The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Letters of Cassiodorus, by Cassiodorus (AKA Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator) This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: The Letters of Cassiodorus Being A Condensed Translation Of The Variae Epistolae Of Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator Author: Cassiodorus (AKA Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator) Translator: Thomas Hodgkin Release Date: June 15, 2006 [EBook #18590] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS *** Produced by Robert Connal, Linda Cantoni, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr) THE LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS _HODGKIN_ Oxford PRINTED BY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY THE LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS BEING A CONDENSED TRANSLATION OF THE VARIAE EPISTOLAE OF MAGNUS AURELIUS CASSIODORUS SENATOR With an Introduction BY THOMAS HODGKIN FELLOW OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON; HON. D.C.L. OF DURHAM UNIVERSITY AUTHOR OF 'ITALY AND HER INVADERS' LONDON: HENRY FROWDE AMEN CORNER, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. 1886. [_All rights reserved_] PREFACE. The abstract of the 'Variae' of Cassiodorus which I now offer to the notice of historical students, belongs to that class of work which Professor Max Müller happily characterised when he entitled two of his volumes 'Chips from a German Workshop.' In the course of my preparatory reading, before beginning the composition of the third and fourth volumes of my book on 'Italy and Her Invaders,' I found it necessary to study very attentively the 'Various Letters' of Cassiodorus, our best and often our only source of information, for the character and the policy of the great Theodoric. The notes which in this process were accumulated upon my hands might, I hoped, be woven into one long chapter on the Ostrogothic government of Italy. When the materials were collected, however, they were so manifold, so perplexing, so full of curious and unexpected detail, that I quite despaired of ever succeeding in the attempt to group them into one harmonious and artistic picture. Frankly, therefore, renouncing a task which is beyond my powers, I offer my notes for the perusal of the few readers who may care to study the mutual reactions of the Roman and the Teutonic mind upon one another in the Sixth Century, and I ask these to accept the artist's assurance, 'The curtain is the picture.' It will be seen that I only profess to give an abstract, not a full translation of the letters. There is so much repetition and such a lavish expenditure of words in the writings of Cassiodorus, that they lend themselves very readily to the work of the abbreviator. Of course the longer letters generally admit of greater relative reduction in quantity than the shorter ones, but I think it may be said that on an average the letters have lost at least half their bulk in my hands. On any important point the real student will of course refuse to accept my condensed rendering, and will go straight to the fountain-head. I hope, however, that even students may occasionally derive the same kind of assistance from my labours which an astronomer derives from the humble instrument called the 'finder' in a great observatory. A few important letters have been translated, to the best of my ability, verbatim. In the not infrequent instances where I have been unable to extract any intelligible meaning, on grammatical principles, from the words of my author, I have put in the text the nearest approximation that I could discover to his meaning, and placed the unintelligible words in a note, hoping that my readers may be more fortunate in their interpretation than I have been. With the usual ill-fortune of authors, just as my last sheet was passing through the press I received from Italy a number of the 'Atti e Memorie della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Provincie di Romagna' (to which I am a subscriber), containing an elaborate and scholarlike article by S. Augusto Gaudenzi, entitled 'L'Opera di Cassiodorio a Ravenna.' It is a satisfaction to me to see that in several instances S. Gaudenzi and I have reached practically the same conclusions; but I cannot but regret that his paper reached me too late to prevent my benefiting from it more fully. A few of the more important points in which I think S. Gaudenzi throws useful light on our common subject are noticed in the 'Additions and Corrections,' to which I beg to draw my readers' attention. I may perhaps be allowed to add that the Index, the preparation of which has cost me no small amount of labour, ought (if I have not altogether failed in my endeavour) to be of considerable assistance to the historical enquirer. For instance, if he will refer to the heading _Sajo_, and consult the passages there referred to, he will find, I believe, all that Cassiodorus has to tell us concerning these interesting personages, the Sajones, who were almost the only representatives of the intrusive Gothic element in the fabric of Roman administration. From textual criticism and the discussion of the authority of different MSS. I have felt myself entirely relieved by the announcement of the forthcoming critical edition of the 'Variae,' under the superintendence of Professor Meyer. The task to which an eminent German scholar has devoted the labour of several years, it would be quite useless for me, without appliances and without special training, to approach as an amateur; and I therefore simply help myself to the best reading that I can get from the printed texts, leaving to Professor Meyer to say which reading possesses the highest diplomatic authority. Simply as a a matter of curiosity I have spent some days in examining the MSS. of Cassiodorus in the British Museum. If they are at all fair representatives (which probably they are not) of the MSS. which Professor Meyer has consulted, I should say that though the titles of the letters have often got into great confusion through careless and unintelligent copying, the main text is not likely to show any very important variations from the editions of Nivellius and Garet. I now commend this volume with all its imperfections to the indulgent criticism of the small class of historical students who alone will care to peruse it. The man of affairs and the practical politician will of course not condescend to turn over its pages; yet the anxious and for a time successful efforts of Theodoric and his Minister to preserve to Italy the blessings of _Civilitas_ might perhaps teach useful lessons even to a modern statesman. THOS. HODGKIN. NOTE. The following Note as to the MSS. at the British Museum may save a future enquirer a little trouble. (1) 10 B. XV. is a MS. about 11 inches by 8, written in a fine bold hand, and fills 157 folios, of which 134 belong to the 'Variae' and 23 to the 'Institutiones Divinarum Litterarum.' There are also two folios at the end which I have not deciphered. The MS. is assigned to the Thirteenth Century. The title of the First Book is interesting, because it contains the description of Cassiodorus' official rank, 'Ex Magistri Officii,' which Mommsen seems to have looked for in the MSS. in vain. The MS. contains the first Three Books complete, but only 39 letters of the Fourth. Letters 40-51 of the Fourth Book, and the whole of the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Books, are missing. It then goes on to the Eighth Book (which it calls the Fifth), but omits the first five letters. The remaining 28 appear to be copied satisfactorily. The Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Books, which the transcriber calls the Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth, seem to be on the whole correctly copied. There seems to be a certain degree of correspondence between the readings of this MS. and those of the Leyden MS. of the Twelfth Century (formerly at Fulda) which are described by Ludwig Tross in his 'Symbolae Criticae' (Hammone, 1853). (2) 8 B. XIX. is a MS. also of the Thirteenth Century, in a smaller hand than the foregoing. The margins are very large, but the Codex measures only 6-3/4 inches by 4-1/4. The rubricated titles are of somewhat later date than the body of the text. The initial letters are elaborately illuminated. This MS. contains, in a mutilated state and in a peculiar order, the books from the Eighth to the Twelfth. The following is the order in which the books are placed: IX. 8-25, folios 1-14. X. " 14-33. XI. " 33-63. XII. " 63-83. VIII. " 83-126. IX. 1-7, " 126-134. The amanuensis, who has evidently been a thoroughly dishonest worker, constantly omits whole letters, from which however he sometimes extracts a sentence or two, which he tacks on to the end of some preceding letter without regard to the sense. This process makes it exceedingly difficult to collate the MS. with the printed text. Owing to the Eighth Book being inserted after the Twelfth, it is erroneously labelled on the back, 'Cassiodori Senatoris Epistolae, Lib. X-XIII.' (3) 10 B. IV. (also of the Thirteenth Century, and measuring 11 inches by 8) contains, in a tolerably complete state, the first Three Books of the 'Variae,' Book IV. 5-39, Book VIII. 1-12, and Books X-XII. The order, however, is transposed, Books IV. and VIII. coming after Book XII. These excerpts from Cassiodorus, which occupy folios 66 to 134 of the MS., are preceded by some collections relative to the Civil and Canon Law. The letters which are copied seem to be carefully and conscientiously done. These three MSS. are all in the King's Library. Besides these MSS. I have also glanced at No. 1,919 in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. Like those previously described it is, I believe, of the Thirteenth Century, and professes to contain the whole of the 'Variae;' but the letters are in an exceedingly mutilated form. On an average it seems to me that not more than one-third of each letter is copied. In this manner the 'Variae' are compressed into the otherwise impossible number of 33 folios (149-182). All these MSS., even the best of them, give me the impression of being copied by very unintelligent scribes, who had but little idea of the meaning of the words which they were transcribing. In all, the superscription V.S. is expanded (wrongly, as I believe) into 'Viro Senatori;' for 'Praefecto Praetorio' we have the meaningless 'Praeposito;' and the Agapitus who is addressed in the 6th, 32nd, and 33rd letters of the First Book is turned, in defiance of chronology, into a Pope. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. LIFE OF CASSIODORUS. PAGE Historical position of Cassiodorus 1 His ancestry 3-4 His name 5-6 His birthplace 6-9 Date of his birth 9-12 His education 12 Consiliarius to his father 12 Quaestor 14-16 Composition of the 'Variae' 16 Their style 17-19 Policy of Theodoric 20 Date of composition of the 'Variae' 23 Consulship 25 Patriciate 27 Composition of the 'Chronicon' 27 " " Gothic History 29-35 Relation of the work of Jordanes to this History 34 Master of the Offices 36 Praetorian Praefect 39 Sketch of history during his Praefecture 42-50 End of official career 50 Edits the 'Variae' 51 His treatise 'De Animâ' 53 He retires to the cloister 54 His theological works 60-63 His literary works 64-66 His death 67 NOTE ON THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SQUILLACE 68-72 CHAPTER II. THE 'ANECDOTON HOLDERI.' Content of the MS. 74-75 To whom addressed 76 Information as to life of Symmachus 77 " " " Boethius 79 Religious position of Boethius 81 Information as to life of Cassiodorus 84 CHAPTER III. THE GRADATIONS OF OFFICIAL RANK IN THE LOWER EMPIRE. Nobilissimi 85 Illustres 86-90 Spectabiles 90-91 Clarissimi 91 Perfectissimi 92 Egregii 92 CHAPTER IV. ON THE OFFICIUM OF THE PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO. Military character of the Roman Civil Service 93 Sources of information 95 Princeps 96 Cornicularius 97-102 Adjutor 103 Commentariensis 104 Ab Actis 106 Numerarii 108 Inferior Officers 109-114 CHAPTER V. BIBLIOGRAPHY. Editions of the 'Variae' 115-118 Literature concerning the 'Variae' 118-121 CHAPTER VI. CHRONOLOGY. Consular Fasti 122 Indictions 123 Chronological Tables 126-130 ABSTRACT OF THE 'VARIAE.' PREFACE 133-140 BOOK I. CONTAINING FORTY-SIX LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS. Persuasives to peace 141 2. " THEON. Manufacture of purple dye 143 3. " CASSIODORUS, father of the author. His praises 144 4. " SENATE. Great deeds of ancestors of Cassiodorus 145 5. " FLORIANUS. End of litigation 147 6. " AGAPITUS. Mosaics for Ravenna 147 7. " FELIX. Inheritance of Plutianus 148 8. " AMABILIS. Prodigality of Neotherius 149 9. " BISHOP EUSTORGIUS. Offences of Ecclesiastics 149 10. " BOETIUS. Frauds of moneyers 150 11. " SERVATUS. Violence of Breones 151 12. " EUGENIUS. Appointment as Magister Officium 151 13. " SENATE. On the same 152 14. " FAUSTUS. Collection of 'Tertiae' 152 15. " FESTUS. Interests of the absent 153 16. " JULIANUS. Remission of taxes 153 17. " GOTHIC AND ROMAN INHABITANTS OF DERTONA. Fortification of Camp 153 18. " DOMITIANUS AND WILIAS. Statute of Limitations, &c. 154 19. " SATURNINUS AND VERBUSIUS. Rights of the Fiscus 155 20. " ALBINUS AND ALBIENUS. Circus quarrels 155 21. " MAXIMIAN AND ANDREAS. Embellishment of Rome 156 22. " MARCELLUS. His promotion to rank of Advocatus Fisci 156 23. " COELIANUS AND AGAPITUS. Litigation between Senators 157 24. " ALL THE GOTHS. Call to arms 157 25. " SABINIANUS. Repair of the walls of Rome 158 26. " FAUSTUS. Immunity of certain Church property 159 27. " SPECIOSUS. Circus quarrels 159 28. " GOTHS AND ROMANS. Building of walls of Rome 160 29. " THE LUCRISTANI ON RIVER SONTIUS. Postal Service 160 30. " SENATE. Injury to public peace from Circus rivalries 161 31. " THE ROMAN PEOPLE. Same subject 161 32. " AGAPITUS. Same subject 162 33. " " Arrangements for Pantomime 162 34. " FAUSTUS. Exportation of corn 163 35. " " Unreasonable delays in transmission of corn 163 36. " THERIOLUS. Guardianship of sons of Benedictus 164 37. " CRISPIANUS. Justifiable homicide 164 38. " BAION. Hilarius to have possession of his property 165 39. " FESTUS. Nephews of Filagrius to be detained in Rome 165 40. " ASSUIN (or ASSIUS). Inhabitants of Salona to be drilled 166 41. " AGAPITUS. Enquiries into character of younger Faustus 166 42. " ARTEMIDORUS. Appointment as Praefect of the City 167 43. " SENATE. Promotion of Artemidorus 167 44. " THE PEOPLE OF ROME. Same subject 168 45. " BOETIUS. Water-clock and sundial for Burgundian King 168 46. " GUNDIBAD. Same subject 170 BOOK II. CONTAINING FORTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS. Consulship of Felix 171 2. " FELIX. Same subject 172 3. " SENATE. Same subject 173 4. " ECDICIUS (or BENEDICTUS). Collection of _Siliquaticum_ 173 5. " FAUSTUS. Soldiers' arrears 173 6. " AGAPITUS. Embassy to Constantinople 174 7. " SURA (or SUNA). Embellishment of City 174 8. " BISHOP SEVERUS. Compensation for damage by troops 175 9. " FAUSTUS. Allowance to retired charioteer 175 10. " SPECIOSUS. Abduction of Agapita 175 11. " PROVINUS (PROBINUS?). Gift unduly obtained from Agapita 176 12. " THE COUNT OF THE SILIQUATARII, AND THE HARBOUR MASTER (OF PORTUS?). Prohibition of export of lard 177 13. " FRUINARITH. Dishonest conduct of Venantius 177 14. " SYMMACHUS. Romulus the parricide 178 15. " VENANTIUS. Appointment as Comes Domesticorum 178 16. " SENATE. Same subject. Panegyric on Liberius, father of Venantius 179 17. " POSSESSORS, DEFENSORS, AND CURIALS OF TRIDENTUM (TRIENT). Immunity from Tertiae enjoyed by lands granted by the King 180 18. " BISHOP GUDILA. Ecclesiastics as Curiales 181 19. " GOTHS AND ROMANS, AND KEEPERS OF HARBOURS AND MOUNTAIN FORTRESSES. Domestic treachery and murder 181 20. " UNILIGIS (or WILIGIS). Order for provision ships 182 21. " JOANNES. Drainage-concession too timidly acted upon 182 22. " FESTUS. Ecdicius to be buried by his sons 183 23. " AMPELIUS, DESPOTIUS, AND THEODULUS. Protection for owners of potteries 183 24. " SENATE. Arrears of taxation due from Senators 183 25. " SENATE. AN EDICT. Evasion of taxes by the rich 184 26. " FAUSTUS. Regulations for corn-traffic 185 27. " JEWS LIVING IN GENOA. Rebuilding of Synagogue 185 28. " STEPHANUS. Honours bestowed on retirement 186 29. " ADILA. Protection to dependents of the Church 186 30. " FAUSTUS. Privileges granted to Church of Milan 187 31. " THE DROMONARII [ROWERS IN EXPRESS-BOATS]. State Galleys on the Po 187 32. " SENATE. Drainage of marshes of Decennonium 188 33. " DECIUS. Same subject 189 34. " ARTEMIDORUS. Embezzlement of City building funds 189 35. " TANCILA. Theft of statue at Como 190 36. EDICT. Same subject 190 37. TO FAUSTUS. Largesse to citizens of Spoleto 190 38. " " Immunity from taxation 191 39. " ALOISIUS. Hot springs of Aponum 191 40. " BOETIUS. Harper for King of the Franks 193 41. " LUDUIN [CLOVIS]. Victories over the Alamanni 194 BOOK III. CONTAINING FIFTY-THREE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. TO ALARIC. Dissuades from war with the Franks 196 2. " GUNDIBAD. Dissuades from war 197 3. " THE KINGS OF THE HERULI, WARNI (GUARNI), AND THURINGIANS. Attempt to form a Teutonic coalition 198 4. " LUDUIN (LUDWIG, or CLOVIS). To desist from war on Alaric. 198 5. " IMPORTUNUS. Promotion to the Patriciate 199 6. " SENATE. Same subject 200 7. " JANUARIUS. Reproof for alleged extortion 201 8. " VENANTIUS. Remissness in collection of public revenue 201 9. " POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF AESTUNAE. Marbles for Ravenna 202 10. " FESTUS. Same subject 202 11. " ARGOLICUS. Appointment to Praefecture of the City 203 12. " SENATE. Same subject 203 13. " SUNHIVAD. Appointment as Governor of Samnium 204 14. " BISHOP AURIGENES. Accusations against servants of a Bishop 204 15. " THEODAHAD. Disposal of contumacious person 205 16. " GEMELLUS. Appointment as Governor of Gaulish Provinces 205 17. " GAULISH PROVINCIALS. Proclamation 206 18. " GEMELLUS. Re-patriation of Magnus 206 19. " DANIEL. Supply of marble sarcophagi 207 20. " GRIMODA AND FERROCINCTUS. Oppression of Castorius by Faustus 207 21. " FAUSTUS. Disgrace and temporary exile 208 22. " ARTEMIDORUS. Invitation to King's presence 209 23. " COLOSSAEUS. Appointment as Governor of Pannonia 209 24. " BARBARIANS AND ROMANS SETTLED IN PANNONIA. Same subject 210 25. " SIMEON. Tax-collecting and iron-mining in Dalmatia 210 26. " OSUN. Simeon's journey to Dalmatia 211 27. " JOANNES. Protection against Praetorian Praefect 211 28. " CASSIODORUS (SENIOR). Invitation to Court 211 29. " ARGOLICUS. Repair of granaries in Rome 212 30. " " Repair of Cloacae " " 212 31. " SENATE. Conservation of aqueducts and temples in Rome 213 32. " GEMELLUS. Remission of taxes to citizens of Arles 214 33. " ARGOLICUS. Promotion of Armentarius and Superbus 214 34. " INHABITANTS OF MASSILIA. Appointment of Governor 215 35. " ROMULUS. Gifts not to be revoked 215 36. " ARIGERN. Complaints against Venantius 216 37. " BISHOP PETER. Alleged injustice 216 38. " WANDIL [VUANDIL]. Gothic troops not to molest citizens 217 39. " FELIX. Largesse to charioteers of Milan 217 40. " PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL. Exemption from taxation 218 41. " GEMELLUS. Corn for garrisons on the Durance 218 42. " PROVINCIALS IN GAUL. Exemption from military contributions 219 43. " UNIGIS. Fugitive slaves to be restored to owners 219 44. " LANDOWNERS (POSSESSORES) OF ARLES. Repair of walls, &c. 220 45. " ARIGERN. Dispute between Roman Church and Samaritans 220 46. " ADEODATUS. Further charges against Venantius 220 47. " FAUSTUS. Banishment of Jovinus to Vulcanian Islands 222 48. " GOTHS AND ROMANS LIVING NEAR FORT VERRUCA. Fortification 222 49. " POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF CATANA. Repair of walls 224 50. " PROVINCIALS OF NORICUM. Alamanni and Noricans to exchange cattle 225 51. " FAUSTUS. Stipend of charioteer. Description of Circus 226 52. " CONSULARIS. Roman land surveying 231 53. " APRONIANUS. Water-finders 233 BOOK IV. CONTAINING FIFTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. TO KING OF THE THURINGIANS. Marriage with Theodoric's niece 235 2. " KING OF THE HERULI. Adoption as son 236 3. " SENARIUS. Appointment as Comes Patrimonii 237 4. " SENATE. Same subject 237 5. " AMABILIS. Supply of provisions to Gaulish Provinces 238 6. " SYMMACHUS. Sons of Valerian to be detained in Rome 238 7. " SENARIUS. Losses by shipwreck to be refunded 239 8. " POSSESSORES AND CURIALES OF FORUM LIVII (FORLI). Transport of timber to Alsuanum 240 9. " OSUIN. '_Tuitio regii nominis_' 240 10. " JOANNES. Repression of lawless custom of Pignoratio 240 11. " SENARIUS. Dispute between Possessores and Curiales 241 12. " MARABAD AND GEMELLUS. Complaint of Archotamia 241 13. " SENARIUS. Supplies for Colossaeus and suite 242 14. " GESILA. Evasion of land-tax by Goths 242 15. " BENENATUS. New rowers, and their qualifications 243 16. " SENATE. Arigern entrusted with charge of City of Rome 243 17. " IDA. Church possessions to be restored 244 18. " ANNAS. Enquiry concerning a priestly Ghoul 244 19. " GEMELLUS. Corn, wine, and oil to be exempt from the Siliquaticum 245 20. " GEBERICH. Church land to be restored 245 21. " GEMELLUS. Promptness and integrity required 245 22. " ARGOLICUS. } 23. " ARIGERN. } Accusation of magic against Roman Senators 246 24. " ELPIDIUS. Architectural restoration at Spoleto 247 25. " ARGOLICUS. Petrus to become Senator 247 26. " CITIZENS OF MARSEILLES. Remission of taxes 248 27. " TEZUTZAT. } 28. " DUDA. } Petrus assaulted by his Defensor 248 29. " ARGOLICUS. Official tardiness rebuked 249 30. " ALBINUS. Erection of workshops near Roman Forum 249 31. " AEMILIANUS. Aqueduct to be promptly finished 250 32. " DUDA. Crown rights to be asserted with moderation 250 33. " JEWS OF GENOA. Their privileges confirmed 251 34. " DUDA. Reclamation of buried treasure 252 35. " REPRESENTATIVES (ACTORES) OF ALBINUS. Extravagant minor 252 36. " FAUSTUS. Remission of taxes for Provincials 253 37. " THEODAGUNDA. To do justice to Renatus 253 38. " FAUSTUS. Taxes to be reduced 254 39. " THEODAHAD. His encroachments 254 40. " REPRESENTATIVES (ACTORES) OF PROBINUS. The affair of Agapita 255 41. " JOANNES. Unjust judgment reversed 255 42. " ARGOLICUS. Property to be restored to sons of Volusian 256 43. " SENATE. Punishment of incendiaries of Jewish Synagogue 256 44. " ANTONIUS. To do justice to Stephanus 257 45. " COMITES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF TICINUM (PAVIA). Heruli to be forwarded on their way to Ravenna 258 46. " MARABAD. Case of Liberius' wife to be reheard 258 47. " GUDISAL. Abuses of the Cursus Publicus 259 48. " EUSEBIUS. His honourable retirement 260 49. " PROVINCIALS AND THE LONG-HAIRED MEN, THE DEFENSORES AND CURIALES RESIDING IN SUAVIA. Appointment of Governor, &c. 260 50. " FAUSTUS. Campanian taxes remitted. Eruption of Vesuvius 261 51. " SYMMACHUS. Restoration of Theatre of Pompey 263 BOOK V. CONTAINING FORTY-FOUR LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. TO KING OF THE VANDALS. Thanking for presents 264 2. " THE HAESTI. Their present of amber 265 3. " HONORATUS. } 4. " SENATE. } Promotion to Quaestorship, &c. 266 5. " MANNILA. Abuses of the Cursus Publicus 268 6. " STABULARIUS. } 7. " JOANNES. } Default in payments to Treasury 269 8. " ANASTASIUS. Transport of marbles to Ravenna 270 9. " POSSESSORES OF FELTRIA. New city to be built 270 10. " VERANUS. } 11. " THE GEPIDAE. } Payment on march to Gaul 271 12. " THEODAHAD. His avarice and injustice 272 13. " EUTROPIUS AND ACRETIUS. Commissariat 272 14. " SEVERI(A)NUS. Financial abuses in Suavia 273 15. " POSSESSORES IN SUAVIA. Same subject 274 16. " ABUNDANTIUS. Formation of navy 274 17. " " Same subject 275 18. " UVILIAS [WILLIAS?]. } 19. " GUDINAND. } Same subject 276 20. " AVILF. } 21. " CAPUANUS. } 22. " SENATE. } Appointment as Rector Decuriarum 277 23. " ABUNDANTIUS. Archery drill 279 24. " EPIPHANIUS. Property of intestate claimed for the State 279 25. " BACAUDA. Appointment as Tribunus Voluptatum 280 26. " GOTHS SETTLED IN PICENUM AND SAMNIUM. Summons to the royal presence 280 27. " GUDUIM. The same 280 28. " CARINUS. Invitation to Court 281 29. " NEUDES. Blind Gothic warrior enslaved 281 30. " GUDUI[M]. Servile tasks imposed on free Goths 281 31. " DECORATUS. Arrears of Siliquaticum to be enforced 282 32. " BRANDILA. Assault of his wife on Regina 282 33. " WILITANCH. Adulterous connection between Brandila and Regina 283 34. " ABUNDANTIUS. Frontosus compared to chameleon 284 35. " LUVIRIT AND AMPELIUS. Punishment of fraudulent shipowners 285 36. " STARCEDIUS. Honourable discharge 285 37. " JEWS OF MILAN. Rights of Synagogue not to be invaded 286 38. " ALL CULTIVATORS. Shrubs obstructing aqueduct of Ravenna 286 39. " AMPELIUS AND LIVERIA. Abuses in administration of Spanish government 287 40. " CYPRIAN. } 41. " SENATE. } Promotion to the Comitiva Sacrarum Largitionum 289 42. " MAXIMUS. Rewards to performers in Amphitheatre 291 43. " TRANSMUND [THRASAMUND]. Complains of protection given to Gesalic 292 44. " TRANSMUND [THRASAMUND]. Reconciliation 293 BOOK VI. CONTAINING TWENTY-FIVE FORMULAE. 1. OF THE CONSULSHIP 294 2. " " PATRICIATE 296 3. " " PRAETORIAN PRAEFECTURE 296 4. " " PRAEFECTURE OF THE CITY 299 5. " " QUAESTORSHIP 300 6. " " MAGISTERIAL DIGNITY, AND ITS EXCELLENCY (MAGISTRATUS OFFICIORUM) 302 7. " " OFFICE OF COMES SACRARUM LARGITIONUM. 303 8. " " " " " PRIVATARUM, AND ITS EXCELLENCY 304 9. " " " " COUNT OF THE PATRIMONY, AND ITS EXCELLENCY 305 10. FOR PROMOTION AS PROCERES PER CODICILLOS VACANTES 306 11. CONFERRING THE RANK OF AN ILLUSTRIS AND TITLE OF COMES DOMESTICORUM, WITHOUT OFFICE 307 12. BESTOWAL OF COUNTSHIP OF FIRST ORDER, WITHOUT OFFICE 307 13. BESTOWING THE HONORARY RANK OF MASTER OF THE BUREAU AND COUNT OF THE FIRST ORDER ON AN OFFICER OF THE COURTS IN ACTIVE SERVICE 308 14. BESTOWING RANK AS A SENATOR 309 15. OF THE VICARIUS OF THE CITY OF ROME 310 16. " " NOTARIES 311 17. " " REFERENDARII 311 18. " " PRAEFECTUS ANNONAE, AND HIS EXCELLENCY 312 19. " " COUNT OF THE CHIEF PHYSICIANS 313 20. " " OFFICE OF A CONSULAR, AND ITS EXCELLENCY 314 21. " " GOVERNOR (RECTOR) OF A PROVINCE 315 22. " " COUNT OF THE CITY OF SYRACUSE 316 23. " " COUNT OF NAPLES 316 24. TO THE GENTLEMEN-FARMERS AND COMMON COUNCILMEN OF THE CITY OF NAPLES 317 25. 'DE COMITIVA PRINCIPIS MILITUM'(?) 317 BOOK VII. CONTAINING FORTY-SEVEN FORMULAE. 1. OF THE COUNT OF A PROVINCE 319 2. OF A PRAESES 319 3. OF COUNT OF THE GOTHS IN THE SEVERAL PROVINCES 320 4. OF THE DUKE OF RAETIA 322 5. " " PALACE ARCHITECT 323 6. " " COUNT OF THE AQUEDUCTS 324 7. " " PRAEFECT OF THE WATCH OF CITY OF ROME 326 8. " " " " " " RAVENNA 327 9. " " COUNT OF PORTUS 327 10. " " TRIBUNUS VOLUPTATUM 327 11. " " DEFENSOR OF ANY CITY 328 12. " " CURATOR OF A CITY 329 13. " " COUNT OF ROME 329 14. " " " RAVENNA 330 15. ADDRESSED TO THE PRAEFECT OF THE CITY ON APPOINTMENT OF AN ARCHITECT 331 16. OF THE COUNT OF THE ISLANDS OF CURRITANA AND CELSINA 331 17. CONCERNING THE PRESIDENT OF THE LIME-KILNS 332 18. CONCERNING ARMOURERS 332 19. TO THE PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT CONCERNING ARMOURERS 333 20. } 21. } RELATING TO COLLECTION OF BINA AND TERNA 333 22. EXHORTATION ADDRESSED TO TWO SCRINIARII 333 23. OF THE VICARIUS OF PORTUS 334 24. " " PRINCEPS OF DALMATIA 334 25. RECOMMENDING THE PRINCIPES TO THE COMES 335 26. OF THE COUNTSHIP OF SECOND RANK IN DIVERS CITIES 336 27. ADDRESSED TO THE DIGNIFIED CULTIVATORS AND CURIALES 336 28. ANNOUNCING APPOINTMENT OF A COMES TO THE CHIEF OF HIS STAFF 336 29. CONCERNING THE GUARD AT THE GATES OF A CITY 337 30. OF THE TRIBUNATE IN THE PROVINCES 337 31. " " PRINCEPS OF THE CITY OF ROME 338 32. " " MASTER OF THE MINT 338 33. RESPECTING THE AMBASSADORS OF VARIOUS NATIONS 339 34. OF SUMMONS TO THE KING'S COURT (UNSOLICITED) 339 35. OF SUMMONS TO THE COURT (SOLICITED) 339 36. GRANTING TEMPORARY LEAVE OF ABSENCE 339 37. CONFERRING THE RANK OF A SPECTABILIS 340 38. " " CLARISSIMUS 340 39. BESTOWING 'POLICE PROTECTION' 340 40. FOR THE CONFIRMATION OF MARRIAGE AND THE LEGITIMATION OF OFFSPRING 341 41. CONFERRING THE RIGHTS OF FULL AGE 342 42. EDICT TO QUAESTOR, ORDERING PERSON WHO ASKS FOR PROTECTION OF SAJO TO GIVE BAIL 342 43. APPROVING THE APPOINTMENT OF A CLERK IN RECORD-OFFICE 343 44. GRANT OF PUBLIC PROPERTY ON CONDITION OF IMPROVEMENT 343 45. REMISSION OF TAXES WHERE TAXPAYER HAS ONLY ONE HOUSE, TOO HEAVILY ASSESSED 344 46. LEGITIMATING MARRIAGE WITH A FIRST COUSIN 345 47. TO PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, DIRECTING SALE OF THE PROPERTY OF A CURIALIS 345 BOOK VIII. CONTAINING THIRTY-THREE LETTERS, ALL WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF ATHALARIC THE KING, EXCEPT THE ELEVENTH, WHICH IS WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF TULUM. 1. TO THE EMPEROR JUSTIN. Announcement of Athalaric's accession 347 2. " " SENATE. Same subject 348 3. " " ROMAN PEOPLE. Same subject 349 4. " " ROMANS SETTLED IN ITALY AND THE DALMATIAS. Same subject 350 5. " " GOTHS SETTLED IN ITALY. Same subject 350 6. " LIBERIUS, GOVERNOR OF GAUL. " " 351 7. " THE PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL. Same subject 351 8. " BISHOP VICTORINUS. Same subject 352 9. " TULUM. Raised to the Patriciate. His praises 352 10. " SENATE. Same subject 354 11. TULUM'S ADDRESS TO SENATE. Elevation to the Patriciate 356 12. TO ARATOR. Promotion to Count of the Domestics 357 13. " AMBROSIUS. Appointment to Quaestorship 358 14. " SENATE. Same subject 359 15. " " Election of Pope Felix III (or IV) 360 16. " OPILIO. Appointment as Count of the Sacred Largesses 361 17. " SENATE. Same subject 363 18. " FELIX. Promotion to Quaestorship 365 19. " SENATE. Same subject 366 20. " ALBIENUS. Appointment as Praetorian Praefect 367 21. " CYPRIAN. } 22. " SENATE. } Elevation to the Patriciate 368 23. " BERGANTINUS. Gifts to Theodahad 370 24. " CLERGY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. Ecclesiastical immunities 371 25. " JOANNES. Confirmation of Tulum's gift of property 373 26. " INHABITANTS OF REATE AND NURSIA. To obey their Prior 374 27. " DUMERIT AND FLORENTINUS. To suppress robbery at Faventia 375 28. " CUNIGAST. Enforced slavery of Possessores (or Coloni?) 376 29. " THE DIGNIFIED CULTIVATORS AND CURIALS OF PARMA. Necessity for sanitary measures 377 30. " GENESIUS. Same subject 377 31. " SEVERUS. Dissuasions from a country life, and praises of Bruttii 378 32. " " Fountain of Arethusa 380 33. " " Feast of St. Cyprian 381 BOOK IX. CONTAINING TWENTY-FIVE LETTERS, WRITTEN IN THE NAME OF ATHALARIC THE KING. 1. TO HILDERIC. Murder of Amalafrida 384 2. EDICT. Oppression of the Curiales 385 3. TO BERGANTINUS. Gold-mining in Italy 387 4. " ABUNDANTIUS. Curiales to become Possessores 388 5. " CERTAIN BISHOPS AND FUNCTIONARIES. Forestalling and regrating prohibited 389 6. " A CERTAIN PRIMISCRINIUS. Leave to visit Baiae 389 7. " REPARATUS. Appointment to Praefecture of City 390 8. " OSUIN (or OSUM). Promotion to Governorship of Dalmatia and Savia 391 9. " GOTHS AND ROMANS IN DALMATIA AND SAVIA. Same subject 392 10. " PROVINCIALS OF SYRACUSE. Remission of Augmentum 393 11. " GILDIAS. {Oppression by King's} 12. " VICTOR AND WITIGISCLUS (or WIGISICLA). { officers rebuked } 394 13. " WILLIAS. Increase of emoluments of Domestici 394 14. " GILDIAS. Charge of oppression 395 15. " POPE JOHN II. Against Simony at Papal elections 398 16. " SALVANTIUS. Same subject 400 17. " " Release of two Roman citizens 400 18. EDICT. Offences against Civilitas 401 19. TO SENATE. Promulgation of Edict 405 20. " JUDGES OF PROVINCES. Same subject 405 21. " SENATE. Increase of Grammarians' salaries 406 22. " PAULINUS. Appointment as Consul 407 23. " SENATE. Same subject 408 24. " SENATOR [CASSIODORUS HIMSELF]. Appointment as Praetorian Praefect, &c. 408 25. " SENATE. Eulogy of Cassiodorus on his appointment. His Gothic History. His official career. His military services. His religious character 412-413 BOOK X. CONTAINING THIRTY-FIVE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS: FOUR IN THE NAME OF QUEEN AMALASUENTHA; TWENTY-TWO IN THAT OF KING THEODAHAD; FOUR IN THAT OF HIS WIFE GUDELINA; FIVE IN THAT OF KING WITIGIS. 1. QUEEN AMALASUENTHA TO EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Association of Theodahad in the Sovereignty 415 2. KING THEODAHAD TO EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Same subject 416 3. AMALASUENTHA TO SENATE. Same. Praises of Theodahad 416 4. THEODAHAD TO SENATE. Same. Praises of Amalasuentha 418 5. " " HIS MAN THEODOSIUS. Followers of new King to live justly 421 6. " " PATRICIUS. Appointment to Quaestorship 422 7. " " SENATE. Same subject 422 8. AMALASUENTHA TO JUSTINIAN. Acknowledging present of marbles 423 9. THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN. Same subject 423 10. AMALASUENTHA TO THEODORA. Salutation 424 11. THEODAHAD TO MAXIMUS. Appointment to office of Primicerius 424 12. " " SENATE. Same subject 425 13. " " " Summons to Ravenna. Suspicions of Senators 426 14. " " THE ROMAN PEOPLE. Dissensions between citizens of Rome and Gothic troops 427 15. " " EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Letter of introduction for Ecclesiastic 428 16. " " SENATE. Assurances of good-will 428 17. " " THE ROMAN PEOPLE. Same subject 429 18. " " SENATE. Gothic garrison for Rome 430 19. " " JUSTINIAN. Embassy of Peter 431 20. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA. Embassy of Rusticus 432 21. " " " " " Soliciting friendship 433 22. THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN. Entreaties for peace 434 23. GUDELINA TO THEODORA. Same subject 435 24. " " JUSTINIAN. Same subject 436 25. THEODAHAD TO JUSTINIAN. Same subject 436 26. " " " Monastery too heavily taxed 437 27. " " SENATOR. Corn distributions in Liguria and Venetia 438 28. " " " Grant of monopolies 438 29. " " WINUSIAD. Old soldier gets leave to visit baths of Bormio 440 30. " " HONORIUS. Brazen elephants in the Via Sacra. Natural history of elephant 442 31. KING WITIGIS TO ALL THE GOTHS. On his elevation 444 32. " " " JUSTINIAN. Overtures for peace 445 33. " " " THE MASTER OF THE OFFICES (at Constantinople). Sending of embassy 447 34. " " " HIS BISHOPS. Same subject 448 35. " " " THE PRAEFECT OF THESSALONICA. Same subject 448 BOOK XI. CONTAINING THIRTY-NINE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME AS PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO, AND ONE ON BEHALF OF THE ROMAN SENATE. PREFACE 449 1. TO SENATE. On his promotion to the Praefecture. Praises of Amalasuentha. Comparison to Placidia. Relations with the East. Expedition against Franks. League with Burgundians. Virtues of Amal Kings 452-457 2. " POPE JOHN. Salutations 458 3. " DIVERS BISHOPS. The same 459 4. " AMBROSIUS (HIS DEPUTY). Functions of Praefect's Deputy 460 5. " THE SAME. Grain distributions for Rome 461 6. " JOANNES. Functions of the Cancellarius 462 7. " JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES. Duties of tax-collectors 464 8. EDICT PUBLISHED THROUGH THE PROVINCES. Announcement of Cassiodorus' principles of administration 465 9. TO JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES. Exhortation to govern in conformity with Edict 467 10. " BEATUS. Davus invalided to Mons Lactarius. The milk-cure for consumption 468-469 11. EDICT. Concerning prices to be maintained at Ravenna 469 12. " Concerning prices along the Flaminian Way 470 13. THE SENATE TO EMPEROR JUSTINIAN. Supplications of the Senate 471 14. TO GAUDIOSUS. Praises of Como. Relief of its inhabitants 474 15. " THE LIGURIANS. Relief of their necessities 475 16. " THE SAME. Oppressions practised on them to be remedied 476 17. " THE PRINCEPS(?). Promotions in Official Staff of Praetorian Praefect 477 18-35. VARIOUSLY ADDRESSED. [Documents, for the most part very short ones, relating to these promotions.] 477-480 36. TO ANAT(H)OLIUS. Retirement of a Cornicularius on superannuation allowance justified on astronomical grounds 480 37. " LUCINUS. Payment of retiring Primiscrinius 482 38. " JOANNES. Praises of paper 483 39. " VITALIAN. Payment of commuted cattle-tax 484 40. INDULGENCE [TO PRISONERS ON SOME GREAT FESTIVAL OF THE CHURCH, PROBABLY EASTER]. General Amnesty 485 BOOK XII. CONTAINING TWENTY-EIGHT LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME AS PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. 1. TO THE VARIOUS CANCELLARII OF THE PROVINCES. General instructions 487 2. " ALL JUDGES OF THE PROVINCES. General instructions to Provincial Governors 488 3. " SAJONES ASSIGNED TO THE CANCELLARII. General instructions 489 4. " THE CANONICARIUS OF THE VENETIAE. Praise of _Acinaticium_ 490 5. " VALERIAN. Measures for relief of Lucania and Bruttii 492 6. " ALL SUBORDINATE GOVERNORS OF THE PRAEFECTURE. General instructions 494 7. " THE TAX-COLLECTOR OF THE VENETIAN PROVINCE. Remission of taxes on account of invasion by Suevi 495 8. " THE CONSULARIS OF THE PROVINCE OF LIGURIA. Permission to pay taxes direct to Royal Treasury 495 9. " PASCHASIUS. Claim of an African to succeed to estate of intestate countryman 496 10. " DIVERS CANCELLARII. Taxes to be punctually enforced 497 11. " PETER, DISTRIBUTOR OF RELISHES. Their due distribution 498 12. " ANASTASIUS. Praise of the cheese and wine of Bruttii 499 13. EDICT. Frauds committed by revenue-officers on Churches 500 14. TO ANASTASIUS. Plea for gentle treatment of citizens of Rhegium 501 15. " MAXIMUS. Praises of author's birthplace, Scyllacium 503 16. " A REVENUE OFFICER. Payment of Trina Illatio 506 17. " JOHN, SILIQUATARIUS OF RAVENNA. Defence of city 507 18. " CONSTANTIAN. Repair of Flaminian Way 507 19. " MAXIMUS. Bridge of boats across the Tiber 509 20. " THOMAS AND PETER. Sacred vessels mortgaged by Pope Agapetus to be restored to Papal See 510 21. " DEUSDEDIT. Duties of a Scribe 511 22. " PROVINCIALS OF ISTRIA. Requisition from Province of Istria 513 23. " LAURENTIUS. Same subject 515 24. " TRIBUNES OF THE MARITIME POPULATION. First historical notice of Venice 515 25. " AMBROSIUS, HIS DEPUTY. Famine in Italy 518 26. " PAULUS. Remission of taxes in consequence of famine 520 27. " DATIUS. Relief of famine-stricken citizens of Ticinum, &c. 521 28. EDICT [ADDRESSED TO LIGURIANS]. Relief of inhabitants 523 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. P. 6, l. 30, for 'Scylletium' read 'Scylletion.' P. 24, _n._ 1, for 'Uterwerfung' read 'Unterwerfung.' In the 'Note on the Topography of Squillace' (pp. 68-72), and the map illustrating it, for 'Scylacium' read 'Scyllacium.' (The line of Virgil, however, quoted on p. 6, shows that the name was sometimes spelt with only one 'l.') Pp. 94 and 96, head line, dele 'the.' P. 128 (Chronological Table, under heading 'Popes') for 'John III.' read 'John II.' P. 146 (last line of text). S. Gaudenzi remarks that the addresses of the laws in the Code of Justinian forbid us to suppose that Heliodorus was Praetorian Praefect for eighteen years. He thinks that most likely the meaning of the words 'in illa republica nobis videntibus praefecturam bis novenis annis gessit eximie' is that twice in the space of nine years Heliodorus filled the office of Praefect. P. 159, Letter 27 of Book I. The date of this letter is probably 509, as Importunus, who is therein mentioned as Consul, was Consul in that year. P. 160, Letter 29 of Book I. S. Gaudenzi points out that a letter has probably dropped out here, as the title does not fit the contents of the letter, which seems to have been addressed to a Sajo. In the titles of I. 14, 26, 34, 35, and II. 5 and 9, for 'Praepositus' read 'Praetorian Praefect.' The contraction used by the early amanuenses for Praefecto Praetorio has been misunderstood by their successors, and consequently many MSS. read 'Praeposito,' and this reading has been followed by Nivellius. There can be no doubt, however, that Garet is right in restoring 'Praefecto Praetorio.' On the other hand, I have been misled by Garet's edition into quoting the following letters as addressed _Viro Senatori_; I. 38; II. 23, 28, 29, 35; III. 8, 13, 15, 16, 27, 32, 41; IV. 10, 12, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 28; V. 21, 24. Here, too, the only MSS. that I have examined read 'Viro Senatori;' but Nivellius preserves what is no doubt the earlier reading, 'V.S.,' which assuredly stands for 'Viro Spectabili.' Practically there is no great difference between the two readings, and the remarks made by me on II. 29, 35, &c., as to Senators with Gothic names may still stand; for as every Senator was (at least) a Clarissimus, it is not likely that any person who reached the higher dignity of a Spectabilis was not also a Senator. (See pp. 90 and 91.) P. 181, Letter 19 of Book II. Here again, on account of the want of correspondence between the title and contents of the letter, S. Gaudenzi suggests that a letter has dropped out. P. 182, title of Letter 20, for 'Unigilis' read 'Uniligis.' P. 205, l. 6 from bottom, for 'Praefectum' read 'Praefectorum.' P. 206, l. 1, for 'Provinces' read 'Provincials.' P. 224 (marginal note), for 'amphitheatre' read 'walls.' Last line (text), for 'its' read 'their.' P. 244, title of Letter 17, for 'Idae' some MSS. read 'Ibbae,' which is probably the right reading, Ibbas having commanded the Ostrogothic army in Gaul in 510. P. 247, dele the last two lines. (The Peter who was Consul in 516 was an official of the Eastern Empire, the same who came on an embassy to Theodahad in 535.) P. 253. l. 9, for '408' read '508.' P. 255, ll. 9, 14, and in margin, for 'Agapeta' read 'Agapita.' P. 256, ll. 16, 26, and in margin, for 'Velusian' read 'Volusian.' P. 256, title of Letter 43. S. Gaudenzi thinks this letter was really addressed to Argolicus, Praefectus Urbis. P. 269, l. 20, dele 'possibly Stabularius.' P. 282, Letter 31 of Book V. (to Decoratus). As Decoratus is described in V. 3 and 4 as already dead, it is clear that the letters are not arranged in chronological order. P. 282, l. 27, for 'upon' read 'before.' P. 288, l. 25, for 'extortions' read 'extra horses.' P. 291, l. 6, for 'Anomymus' read 'Anonymus.' P. 308, l. 7. This is an important passage, as illustrating the nature of the office which Cassiodorus held as Consiliarius to his father. P. 333, second marginal note, for 'aguntur' read 'agantur' (twice). P. 398, title of Letter 15, for '532' read '533-535.' P. 400, title of Letter 17, for 'between 532 and 534' read 'between 533 and 535.' P. 450, l. 8. Probably, as suggested by S. Gaudenzi, Felix was Consiliarius to Cassiodorus. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. LIFE OF CASSIODORUS. The interest of the life of Cassiodorus is derived from his position rather than from his character. He was a statesman of considerable sagacity and of unblemished honour, a well-read scholar, and a devout Christian; but he was apt to crouch before the possessors of power however unworthy, and in the whole of his long and eventful life we never find him playing a part which can be called heroic. [Sidenote: Position of Cassiodorus on the confines of the Ancient and the Modern.] His position, however, which was in more senses than one that of a borderer between two worlds, gives to the study of his writings an exceptional value. Born a few years after the overthrow of the Western Empire, a Roman noble by his ancestry, a rhetorician-philosopher by his training, he became what we should call the Prime Minister of the Ostrogothic King Theodoric; he toiled with his master at the construction of the new state, which was to unite the vigour of Germany and the culture of Rome; for a generation he saw this edifice stand, and when it fell beneath the blows of Belisarius he retired, perhaps well-nigh broken-hearted, from the political arena. The writings of such a man could hardly fail, at any rate they do not fail, to give us many interesting glimpses into the political life both of the Romans and the Barbarians. It is true that they throw more light backwards than forwards, that they teach us far more about the constitution of the Roman Empire than they do about the Teutonic customs from whence in due time Feudalism was to be born. Still, they do often illustrate these Teutonic usages; and when we remember that the writer to whom after Tacitus we are most deeply indebted for our knowledge of Teutonic antiquity, Jordanes, professedly compiled his ill-written pamphlet from the Twelve Books of the Gothic History of Cassiodorus, we see that indirectly his contribution to the history of the German factor in European civilisation is a most important one. Thus then, as has been already said, Cassiodorus stood on the confines of two worlds, the Ancient and the Modern; indeed it is a noteworthy fact that the very word _modernus_ occurs for the first time with any frequency in his writings. Or, if the ever-shifting boundary between Ancient and Modern be drawn elsewhere than in the fifth and sixth centuries, at any rate it is safe to say, that he stood on the boundary of two worlds, the Roman and the Teutonic. [Sidenote: Also on the confines of Politics and Religion.] But the statesman who, after spending thirty years at the Court of Theodoric and his daughter, spent thirty-three years more in the monastery which he had himself erected at Squillace, was a borderer in another sense than that already mentioned--a borderer between the two worlds of Politics and Religion; and in this capacity also, as the contemporary, perhaps the friend, certainly the imitator, of St. Benedict, and in some respects the improver upon his method, Cassiodorus largely helped to mould the destinies of mediaeval and therefore of modern Europe. I shall now proceed to indicate the chief points in the life and career of Cassiodorus. Where, as is generally the case, our information comes from his own correspondence, I shall, to avoid repetition, not do much more than refer the reader to the passage in the following collection, where he will find the information given as nearly as may be in the words of the great Minister himself. [Sidenote: His ancestors.] The ancestors of Cassiodorus for three generations, and their public employments, are enumerated for us in the letters (Var. i. 3-4) which in the name of Theodoric he wrote on his father's elevation to the Patriciate. From these letters we learn that-- [Sidenote: Great grandfather.] (1) Cassiodorus, the writer's great grandfather, who held the rank of an Illustris, defended the shores of Sicily and Bruttii from the incursions of the Vandals. This was probably between 430 and 440, and, as we may suppose, towards the end of the life of this statesman, to whom we may conjecturally assign a date from 390 to 460. [Sidenote: Grandfather.] (2) His son and namesake, the grandfather of our Cassiodorus, was a Tribune (a military rank nearly corresponding to our 'Colonel') and Notarius under Valentinian III. He enjoyed the friendship of the great Aetius, and was sent with Carpilio the son of that statesman on an embassy to Attila, probably between the years 440 and 450. In this embassy, according to his grandson, he exerted an extraordinary influence over the mind of the Hunnish King. Soon after this he retired to his native Province of Bruttii, where he passed the remainder of his days. We may probably fix the limits of his life from about 420 to 490. [Sidenote: Father.] (3) His son, the third Cassiodorus, our author's father, served under Odovacar (therefore between 476 and 492), as Comes Privatarum Rerum and Comes Sacrarum Largitionum. These two offices, one of which nominally involved the care of the domains of the Sovereign and the other the regulation of his private charities, were in fact the two great financial offices of the Empire and of the barbarian royalties which modelled their system upon it. Upon the fall of the throne of Odovacar, Cassiodorus transferred his services to Theodoric, at the beginning of whose reign he acted as Governor (Consularis[1]) of Sicily. In this capacity he showed much tact and skill, and thereby succeeded in reconciling the somewhat suspicious and intractable Sicilians to the rule of their Ostrogothic master. He next administered (as Corrector[2]) his own native Province of 'Bruttii et Lucania[3].' Either in the year 500 or soon after, he received from Theodoric the highest mark of his confidence that the Sovereign could bestow, being raised to the great place of Praetorian Praefect, which still conferred a semi-regal splendour upon its holder, and which possibly under a Barbarian King may have involved yet more participation in the actual work of reigning than it had done under a Roman Emperor. [Footnote 1: We get these titles from the Notitia Occidentis I.] [Footnote 2: [See previous footnote.]] [Footnote 3: On the authority of a letter of Pope Gelasius, 'Philippo et Cassiodoro,' Usener fixes this governorship of Bruttii between the years 493 and 496 (p. 76).] The Praefecture of this Cassiodorus probably lasted three or four years, and at its close he received the high honour of the Patriciate. We are not able to name the exact date of his retirement from office; but the important point for us is, that while he still held this splendid position his son was first introduced to public life. To that son's history we may now proceed, for we have no further information of importance as to the father's old age or death beyond the intimation (contained in Var. iii. 28) that Theodoric invited him, apparently in vain, to leave his beloved Bruttii and return to the Court of Ravenna. MAGNUS AURELIUS CASSIODORUS SENATOR was born at Scyllacium (_Squillace_) about the year 480. His name, his birthplace, and his year of birth will each require a short notice. [Sidenote: Name.] [Sidenote: Cassiodorus, or Cassiodorius.] (1) _Name._ Magnus (not Marcus, as it has been sometimes incorrectly printed) is the author's praenomen. Aurelius, the gentile name, connects him with a large gens, of which Q. Aurelius Memmius Symmachus was one of the most distinguished ornaments. As to the form of the cognomen there is a good deal of diversity of opinion, the majority of German scholars preferring Cassiodor_i_us to Cassiodorus. The argument in favour of the former spelling is derived from the fact that some of the MSS. of his works (not apparently the majority) write the name with the termination _rius_, and that while it is easy to understand how from the genitive form _ri_ a nominative _rus_ might be wrongly inferred instead of the real nominative _rius_, it is not easy to see why the opposite mistake should be made, and _rius_ substituted for the genuine _rus_. The question will probably be decided one way or the other by the critical edition of the 'Variae' which is to be published among the 'Monumenta Germaniae Historica;' but in the meantime it may be remarked that the correct Greek form of the name as shown by inscriptions appears to be Cassiodo_rus_, and that in a poem of Alcuin's[4] occurs the line 'Cassiodorus item Chrysostomus atque Johannes,' showing that the termination _rus_ was generally accepted as early as the eighth century. It is therefore to be hoped that this is the form which may finally prevail. [Footnote 4: De Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis, p. 843 of Migne's Second Volume of Alcuin's Works. I owe this quotation to Adolph Franz.] [Sidenote: Senator.] Senator, it is clear, was part of the original name of Cassiodorus, and not a title acquired by sitting in the Roman Senate. It seems a curious custom to give a title of this kind to an infant as part of his name, but the well-known instance of Patricius (St. Patrick) shows that this was sometimes done, and there are other instances (collected by Thorbecke, p. 34) of this very title Senator being used as a proper name. It is clear from Jordanes (who calls the Gothic History of Cassiodorus 'duodecem Senatoris volumina de origine actibusque Getarum[5]'), from Pope Vigilius (who speaks of 'religiosum virum filium nostrum Senatorem[6]'), from the titles of the letters written by Cassiodorus[7], and from his punning allusions to his own name and the love to the Senate which it had prophetically expressed, that Senator was a real name and not a title of honour. [Footnote 5: Preface to Getica (Mommsen's Edition, p. 53).] [Footnote 6: Epist. XIV. ad Rusticum et Sebastianum (Migne, p. 49).] [Footnote 7: Nearly all the letters in the XIth and XIIth Books of the Variae are headed 'Senator Praefectus Praetorio.'] [Sidenote: Birthplace, Scyllacium.] (2) Scyllacium, the modern Squillace, was, according to Cassiodorus, the first, either in age or in importance, of the cities of Bruttii, a Province which corresponds pretty closely with the modern Calabria. It is situated at the head of the gulf to which it gives its name, on the eastern side of Italy, and at the point where the peninsula is pinched in by the Tyrrhene and Ionian Seas to a width of only fifteen miles, the narrowest dimensions to which it is anywhere reduced. The Apennine chain comes here within a distance of about five miles of the sea, and upon one of its lower dependencies Scyllacium was placed. The slight promontory in front of the town earned for it from the author of the Aeneid the ominous name of 'Navifragum Scylaceum[8].' In the description which Cassiodorus himself gives of his birthplace (Var. xii. 15) we hear nothing of the danger to mariners which had attracted the attention of Virgil, possibly a somewhat timid sailor. The name, however, given to the place by the Greek colonists who founded it, _Scylletium_, is thought by some to contain an allusion to dangers of the coast similar to those which were typified by the barking dogs of the not far distant Scylla. [Footnote 8: 'Adtollit se diva Lacinia contra, Caulonisque arces, et navifragum Scylaceum.' (iii. 552-3.)] [Sidenote: The Greek city.] According to Cassiodorus, this Greek city was founded by Ulysses after the destruction of Troy. Strabo[9] attributes the foundation of it to the almost equally widespread energy of Menestheus. The form of the name makes it probable that the colonists were in any case of Ionian descent; but in historic times we find Scylletion subject to the domineering Achaian city of Crotona, from whose grasp it was wrested (B.C. 389) by the elder Dionysius. It no doubt shared in the general decay of the towns of this part of Magna Graecia consequent on the wars of Dionysius and Agathocles, and may very probably, like Crotona, have been taken and laid waste by the Bruttian banditti in the Second Punic War. During the latter part of this war Hannibal seems to have occupied a position near to, but not in, the already ruined city, and its port was known long after as Castra Hannibalis[10]. [Footnote 9: p. 375: ed. Oxon. 1807.] [Footnote 10: Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. 10) says: 'Dein sinus Scylacius et Scyllacium, Scylletium Atheniensibus, cum conderent, dictum: quem locum occurrens Terinaeus sinus peninsulam efficit: et in eâ portus qui vocatur Castra Annibalis, nusquam angustiore Italia XX millia passuum latitudo est.'] [Sidenote: The Roman colony.] [11]'A century before the end of the Republic, a city much more considerable than that which had existed in the past was again established near the point where the Greek Scylletion had existed. Among the colonies of Roman citizens founded B.C. 123 on the rogation of Caius Gracchus, was one sent to this part of Bruttii, under the name of Colonia Minervia Scolacium, a name parallel to those of Colonia Neptunia Tarentum and Colonia Junonia Karthago, decided on at the same time. _Scolacium_ is the form that we meet with in Velleius Paterculus, and that is found in an extant Latin inscription of the time of Antoninus Pius. This is the old Latin form of the name of the town. _Scylacium_, which first appears as used by the writers of the first century of our era, is a purely literary form springing from the desire to get nearer to the Greek type _Scylletion_. [Footnote 11: I take the two following paragraphs from Lenormant's La Grande Grèce, pp. 342-3.] 'Scolacium, or Scylacium, a town purely Roman by reason of the origin of its first colonists, was from its earliest days an important city, and remained such till the end of the Empire. Pomponius Mela, Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy speak of it as one of the principal cities of Bruttii. It had for its port Castra Hannibalis. Under Nero its population was strengthened by a new settlement of veterans as colonists. The city then took the names of Colonia Minervia Nervia Augusta Scolacium. We read these names in an inscription discovered in 1762 at 1,800 metres from the modern Squillace, between that city and the sea--an inscription which mentions the construction of an aqueduct bringing water to Scolacium, executed 143 A.D. at the cost of the Emperor Antoninus.' [Sidenote: Appearance of the city at the time of Cassiodorus.] For the appearance of this Roman colony in the seventh century of its existence the reader is referred to the letter of Cassiodorus before quoted (Var. xii. 15). The picture of the city, 'hanging like a cluster of grapes upon the hills, basking in the brightness of the sun all day long, yet cooled by the breezes from the sea, and looking at her leisure on the labours of the husbandman in the corn-fields, the vineyards, and the olive-groves around her,' is an attractive one, and shows that kind of appreciation of the gentler beauties of Nature which befits a countryman of Virgil. This picture, however, is not distinctive enough to enable us from it alone to fix the exact site of the Roman city. Lenormant (pp. 360-370), while carefully distinguishing between the sites of the Greek Scylletion and the Latin Scolacium, and assigning the former with much apparent probability to the neighbourhood of the promontory and the Grotte di Stalletti, has been probably too hasty in his assertion that the modern city of Squillace incontestably covers the ground of the Latin Scolacium. Mr. Arthur J. Evans, after making a much more careful survey of the place and its neighbourhood than the French archaeologist had leisure for, has come to the conclusion that in this identification M. Lenormant is entirely wrong, and that the Roman city was not at Squillace, where there are no remains of earlier than mediaeval times, but at Roccella del Vescovo, five or six miles from Squillace in a north-easterly direction, where there are such remains as can only have belonged to a Roman provincial city of the first rank. For a further discussion of the question the reader is referred to the Note (and accompanying Map) at the end of this chapter. We pass on from considering the place of Cassiodorus' birth to investigate the date of that event. [Sidenote: Date of birth.] (3) The only positive statement that we possess as to the birth-year of Cassiodorus comes from a very late and somewhat unsatisfactory source. John Trittheim (or Trithemius), Abbot of the Benedictine Monastery of Spanheim, who died in 1516, was one of the ecclesiastical scholars of the Renaissance period, and composed, besides a multitude of other books, a treatise 'De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis,' in which is found this notice of Cassiodorus[12]:-- 'Claruit temporibus Justini senioris usque ad imperii Justini junioris paene finem, annos habens aetatis plus quam 95, Anno Domini 575.' [Footnote 12: The reference is given by Köpke (Die Anfänge des Königthums, p. 88) as 'De scr. ecc. 212 Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, ed. Fabricius, p. 58;' by Thorbecke (p. 8) as 'Catalogus seu liber scriptorum ecclesiasticorum, Coloniae 1546, p. 94.' Franz (p. 4) quotes from the same edition as Köpke, 'De script. eccl. c. 212 in Fabricii biblioth. eccl., Hamburgi 1728, iii. p. 58.'] This notice is certainly not one to which we should attach much importance if it contradicted earlier and trustworthy authorities, or if there were any internal evidence against it. But if this cannot be asserted, it is not desirable entirely to discard the assertion of a scholar who, in the age of the Renaissance and before the havoc wrought among the monasteries of Germany by the Thirty Years' War, may easily have had access to some sources which are now no longer available. When we examine the information which is thus given us, we find it certainly somewhat vague. 'Cassiodorus was illustrious' (no doubt as a writer, since it is 'ecclesiastici scriptores' of whom Trittheim is speaking) 'in the time of Justin the Elder [518-527] down nearly to the end of the reign of Justin the Younger [565-578], attaining to more than 95 years of age in the year of our Lord 575.' But on reflection we see that the meaning must be that Cassiodorus died in 575 (which agrees well with the words 'paene finem imperii Justini junioris'), and that when he died he was some way on in his 96th year, or as we say colloquially 'ninety-five off.' The marvel of his attaining such an age is no doubt the reason for inserting the 'plus quam,' to show that he did not die immediately after his 95th birthday. If this notice be trustworthy, therefore, we may place the birth of Cassiodorus in 479 or 480. Now upon examining all the facts in our possession as to his career as a statesman and an author, and especially our latest acquired information[13], we find that they do in a remarkable manner agree with Trittheim's date, while we have no positive statement by any author early or late which really conflicts with it. [Footnote 13: The Anecdoton Holderi.] The only shadow of an argument that has been advanced for a different and earlier date is so thin that it is difficult to state without confuting it. In some editions of the works of Cassiodorus there appears a very short anonymous tract on the method of determining Easter, called 'Computus Paschalis,' and composed in 562. In the 'Orthographia,' which was undoubtedly written by Cassiodorus at the age of 93, and which contains a list of his previously published works, no mention is made of this 'Computus.' It must therefore, say the supporters of the theory, have been written after he was 93. He must have been at least 94 in 562, and the year of his birth must be put back at least to 468. In this argument there are two absolutely worthless links. There is no evidence to show that the 'Computus Paschalis' came from the pen of Cassiodorus at all, but much reason to think that Pithoeus, the editor who first published it under his name, was mistaken in doing so. And if it were his, a little memorandum like this--only two pages long, and with no literary pretension whatever--we may almost say with certainty would _not_ be included by the veteran author in the enumeration of his theological works prefixed to his 'Orthographia.' The reason why a theory founded on such an absurdly weak basis has held its ground at all, has probably been that it buttressed up another obvious fallacy. A whole school of biographers of Cassiodorus and commentators on his works has persisted, in spite of the plainest evidence of his letters, in identifying him with his father, who bore office under Odovacar (476-493). To do this it was necessary to get rid of the date 480 for the birth of Cassiodorus Senator, and to throw back that event as far as possible. And yet, not even by pushing it back to 468, do they make it reasonably probable that a person, who was only a child of eight years old at Odovacar's accession, could in the course of his short reign (the last four years of which were filled by his struggle with Theodoric) have held the various high offices which were really held during that reign by the father of Senator. We assume therefore with some confidence the year 480 as the approximate date of the birth of our author; and while we observe that this date fits well with those which the course of history induces us to assign to his ancestors in the three preceding generations[14], we also note with interest that it was, as nearly as we can ascertain, the year of the birth of two of the most distinguished contemporaries of Cassiodorus--Boethius and Benedict. [Footnote 14: Cassiodorus the First, born about 390; the Second, about 420; the Third, about 450.] [Sidenote: Education of Cassiodorus.] Of the training and education of the young Senator we can only speak from their evident results as displayed in the 'Variae,' to which the reader is accordingly referred. It may be remarked, however, that though he evidently received the usual instruction in philosophy and rhetoric which was given to a young Roman noble aspiring to employment in the Civil Service, there are some indications that the bent of his own genius was towards Natural History, strange and often laughable as are the facts or fictions which this taste of his has caused him to accumulate. [Sidenote: Consiliarius to his father.] In the year 500[15], when Senator had just attained the age of twenty, his father, as we have already seen, received from Theodoric the high office of Praetorian Praefect. As a General might make an _Aide-de-camp_ of his son, so the Praefect conferred upon the young Senator the post of _Consiliarius_, or Assessor in his Court[16]. The Consiliarius[17] had been in the time of the Republic an experienced jurist who sat beside the Praetor or the Consul (who might be a man quite unversed in the law) and advised him as to his judgments. From the time of Severus onwards he became a paid functionary of the Court, receiving a salary which varied from 12 to 72 solidi (£7 to £43). At the time which we are now describing it was customary for the Judge to choose his Consiliarius from among the ranks of young jurists who had just completed their studies. The great legal school of Berytus especially furnished a large number of Consiliarii to the Roman Governors. In order to prevent an officer in this position from obtaining an undue influence over the mind of his principal, the latter was forbidden by law to keep a Consiliarius, who was a native of the Province in which he was administering justice, more than four months in his employ[18]. This provision, of course, would not apply when the young Assessor, as in the case of Cassiodorus, came with his father from a distant Province: and in such a case, if the Magistrate died during his year of office, by a special enactment the fairly-earned pay of the Assessor was protected from unjust demands on the part of the Exchequer[19]. The functions thus exercised by Senator in his father's court at Rome, and the title which he bore, were somewhat similar to those which Procopius held in the camp of Belisarius, but doubtless required a more thorough legal training. In our own system, if we could imagine the Judge's Marshal invested with the responsibilities of a Registrar of the Court, we should perhaps get a pretty fair idea of the position and duties of a Roman Consiliarius[20]. [Footnote 15: Or possibly 501.] [Footnote 16: This fact, and also the cause of Senator's promotion to the Quaestorship, we learn from the Anecdoton Holderi described in a following chapter.] [Footnote 17: The terms Adsessor, Consiliarius, [Greek: Paredros], [Greek: Symboulos], seem all to indicate the same office.] [Footnote 18: Cod. Theod. i. 12. 1.] [Footnote 19: This seems to be the meaning of Cod. Theod. i. 12. 2. The gains of the 'filii familias Assessores' were to be protected as if they were 'castrense peculium.'] [Footnote 20: Some points in this description are taken from Bethmann Hollweg, Gerichtsverfassung der sinkenden Römischen Reichs, pp. 153-158.] [Sidenote: Panegyric on Theodoric.] [Sidenote: Appointed Quaestor.] It was while Cassiodorus was holding this agreeable but not important position, that the opportunity came to him, by his dexterous use of which he sprang at one bound into the foremost ranks of the official hierarchy. On some public occasion it fell to his lot to deliver an oration in praise of Theodoric[21], and he did this with such admirable eloquence--admirable according to the depraved taste of the time--that Theodoric at once bestowed upon the orator, still in the first dawn of manhood[22], the 'Illustrious' office of Quaestor, giving him thereby what we should call Cabinet-rank, and placing him among the ten or eleven ministers of the highest class[23], by whom, under the King, the fortunes of the Gothic-Roman State were absolutely controlled. [Footnote 21: 'Cassiodorus Senator ... juvenis adeo, dum patris Cassiodori patricii et praefecti praetorii consiliarius fieret et laudes Theodorichi regis Gothorum facundissime recitasset, ab eo quaestor est factus' (Anecdoton Holderi, ap. Usener, p. 4).] [Footnote 22: He himself says, or rather makes Theodoric's grandson say to him, 'Quem _primaevum_ recipiens ad quaestoris officium, mox reperit [Theodoricus] conscientiâ praeditum, et legum eruditione maturum' (Var. ix. 24).] [Footnote 23: At this time the Illustres actually in office would probably be the Praefectus Praetorio Italiae (Cassiodorus the father), the Praefectus Urbis Romae, the two Magistri Militum in Praesenti, the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, the Magister Officiorum, the Quaestor, the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, the Comes Rerum Privatarum, and the two Comites Domesticorum Equitum et Peditum.] [Sidenote: Nature of the Quaestor's office.] The Quaestor's duty required him to be beyond all other Ministers the mouthpiece of the Sovereign. In the 'Notitia[24]' the matters under his control are concisely stated to be 'Laws which are to be dictated, and Petitions.' [Footnote 24: 'Sub dispositione viri illustris Quaestoris Leges dictandae Preces. Officium non habet sed adjutores de scriniis quos voluerit.'] To him therefore was assigned the duty (which the British Parliament in its folly assigns to no one) of giving a final revision to the laws which received the Sovereign's signature, and seeing that they were consistent with one another and with previous enactments, and were clothed in fitting language. He replied in the Sovereign's name to the petitions which were presented to him. He also, as we learn from Cassiodorus, had audience with the ambassadors of foreign powers, to whom he addressed suitable and stately harangues, or through whom he forwarded written replies to the letters which they had brought, but always of course speaking or writing in the name of his master. In the performance of these duties he had chiefly to rely on his own intellectual resources as a trained jurist and rhetorician. The large official staff which waited upon the nod of the other great Ministers of State was absent from his apartments[25]; but for the mere manual work of copying, filing correspondence, and the like, he could summon the needful number of clerks from the four great bureaux (scrinia) which were under the control of the Master of the Offices. [Footnote 25: Officium non habet.] We have an interesting summary of the Quaestor's duties and privileges from the pen of Cassiodorus himself in the 'Variae' (vi. 5), under the title 'Formula Quaesturae,' and to this document I refer the reader who wishes to complete the picture of the occupations in which the busiest years of the life of Cassiodorus were passed. [Sidenote: Special utility of a Quaestor to Theodoric.] To a ruler in Theodoric's position the acquisition of such a Quaestor as Cassiodorus was a most fortunate event. He himself was doubtless unable to speak or to write Latin with fluency. According to the common story, which passes current on the authority of the 'Anonymus Valesii,' he never could learn to write, and had to 'stencil' his signature. I look upon this story with some suspicion, especially because it is also told of his contemporary, the Emperor Justin; but I have no doubt that such literary education as Theodoric ever received was Greek rather than Latin, being imparted during the ten years of his residence as a hostage at Constantinople. Years of marches and countermarches, of battle and foray, at the head of his Ostrogothic warriors, may well have effaced much of the knowledge thus acquired. At any rate, when he descended the Julian Alps, close upon forty years of age, and appeared for the first time in Italy to commence his long and terrible duel with Odovacar, it was too late to learn the language of her sons in such fashion that the first sentence spoken by him in the Hall of Audience should not betray him to his new subjects as an alien and a barbarian. Yet Theodoric was by no means indifferent to the power of well-spoken words, by no means unconcerned as to the opinion which his Latin-speaking subjects held concerning him. He was no Cambyses or Timour, ruling by the sword alone. His proud title was 'Gothorum Romanorumque Rex,' and the ideal of his hopes, successfully realised during the greater part of his long and tranquil reign, was to be equally the King of either people. He had been fortunate thus far in his Praetorian Praefects. Liberius, a man of whom history knows too little, had amid general applause steered the vessel of the State for the first seven years of the new reign. The elder Cassiodorus, who had succeeded him, seemed likely to follow the same course. But possibly Theodoric had begun to feel the necessity laid upon all rulers of men, not only to be, but also to seem, anxious for the welfare of their subjects. Possibly some dull, unsympathetic Quaestor had failed to present the generous thoughts of the King in a sufficiently attractive shape to the minds of the people. This much at all events we know, that when the young Consiliarius, high-born, fluent, and learned, poured forth his stream of panegyric on 'Our Lord Theodoric'--a panegyric which, to an extent unusual with these orations, reflected the real feelings of the speaker, and all the finest passages of which were the genuine outcome of his own enthusiasm--the great Ostrogoth recognised at once the man whom he was in want of to be the exponent of his thoughts to the people, and by one stroke of wise audacity turned the boyish and comparatively obscure Assessor into the Illustrious Quaestor, one of the great personages of his realm. [Sidenote: Composition of the VARIAE.] [Sidenote: Their style.] The monument of the official life of Cassiodorus is the correspondence styled the 'Variae,' of which an abstract is now submitted to the reader. There is no need to say much here, either as to the style or the thoughts of these letters; a perusal of a few pages of the abstract will give a better idea of both than an elaborate description. The style is undoubtedly a bad one, whether it be compared with the great works of Greek and Latin literature or with our own estimate of excellence in speech. Scarcely ever do we find a thought clothed in clear, precise, closely-fitting words, or a metaphor which really corresponds to the abstract idea that is represented by it. We take up sentence after sentence of verbose and flaccid Latin, analyse them with difficulty, and when at last we come to the central thought enshrouded in them, we too often find that it is the merest and most obvious commonplace, a piece of tinsel wrapped in endless folds of tissue paper. Perhaps from one point of view the study of the style of Cassiodorus might prove useful to a writer of English, as indicating the faults which he has in this age most carefully to avoid. Over and over again, when reading newspaper articles full of pompous words borrowed from Latin through French, when wearied with 'velleities' and 'solidarities' and 'altruisms' and 'homologators,' or when vainly endeavouring to discover the real meaning which lies hidden in a jungle of Parliamentary verbiage, I have said to myself, remembering my similar labour upon the 'Variae,' 'How like this is to Cassiodorus.' [Sidenote: Lack of humour.] [Sidenote: The letter about the sucking-fish.] Intellectually one of the chief deficiencies of our author--a deficiency in which perhaps his age and nation participated--was a lack of humour. It is difficult to think that anyone who possessed a keen sense of humour could have written letters so drolly unsuited to the character of Theodoric, their supposed author, as are some which we find in the 'Variae.' For instance, the King had reason to complain that Faustus, the Praetorian Praefect, was dawdling over the execution of an order which he had received for the shipment of corn from the regions of Calabria and Apulia to Rome. We find the literary Quaestor putting such words as these into the mouth of Theodoric, when reprimanding the lazy official[26]: 'Why is there such great delay in sending your swift ships to traverse the tranquil seas? Though the south wind blows and the rowers are bending to their oars, has the sucking-fish[27] fixed its teeth into the hulls through the liquid waves; or have the shells of the Indian Sea, whose quiet touch is said to hold so firmly that the angry billows cannot loosen it, with like power fixed their lips into your keels? Idle stands the bark though winged by swelling sails; the wind favours her but she makes no way; she is fixed without an anchor, she is bound without a cable; and these tiny animals hinder more than all such prospering circumstances can help. Thus, though the loyal wave may be hastening its course, we are informed that the ship stands fixed on the surface of the sea, and by a strange paradox the swimmer [the ship] is made to remain immovable while the wave is hurried along by movements numberless. Or, to describe the nature of another kind of fish, perchance the sailors in the aforesaid ships have grown dull and torpid by the touch of the torpedo, by which such a deadly chill is struck into the right hand of him who attacks it, that even through the spear by which it is itself wounded, it gives a shock which causes the hand of the striker to remain, though still a living substance, senseless and immovable. I think some such misfortunes as these must have happened to men who are unable to move their own bodies. But I know that in their case the echeneis is corruption trading on delays; the bite of the Indian shell-fish is insatiable cupidity; the torpedo is fraudulent pretence. With perverted ingenuity they manufacture delays that they may seem to have met with a run of ill-luck. Wherefore let your Greatness, whom it specially concerns to look after such men as these, by a speedy rebuke bring them to a better mind. Else the famine which we fear, will be imputed not to the barrenness of the times but to official negligence, whose true child it will manifestly appear.' [Footnote 26: Var. i. 35.] [Footnote 27: Echeneis.] It is not likely that Theodoric ever read a letter like this before affixing to it his (perhaps stencilled) signature. If he did, he must surely have smiled to see his few angry Teutonic words transmuted into this wonderful rhapsody about sucking-fishes and torpedoes and shell-fish in the Indian Sea. [Sidenote: Character of Cassiodorus.] The French proverb 'Le style c'est l'homme,' is not altogether true as to the character of Cassiodorus. From his inflated and tawdry style we might have expected to find him an untrustworthy friend and an inefficient administrator. This, however, was not the case. As was before said, his character was not heroic; he was, perhaps, inclined to humble himself unduly before mere power and rank, and he had the fault, common to most rhetoricians, of over-estimating the power of words and thinking that a few fluent platitudes would heal inveterate discords and hide disastrous blunders. But when we have said this we have said the worst. He was, as far as we have any means of judging, a loyal subject, a faithful friend, a strenuous and successful administrator, and an exceptionally far-sighted statesman. His right to this last designation rests upon the part which he bore in the establishment of the Italian Kingdom 'of the Goths and Romans,' founded by the great Theodoric. [Sidenote: His work in seconding the policy of Theodoric.] Theodoric, it must always be remembered, had entered Italy not ostensibly as an invader but as a deliverer. He came in pursuance of a compact with the legitimate Emperor of the New Rome, to deliver the Elder Rome and the land of Italy from the dominion of 'the upstart King of Rugians and Turcilingians[28],' Odovacar. The compact, it is true, was loose and indefinite, and contained within itself the germs of that misunderstanding which, forty-seven years later, was developed into a terrible war. Still, for the present, Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, was also in some undefined way legitimate representative of the Old Roman Empire within the borders of Italy. This double aspect of his rule was illustrated by that which (rather than the doubtful Rex Italiae) seems to have been his favourite title, 'Gothorum Romanorumque Rex.' [Footnote 28: Jordanes, De Rebus Geticis, lvii.] [Sidenote: Theodoric's love of _Civilitas_.] The great need of Italy was peace. After a century of wars and rumours of wars; after Alaric, Attila, and Gaiseric had wasted her fields or sacked her capital; after she had been exhausting her strength in hopeless efforts to preserve the dominion of Gaul, Spain, and Africa; after she had groaned under the exactions of the insolent _foederati_, Roman soldiers only in name, who followed the standards of Ricimer or Odovacar, she needed peace and to be governed with a strong hand, in order to recover some small part of her old material prosperity. These two blessings, peace and a strong government, Theodoric's rule ensured to her. The theory of his government was this, that the two nations should dwell side by side, not fused into one, not subject either to the other, but the Romans labouring at the arts of peace, the Goths wielding for their defence the sword of war. Over all was to be the strong hand of the King of Goths and Romans, repressing the violence of the one nation, correcting the chicanery of the other, and from one and all exacting the strict observance of that which was the object of his daily and nightly cares, CIVILITAS. Of this civilitas--which we may sometimes translate 'good order,' sometimes 'civilisation,' sometimes 'the character of a law-abiding citizen,' but which no English word or phrase fully expresses--the reader of the following letters will hear, even to weariness. But though we may be tired of the phrase, we ought none the less to remember that the thing was that which Italy stood most in need of, that it was secured for her during forty years by the labours of Theodoric and Cassiodorus, and that happiness, such as she knew not again for many centuries, was the result. [Sidenote: Foresight of Cassiodorus in aiding this policy.] But the theory of a warrior caste of Goths and a trading and labouring caste of Romans was not flattering to the national vanity of a people who, though they had lost all relish for fighting, could not forget the great deeds of their forefathers. This was no doubt the weak point of the new State-system, though one cannot say that it is a weakness which need have been fatal if time enough had been given for the working out of the great experiment, and for Roman and Goth to become in Italy, as they did become in Spain, one people. The grounds upon which the praise of far-seeing statesmanship may be claimed for Cassiodorus are, that notwithstanding the bitter taste which it must have had in his mouth, as in the mouth of every educated Roman, he perceived that here was the best medicine for the ills of Italy. All attempts to conjure with the great name of the Roman Empire could only end in subjection to the really alien rule of Byzantium. All attempts to rouse the religious passions of the Catholic against the heretical intruders were likely to benefit the Catholic but savage Frank. The cruel sufferings of the Italians at the hands of the Heruli of Belisarius and from the ravages of the Alamannic Brethren are sufficient justification of the soundness of Cassiodorus' view that Theodoric's State-system was the one point of hope for Italy. [Sidenote: His religious tolerance.] Allusion has been made in the last paragraph to the religious differences which divided the Goths from the Italians. It is well known that Theodoric was an Arian, but an Arian of the most tolerant type, quite unlike the bitter persecutors who reigned at Toulouse and at Carthage. During the last few years of his reign, indeed, when his mind was perhaps in some degree failing, he was tempted by the persecuting policy of the Emperor Justin into retaliatory measures of persecution towards his Catholic subjects, but as a rule his policy was eminently fair and even-handed towards the professors of the two hostile creeds, and even towards the generally proscribed nation of the Jews. So conspicuous to all the world was his desire to hold the balance perfectly even between the two communions, that it was said of him that he beheaded an orthodox deacon who was singularly dear to him, because he had professed the Arian faith in order to win his favour. But this story, though told by a nearly contemporary writer[29], is, it may be hoped, mere Saga. [Footnote 29: Theodorus Lector (circa 550), Eccl. Hist. ii. 18. Both he and some later writers who borrow from him call the King [Greek: Theoderichos ho Aphros]; why, it is impossible to say.] [Sidenote: This did not proceed from indifference.] The point which we may note is, that this policy of toleration or rather of absolute fairness between warring creeds, though not initiated by Cassiodorus, seems to have thoroughly commended itself to his reason and conscience. It is from his pen that we get those golden words which may well atone for many platitudes and some ill-judged display of learning: _Religionem imperare non possumus, quia nemo cogitur ut credat invitus_[30]. And this tolerant temper of mind is the more to be commended, because it did not proceed from any indifference on his part to the subjects of religious controversy. Cassiodorus was evidently a devout and loyal Catholic. Much the larger part of his writings is of a theological character, and the thirty-five years of his life which he passed in a monastery were evidently 'Bound each to each in natural piety' with the earlier years passed at Court and in the Council-chamber. [Footnote 30: Var. ii. 27.] [Sidenote: Date of the commencement of the Variae.] We cannot trace as we should like to do the precise limits of time by which the official career of Cassiodorus was bounded. The 'Various Letters' are evidently not arranged in strict chronological order, and to but few of them is it possible to affix an exact date. There are two or three, however, which require especial notice, because some authors have assigned them to a date previous to that at which, as I believe, the author entered the service of the Emperor. [Sidenote: Letter to Anastasius.] The first letter of the whole series is addressed to the Emperor Anastasius. It has been sometimes connected with the embassy of Faustus in 493, or with that of Festus in 497, to the Court of Constantinople, the latter of which embassies resulted in the transmission to Theodoric of 'the ornaments of the palace' (that is probably the regal insignia) which Odovacar had surrendered to Zeno. But the language of the letter in question, which speaks of 'causas iracundiae,' does not harmonise well with either of these dates, since there was then, as far as we know, no quarrel between Ravenna and Constantinople. On the other hand, it would fit perfectly with the state of feeling between the two Courts in 505, after Sabinian the general of Anastasius had been defeated by the troops of Theodoric under Pitzias at the battle of Horrea Margi; or in 508, when the Byzantine ships had made a raid on Apulia and plundered Tarentum. To one of these dates it should probably be referred, its place at the beginning of the collection being due to the exalted rank of the receiver of the letter, not to considerations of chronology. [Sidenote: Letters to Clovis.] The fortieth and forty-first letters of the Second Book relate to the sending of a harper to Clovis, or, as Cassiodorus calls him, Luduin, King of the Franks. In the earlier letter Boethius is directed to procure such a harper (citharoedus), and to see that he is a first-rate performer. In the later, Theodoric congratulates his royal brother-in-law on his victory over the Alamanni, adjures him not to pursue the panic-stricken fugitives who have taken refuge within the Ostrogothic territory, and sends ambassadors to introduce the harper whom Boethius has provided. It used to be thought that these letters must be referred to 496, the year of the celebrated victory of Clovis over the Alamanni, commonly, but incorrectly, called the battle of Tulbiacum. But this was a most improbable theory, for it was difficult to understand how a boy of sixteen (and that was the age of Boethius in 496) should have attained such eminence as a musical connoisseur as to be entrusted with the task of selecting the citharoedus. And in a very recent monograph[31] Herr von Schubert has shown, I think convincingly, that the last victory of Clovis over the Alamanni, and their migration to Raetia within the borders of Theodoric's territory, occurred not in 496 but a few years later, probably about 503 or 504. It is true that Gregory of Tours (to whom the earlier battle is all-important, as being the event which brought about the conversion of Clovis) says nothing about this later campaign; but to those who know the fragmentary and incomplete character of this part of his history, such an omission will not appear an important argument. [Footnote 31: Die Uterwerfung der Alamannen: Strassburg, 1884.] [Sidenote: Letters to Gaulish princes.] The letters written in Theodoric's name to Clovis, to Alaric II, to Gundobad of Burgundy, and to other princes, in order to prevent the outbreak of a war between the Visigoths and the Franks, have been by some authors[32] assigned to a date some years before the war actually broke out; but though this cannot, perhaps, be disproved, it seems to me much