained. It is impossible not to pity the innocent victims of the misconduct of Louis Philippe. Still less can one refrain from regarding with dread the fearful state of Germany, of her princes, her nobles, and her tempest-tossed people. The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure an interval of reflection for Europe. The next six months will be very trying, but they may end with better prospects than we can now behold. It was impossible that the exclusion of free speaking and writing which formed the essence of Prince Metternich's system could continue. It might have been reformed quietly; it has fallen with a crash which spreads ruin and death around. Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations of your Majesty and the Prince.[15] She is going on well to-day. [Footnote 15: On the birth of a second son.] [Pageheading: ALARMING STATE OF IRELAND] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _16th April 1848._ The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. The state of Ireland is most alarming and most anxious; altogether, there is so much inflammable matter all around us that it makes one tremble. Still, the events of Monday must have a calming and salutary effect. Lord John Russell's remarks about Europe, and the unfortunate and calamitous policy of the Government of the poor King of the French are most true. But is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attribute it to himself), for, to see all his hopes thus destroyed, his pride humbled, his children--whom he loves dearly--ruined--is not this enough to make a man wretched? and indeed much to be pitied; for _he_ cannot feel _he_ could _not_ have prevented all this. Still Guizot is more to blame; _he_ was the responsible adviser of all this policy: he is _no_ Bourbon, and he ought to have behaved differently. Had the poor King died in 1844 after he came here, and before that most unfortunate Spanish marriages question was started, he would have deservedly gone down to posterity as a great monarch. _Now_, what will be his name in history? His fate is a great _moral!_ With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the cause of half the misfortune. His advice was taken by almost all the sovereigns of that country, and it has kept them from doing in time what has now been torn from them with the loss of many rights which they need not have sacrificed. We heard yesterday that the Archduke John[16] had arrived at Frankfort. This is a wise measure, and may do much good and prevent much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished prince.... [Footnote 16: Uncle of the Emperor (Ferdinand I.) of Austria, born 1782.] [Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _17th April 1848._ The Queen not having heard anything from Lord Palmerston respecting foreign affairs for so long a time, and as he must be in constant communication with the Foreign Ministers in these most eventful and anxious times, writes to urge Lord Palmerston to keep her informed of what he hears, and of the views of the Government on the important questions before us. She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone. The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark and Holstein is too important an event not to have been first submitted to the Queen. _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ CARLTON GARDENS, _18th April 1848._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and regrets much that he has not lately had an opportunity of giving your Majesty verbally such explanations as your Majesty might wish to receive with respect to the progress of foreign affairs, but Viscount Palmerston hopes to be able to get down to Broadlands for a few days on Saturday next, and he could easily from thence wait upon your Majesty on any morning and at any hour your Majesty might be pleased to appoint. Although events of the greatest importance have been passing in rapid succession in almost every part of Europe, the position of your Majesty's Government has been one rather of observation than of action, it being desirable that England should keep herself as free as possible from unnecessary engagements and entanglements, in order that your Majesty may be at liberty to take such decisions as the state of things may from time to time appear to render most advisable. [Pageheading: LOYALTY OF BELGIUM] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BARTON, _18th April 1848._ DEAREST UNCLE,--Detained here by a heavy shower of rain, I begin my letter to you and thank you warmly for your dear and kind letter of the 15th, which I received yesterday. _Truly_ proud and delighted are we at the conduct of the Belgians,[17] and at their loyalty and affection for you and yours, which I am sure must be a reward for all that you have done these seventeen years. I must beg to say that you are wrong in supposing that no mention is made of what took place on the 9th in our papers; on the contrary, it has been _most gratifyingly_ mentioned in the _Times_, _Chronicle_, _John Bull_, _etc._ _You_ are held up as a pattern to the German Sovereigns, and the Belgians as a pattern to the German people. In France, really things go on _dreadfully_.... One does not like to attack those who are fallen, but the poor King, Louis Philippe, _has_ brought much of this on by that ill-fated return to a _Bourbon Policy_. I always think he _ought not_ to have abdicated; every one seems to think he _might_ have stemmed the torrent _then_ still. On the other hand, Joinville says it was sure to happen, for that the French want constant change, and were quite tired of the present Government. _Qu'en dites-vous?_ How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her spirits are better. Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fine between. We have got nightingales in the pleasure ground, and in the wood down near the sea. We are all extremely well, and expect the Prince of Prussia here to-day for two nights. Ever your devoted and attached Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 17: A party of French Republicans entered Belgium with the intention of exciting an insurrection; the attempt signally failed.] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _1st May 1848._ The Queen has this morning received Lord Palmerston's letter.[18] She cannot see any reason for deviating from the established rules, and inviting to Court Frenchmen who are not recognised in their official capacity, and have no natural representatives to present them as private individuals. As an invitation cannot be claimed by them, the omission of it ought not to lead to any misrepresentation; whilst the contrary, under the fiction of their being private individuals, might lead to misconstruction and to most inconvenient precedents. [Footnote 18: M. de Tallenay had arrived in London with a letter from M. Lamartine, accrediting him as provisional _chargé d'affaires_ of the French Government, and Lord Palmerston had suggested to the Queen that etiquette would not be violated by inviting him to a Court Ball.] [Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your very kind letter of the 6th. How delightful it is to hear such good accounts of Belgium! If only dear Germany gets right and if all our interests (those of the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrified! I cannot say _how_ it distresses and vexes me, and _comme je l'ai à c[oe]ur_. My good and dear Albert is much worried and works _very_ hard.... I had a curious account of the opening of the _Assemblée_ from Lady Normanby.[19] No _real_ enthusiasm, dreadful confusion, and the Blouses taking part in everything, and stopping the Speakers if they did not please them. The opinion is that it cannot last. I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with an account of the poor Tuileries, which is very curious and sad; but the respect shown for poor Chartres is very touching, and might interest poor dear Louise, if you think fit to show it her. But why show such hatred to poor Nemours and to the Queen? Montpensier's marriage may cause _his_ unpopularity, possibly. I shall beg to have the letter back. I must conclude, as we are going to pay a visit at Claremont this afternoon. Ever your truly devoted Child and Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 19: The National Assembly commenced its sittings on 4th May, when the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the Republic proclaimed in the presence of 200,000 citizens.] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th May 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have just heard the news of the extraordinary confusion at Paris, which must end in a _Blutbad_. Lamartine has quite lost all influence by yielding to and supporting Ledru Rollin![20] It seems inexplicable! In Germany, too, everything looks most anxious, and I _tremble_ for the result of the Parliament at Frankfort.[21] I am _so_ anxious for the fate of the poor smaller Sovereigns, which it would be infamous to sacrifice. I feel it _much_ more than Albert, as it would break my heart to see Coburg _reduced_. Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 13th. Thank God! that with you everything goes on so well. I will take care and let Lord Normanby know your kind expressions. The visit to old Claremont was a touching one, and it seemed an incomprehensible dream to see them all there. They bear up wonderfully. Nothing can be kinder than the Queen-Dowager's behaviour towards them all. The poor Duchess of Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and gave us a dreadful fright at the Christening by quite forgetting where she was, and coming and kneeling at my feet in the midst of the service. Imagine our horror! I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but too hot for me. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 20: Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the Provisional Government, and subsequently of the Executive Committee. The mob, holding that the promises of general employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly _en masse_, and attempted a counter-revolution.] [Footnote 21: Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany had grown their National Assembly, which after a preliminary session as a _Vor-Parlament_, was to reassemble on 18th May.] [Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ (_No date._) The Queen has carefully perused the enclosed papers, and wishes to have a copy of Baron Hummelauer's[22] note sent to her to keep. The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and the Queen was struck by the light way in which the claims of the Dukes of Parma and Modena are spoken of (as disposed of by the events), whilst their position and that of Austria are in every respect identical.