more probable that they were written in the early part of 507 on the eve of the war between Clovis and Alaric, which they were powerless to avert. [Footnote 32: Especially Binding, Geschichte des Burgundisch-Romanischen Königreichs, p. 181.] [Sidenote: Duration of Cassiodorus' office.] More difficult than the question of the beginning of the Quaestorship of Cassiodorus is that of its duration and its close. It was an office which was in its nature an annual one. At the commencement of each fresh year 'of the Indiction,' that is on the first of September of the calendar year, a Quaestor was appointed; but there does not seem to have been anything to prevent the previous holder of the office from being re-appointed. In the case of Cassiodorus, the Quaestor after Theodoric's own heart, his intimate friend and counsellor, this may have been done for several years running, or he may have apparently retired from office for a year and then resumed it. It is clear, that whether in or out of office he had always, as the King's friend, a large share in the direction of State affairs. He himself says, in a letter supposed to be addressed to himself after the death of Theodoric[33]: 'Non enim proprios fines sub te _ulla dignitas_ custodivit;' and that this was the fact we cannot doubt. Whatever his nominal dignity might be, or if for the moment he possessed no ostensible office at all, he was still virtually what we should call the Prime Minister of the Ostrogothic King[34]. [Footnote 33: ix. 24.] [Footnote 34: Thorbecke has pointed out (pp. 40-41) that we possess letters written by Cassiodorus to four Quaestors before the year 510, and that therefore the fact of others holding the nominal office of Quaestor did not circumscribe his activity as Secretary to Theodoric.] [Sidenote: Consulship of Cassiodorus, 514.] In the year 514 he received an honour which, notwithstanding that it was utterly divorced from all real authority, was still one of the highest objects of the ambition of every Roman noble: he was hailed as Consul Ordinarius, and gave his name to the year. For some reason which is not stated, possibly because the City of Constantinople was in that year menaced by the insurrection of Vitalian, no colleague in the East was nominated to share his dignity; and the entry in the Consular Calendars is therefore 'Senatore solo Consule.' In his own Chronicle, Cassiodorus adds the words,'Me etiam Consule in vestrorum laude temporum, adunato clero vel [= et] populo, Romanae Ecclesiae rediit optata concordia.' This sentence no doubt relates to the dissensions which had agitated the Roman Church ever since the contested Papal election of Symmachus and Laurentius in the year 498. Victory had been assured to Symmachus by the Synod of 501, but evidently the feelings of hatred then aroused had still smouldered on, especially perhaps among the Senators and high nobles of Rome, who had for the most part adopted the candidature of Laurentius. Now, on the death of Symmachus (July 18, 514) the last embers of the controversy were extinguished, and the genial influence of Cassiodorus, Senator by name and Consul by office, was successfully exerted to induce nobles, clergy, and people to unite in electing a new Pope. After eight days Hormisdas the Campanian sat in the Chair of St. Peter, an undoubted Pontiff. [Sidenote: Deference to the Roman Senate.] Not only in maintaining the dignity of the Consulship, but also in treating the Roman Senate with every outward show of deference and respect, did the Ostrogothic King follow and even improve upon the example of the Roman Emperors. The student of the following letters will observe the tone of deep respect which is almost always adopted towards the Senate; how every nomination of importance to an official post is communicated to them, almost as if their suffrages were solicited for the new candidate; what a show is made of consulting them in reference to peace and war; and what a reality there seems to be in the appeals made to their loyalty to the new King after the death of Theodoric. In all this, as in the whole relation of the Empire to the Senate during the five centuries of their joint existence, it is difficult to say where well-acted courtesy ended, and where the desire to secure such legal power as yet remained to a venerable assembly began. Perhaps when we remember that for many glorious centuries the Senate had been the real ruler of the Roman State, we may assert that the attitude and the language of the successors of Augustus towards the Conscript Fathers were similar to those used by a modern House of Commons towards the Crown, only that in the one case the individual supplanted the assembly, in the other the assembly supplanted the individual. But whatever the exact relations between King and Senate may have been, and though occasionally the former found it necessary to rebuke the latter pretty sharply for conduct unbecoming their high position, there can be no doubt that the general intention of Theodoric was to soothe the wounded pride and flatter the vanity of the Roman Senators by every means in his power: and for this purpose no one could be so well fitted as Cassiodorus, Senator by name and by office, descendant of many generations of Roman nobles, and master of such exuberant rhetoric that it was difficult then, as it is often impossible now, to extract any definite meaning from his sonorous periods. [Sidenote: Cassiodorus Patrician.] It was possibly upon his laying down the Consulship, that Cassiodorus received the dignity of Patrician--a dignity only, for in itself it seems to have conferred neither wealth nor power. Yet a title which had been borne by Ricimer, Odovacar, and Theodoric himself might well excite the ambition of Theodoric's subject. If our conjecture be correct that it was conferred upon Cassiodorus in the year 515, he received it at an earlier age than his father, to whom only about ten or eleven years before he had written the letter announcing his elevation to this high dignity. [Sidenote: The Chronicon.] Five years after his Consulate, Cassiodorus undertook a little piece of literary labour which he does not appear to have held in high account himself (since he does not include it in the list of his works), and which has certainly added but little to his fame. This was his 'Chronicon,' containing an abstract of the history of the world from the deluge down to A.D. 519, the year of the Consulship of the Emperor Justin, and of Theodoric's son-in-law Eutharic. This Chronicle is for the most part founded upon, or rather copied from, the well-known works of Eusebius and Prosper, the copying being unfortunately not correctly done. More than this, Cassiodorus has attempted with little judgment to combine the mode of reckoning by Consular years and by years of Emperors. As he is generally two or three years out in his reckoning of the former, this proceeding has the curious result of persistently throwing some Consulships of the reigning Emperor into the reign of his predecessor.[35] Thus Probus is Consul for two years under Aurelian, and for one year under Tacitus; both the two Consulships of Carus and the first of Diocletian are under Probus, while Diocletian's second Consulship is under Carinus and Numerianus; and so forth. It is wonderful that so intelligent a person as Cassiodorus did not see that combinations of this kind were false upon the face of them. [Footnote 35: It need hardly be explained that, as a matter of compliment to the reigning Emperor, the first Consulship that fell vacant after his accession to the throne was (I believe invariably) filled by him, and that though he might sometimes have held the office of Consul before his assumption of the diadem, this was not often the case. Certainly, in the instances given above, Probus, Carus, and Diocletian held no Consulships till after they had been saluted as Emperors.] When the Chronicle gets nearer to the compiler's own times it becomes slightly more interesting, but also slightly less fair. Throughout the fourth century a few little remarks are interspersed in the dry list of names and dates, the general tendency of which is to praise up the Gothic nation or to extenuate their faults and reverses. The battle of Pollentia (402[36]) is unhesitatingly claimed as a Gothic victory; the clemency of Alaric at the capture of Rome (410) is magnified; the valour of the Goths is made the cause of the defeat of Attila in the Catalaunian plains (451); the name of Gothic Eutharic is put before that of Byzantine Justin in the consular list; and so forth. Upon the whole, as has been already said, the work cannot be considered as adding to the reputation of its author; nor can it be defended from the terrible attack which has been made upon it by that scholar of our own day whose opinion upon such a subject stands the highest, Theodor Mommsen[37]. Only, when he makes this unfortunate Chronicle reflect suspicion on the other works of Cassiodorus, and especially on the Gothic History[38], the German scholar seems to me to chastise the busy Minister more harshly than he deserves. [Footnote 36: Clinton's date for this battle, 403, differs from that assigned by Cassiodorus, and is, in my judgment, erroneous.] [Footnote 37: Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, iii. 547-696.] [Footnote 38: 'Dass die ganze Procedur von der übelsten Art ist und den viel gefeierten gothischen Historiker in jeder weise compromittirt, bedarf keiner Ausaneindersetzung' (l.c. 564).] [Sidenote: The Gothic History.] I have just alluded to the Gothic History of Cassiodorus. It was apparently shortly after the composition of his Chronicle[39] that this, in some respects his most important work, was compiled and arranged according to his accustomed habit in twelve books. His own estimate--and it is not a low one--of the value of this performance is expressed in a letter which he makes his young Sovereign Athalaric address to the Senate on his promotion to the Praefecture[40]: 'He extended his labours even to our remote ancestry, learning by his reading that which scarcely the hoar memories of our forefathers retained. He drew forth from their hiding-place the Kings of the Goths, hidden by long forgetfulness. He restored the Amals to their proper place with the lustre of his own[41] lineage (?), evidently proving that up to the seventeenth generation we have had kings for our ancestors. He made the origin of the Goths a part of Roman history, collecting as it were into one wreath all the flowery growth which had before been scattered through the plains of many books. Consider therefore what love he showed to you [the Senate] in praising us, he who showed that the nation of your Sovereign had been from antiquity a marvellous people; so that ye, who from the days of your forefathers have ever been deemed noble, are yet ruled over by the ancient progeny of Kings[42].' [Footnote 39: It could not have been written, at any rate in its present shape, before 516, because Athalaric's birth is mentioned in it. I prefer Jordanes' date for this event, 516 or 517, to that given by Procopius, 518. On the other hand, Usener proves (p. 74), from the reference to it in the Anecdoton Holderi, that it could not have been written after 521.] [Footnote 40: Var. ix. 25.] [Footnote 41: 'Iste Amalos cum generis _sui_ claritate restituit.' Perhaps it is better to take 'sui' as equivalent to 'illorum,' and translate 'their lineage.'] [Footnote 42: 'Ut sicut fuistis a majoribus vestris semper nobiles aestimati, ita vobis rerum antiqua progenies imperaret.' For 'rerum' we must surely read 'regum.'] [Sidenote: Its purpose.] In reading this estimate by Cassiodorus of his own performance, we can see at once that it lacked that first of all conditions precedent for the attainment of absolute historic truth, complete impartiality[43]. Like Hume and like Macaulay Cassiodorus wrote his history with a purpose. We may describe that purpose as two-fold: [Footnote 43: My meaning would be better expressed by the useful German word 'voraussetzungslosigkeit,' freedom from a foregone conclusion.] (1) To vindicate the claim of the Goths to rank among the historic nations of antiquity by bringing them into some sort of connection with Greece and Rome ('Originem Gothicam historiam fecit esse Romanam'); and (2) among the Goths, to exalt as highly as possible the family of the Amals, that family from which Theodoric had sprung, and to string as many regal names as possible upon the Amal chain ('Evidenter ostendens in decimam septimam progeniem stirpem nos habere regalem'). I have said that the possession of a purpose like this is unfavourable to the attainment of absolute historic truth; but the aim which Cassiodorus proposed to himself was a lofty one, being in fact the reconciliation of the past and the future of the world by showing to the outworn Latin race that the new blood which was being poured into it by the northern nations came, like its own, from a noble ancestry: and, for us, the labour to which it stimulated him has been full of profit, since to it we owe something like one half of our knowledge of the Teutonic ancestors of Modern Europe. [Sidenote: Confusion between Goths and Getae.] The much-desired object of 'making the origin of Gothic history Roman' was effected chiefly by attributing to the Goths all that Cassiodorus found written in classic authors concerning the Getae or the Scythians. The confusion between Goths and Getae, though modern ethnologists are nearly unanimous in pronouncing it to be a confusion between two utterly different nations, is not one for which Cassiodorus is responsible, since it had been made at least a hundred years before his time. When the Emperor Claudius II won his great victories over the Goths in the middle of the Third Century, he was hailed rightly enough by the surname of _Gothicus_; but when at the beginning of the Fifth Century the feeble Emperors Arcadius and Honorius wished to celebrate a victory which, as they vainly hoped, had effectually broken the power of the Goths, the words which they inscribed upon the Arch of Triumph were 'Quod _Getarum_ nationem in omne aevum docuere extingui.' In the poems of Claudian, and generally in all the contemporary literature of the time, the regular word for the countrymen of Alaric is Getae. [Sidenote: The term Scythian.] The Greek historians, on the other hand, freely applied the general term Scythian--as they had done at any time since the Scythian campaign of Darius Hystaspis--to any barbarian nation living beyond the Danube and the Cimmerian Bosporus. With these two clues, or imaginary clues, in his hand, Cassiodorus could traverse a considerable part of the border-land of classical antiquity. The battles between the Scythians and the Egyptians, the story of the Amazons, Telephus son of Hercules and nephew of Priam, the defeat of Cyrus by Tomyris, and the unsuccessful expedition of Darius--all were connected with Gothic history by means of that easily stretched word, Scythia. Then comes Sitalces, King of Thrace, who makes war on Perdiccas of Macedon; and then, 'in the time of Sylla,' a certain wise philosopher-king of Dacia, Diceneus by name, in whose character and history Cassiodorus perhaps outlined his own ideal of wisdom swaying brute force. With these and similar stories culled from classical authors Cassiodorus appears to have filled up the interval--which was to him of absolutely uncertain duration--between the Gothic migration from the Baltic to the Euxine and their appearance as conquerors and ravagers in the eastern half of the Roman Empire in the middle of the third century of the Christian era. Now, soothing as it may have been to the pride of a Roman subject of Theodoric to be informed that his master's ancestors had fought at the war of Troy and humbled the pride of Perdiccas, to a scientific historian these Scytho-Getic histories culled from Herodotus and Trogus are of little or no value, and his first step in the process of enquiry is to eliminate them from 'Gothica historia,' thus making it, as far as he can, _not_ 'Romana.' The question then arises whether there was another truly Gothic element in the history of Cassiodorus, and if so, what value can be attached to it. Thus enquiring we soon find, both before and after this intrusive Scytho-Getic element, matter of quite a different kind, which has often much of the ring of the true Teutonic _Saga_. It is reasonable to believe that here Cassiodorus, whose mission it was to reconcile Roman and Goth, and who could not have achieved this end by altering the history of the less civilised people out of all possibility of recognition by its own chieftains and warriors, has really interwoven in his work some part of the songs and Sagas which were still current among the older men who had shared the wanderings of Theodoric. This legendary portion, which Cassiodorus himself perhaps half despised, as being gathered not from books but from the lips of rude minstrels, is in fact the only part of his work which has any scientific value. [Sidenote: The Amal pedigree.] In his glorification of the Amal line, Cassiodorus follows more closely these genuine national traditions than in his history of the Gothic people. References to Herodotus and Trogus would have been here obviously out of place, and he accordingly puts before us a pedigree fashioned on the same model as those which we find in the Saxon Chronicle, and therefore probably genuine. By genuine of course is meant a pedigree which was really current and accepted among the people over whom Theodoric ruled. How many of the links which form it represent real historical personages is a matter about which we may almost be said neither to know nor care. We see that it begins in the approved fashion with 'Non puri homines sed semidei id est Anses[44],' and that the first of these half-divine ancestors is named _Gaut_, evidently the eponymous hero of the Gothic people. Some of the later links--Amal, Ostrogotha, Athal--have the same appearance of names coined to embody facts of the national consciousness. At the end of the genealogy appear the undoubtedly historical names of the immediate ancestors of Theodoric. It is noteworthy that several, in fact the majority of the names of Kings who figure in early Gothic history, are not included in this genealogy. While this fact permits us to doubt whether Cassiodorus has not exaggerated the pre-eminence of the Amal race in early days, it must be admitted to be also an evidence of the good faith with which he preserved the national tradition on these points. Had he been merely inventing, it would have been easy to include every name of a distinguished Gothic King among the progenitors of his Sovereign. [Footnote 44: Jordanes, De Reb. Get. xiii.] [Sidenote: Abstract by Jordanes.] Such then was the general purpose of the Gothic History of Cassiodorus. The book itself has perished--a tantalising loss when we consider how many treatises from the same pen have been preserved to us which we could well have spared. But we can speak, as will be seen from the preceding remarks, with considerable confidence as to its plan and purpose, because we possess in the well-known treatise of Jordanes 'On the Origin of the Goths[45]' an abbreviated copy, executed it is true by a very inferior hand, but still manifestly preserving some of the features of the original. It will not be necessary here to go into the difficult question as to the personality of this writer, which has been debated at considerable length and with much ingenuity by several German authors[46]. It is enough to say that Jordanes, who was, according to his own statement, 'agrammatus,' a man of Gothic descent, a notary, and then a monk[47], on the alleged request of his friend Castalius, 'compressed the twelve books of Senator, _de origine actibusque Getarum_, bringing down the history from olden times to our own days by kings and generations, into one little pamphlet.' Still, according to his statement, which there can be little doubt is here thoroughly false, he had the loan of the Gothic History for only three days from the steward of Cassiodorus, and wrote chiefly or entirely from his recollection of this hasty perusal[48]. He says that he added some suitable passages from the Greek and Latin historians, but his own range of historical reading was evidently so narrow that we may fairly suspect these additions to have been of the slenderest possible dimensions. Upon the whole, there can be little doubt that it is a safe rule to attribute everything that is good or passable in this little treatise to Cassiodorus, and everything that is very bad, childish, and absurd in it to Jordanes. [Footnote 45: 'De Rebus Geticis,' or 'De Gothorum Origine,' is the name by which this little treatise is usually known. It seems to be doubtful, however, what title, if any, Jordanes himself prefixed to it. Mommsen calls it simply 'Getica.'] [Footnote 46: Especially Schirren, 'De Ratione quae inter Jordanem et Cassiodorum intercedat' (Dorpat, 1858); Sybel, 'De Fontibus Libri Jordanis' (Berlin, 1838); and Köpke, 'Die Anfänge des Königthums bei den Gothen' (Berlin, 1859).] [Footnote 47: _Possibly_ in the end Bishop of Crotona, or a Defensor of the Roman Church, since we find a Jordanes in each of these positions; but this is mere guesswork, and to me neither theory seems probable.] [Footnote 48: 'Sed ut non mentiar, ad triduanam lectionem dispensatoris ejus beneficio libros ipsos antehac relegi.' Notwithstanding the 'ut non mentiar,' most of those who have enquired into the subject have come to the opinion which is bluntly expressed by Usener (p. 73), 'Die dreitägige Frist die Jordanes zur Benutzung der 12 Bücher gehabt haben will, _ist natürlich Schwindel_.' Even by an expert précis-writer a loan of three months would be much more probably needed for the purpose indicated by Jordanes than one of three days.] [Sidenote: Temporary retirement from official life (?).] The literary labours of Cassiodorus, of which the Gothic History was one of the fruits, were probably continued for two or three years after its completion[49]. At least there is reason to believe that he was not actively engaged in the service of the State during those terrible years (524 and 525) in which the failing intellect of Theodoric, goaded almost to madness by Justin's persecution of his Arian co-religionists, condescended to ignoble measures of retaliation, which brought him into collision with Senate and Pope, and in the end tarnished his fame by the judicial murder of Boethius and Symmachus. It was fortunate indeed for Cassiodorus if he was during this time, perhaps because of his unwillingness to help the King to his own hurt, enjoying an interval of literary retirement at Squillace. His honour must have suffered if he had abetted the intolerant policy of Theodoric; his life might have been forfeit if he had openly opposed it. [Footnote 49: This was probably 521 at latest.] [Sidenote: Cassiodorus as Master of the Offices, 526.] Whatever may have been the cause of the temporary obscuration of Cassiodorus, he was soon again shining in all the splendour of official dignity; for when Theodoric died, his old and trusted minister was holding--probably not for the first time in his official career[50]--the great place of Master of the Offices. [Footnote 50: The language of Cassiodorus in Var. ix. 24 implies that he had held this office for a considerable time before the death of Theodoric. Usener thinks that he was made Magister Officiorum for the first time about the year 518.] The _Magister Officiorum_, whose relation to the other members of the Cabinet of the Sovereign was somewhat indefinite, and who was in fact constantly trying to enlarge the circle of his authority at their expense, was at the head of the Civil Service of the Roman Empire, and afterwards occupied a similar position in the Ostrogothic State. It was said of him by the Byzantine orator Priscus (himself a man who had been engaged in important embassies), 'Of all the counsels of the Emperor the Magister is a partaker, inasmuch as the messengers and interpreters and the soldiers employed on guard at the palace are ranged under him.' Quite in harmony with this general statement are the more precise indications of the 'Notitia.' There, 'under the disposition of the illustrious Magister Officiorum,' we find five _Scholae_, which seem to have been composed of household troops[51]. Then comes the great Schola of the _Agentes in rebus_ and their deputies--a mighty army of 'king's messengers,' who swarmed through all the Provinces of the Empire, executing the orders of the Sovereign, and earning gold and hatred from the helpless Provincials among whom their errands lay. In addition to these the four great stationary bureaux--the Scrinium Memoriae, Scrinium Dispositionum, Scrinium Epistolarum, and Scrinium Libellorum--the offices whose duty it was to conduct the correspondence of the Sovereign with foreign powers, and to answer the petitions of his own subjects, all owned the Master of the Offices as their head. Moreover, the great arsenals (of which there were six in Italy at Concordia, Verona, Mantua, Cremona, Ticinum, and Lucca) received their orders from the same official. An anomalous and too widely dispersed range of functions this seems according to our ideas, including something of the Secretaryship for Foreign Affairs, something of the Home Secretaryship, and something of the War Office and the Horse Guards. Yet, as if this were not enough, there was also transferred to him from the office of the Praetorian Praefect the superintendence of the Cursus Publicus, that excellent institution by which facilities for intercourse were provided between the capital and the most distant Provinces, relays of post-horses being kept at every town, available for use by those who bore properly signed 'letters of evection.' Thus to the multifarious duties of the Master of the Offices was added in effect the duty of Postmaster-General. It was found however in practice to be an inconvenient arrangement for the Master of the Offices to have the control of the services of the 'public horses,' while the Praetorian Praefect remained responsible for the supply of their food; and the charge of the _Cursus Publicus_ was accordingly retransferred--at any rate in the Eastern Empire--to the office of the Praefect, though the letters of evection still required the counter-signature of the Master[52]. [Footnote 51: They are 'Scutariorum prima, secunda et tertia, armaturarum seniorum et gentilium seniorum' (Notitia Occidentis, cap. ix.).] [Footnote 52: This is the account of the matter given by Lydus (De Magistratibus ii. 10); but as the Notitia (Or. xi.) puts the 'Curiosus Cursus Publici Praesentalis' under the disposition of the Magister Officiorum, the retransfer had probably not then taken place. It would seem also from the Formula of Cassiodorus (Var. vi. 6) that in his time the Magister Officiorum still had the charge of the Cursus Publicus.] [Sidenote: Death of Theodoric, Aug. 30, 526.] Such was the position of Cassiodorus when, on the 30th of August, 526, by the death of Theodoric, he lost the master whom he had served so long and so faithfully. The difficulties which beset the new reign are pretty clearly indicated in the letters which Cassiodorus published in the name of the young King Athalaric, Theodoric's grandson, and which are to be found in the Eighth Book of the 'Variae.' Athalaric himself being only a boy of eight or ten years of age, supreme power was vested in his mother Amalasuentha, with what title we are unable to say, but apparently not with that of Queen. This Princess, a woman of great and varied accomplishments, perhaps once a pupil, certainly a friend, of Cassiodorus, ruled entirely in accordance with the maxims of his statesmanship, and endeavoured with female impulsiveness to carry into effect his darling scheme of Romanising the Goths. During the whole of her regency we may doubtless consider Cassiodorus as virtually her Prime Minister, and the eight years which it occupied were without doubt that portion of his life in which he exercised the most direct and unquestioned influence on State affairs. [Sidenote: Services of Cassiodorus to the Regent Amalasuentha.] His services at the commencement of the new reign will be best described in his own words: 'Nostris quoque principiis[53]' (the letter is written in Athalaric's name) 'quanto se labore concessit, cum novitas regni multa posceret ordinari? Erat solus ad universa sufficiens. Ipsum dictatio publica, ipsum consilia nostra poscebant; et labore ejus actum est ne laboraret imperium. _Reperimus eum quidem Magistrum sed implevit nobis Quaestoris officium_: et mercedes justissima devotione persolvens, cautelam, quam ab auctore nostro didicerat, libenter haeredis utilitatibus exhibebat[54].' [Footnote 53: Variarum ix. 25.] [Footnote 54: The meaning apparently is: 'The experience which he had gained in Theodoric's service was employed for the advantage of his grandson.'] [Sidenote: Fears of invasion.] Cassiodorus then goes on to describe how he laboured for his young Sovereign with the sword as well as with the pen. Some hostile invasion was dreaded, perhaps from the Franks, or, more probably, from the Vandals, whose relations with the Ostrogoths at that time were strained, owing to the murder of Theodoric's sister Amalafrida by Hilderic the Vandal King. Cassiodorus provided ships and equipped soldiers at his own expense, probably for the defence of his beloved Province of Bruttii. The alarm of war passed away, but difficulties appear to have arisen owing to the sudden cancellation of the contracts which had been entered into when hostilities seemed imminent; and to these difficulties Cassiodorus tells us that he brought his trained experience as an administrator and a judge, resolving them so as to give satisfaction to all who were concerned. [Sidenote: Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect, 533.] Seven years of Amalasuentha's regency thus passed, and now at length, at fifty-three years of age, Cassiodorus was promoted (Sept. 1, 533) to the most distinguished place which a subject could occupy. He received from Amalasuentha the office of Praetorian Praefect. As thirty-three years had elapsed since his father was invested with the same dignity, we may fairly conjecture that father and son both climbed this eminence at the same period of their lives; yet, considering the extraordinary credit which the younger Cassiodorus enjoyed at Court, we might have expected that he would have been clothed with the Praefecture before he attained the fifty-third year of his age. And, in fact, he hints in the letter composed by him, in which he informs himself of his own elevation[55], that that elevation had been somewhat too long delayed, though the reason which he alleges for the delay (namely, that the people might greet the new Praefect the more heartily[56]) is upon the face of it not the true cause. [Footnote 55: Var. ix. 24.] [Footnote 56: 'Diutius quidem differendo pro te cunctorum vota lassavimus, ut benevolentiam in te probaremus generalitatis, et cunctis desiderabilior advenires.'] [Sidenote: Office of the Praetorian Praefect.] The majesty of the Praetorian Praefect's office is fully dwelt upon and its functions described in a letter in the following collection[57], to which the reader is referred. Originally only the chief officer of those Praetorian troops in Rome by whom the Emperor was guarded, until, as was so often the case, he was in some fit of petulance by the same pampered sentinels dethroned, the Praefectus Praetorio had gradually become more and more of a judge, less and less of a soldier. In the great changes wrought by Constantine the Praetorian guards disappeared--somewhat in the same fashion after which the Janissaries were removed by Sultan Mahmoud. The Praetorian Praefect's dignity, however, survived, and though he lost every shred of military command he became or continued to be the first civil servant of the Empire. Cassiodorus is fond of comparing him to Joseph at the Court of Pharaoh, nor is the comparison an inapt one. In the Constantinople of our own day the Grand Vizier holds a position not altogether unlike that which the Praefect held in the Court of Arcadius and Theodosius. 'The office of this Praefect,' said one who had spent his life as one of his subordinates[58],' is like the Ocean, encircling all other offices and ministering to all their needs. The Consulate is indeed higher in rank than the Praefecture, but less in power. The Praefect wears a _mandye_, or woollen cloak, dyed with the purple of Cos, and differing from the Emperor's only in the fact that it reaches not to the feet but to the knees. Girt with his sword he takes his seat as President of the Senate. When that body has assembled, the chiefs of the army fall prostrate before the Praefect, who raises them and kisses each in turn, in order to express his desire to be on good terms with the military power. Nay, even the Emperor himself walks (or till lately used to walk) on foot from his palace to meet the Praefect as he moves slowly towards him at the head of the Senate. The insignia of the Praefect's office are his lofty chariot, his golden reed-case [pen-holder], weighing one hundred pounds, his massive silver inkstand, and silver bowl on a tripod of the same metal to receive the petitions of suitors. Three official yachts wait upon his orders, and convey him from the capital to the neighbouring Provinces.' [Footnote 57: Var. vi. 3.] [Footnote 58: Joannes Lydus, De Dignitatibus ii. 7, 8, 9, 13, 14.] [Sidenote: The Praetorian Praefect as Judge of Appeal.] The personage thus highly placed had a share in the government of the State, a share which the Master of the Offices was for ever trying to diminish, but which, in the hands of one who like Cassiodorus was _persona grata_ at the Court, might be made not only important but predominant[59]. The chief employment, however, of the ordinary Praefectus Praetorio consisted in hearing appeals from the Governors of the Provinces. When the magical words 'Provoco ad Caesarem' had been uttered, it was in most cases before the Praetorian Praefect that the appeal was practically heard; and when the Praetorian Praefect had pronounced his decision, no appeal from that was permitted, even to the Emperor himself[60]. [Footnote 59: Bethmann Hollweg (pp. 75, 76) enumerates the functions of the Praetorian Praefect thus: '(1) _Legislative._ He promulgated the Imperial laws, and issued edicts which had almost the force of laws. (2) _Financial._ The general tax (indictio, delegatio) ordered by the Emperor for the year, was proclaimed by each Praefect for his own Praefecture. Through his officials he took part in the levy of the tax, and had a special State-chest (arca praetoria) for the proceeds. (3) _Administrative._ The Praefect proposed the names of provincial governors, handed to them their salaries, had a general oversight of them, issued rescripts on the information furnished by them, and could as their ordinary Judge inflict punishments upon them, even depose them from their offices, and temporarily nominate substitutes to act in their places. (4) _Judicial_, as the highest Judge of Appeal.'] [Footnote 60: See authorities quoted by Bethmann Hollweg, pp. 79, 80.] [Sidenote: Letters written during the Praefecture of Cassiodorus.] Cassiodorus held the post of Praetorian Praefect, amid various changes in the fortunes of the State, from 533 to 538, or perhaps a year or two longer. Of his activity in the domain of internal administration, the Eleventh and Twelfth Books of the 'Variae' give a vivid and interesting picture. Unfortunately, neither those books nor the Tenth Book of the same collection, which contains the letters written by him during the same time in the names of the successive Gothic Sovereigns, give any sufficient information as to the real course of public events. Great misfortunes, great crimes, and the movements of great armies are covered over in these documents by a veil of unmeaning platitudes and hypocritical compliments. In order to enable the student to 'read between the lines,' and to pierce through the verbiage of these letters to the facts which they were meant to hint at or to conceal, it will be necessary briefly to describe the political history of the period as we learn it from the narratives of Procopius and Jordanes--narratives which may be inaccurate in a few minor details but are doubtless correct in their main outlines. [Sidenote: Opposition to Romanising policy of Amalasuentha.] The Romanising policy of the cultivated but somewhat self-willed Princess Amalasuentha met with considerable opposition on the part of her Gothic subjects. Above all, they objected to the bookish education which she was giving to her son, the young King. They declared that it was entirely contrary to the maxims of Theodoric that a young Goth should be trembling before the strap of a pedagogue when he ought to be learning to look unfalteringly on spear and sword. These representations were so vigorously made, and by speakers of such high rank in the State, that Amalasuentha was compelled to listen to them, to remove her son from the society of his teachers, and to allow him to associate with companions of his own age, who, not being wisely chosen, soon initiated him in every kind of vice and dissipation. [Sidenote: Amalasuentha puts three Gothic nobles to death.] The Princess, who had not forgiven the leaders of the Gothic party for their presumptuously offered counsels, singled out three of the most powerful nobles who were at the head of that party and sent them into honourable banishment at the opposite ends of Italy. Finding, however, that they were still holding communication with one another, she sent to the Emperor Justinian to ask if he would give her an asylum in his dominions if she required it, and then gave orders for the secret assassination of the three noblemen. The _coup d'état_ succeeded: she had no need to flee the country; and the ship bearing the royal treasure, which amounted to 40,000 pounds weight of gold, which she had sent to Dyrrhachium to await her possible flight, was ordered to return home. [Sidenote: Embassies between Ravenna and Constantinople.] Athalaric's health was now rapidly failing, owing to his licentious excesses, and Amalasuentha, fearing that after his death her own life might be in danger, began again secretly to negotiate with Justinian for the entire surrender of the kingdom of Italy into his hands, on receiving an assurance of shelter and maintenance at the Court of Byzantium. These negotiations were masked by others of a more public kind, in which Justinian claimed the Sicilian fortress of Lilybaeum, which had once belonged to the Vandals; insisted on the surrender of some Huns, deserters from the army of Africa; and demanded redress for the sack by the Goths of the Moesian city of Gratiana. These claims Amalasuentha met publicly with a reply as brave and uncompromising as her most patriotic subjects could desire, but in private, as has been already said, she was prepared, for an adequate assurance of personal safety, to barter away all the rights and liberties of her Italian subjects, Roman as well as Gothic, and to allow her father's hard-earned kingdom to sink into a mere dependency of Constantinople. [Sidenote: Death of Athalaric, Oct. 2, 534.] Such was the position of affairs when on the 2nd October 534, little more than a year after Cassiodorus had donned the purple of the Praefect, Athalaric died, and by his death the whole attitude of the parties to the negotiations was changed. The power to rule, and with it the very power to make terms of any kind with the Emperor, was in danger of slipping from the hands of Amalasuentha. The principle of female sovereignty was barely accepted by any Teutonic tribe. Evidently the Ostrogoths had not accepted it, or Amalasuentha would have ruled as Queen in her own right instead of as Regent for her son. In order to strengthen her position, and ensure her acceptance as Sovereign by the Gothic warriors, she decided to associate with herself, not in matrimony, for he was already married, but in regal partnership, her cousin Theodahad, the nearest male heir of Theodoric, and to mount the throne together with him. Previously, however, to announcing this scheme in public, she sent for Theodahad and exacted from him 'tremendous oaths[61]' that if he were chosen King he would be satisfied with the mere name of royalty, leaving her as much of the actual substance of power as she possessed at that moment. [Footnote 61: [Greek: horkois deinotatois].] [Sidenote: Amalasuentha associates Theodahad in the Sovereignty.] The partnership-royalty and the oath of self-abnegation were the desperate expedients of a woman who knew herself to have mighty enemies among her subjects, and who felt power slipping from her grasp. With one side of her character her new partner could sympathise; for Theodahad, though sprung from the loins of Gothic warriors, was a man of some literary culture, who preferred poring over the 'Republic' of Plato to heading a charge of the Gothic cavalry. But his acquaintance with Latin and Greek literature had done nothing to ennoble his temper or expand his heart. A cold, hard, avaricious soul, he had been entirely bent on adding field to field and removing his neighbour's landmark, until the vast possessions which he had received from the generosity of Theodoric should embrace the whole of the great Tuscan plain. It will be seen by referring to two letters in the following collection[62] that Theodoric himself had twice employed the pen of Cassiodorus to rebuke the rapacity of his nephew; and at a more recent date, since the beginning of Athalaric's illness, Amalasuentha had been compelled by the complaints of her Tuscan subjects to issue a commission of enquiry, which had found Theodahad guilty of the various acts of land-robbery which had been charged against him, and had compelled him to make restitution. [Footnote 62: Variarum iv. 39 and v. 12.] [Sidenote: Amalasuentha is deposed and imprisoned by Theodahad, April 30, 535.] The new Queen persuaded herself, and tried to persuade her cousin, that this ignominious sentence had in some way put the subject of it straight with the world, and had smoothed his pathway to the throne. She trusted to his gratitude and his tremendous oaths for her own undisturbed position at the helm of the State, but she found before many months of the joint reign had passed that the reed upon which she was leaning was about to pierce her hand. Only four letters, it will be seen, of the following collection were written by order of Amalasuentha after the commencement of the joint reign. Soon Theodahad felt himself strong enough to hurl from the throne the woman who had dared to compel him to draw back the boundary of his Tuscan _latifundium._ The relations of the three noblemen whom Amalasuentha had put to death gathered gladly round him, eager to work out the blood-feud; and by their help he slew many of the strongest supporters of the Queen, and shut her up in prison in a little lonely island upon the lake of Vulsinii. This event took place on the 30th of April, 535, not quite seven months after the death of Athalaric[63]. [Footnote 63: The dates of the death of Athalaric and deposition of Amalasuentha are given by Agnellus in his Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis, p. 322 (in the edition comprised in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica).] [Sidenote: Embassy of Peter.] [Sidenote: Death of Amalasuentha.] During all these later months there had been a perpetual flux and reflux of diplomatic communications between Ravenna and Constantinople. The different stages of the negotiations are marked, apparently with clearness, by Procopius; but it is not always easy to harmonise them with the letters published by Cassiodorus, who either did not write, or shrank from republishing, some of the most important letters to the Emperor. This remark applies to the missive which was probably taken by the Senators Liberius and Opilio, who were now sent by Theodahad to Justinian to apologise for the imprisonment of Amalasuentha, and to promise that she should receive no injury. Meanwhile Peter, a rhetorician and an ex-Consul, was travelling from Constantinople with a commission the character of which was being constantly changed by the rapid current of events. He started with instructions to complete the transaction with Amalasuentha as to the surrender of Italy, and to buy from Theodahad, who was still a private individual, his possessions in Tuscany. Soon after his departure he met the ambassadors, who told him of the death of Athalaric and the accession of Theodahad. On the shores of the Hadriatic he heard of Amalasuentha's captivity. He waited for further instructions from his master, and on his arrival at Ravenna he found that all was over. The letter which he was to have handed to the deposed Queen, assuring her of Justinian's protection, was already obsolete. The kinsmen of the three nobles had been permitted or encouraged by Theodahad to end the blood-feud bloodily. They had repaired to the Lake of Vulsinii and murdered Amalasuentha in her bath[64]. The Byzantine ambassador sought the presence of the King, boldly denounced his wicked deed, and declared on the part of his master a war which would be waged without truce or treaty till Amalasuentha was avenged. Thus began the eighteen years' war between Justinian and the Ostrogoths. [Footnote 64: We do not seem to have the precise date of the death of Amalasuentha, but apparently it happened about the month of May, 535.] [Sidenote: Why did Cassiodorus continue in the service of Theodahad?] It might certainly have been expected that a statesman who had been honoured with the intimate friendship of Theodoric and his daughter, even if unable to avenge her death, would have refused to serve in the Cabinet of her murderer. It is accordingly with a feeling of painful surprise that we find Cassiodorus still holding the Secretary's pen, and writing letter after letter (they form the majority of the documents in the Tenth Book of the 'Variae') in the name of Theodahad and his wife Gudelina. Dangers no doubt were thickening round his beloved Italy. He may have thought that whoever wore the Gothic crown, Duty forbade him to quit the Secretum at Ravenna just when war with the Empire was becoming every day more imminent. On the other hand, the Praetorian Praefecture, the object of a life's ambition, was now his, but had been his only for two years. It was hard to lay aside the purple _mandye_ while the first gloss was yet upon it; hard to have to fall back into the ranks of the ordinary senators, and no longer to receive the reverent salutations of the chiefs of the army when he entered the hall of meeting. Whether the public good or the private advantage swayed him most who shall say? There are times when patriotism calls for the costliest sacrifice which a statesman can make--the sacrifice, apparently, of his own honour. The man who has made such a sacrifice must be content to be misjudged by his fellow-men. Certainly, to us the one stain upon an otherwise pure reputation seems to be found in the service, the apparently willing service, which in the Tenth Book of his letters Cassiodorus renders to Theodahad. [Sidenote: Vacillation of Theodahad.] Throughout the latter half of 535, Belisarius in Sicily and Mundus in Dalmatia were warring for Justinian against Theodahad. The rhetorician Peter, who had boldly rebuked the Gothic King for the murder of his benefactress, and had on his master's behalf denounced a truceless war against him, still lingered at his Court. Theodahad, who during part of the summer and autumn of 535 seems to have been at Rome, not at Ravenna, was more than half inclined to resume his old negotiations with the Emperor, and either to purchase peace by sinking into the condition of a tributary, or to sell his kingdom outright for a revenue of £48,000 a year and a high place among the nobles of the Empire. Procopius[65] gives us a vivid and detailed narrative of the manner in which these negotiations were conducted by Theodahad, who was perpetually wavering between arrogance and timidity; trembling at the successes of Belisarius, elated by any victory which his generals might win in Dalmatia; and who at length, upon receiving the tidings of the defeat and death of Mundus, broke off the negotiations altogether, and shut up Peter and his colleague Athanasius in prison. [Footnote 65: De Bello Gotthico, i. 6.] [Sidenote: Silence of the 'Variae' as to many of the negotiations between Theodahad and Justinian.] Here again, while not doubting the truth of the narrative of Procopius, I do not find it possible exactly to fit in the letters written by Cassiodorus for Theodahad with the various stages of the negotiation as described by him. Especially the striking letter of the King to the Emperor--striking by reason of its very abjectness--which is quoted by Procopius in the sixth chapter of his First Book, appears to be entirely unrepresented in the collection of Cassiodorus. Evidently all this part of the 'Variae' has been severely edited by its author, who has expunged all that seemed to reflect too great discredit on the Sovereign whom he had once served, and has preserved only some letters written to Justinian and Theodora by Theodahad and his wife, vaguely praising peace, and beseeching the Imperial pair to restore it to Italy; letters which, as it seems to me, may be applied with about equal fitness to any movement of the busy shuttle of diplomacy backwards and forwards between Ravenna and Constantinople. [Sidenote: Theodahad deposed, Witigis elected, Aug. 536.] The onward march of Belisarius trampled all the combinations of diplomatists into the dust. In the early part of July, 536, he had succeeded in capturing the important city of Neapolis, and had begun to threaten Rome. The Gothic warriors, disgusted at the incapacity of their King, and probably suspecting his disloyalty to the nation, met (August, 536) under arms upon the plain of Regeta[66], deposed Theodahad, and elected a veteran named Witigis as his successor. Witigis at once ordered Theodahad to be put to death, and being himself of somewhat obscure lineage, endeavoured to strengthen his title to the crown by marrying Matasuentha, the sister of Athalaric and the only surviving descendant of Theodoric. [Footnote 66: The situation of this plain is unknown.] [Sidenote: Letter on the elevation of Witigis.] Whether Cassiodorus had any hand in this revolution--which was pre-eminently a Gothic movement--we cannot tell; but certainly one of the best specimens of his letters is that written in the name of the new King[67], in which he makes Witigis thus speak, 'Universis Gothis'--not as Theodoric had so often spoken, 'Universis Gothis et Romanis:' [Footnote 67: Var. x. 31.] 'Unde Auctori nostro Christo gratias humillimâ satisfactione referentes, indicamus parentes nostros Gothos inter procinctuales gladios, more majorum, scuto supposito, regalem nobis contulisse, praestante Deo, dignitatem, ut honorem arma darent, cujus opinionem bella pepererant. Non enim in cubilis angustis, sed in campis latè patentibus electum me esse noveritis: nec inter blandientium delicata colloquia, sed tubis concrepantibus sum quaesitus, ut tali fremitu concitatus desiderio virtutis ingenitae regem sibi Martium Geticus populus inveniret.' [Sidenote: Letters written in name of Witigis.] We have only five letters written by Cassiodorus for Witigis (who reigned from August, 536, to May[68], 540). One has been already described. All the other four are concerned with negotiations for peace with Justinian, and may probably be referred to the early part of the new reign. [Footnote 68: We get this date only from Agnellus (loc. cit. p. 522).] [Sidenote: Share of Cassiodorus in the administration during the war.] It will be seen that the letters written by Cassiodorus for the Sovereign during the five years following the death of Athalaric are few and somewhat unsatisfactory. But, on the other hand, it was just during these years that he wrote in his own name as Praetorian Praefect the letters which are comprised in the Eleventh and Twelfth Books of his collection, and which are in some respects the most interesting of the whole series. There is a strong probability that he was not present at the long siege of Rome (March, 537, to March, 538), nor is it likely that he, an elderly civilian, would take much part in any of the warlike operations that followed. Upon the whole, it seems probable that during the greater part of this time Cassiodorus was, to the best of his power, keeping the civil administration together by virtue of his own authority as Praetorian Praefect, without that constant reference to the wishes of the Sovereign which would have been necessary under Theodoric and his daughter. Perhaps, in the transitional state of things which then prevailed in Italy, with the power of the Gothic sceptre broken but the sway of the Roman Caesar not yet firmly established in its stead, men of all parties and both nationalities were willing that as much as possible of the routine of government should be carried on by a statesman who was Roman by birth and culture, but who had been the trusted counsellor of Gothic Kings. [Sidenote: Dates of later letters.] I have endeavoured as far as possible to fix the dates of these later letters. It will be seen that we have one[69] probably belonging to the year 536, five[70] to 537, and one[71] (possibly) to 538. These later letters refer chiefly to the terrible famine which followed in the train of the war, and of which Cassiodorus strenuously laboured to mitigate the severity. [Footnote 69: Var. xii. 20.] [Footnote 70: Var. xii. 22, 23, 24, 27, 28.] [Footnote 71: Var. xii. 25.] [Sidenote: End of Cassiodorus' official career.] It is possible that the Praefect may have continued to hold office down to the capture of Ravenna in May, 540, which made Witigis a prisoner, and seemed to bring the Ostrogothic monarchy to an end. Upon the whole, however, it is rather more probable that in the year 538 or 539 he finally retired from public life. The dates of his letters will show that there is nothing in them which forbids us to accept this conclusion; and the fact, if it be a fact, that in 540, when Belisarius, with his Secretary Procopius in his train, made his triumphal entry into Ravenna, the late Praefect was no longer there, but in his native Province of Bruttii, a little lessens the difficulty of that which still remains most difficult of comprehension, the entire omission from Procopius' History of the Gothic War of all mention of the name of Cassiodorus. [Sidenote: The Variae edited.] The closing years of the veteran statesman's tenure of office were years of some literary activity. It was in them that he was collecting, and to some extent probably revising, the letters which appear in the following collection. His motives for publishing this monument of his official life are sufficiently set forth in the two prefaces, one prefixed to the First Book and the other to the Eleventh. Much emphasis is laid on the entreaties of his friends, the regular excuse, in the sixth century as in the nineteenth, for an author or a politician doing the very thing which most pleases his own vanity. A worthier reason probably existed in the author's natural desire to vindicate his own consistency, by showing that the influence which for more than thirty years he had wielded in the councils of the Gothic Sovereigns had been uniformly exerted on the side of law and order and just government, directed equally to the repression of Teutonic barbarism and the punishment of Roman venality. [Sidenote: What alterations were made in the letters.] The question how far the letters which now appear in the 'Variae' really reproduce the actual documents originally issued by Cassiodorus is one which has been a good deal discussed by scholars, but with no very definite result. It is, after all, a matter of conjecture; and every student who peruses the following letters is entitled to form his own conjecture--especially as to those marvellous digressions on matters of Natural History, Moral Philosophy, and the like--whether they were veritably included in the original letters that issued from the Royal Secretum, and were carried over Italy by the Cursus Publicus. My own conjecture is, that though they may have been a little amplified and elaborated, substantially they were to be found in those original documents. The age was pedantic and half-educated, and had lost both its poetic inspiration and its faculty of humour; and I fear that these marvellous letters were read by the officials to whom they were addressed with a kind of stolid admiration, provoking neither the smile of amusement nor the shrug of impatience which are their rightful meed. [Sidenote: 'Illum atque Illum.'] The reader will observe that in many, in fact most of the letters, which were meant to serve as credentials to ambassadors or commissions to civil servants, no names are inserted, but we have instead only the tantalising formula, 'Illum atque Illum,' which I have generally translated, 'A and B.' This circumstance has also been much commented upon, but without our arriving at any very definite result. All that can be said is, that Cassiodorus must have formed his collection of State-papers either from rough drafts in his own possession, or from copies preserved in the public archives, and that, from whichsoever source he drew, the names in that source had not been preserved: a striking comment on the rhetorical unbusinesslike character of the Royal and Imperial Chanceries of that day, in which words were deemed of more importance than things, and the flowers of speech which were showered upon the performer of some piece of public business were preserved, while the name of the performer was forgotten. [Sidenote: Treatise 'De Animâ.'] As soon as he had finished the collection of the 'Variae,' the Praefect--again in obedience to the entreaties of his friends--composed a short philosophic treatise on the Nature of the Soul ('De Animâ'). As he said, it seems an absurd thing to treat as a stranger and an unknown quantity the very centre of our being; to seek to understand the height of the air, the extent of the earth, the causes of storms and earthquakes, and the nature of the wandering winds, and yet to leave the faculty, by which we grasp all this knowledge, itself uncomprehended[72]. He therefore sets himself to enquire, in twelve chapters: [Footnote 72: 'Cum jam suscepti operis optato fine gauderem, meque duodecim voluminibus jactatum quietis portus exciperet, ubi etsi non laudatus, certe liberatus adveneram, amicorum me suave collegium in salum rursus cogitationis expressit, postulans ut aliqua quae tam in libris sacris, quam in saecularibus abstrusa compereram de animae substantiâ, vel de ejus virtutibus aperirem, cui datum est tam ingentium rerum secreta reserare: addens nimis ineptum esse si eam per quam plura cognoscimus, quasi a nobis alienam ignorare patiamur, dum ad anima sit utile nosse qua sapimus' (De Animâ, Praefatio).] 1. Why the Soul is called Anima? 2. What is the definition of the Soul? 3. What is its substantial quality? 4. If it is to be believed to have any shape? 5. What moral virtues it has which contribute to its glory and its adornment? 6. What are its natural virtues [or powers], given to enable it to hold together the framework of the body? 7. Concerning the origin of the Soul. 8. What is its especial seat, since it appears to be in a certain sense diffused over the whole body? 9. Concerning the form and composition of the body itself. 10. Sufficient signs by which we may discern what properties the souls of sinners possess. 11. Similar signs by which we may distinguish the souls of righteous men, since we cannot see them with our bodily eyes. 12. Concerning the Soul's state after death, and how it will be affected by the general resurrection. The treatise ends with a prayer to Christ to preserve the body in good health, that it may be in tune with the harmony of the soul; to give reason the ascendancy over the flesh; and to keep the mind in happy equipoise, neither so strong as to be puffed up with pride, nor so languid as to fail of its proper powers. [Sidenote: Cassiodorus retires to the cloister.] The line of thought indicated by the 'De Animâ' led, in such a country as Italy, at such a time as the Gothic War, to one inevitable end--the cloister. It can have surprised none of the friends of Cassiodorus when the veteran statesman announced his intention of spending the remainder of his days in monastic retirement. He was now sixty years of age[73]; his wife, if he had ever married, was probably by this time dead; and we hear nothing of any children for whose sake he need have remained longer in the world. The Emperor would probably have received him gladly into his service, but Cassiodorus had now done with politics. The dream of his life had been to build up an independent Italian State, strong with the strength of the Goths, and wise with the wisdom of the Romans. That dream was now scattered to the winds. Providence had made it plain that not by this bridge was civilisation to pass over from the Old World to the New. Cassiodorus accepted the decision, and consecrated his old age to religious meditation and to a work even more important than any of his political labours (though one which must be lightly touched on here), the preservation by the pens of monastic copyists of the Christian Scriptures, and of the great works of classical antiquity. [Footnote 73: Fifty-eight, if the retirement was in 538.] [Sidenote: He founds two monasteries at Scyllacium.] It was to his ancestral Scyllacium that Cassiodorus retired; and here, between the mountains of Aspromonte and the sea, he founded his monastery, or, more accurately, his two monasteries, one for the austere hermit, and the other for the less aspiring coenobite. The former was situated among the 'sweet recesses of Mons Castellius[74],' the latter among the well-watered gardens which took their name from the Vivaria (fish-ponds) that Cassiodorus had constructed among them in connection with the river Pellena[75]. Baths, too, especially intended for the use of the sick, had been prepared on the banks of the stream[76]. Here in monastic simplicity, but not without comfort, Cassiodorus ordained that his monks should dwell. The Rule of the order--in so far as it had a written Rule--was drawn from the writings of Cassian, the great founder of Western Monachism, who had died about a century before the Vivarian monastery was founded. In commending the writings of Cassian to the study of his monks, Cassiodorus warns them against the bias shown in them towards the Semi-Pelagian heresy, and desires them to choose the good in those treatises and to refuse the evil. Whatever the reason may have been, it seems clear that Cassiodorus did not make the Rule of Benedict the law of his new monastery; and indeed, strange as the omission may appear, there is, I believe, no allusion to that great contemporary Saint, the 'Father of Monks,' in the whole of his writings. [Footnote 74: 'Nam si vos in monasterio Vivariensi divinâ gratia suffragante coenobiorum consuetudo competenter erudiat, et aliquid sublimius defaecatis animis optare contingat, habetis mentis Castelli secreta suavia, ubi velut anachoritae (praestante Domino) feliciter esse possitis' (De Inst. Div. Litt. xxix.).] [Footnote 75: 'Invitat vos locus Vivariensis monasterii ... quando habetis hortos irriguos, et piscosi amnis Pellenae fluenta vicina, qui nec magnitudine undarum suspectus habetur, nec exiguitate temnibilis. Influit vobis arte moderatus, ubicunque necessarius judicatur et hortis vestris sufficiens et molendinis.... Maria quoque vobis ita subjacent, ut piscationibus variis pateant; et captus piscis, cum libuerit, vivariis possit includi. Fecimus enim illic (juvante Deo) grata receptacula ubi sub claustro fideli vagetur piscium multitudo; ita consentanea montium speluncis, ut nullatenus se sentiat captum, cui libertas eat escas sumere, et per solitas se cavernas abscondere.'] [Footnote 76: 'Balnea quoque congruenter aegris praeparata corporibus jussimus aedificari, ubi fontium perspicuitas decenter illabitur, quae et potui gratissima cognoscitur et lavacris.'] [Sidenote: Probably never Abbot.] Though the founder and patron of these two monasteries, it seems probable that Cassiodorus never formally assumed the office of Abbot in either of them[77]. He had probably still some duties to perform as a large landholder in Bruttii; but besides these he had also work to do for 'his monks' (as he affectionately called them)--work of a literary and educational kind--which perhaps made it undesirable that he should be burdened with the petty daily routine of an Abbot's duties. Some years before, he had endeavoured to induce Pope Agapetus[78] to found a School of Theology and Christian Literature at Rome, in imitation of the schools of Alexandria and Nisibis[79]. The clash of arms consequent on the invasion of Italy by Belisarius had prevented the fulfilment of this scheme; but the aged statesman now determined to devote the remainder of his days to the accomplishment of the same purpose in connection with the Vivarian convent. [Footnote 77: But the words of Trithemius (quoted by Migne, Patrologia lxix. 498), 'Hic post aliquot conversionis suae annos abbas electus est, et monasterio multo tempore utiliter praefuit,' _may_ preserve a genuine and accurate tradition. Cassiodorus' mention of the two Abbots, Chalcedonius and Geruntius (De Inst. Div. Litt. cap. xxxii.) shows that at any rate in the infancy of his monasteries he was not Abbot of either of them.] [Footnote 78: Agapetus was Pope in 535 and 536.] [Footnote 79: 'Nisus sum ergo cum beatissimo Agapeto papa urbis Romae, ut sicut apud Alexandriam multo tempore fuisse traditur institutum, nunc etiam in Nisibi civitate Syrorum ab Hebraeis sedulo fertur exponi, collatis expensis in urbe Romana professos doctores scholae potius acciperent Christianae, unde et anima susciperet aeternam salutem, et casto atque purissimo eloquio fidelium lingua comeretur' (De Inst. Praefatio).] In the earliest days of Monasticism men like the hermits of the Thebaid had thought of little else but mortifying the flesh by vigils and fastings, and withdrawing from all human voices to enjoy an ecstatic communion with their Maker. The life in common of monks like those of Nitria and Lerinum had chastened some of the extravagances of these lonely enthusiasts while still keeping their main ends in view. St. Jerome, in his cell at Bethlehem, had shown what great results might be obtained for the Church of all ages from the patient literary toil of one religious recluse. And finally St. Benedict, in that Rule of his which was to be the code of monastic Christendom for centuries, had sanctified Work as one of the most effectual preservatives of the bodily and spiritual health of the ascetic, bringing together _Laborare_ and _Orare_ in friendly union, and proclaiming anew for the monk as for the untonsured citizen the primal ordinance, 'In the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread.' [Sidenote: The father of literary Monasticism.] The great merit of Cassiodorus, that which shows his deep insight into the needs of his age and entitles him to the eternal gratitude of Europe, was his determination to utilise the vast leisure of the convent for the preservation of Divine and human learning and for its transmission to after ages. In the miserable circumstances of the times Theology was in danger of becoming brutified and ignorant; the great treasures of Pagan literature were no longer being perpetuated by the slaves who had once acted as _librarii_ to the Greek or Roman noble; and with every movement of the Ostrogothic armies, or of the yet more savage hordes who served under the Imperial standard, with every sacked city and with every ravaged villa, some Codex, it may be such as we should now deem priceless and irreplaceable, was perishing. This being the state of Italy, Cassiodorus resolved to make of his monastery not merely a place for pious meditation, but a theological school and a manufactory for the multiplication of copies, not only of the Scriptures, not only of the Fathers and the commentators on Scripture, but also of the great writers of pagan antiquity. In the chapter[80] which he devotes to the description of the _scriptorium_ of his monastery he describes, with an enthusiasm which must have been contagious, the noble work done there by the _antiquarius_: 'He may fill his mind with the Scriptures while copying the sayings of the Lord. With his fingers he gives life to men and arms them against the wiles of the devil. So many wounds does Satan receive as the _antiquarius_ copies words of Christ. What he writes in his cell will be scattered far and wide over distant Provinces. Man multiplies the heavenly words, and by a striking figure--if I may dare so to speak--the three fingers of his hand express the utterances of the Holy Trinity. The fast-travelling reed writes down the holy words, and thus avenges the malice of the Wicked One, who caused a reed to be used to smite the head of the Saviour.' [Footnote 80: The 30th of the De Institutione Div. Litt.] It is true that the passage here quoted refers only to the work of the copyist of the Christian Scriptures, but it could easily be shown from other passages[81] that the literary activity of the monastery was not confined to these, but was also employed on secular literature. [Footnote 81: For instance, in cap. xv., after cautioning his copyists against rash corrections of apparent faults in the sacred MSS., he says: 'Ubicunque paragrammata in disertis hominibus [i.e. in classical authors] reperta fuerint, intrepidus vitiosa recorrigat.' And the greater part of cap. xxviii. is an argument against 'respuere saecularium litterarum studia.'] [Sidenote: Bookbinding.] [Sidenote: Mechanical appliances for the convent.] Cassiodorus then goes on to describe the care which he has taken for the binding of the sacred Codices in covers worthy of the beauty of their contents, following the example of the householder in the parable, who provided wedding garments for all who came to the supper of his son. One pattern volume had been prepared, containing samples of various sorts of binding, that the amanuensis might choose that which pleased him best. He had moreover provided, to help the nightly toil of the _scriptorium_, mechanical lamps of some wonderful construction, which appears to have made them self-trimming, and to have ensured their having always a sufficient supply of oil[82]. Sun-dials also for bright days, and water-clocks for cloudy days and the night-season, regulated their labour, and admonished them when it was time to unclose the three fingers, to lay down the reed, and to assemble with their brethren in the chapel of the convent for psalmody and prayer. [Footnote 82: Paravimus etiam nocturnis vigiliis mechanicas lucernas, conservatrices illuminantium flammarum, ipsas sibi nutrientes incendium, quae humano ministerio cessante, prolixe custodiant uberrimi luminis abundantissimam claritatem; ubi olei pinguedo non deficit, quamvis flammis ardentibus jugitor torreatur.] [Sidenote: Relation to the Benedictine Rule.] Upon the whole, though the idea of using the convent as a place of literary toil and theological training was not absolutely new, Cassiodorus seems certainly entitled to the praise of having first realised it systematically and on an extensive scale. It was entirely in harmony with the spirit of the Rule of St. Benedict, if it was not formally ordained in that document. At a very early date in the history of their order, the Benedictines, influenced probably by the example of the monastery of Vivaria, commenced that long series of services to the cause of literature which they have never wholly intermitted. Thus, instead of accepting the obsolete formula for which some scholars in the last age contended, 'Cassiodorus was a Benedictine,' we should perhaps be rather justified in maintaining that Benedict, or at least his immediate followers, were Cassiodorians. [Sidenote: Cassiodorus as a transcriber of the Scriptures.] In order to set an example of literary diligence to his monks, and to be able to sympathise with the difficulties of an amanuensis, Cassiodorus himself transcribed the Psalter, the Prophets, and the Epistles[83], no doubt from the translation of Jerome. This is not the place for enlarging on the merits of Cassiodorus as a custodian and transmitter of the sacred text. They were no doubt considerable; and the rules which he gives to his monks, to guide them in the work of transcription, show that he belonged to the Conservative school of critics, and was anxious to guard against hasty emendations of the text, however plausible. Practically, however, his MSS. of the Latin Scriptures, showing the Itala and the Vulgate in parallel columns, seem to have been answerable for some of that confusion between the two versions which to some extent spoiled the text of Jerome, without preserving to us in its purity the interesting translation of the earlier Church. [Footnote 83: 'In Psalterio et Prophetis et Epistolis apostolorum studium maximum laboris impendi.... Quos ego cunctos novem codices auctoritatis divinae (ut senex potui) sub collatione priscorum codicum amicis ante me legentibus, sedula lectione transivi' (De Inst. Praefatio). We should have expected 'tres' rather than 'novem,' as the Psalter, the Prophets, and the Epistles each formed one codex.] Besides his labours as a transcriber, Cassiodorus, both as an original author and a compiler, used his pen for the instruction of his fellow-inmates at Vivarium. [Sidenote: Commentary on the Psalms.] (1) He began and slowly completed a Commentary on the Psalms. This very diffuse performance (which occupies more than five hundred closely printed pages in Migne's edition) displays, in the opinion of those who have carefully studied it[84], a large amount of acquaintance with the writings of the Fathers, and was probably looked upon as a marvel of the human intellect by the Vivarian monks, for whose benefit it was composed, and to whom it revealed, in the Psalms which they were daily and nightly intoning, refutations of all the heresies that had ever racked the Church, and the rudiments of all the sciences that flourished in the world. It is impossible now for this or any future age to do aught but lament over so much wasted ingenuity, when we find the author maintaining that the whole of the one hundred and fifty Psalms were written by King David, and that Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun have only a mystical meaning; that the first seventy represent the Old Testament, and the last eighty the New, because we celebrate the Resurrection of Christ on the eighth day of the week, and so forth. A closer study of the book might perhaps discover in it some genuine additions to the sum of human knowledge; but it is difficult to repress a murmur at the misdirected industry which has preserved to us the whole of this ponderous futility, while it has allowed the History of the Goths to perish. [Footnote 84: I take my account of this treatise chiefly from Franz (pp. 93-100).] [Sidenote: Commentary on the Epistles.] (2) The 'Complexiones in Epistolas Apostolorum' (first published by Maffei in 1721, from a MS. discovered by him at Verona) have at least the merit of being far shorter than the Commentary on the Psalms. Perhaps the only points of interest in them, even for theological scholars, are that Cassiodorus evidently attributes the Epistle to the Hebrews without hesitation to the Apostle Paul, and that he notices the celebrated passage concerning the Three Heavenly Witnesses (1 John v. 7) in a way which seems to imply that he found that passage in the text of the Vulgate, though on examination his language is seen to be consistent with the theory that these words are a gloss added by the commentator himself. [Sidenote: Historia Tripartita.] (3) In order to supply the want of any full Church History in the Latin tongue, a want which was probably felt not only by his own monks but throughout the Churches of the West, Cassiodorus induced his friend Epiphanius to translate from the Greek the ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, and then himself fused these three narratives into one, the well-known 'Historia Tripartita,' which contains the story of the Church's fortunes from the accession of Constantine to the thirty-second year of the reign of Theodosius II (306-439). The fact that the numerous mistranslations of Epiphanius have passed uncorrected, probably indicates that Cassiodorus' own knowledge of Greek was but slight, and that he depended on his coadjutor entirely for this part of the work. The 'Historia Tripartita' has probably had a larger circulation than any other of its author's works; but Cassiodorus himself thought so little of his share in it, that he does not include it in the list of his writings prefixed to the treatise 'De Orthographiâ.' And, in fact, the inartistic way in which the three narratives are soldered together, rather than recast into one symmetrical and harmonious whole, obliges us to admit that Cassiodorus' work at this book was little more than mechanical, and entitles him to scarcely any other praise than that of industry. [Sidenote: Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Lectionum.] (4) Of a different quality, though still partaking somewhat of the nature of a compilation, was his chief educational treatise, the 'Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Lectionum[85].' About the year 543, some three or four years after his retirement from public life, while he was slowly ploughing his way through the Commentary on the Psalms, twenty of which he had already interpreted, he seems to have laid it aside for a time in order to devote himself to this work, which aimed more at instruction than at religious edification. In the outset of this book he describes that unsuccessful attempt of his, to which allusion has already been made, for the establishment of a theological school in Rome, and continues that, 'as the rage of war and the turbulence of strife in the Italian realm[86] had prevented the fulfilment of this desire, he felt himself constrained by Divine charity to write for his monks' behoof these _libri introductorii_, in which, after the manner of a teacher, he would open to them the series of the books of Holy Scripture, and would give them a compendious acquaintance with secular literature.' As the book is not written for the learned, he undertakes to abstain from 'affectata eloquentia,' and he does in the main keep his promise. The simple, straightforward style of the book, which occasionally rises into real and 'unaffected eloquence' where the subject inspires him to make an appeal to the hearts of his readers, presents a striking and favourable contrast to the obscure and turgid phraseology in which the perverted taste of the times caused him generally to shroud his meaning[87]. [Footnote 85: Printed hitherto as two works, De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum, and De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberalium Litterarum. But, as Ebert has shown (i. 477), the Preface to the Orthographia makes it probable that these two really formed one book, with a title like that given above.] [Footnote 86: 'In Italico regno.' These words seem to favour the conjecture that Theodoric may have called himself King of Italy.] [Footnote 87: As a specimen of this better style of Cassiodorus, I may refer to his praises of the life of the literary monk, and his exhortation to him who is of duller brain to practise gardening: 'Quapropter toto nisu, toto labore, totis desideriis exquiramus ut ad tale tantumque munus, Domino largiente, pervenire mereamur. Hoc enim nobis est salutare, proficuum, gloriosum, perpetuum, quod nulla mors, nulla mobilitas, nulla possit separare oblivio; sed in illa suavitate patriae, cum Domino faciet aeterna exsultatione gaudere. Quod si alicui fratrum, ut meminit Virgilius, "Frigidus obstiterit circum praecordia sanguis," ut nec humanis nec divinis litteris perfecte possit erudiri, aliqua tamen scientiae mediocritate suffultus, eligat certe quod sequitur, "Rura mihi et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes." Quia nec ipsum est a monachis alienum hortos colere, agros exercere, et pomorum fecunditate gratulari; legitur enim in Psalmo centesimo vigesimo septimo, "Labores manuum tuarum manducabis; beatus es et bene tibi erit."'] In the first part of this treatise (commonly called the 'De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum') Cassiodorus briefly describes the contents of the nine Codices[88] which made up the Scripture of the Old and New Testaments, and mentions the names of the chief commentators upon each. After some important cautions as to the preservation of the purity of the sacred text and abstinence from plausible emendations, the author proceeds to enumerate the Christian historians--Eusebius, Orosius, Marcellinus, Prosper, and others[89]; and he then slightly sketches the characters of some of the principal Fathers--Hilary, Cyprian, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine. This part of the work contains an interesting allusion to 'Dionysius Monachus, Scytha natione, sed moribus omnino Romanus,' of whom Cassiodorus speaks as a colleague in his literary enterprises. This is the so-called Dionysius Exiguus, who fixed (erroneously, as it now appears) the era of the birth of Christ, and whose system of chronology founded on this event has been accepted by all the nations of Christendom. At the conclusion of this the first part of the treatise we find some general remarks on the nature of the monastic life, and some pictures of Vivarium and its neighbourhood, to which we are indebted for some of the information contained in the preceding pages. The book ends with a prayer, and contains thirty-three chapters, the same number, remarks Cassiodorus (who is addicted to this kind of moralising on numbers) that was reached by the years of the life of Christ on earth. [Footnote 88: 1. Octateuchus (Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth). 2. Kings (Samuel and Kings, Chronicles). 3. Prophets (Four Major, including Daniel, and Twelve Minor). 4. Psalms. 5. Solomon (Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus). 6. Hagiographa (Tobias, Esther, Judith, Maccabees, Esdras). 7. Gospels. 8. Epistles of the Apostles (including that to the Hebrews). 9. Acts of the Apostles and Apocalypse.] [Footnote 89: The remarks on Marcellinus Comes and Prosper are worth transcribing: 'Hunc [Eusebium] subsecutus est suprascriptus Marcellinus Illyricianus, qui adhuc patricii Justiniani fertur egisse cancellos; sed meliore conditione devotus, a tempore Theodosii principis usque ad finem imperii triumphalis Augusti Justiniani opus suum, Domino juvante, perduxit; ut qui ante fuit in obsequio suscepto gratus, postea ipsius imperio copiose amantissimus appareret.' [The allusion to 'finem imperii Justiniani' was probably added in a later revision of the Institutiones.] 'Sanctus quoque Prosper Chronica ab Adam ad Genserici tempora et urbis Romae depraedationem usque perduxit.'] The second part of the treatise, commonly called 'De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberalium Litterarum,' contains so much as the author thought that every monk should be acquainted with concerning the four liberal arts--Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Mathematics--the last of which is divided into the four 'disciplines' of Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and Astronomy. As illustrating the relative importance of these sciences (as we call them) as apprehended by Cassiodorus, it is curious to observe that while Geometry and Astronomy occupy only about one page, and Arithmetic and Music two pages each, Logic takes up eighteen pages, Grammar two, and Rhetoric six. [Sidenote: De Orthographiâ.] (5) Some other works, chiefly of a grammatical kind[90], which have now perished, together with the exegetical treatises already named, occupied the leisure hours of the old age of Cassiodorus. At length, in the ninety-third year of his age, the veteran statesman, nobleman, and judge crowned his life of useful service by writing for his beloved monks his still extant treatise 'De Orthographia[91].' He tells us that the monks suddenly exclaimed, 'What doth it profit us to study either those works which the ancients have composed or those which your Wisdom has caused to be added to the list, if we are altogether ignorant how we ought to write these things, and on the other hand cannot understand and accurately represent in speech the words which we find written?' In other words, 'Give us a treatise on spelling.' The venerable teacher gladly complied with the request, and compiled from twelve grammarians[92] various rules, the observance of which would prevent the student from committing the usual faults in spelling. It is no doubt true[93] that this work is a mere collection of excerpts from other authors, not arranged on any systematic principle. Still, even as such a collection, it does great credit to the industry of a nonagenarian; and it seems to me that there is much in it which a person who was studying the transition of Latin into the Lingua Volgare might peruse with profit. To an epigraphist especially it must be interesting to see what were the mistakes which an imperfectly educated Italian in that age was most likely to commit. The confusion between _b_ and _v_ was evidently a great source of error, and their nice discrimination, to which Cassiodorus devotes four chapters, a very _crux_ of accurate scholarship. We see also from a passage in the 'De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum[94]' that the practice of assimilating the last letter of the prefix in compound words, like i_l_luminatio, i_r_risio, i_m_probus, though it had been introduced, was as yet hardly universal; and similarly that the monks required to be instructed to write qui_c_quam for euphony, instead of qui_d_quam. [Footnote 90: They were a compilation from the 'Artes' of Donatus, from a book on Etymologies (perhaps also by Donatus), and from a treatise by Sacerdos on Schemata; and a short Table of Contents of the Books of Scripture, prepared in such a form as to be easily committed to memory.] [Footnote 91: Ad amantissimos orthographos discutiendos anno aetatis meae nonagesimo tertio (Domino adjuvante) perveni.] [Footnote 92: They were Donatus, Cn. Cornutus, Velius Longus, Curtius Valerianus, Papirianus, Adamantius Martyrius, Eutiches, Caesellius, Lucius Caecilius, and 'Priscianus grammaticus, qui nostro tempore Constantinopoli doctor fuit.' Two names seem to be omitted by Cassiodorus.] [Footnote 93: As stated by Ebert (p. 481).] [Footnote 94: Cap. xv.] [Sidenote: Death of Cassiodorus, 575 (?).] The treatise 'De Orthographiâ' was the last product, as far as we know, of the industrious brain of Cassiodorus. Two years after its composition the aged statesman and scholar, in the ninety-sixth year of his age, entered into his well-earned rest[95]. The death of Cassiodorus occurred (as I believe) in the year 575, three years before the death of the Emperor Justin II, nephew and successor of Justinian. The period covered by his life had been one of vast changes. Born when the Kingdom of Odovacar was only four years old, he had as a young man seen that Kingdom overthrown by the arms of Theodoric; he had sat by the cradle of the Ostrogothic monarchy, and mourned over its grave; had seen the eunuch Narses supreme vicegerent of the Emperor; had heard the avalanche of the Lombard invasion thunder over Italy, and had outlived even the Lombard invader Alboin. Pope Leo, the tamer of Attila and the hero of Chalcedon, had not been dead twenty years when Cassiodorus was born. Pope Gregory the Great, the converter of England, was within fifteen years of his accession to the Pontificate when Cassiodorus died. The first great schism between the Eastern and Western Churches was begun in his boyhood and ended before he had reached old age. He saw the irretrievable ruin of Rome, such as Augustus and Trajan had known her; the extinction of the Roman Senate; the practical abolition of the Consulate; the close of the schools of philosophy at Athens. [Footnote 95: In assigning the death of Cassiodorus to the ninety-sixth year of his age I rest upon the authority of Trittheim (as quoted in the earlier part of this chapter), who appears to me to have preserved the chronology which was generally accepted, before the question became entangled by the confusion between Cassiodorus and his father.] Reverting to the line of thought with which this chapter opened, if one were asked to specify any single life which more than another was in contact both with the Ancient World and the Modern, none could be more suitably named than the life of Cassiodorus. NOTE ON THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SQUILLACE. The chief conclusions which Mr. Evans came to after his two days' study of the country about Squillace are these:-- [Sidenote: Position of Scylacium.] I. The Scylacium or Scolacium of Roman times, the city of Cassiodorus, is not to be looked for at the modern Squillace, but at the place called Roccella in the Italian military map, which Lenormant and Evans know as _La Roccelletta del Vescovo di Squillace_. [Illustration: [map] _Oxford University Press_] This place, which is about ten kilometres north-east of modern Squillace, is on a little hill immediately overhanging the sea, while Squillace is on a spur of the Apennines three or four miles distant from the sea. Mr. Evans' chief reasons for identifying Roccella with Scylacium are (1) its position, 'hanging like a cluster of grapes on hills not so high as to make the ascent of them a weariness, but high enough to command a delightful prospect over land and sea.' This description by Cassiodorus exactly suits Roccella, but does not suit Squillace, which is at the top of a conical hill, and is reached only by a very toilsome ascent. 