[23] The Queen thinks Lord Palmerston's proposition the one which is the most equitable, still likely to be attained, but it does not go far enough; the position which Austria means to take _in Italy_ with her Italian province ought to be explained, and a declaration be made that Austria will, with this province, join any Italian league which the other states of Italy may wish to establish. This will be useful to Italy, and much facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as the Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall be terminated, the question of the political constitution of Italy (as a whole) will have to be decided. Why Charles Albert ought to get any additional territory the Queen cannot in the least see. She thinks it will be better to proceed at once upon the revised Austrian proposal, than to wait for Italian propositions, which are sure to be ridiculously extravagant. [Footnote 22: The Austrian Government, in its efforts to maintain its ascendency in Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer to negotiate with Lord Palmerston.] [Footnote 23: The Dukes had both been driven from their dominions, while the King (Charles Albert) of Sardinia threw in his lot with the cause of United Italy as against Austria, which then ruled Lombardy.] [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _23rd May 1848._ The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting Spain and Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H. Bulwer[24] is a serious affair, which will add to our many embarrassments; the Queen is, however, not surprised at it, from the tenor of the last accounts from Madrid, and from the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three years almost been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably boasted of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy, "though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in them," and, after their various failures, generally harboured the chief actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At every crisis he gave us to understand that he had to choose between a "revolution and a palace intrigue," and not long ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be known in Spain, the more so when one considers the extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable imprudence in the not very creditable company which he is said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that the Queen has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear of Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists are not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment be exposed to similar insults as she has received now in the person of Sir H. Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish to look at it, Sir Henry still is _her_ Minister. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to Lord John Russell, and to let her know what the Government mean to propose with respect to this unfortunate affair. [Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer (which the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing the Spanish Queen on her choice of Minister. This "assumption of superiority," as Sir R. Peel called it, led to a peremptory order to Bulwer to leave Spain in twenty-four hours. His own account of the affair appears in his _Life of Palmerston_, vol. iii. chap. vii.] [Pageheading: THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA] _The Prince of Prussia to Queen Victoria._ [_Translation._] BRUSSELS _30th May 1848._ MOST GRACIOUS COUSIN,--I obey the impulse of my heart in seizing my pen, without any delay, in order to express to you my warmest and most heartfelt thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way with which you and the Prince have treated me during my stay in London.[25] It was a melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic view which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became not only bearable, but even transformed into one that became proportionately honourable and dignified. This graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed towards the change of opinion which has resulted in my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a heavy heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future lies before me to meet--and only knowing that I shall need the strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in England and an insight into her institutions have afforded me in full measure. Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to whom I shall write as soon as possible, I remain, most gracious Cousin, your faithful and most gratefully devoted Cousin, PRINCE OF PRUSSIA. [Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor William I., having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had been obliged in March to fly for his life, in disguise, _viâ_ Hamburg, to England.] [Pageheading: THE ROYAL EXILES] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1848._ The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John Russell on the subject of the French Royal Family, and therefore writes to him now. As it seems now most probable that they, or at least some of them, will take up their residence for a lengthened period in this country, and as their position is now a defined one, viz. that of _exiles_, their treatment should be defined and established. At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were much occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was done or was omitted by the Court; all their movements were recorded in the papers, etc. The lapse of three months has a good deal altered this. They have lived in complete retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and their poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met with much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to take the right line; particularly desirous to do nothing which could hurt the interests of the country, and equally so to do everything kind towards a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with whom she has long been on terms of intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly related. She accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at Osborne when she goes there, _quite_ privately; the Duchess of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels (very properly) it would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as to _fortune_, for _banished_ they already are) is decided, to be even for a day at Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince. The Queen considers that when she is _staying_ in the country during the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of the French Royal Family should wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, as the distance might be too great for their returning the same day. They are exiles, and _not Pretenders_, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin are (and who are _for that reason only not received at Court_). In all countries where illustrious exiles related to the Sovereign have been they have always been received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the Duchesse d'Angoulême, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna (even on public occasions), there being a French Ambassador there, and the best understanding existing between France and Austria. The Duke of Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received by the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent. Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the French Royal Family will go out into society in the course of time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated there may no longer exist that wish and that necessity for _extreme_ privacy, which is so obvious now. What the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must well understand, is not what is _likely_ to take place (except in the case of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what might occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the country. Of course events _might_ arise which would change this, and which would render it inadvisable, and then the Queen would communicate with Lord John, and ask his advice again upon the subject. All she has suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and, of course, merely to _strictly_ private visits, and on _no state occasion_. This is a long letter about such a subject, but the Queen wishes to be quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space. [Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th June 1848._ The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if the draft--though civil--is not to be a mere refusal to do anything for Austria, and a recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for ought to be given, for which a mediation is hardly necessary.[26] The Queen thinks it most important that we should try to mediate and put a stop to the war, and equally important that the boundary which is to be settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord Palmerston speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts nowhere to the proposition having been submitted to her. [Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the Austrians under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the King of Sardinia.] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ CHESHAM PLACE, _14th June 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your Majesty for the perusal of this interesting letter. An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair termination of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with the Communists, will probably destroy the last chance of order and tranquillity. A despotism must be the end. May Heaven preserve us in peace! [Pageheading: SIR HENRY BULWER] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th June 1848._ The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining his views as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive from the Spanish Government. She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he should repair there in order to be received by the Queen of Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests of this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer, after all that has passed. When the Queen considers the position we had in Spain, and what it ought to have been after the constitution of the French Republic when we had no rival to fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the state into which our relations with that country have been brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters must have been mismanaged. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th June 1848._ The Queen sends the enclosed draft,[27] and asks whether this note is what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party intrigues to upset a particular Ministry?