'With its gradual southern and eastern slope and its freedom from overlooking heights (different in this respect from Squillace),' says Mr. Evans, 'Roccella was emphatically, as Cassiodorus describes it, "a city of the sun."' (2) Its ruins. While no remains of a pre-mediaeval time have been discovered at Squillace, there is still standing at Roccella the shell of a splendid basilica, of which Mr. Evans has taken some plans and sketches, but which seems to have strangely escaped the notice of most preceding travellers. The total length of this building is 94 paces, the width of the nave 30, the extreme width of the transept 54. It has three fine apses at the eastern end, and is built in the form of a Latin cross. On either side of the nave was an exterior arcade, which apparently consisted originally of eleven window arches, six of them not being for the transmission of light. 'Altogether,' says Mr. Evans, 'this church, even in its dilapidated state, is one of the finest monuments of the kind anywhere existing. We should have to go to Rome, to Ravenna, or to Thessalonica, to find its parallel; but I doubt whether, even at any of those places, there is to be seen a basilica with such fine exterior arcading. It is a great tribute to the strength of the original fabric that so much should have survived the repeated shocks of earthquake that have desolated Calabria, and scarcely left one stone upon another of her ancient cities.' After a careful examination of the architectural peculiarities of this basilica, Mr. Evans is disposed to fix its erection somewhere about the time of the Emperor Justinian. In addition to this fine building there are at Roccella the ruins of two smaller late Roman churches, mausolea, and endless foundations of buildings which must have formed very extensive suburbs. More important than all, the massive walls of a considerable city can still be traced for nearly a mile in two parallel lines, with the transverse wall which unites them. Certainly all these indications seem to point to the existence at this spot of a great provincial city of the Empire, and to make Mr. Evans' conjecture more probable than that of M. Lenormant, who identified the ruins at Roccella with those of Castra Hannibalis, the seaport of Scylacium. It would seem probable, if Mr. Evans' theory be correct, that the city may have been removed to its present site in the early middle ages, in order to guard it against the incursions of the Saracens. [Sidenote: The Vivarian Monastery.] II. As to the situation of the _Vivarian Monastery_ Mr. Evans comes to nearly the same conclusion as M. Lenormant. Both place it on the promontory of Squillace (eastward of Staletti), and, as Mr. Evans observes, 'only such a position can be reconciled, on the one hand, with the presence of an abundant stream and rich Campagna, on the other with the neighbourhood of caves and grottoes on the sea-shore.' But while M. Lenormant places it at a place called Coscia, almost immediately to the north of and under Staletti, Mr. Evans pleads for the site now occupied by the Church of S. Maria del Mare, on the cliff top, very near the sea, and about three kilometres south of Staletti. This church is itself of later date than Cassiodorus, and probably formed part of the work of restoration undertaken by Nicephorus Phocas in the Tenth Century; but there are signs of its having formerly joined on to a monastery, and some of the work about it looks as if materials taken from the Cassiodorian edifice had been used in the work of reconstruction. [Sidenote: The Fons Arethusae.] III. The _Fountain of Arethusa_ may possibly, according to Mr. Evans, be identified with the Fontana della Panaghia, a small fountain by the sea-shore at the south end of a little bay under the promontory of S. Gregorio. The so-called Fontana di Cassiodoro, near Coscia, has received its name and its present appearance in modern times, and is much too far from the sea to be the Fountain of Arethusa. CHAPTER II. THE ANECDOTON HOLDERI. A few pages must be devoted to the MS. bearing the somewhat uncouth title of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' because it is the most recently opened source of information as to the life and works of Cassiodorus, and one which, if genuine, settles some questions which have been long and vigorously debated among scholars. My information on the subject is derived from a pamphlet of 79 pages by Hermann Usener, printed at Bonn in 1877, and bearing the title 'Anecdoton Holderi: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Roms in Ostgothischer Zeit.' I am indebted to Mr. Bywater, of Exeter College, Oxford, for my introduction to this pamphlet, which, while strikingly confirming some conclusions which I had come to from my own independent study of the 'Variae,' has been of the greatest possible service to me in studying the lives of Cassiodorus and Boethius. [Sidenote: Description of the MS.] The 'Anecdoton' (which loses its right to that name by Usener's publication of it) was discovered by Alfred Holder in a MS. known as Codex Augiensis, No. CVL, which came from the Monastery of Reichenau and is now in the Grand-Ducal Library at Carlsruhe. The monks of the fertile island of Reichenau (Augia Dives), in the Lake of Constance, were celebrated in the ninth and tenth centuries for their zeal in the collection and transcription of manuscripts. The well-known Codex Augiensis (an uncial MS. of the Greek text of the New Testament, with the Vulgate version in parallel columns) is referred by palaeographers to the ninth century[96]. The Codex Augiensis with which we are now concerned, and which is a copy of the 'Institutiones Humanarum Rerum' of Cassiodorus, is believed to have been written in the next succeeding century. On the last page of this MS. Holder discovered the fragment--not properly belonging to the 'Institutiones'--to which he has given his name, and which is as follows[97]:-- [Footnote 96: See Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament, pp. 133-4.] [Footnote 97: I have adopted the emendations--most of them the corrections of obvious mistakes--which are suggested by Usener.] [Sidenote: Contents of the Anecdoton Holderi.] 'Excerpta ex libello Cassiodori Senatoris monachi servi Dei, ex-Patricio, ex-Consule Ordinario Quaestore et Magistro Officiorum, quem scripsit ad Rufum Petronium Nicomachum ex-Consule Ordinario Patricium et Magistrum Officiorum. Ordo generis Cassiodororum[98]: qui scriptores exstiterint ex eorum progenie vel ex civibus[99] eruditis. [Footnote 98: In the original, 'Casiodoru.'] [Footnote 99: In the original, 'ex quibus.'] 'Symmachus Patricius et Consul Ordinarius, vir philosophus, qui antiqui Catonis fuit novellus imitator, sed virtutes veterum sanctissima religione transcendit. Dixit sententiam pro allecticiis in Senatu, parentesque suos imitatus historiam quoque Romanam septem libris edidit. 'Boethius dignitatibus summis excelluit. Utraque lingua peritissimus orator fuit. Qui regem Theodorichum in Senatu pro Consulatu filiorum luculenta oratione laudavit. Scripsit librum de Sancta Trinitate et capita quaedam dogmatica et librum contra Nestorium. Condidit et carmen bucolicum. Sed in opere artis logicae, id est dialecticae, transferendo ac mathematicis disciplinis talis fuit ut antiquos auctores aut aequiperaret aut vinceret. 'Cassiodorus Senator, vir eruditissimus et multis dignitatibus pollens. Juvenis adeo, dum patris Cassiodori Patricii et Praefecti Praetorii Consiliarius fieret et laudes Theodorichi regis Gothorum facundissime recitasset, ab eo Quaestor est factus. Patricius et Consul Ordinarius, postmodum dehinc Magister Officiorum [et praefuisset formulas dictionum, quas in duodecim libris ordinavit et Variarum titulum superposuit] scripsit praecipiente Theodoricho rege historiam Gothicam, originem eorum et loca moresque XII libris annuntians.' This memorandum, for it is hardly more, is a vestige, and the only vestige now remaining, of a short tract by Cassiodorus on the literary history of his family and kinsmen. The 'Excerpta' have been made by some later hand--perhaps that of a monk in the Vivarian convent. To him undoubtedly we owe the words 'monachi servi Dei' as a description of Cassiodorus; probably also the 'ex-Patricio,' which is perhaps an incorrect designation. 'Vir eruditissimus,' in the last paragraph, is probably due to the same hand, as, with all his willingness to do justice to his own good qualities, Cassiodorus would hardly have spoken thus of himself in a work avowedly proceeding from his own pen. The clause which is placed in brackets [et ... superposuit] is probably also due to the copyist, anxious to supply what he deemed the imperfections of his memorandum. In short, it must be admitted that the fragment cannot consist of the very words of Cassiodorus in however abbreviated a form. Still it contains so much that is valuable, and that could hardly have been invented by any writer of a post-Cassiodorian age, that it is well worthy of the careful and, so to speak, microscopical examination to which it has been subjected by Usener. [Sidenote: Date of the fragment.] [Sidenote: Persons to whom addressed.] The work from which these 'Excerpta' are taken was composed, according to Usener, in the year 522. This is proved by the facts that the receiver of the letter is spoken of as Magister Officiorum, a post which he apparently held from Sept. 1, 521, to Sept. 1, 522; and that the Consulship of the two sons of Boethius, which began on Jan. 1, 522, is also referred to. The name of the person to whom the letter is addressed is given as Rufius Petronius Nicomachus. Usener, however, shows good reason for thinking that his final name, the name by which he was known in the consular lists, is omitted, and that his full designation was Rufius Petronius Nicomachus Cethegus, Consul in 504, Magister Officiorum (as above stated) in 521-522, and Patrician. He was probably the same Cethegus whom Procopius mentions[100] as Princeps Senatus, and as withdrawing from Rome to Centumcellae in the year 545 because he was accused of treachery to the Imperial cause[101]. [Footnote 100: De Bello Gotthico iii. 13 (p. 328, ed. Bonn).] [Footnote 101: If Usener be right (and he has worked up this point with great care), we can trace the following links in the pedigree of Cethegus (see pp. 6 and 11): Rufius Petronius _Placidus_, Consul 481. | Rufius Petronius Anicius _Probinus_, Consul 489. | Rufius Petronius Nicomachus _Cethegus_, Consul 504, correspondent of Cassiodorus. Probinus and Cethegus are referred to by Ennodius in his letter to Ambrosius and Beatus, otherwise called his Paraenesis (p. 409, ed. Hartel).] [Sidenote: Its object.] The object of the little treatise referred to evidently was to give an account of those members of the family to which Cassiodorus belonged who had distinguished themselves in literature. The words 'Ex genere Cassiodororum' are perhaps a gloss of the transcribers. At least it does not appear that they would correctly describe the descent of Symmachus and Boethius, though they were relations of Cassiodorus, being descended from or allied to the great house of the Aurelii from which he also sprang. Probably several other names may have been noticed in the original treatise, but the only three as to which the 'Anecdoton' informs us are the three as to whom information is most acceptable--Symmachus, Boethius, and Cassiodorus himself. [Sidenote: Information as to life of Symmachus.] I. The name of Q. Aurelius Memmius _Symmachus_ was already known to us as that of the friend, guardian, and father-in-law of Boethius, and his fellow-sufferer from the outburst of suspicious rage which disgraced the last years of Theodoric. That he was Consul in 485 (under the dominion of Odovacar), and that he had at the time of his fall attained the honoured position of Father of the Senate[102], we also know from the 'Consular Fasti' and the 'Anonymus Valesii.' This extract tells us that he had attained the rank of Patricius, which may perhaps have been bestowed upon him when he laid down the Consulship. He was 'a philosopher, and a modern imitator of the ancient Cato; but surpassed the virtues of the men of old by [his devotion to] our most holy religion.' This sentence quite accords with all that we hear of the character of Symmachus from our other authorities--the 'Anonymus Valesii,' Procopius, and Boethius. The blending of old Roman gravity and Christian piety in such a man's disposition is happily indicated in the words before us. It would be an interesting commentary upon them if we were to contrast the career of the Christian Symmachus, who suffered in some sense as a martyr for the Nicene Creed under Theodoric, with that of his ancestor the Pagan Symmachus, who, 143 years before, incurred the anger of Gratian by his protests against the removal of the Altar of Victory from the Senate House, and the curtailment of the grant to the Vestal Virgins. [Footnote 102: Caput Senati. This, not Caput Senatus, is the form which we find in Anon. Valesii. Usener suggests (p. 32) that Symmachus probably became Caput Senati on the death of Festus, who had held that position from 501 to 506.] The Symmachus with whom we are now concerned was also an orator; and we learn from this extract that he delivered a speech, evidently of some importance, in the Senate, 'pro allecticiis.' There seems much probability in Usener's contention that these 'allecticii' were men who had been 'allecti,' or admitted by co-optation into the Senate during the reign of Odovacar, and whom, on the downfall of that ruler, it had been proposed to strip of their recently acquired dignity--a proposal which seems to have been successfully resisted by Symmachus and his friends. Lastly, we learn that Symmachus, 'in imitation of his ancestors,' put forth a Roman History in seven books. The expression for ancestors (parentes) here used is thought by Usener to refer chiefly to Virius Nicomachus Flavianus (Consul in 394[103]), whose granddaughter married Q. Fabius Memmius Symmachus, and was the grandmother of our Symmachus. This Flavianus, who was in his time one of the chief leaders of the heathen party in the Senate, is spoken of in one inscription as 'historicus disertissimus;' and in another, mention is made of the fact that he dedicated his annals to Theodosius. [Footnote 103: See Usener, p. 29. The Consules Ordinarii for that year were Arcadius and Honorius.] Whether the elder Symmachus, the Pagan champion, was a historian as well as an orator is a matter about which there is a good deal of doubt. Jordanes twice quotes 'The History of Symmachus,' once as to the elevation of the Emperor Maximin, and once as to his death[104]. Usener thinks that the 'Anecdoton Holderi' authorises us henceforward to assign these quotations without doubt to the younger, Christian Symmachus, not to his Pagan ancestor. To me the allusion to _parentes_ (in the plural), whose industry as historians the Symmachus there spoken of imitated, seems to make it at least as probable that the earlier, not the later member of the family composed the history which is here quoted by Jordanes. [Footnote 104: Jordanes, Getica xv.: 'Nam, ut dicit Symmachus in quinto suae historiae libro, Maximinus ... ab exercitus effectus est imperator.' 'Occisus Aquileia a Puppione regnum reliquit Philippo; quod nos huic nostro opusculo de Symmachi hystoria [sic] mutuavimus.'] [Sidenote: Information as to life of Boethius.] II. We now pass on to consider the information furnished by this fragment as to the illustrious son-in-law of Symmachus, Anicius Manlius Severinus _Boethius_. Of the facts of his life we had already pretty full information, from the autobiographical sections of the 'Consolation of Philosophy' and other sources. He does not indeed mention the exact year of his birth, but the allusion to 'untimely gray hairs' which he makes in that work, written in 523 or 524, together with other indications[105] as to his age, entitle us to fix it at about 480, certainly not earlier than that year. The death of his father (who was Consul in 487) occurred while he was still a child. Symmachus, as has been already said, was the guardian of his youth and the friend of his manhood, and gave him his daughter Rusticiana to wife. That he received the honour of the Consulship in 510 we know from the 'Fasti Consulares;' but it is perplexing to find him even before that year spoken of[106] as Patricius, since this honour was generally bestowed only on those who had already sat in the curule chair of the Consul[107]. The high consideration in which he was held at the Court of Theodoric, and the value placed upon his scientific attainments, are sufficiently proved by the letters in the following collection, especially by those in which he is consulted about the frauds committed by the officers of the Mint, about the water-clock which is to be sent to Gundobad King of the Burgundians, and the harper who is to be provided for the King of the Franks[108]. In the year 522 his two sons, Symmachus and Boethius, though they had but just attained to man's estate, received the honour of the Consulship, upon which occasion the proud and happy father pronounced a panegyric upon Theodoric before the assembled Senate. Some of these facts in the life of Boethius are referred to in the extract before us, which, as was before said, appears to be taken from a treatise composed in this same year 522, the year of the Consulship of the young Boethii. Of their father's investiture with the office of _Magister Officiorum_ on September 1, 522, of his sudden fall from the royal favour, of the charge of treason which was preferred against him before the end of that year, of his imprisonment during 523 and execution (probably in the early part of 524), we have of course no trace in this extract; and the fact that we have none is a strong argument for the genuineness and contemporary character of the treatise from which it is taken. [Footnote 105: Chiefly derived from the Paraenesis of Ennodius (Opusc. vi.).] [Footnote 106: In the Paraenesis.] [Footnote 107: Usener's suggestion (pp. 38, 39) that he obtained this honour in consequence of having filled the place of _Comes Sacrarum Largitionum_ seems to me only to land us in the further difficulty caused by the entire omission of all allusion to this fact both in the Paraenesis and in the Anecdoton Holderi.] [Footnote 108: See Var. i. 10 and 45; ii. 40.] [Sidenote: His theological treatises.] So far, then, we have in the 'Anecdoton Holderi' only a somewhat meagre reiteration of facts already known to us. But when we come to the statement of the literary labours of Boethius the case is entirely altered. It is well known that in the Middle Ages certain treatises on disputed points of Christian theology were attributed to him as their author. They are:-- 1. A treatise 'De Sancta Trinitate.' 2. 'Ad Johannem Diaconum: Utrum Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus de Divinitate substantialiter praedicentur.' 3. 'Ad eundem: Quomodo substantiae in eo quod sint bonae sint cum non sint substantialia bona.' 4. 'De Fide Catholica.' 5. 'Contra Eutychen et Nestorium.' It may be said at once that in the earlier MSS. the fourth treatise is not attributed to Boethius. It seems to have been included with the others by some mistake, and I shall therefore in the following remarks assume that it is not his, and shall confine my attention to the first three and the fifth. [Sidenote: Difficulty as to religious position of Boethius.] Even as to these, notwithstanding the nearly unanimous voice of the early Middle Ages (as represented by MSS. of the Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh Centuries) assigning them to Boethius as their author, scholars, especially recent scholars, have felt the gravest possible doubts of their being really his, doubts which have of late ripened into an almost complete certainty that he was not their author. The difficulty does not arise from anything in the diction or in the theology which points to a later age as the time of their composition, but from the startling contrast which they present to the religious atmosphere of the 'Consolation of Philosophy.' Here, in these theological treatises, we have the author entering cheerfully into the most abstruse points of the controversy concerning the Nature of Christ, without apparently one wavering thought as to the Deity of the Son of Mary. There, in the 'Consolation,' a book written in prison and in disgrace, with death at the executioner's hands impending over him--a book in which above all others we should have expected a man possessing the Christian faith to dwell upon the promises of Christianity--the name of Christ is never once mentioned, the tone, though religious and reverential, is that of a Theist only; and from beginning to end, except one or two sentences in which an obscure allusion may possibly be detected to the Christian revelation, there is nothing which might not have been written by a Greek philosopher ignorant of the very name of Christianity. Of the various attempts which have been made to solve this riddle perhaps the most ingenious is that of M. Charles Jourdain, who, in a monograph devoted to the subject[109], seeks to prove that the author of the theological treatises referred to was a certain Boethus, an African Bishop of the Byzacene Province, who was banished to Sardinia about the year 504 by the Vandal King Thrasamond. [Footnote 109: De l'Origine des Traditions sur le Christianisme de Boèce (Paris, 1861.)] Not thus, however, as it now appears, is the knot to be cut. And after all, M. Jourdain, in arguing, as he seems disposed to argue, against any external profession of Christianity on the part of Boethius, introduces contradictions greater than any that his theory would remove. To any person acquainted with the thoughts and words of the little coterie of Roman nobles to which Boethius belonged, it will seem absolutely impossible that the son-in-law of Symmachus, the receiver of the praises of Ennodius and Cassiodorus, should have been a professed votary of the old Paganism. It is not the theological treatises coming from a man in his position which are hard to account for; it is the apparently non-Christian tone of the 'Consolation.' The fragment now before us shows that the old-fashioned belief in Boethius as a theologian was well founded. 'He wrote a book concerning the Holy Trinity, and certain dogmatic chapters, and a book against Nestorius.' That is a sufficiently accurate _resumé_ of the four theological treatises enumerated above. Here Usener also observes--and I am inclined to agree with him--that there is a certain resemblance between the style of thought of these treatises and that of the 'Consolation' itself. They are, after all, philosophical rather than religious; one of the earliest samples of that kind of logical discussion of theological dogmas which the Schoolmen of the Middle Ages so delighted to indulge in. The young philosopher, hearing at his father-in-law's table the discussions between Chalcedonian and Monophysite with which all Rome resounded, on account of the prolonged strife with the Church of Constantinople, set himself down to discuss the same topics which they were wrangling over by the light--to him so clear and precious--of the Greek philosophy. There was perhaps in this employment neither reverence nor irreverence. He had not St. Augustine's intense and almost passionate conviction of the truth of Christianity; but he was quite willing to accept it and to discourse upon it, as he discoursed on Arithmetic, Music, and Geometry. But when premature old age, solitude, and the loss of liberty befell him, it was not to the highly elaborated Christian theology of the Sixth Century that he turned for support and consolation. Probably enough the very fact that he knew some of the pitfalls in the way deterred him from that dangerous journey, where the slightest deviation on either side landed him in some detested heresy, the heresy of Nestorius or of Eutyches. 'On revient toujours à ses premiers amours;' and even so Boethius, though undoubtedly professing himself a Christian, and about to die in full communion with the Catholic Church, turned for comfort in his dungeon to the philosophical studies of his youth, especially to the ethical writings of Plato and Aristotle. After all, the title of the treatise is '_Philosophiae_ Consolatio;' and however vigorous a literature of philosophy may in the course of centuries have grown up in the Christian domain, in the sixth century the remembrance of the old opposition between Christianity and Philosophy was perhaps still too strong for a writer to do anything more than stand neutral as to the distinctive claims of Christianity, when he had for the time donned the cloak of the philosopher. [Sidenote: The Bucolic Poem of Boethius.] We learn from the fragment before us that Boethius also wrote a 'Bucolic Poem.' This is an interesting fact, and helps to explain the facility with which he breaks into song in the midst of the 'Consolation.' It may have been to this effort of the imagination that he alluded when he said at the beginning of that work-- 'Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi Flebilis, heu, moestos cogor inire modos.' We would gladly know something more of this 'Bucolic Poem' indited by the universal genius, Boethius. [Sidenote: Cassiodorus.] III. As for _Cassiodorus_ himself, the additional information furnished by this fragment has been already discussed in the foregoing chapter. That he was _Consilarius_ to his father during his Praefecture, and that in that capacity he recited an eloquent panegyric on Theodoric, which was rewarded by his promotion to the high office of the Quaestorship, are facts which we learn from this fragment only; and they are of high importance, not only for the life of Cassiodorus but for the history of Europe at the beginning of the Sixth Century, because they make it impossible to assign to any letter in the 'Variae' an earlier date than 500. CHAPTER III. THE GRADATIONS OF OFFICIAL RANK IN THE LATER EMPIRE. [Sidenote: Official Hierarchy introduced by Diocletian.] It is well known that Diocletian introduced and Constantine perfected an elaborate system of administration under which the titles, functions, order of precedence, and number of attendants of the various officers of the Civil Service as well as of the Imperial army were minutely and punctiliously regulated. This system, which, as forming the pattern upon which the nobility of mediaeval Europe was to a great extent modelled, perhaps deserves even more careful study than it has yet received, is admirably illustrated by the letters of Cassiodorus. The _Notitia Utriusque Imperii_, our copies of which must have been compiled in the early years of the Fifth Century, furnishes us with a picture of official life which, after we have made allowance for the fact that the Empire of the West has shrunk into the Ostrogothic Kingdom of Italy (with the addition of Dalmatia and some other portions of Illyricum), is almost precisely reproduced in the pages of the 'Various Letters.' In order that the student may understand the full significance of many passages in those letters, and especially of the superscriptions by which each letter is prefaced, it will be well to give a brief outline of the system which existed alike under Theodosius and Theodoric. [Sidenote: Nobilissimi.] In the first place, then, we come to what is rather a family than a class, the persons bearing the title _Nobilissimus_[110]. These were the nearest relatives of the reigning Emperor; his brothers, sisters, sons, and daughters. The title therefore is not unlike that of Royal or Imperial Highness in modern monarchies. I am not sure whether any trace can be found of the survival of this title in the Ostrogothic Court. Theodahad, nephew of Theodoric, is addressed simply as 'Vir Senator[111],' and he is spoken of as 'praecelsus et amplissimus vir[112].' It is not so, however, in respect of the three great official classes which follow--the Illustres, Spectabiles, and Clarissimi--whose titles were rendered as punctiliously in the Italy of Theodoric as ever they were in the Italy of Diocletian and Constantine. [Footnote 110: The existence of this title is proved not only by the language of Arcadius in the Theodosian Code x. 25. 1, concerning 'Nobilissimae puellae, filiae meae,' but also by Zosimus (ii. 39), who says that Constantine bestowed the dignity of Nobilissimus on his brother Constantius and his nephew Hannibalianus ([Greek: tês tou legomenou nôbelissimou par' autou Kônstantinou tuchontes axias aidoi tês syngeneias]); and by Marcellinus Comes, s. a. 527, who says: 'Justinus Imperator Justinianum ex sorore suâ nepotem, jamdudum a se Nobilissimum designatum, participem quoque regni ani, successoremque creavit.' It is evident that the title did not come by right of birth, but that some sort of declaration of it was necessary.] [Footnote 111: Var. iii. 15.] [Footnote 112: Var. viii. 23.] [Sidenote: Illustres.] I. The _Illustres_ were a small and select circle of men, the chief depositaries of power after the Sovereign, and they may with some truth be compared to the Cabinet Ministers of our own political system. The 'Notitia' mentions thirteen of them as bearing rule in the Western Empire. They are: 1. The Praetorian Praefect of Italy. 2. The Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls. 3. The Praefect of the City of Rome. 4. The Master of the Foot Guards (Magister Peditum in Praesenti). 5. The Master of the Horse Guards (Magister Equitum in Praesenti). 6. The Master of the Horse for the Gauls (per Gallias). 7. The Grand Chamberlain (Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi). 8. The Master of the Offices. 9. The Quaestor. 10. The Count of Sacred Largesses. 11. The Count of the Private Domains (Comes Rerum Privatarum). 12. The Count of the Household Cavalry (Comes Domesticorum Equitum). 13. The Count of the Household Infantry (Comes Domesticorum Peditum). Substantially these same titles were borne by the Illustres to whom Cassiodorus (himself one of them) addressed his 'Various Letters.' The second and the sixth (the Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, and the Master of the Horse for the Gauls) may possibly have disappeared; and yet, in view of the fact that Theodoric was during the greater part of his reign ruler of a portion of Gaul, it is not necessary to assume even this change. Into the question of the military officers I will not enter, as I confess that I do not understand the relations (whether co-ordinate or subordinated one to another) of the two pairs of officers, Nos. 4 and 5 and Nos. 12 and 13. The rank and duties of the Praetorian Praefect of Italy, the Master of the Offices, and the Quaestor have already been described in the first chapter. It will be well to say a few words as to the four remaining civil dignitaries, the Praefect of the City, the Grand Chamberlain, the Count of Sacred Largesses, and the Count of the Private Domains. [Sidenote: Praefect of the City.] (_a_) The _Praefectus Urbis Romae_ was by virtue of his office head of the Senate. He had the care of the Annona or corn-largesses to the people, the command of the City-watch, and the duty of keeping the aqueducts in proper repair. The shores and channel of the Tiber, the vast _cloacae_ which carried off the refuse of the City, the quays and warehouses of Portus at the river's mouth were also under his authority. The officer who was charged with taking the census, the officers charged with levying the duties on wine, the masters of the markets, the superintendents of the granaries, the curators of the statues, baths, theatres, and the other public buildings with which the City was adorned, all owned the supreme control of the Urban Praefect. At the beginning of the Fifth Century the _Vicarius Urbis_ (whom it is difficult not to think of as in some sort subject to the _Praefectus Urbis_), had jurisdiction over all central and southern Italy and Sicily. But if this was the arrangement then, it must have been altered before the time of Cassiodorus, who certainly appears as Praetorian Praefect to have wielded authority over the greater part of Italy. He states, however[113], that the Urban Praefect had, by an ancient law, jurisdiction, not only over Rome itself, but over all the district within 100 miles of the capital. [Footnote 113: Var. vi. 4.] [Sidenote: Grand Chamberlain.] (_b_) The _Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi_ had under his orders the large staff of Grooms of the Bedchamber, at whose head stood the _Primicerius Cubiculariorum_, an officer of 'respectable' rank. The _Castrensis_, Butler or Seneschal, with his army of lacqueys and pages who attended to the spreading and serving of the royal table; the _Comes Sacrae Vestis_, who with similar assistance took charge of the royal wardrobe; the _Comes Domorum_, who perhaps superintended the needful repairs of the royal palace, all took their orders in the last resort from the Grand Chamberlain. So, too, did the three Decurions, officers with a splendid career of advancement before them, who marshalled the thirty brilliantly armed Silentiarii, that paced backwards and forwards before the purple veil guarding the slumbers of the Sovereign. [Sidenote: Count of Sacred Largesses.] (_c_) The _Comes Sacrarum Largitionum_, theoretically only the Grand Almoner of the Sovereign, discharged in practice many of the duties of Chancellor of the Exchequer. The mines, the mint, the Imperial linen factories, the receipt of the tribute of the Provinces, and many other departments of the public revenue were originally under the care of this functionary, whose office however, as we are expressly told by Cassiodorus, had lost part of its lustre, probably by a transfer of some of these duties to the Count of the Private Domains. [Sidenote: Count of Private Domains.] (_d_) This Minister, the _Comes Rerum Privatarum_, had the superintendence of the Imperial estates in Italy and the Provinces. Confiscations and the absorption by the State of the properties of defaulting tax-payers were probably always tending to increase the extent of these estates, and to make the office of Count of the Domain more important. The collection of the land-tax, far the most important item of the Imperial revenue, was also made subject to his authority. Finally, in order, as Cassiodorus quaintly observes[114], that his jurisdiction should not be exercised only over slaves (the cultivators of the State domains), some authority was given to him within the City, and by a curious division of labour all charges of incestuous crime, or of the spoliation of graves, were brought before the tribunal of the Comes Privatarum. [Footnote 114: Var. vi. 8.] Besides the thirteen persons who, as acting Ministers of the highest class, were entitled to the designation of Illustris, there were also those whom we may call honorary members of the class: the persons who had received the dignity of the Patriciate--a dignity which was frequently bestowed on those who had filled the office of Consul, and which, unlike the others of which we have been speaking, was held for life. It is a question on which I think we need further information, whether a person who had once filled an Illustrious office lost the right to be so addressed on vacating it. I am not sure that we have any clear case in the following collection of an ex-official holding this courtesy-rank; but it seems probable that such would be the case. Considering also the great show of honour with which the Consulate, though now destitute of all real power, was still greeted, it seems probable that the Consuls for the year would rank as Illustres; but here, too, we seem to require fuller details. [Sidenote: Spectabiles.] II. We now come to the Second Class, the _Spectabiles_, which consists chiefly of the lieutenants and deputies of the Illustres. For instance, every Praetorian Praefect had immediately under him a certain number of _Vicarii_, each of whom was a Spectabilis. The Praefecture included an extent of territory equivalent to two or three countries of Modern Europe (for instance, the Praefecture of the Gauls embraced Britain, Gaul, a considerable slice of Germany, Spain, and Morocco). This was divided into Dioceses (in the instance above referred to Britain formed one Diocese, Gaul another, and Spain with its attendant portion of Africa a third), and the Diocese was again divided into Provinces. The title of the ruler of the Diocese, who in his restricted but still ample domain wielded a similar authority to that of the Illustrious Praefect, was _Spectabilis Vicarius_. But the Praefect and the Vicar controlled only the civil government of the territories over which they respectively bore sway. The military command of the Diocese was vested in a _Spectabilis Comes_, who was under the orders of the Illustrious Magister Militum. Subordinate in some way to the Comes was the _Dux_, who was also a Spectabilis, but whose precise relation to his superior the Comes is, to me at least, not yet clear[115]. [Footnote 115: I think the usual account of the matter is that which I have given elsewhere (Italy and her Invaders, i. 227), that the Comes had military command in the Diocese and the Dux in the Province. But on closer examination I cannot find that the Notitia altogether bears out this view. It gives us for the Western Empire eight Comites and twelve Duces. The former pretty nearly correspond to the Dioceses, but the latter are far too few for the Provinces, which number forty-two, excluding all the Provinces of Italy. Besides, in some cases the jurisdiction appears to be the same. Thus we have both a Dux and a Comes Britanniarum, and the Dux Mauritaniae Caesariensis must, one would think, have held command in a region as large or larger than the Comes Tingitaniae. Again, we have a Comes Argentoratensis and a Dux Moguntiacensis, two officers whose power, one would think, was pretty nearly equal. The same may perhaps be said of the Comes Litoris Saxonici in Britain and the Dux Tractus Armoricani et Nervicani in Gaul. While recognising a _general_ inferiority of the Dux to the Comes, I do not think we can, with the Notitia before us, assert that the Provincial Duces were regularly subordinated to the Diocesan Comes, as the Provincial Consulares were to the Diocesan Vicarius. And the fact that both Comes and Dux were addressed as Spectabilis rather confirms this view.] Besides these three classes of dignitaries, the _Castrensis_, who was a kind of head steward in the Imperial household, and most of the Heads of Departments in the great administrative offices, such as the _Primicerius Notariorum_ and the _Magistri Scriniorum_[116], bore the title of Spectabilis. We have perhaps hardly sufficient data for an exact calculation, but I conjecture that there would be as many as fifty or sixty Spectabiles in the Kingdom of Theodoric. [Footnote 116: Probably, from the order in which they are mentioned by the Notitia.] It appears to me that the epithet _Sublimis_ (which is almost unknown to the Theodosian Code), when it occurs in the 'Variae' is used as synonymous with Spectabilis[117]. [Footnote 117: Sublimis occurs in the superscription of the following letters: i. 2; iv. 17; v. 25, 30, and 36; ix. 11 and 14; xii. 5.] [Sidenote: Clarissimi.] III. The _Clarissimi_ were the third rank in the official hierarchy. To our minds it may appear strange that the 'most renowned' should come below 'the respectable,' but such was the Imperial pleasure. The title 'Clarissimus' had moreover its own value, for from the time of Constantine onwards it was conferred on all the members of the Senate, and was in fact identical with Senator[118]; and this was doubtless, as Usener points out[119], the reason why the letters Cl. were still appended to a Roman nobleman's name after he had risen higher in the official scale and was entitled to be called Spectabilis or Illustris. The _Consulares_ or _Correctores_, who administered the Provinces under the Vicarii, were called Clarissimi; and we shall observe in the collection before us many other cases in which the title is given to men in high, but not the highest, positions in the Civil Service of the State. [Footnote 118: See Emil Kühn's Verfassung des Römischen Reichs i. 182, and the passages quoted there.] [Footnote 119: p. 31.] Besides the three classes above enumerated there were also:-- [Sidenote: Perfectissimi.] IV. The _Perfectissimi_, to which some of the smaller provincial governors belonged, as well as some of the clerks in the Revenue Offices (Numerarii) who had seen long service, and even some veteran Decurions. Below these again were:-- [Sidenote: Egregii.] V. The _Egregii_, who were also Decurions who had earned a right to promotion, or even what we should call veteran non-commissioned officers in the army (Primipilares). But of these two classes slight mention is made in the Theodosian Code, and none at all (I believe) in the 'Notitia' or the 'Letters of Cassiodorus.' CHAPTER IV. ON THE OFFICIUM OF THE PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO[120]. [Footnote 120: To illustrate the Eleventh Book of the Variae, Letters 18 to 35.] [Sidenote: Military character of the Roman Civil Service.] The official staff that served under the Roman governors of high rank was an elaborately organised body, with a carefully arranged system of promotion, and liberal superannuation allowances for those of its members who had attained a certain position in the office. Although, in consequence of the changes introduced by Diocletian and Constantine, the civil and military functions had been for the most part divided from one another, and it was now unusual to see the same magistrate riding at the head of armies and hearing causes in the Praetorium, in theory the officers of the Courts of Justice were still military officers. Their service was spoken of as a _militia_; the type of their office was the _cingulum_, or military belt; and one of the leading officers of the court, as we shall see, was styled _Cornicularius_, or trumpeter. The Praetorian Praefect, whose office had been at first a purely military one, had now for centuries been chiefly concerned in civil administration, and as Judge over the highest court of appeal in the Empire. His _Officium_ (or staff of subordinates) was, at any rate in the Fifth Century, still the most complete and highly developed that served under any great functionary; and probably the career which it offered to its members was more brilliant than any that they could look for elsewhere. Accordingly, in studying the composition of this body we shall familiarise ourselves with the type to which all the other _officia_ throughout the Empire more or less closely approximated. NOTITIA. CASSIODORUS LYDUS (xi.). (iii. 3 and ii. 18.). Princeps. Cornicularius. Cornicularius. Cornicularius. Adjutor. Primiscrinius. II Primiscrinii. Commentariensis. Scriniarius Actorum. Ab Actis. Cura Epistolarum. IV Numerarii. Scriniarius Curae Militaris. Subadjuva. Primicerius Exceptorum. Cura Epistolarum. Sextus Scholarius. Regerendarius. Praerogativarius. Exceptores. Commentariensis. II Commentarisii. Adjutores. Regendarius. II Regendarii. Singularii. Primicerius Deputatorum. II Curae Epistolarum Ponticae. Primicerius Augustalium. Primicerius Singulariorum. Singularii. Lydus calls all the officers down to the Curae Ep. Ponticae [Greek: Hai Logikai Leitourgiai] (Officium Litteratum). [Sidenote: Sources of information as to the Officium.] Our chief information as to this elaborate official hierarchy is derived from three sources[121]:-- [Footnote 121: See Table, p. 94.] (1) The _Notitia Dignitatum_, the great Official Gazetteer of the Empire[122], which in its existing shape appears to date from the reign of Arcadius and Honorius, early in the Fifth Century. [Footnote 122: To use a modern illustration, we might perhaps say that the Notitia Dignitatum = Whitaker's Almanac + the Army List.] (2) The _De Magistratibus_ of Joannes Lydus, composed by a civil servant of the Eastern Empire in the middle of the Sixth Century. (3) The _Variae Epistolae_ of Cassiodorus, the composition of which ranges from about 504 to 540. The first of these authorities relates to the Eastern and Western Empires, the second to the Eastern alone, the third to the Western Empire as represented by the Ostrogothic Kingdom founded by Theodoric. Much light is also thrown on the subject by the Codes of Theodosius and Justinian. Godefroy's Commentary on the Theodosian Code, and Bethmann Hollweg's 'Gerichtsverfassung des sinkenden Römischen Reichs,' are the chief modern works which have treated of the subject. [Sidenote: The Officium as described in the Notitia.] We will follow the order in which the various offices are arranged by the 'Notitia,' which is most likely to correspond with that of official precedence. In the second chapter of the 'Notitia Orientis,' after an enumeration of the five Dioceses and forty-six Provinces which are 'sub dispositione viri illustris Praefecti Praetorio per Orientem,' we have this list, 'Officium viri illustris Praefecti Praetorio Orientis:' Princeps. Cornicularius. Adjutor. Commentariensis. Ab actis. Numerarii. Subadjuvae. Cura Epistolarum. Regerendarius. Exceptores. Adjutores. Singularii. The lists of the officia of all the other Praetorian Praefects in the 'Notitia' are exactly the same as this, except that under the head 'Praefectus Praetorio per Illyricum' we have, instead of the simple entry 'Numerarii,' 'Numerarii quatuor: in his auri unus, operum alter;' and the 'Praefectus Urbis Romae' had under his Numerarii, a 'Primiscrinius,' and between the 'Adjutores' and 'Singularii,' Censuales and Nomenculatores. We will go through the offices enumerated above in order: [Sidenote: Princeps.] (1) The PRINCEPS was the head of the whole official staff. In the case of the officium of the Praetorian Praefect, however, this officer seems, after the compilation of the 'Notitia,' to have disappeared, and his rights and privileges became vested in the Cornicularius. It will be observed that in the letters of Cassiodorus to the members of his staff there is none addressed to the Princeps; and similarly there is no mention of a Princeps as serving under the Praetorian Praefect in the treatise of Lydus. This elimination of the Princeps, however, was not universally applicable to all the officia. Cassiodorus (xi. 35) mentions a _Princeps Augustorum_, who was, perhaps, Princeps of the _Agentes in Rebus_; and Lydus more distinctly ('De Mag.' iii. 24) speaks of a bargain made between the Cornicularius of the Praetorian Praefect and the [Greek: Prinkips tôn magistrianôn], who must be supposed to be Princeps in the officium of the _Magister Officiorum_, though no such officer appears in the 'Notitia[123].' [Footnote 123: See also Var. vii. 24 and 28.] Speaking generally, however, we may perhaps say that the greater part of what we are about to hear concerning the rights and endowments of the Cornicularius in the Praefect's office might be truly asserted of the Princeps at the time when the 'Notitia' was compiled, before the two offices had been amalgamated. [Sidenote: Cornicularius.] (2) The _Cornicularius_. As to this officer we have a good many details in the pages of Joannes Lydus. The antiquarian and etymological part of his information must generally be received with caution; but as to the actual privileges of the office in the days of Justinian we may very safely speak after him, since it was an office which he himself held, and whose curtailed gains and privileges caused him bitter disappointment. 'The foremost in rank,' says he[124], 'of the Emperor's assistants (Adjutores) is even to this day called _Cornicularius_, that is to say _horned_ ([Greek: keraïtês]), or _fighting in the front rank_. For the place of the monarch or the Caesar was in the middle of the army, where he alone might direct the stress of battle. This being the Emperor's place, according to Frontinus, on the left wing was posted the Praefect or Master of the Horse, and on the right the Praetors or Legati, the latter being the officers left in charge of the army when their year of office was drawing to a close, to hold the command till the new Consul should come out to take it from them. [Footnote 124: De Mag. iii. 3, 4.] 'Of the whole Legion then, amounting to 6,000 men, exclusive of cavalry and auxiliaries, as I before said, the _Cornicularius_ took the foremost place; and for that reason he still presides over the whole [civil] service, now that the Praefect, for reasons before stated, no longer goes forth to battle. 'Since, then, all the rest of the staff are called assistants (_Adjutores_), the Praefect gives an intimation under his own hand to him who is entering the service in what department ([Greek: katalogos]) he is ordered to take up his station[125]. And the following are the names of all the departments of the service. First the _Cornicularius_, resplendent in all the dignity of a so-called Count ([Greek: komês]; comes; companion), but having not yet laid aside his belt of office, nor received the honour of admission to the palace, or what they call brevet-rank (_codicilli vacantes_), which honour at the end of his term of service is given to him, and to none of the other chiefs of departments[126]. [Footnote 125: Lydus here gives the Formula for the admission of assistants, 'et colloca eum in legione primâ adjutrice nostrâ,' which he proceeds to translate into Greek for the benefit of his readers ([Greek: kai taxeias auton en tô prôtô tagmati tô boêthounti hêmin]).] [Footnote 126: I have slightly expanded a sentence here, but this is evidently the author's meaning.] 'And after the Cornicularius follow:-- '2 Primiscrinii, '2 Commentarisii, '2 Regendarii, '2 Curae Epistolarum, '15 Scholae of Exceptores, and then the "unlearned service" of the Singularii[127].' [Footnote 127: Condensed from Lydus, De Mag. iii. 4-7.] Again, further on[128], Lydus, who delights to 'magnify his office,' gives us this further information as to the rank and functions of the Cornicularius: [Footnote 128: Ib. iii. 22-24.] 'Now that, if I am not mistaken, we have described all the various official grades, it is meet to set forth the history of the Cornicularius, the venerable head of the Civil Service, the man who, as beginning and ending, sums up in himself the complete history of the whole official order. The mere antiquity of his office is sufficient to establish his credit, seeing that he was the leader of his troop for 1,300 years, and made his appearance in the world at the same time with the sacred City of Rome itself: for the Cornicularius was, from the first, attendant on the Master of the Horse, and the Master of the Horse on the King, and thus the Cornicularius, if he retained nothing of his office but the name, would still be connected with the very beginnings of the Roman State. 'But from the time when Domitian appointed Fuscus to the office of Praefect of the Praetorians (an office which had been instituted by Augustus), and abolished the rank of Master of the Horse, taking upon himself the command of the army[129], everything was changed. Henceforward, therefore, all affairs that were transacted in the office of the Praefect were arranged by the Cornicularius alone, and he received the revenues arising from them for his own refreshment. This usage, which prevailed from the days of Domitian to our own Theodosius, was then changed, on account of the usurpation of Rufinus. For the Emperor Arcadius, fearing the overgrown power of the Praefectoral office, passed a law that the Princeps of the Magister [Officiorum]'s staff[130] ... should appear in the highest courts, and should busy himself with part of the Praefect's duties, and especially should enquire into the principle upon which orders for the Imperial post-horses ([Greek: synthêmata]; _evectiones_) were granted[131].... This order of Arcadius was inscribed in the earlier editions of the Theodosian Code, but has been omitted in the later as superfluous. [Footnote 129: This seems to be the meaning of Lydus, but it is not clearly expressed.] [Footnote 130: There is something wanting in the text here.] [Footnote 131: See Cod. Theod. vi. 29. 8, which looks rather like the law alluded to by Lydus, notwithstanding his remark about its omission.] 'Thus, then, the Princeps of the Magistriani, being introduced into the highest courts, but possessing nothing there beyond his mere empty dignity, made a bargain with the Cornicularius of the day, the object of which was to open up to him some portion of the business; and, having come to terms, the Princeps agreed to hand over to the Cornicularius one pound's weight of gold [£40] monthly, and to give instant gratuities to all his subordinates according to their rank in the service. In consequence of this compact the Cornicularius then in office, after receiving his 12 lbs. weight of gold without any abatement, with every show of honour conceded to his superior[132] (?) the preferential right of introducing "one-membered" cases ([Greek: tên tôn monomerôn entuchiôn eisagôgên]), having reserved to himself, beside the fees paid for promotion in the office[133], and other sources of gain, especially the sole right of subscribing the _Acta_ of the court, and thus provided for himself a yearly revenue of not less than 1,000 aurei [£600].' [Footnote 132: [Greek: tô kreittoni].] [Footnote 133: [Greek: ek tou bathmou].] I have endeavoured to translate as clearly as possible the obscure words of Lydus as to this bargain between the two court-officers. The complaint of Lydus appears to be that the Cornicularius of the day, by taking the money of the Princeps Magistrianorum, and conceding to him in return the preferential claim to manage 'one-membered' cases (or unopposed business), made a purse for himself, but prepared the way for the ruin of his successors. The monthly payment was, I think, to be made for twelve months only, and thus the whole amount which the Cornicularius received from this source was only £480, but from other sources--chiefly the sums paid for promotion by the subordinate members of the _officium_, and the fees charged by him for affixing his subscription to the _acta_ of the court--he still remained in receipt of a yearly revenue of £600. [Sidenote: Jealousy between the Officia of the Praefect and the Magister.] The jealousy between the Officia of the Praetorian Praefect and the Magister Officiorum was intense. Almost every line in the treatise of Lydus testifies to it, and shows that the former office, in which he had the misfortune to serve, was being roughly shouldered out of the way by its younger and more unscrupulous competitor. Lydus continues[134]: 'Now, what followed, like the Peleus of Euripides, I can never describe without tears. For on account of all these sources of revenue having been dried up, I myself have had to bear my part in the general misery of our time, since, though I have reached the highest grade of promotion in the service, I have derived nothing from it but the bare name. I do not blush to call Justice herself as a witness to the truth of what I say, when I affirm that I am not conscious of having received one obol from the Princeps, nor from the Letters Patent for promotions in the office[135]. For indeed whence should I have derived it, since it was the ancient custom that those who in any way appeared in the highest courts should pay to the _officium_ seven and thirty _aurei_ [£22] for a "one-membered" suit; but ever after this bargain was made there has been given only a very moderate sum of copper--not gold--in a beggarly way, as if one were buying a flask of oil, and that not regularly? Or how compel the Princeps to pay the ancient covenanted sum to the Cornicularius of the day, when he now scarcely remembered the bare name of that officer, as he never condescended to be present in the court when promotions were made from a lower grade to a higher? Bitterly do I regret that I was so late in coming to perceive for what a paltry price I was rendering my long services as assistant in the courts, receiving in fact nothing therefrom as my own _solatium_. It serves me right, however, for having chosen that line of employment, as I will explain, if the reader will allow me to recount to him my career from its commencement to the present time.' [Footnote 134: De Mag. iii. 25.] [Footnote 135: [Greek: apo tôn legomenôn kompleusimôn], apparently the same source of revenue as the promotion-money ([Greek: tên ek tou bathmou pronomian]).] Lydus then goes on to describe his arrival at Constantinople (A.D. 511), his intention to enter the _Scrinium Memoriae_ (in which he would have served under the Magister Officiorum), and his abandonment of this intention upon the pressing entreaties of his countryman Zoticus, who was at the time Praefectus Praetorio. This step Lydus looks upon as the fatal mistake of his life, though the consequences of it to him were in some degree mitigated by the marriage which Zoticus enabled him to make with a lady possessed of a fortune of 100 pounds' weight of gold (£4,000). Her property, her virtues (for 'she was superior to all women who have ever been admired for their moral excellence'), and the consolations of Philosophy and Literature, did much to soothe the disappointment of Lydus, who nevertheless felt, when he retired to his books after forty years of service, in which he had reached the unrewarded post of Cornicularius, that his official life had been a failure. It has seemed worth while to give this sketch of the actual career of a Byzantine official, as it may illustrate in some points the lives of the functionaries to whom so many of the letters of Cassiodorus are addressed; though I know not whether we have any indications of such a rivalry at Ravenna as that which prevailed at Constantinople between the _officium_ of the Praefect and that of the Magister. We now pass on to [Sidenote: Adjutor.] [Sidenote: Primiscrinius.] (3) The _Adjutor_. Some of the uses of this term are very perplexing. It seems clear (from Lydus, 'De Mag.' iii. 3) that all the members of the officium were known by the generic name _Adjutores_. Here however we may perhaps safely assume that Adjutor means simply an assistant to the officer next above him, as we find, lower down in the list of the 'Notitia,' the Exceptores followed by their Adjutores. We may find a parallel to Adjutor in the word Lieutenant, which, for the same reason is applied to officers of such different rank as the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a Lieutenant-General, a Lieutenant-Colonel, and a simple Lieutenant in the Army or Navy. In the lists of Cassiodorus and Lydus we find no mention of an officer bearing the special name of Adjutor, but we meet instead with a _Primiscrinius_, of whom, according to Lydus, there were two. He says[136], 'After the Cornicularius are two Primiscrinii, whom the Greeks call first of the service[137].' And later on[138], when he is describing the course of business in the _secretum_ of the Praefect, as it used to be in the good old days, he informs us that after judgment had been given, and the Secretarii had read to the litigant the decree prepared by the Assessors and carefully copied by one of the Cancellarii, and after an accurate digest of the case had been prepared in the Latin language by a Secretarius, in order to guard against future error or misrepresentation, the successful litigant passed on with the decree in his hand _to the Primiscrinii, who appointed an officer to execute the judgment of the Court_[139]. These men then put the decree into its final shape by means of the persons appointed to assist them[140] (men who could puzzle even the professors themselves in logical discussions), and endorsed it on the litigant's petition in characters which at once struck awe into the reader, and which seemed actually swollen with official importance[141]. The name and titles of the 'completing' officer were then subscribed. [Footnote 136: De Mag. iii. 4.] [Footnote 137: [Greek: meta de ton kornikoularion primiskrinioi duo, ous Hellênes prôtous tês taxeôs kalousi].] [Footnote 138: De Mag. iii. 11.] [Footnote 139: [Greek: parêei pros tous primiskrinious taxantas ekbibastên tois apopephasmenois]. Probably we should read [Greek: taxontas] for [Greek: taxantas].] [Footnote 140: [Greek: eplêroun dia tôn boêthein autois tetagmenôn] (? Adjutores).] [Footnote 141: [Greek: epi tou nôtou tês entuchias grammasin aidous autothen apasês kai exousias onkô sesobêmenois].] If the suggestion that the Primiscrinii were considered as in some sense substitutes (Adjutores) for the Cornicularius be correct, we may perhaps account for there being two of them in the days of Lydus by the disappearance of the Princeps. The office of Cornicularius had swallowed up that of Princeps, and accordingly the single Adjutor, who was sufficient at the compilation of the 'Notitia,' had to be multiplied by two. [Sidenote: Commentariensis, or Commentarisius.] (4) The _Commentariensis_. Here we come again to an officer who is mentioned by all our three authorities, though in Cassiodorus he seems to be degraded some steps below his proper rank (but this may only be from an accidental transposition of the order of the letters), and though Lydus again gives us two of the name instead of one. The last-named authority inserts next after the Primiscrinii 'two Commentarisii--so the law calls those who are appointed to attend to the drawing up of indictments[142].' [Footnote 142: [Greek: kommentarisioi duo (houtô de tous epi tôn hypomnêmatôn graphê tattomenous ho nomos kalei)] (iii. 4). I accept the necessary emendation of the text proposed in the Bonn edition.] The Commentariensis (or Commentarisius, as Lydus calls him[143]) was evidently the chief assistant of the Judge in all matters of criminal jurisdiction[144]. We have a remarkably full, and in the main clear account of his functions in the pages of Lydus (iii. 16-18), from which it appears that he was promoted from the ranks of the _Exceptores_ (shorthand writers), and had six of his former colleagues serving under him as Adjutores[145]. Great was the power, and high the position in the Civil Service, of the Commentariensis. The whole tribe of process-servers, gaolers, lictors[146]--all that we now understand by the police force--waited subserviently on his nod. It rested with him, says Lydus, to establish the authority of the Court of Justice by means of the wholesome fear inspired by iron chains and scourges and the whole apparatus of torture[147]. Nay, not only did the subordinate magistrates execute their sentences by his agency, he had even the honour of being chosen by the Emperor himself to be the minister of vengeance against the persons who had incurred his anger or his suspicion. 'I myself remember,' says Lydus, 'when I was serving as Chartularius in the office of the Commentariensis, under the praefecture of Leontius (a man of the highest legal eminence), and when the wrath of Anastasius was kindled against Apion, a person of the most exalted rank, and one who had assisted in his elevation to the throne[148], at the same time when Kobad, King of Persia, blazed out into fury[149], that then all the confiscations and banishments which were ordered by the enraged Emperor were entrusted to no one else but to the Commentarienses serving under the Praefect. In this service they acquitted themselves so well, with such vigour, such harmonious energy, such entire clean-handedness and absence of all dishonest gain, as to move the admiration of the Emperor, who made use of them on all similar occasions that presented themselves in the remainder of his reign. They had even the honour of being employed against Macedonius, Patriarch of Constantinople, when that prelate had provoked the Emperor by suspending all intercourse with him as a heretic; and that, although Celer, one of the most intimate friends of Anastasius, was at that very time holding the rank of Magister Officiorum.' [Footnote 143: To avoid confusion I will use the term 'Commentariensis' throughout.] [Footnote 144: So Bethmann Hollweg (p. 179), 'Diess ist der Gehülfe des Magistrats bei Verwaltung der Criminaljustiz.' I compare him in the following translation of Cassiodorus to a 'magistrate's clerk.'] [Footnote 145: See iii. 9 (p. 203, ed. Bonn), and combine with iii. 16. The _Augustales_ referred to in the latter passage were a higher class of Exceptores.] [Footnote 146: Applicitarii, Clavicularii, Lictores.] [Footnote 147: [Greek: sidêreois desmois kai poinaiôn organôn kai plêktrôn poikilia saleuontôn tô phobô to dikastêrion] (iii. 16).] [Footnote 148: [Greek: kai koinônêsantos autô tês basileias].] [Footnote 149: [Greek: hote Kôadês ho Persês ephlegmaine]. The whole passage is mysterious, but we seem to have here an allusion to the outbreak of the Persian War (A.D. 502).] An officer who was thus privileged to lay hands on Patriarch and Patrician in the name of Augustus was looked up to with awful reverence by all the lower members of the official hierarchy; and Lydus, with one graphic touch, brings before us the glow of gratified self-love with which, when he was a subordinate _Scriniarius_, he found himself honoured by the familiar conversation of so great a person as the Commentariensis[150]: 'I too am struck with somewhat of my old awe, recurring in memory to those who were then holders of the office. I remember what fear of the Commentarisii fell upon all who at all took the lead in the _Officium_, but especially on the Scriniarii; and how greatly he who was favoured with a chat with a Commentarisius passing by valued himself on the honour.' Lydus also describes to us how the Commentariensis, instructed by the Praefect, or perhaps even by the Emperor himself, would take with him one of his faithful servants, the Chartularii, would visit the abode of the suspected person (who might, as we have seen, be one of the very highest officers of the State), and would then in his presence dictate in solemn Latin words the indictment which was to be laid against him, the mere hearing of which sometimes brought the criminal to confess his guilt and throw himself on the mercy of the Emperor. [Footnote 150: iii. 17 (p. 210).] It was from this _commentum_, the equivalent of a French _acte d'accusation_, that the Commentariensis derived his title. [Sidenote: Ab Actis (Scriniarius Actorum?).] (5) The _Ab Actis_. The officer who bore this title (which is perhaps the same as the Scriniarius Actorum of Cassiodorus[151]) seems to have been exclusively concerned with civil cases, and perhaps held the same place in reference to them that the Commentarienses held in criminal matters[152]. Practically, his office appears to have been very much what we understand by that of _Chief Registrar_ of the Court. He (or they, for in Lydus' time there were two _Ab Actis_ as well as two Commentarienses[153]) was chosen from the select body of shorthand writers who were known as Augustales, and was assisted by six men of the same class, 'men of high character and intelligence and still in the vigour of their years[154].' His chief business--and in this he was served by the _Nomenclatores_, who shouted out in a loud voice the names of the litigants--was to introduce the plaintiff and defendant into the Court, or to make a brief statement of the nature of the case to the presiding magistrate. He then had to watch the course of the pleadings and listen to the Judge's decision, so as to be able to prepare a full statement of the case for the Registers or Journals[155] of the Court. These Registers--at least in the flourishing days of Roman jurisprudence--were most fully and accurately kept. Even the _Dies Nefasti_ were marked upon them, and the reason for their being observed as legal holidays duly noted. Elaborate indices, prepared by the Chartularii, made search an easy matter to those who wished to ascertain what was the decision of the law upon every point; and the marginal notes, or _personalia_, prepared in Latin[156] by the Ab Actis or his assistants, were so excellent and so full that sometimes when the original entry in the Registers had been lost the whole case could be sufficiently reconstructed from them alone. [Footnote 151: Var. xi. 22.] [Footnote 152: This seems to be Bethmann Hollweg's view (p. 181).] [Footnote 153: This we learn from iii. 20. They are not mentioned in iii. 4, where we should have expected to find them.] [Footnote 154: [Greek: hex andres erastoi kai nounechestatoi kai sphrigôntes eti] (Lydus iii. 20).] [Footnote 155: [Greek: rhegestôn ê kottidianôn (anti tou ephêmerôn)].] [Footnote 156: [Greek: Italisti]. Of course the emphasis laid on this point proceeds from the Greek nationality of our present authority.] The question was already mooted at Constantinople in the sixth century whence the Ab Actis derived his somewhat elliptical name; and our archaeology-loving scribe was able to inform his readers that as the officer of the household who was called _A Pigmentis_ had the care of the aromatic ointments of the Court; as the _A Sabanis_[157] had charge of the bathing towels of the baths; as the _A Secretis_ (who was called Ad Secretis by vulgar Byzantines, ignorant of the niceties of Latin grammar) was concerned in keeping the secret counsels of his Sovereign: so the _Ab Actis_ derived his title from the Acts of the Court which it was his duty to keep duly posted up and properly indexed. [Footnote 157: [Greek: sabanon] = a towel.] [Sidenote: Numerarii.] (6) The _Numerarii_ (whose exact number is not stated in the 'Notitia'[158]) were the cashiers of the Praefect's office. Though frequently mentioned in the Theodosian Code, and though persons exercising this function must always have existed in a great Court of Justice like the Praefect's, we hear but little of them from Cassiodorus[159]; and Lydus' notices of the [Greek: diapsêphistai], who seem to correspond to the Numerarii[160], are scanty and imperfect. Our German commentator has collected the passages of the Theodosian Code which relate to this class of officers, and has shown that on account of their rapacity and extortion their office was subjected to a continual process of degradation. All the Numerarii, except those of the two highest classes of judges[161], were degraded into _Tabularii_, a name which had previously indicated the cashiers of a municipality as distinguished from those in the Imperial service; and the Numerarii, even of the Praetorian Praefect himself, were made subject to examination by torture. This was not only to be dreaded on account of the bodily suffering which it inflicted, but was also a mark of the humble condition of those to whom it was applied. [Footnote 158: Except, as before stated, those in the office of the Praetorian Praefect for Illyricum. These were four in number, and one of them had charge of 'gold,' another of '[public] works.' Further information is requisite to enable us to explain these entries.] [Footnote 159: They are alluded to in Var. xii. 13. The Canonicarii (Tax-collectors) had plundered the Churches of Bruttii and Lucania in the name of 'sedis nostrae Numerarii;' but the Numerarii with holy horror declared that they had received no part of the spoils.] [Footnote 160: See Bethmann Hollweg, 184.] [Footnote 161: Illustres and Spectabiles.] [Sidenote: Scriniarius Curae Militaris.] We may perhaps see in the _Scriniarius Curae Militaris_ of Cassiodorus[162] one of these Numerarii detailed for service as paymaster to the soldiers who waited upon the orders of the Praefect. [Footnote 162: xi. 24.] [Sidenote: Subadjuvae.] (7) The _Subadjuvae_. This is probably a somewhat vague term, like Adjutores, and indicates a second and lower class of cashiers who acted as deputies for the regular Numerarii. [Sidenote: Cura Epistolarum.] (8) _Cura Epistolarum._ The officer who bore this title appears to have had the duty of copying out all letters relating to fiscal matters[163]. This theory as to his office is confirmed by the words of Cassiodorus (Var. xi. 23): 'Let Constantinian on his promotion receive the care of the letters relating to the land-tax' (Hic itaque epistolarum _canonicarum_ curam provectus accipiat). [Footnote 163: This is Bethmann Hollweg's interpretation of the words of Lydus, [Greek: hoi tas men epi tois dêmosiois phoitôsas psêphous graphousi monon, to loipon kataphronoumenoi] (iii. 21). In another passage (iii. 4, 5) Lydus appears to assign a reason for the fact that the Praefectus Urbis Constantinopolitanae, the Magister Militum, and the Magister Officiorum had no _Cura Epistolarum_ on their staff; but the paragraph is to me hopelessly obscure. Curiously enough, too, while he avers that every department of the State (perhaps every diocese) had, as a rule, its own Curae Epistolarum, he limits the two in the Praetorian Praefect's office to the diocese of Pontica ([Greek: koura epistolaroum Pontikês duo]).] [Sidenote: Regerendarius, or Regendarius.] (9) _Regerendarius_, or _Regendarius_[164]. This officer had the charge of all contracts relating to the very important department of the _Cursus Publicus_, or Imperial Mail Service. At the time of the compilation of the 'Notitia' only one person appears to have acted in this capacity under each Praefect. When Lydus wrote, there were two Regendarii in each Praefecture, but, owing to the increasing influence of the Magister Officiorum over the Cursus Publicus[165], their office had become apparently little more than an ill-paid sinecure. As we hear nothing of similar changes in the West, the Cursus Publicus was probably a part of the public service which was directly under the control of Cassiodorus when Praetorian Praefect, and was administered at his bidding by one or more Regendarii. [Footnote 164: The first form of the name is found in the Notitia, the second in Lydus and Cassiodorus.] [Footnote 165: It is not easy to make out exactly what Lydus wishes us to understand about the Cursus Publicus; but I think his statements amount to this, that it was taken by Arcadius from the Praetorian Praefect and given to the Magister Officiorum, was afterwards restored to the Praefect, and finally was in effect destroyed by the corrupt administration of John of Cappadocia. (See ii. 10; iii. 21, 61.)] [Sidenote: Exceptores.] (10) We now come to the _Exceptores_, or shorthand writers[166], a large and fluctuating body who stood on the lowest step of the official ladder[167] and formed the raw material out of which all its higher functionaries were fashioned in the regular order of promotion. [Footnote 166: The [Greek: tachygraphoi] of Lydus.] [Footnote 167: In making this statement I consider the Adjutores to be virtually another class of Exceptores, and I purposely omit the Singularii as not belonging to the _Militia Litterata_, which alone I am now considering.] [Sidenote: Augustales.] [Sidenote: Deputati.] We are informed by Lydus[168], that in his time the Exceptores in the Eastern Empire were divided into two corps, the higher one called _Augustales_, who were limited in number to thirty, and the lower, of indefinite number and composing the rank and file of the profession. The Augustales only could aspire to the rank of Cornicularius; but in order that some prizes might still be left of possible attainment by the larger class, the rank of Primiscrinius was tenable by those who remained 'on the rolls of the Exceptores.' The reason for this change was that the unchecked application of the principle of seniority to so large a body of public servants was throwing all the more important offices in the Courts of Justice into the hands of old men. The principle of 'seniority tempered by selection' was therefore introduced, and the ablest and most learned members of the class of Exceptores were drafted off into this favoured section of Augustales, fifteen of the most experienced of whom were appropriated to the special service of the Emperor, while the other fifteen filled the higher offices (with the exception of the Primiscriniate) in the Praefectoral Courts[169]. The first fifteen were called _Deputati_[170], the others were apparently known simply as Augustales. [Footnote 168: iii. 6, 9.] [Footnote 169: I think this is a fair summary of Lydus iii. 9 and 10, but these paragraphs are very difficult and obscure.] [Footnote 170: We should certainly have expected that the Augustales would be those writers who were specially appropriated to the Emperor's service, but the other conclusion necessarily follows from the language of Lydus (iii. 10): [Greek: hôste kai pentekaideka ex autôn tôn pepanôterôn peira te kai tô chronô kreittonôn pros hypographên tois basileusin aphoristhênai, ous eti kai nun dêpoutatous kalousin, hoi tou tagmatos tôn Augoustaliôn prôteuousin].] The change thus described by Lydus appears to have been made in the West as well as in the East, since we hear in the 'Variae' of Cassiodorus (xi. 30) of the appointment of a certain Ursus to be Primicerius of the Deputati, and of Beatus to take the same place among the Augustales[171]. [Footnote 171: The form of the word must I think prevent us from applying the Princeps _Augustorum_ of xi. 35 to the same class of officers.] [Sidenote: Adjutores.] (11) The _Adjutores_ of the 'Notitia' were probably a lower class of Exceptores, who may very likely have disappeared when the Augustales were formed out of them by the process of differentiation which has been described above. We have now gone through the whole of what was termed the 'Learned Service[172]' mentioned in the 'Notitia,' with one exception--the title of an officer, in himself humble and obscure, who has given his name to the highest functionaries of mediaeval and modern Europe. [Footnote 172: [Greek: tous epi tais logikais tetagmenous leitourgiais] (Lydus iii. 7). [Greek: Peras men hode tôn logikôn tês taxeôs systêmatôn] (iii. 21). The 'Learned Service' may be taken as corresponding to 'a post fit for a gentleman,' in modern phraseology. In our present Official Directories the members of the [Greek: logikê taxis] appear to be all dignified with the title 'Esq.;' the others have only 'Mr.'] [Sidenote: Cancellarius.] (12) The _Cancellarius_ appears in the 'Notitia' only once[173], and then in connection not with the Praetorian Praefect, but with the Master of the Offices. At the very end of the Officium of this dignitary, after the six _Scholae_ and four _Scrinia_ of his subordinates, and after the _Admissionales_, whom we must look upon as the Ushers of the Court, comes the entry, Cancellarii: their very number not stated, the office being too obscure to make a few less or more a matter of importance. [Footnote 173: Occidentis ix. 15.] After the compilation of the 'Notitia' the office of Cancellarius apparently rose somewhat in importance, and was introduced into other departments besides that of the Master of the Offices. One Cancellarius appears attached to the Court of Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect, and from the admonitions addressed to him by his master[174], we see that he had it in his power considerably to aid the administration of justice by his integrity, or to hinder it by showing himself accessible to bribes. [Footnote 174: In Var. xi. 6, which see.] In describing the Cancellarius, as in almost every other part of his treatise, Lydus has to tell a dismal story of ruin and decay[175]: [Footnote 175: iii. 36, 37.] 'Now the Scriniarii [subordinates of the Magister Officiorum] are made Cancellarii and Logothetes and purveyors of the Imperial table, whereas in old time the Cancellarius was chosen only from the ranks of Augustales and Exceptores who had served with credit. In those days the Judgment Hall [of the Praefect] recognised only two Cancellarii, who received an _aureus_ apiece[176] per day from the Treasury. There was aforetime in the Court of Justice a fence separating the Magistrate from his subordinates, and this fence, being made of long splinters of wood placed diagonally, was called _cancellus_, from its likeness to network, the regular Latin word for a net being casses, and the diminutive cancellus[177]. At this latticed barrier then stood two _Cancellarii_, by whom, since no one was allowed to approach the judgment-seat, paper was brought to the members of the staff and needful messages were delivered. But now that the office owing to the number of its holders[178] has fallen into disrepute, and that the Treasury no longer makes a special provision for their maintenance, almost all the hangers-on of the Courts of Law call themselves Cancellarii; and, not only in the capital but in the Provinces, they give themselves this title in order that they may be able more effectually to plunder the wealthy.' [Footnote 176: About twelve shillings.] [Footnote 177: This derivation from casses is, of course, absurd.] [Footnote 178: Can this be the meaning of [Greek: eis plêthos]?] This description by Lydus, while it aptly illustrates Cassiodorus' exhortations to his Cancellarii to keep their hands clean from bribes, shows how lowly their office was still considered; and indeed, but for his statement that it used to be filled by veteran Augustales, we might almost have doubted whether it is rightly classed among the 'Learned Services' at all. [Sidenote: End of the Militia Literata.] Now at any rate we leave the ranks of the gentlemen of the Civil Service behind us, and come to the 'Militia Illiterata,' of whom the 'Notitia' enumerates only [Sidenote: Militia Illiterata: Singularii.] (13) The _Singularii_, a class of men of whose useful services Lydus speaks in terms of high praise, contrasting their modest efficiency with the pompous verbosity[179] of the Magistriani (servants of the Master of the Offices) by whom they were being generally superseded in his day. They travelled through the Provinces, carrying the Praefect's orders, and riding in a post-chaise drawn by a single horse (veredus), from which circumstance, according to Lydus, they derived their name Singularii[180]. [Footnote 179: [Greek: Kompophakellorrêmosynê] = Pomp-bundle-wordiness, an Aristophanic word.] [Footnote 180: De Dignitatibus iii. 7.] We observe that the letter of Cassiodorus[181] addressed to the retiring chief (Primicerius) of the Singularii informs him that he is promoted to a place among the King's Body-guard (Domestici et Protectores), a suitable reward for one who had not been a member of the 'Learned Services.' [Footnote 181: Var. xi. 31.] After the Singularii Lydus mentions the _Mancipes_, the men who were either actually slaves or were at any rate engaged in servile occupations; as, for instance, the bakers at the public bakeries, the _Rationalii_, who distributed the rations to the receivers of the annona[182], the _Applicitarii_ (officers of arrest), and _Clavicularii_ (gaolers), who, as we before heard, obeyed the mandate of the Commentariensis. The Lictors, I think, are not mentioned by him. A corresponding class of men would probably be the _Apparitores_, who in the 'Notitia' appear almost exclusively attached to the service of the great Ministers of War[183]. [Footnote 182: This seems a probable explanation of a rather obscure passage.] [Footnote 183: See the following sections of the Notitia: Magister Militum Praesentatis (Oriens v. 74, vi. 77; Occidens v. 281, vi. 93); M.M. per Orientem (Or. vii. 67); M.M. per Thracias (Or. viii. 61); M.M. per Illyricum (Or. ix. 56); Magister Equitum per Gallias (Occ. vii. 117). The only civil officer who has Apparitores is the Proconsul Achaiae (Oriens xxi. 14).] Thus, it will be seen, from the well-paid and often highly-connected Princeps, who, no doubt, discussed the business of the court with the Praetorian Praefect on terms of friendly though respectful familiarity, down to the gaoler and the lictor and the lowest of the half-servile _mancipes_, there was a regular gradation of rank, which still preserved, in the staff of the highest court of justice in the land, all the traditions of subordination and discipline which had once characterised the military organisation out of which it originally sprang. CHAPTER V. BIBLIOGRAPHY. [Sidenote: Editiones Principes.] The Ecclesiastical History ('Historia Tripartita') seems to have been the first of the works of Cassiodorus to attract the notice of printers at the revival of learning. The Editio Princeps of this book (folio) was printed by Johann Schuszler, at Augsburg, in 1472[184]. [Footnote 184: This edition is described by Dibdin (Bibliotheca Spenceriana iii. 244-5).] The Editio Princeps of the 'Chronicon' is contained in a collection of Chronicles published at Basel in 1529 by Joannes Sichardus (printer, Henricus Petrus). The contribution of Cassiodorus is prefaced by an appropriate Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Thos. More, in which a parallel is suggested between the lives of these two literary statesmen. Next followed the Editio Princeps of the 'Variae,' published at Augsburg in 1533, by Mariangelus Accurtius. In 1553, Joannes Cuspinianus, a counsellor of the Emperor Maximilian, published at Basel a series of Chronicles with which he interwove the Chronicle of Cassiodorus, and to which he prefixed a short life of our author. [Sidenote: Edition of Nivellius.] The Editio Princeps of the collected works of Cassiodorus was published at Paris in 1579 by Sebastianus Nivellius; and other editions by the same publisher followed in 1584 and 1589. This edition does not contain the Tripartite History, the Exposition of the Psalter, or the 'Complexiones' on the Epistles. Some notes, not without merit, are added, which were compiled in 1578 by 'Gulielmus Fornerius, Parisiensis, Regius apud Aurelianenses Consiliarius et Antecessor.' The annotator says[185] that these notes had gradually accumulated on the margin of his copy of Cassiodorus, an author who had been a favourite of his from youth, and whom he had often quoted in his forensic speeches. [Footnote 185: p. 492.] The edition of Nivellius, which is evidently prepared with a view to aid the historical rather than the theological study of the writings of Cassiodorus, contains also the Gothic history of Jordanus (sic), the 'Edictum Theoderici,' the letter of Sidonius describing the Court of Theodoric II _the Visigoth_ (453-466), and the Panegyric of Ennodius on Theodoric the Great. The letter of Sidonius is evidently inserted owing to a confusion between the two Theodorics; and this error has led many later commentators astray. But the reprint of the 'Edictum Theoderici' is of great interest and value, because the MS. from which it was taken has since disappeared, and none other is known to be in existence. A letter is prefixed to the 'Edictum,' written by Pierre Pithou to Edouard Molé, Dec. 31, 1578, and describing his reasons for sending this document to the publisher who was printing the works of Cassiodorus. At the same time, 'that the West might not have cause to envy the East,' he sent a MS. of the 'Leges Wisigothorum,' with illustrative extracts from Isidore and Procopius, which is printed at the end of Nivellius' edition. I express no opinion about the text of this edition; but it possesses the advantage of an Index to the 'Variae' only, which will be found at the end of the Panegyric of Ennodius. Garet's Index, which is in itself not so full, has the additional disadvantage of being muddled up with the utterly alien matter of the Tripartite History. In 1588 appeared an edition in 4to. of the works of Cassiodorus (still excluding the Tripartite History and the Biblical Commentaries), published at Paris by Marc Orry. This was republished in 1600 in two volumes 12mo. The 'Variae' and 'Chronicon' only, in 12mo. were published at Lyons by Jacques Chouet in 1595, and again by Pierre and Jacques Chouet at Geneva in 1609, and by their successors in 1650. These editions contain the notes of Pierre Brosse, Jurisconsult, as well as those of Fornerius. [Sidenote: Edition of Garet.] In 1679 appeared, in two volumes folio, the great Rouen edition by François Jean Garet (of the Congregation of S. Maur), which has ever since been the standard edition of the works of Cassiodorus. Garet speaks of collating several MSS. of various ages for the text of this edition, especially mentioning 'Codex S. Audoeni' (deficient for Books 5, 6, and 7 of the 'Variae'), 'et antiquissimae membranae S. Remigii Remensis' (containing only the first four books of the same collection). A codex which once belonged to the jurist Cujacius, and which had been collated with Accurtius' text in 1575 by a certain Claude Grulart, seems to have given Garet some valuable readings by means of Grulart's notes, though the codex itself had disappeared. Garet's edition was re-issued at Venice in 1729, and more recently in Migne's 'Patrologia' (Paris, 1865), of which it forms vols. 69 and 70. [Sidenote: Forthcoming Edition by Meyer.] There can be little doubt, however, that all these editions will be rendered obsolete by the new edition which is expected to appear as a volume of the 'Auctores Antiquissimi' in the _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_. The editor is Professor Wilhelm Meyer, of Munich. The work has been for some years announced as near completion, but I have not been able to ascertain how soon it may be expected to appear. [Sidenote: Supposed fragment of orations.] Finally, I must not omit to notice the fragments of an oration published by Baudi de