[28] ... [Footnote 27: The draft ran:--"As it is evident that the Queen and the Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except such that agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you to abstain in future from giving any longer any advice to them on political matters, taking care to explain both to the Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. You will, however, at the same time positively declare to the Portuguese Government that if by the course of policy they are pursuing they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly understand that they will not have to expect any assistance from England."] [Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs. He added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.] _Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._ CARLTON GARDENS, _17th June 1848._ MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The draft to Seymour was written in consequence of what you said to me, and what the Queen wrote to you; but my own opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the things with him as they are. It must, however, be remembered that the Portuguese Government have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the Queen in the Protocol of last year.... PALMERSTON. [Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1848._ The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is at this moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain, under the evil consequence of that system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of party politics in foreign countries its principal object. This system is condemned alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal against falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether that _erroneous_ policy is to be maintained to the detriment of the real interests of the country, or a wiser course to be followed in future. Does Lord John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such a caution a gratuitous attack upon the Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen thinks it of the utmost importance that in these perilous times this question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy should be _settled_, and has no objection to Lord John showing this letter to Lord Palmerston. _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th June 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he begs to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to rest on the known discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific instruction, it was not from regarding the matter lightly, but from a sense of the inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical state of Europe which might induce a belief that he had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his colleagues or of his Sovereign. Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular point at issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that precautions should be taken against the chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a foreign government, with which this country is on terms of friendship, is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar to that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference with respect to which he has not specific directions from your Majesty's Government. But in this case he must take upon himself the whole responsibility of requiring such a note from Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive to your Majesty's service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of the Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding which may lead to the most serious consequences. It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of policy has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and that the cases of difference of judgment have been rare exceptions. Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he proposes to write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He would wish to have it returned as soon as your Majesty can do so. [Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1848._ The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord Palmerston,[29] which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's and Lord John's views upon the important question of our foreign policy _entirely coincide_. The Queen is sorry that the trouble of such an altercation should be added to the many anxieties which already press upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his insisting upon a _sound_ line of policy will save him and the country from _far greater_ troubles.... [Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour was to take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal, and to refrain from confidential communications with members of the Opposition.] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ CARLTON GARDENS, _26th June 1848._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry he is not able to submit to your Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton Seymour to go by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore obliged to defer it till the next mail. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1848._ The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him of the conversation the Queen had with the Duke the other night about Lord Palmerston. [Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1848._ The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed of the policy which we are pursuing in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this for the object of gaining _influence_ in Italy.[30] The Queen does not consider influence so gained as an advantage, and though this influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid that the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way of this. At least in the countries where the greatest stress has been laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made for it, the _least good_ has been done--the Queen means in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy and that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of right mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that if he did not wish to take _all_ the Emperor of Austria's Italian Dominions, we would not lay any _obstacles_ in the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that no territory or state, which is not now according to the Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confederation, can be added to that territory without the consent of the Sovereign of that territory or state." How does this agree with our position relative to the incorporation of Lombardy into the states of the King of Sardinia? [Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after Radetzky's evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of Sardinia in support of the Lombards were successful, and he had assistance from Tuscany, Naples, and Rome. The Austrians suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had begun to turn.] [Pageheading: LORD MINTO'S MISSION] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1848._ The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, the length of which, however, was fully justified by the importance of the subject. The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at the time, and the policy pursued by him has never been called in question; but it certainly was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us additional care not to appear now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian movement, and nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the present Italian difference.[31] If, therefore, the Italians should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. The danger of French interference increases with the delay and is equally great, whether the Austrians maintain themselves in the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite it to his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line they pursue even with regard to Naples. Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the case of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that Schleswig is to be incorporated into a confederation of States; but this makes the case of Lombardy only the stronger, as this is to be incorporated into the dominions of another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different impression upon the Queen from that which it seems to have made upon Lord Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the retiring attitude which the late Government took with regard to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government to try their different schemes and intrigues and to fail with every one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise the Progressista Party and regain the so-called _English influence_, brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before seriously quarrelled) immediately together, and induced them to rush into this unfortunate combination, which cannot but be considered as the origin of all the present convulsions in Europe. [Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and father-in-law of the Prime Minister, had been sent to encourage in the path of reform Pope Pius IX., who was halting between progress and reaction: on the sanguinary risings taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission naturally appeared hostile to Austria.] [Pageheading: AN ANXIOUS PERIOD] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May God bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever! Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one never felt before. When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future--and prays for them--I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit for _whatever station_ they may be placed in--_high or low_." This one never thought of before, but I _do_ always now. Altogether one's whole disposition is so changed--_bores_ and trifles which one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing--provided one can _keep one's position in quiet!_ I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,[32] as they fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a regicide, and as _stern_ and severe as can be imagined. I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully merry still and quite himself, but _she_ feels it deeply--and for _her_ there is here the greatest sympathy and admiration. Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; _how_ I wish you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and still _beautiful_ child. I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been given _quasi_-dictatorial powers during the insurrection. These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the Council.] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1848._ The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say _when_ the Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable? The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J. Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see _our own place_ makes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible to say if we _can_ get away even for so short a time. The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection to the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any of the others; moreover, he does _not_ wish _at present_ to spend one _night_ there even, but merely to pay a morning visit. Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other Princes and Princesses _should themselves_ ask to come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, in _case they_ should ask leave to do so, what she can answer. [Pageheading: COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY] _Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th July 1848._ The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions has hitherto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been commissioned. She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing. The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army. _The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria._ LAEKEN, _18th July 1848._ MY DEAREST COUSIN,--I have received the beautiful dolls' house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it. I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her pretty little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her to bed. Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your most affectionate Cousin, CHARLOTTE. [Pageheading: ITALY AND FRANCE] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _24th July 1848._ The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter[33] reporting his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat her opinion that a negotiation with France in order to agree with her upon a common line of policy to be followed with regard to the Italian question can lead to no good; it will make us the ally of a Government which is not even legally constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will call upon the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it is the interest of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay seems to have admitted that the French Republic, if called upon to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but that she will strive to set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not be an object for us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon it. Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly. [Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with de Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as a _fait accompli_, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.] [Pageheading: NORTHERN ITALY] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _25th July 1848._ The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the establishment of an _entente cordiale with the French Republic_, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of _their dominions_ in Italy, would be a _disgrace_ to this country. That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will England appear before the world _at the moment_ when she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her European relations, having declined all this time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere _against her_ at the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the Venetian territory? The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona, Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic seems _not_ to be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful state under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which the north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that we should name _this_ to Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _27th July 1848._ The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet many of the Queen's objections, giving to the whole step another appearance. The Queen ... must acknowledge the advantage of our trying to bind [the French] to good conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear as a league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to which we were a party. As the amended draft secures us against these appearances, and leaves us free for the future, the Queen approves it. [Pageheading: MINOR GERMAN STATES] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _1st August 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had yesterday the happiness of receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my best thanks. There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in Ireland,[34] and I think it now is very likely to go off without any contest.... Lord Hardinge is going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very praiseworthy of him. I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so completely decided as Charles[35] ... is _so_ anxious to make one believe. There is only a question of taking certain powers and rights away, and not at all of getting rid of them; and I think you will see that the _Ausführung_ of the Unity will be an impossibility, at least in the sense they propose at Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still extremely great, and I am sure they will never consent to being _ausgewischt_. Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression of a very small riot, showed the greatest attachment and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of independence is _very_ great, and at Strelitz, on the occasion of Augusta's confinement with a _son_, the enthusiasm and rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised. We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so, if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear to us, and for the state of the world in general. I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine marble bust of you quite by accident in London the other day. It is in armour and with moustaches, but quite different to the one the Gardners have at Melbourne; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, and heard it had been bought in a sale of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best love, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. We have just heard that there has been an _action_ in Ireland in which some of the insurgents have been killed; _fifty_ Police dispersed _four thousand_ people. Smith O'Brien is, however, not yet taken. [Footnote 34: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p. 141.] [Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of German consolidation, had placed the central executive power in the hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen's half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted with the Department of Foreign Affairs.] [Pageheading: AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _8th August 1848._ ... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord Palmerston in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris. As the proposed arrangement for the present is to be only a _provisional_ one, the Queen thinks that the appointment of a _Minister_ now will leave it quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it should be found necessary or advantageous, whilst it would set that matter at rest for the moment. Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador here, and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that object if Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador at Paris, against which we would be secured in having only a Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the public men at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may be a convenience in some respects; his having been the great admirer and friend of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility of mixing freely with persons of various kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an important consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy for a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to have temporarily a Minister accredited at Paris. M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on Tuesday next at six o'clock, when the Queen will be in Town. _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._ The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord Palmerston in his last communication that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to the Queen that this would never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby; Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does in no way alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by Lord Palmerston. By the delay and Lord Normanby's various conversations with M. Bastide[36] and General Cavaignac it has now become difficult to depart from the precedent of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on the _distinct understanding_ that there is to be no Ambassador sent in return to London now, and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when the diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry this into effect. [Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.] [Pageheading: LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _11th August 1848._ The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's behaviour now again with respect to Lord Normanby's appointment; he knew perfectly well that Lord Normanby could not accept the post of Minister, and had written to the Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and has now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to make us cautious, as it can only be on account of the ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. They, of course, like an _entente cordiale_ with us at the expense of Austria;... but this can be no consideration for us.... Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon them in case they should not be inclined to surrender their provinces at his bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore the _entente_ with the Republic is of the greatest value to him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians at any time with the French intervention which he can have at command if he agrees to it.[37] The Queen has read the leading articles of the _Times_ of yesterday and to-day on this subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost entirely the same views and feelings which she entertains. The Queen hopes that Lord John Russell will read them; indeed, the whole of the Press seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can hardly understand how there can be two opinions upon it.... [Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy had not continued through the summer, and the States whose assistance they had hitherto received began to fall away from them. The King of Naples, successful within his own dominions, had withdrawn his troops; the Pope hesitated to attack Austria; even undivided support from Venetia could no longer be counted upon. After several reverses, Charles Albert, now left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively defeated by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio. With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain himself there. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining with England to effect a peaceful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind to relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to retain.] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _20th August 1848._ The Queen has received an _autograph_ letter from the Archduke John (in answer to the private letter she had written to him through Lord Cowley), which has been cut open at the Foreign Office. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again. The opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen, which she has _of late_ observed, is really not becoming, and ought to be discontinued, as it used never to be the case formerly. _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _21st August 1848._ The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that she has been satisfied by the reasons given by Lord Palmerston. The union of Lombardy and Piedmont cannot be considered as a concession to France for the maintenance of peace, because we know that it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite agrees that the principal consideration always to be kept in sight is the preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is precisely on that account that she regrets that the terms proposed by Lord Palmerston (whilst they are not in accordance with the views of France) are almost the only ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord Palmerston _will_ have his kingdom of Upper Italy under Charles Albert, to which every other consideration is to be sacrificed, and Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms certainly serve _that_ purpose well; but it is quite independent of the question of mediation, and the only thing in the whole proceeding which is indefensible in principle. It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to become part of the international law, viz. "that a people can at any time transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of one State to that of another by universal suffrage (under momentary excitement)," and this is what Lord Normanby--no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's wishes--has taken as the basis of the mediation. For even the _faits accomplis_, which are a convenient basis to justify any act of injustice, are here against Charles Albert. Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,[38] which the Queen quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the Treaty of 1720. [Footnote 38: The first act of the _Vor-Parlament_, a body which had existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way for the National Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been to treat Schleswig, theretofore part of the Danish dominions, as absorbed in the German Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's objections to this proceeding had been treated by the Queen in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent with his attitude towards Austria.] [Pageheading: PRUSSIA AND GERMANY] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _29th August 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Most warmly do I thank you for your very kind and dear letter of the 26th, with so many good wishes for that _dearest_ of days. It is indeed to me one of eternal thankfulness, for a purer, more perfect being than my beloved Albert the Creator could _not_ have sent into this troubled world. I feel that I could _not_ exist without him, and that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and _dégoûts_ of my _very_ difficult position, were it not for _his_ assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I thank you for your _great_ share in bringing about our marriage. Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that he _really wishes to ruin_ all the smaller States, though his principal object is that unity which I fear he will _not_ obtain. I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should take the lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible, for it is the country of all others which the _rest_ of Germany dislikes. Stockmar cannot be my good old friend if he has such notions of injustice as I hear attributed to him. But whatever they may be, I do _not_ believe the _Ausführung_ to be possible. I have great hopes of soon hearing of something decided about the fortunes of the poor French family. You will have seen how nobly and courageously good Joinville and Aumale behaved on the occasion of the burning of that emigrant ship off Liverpool.[39] It will do them great good. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished in the burning of the _Ocean Monarch_; the French Princes were on board a Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred and fifty-six lives.] [Pageheading: AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _2nd September 1848._ The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and Sardinia have nearly settled their differences, and also "that it was confidently stated that a French and _British_ squadron, with troops on board, _are to make a demonstration in the Adriatic_." Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to inform Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a thing be thought of, it is a step which the Queen could _not_ give her consent to. _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th September 1848._ The Queen since her arrival in Town has heard that the answer from Austria declining our mediation has some days ago been communicated to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is surprised that Lord Palmerston should have left her uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to mediate on the part of the central power of Germany,[40] and does not see why that power, which has a responsible Government, is to be precluded from taking part in a negotiation because the Archduke John might be friendly towards Austria--whereas the French republic, which had in public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party to it. Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly interested in Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.[41] [Footnote 40: See _ante_, p. 188, note 35.] [Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's co-operation in mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to prevent the aggressive party in France from maturing any designs on Italy.] [Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ ON BOARD THE _Victoria and Albert,_ ABERDEEN, _7th September 1848._ The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John Russell, with a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it. Lord Palmerston has as usual pretended not to have had time to submit the draft to the Queen before he had sent it off. What the Queen has long suspected and often warned against is on the point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston's using the new _entente cordiale_ for the purpose of wresting from Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This would be a most iniquitous proceeding. It is another question whether it is good policy for Austria to try to retain Lombardy, but that is for her and not for us to decide. Many people might think that we would be happier without Ireland or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language is. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ BALMORAL CASTLE, _13th September 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I yesterday received your dear and kind letter of the 9th (it having arrived in London only the day before), which is very quick, and I thank you much for it. The Schleswig affair at Frankfort is _very_ unfortunate, and there seems a lamentable want of _all_ practical sense, foresight, or even _common_ prudence.[42] The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me _very_ doubtful) mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's skin. _Nous verrons_, how matters will be arranged.... My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage and our arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and though the hills seen from the windows are not _so_ fine, the scenery all around is the finest almost I have seen anywhere. It is very wild and solitary, and yet cheerful and _beautifully wooded_, with the river Dee running between the two sides of the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in the immediate vicinity, and belongs to us. Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere, and all the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The climate is also dry, and in general not very cold, though we had one or two very cold days. There is a deer forest--many roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which does not belong to us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan. Albert has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after the deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite close by the house. The children are very well, and enjoying themselves much. The boys always wear their Highland dress. I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much delighted we are that everything goes on so well in Belgium. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this letter was written it was ratified.] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON] _Memorandum by Queen Victoria._ BALMORAL, _19th September 1848._ I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a subject, which was a serious one, one which I had delayed mentioning for some time, but which I felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now, namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go on with him, that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country and for the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from one day to another as to what might happen. Lord John replied that he was aware of it; that he had considered the matter already, having heard from his brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it; that he felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other hand, Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any difficulties about other questions, but (certainly _unreasonably_) complaining of other people mixing with and interfering in the affairs of his office. I said that ... I fully believed that that Spanish marriage question, which had been the original cause of so many present misfortunes, would never have become so _embrouillé_ had it not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though he disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's correspondence, still that we could not have done otherwise than object to the marriage. This is true enough. I repeated that all that had been done in Italy last winter had also done harm, as it was done by _Lord Palmerston_, who was distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of England by taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a question;... that his writings were always as bitter as gall and did great harm, which Lord John entirely assented to, and that I often felt quite ill from anxiety; that I wished Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that Lord Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant, but that another thing to be considered was the danger of making Lord Palmerston an enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who was formerly a great friend and admirer of Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she spoke to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another office, that _he_ (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn against the Government if displaced. I said that might be, but that sometimes there were great interests at stake which exceeded the danger of offending one man, and that this was here the case; Lord John said it was very true, but that at moments like these one of course was anxious not to do anything which could cause internal trouble. I admitted this, but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite understood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was afraid that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could not put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be very disagreeable and awkward. It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in mind, and I must say that he took it all just as I could wish. VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB] [Pageheading: HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS] _Minute by the Governor-General of India._ _30th September 1848._ ... The course of events, as they have developed themselves, and long and anxious considerations of this important subject, have finally and immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor any stability of Government in the Punjab, nor any release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations on our frontier, unless the British Government, justly indignant at the unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again committed against them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually provide against future dangers by subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by converting the Punjab into a British province, and by adopting the only measure which will secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely, depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I continue as fully convinced as ever that the establishment of a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the Punjab would be the best settlement that could be made for the interests of British India, if it could be formed. But I am convinced that such a Government cannot be formed.[43] [Footnote 43: _See_ Introductory Note for 1849, _post_, p. 208.] The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse to all control, and in no degree submissive to the authority of those who are professedly their rulers. Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do, that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to the British Government, of what advantage, what defence to us is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable to control the army which is as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to secure is a peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are able to disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed fidelity of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers' turbulence, or command their obedience? I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before us.... To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council have yielded their ready assent. I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if it could prudently or fitly be avoided. The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with all speed to the frontier, and shall endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means in my power, to carry into effect vigorously the measures on which the Government of India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I believe, are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India, to the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the people over whom we rule. DALHOUSIE. [Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE, _7th October 1848._ The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter, of which the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise a copy of her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston in this Italian question really _surpasses all conception_, and makes the Queen _very uneasy_ on account of the character and honour of England, and on account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that upon the conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia, negotiations for peace would have speedily been entered into, had our _mediation_ not been offered to the King, to whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting not to accept, and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is _Italian Nationality and Independence from a foreign Yoke and Tyranny_. How can the Venetian territory then be secured to Austria? and if this is done, on what ground can Lombardy be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle such important matters without principle and by personal _passion_ alone. When the _French_ Government say they cannot control public feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable fact, and as a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up Lombardy; when, however, the _Austrian_ Government say they cannot give up Lombardy on account of the feeling of the Army which had just reconquered it with their blood and under severe privations and sufferings, Lord Palmerston flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so, the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky Emperor." When Charles Albert burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep up the delusion that he meant to defend the town, Lord Palmerston said nothing; and now that the Austrian Governor has prohibited revolutionary placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons concealing arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to Vienna: "that this savage proclamation, which savours more of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone by than of the spirit of the present times, must strike everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian Commander is inspired," etc., etc., etc. Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the Armistice, and now that this has not been done, Austria is not even to retake it, in order (as Lord Normanby says) to keep something in hand against which Austria is to make further concessions. Is all this fair? In the meantime, from the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents are actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town, and have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not write a line to Paris about it. Now the question at issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of European powers, but to be settled by the French Republic and Lord Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has pledged himself over and over again for Italian _independence_ (so called). If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces separate National Institutions with a liberal constitutional Government, _who can force_ upon her another arrangement? [Pageheading: GREECE] _Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._ OSBORNE, _8th October 1848._ The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what a painful impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to the affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little in accordance with the calm dignity which she likes to see in all the proceedings of the British Government; she was particularly struck by the language in which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign with whom she stands in friendly relations, and the asperity against the Government of the King of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, and that of all this a copy is to be placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the French _Republic_, the Queen can only see with much regret.[44] [Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on the two Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were necessary to conciliate the present Government of France.] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th October 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our voyage yesterday was much saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed us half an hour, and which still fills us with horror. The sea was running very high, and we were just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a man in the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that moment Albert discerned _many heads_ above the sea, including a poor woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only stop an instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our horror. We waited at Gosport to hear if the people had been saved, and we learnt that three had, two of whom by our _Fairy's_ boat, and that four were drowned. Very horrid indeed. The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite ashamed about that once really so peaceful and happy people. That there are still good people there I am sure, but they allow themselves to be worked upon in a frightful and shameful way.... In France a crisis seems at hand. _What_ a very bad figure we cut in this mediation! Really it is quite immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp, and ready to throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me terribly. This ought to be the principle in _all actions_, private as well as public: "Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht, das thu' auch einem andern nicht." ... I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: THE BOERS] _Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._ COLONIAL OFFICE, _25th October 1848._ Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to inform your Majesty that no official accounts have been received of the engagement on the Cape Frontier between your Majesty's forces under Sir H. Smith and the insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account is published in the newspapers.