Vesme in the Transactions of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Turin (1846). Those fragments, which were found in a palimpsest MS. of the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, were first published in 1822 by Angelo Mai, who was then disposed to attribute them to Symmachus (the elder), and to assign them to the early part of the fifth century. On reflection, however, he came to the conclusion that they were probably the work of Cassiodorus, and formed part of a panegyric addressed to Theodoric. This theory appears now to meet with general approval. The style is certainly very similar to that of Cassiodorus; but, as will be inferred from the doubt as to their origin, there is little or nothing in these scanty fragments which adds anything to our knowledge of the history of Theodoric. [Sidenote: Life by Garet.] To the literature relating to Cassiodorus the most important contribution till recent times was the life by Garet prefixed to his edition of 1679. I cannot speak of this from a very minute investigation, but it seems to be a creditable performance, the work of one who had carefully studied the 'Variae,' but unfortunately quite misleading as to the whole framework of the life of Cassiodorus, from the confusion which it makes between him and his father, an error which Garet has probably done more than any other author to perpetuate. [Sidenote: Life by St. Marthe.] The life by Garet was paraphrased in French by Denys de _Ste. Marthe_ ('Vie de Cassiodore,' Paris, 1695), whose work has enjoyed a reputation to which it was not entitled on the ground either of originality or accuracy, but which was probably due to the fact that the handy octavo volume written in French was accessible to a wider circle of readers than Garet's unwieldy folio in Latin. A more original performance was that of _Count Buat_ (in the 'Abhandlungen der Kurfürstlichen Bairischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,' Munich, 1763); but this author, though he pointed out the cardinal error of Garet, his confusion between Senator and his father, introduced some further gratuitous entanglements of his own into the family history of the Cassiodori. [Sidenote: Modern monographs.] All these works, however, are rendered entirely obsolete by three excellent monographs which have recently been published in Germany on the life and writings of Cassiodorus. These are-- [Sidenote: Thorbecke.] August _Thorbecke's_ 'Cassiodorus Senator' (Heidelberg, 1867); [Sidenote: Franz.] Adolph _Franz's_ 'M. Aurelius Cassiodorius Senator' (Breslau, 1872); and [Sidenote: Usener.] Hermann _Usener's_ 'Anecdoton Holderi' (Bonn, 1877), described in the second chapter of this introduction. Thorbecke discusses the political, and Franz the religious and literary aspects of the life of their common hero, and between them they leave no point of importance in obscurity. Usener, as we have already seen, brings an important contribution to our knowledge of the subject in presenting us with Holder's fragment; and his Commentary (of eighty pages) on this fragment is a model of patient and exhaustive research. It seems probable that these three authors have really said pretty nearly the last word about the life and writings of Cassiodorus. In addition to these authors many writers of historical works in Germany have of late years incidentally contributed to a more accurate understanding of the life and times of Cassiodorus. _Dahn_, in the third section of his 'Könige der Germanen' (Würzburg, 1866), has written a treatise on the political system of the Ostrogoths which is almost a continuous commentary on the 'Variae,' and from which I have derived the greatest possible assistance. _Köpke_, in his 'Anfänge des Königthums bei den Gothen' (Berlin, 1859), has condensed into a small compass a large amount of useful disquisition on Cassiodorus and his copyist Jordanes. The relation between these two writers was also elaborately discussed by _von Sybel_ in his thesis 'De Fontibus Libri Jordanis' (Berlin, 1838), and by _Schirren_, in his monograph 'De Ratione quae inter Jordanem et Cassiodorum intercedat' (Dorpat, 1885). The latter, though upon the whole a creditable performance, is disfigured by one or two strange blunders, and not improved by some displays of irrelevant learning. _Von Schubert_, in his 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen unter die Franken' (Strassburg, 1884), throws some useful light on the question of the date of the early letters in the 'Variae;' and _Binding_, in his 'Geschichte des Burgundisch-Romanischen Königreichs' (Leipzig, 1868), discusses the relations between Theodoric and the Sovereigns of Gaul, as disclosed by the same collection of letters, in a manner which I must admit to be forcible, though I do not accept all his conclusions. _Mommsen_, in his paper 'Die Chronik des Cassiodorus Senator' (Vol. viii. of the 'Abhandlungen der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften;' Leipzig, 1861), has said all that is to be said concerning the unfortunate 'Chronicon' of Cassiodorus, which he handles with merciless severity. To say that _Ebert_, in his 'Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters im Abendlande' (Leipzig, 1874), and _Wattenbach_, in his 'Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter,' tell us with fullness and accuracy just what the student ought to wish to know concerning Cassiodorus as an author, is only to say that they are Ebert and Wattenbach. Every one who has had occasion to refer to these two books knows their merits. Passing from German literature, I regret that I am prevented by ignorance of the Dutch language from forming an opinion as to the work of _Thijm_ ('Iets over M.A. Cassiodorus en zijne eeuw;' Amsterdam, 1857), which is frequently quoted by my German authorities. _Gibbon_ of course quotes from the 'Variae,' and though he did not know them intimately, he has with his usual sagacity apprehended the true character of the book and of its author. But the best account of the 'Various Letters' in English, as far as I know, is unfortunately entombed in the pages of a periodical, being an article by Dean _Church_, contributed in July, 1880, to the 'Church Quarterly Review.' There is also a very good though necessarily brief notice of Cassiodorus in _Ugo Balzani's_ little volume on the 'Early Chroniclers of Italy,' published by the Christian Knowledge Society in 1883. CHAPTER VI. CHRONOLOGY. In the following chronological table of the life of Cassiodorus I have, for convenience sake, assumed 480 as the year of his birth, and 575 as that of his death. It is now, I think, sufficiently proved that if these dates are not absolutely correct, they cannot be more than a year or two wrong in one direction or the other. [Sidenote: Consular Fasti.] As dates were still reckoned by Consulships, at any rate through the greater part of the life of Cassiodorus, I have inserted the Consular Fasti for the period in question. It will be seen that several names of correspondents of Cassiodorus figure in this list. As a general though not universal practice, one of the two Consuls at this time was chosen from out of the Senate of Rome and the other from that of Constantinople. We can almost always tell whether a chronicler belongs to the Eastern or Western Empire by observing whether he puts the Eastern or Western Consul first. Thus, for A.D. 501, Marcellinus Comes, who was an official of the Eastern Empire, gives us 'Pompeius et Avienus, Coss.;' while Cassiodorus, in his 'Chronicon,' assigns the year to 'Avienus et Pompeius.' Pompeius was a nobleman of Constantinople, nephew of the Emperor Anastasius; while Avienus was a Roman Senator[186]. Again, in A.D. 490, Marcellinus gives the names of Longinus and Faustus, which Cassiodorus quotes as Faustus and Longinus. Longinus was a brother of the Emperor Zeno, and Faustus was for many years Praetorian Praefect under Theodoric, and was the receiver of many letters in the following collection. [Footnote 186: See Usener, p. 32.] I have endeavoured to give the priority always to the _Western_ Consul in the list before us, except in those cases where an Emperor (who was of course an Eastern) condescended to assume the Consular _trabea_. [Sidenote: Indictions.] Another mode of reckoning the dates which the reader will continually meet with in the following pages is by _Indictions_. The Indiction, as is well known, was a cycle of fifteen years, during which, as we have reason to believe, the assessment for the taxes remained undisturbed, a fresh valuation being made all round when the cycle was ended. Traces of this quindecennial period may be found in the third century, but the formal adoption of the Indiction is generally assigned to the Emperor Constantine, and to the year 312[187]. The Indiction itself, and every one of the years composing it, began on the 1st of September of the calendar year. The reason for this period being chosen probably was that the harvests of the year being then gathered in, the collection of the tithes of the produce, which formed an important part of the Imperial revenue, could be at once proceeded with. What gives an especial importance to this method of dating by Indictions, for the reader of the following letters is, that most of the great offices of State changed hands at the beginning of the year of the Indiction (Sept. 1), not at the beginning of the Calendar year. [Footnote 187: Compare Marquardt (Römische Staatsverwaltung ii. 237). He remarks that the Indiction seems to have been first adopted in Egypt, and did not come into universal use all over the Empire till the end of the Fourth Century.] To make such a mode of dating the year at all satisfactory, it would seem to us necessary that the number of the cycle itself, as well as of the year in the cycle, should be given; for instance, that A.D. 313 should be called the first year of the first Indiction, and A.D. 351 the ninth year of the third Indiction. This practice, however, was not adopted till far on into the Middle Ages[188]. At the time we are speaking of, the word Indiction seems generally to have been given not to the cycle itself, but to the year in the cycle. Thus, 313 was the first Indiction, 314 the second Indiction, 315 the third Indiction, and so on. And thus we find a year, which from other sources we know to be 313, called the first Indiction, 351 the ninth Indiction, 537 the fifteenth Indiction, without any clue being given to guide us to the important point in what cycles these years held respectively the first, the ninth, and the fifteenth places. [Footnote 188: The Twelfth Century, according to Marquardt.] As the Indiction began on the 1st of September a question arises whether the calendar year is to be named after the number of the Indiction which belongs to its beginning or its end; whether, to go back to the beginning, A.D. 312 or A.D. 313 is to be accounted the first Indiction. The practice of the chroniclers and of most writers on chronology appears to be in favour of the latter method, which is natural, inasmuch as nine months of the Indiction belong to the later date and only three to the earlier. Thus, for instance, Marcellinus Comes calls the year of the Consulship of Belisarius, which was undoubtedly 535, 'Indictio XIII:' the thirteenth Indiction of that cycle having begun Sept. 1, 534, and ended August 31, 535. But it is well that the student should be warned that our greatest English authority, Mr. Fynes Clinton, adopts the other method. In the very useful table of comparative chronology which he gives in his Fasti Romani[189] he assigns the Indiction to that year of the Christian era in which it had its beginning, and accordingly 534, not 535, is identified with the thirteenth Indiction. [Footnote 189: Vol. ii. pp. 214-216. See his remarks, p. 210: 'The Indictions in Marcellinus and in the Tables of Du Fresnoy are compared with the Consulship and the Julian year in which they end. In the following Table they are compared with the year in which they begin, because the years of the Christian era are here made the measure of the rest, and contain the beginnings of all the other epochs.'] In order to translate years of Indiction into years of the Christian era it is necessary first to add some multiple of 15 (_what_ multiple our knowledge of history must inform us) to 312. On the 1st of September of the year so obtained the Indiction cycle began; and for any other year of the same cycle we must of course add its own number minus one. Thus, when we find Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect writing a letter[190] informing Joannes of his appointment to the office of Cancellarius 'for the _twelfth_ Indiction,' as we know within a little what date is wanted, we first of all add 14 x 15 (= 210) to 312, and so obtain 522. The first Indiction in that cycle ran from September 1, 522, to August 31, 523. The twelfth Indiction was therefore from September 1, 533, to August 31, 534, and that is the date we require. [Footnote 190: Var. xi. 6.] On the other hand, when we find a letter written by Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect to the Provincials of Istria[191] as to the payment of tribute for the _first_ Indiction, we know that we must now have entered upon a new cycle. We therefore add 15 x 15 (= 225) to 312, and get 537. As it happens to be the _first_ Indiction that we require, our calculation ends here: September 1, 537, to August 31, 538, is the answer required. [Footnote 191: Var. xii. 22.] If anyone objects that such a system of chronology is cumbrous, uncertain, and utterly unscientific, I can only say that I entirely agree with him, and that the system is worthy of the perverted ingenuity which produced the Nones and Ides of the Roman Calendar. In the following tables I have not attempted to mark the years of the Indiction, on account of the confusion caused by the fact that two calendar years require the same number. But I have denoted by the abbreviation 'Ind.' the years in which each cycle of the Indictions _began_. These years are 492, 507, 522, 537, 552, and 567. _Chronological Tables._ Private Public Rulers of A.D. Consuls. Events. Events. Italy. Popes. Emperors. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 480 Basilius Magnus Assassination ODOVACAR SIMPLICIUS ZENO Junior. Aurelius of Nepos, (from 476). (from 468). (from 474). Cassiodorus formerly Senator, Emperor of born at the West. Scyllacium (?). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 481 Placidus. Odovacar avenges the murder of Nepos. Death of Theodoricus Triarii. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 482 Trocondus Accession of and Clovis. Severinus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 483 Faustus. Zeno issues FELIX II the Henoticon. (or III). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 484 Theodoricus Illus revolts and against Zeno. Venantius. Schism between Eastern and Western Churches. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 485 Q. Aurelius Memmius Symmachus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 486 Decius and Longinus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 487 Boethius War between (_Father of Odovacar and the great the Rugians. Boethius_). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 488 Dyanamius Theodoric and starts for Sifidius. Italy. Death of Illus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 489 Anicius Theodoric Probinus descends into and Italy. Battles Eusebius. of the Isonzo and Verona. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 490 Flavius Battle of the Faustus Adda. Junior and Longinus (II). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 491 Olybrius Battle of ANASTASIUS. Junior. Ravenna. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 492 Flavius GELASIUS. (Ind.) ANASTASIUS Augustus and Rufus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 493 Eusebius Surrender of THEODORIC. (II) and Ravenna. Albinus. Death of Odovacar. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 494 Turcius Rufus Apronianus Asterius and Praesidius. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 495 Flavius Viator. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 496 Paulus. Clovis ANASTASIUS. defeats the Alamanni. His conversion. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 497 Flavius SYMMACHUS ANASTASIUS (Antipope Aug. (II). Laurentius). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 498 Paulinus and Joannes Scytha. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 499 Joannes Gibbus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 500 Patricius Cassiodorus War between and Senior, Gundobad and Hypatius. Patrician, Clovis. Praefect. Theodoric's His son visit to becomes his Rome. _Consili- Conspiracy of arius_. Odoin. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 501 Rufius About this Synodus Magnus time Palmaris at Faustus Cassiodorus Rome. Avienus pronounces Symmachus and his confirmed in Flavius panegyric the Pompeius. on Pontificate. Theodoric, and is rewarded by being appointed Quaestor. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 502 Flavius Avienus Junior and Probus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 503 Dexicrates and Volusianus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 504 Cethegus. War of Sirmium. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 505 Theodorus War between and Theodoric and Sabinianus. Anastasius (affair of Mundo). Battle of Horrea Margi. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 506 Messala and Areobinda. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 507 Flavius Clovis (Ind.) ANASTASIUS defeats Aug. (III) Alaric II at and Campus Venantius. Vogladensis. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 508 Venantius Tulum and Celer. endeavours to raise siege of Arles. Byzantine raid on Apulia. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 509 Importunus. Mammo invades Burgundy. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 510 Anicius Ibbus defeats Manlius Franks and Severinus Burgundians. Boethius (_Author of the 'Consolation'_). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 511 Felix and Death of Secundinus. Clovis. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 512 Paulus and Muschianus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 513 Probus and Clementinus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 514 Senator, Cassiodorus HORMISDAS. _solus as Consul Consul_ restores (Cassio- harmony dorus). between clergy and people of Rome. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 515 Florentius Cassiodorus Marriage of and receives Eutharic and Anthemius. the Amalasuentha. Patriciate (?). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 516 Petrus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 517 Agapitus and Flavius Anastasius (_nephew of the Emperor_). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 518 Magnus. JUSTIN I. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 519 JUSTINUS Composition End of schism Augustus of the between and 'Chroni- Eastern and Eutharicus con,' Western Cillica. dedicated Churches. to Eutharic. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 520 Rusticus Composition and of the Vitalianus. Gothic History (?). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 521 Valerius and Flavius Justinianus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 522 Symmachus (Ind.) and Boethius (_sons of the great Boethius_). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 523 Flavius Franks invade JOHN I. Anicius Burgundy. Maximus. Imprisonment of Boethius. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 524 Flavius Death of JUSTINUS Boethius. Aug. (II) and Opilio. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 525 Anicius Death of Probus Symmachus. Junior and Pope John's Flavius Mission to Theodorus Constantinople. Philoxenus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 526 Olybrius. Cassiodorus Pope John ATHALARIC. FELIX III Master of dies in (or IV). the prison (May Offices. 25). Death of Theodoric (Aug. 30). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 527 Vettius Death of JUSTINIAN. Agorius Amalafrida, Basilius Queen-dowager Mavortius. of the Vandals. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 528 Flavius JUSTINIANUS Aug. (II). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 529 Decius BONIFACE II. Junior. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 530 Flavius Lampadius and Orestes. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 531 _Post Consulatum Lampadii et Orestis._ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 532 _Post Final invasion Consulatum of Burgundy by Lampadii et the Franks. Orestis. Anno II._ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 533 Flavius Cassiodorus The Vandal War JOHN III. JUSTINIANUS Praetorian of Justinian Aug. (III). Praefect (June, 533- (Sept. 1), March, 534). which office he holds till he retires from public life. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 534 Flavius Death of AMALASUENTHA. JUSTINIANUS Athalaric THEODAHAD. Aug. (IV) (Oct. 2). and Flavius Association of Theodorus Theodahad with Paulinus Amalasuentha. Junior. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 535 Flavius Death of AGAPETUS. Belisarius. Amalasuentha. The Gothic War begins. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 536 _Post Belisarius WITIGIS. SILVERIUS. Consulatum takes Naples Fl. and enters Belisarii._ Rome. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 537 _Post Siege of Rome VIGILIUS. (Ind.) Consulatum by Witigis. Fl. Belisarii Anno II._ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 538 Flavius Collection Siege of Rome Johannes of the raised. (John of 'Variae.' Cappa- Composition docia). of the 'De Animâ.' ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 539 Flavius Cassiodorus Mediolanum Appion. about this taken by the time lays Goths. down his Belisarius office and takes retires to Auximum. his birthplace (Scyllacium), where he founds the Monastery of Vivaria. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 540 Flavius Ravenna ILDIBAD. Justinus surrendered Junior. to Belisarius. Captivity of Witigis. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 541 Flavius He writes ERARIC. Basilius Commentary BADUILA Junior. on the (TOTILA). Psalms as far as Psalm 20. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 542 Years " Totila twice reckoned defeats the Post Imperial Consulatum generals, and Basilii. retrieves the fortune of the Ostrogoths. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 543 " Composition of the 'Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Litterarum.' ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 544 " Belisarius returns to Italy. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 545 " Rome taken by Totila. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 546 " Continues and completes his Commentary on the Psalms. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 547 " " Rome re-occupied by Belisarius. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 548 " " Death of Empress Theodora. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 549 " " Rome again taken by Totila. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 550 " " Death of Germanus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 551 " Narses Commander of Italian Expedition. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 552 " Writes the Narses TEIAS. (Ind.) 'Complexi- defeats ones in Totila Epistolas near Apostolo- Tadinum. rum,' and compiles the 'Historia Tripartita' (the precise date of these works unknown). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 553 " " Teias NARSES, defeated and Governor of slain near Italy under Mons the Emperor. Lactarius. The Ostrogoths leave Italy. Invasion of the Alamannic brethren. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 554 " " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 555 " " PELAGIUS. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 556 " " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 557 " " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 558 " " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 559 " " Belisarius defeats the Huns under Zabergan. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 560 " " JOHN III. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 561 " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 562 " Disgrace of Belisarius. Belisarius restored to favour. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 563 " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 564 " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 565 Post JUSTIN II. Consulatum Basilii XXIV. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 566 Flavius Death of JUSTINUS Belisarius Augustus. and of Justinian. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 567 Years Narses LONGINUS, (Ind.) reckoned recalled by Exarch. Post Justin. Consulatum Alleged Justini. invitation to the Lombards. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 568 " The Lombards ALBOIN, under Alboin King of the enter Italy. Lombards. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 569 " Milan taken by the Lombards. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 570 " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 571 " Ticinum taken by the Lombards. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 572 " ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 573 " Composition Assassination CLEPH, Death of of treatise of Alboin. King of the John III. 'De Lombards. Orthographia' in 93rd year of Cassiodorus. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 574 " Death of BENEDICT I. Cleph. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 575 " Cassiodorus dies in his 95th year (?). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS. PREFACE[192]. [Footnote 192: Translated in full.] [Sidenote: Reason for publication: entreaties of friends.] Learned men, who had become my friends through conversations which we had had together, or benefits which I had bestowed upon them, sought to persuade me to draw together into one work the various utterances which it had been my duty to make, during my tenure of office, for the explanation of different affairs. They desired me to do this, in order that future generations might recognise the painful labours which I had undergone for the public good, and the workings of my own unbribed conscience. I then replied that their very kindness for me might turn out to my disadvantage, since the letters which their good-will found acceptable might to future readers seem insipid. I reminded them also of the words of Horace, warning us of the dangers of hasty publication. [Sidenote: Difficulty of writing.] 'You see,' said I, 'that all require from me a speedy reply to their petitions; and do you think that I couch those replies in words which leave me nothing to regret hereafter? Our diction must be somewhat rude when there is no sufficient delay to enable the speaker to choose words which shall rightly express the precise shade of his meaning. Speech is the common gift of all mankind: it is embellishment (ornatus) alone which distinguishes between the learned and unlearned. The author is told to keep his writings by him for nine years for reflection; but I have not as many hours, hardly as many moments. As soon as I begin the petitioner worries me with his clamours, and hurries me too much to prevent my finishing cautiously, even if I have so begun my task. One vexes me past endurance by his interruptions and innuendoes; another torments me with the doleful tale of his miseries; others surround me with the mad shouts of their seditious contentions[193]. In such circumstances how can you expect elegance of language, when we have scarcely opportunity to put words together in any fashion? Even at night indescribable cares are flitting round our couch[194], while we are harassed with fear lest the cities should lack their supplies of food--food which the common people insist upon more than anything else, caring more for their bellies than for the gratification of their ears by eloquence. This thought obliges us to wander in imagination through all the Provinces, and ever to enquire after the execution of our orders, since it is not enough to tell our staff what has to be done, but the diligent administrator must see that it is done[195]. Therefore, I pray you, spare us your harmful love. I must decline this persuasion of yours, which will bring me more of danger than of glory.' [Footnote 193: 'Alii furiosa contentionum seditione circumdant.' This is probably meant to describe turbulent Goths.] [Footnote 194: [Greek: ou chrê pannuchion eudein boulêphoron andra] (Il. ii. 24).] [Footnote 195: Quia non sufficit agenda militibus imperare, nisi haec Judicis assiduitas videatur exigere.] So I pleaded; but they plied me all the more with such arguments as these: [Sidenote: The Praefecture.] 'All men have known you as Praefect of the Praetorian throne, a dignity which all other public employments wait upon like lacqueys. For from this high office, ways and means for the army are demanded; from this, without any regard for the difficulty of the times, the food of the people is required; on this, a weight of judicial responsibility is thrown, which would be by itself a heavy burden. Now the law, which has thrown this immense load on the Praefect's office, has, on the other hand, honoured him by putting almost all things under his control. In truth, what interval of leisure could you snatch from your public labours, when into your single breast flowed every claim which could be made on behalf of the common good of all? [Sidenote: The Quaestorship.] 'We must add, moreover, that when you were on frequent occasions charged with the office of the Quaestorship, the leisure which you might have enjoyed was taken from you by your own constant thoughtfulness for the public good; and when you were thus bearing the weight of an honour which was not the highest, your Sovereigns used to lay upon you those duties, properly belonging to other offices, which their own holders were unable to discharge[196]. All these duties you discharged with absolute freedom from corruption, following your father's example in receiving, from those who hoped for your favour, nothing but the obligation to serve them, and bestowing on petitioners all that they had a right to ask for without traffic or reward. [Footnote 196: 'Addimus etiam quod frequenter Quaesturae vicibus ingravato otii tempus adimit crebra cogitatio, et velut mediocribus fascibus insudanti, illa tibi de aliis honoribus principes videntur imponere, quae proprii Judices nequeunt explicare.' This is probably the clearest account that is anywhere given of the peculiar and somewhat undefined position held by Cassiodorus during the greater part of the reign of Theodoric.] [Sidenote: Intimacy with Theodoric.] 'Moreover, men know that the conversations which you were honoured by holding with the King occupied a large portion of your days, greatly to the public welfare[197], so that men of leisure have no right to expect that their requirements shall be met by you, whose day was thus occupied with continuous toil[198]. But in truth this will redound yet more to your glory, if amid so many and such severe labours you succeed in writing that which is worthy to be read. Besides, your work can without wounding their self-love instruct unlettered persons who are not prepared by any consciousness of eloquence for the service of the Republic[199]; and the experience which you have gained by being tossed to and fro on the waves of stormy altercation, they in their more tranquil lot may more fortunately make their own. Again (and here we make an appeal which your loyalty cannot resist), if you allow posterity to be ignorant of the numerous benefits conferred by your King, it is in vain that with benevolent eagerness he so often granted your requests. Do not, we pray, draw back once more into silence and obscurity those who, while you were sounding their eulogies, seemed worthy to receive illustrious dignities. For you then professed to describe them with true praises, and to paint their characters with the colours of history[200]. Now if you leave it to posterity to write the panegyric on these men, you take away as it were from those who die an honourable death the funeral oration to which, by the customs of our ancestors, they are entitled. Besides, in these letters you correct immorality with a ruler's authority; you break the insolence of the transgressor; you restore to the laws their reverence. Do you still hesitate about publishing that which, as you know, satisfies so many needs? Will you conceal, if we may say so, the mirror of your own mind, in which all ages to come may behold your likeness? Often does it happen that a man begets a son unlike himself, but his writings are hardly ever found unequal to his character[201]. The progeny of his own will is his truest child; what is born in the secret recesses of his own heart is that by which posterity will know him best. [Footnote 197: 'Regum quinetiam gloriosa colloquia pro magnâ diei parte in bonum publicum te occupare noverunt.' It is difficult to translate the expressive term, 'gloriosa colloquia.'] [Footnote 198: 'Ut fastidium sit otiosis exspectare quae tu continuo labore cognosceris sustinere.' I cannot translate this literally.] [Footnote 199: 'Rudes viros et ad Rempublicam consciâ facundiâ praeparatos.' Surely some negative has dropped out of the latter clause.] [Footnote 200: 'Tu enim illos assumpsisti verâ laude describere, et quodammodo historico colore depingere.'] [Footnote 201: 'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari, oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.'] [Sidenote: Gothic History.] 'You have often, amid universal acclamation, pronounced the praises of kings and queens. In twelve books you have compiled the History of the Goths, culling the story of their triumphs[202]. Since these works have had such favourable fortunes, and since you have thus served your first campaign in literature, why hesitate to give these productions of yours also to the public?' [Footnote 202: 'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiam _defloratis prosperitatibus_ condidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence has been interpreted to mean that Cassiodorus wrote his history of the Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It is perfectly clear from many passages that Cassiodorus uses 'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.' See Historia Tripartita, Preface (twice); De Instit. Divin. Litterarum, cap. xxx; and De Orthographiâ, cap. ii (title). I doubt not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only strange to me that Cassiodorus should, by the words 'defloratis _prosperitatibus_,' so naïvely confess the one-sided character of his history.] [Sidenote: Cassiodorus consents to publish.] So pleaded my friends, and to my shame I must own that I was conquered, and could no longer resist so many prayers; especially when I saw myself accused of want of affection. I have now only to crave my readers' pardon; and if they find rashness and presumption in my attempt, to blame my advisers rather than me, since my own judgment agrees with that of my severest critic. All the letters, therefore, which I have been able to find in various public archives that had been dictated by me as Quaestor, as Magister [Officiorum], or as Praefect, are here collected and arranged in twelve books. By the variety of subjects touched upon, the attention of the reader will be aroused, and it will be maintained by the feeling that he is rapidly approaching the conclusion of the letter. I have also wished to preserve others from those unpolished and hasty forms of speech into which I am conscious that I have often fallen in announcing the bestowal of dignities, a kind of document which is often asked for in such haste that there seems scarce time for the mere manual labour of writing it. I have therefore included in my Sixth and Seventh Books _Formulae_ for the granting of all the dignities of the State, hoping thus to be of some service to myself, though at a late period of my career, and to help my successors who may be hard pressed for time. What I have thus written concerning the past will serve equally well for the future, since I have said nothing about the qualities of the individual office-holder, but have made such explanations as seemed suitable concerning the office. [Sidenote: Reason of the title Variarum.] As for the title of all twelve books, the index of the work, the herald of its meaning, the expression in briefest compass of the whole performance, I have for this chosen the name VARIAE. And this, because it was necessary for me not always to use the same style, since I had undertaken to address various kinds of persons. One must speak in one way to men jaded with much reading; in another to those who skim lightly over the surface, tasting here and there; in another (if one would persuade them), to persons who are devoid of a taste for letters, since it is sometimes a proof of skill to avoid the very things which please the learned. In short, the definition given by our ancestors is a good one: 'To speak fitly is to persuade the hearers to accept your wishes for their own.' Nor was it at random that the prudence of Antiquity thus defined the three modes of speaking:-- [Sidenote: The three styles of composition.] (1) The _humble_ style, which seems to creep along the ground in the very expression of its thought. (2) The _middle_ style, which is neither swollen with self-importance nor shrunk into littleness; but being placed between the two, and enriched by a peculiar elegance, is contained within its own true boundaries. (3) The _supreme_ style, which by exquisite phraseology is raised to the very highest pitch of oratory. The object of this distinction is that the various sorts and conditions of men may each receive their appropriate address, and that the thoughts which proceed from the same breast may nevertheless flow in divers channels. No man is entitled to the name of eloquent who is not prepared to do his duty manfully with the triple strength of these three styles, as one cause after another may arise. It must be added hereto that we have sometimes to speak to Kings, sometimes to the Officers of the Court, sometimes to the very humblest of the people. To the last we may allowably pour out our words with some degree of haste, but the other addresses should be deeply pondered before they are delivered. Deservedly therefore is a work entitled VARIAE, which is subject to so much diversity in its composition. Would that, as we have received these maxims from those who have gone before us, so our own compositions could claim the praise of having reduced them into practice. In sooth we do with shamefacedness promise that the Humble style shall be found in us; we think we may without dishonesty covenant for the Middle style; but the Supreme style, which on account of its nobility is the fitting language of a royal Edict[203], we cannot hope that we have attained unto. [Footnote 203: The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and 'quod est in edito (constitutum).'] But since we are to be read, let us abstain from further unlawful canvassing for the votes of our readers. It is an incongruous thing for us to be thus piling up our own discourses about ourselves: we ought rather to wait for your judgment on our work. BOOK I. CONTAINING FORTY-SIX LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. KING THEODORIC TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS. [Sidenote: Persuasives to peace between Italy and Constantinople.] 'It behoves us, most clement Emperor, to seek for peace, since there are no causes for anger between us. 'Peace by which the nations profit; Peace the fair mother of all liberal arts, the softener of manners, the replenisher of the generations of mankind. Peace ought certainly to be an object of desire to every kingdom. 'Therefore, most pious of princes, it accords with your power and your glory that we who have already profited by your affection [personally] should seek concord with your Empire. You are the fairest ornament of all realms; you are the healthful defence of the whole world, to which all other rulers rightfully look up with reverence[204], because they know that there is in you something which is unlike all others[205]: we above all, who by Divine help learned in your Republic the art of governing Romans with equity. Our royalty is an imitation of yours, modelled on your good purpose, a copy of the only Empire; and in so far as we follow you do we excel all other nations. [Footnote 204: 'Vos totius orbis salutare praesidium, quod caeteri dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other reading, 'suscipiunt.'] [Footnote 205: 'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.'] 'Often have you exhorted me to love the Senate, to accept cordially the laws of past Emperors, to join together in one all the members of Italy. How can you separate from your august alliance one whose character you thus try to make conformable to your own? There is moreover that noble sentiment, love for the City of Rome, from which two princes, both of whom govern in her name, should never be disjoined. 'We have thought fit therefore to send A and B[206] as ambassadors to your most serene Piety, that Peace, which has been broken, through a variety of causes, may, by the removal of all matters of dispute, be firmly restored between us. For we think you will not suffer that any discord should remain between two Republics, which are declared to have ever formed one body under their ancient princes[207], and which ought not to be joined by a mere sentiment of love, but actively to aid one another with all their powers. Let there be always one will, one purpose in the Roman Kingdom. Therefore, while greeting you with our respectful salutations, we humbly beg that you will not remove from us the high honour of your Mildness's affection[208], which we have a right to hope for if it were never granted to any others. [Footnote 206: 'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase (which shows that Cassiodorus had not preserved the names of the ambassadors) as above.] [Footnote 207: 'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.'] [Footnote 208: 'Pomâ meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a nobis mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.'] 'The rest of their commission will be verbally conveyed to your Piety by the bearers of these letters[209].' [Footnote 209: For some remarks on the date of this letter, see Introduction, p. 23. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which follow it. It was evidently Cassiodorus' method to put in the forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or King, or other great personage. As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more assured position, but still an equal.] 2. KING THEODORIC TO THEON, VIR SUBLIMIS. [Sidenote: Manufacture of purple dye.] 'We are informed by Count Stephen that the work of preparing the purple for the sacred (_i.e._ royal) robes, which was put under your charge, has been interrupted through reprehensible negligence on your part. There must be neglect somewhere, or else the wool with its milk-white hairs would long before now have imbibed the precious quality of the adorable _murex_. If the diver in the waters of Hydruntum[210] had sought for these murex-shells at the proper season, that Neptunian harvest, mixed with an abundant supply of water, would already have generated the flame-bright liquid which dyes the robes that adorn the throne. The colour of that dye is gay[211] with too great beauty; 'tis a blushing obscurity, an ensanguined blackness, which distinguishes the wearer from all others, and makes it impossible for the human race not to know who is the king. It is marvellous that that substance after death should for so long a time exude an amount of gore which one would hardly find flowing from the wounds of a living creature. For even six months after they have been separated from the delights of the sea, these shell-fish are not offensive to the keenest nostrils, as if on purpose that that noble blood might inspire no disgust. Once this dye is imparted to the cloth, it remains there for ever; the tissue may be destroyed sooner than part with it. If the murex has not changed its quality, if the press (torcular) is still there to receive its one vintage, it must be the fault of the labourers that the dye is not forthcoming. What are they doing, all those crowds of sailors, those families of rustics? And you who bear the name of Count, and were exalted high over your fellow-citizens on purpose that you might attend to this very thing, what sacrilegious negligence is this which you are manifesting in reference to the sacred vesture? If you have any care for your own safety come at once with the purple[212], which you have hitherto been accustomed to render up every year. If not, if you think to mock us by delay, we shall send you not a constrainer but an avenger. [Footnote 210: Otranto.] [Footnote 211: Vernans.] [Footnote 212: Blatta.] 