[45] Lord Grey has, however, seen a private letter, which mentions, in addition to what is stated in the Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry Smith exposed himself very much, and was slightly wounded; most fortunately, he was merely grazed in the leg; his horse was also struck by a bullet in the nose. A very large proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the rebels were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed at. [Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in consequence of the British annexation of territory, expelled the British Resident from Bloemfontein. _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith decisively defeated the Boers on the 29th of August.] _Queen Victoria to Earl Grey._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th October 1848._ The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to hear that Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature. The loss of so many officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds from their wearing a blue coat whilst the men are in scarlet; the Austrians lost a great proportion of officers in Italy from a similar difference of dress. As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not approve but disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be given instead, which has been done. The medals for troops in general (given by the East India Company) are a new and doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to reward even a special case of personal distinction by the _Company's_ conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the Queen that it will be better not to establish two fountains of honour in the Realm. If the East India Company wish to mark their approbation, perhaps they might send Major Edwardes a fine sword or something of that kind. [Pageheading: GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR] _Earl Grey to Queen Victoria._ COLONIAL OFFICE, _26th October 1848._ Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord Fitzroy Somerset happened to be here when it arrived, and Lord Grey read to him that part of it which relates to the danger occasioned to officers in action from wearing a dress of a different colour from that of the men. Lord Fitzroy observed that although there can be no doubt of the objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance their having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that cause, as it appears that all the officers who were wounded but one, belonged to regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the Cape Mounted Rifles) in which the officers are dressed in the same colour as the men.... Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual time for relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now come, and that he thinks it very desirable to appoint a successor to Sir Robert Wilson, who now fills that situation. It appears to Lord Grey that, considering the nature of the appointment and also the great advantage which would result from affording greater encouragement to the officers serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to the Royal Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in making a selection from the officers of these Corps, because, from their retiring only by seniority, they seldom attain the rank of General Officer while they are still in possession of sufficient strength and activity for employment. Lord Grey, however, believes from the information he has been able to obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage, be appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey has had no communication with Sir R. Gardiner, and is entirely ignorant whether he would accept this employment.[46] [Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of November, and held that post till 1855.] [Pageheading: ITALY AND AUSTRIA] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th October 1848._ The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord John Russell's communication of the views of the Cabinet on the Italian affairs.[47] She is very glad that the Cabinet should have considered this important question, and that she should have received an assurance "that she will not be advised to have recourse to forcible intervention." The Queen understands this principle to apply to Lombardy as well as to Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible intervention" will not only be avoided as to British means, but likewise as to French means, with British consent and concurrence. Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into particulars with regard to the opinions of the Members of the Cabinet as the Queen might have wished, she infers from the proposition that Lombardy should be constituted separately under an Archduke, that the idea of making it over to the King of Sardinia is finally abandoned. [Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while no definite decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy, it was thought by the Cabinet that every means should be used to induce Austria to give up Lombardy to an Austrian Prince, as most conformable to the interests of Austria herself. The question of Sicily (he added) was more difficult, but if no agreement could be arrived at by amicable negotiation, the Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to have recourse to forcible intervention.] _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th November 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who will then be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord John Russell thinks it his duty to state that however unwilling he may be to diminish the Military and Naval force, it is still more essential to keep our income within our expenditure. The whole matter will be under the consideration of the Cabinet next week. The approaching election of a President in France must decide the question of the future Government of France. Louis Bonaparte may probably play the part of Richard Cromwell. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to thank you for your kind letter of the 18th on your god-daughter's _eighth_ birthday! It does seem like an incredible dream that Vicky should already be so old! She is very happy with all her gifts. In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election seems certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to something else. You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend Melbourne is dying; there is _no_ hope, and I enclose a pretty letter of Lady Beauvale's,[48] which I think will interest you, and which I beg you to return. One cannot forget how good and kind and amiable he was, and it brings back so many recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I never wish that time back again. We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful Osborne. I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. [Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady Beauvale in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ BROCKET HALL, _23rd November 1848._ Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy occupation of watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of life of one who was not more distinguished by his brilliant talents, his warm affections, and his first-rate understanding, than by those sentiments of attachment to your Majesty which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever had the honour to serve a Sovereign. [Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE] _Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._ BROCKET HALL, _25th November 1848._ Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to state that Viscount Melbourne was released from further suffering at about six o'clock yesterday afternoon. His bodily strength had been rapidly declining during the last few days, and it was only at intervals that he retained any degree of apparent consciousness. The last transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible gradation. _Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._ PEMBROKE LODGE, _26th November 1848._ Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he sees no political objection to a visit to Osborne on the part of the Duke and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a President in France is so completely absorbing attention that any mark of regard to the Duke of Nemours may well pass unnoticed. Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe in this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing to the convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a very serious one. Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that Louis Philippe would ultimately be possessed of more than a million sterling. Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis Bonaparte as a candidate for the Presidency. He feels confident that France cannot go to war on account of the state of her finances. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _21th November 1848._ MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Thank God! that the news from Berlin are better. It is to be hoped that this may have a good effect elsewhere. In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long, _qui que ce soit_. Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely regret him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a firm Minister he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being. Poor Lord Beauvale and Lady Palmerston feel it very much. I wish it might soften the _caro sposo_ of the latter-named person. VICTORIA R. [Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE POPE] _Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria._[49] To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the Illustrious Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus. Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal Majesty has already learned what a subversion of public affairs has taken place at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of violence was, on the 16th of the late month of November, offered to us in our very Palace of the Quirinal, in consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent commotions and more serious dangers, as likewise for the purpose of freely performing the functions of our apostolic Ministry, we, not without the deepest and most heartfelt sorrow, have been constrained to depart for a time from our Holy City, and from the whole state of our pontifical dominions; and in the meanwhile we come as far as Gaëta, where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to declare to our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will, by a public edict, a copy of which we transmit to your Royal Majesty, together with these our letters. Without doubt, through your own wisdom, you will perfectly understand, Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst the other most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal rule and the rights and possessions of the Roman Church, which, moreover, your august Uncle and the other Princes of Europe protected with so much zeal. But we do not in the least doubt that, in conformity with your exalted magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to maintain order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer this same to be wanting to us at this most lamentable time. Trusting indeed in this hope, we do not cease, in the humility and affliction of our heart, from earnestly beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all true and solid prosperity, and that He may unite you with us in perfect charity. Given at Gaëta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third year of our Pontificate. PIUS PP. IX.[50] [Footnote 49: Official translation.] [Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general terms. _See_ p. 210.] [Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON] _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _13th December 1848._ MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Pray accept my warmest and _best_ wishes for _many, many happy_ returns of your birthday--a day so _dear_ to so many, and which will be hailed with such joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason to look with satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful thing to think how many have been ruined and made miserable since this day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may bring many things round again. The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over to pay our respects to you on your dear birthday. The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of Louis Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a sign of better times. But that one _should have to wish for him_ is really wonderful. Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece, VICTORIA R. _Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._ OSBORNE, _19th December 1848._ MY DEAREST, KINDEST UNCLE,--Your dear letter, full of interesting topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great pleasure, and I thank you much for it. The success of Louis Napoleon[51] is an extraordinary event, but valuable as a universal condemnation of the Republic since February. It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him again than one at _first_ may imagine. Nemours thinks it better that none of themselves should be _called_ into action for some time to come. I fear that _he feels_ now that they _ought_ to have _foreseen_ the dangers in February, and _ought not_ to have yielded; when I said to him that the Pope had declared that he would _never_ quit Rome, and _did so do_ the _very next day_, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse entraîner dans ces moments." Louise said to me that _her Father_ had so _often declared he would never quit Paris alive_, so that when she heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he must be dead.... [Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of December, by an immense majority.] [Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON] _Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1848._ The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord John Russell upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed sending the enclosed letter from Lord Palmerston.[52] But lest any further delay might cause future inconvenience, she sends it now without having received Lord John's answer. The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither Lord Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard for the Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord Normanby's Despatch shows that the step to be taken with reference to an Ambassador to be sent here is avowedly for the purpose of controlling the future action of the Queen's Government, and to _oblige her_ to keep a _permanent_ Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is not very delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a message, nor in Lord Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de Beaumont's departure from this country without taking leave of the Queen was neither very becoming. The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account, received two public affronts: the one by her Minister in Spain having been sent out of that country,[53] the other now, by the new Emperor of Austria not announcing to her by special mission his accession to the Throne, which he did to all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark the indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the British Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in the face of such slurs, the dignity of England will be vindicated by a race between her representative and that of Spain, who is to present his credentials first to the new President of the French Republic, which Lord Palmerston considers of such importance as to render an _immediate_ decision indispensable. Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for Louis Napoleon than has been done in the case of General Cavaignac, the Queen will not object to renewing Lord Normanby's credentials as Ambassador-Extraordinary on a special mission. [Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that Lord Normanby's credentials were provisional, and regular credentials would become necessary. The new French Government were sending Ambassadors to Vienna, Rome, and other capitals, which in return would send Ambassadors to Paris, so that it would be injurious for this country's representative to be of inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote subsequently, "be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present state of things between the British and Spanish Governments the Spanish Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part of your Majesty's Government, be allowed to raise a question about precedence with your Majesty's representative at Paris; it would be very inconvenient if that question were decided unfavourably to your Majesty's representative, and very undesirable that he should appear to be under obligation to the French Government for a decision in his favour."] [Footnote 53: See _ante_, p. 175.] INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO CHAPTER XVIII The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of Mr Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in place of Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess; the Peelites, though influential, were numerically few, and they continued by their support to maintain the Whigs in office, the principal measure of the session being the Act for the repeal of the Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to Peel's free trade policy. A Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received with great enthusiasm. Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The Sicilian revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was re-established in Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at Novara, and abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope, who had fled from Rome in disguise, in November 1848, and was living at Gaëta, was now under the protection of Austria and France, and General Oudinot occupied the Papal city on his behalf in June. Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and Modena to their rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the acceptance by the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany. Hungary, in consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese insurrectionists in 1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian co-operation. Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth and other revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian Governments unsuccessfully demanding their extradition. The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior numbers, had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and virtually unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out to supersede him. Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year had taken place, had been besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January. Dalhousie had established himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later the Sikhs and Afghans were overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on the 29th of March the Punjab was incorporated in the British Empire; the "Koh-i-noor" was, in token of submission, presented by the Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie received a Marquisate, and the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to all concerned. CHAPTER XVIII 1849 _Memorandum on Matters connected with the Form of addressing the Pope in Answer to his Letter to Her Majesty of 4th December 1848._ FOREIGN OFFICE, _5th January 1849._ The accompanying draft of answer to the letter which the Pope addressed to Her Majesty from Gaëta on the 4th of December is in the same form as letters which were written to Pope Pius VII. by George the Fourth while Prince Regent, and after he came to the Throne. They address the Pope as "Most Eminent Sir," style him "Your Holiness," and finish with the mere signature after the date of the conclusion of the letter. Copies of those letters are annexed. Other forms of writing Royal letters are:-- 1st. Commencing "Sir my Brother" (or "Sir my Cousin," etc., as the case may be), and ending thus: "Sir my _Brother_, Your _Majesty's_ Good _Sister_." This is the form used between Sovereign and Sovereign. 2nd. Commencing with the Queen's titles. In these letters the plural "we" and "our" are employed instead of "I" and "my," and the letters terminate thus:-- "Your Good Friend, ...." This form is now used almost exclusively for Royal letters to Republics. In the State Paper Office there is, with only one exception, no record of any letter from a Sovereign of England to the Pope from the time of Henry VIII., when the State Paper Office records commence. The single exception is an original letter from Queen Mary in 1555 to Pope Paul IV. It seems that when the time of her expected confinement drew nigh, she caused letters to be prepared announcing the birth of a son, and signed them in anticipation of the event. When no birth took place, the letters were of course not sent off; but they have been preserved to the present day, and among them is the letter to the Pope. The accompanying paper contains a copy of the beginning and conclusion of it. There is no trace in the State Paper Office of any letter of credence having been given by James II. to Lord Castlemaine in 1685. The correspondence of the reign of James II. is, however, very defective, and much of it must either have been suppressed or have got into private hands. [Pageheading: REPLY TO THE POPE] _Draft_] _Queen Victoria to Pope Pius IX._[1] MOST EMINENT SIR,--I have received the letter which your Holiness addressed to me from Gaëta on the 4th of December last, and in which you acquaint me that in consequence of the violent proceedings of certain of your subjects, you had felt yourself obliged to depart from Rome, and for a time to quit your dominions. I assure your Holiness that I have been deeply pained at the intelligence of the events to which your letter refers, and that I do the fullest justice to the motives which induced your Holiness to withdraw for a time from your capital. Your Holiness has given so many proofs of being animated by a sincere desire to improve the condition of the people whom, under Divine Providence, you have been chosen to govern, and the clemency of your heart and the rectitude of your intentions are so well known and so truly appreciated, that I cannot but hope that the trials which you have experienced in consequence of popular commotion will speedily come to an end, and will be succeeded by a cordial, good understanding between your Holiness and the Roman people. I request your Holiness to believe that it would afford me real pleasure to be able in any degree to contribute to a result so much to be desired; and I am happy in having this opportunity of assuring you of my sincere friendship, and of the unfeigned respect and esteem which I entertain for your person and character. Given at Windsor Castle the [ ] day of January 1849. [Footnote 1: _See_ p. 204.] [Pageheading: LETTER FROM PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON] _The President of the French Republic to Queen Victoria._ ELYSÉE NATIONAL, _le 22 Janvier 1849._ TRÈS CHÈRE ET GRANDE AMIE,--Une de mes premières pensées lorsque le