'How easy was the discovery of this great branch of manufacture! A dog, keen with hunger, bounding along the Tyrian shore, crunched the shells which were cast up there. The purple gore dyed his jaws with a marvellous colour; and the men who saw it, after the sudden fashion of inventors, conceived the idea of making therewith a noble adornment for their kings. What Tyre is for the East, Hydron[213] is for Italy--the great cloth-factory of Courts, not keeping its old art (merely), but ever transmitting new improvements.' [Footnote 213: I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).] 3. KING THEODORIC TO CASSIODORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN[214]. [Footnote 214: Father of the Author.] [Sidenote: Praises of the father of Cassiodorus.] Extols in high-flown language the merits of the minister who in the early and troublous days of Theodoric's reign conciliated the wavering affections of the suspicious Sicilians[215], governed them so justly that not even they (addicted as they are, according to Cicero, to grumbling) could complain; then displayed equal rectitude in the government of his own native Province of Bruttii and Lucania (hard as it is to be perfectly just in the government of one's own native place); then administered the Praefecture in such a way as to earn the thanks of all Italy, even the taxes not being felt to be burdensome under his rule, because so justly levied; and now, finally, as a reward for all these services, is raised to the distinguished honour of the Patriciate. [Footnote 215: 'In ipso quippe imperii nostri devotus exordio, cum adhuc fluctuantibus rebus provinciarum corda vagarentur, et negligi rudem dominum novitas ipsa pateretur.'] 4. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Introducing Cassiodorus (Senior) on his accession to the honours of the Patriciate.] [Sidenote: Great deeds of the ancestors of Cassiodorus for three generations.] Compliments to the Senate, of which Theodoric wishes to increase the dignity by bestowing honours on its most eminent members. Recital of the services and good qualities of Cassiodorus[216]: [Footnote 216: Father of Cassiodorus Senator.] (_a_) as 'Comes Privatarum;' (_b_) as 'Comes Sacrarum Largitionum;' (_c_) as Governor of Provinces. (General reflections on the importance of a governor being himself a virtuous man). 'Having been trained thus to official life under the preceding King [Odovacar] he came with well-earned praises to our palace.' (_d_) His eminent career as Praetorian Praefect and modest demeanour therein. Services of previous members of his family. Fame seems to be always at home among the Cassiodori. They are of noble birth, equally celebrated among orators and warriors, healthy of body, and very tall. His father, _Cassiodorus_[217], was 'Tribunus et Notarius' under Valentinian III. This last was a great honour, for only men of spotless life were associated with the Imperial 'Secretum.' A friendship, founded on likeness, drew him to the side of Aetius, whose labours for the State he shared. [Footnote 217: Grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.] _Embassy to Attila._ 'With the son of this Aetius, named Carpilio, he was sent on no vain embassy to Attila, the mighty in arms. He looked undaunted on the man before whom the Empire quailed. Calm in conscious strength, he despised all those terrible wrathful faces that scowled around him. He did not hesitate to meet the full force of the invectives of the madman who fancied himself about to grasp the Empire of the world. He found the King insolent; he left him pacified; and so ably did he argue down all his slanderous pretexts for dispute that though the Hun's interest was to quarrel with the richest Empire in the world, he nevertheless condescended to seek its favour. The firmness of the orator roused the fainting courage of his countrymen, and men felt that Rome could not be pronounced defenceless while she was armed with such ambassadors. Thus did he bring back the peace which men had despaired of; and as earnestly as they had prayed for his success, so thankfully did they welcome his return.' He was offered honours and revenues, but preferred to seek the pleasant retirement of Bruttii in the land which his exertions had freed from the terror of the stranger. His father, Cassiodorus[218], an 'Illustris,' defended the coasts of Sicily and Bruttii from the Vandals, thus averting from those regions the ruin which afterwards fell upon Rome from the same quarter. [Footnote 218: Great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.] In the East, Heliodorus, a cousin of the Cassiodori, has brilliantly discharged the office of Praefect for eighteen years, as Theodoric himself can testify. Thus the family, conspicuous both in the Eastern and Western World, has two eyes with which it shines with equal brilliancy in each Senate. Cassiodorus is so wealthy that his herds of horses surpass those of the King, to whom he makes presents of some of them in order to avoid envy. 'Hence it arises that our present candidate [for patrician honours] mounts the armies of the Goths; and having even improved upon his education, generously administers the wealth which he received from his parents. 'Now, Conscript Fathers, welcome and honour the new Patrician, who is so well worthy of a high place among you.' 5. KING THEODORIC TO FLORIANUS, VIR SPECTABILIS. [Sidenote: Interest reipublicae ut sit finis litium.] 'Lawsuits must not be dragged on for ever. There must be some possibility of reaching a quiet haven. Wherefore, if the petitioners have rightly informed us that the controversy as to the farm at Mazenes has been decided in due course of law by Count Annas, and there is no reasonable ground for appeal[219], let that sentence be held final and irreversible. We must sometimes save a litigious man from himself, as a good doctor will not allow a patient to take that which is injurious to him.' [Footnote 219: 'Nec aliqua probatur appellatione suspensa.'] 6. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS. [One of the MSS. reads _Pontifici_, but this is clearly wrong. The language is not at all suitable to be addressed to a Pope, and there was no Pope Agapetus till 535, nine years after the death of Theodoric.] [Sidenote: Mosaics ordered for Ravenna.] 'I am going to build a great Basilica of Hercules at Ravenna, for I wish my age to match preceding ones in the beauty of its buildings, as it does in the happiness of the lives of my subjects. 'Send me therefore skilful workers in Mosaic' [of which kind of work we have a very good description as follows]. _(Cassiodorus on Mosaic)._ 'Send us from your city some of your most skilful marble-workers, who may join together those pieces which have been exquisitely divided, and, connecting together their different veins of colour, may admirably represent the natural appearance[220]. From Art proceeds this gift, which conquers Nature. And thus the discoloured surface of the marble is woven into the loveliest variety of pictures; the value of the work, now as always, being increased by the minute labour which has to be expended on the production of the Beautiful.' [Footnote 220: 'Et venis colludentibus illigata naturalem faciem laudabiliter mentiantur.'] 7. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, VIR CLARISSIMUS. This letter will be best understood by a reference to the following pedigree: N. | __________________________________________ | | | FELIX = A daughter. NEOTHERIUS PLUTIANUS [a spendthrift]. [a minor, whose guardian is Venantius]. [Sidenote: The inheritance of Plutianus.] Apparently Felix is accused by Venantius, the guardian of his young brother-in-law Plutianus, of having, on behalf of his wife, made an unfair division of the family property (which had been originally given to the father of these lads by Theodoric, as a reward for his services). In doing this he has availed himself of the spendthrift character of Neotherius, the elder brother, who was probably already of age. Felix is severely blamed, and ordered to hand over what he has fraudulently appropriated to the official, who is charged with the execution of this mandate. Both are summoned to the 'Comitatus' of the King, that a fair division may there be made between them. 8. KING THEODORIC TO AMABILIS, THE COLLECTOR (EXSECUTOR). [Sidenote: The prodigality of Neotherius.] In reference to this same matter of the wasted property of Plutianus. It appears from this letter that Neotherius has been not merely a spendthrift, but has been actuated by motives of passionate hatred to his younger brother[221]. The King enlarges on his obligation to protect the weak, and orders the officer to see that justice is done according to the representations of Venantius, unless the other side have any counter plea to allege, in which case 'ad nostrum venire deproperet comitatum.' [Footnote 221: 'Neotherium fratrem suum, affectum germanitatis oblitum, _bona parvuli hostili furore lacerasse_.'] 9. KING THEODORIC TO EUSTORGIUS, BISHOP OF MILAN. [Sidenote: Offences charged against Ecclesiastics.] 'You will be glad to hear that we are satisfied that the Bishop of Augusta [Turin or Aosta] has been falsely accused of betrayal of his country. He is therefore to be restored to his previous rank. His accusers, as they are themselves of the clerical order, are not punished by us, but sent to your Holiness to be dealt with according to the ecclesiastical tradition.' [The reflections in this letter about the impropriety of believing readily accusations against a Bishop[222], and the course adopted of handing over the clerical false accusers to be dealt with by their Bishop, have an obvious bearing on the great Hildebrandic controversy. But as Dahn ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 191) points out, there is no abandonment by the King of the ultimate right to punish an ecclesiastic.] [Footnote 222: 'Nihil enim in tali honore temeraria cogitatione praesumendum est, ubi si proposito creditur, etiam tacitus ab excessibus excusatur. Manifesta proinde crimina in talibus vix capiunt fidem. Quidquid autem ex invidia dicitur, veritas non putatur.'] 10. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS[223], VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Footnote 223: If the MSS. are correctly represented in the printed editions, the name of the author of the Consolation of Philosophy was spelt Boetius in the Variae. There can be little doubt however that Boethius is the more correct form, and this is the form given us in the Anecdoton Holderi.] [Sidenote: Frauds of the moneyers.] The Horse and Foot Guards[224] seem to have complained that after their severe labours they were not paid in solidi of full weight by the 'Arcarius Praefectorum.' [Footnote 224: Why are these called 'Domestici patres equitum et peditum?'] Cassiodorus gives-- (1) Some sublime reflections in the true Cassiodorian vein on the nature of Arithmetic, by which earth and the heavens are ruled. (2) Some excellent practical remarks on the wickedness of clipping and depreciating the currency. The most interesting but most puzzling sentence in this letter is that in which he says that 'the ancients wished that the _solidus_ should consist of 6,000 _denarii_, in order that the golden coin like a golden sun might represent the 6,000 years which are the appointed age of the world.' But how can we reconcile this with any known solidus or any known denarius? The solidus of Constantine (72 to the lb.) was worth about twelve shillings. The reduced denarius of Diocletian was probably worth one penny. At the very lowest (and most improbable) computation it was worth at least a farthing, and even thus one would only get 576 to a solidus. The earlier denarius, worth about eightpence, clearly will not do; and the matter is made more difficult by the fact that Cassiodorus is talking about the ancients (veteres), whereas the solidus was a comparatively modern coin. It seems that either Cassiodorus has some entirely wrong information as to the early currency of Rome, or else that we have not yet got the clue to his meaning. This passage is quoted by Finlay ('Greece under the Romans,' p. 536, ed. 1857), but the difficulty is not removed by his remarks. 11. KING THEODORIC TO SERVATUS, DUKE OF THE RAETIAS. [Sidenote: Violence of the Breones.] 'It is your duty to repress all violence and injustice in the Provinces over which you preside. Maniarius complains that his slaves (mancipia) have been without any cause taken away from him by the _Breones_ [a Raetian tribe dwelling near the pass of the Brenner], who are continuing in peace the habits and maxims of war. 'If this proves to be a true complaint, see that justice is done, and speedily.' 12. KING THEODORIC TO EUGENIUS (OR EUGENITES)[225], VIR ILLUSTRIS, MAGISTER OFFICIORUM. [Footnote 225: Perhaps the name really was Eugenes, -etis. See Var. viii. 19, and Ennodii, Epist. iv. 26.] [Sidenote: Bestowal of dignity of Magister Officiorum.] 'It is the glory of our reign to confer office on those who deserve it. 'You are a learned man, and arrived long ago at the dignity of the Quaestorship as a reward for your creditable exertions as an Advocate. 'One office leads to another: the tree of the fasces puts forth fresh fasces; and we therefore have great pleasure in calling you now to the dignity of Magister, bestowing upon you all the privileges which have belonged to your predecessors in that office. Justify our choice by your actions. You know, as one of our counsellors, what our standard of righteousness is. A sort of religious holiness is required from those who hold office under a righteous king[226].' [Footnote 226: 'Pio principi sub quodam sacerdotio serviatur.' Cf. Claudian, 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat quam _sub rege pio_.'] 13. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] Announces the elevation of Eugenius (or Eugenites) to the post of Master of the Offices, and recapitulates his past services and character in nearly the same terms as the preceding letter. He is to go from one office to another, 'even as the sun having shone one day, rises in order to shine again on another. Even horses are stimulated to greater speed by the shouts of men. But man is an animal peculiarly fond of approbation. Do you therefore stimulate the new Master to all noble deeds.' [Notice this sentence about the Senate: 'Whatever is the flower of the human race, the Senate ought to possess it: and as the citadel is the crown of the city, so should your order be the ornament of all other ranks.'] 14. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS. [Sidenote: Collection of 'Tertiae.'] 'We have no objection to grant the petition of the inhabitants of Cathalia (?), that their "Tertiae" shall be collected at the same time as the ordinary tribute. What does it matter under what name the "possessor" pays his contribution, so long as he pays it without deduction? Thus they will get rid of the suspected name of "Tertiae," and our mildness will not be worried by their importunity.' [See Dahn ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 143), who decides that the 'Tertiae' was the pecuniary equivalent paid by the Roman possessor for that portion of the _Sors Barbarica_ (the Gothic third of the lands of Italy) which, for convenience sake, was left in the actual occupation of Romans.] 15. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Looking after the interests of the absent.] 'We are glad to see that our good opinion of you is shared by your neighbours, and that the Patrician Agnellus, going to Africa on our business, has chosen you to defend his interests in his absence. No one can give a higher proof of confidence than this. Look well after the trust committed to you. There seems to be a peculiar temptation to neglect the interests of the absent.' 16. KING THEODORIC TO JULIANUS, COMES PATRIMONII [probably 508]. [Sidenote: Remission of taxes. Hostile incursions.] 'It is an excellent investment to do a generous thing to our subjects. The Apulian "Conductores" [farmers of the Royal domain] have represented to us with tears that their crops have been burned by hostile invaders [Byzantines?]. We therefore authorise you to deduct at the next Indiction what shall seem the right proportion for these losses from the amount due to us[227]. See, however, that our revenue sustains no unnecessary loss. We are touched by the losses of the suppliants, but we ought on the other hand to share their profits.' [Footnote 227: 'Ut quantum eos minus vendidisse constiterit, de reliquis primae indictionis habita moderatione detrahatis.'] 17. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHIC AND ROMAN INHABITANTS OF DERTONA (TORTONA). [Sidenote: Fortification of camp near Dertona.] 'We have decided that the camp near you shall at once be fortified. It is expedient to execute works of this kind in peace rather than in war. 'The true meaning of _expeditio_ shows that the leader of a military expedition should have an unencumbered mind. 'Do you therefore second our efforts by building good private houses, in which you will be sheltered, while the enemy (whenever he comes) will be in the worst possible quarters[228], and exposed to all the severity of the weather.' [Footnote 228: 'Durissimae mansiones.'] 18. KING THEODORIC TO DOMITIANUS AND WILIAS. [Sidenote: Statute of Limitations.] 'It is right that you, who are administering justice to the nations, should learn and practise it yourselves. We therefore hasten to reply to the question which you have asked [concerning the length of time that is required to bestow a title by prescription]. If any Barbarian usurper have taken possession of a Roman farm since the time when we, through God's grace, crossed the streams of the Isonzo, when first the Empire of Italy received us[229], and if he have no documents of title [sine delegatoris cujusquam pyctacio] to show that he is the rightful holder, then let him without delay restore the property to its former owner. But if he shall be found to have entered upon the property before the aforesaid time, since the principle of the thirty years' prescription comes in, we order that the petition of the plaintiff shall be dropped. [Footnote 229: 'Ex quo, Deo propitio, Sonti fluenta transmisimus ubi primum Italiae nos suscepit imperium.'] [Sidenote: Crimes of violence.] 'The assailant, as well as the murderer, of his brother, is to be driven forth from the kingdom, that the serenity of our Commonwealth may not be troubled with any such dark spots.' [Theodoric crossed the Isonzo, August, 489, and as I understand this letter, it was written somewhere about 518, and he therefore lays down a convenient practical rule: 'No dispossession which occurred before I crossed the Isonzo shall be enquired into; any which have happened since, may.' But the letter is a very difficult one, and I am bound to say that Dahn's interpretation ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 11, 12) does not agree with mine.] 19. KING THEODORIC TO SATURNINUS AND VERBUSIUS, VIRI SUBLIMES. [Sidenote: The rights of the Fiscus.] 'The _Fiscus_ is to have its rights, but we do not wish to oppress our people. Let moderation be observed in all things. 'When you receive the petition of the Curiales of Adriana, if anyone who is able to pay, stubbornly and impudently refuses to contribute to the _Fiscus Gothorum_, you are to compel him to do so. But let off the really poor man who is unable to contribute.' 20. KING THEODORIC TO ALBINUS AND ALBIENUS, VIRI ILLUSTRES AND PATRICIANS. [Sidenote: Circus quarrels. Patronage of the Greens. Rivalry between Helladius and Theodorus.] 'Notwithstanding our greater cares for the Republic, we are willing to provide also for the amusement of our subjects. For it is the strongest possible proof of the success of our labours that the multitude knows itself to be again at leisure[230]. [Footnote 230: 'Illud enim, propitiante Deo, labores nostros asserit quod se _otiosam_ generalitas esse cognoscit.'] 'The petition of the Green party in the circus informs us that they are oppressed, and that the factions of the circus are fatal to public tranquillity. We therefore order you to assume the patronage of the Green party, which our father of glorious memory paid for[231]. So let the spectators be assembled, and let them choose between Helladius and Theodorus which is fittest to be Pantomimist of the Greens, whose salary we will pay.' [Footnote 231: 'Quapropter illustris magnitudo vestra praesenti jussione commonita, patrocinium partis Prasini, quod gloriosae recordationis pater noster impendit, dignanter assumat.' This passage probably alludes to Theodoric's adoption by Zeno. But one reading is 'pater _vester_.'] Then follows a digression on pantomimes. 21. KING THEODORIC TO MAXIMIAN, VIR ILLUSTRIS; AND ANDREAS, VIR SPECTABILIS. [Sidenote: Embellishment of Rome.] 'If the people of Rome will beautify their City we will help them. 'Institute a strict audit (of which no one need be ashamed) of the money given by us to the different workmen for the beautification of the City. See that we are receiving money's worth for the money spent. If there is embezzlement anywhere, cause the funds so embezzled to be disgorged. We expect the Romans to help from their own resources in this patriotic work, and certainly not to intercept our contributions for the purpose. 'The wandering birds love their own nests; the beasts haste to their own lodgings in the brake; the voluptuous fish, roaming the fields of ocean, returns to its own well-known cavern. How much more should Rome be loved by her children!' 22. KING THEODORIC TO MARCELLUS, VIR SPECTABILIS, ADVOCATUS FISCI. [Sidenote: Promotion of Marcellus.] After some rather vapid praise of the eloquence and good qualities of Marcellus, Theodoric promotes him from the rank of a Private Advocate to that of an _Advocatus Fisci_, and gives him some excellent counsels about not pressing the claims of the Crown too far. 'We shall not enquire how many causes you have gained, but how you have gained them. Let there sometimes be a bad cause for the Fiscus, that the Sovereign may be seen to be good.' 23. KING THEODORIC TO COELIANUS AND AGAPITUS, VIRI ILLUSTRES AND PATRICIANS. [Sidenote: Litigation between Senators.] 'The concord and harmony of subjects redound to the praise of their prince. 'We desire that Festus and Symmachus (Patricians and Magnifici) should prosecute the causes for action which they say they have against Paulinus (Illustris and Patrician) in your Court. Let Paulinus bring before you any counter-claim which he may assert himself to possess. Let justice be rendered speedily. Show yourselves worthy of this high trust. It is a matter of great moment to end lawsuits between men of such eminence in the State as these.' 24. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS. [Sidenote: A call to arms for the invasion of Gaul.] 'To the Goths a hint of war rather than persuasion to the strife is needed, since a warlike race such as ours delights to prove its courage. In truth, he shuns no labour who hungers for the renown of valour. Therefore with the help of God, whose blessing alone brings prosperity, we design to send our army to the Gauls for the common benefit of all, that you may have an opportunity of promotion, and we the power of testing your merits; for in time of peace the courage which we admire lies hidden, and when men have no chance of showing what is in them, their relative merits are concealed. We have therefore given our Sajo[232], Nandius, instructions to warn you that, on the eighth day before the kalends of next July, you move forward to the campaign in the name of God, sufficiently equipped, according to your old custom, with horses, arms, and every requisite for war. Thus will ye at the same time show that the old valour of your sires yet dwells in your hearts, and also successfully perform your King's command. Bring forth your young men for the discipline of Mars. Let them see you do deeds which they may love to tell of to their children. For an art not learned in youth is an art missing in our riper years. The very hawk, whose food is plunder, thrusts her still weak and tender young ones out of the nest, that they may not become accustomed to soft repose. She strikes the lingerers with her wings; she forces her callow young to fly, that they may prove to be such in the future as her maternal fondness can be proud of. Do you therefore, lofty by nature, and stimulated yet more by the love of fame, study to leave such sons behind you as your fathers have left in leaving you.' [Footnote 232: See for the office of the Sajo, note on ii. 13.] [We can hardly be wrong in referring this stirring proclamation to the year 508, when Theodoric sent troops into Gaul to save the remnants of the Visigothic Monarchy from the grasp of Clovis. The first sentence recalls the expression 'certaminis gaudia,' which Jordanes no doubt borrowed from Cassiodorus. For the simile at the end of the letter, cf. Deuteronomy xxxii. 11, 'As an eagle stirreth up her nest'.] 25. KING THEODORIC TO SABINIANUS, VIR SPECTABILIS. [Sidenote: Repair of the walls of Rome.] 'It is important to preserve as well as to create. We are earnestly anxious to keep the walls of Rome in good repair, and have therefore ordered the Lucrine port[233] to furnish 25,000 tiles annually for this purpose. See that this is done, that the cavities which have been formed by the fall of stones may be roofed over with tiles, and so preserved, and that thus we may deserve the thanks of ancient kings, to whose works we have given immortal youth.' [Footnote 233: I presume that 'portum Lucini' is an error for the Lucrine harbour; but there is an allusion which I do not understand in the following passage: 'Simul etiam portubus junctis, qui ad illa loca antiquitus pertinebant, et nunc diversorum usurpatione suggeruntur invasi?'] 26. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS. [Sidenote: Immunity of Church property from taxation.] In the time of Cassiodorus the Patrician (a man of tried integrity and pure fidelity[234]), a grant of freedom from taxation[235] was made to the Church of Vercelli. Since that time other property has been conveyed to the same Church, apparently by a soldier. An attempt is made to represent this after-acquired property as also tax-free. 'No,' says the King. 'It would be very wrong in us to recall our gift; but it is equally wrong in you to try to stretch it to something which it never included. Private persons must not make grants to the injury of our treasury. Tribute belongs to the purple, not to the military cloak[236]. Your newly acquired possessions must pay taxes along with those of other owners.' [Footnote 234: This is evidently the writer's father.] [Footnote 235: 'Onera indictorum titulorum.'] [Footnote 236: 'Tributa sunt purpurae, non lacernae.'] 27. KING THEODORIC TO SPECIOSUS. [Sidenote: Circus quarrels.] 'If we are moderating under our laws the character of foreign nations, if the Roman law is supreme over all that is in alliance with Italy, how much more doth it become the Senate of the seat of civilisation itself to have a surpassing reverence for law, that by the example of their moderation the beauty of their dignities may shine forth more eminently. For where shall we look for moderation, if violence stains Patricians? The Green party complain that they have been truculently assaulted by the Patrician Theodoric and the "Illustris and Consul Importunus," and that one life has been lost in the fray. We wish the matter to be at once brought before the Illustres Coelianus and Agapitus and examined into by them[237]. [Footnote 237: See i. 23, from which it appears that these two men had special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians.] 'As to their counter-complaints of rudeness against the mob, you must distinguish between deliberate insolence and the licence of the theatre. Who expects seriousness of character at the spectacles? It is not exactly a congregation of Catos that comes together at the circus. The place excuses some excesses. And besides, it is the _beaten_ party which vents its rage in insulting cries. Do not let the Patricians complain of clamour that is really the result of a victory for their own side, which they greatly desired.' [The mention of 'the Patrician Theodoric' is a difficulty, as we know of no namesake of the King among the Roman nobility. Perhaps we ought to read (with the Remensian MS.) 'Theodoro,' as we know from 'Anon. Valesii' 68 that there was a Theodorus, son of Basilius, who perhaps succeeded Liberius, Praef. Praetorio.] 28. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS. [Sidenote: The walls of Rome.] 'Most worthy of Royal attention is the rebuilding of ancient cities, an adornment in time of peace, a precaution for time of war. 'Therefore, if anyone have in his fields stones suitable for the building of the walls, let him cheerfully and promptly produce them. Even though he should be paid at a low rate, he will have his reward as a member of the community, which will benefit thereby.' 29. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE LUCRISTANI (LUSTRIANI?) ON THE RIVER SONTIUS (ISONZO). [Sidenote: The Postal Service.] 'The post (_Cursus Publicus_) is evidently an institution of great public utility, tending to the rapid promulgation of our decrees. 'Care must therefore be taken that the horses are not allowed to get out of condition, lest they break down under their work, and lest the journey, which should be rapid, become tediously slow. 'Also any lands formerly appropriated to the _mutationes_ [places for changing horses] which have fallen into private hands must be reclaimed for the public service, the owners being sufficiently indemnified for their loss.' 30. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: On the injury to public peace arising from the Circus rivalries.] The Senators are exhorted not to allow their menials to embroil themselves with the populace, and thus bring their good name into disgrace. Any slave accused of the murder of a free-born citizen is to be at once given up, under penalty of a fine of 10 lbs. of gold (£400), and the King's severe displeasure for the master who disobeys this command. 'And do not you, oh Senators, be too severe in marking every idle word which the mob may utter amidst the general rejoicing. If there is any insult which requires notice, bring it before the "Praefectus Urbis"--a far better and safer course than taking the law into your own hands.' [This letter, a very interesting and sensible one, is somewhat spoilt by a characteristic Cassiodorian sentence at the end:-- 'Men in old time used always to fight with their fists, whence the word _pugna_, "a pugnis." Afterwards iron was introduced by King Belus, and hence came _bellum_, "a Belo."'] 31. KING THEODORIC TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] Gives similar good advice to that contained in the previous letter to the Senate. 'The Circus, in which the King spends so much money, is meant to be for public delight, not for stirring up wrath. Instead of uttering howls and insults like other nations [the populace of Byzantium?], whom they have despised for doing so, let them tune their voices, so that their applause shall sound like the notes of some vast organ, and even the brute creation delight to hear it. 'Anyone uttering outrageous reproaches against any Senator will be dealt with by the Praefectus Urbis.' 32. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] 'The ruler of the city ought to keep the peace, and justify my choice of him. Your highest praise is a quiet people. 'We have issued our "oracles" to the "amplissimus ordo" (Senate) and to the people, that the custom of insulting persons in the Circus is to be put under some restraint; on the other hand, any Senator who shall be provoked to kill a free-born person shall pay a fine. The games are meant to make people happy, not to stir them up to deadly rage. Helladius[238] is to come forth into the midst and afford the people pleasure [as a pantomimist], and he is to receive his monthly allowance (menstruum) with the other actors of the Green Faction. His partisans are to be allowed to sit where they please.' [Footnote 238: See Letter i. 20.] [Was there not some division in the Green Faction itself concerning the merits of Helladius and his rival Theodorus?] 33. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS. [Sidenote: Arrangements for the Pantomime.] 'Our Serenity is not going to change the arrangements which we have once made for the public good. We told Albinus and Albienus[239] to choose the most fitting person they could find as Pantomimist of the Greens. They have done so [choosing probably Helladius]. He shall have his monthly allowance, and let there be peace.' [Footnote 239: Ibid.] 34. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS. [Sidenote: Only the surplus of corn to be exported.] 'It should be only the surplus of the crops of any Province, beyond what is needed for the supply of its own wants, that should be exported. Station persons in the harbours to see that foreign ships do not take away produce to foreign shores until the Public Providers[240] have got all that they require.' [Footnote 240: 'Expensae publicae' perhaps = curatores annonae.] 35. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS. [Sidenote: Unreasonable delays. The sucking-fish and torpedo.] 'This extraordinarily dry season having ruined the hopes of our harvest, it is more than ever necessary that the produce should be brought forward promptly. We are therefore exceedingly annoyed at finding that the crops which are generally sent forward by your Chancellor from the coasts of Calabria and Apulia in summer have not yet arrived, though it is near autumn and the time is at hand when the sun, entering the southern signs (which are all named from showers), will send us storm and tempest. 'What are you waiting for? Why are your ships not spreading their sails to the breeze? With a favourable wind and with bending oarsmen, are you perhaps delayed by the _echeneis_ (Remora, or sucking-fish)? or by the shell-fish of the Indian Ocean? or by the torpedo, whose touch paralyses the hand? No; the echeneis in this case is entangling venality; the bites of the shell-fish, insatiable avarice; the torpedo, fraudulent pretence. 'The merchants are making delays in order that they may seem to have fallen on adverse weather. 'Let your Magnitude put all this to rights promptly, otherwise our famine will be imputed, not to bad seasons, but to negligence[241].' [Footnote 241: For a fuller translation of this marvellous letter, see Introd. p. 18.] 36. KING THEODORIC TO THERIOLUS, VIR SPECTABILIS. [Sidenote: Guardianship of children of Benedictus.] 'We wish you to take the place of the late Benedictus in the city of Pedon. 'As we never forget the services of the dead, we wish you to undertake officially the guardianship of the sons of the said Benedictus. 'We always pay back to our faithful servants more than we have received from them, and thus we do not go on the principle "equality is equity," because we think it just to make them _more_ than an equal recompence.' 37. KING THEODORIC TO CRISPIANUS. [Sidenote: Justifiable homicide.] 'Murder is abominable, but it is right to take into account the circumstances which may have provoked to homicide. If the slain man was trying to violate the rights of wedlock, his blood be on his own head. For even brute beasts vindicate their conjugal rights by force: how much more man, who is so deeply dishonoured by the adulterer! 'Therefore, if it be true that the man whom you slew had wronged you as a husband, we do not agree to the punishment of exile which has been inflicted upon you. Nor will we uphold the action of the _Vicarius_ or of his _Officium_, who, as you say, have impounded the money paid by your _fidei-jussor_ (guarantor) Agnellus. Also, we will protect you against the hostile assaults of Candax [next of kin to the murdered man?] in future. But your allegation as to the provocation must be fully established by legal process.' [It may be remarked that Candac, King of the Alani in Moesia, is mentioned in the pedigree of Jordanes ('Getica,' cap. 4).] 38. KING THEODORIC TO BAION, A SENATOR[242]. [Footnote 242: See remarks on this letter in Dahn, Könige der Germanen iv. 147-8. Some MSS. read Coion or Goinon, as the name of the Senator to whom it is addressed.] [Sidenote: The young Hilarius to be allowed to enter on possession of his property.] 'We are told that you are keeping in your own hands the administration of the property of your young nephew [or grandson] Hilarius against his will, and not for his good, but yours. Restore it at once. Let him dispose of it as he likes. He seems to be quite able to enter upon the lordship of his own. The eagle feeds her callow young with food which she has procured for them, till their wings grow. Then, when their flight is strong and their nails sharp, she trains them to strike their own prey. So with our young Goths: when they are fit for soldiership we cannot bear that they should be deemed incapable of managing their own concerns. "To the Goths valour makes full age. And he who is strong enough to stab his enemy to the heart should be allowed to vindicate himself from every accusation of incapacity."' [Notwithstanding his Roman name, Hilarius is evidently a Goth.] 39. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: The nephews of Filagrius to be detained in Rome.] 'We are always delighted to grant just requests. 'Filagrius (Vir Spectabilis), who has been long absent from his home on our business, seeks to return to Syracuse, but at the same time asks that his brother's sons may be kept for their education's sake at Rome. Do you attend to this petition, and do not let the lads go till we send you a second order to that effect. No one ought to murmur at being detained in Rome, which is everyone's country, the fruitful mother of eloquence, the wide temple of all virtues. Ulysses would very likely never have become famous if he had lingered on at home; but Homer's noble poem most chiefly proclaims his wisdom in this fact, that he roamed among many cities and nations.' 40. KING THEODORIC TO ASSUIN (OR ASSIUS), VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES. [Sidenote: The inhabitants of Salona to be drilled.] 'War needs rehearsal and preparation. Therefore let your Illustrious Sublimity provide the inhabitants of Salona with arms, and let them practise themselves in the use of them; for the surest safeguard of the Republic is an armed defender.' The necessity of drill and practice is shown by the early combats of bullocks, the play-huntings of puppies, the necessity of first kindling a fire with very little sticks, and so forth. 41. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS. [Sidenote: Enquiries into character of the younger Faustus.] 'The dignity of the Senate makes it necessary to be unusually careful who is admitted into that body. Let other orders receive middling men: the Senate must receive none but those who are of proved excellence. 'Therefore let your Illustrious Magnificence cause those enquiries to be made concerning Faustus, the grown-up son of the Illustrious Faustus, which the Senate hath ordered to be made concerning all persons who are to be enrolled in its council[243]. In thus confirming and ratifying the proceedings of the Senate we are in no degree trenching on the accustomed authority of that sacred order.' [Footnote 243: 'Quae circa referendos curiae priscus ordo designavit.'] 42. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN [509 OR 524]. [Sidenote: Artemidorus to be Praefect of the City.] 'We are especially bound to reward merit. Everyone who does us a service makes a very good investment. You have long had what was formerly considered more precious than great dignity--near access to our person. Much as we loved you, we somewhat retarded your advance in order that you might be the more richly adorned with all virtues when you came to honour. Your birthplace, your lineage, your merit, all declare you worthy of the promotion which we now bestow upon you, declaring you for this third Indiction[244] _Praefectus Urbis_. You will thus have the function of presiding over the Senate, a far higher office than that of ruling the Palace or arranging private houses. The value of the object committed to a person's care increases the dignity of the post. It is much more honourable to be caretaker of a diadem than of a wine-cellar. Judge of our esteem for you by the preciousness of the body over which we are thus calling you to preside.' [Footnote 244: Either 509-510 or 524-525; more probably the former.] 43. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: Promotion of Artemidorus.] [Announcing the elevation of Artemidorus to the post of Praefectus Urbis.] 'Artemidorus, though entitled from his relationship to the Emperor Zeno to expect great promotion at the Court of Constantinople, has preferred to share the fortunes and attach himself to the person of Theodoric, who has often been refreshed after the cares of State by an hour of his charming converse. Though he might have aspired to the highest dignities of the Court, he has hitherto been satisfied with the comparatively humble post of Superintendent of the Public Spectacles [as Tribunus Voluptatum?]. Now, as Praefectus Urbis, he is to preside over and become a member of your body. Welcome him.' 44. KING THEODORIC TO THE PEOPLE OF ROME. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] [On the same subject as 42 and 43, the elevation of Artemidorus to the Urban Praefecture.] Rebukes the commonalty sharply for their recent disturbances, which defile with illicit seditions the blessings of peace, earned under God's blessing by their Prince. The newly-appointed Praefectus Urbanus, Artemidorus, long devoted to the service of Theodoric, will attest the innocence of the good, and sharply punish the errors of the bad, both by his own inherent prerogative and by a special commission entrusted to him for that purpose by the King. 45. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: The water-clock and sundial destined for the Burgundian King.] 'It is important to oblige our royal neighbours even in trifles, for none can tell what great matters may be aided thereby. Often what arms cannot obtain the offices of kindness bring to pass. Thus let even our unbending be for the benefit of the Republic. For our object in seeking pleasure is that we may thereby discharge the serious duties of life. 'The Lord of the Burgundians has earnestly requested that we would send him a clock which is regulated by water flowing under a modulus, and one which is marked by embracing the illumination of the immense sun[245].' [Footnote 245: An unintelligible translation doubtless, but is the original clearer? 'Burgundionum dominus a nobis magnopere postulavit ut horologium quod aquis sub modulo fluentibus temperatur et quod solis immensi comprehensa illuminatione distinguitur ... ei transmittere deberemus.' It is pretty clear that the first request of the Burgundian King was for a clepsydra of some kind. The second must be for some kind of sundial, but the description is very obscure.] [I transcribe, and do not attempt to translate, the further description of the two machines, the order of which is now changed.] '_Primum_ sit, ubi stylus diei index, per umbram exiguam horas consuevit ostendere. Radius itaque immobilis, et parvus, peragens quod tam miranda magnitudo solis discurrit, et fugam solis aequiparat quod modum semper ignorat. [This must be the sundial.] Inviderent talibus, si astra sentirent: et meatum suum fortasse deflecterent, ne tali ludibrio subjacerent. Ubi est illud horarum de lumine venientium singulare miraculum, si has et umbra demonstrat? Ubi praedicabilis indefecta roratio, si hoc et metalla peragunt, quae situ perpetuo continentur? O artis inaestimabilis virtus quae dum se dicit ludere, naturae praevalet secreta vulgare. '_Secundum_ sit [the clepsydra] ubi praeter solis radios hora dignoscitur, noctes in partes dividens: quod ut nihil deberet astris, rationem coeli ad aquarum potius fluenta convertit, quorum motibus ostendit, quod coelum volvitur; et audaci praesumptione concepta, ars elementis confert quod originis conditio denegavit.' 'It will be a great gain to us that the Burgundians should daily look upon something sent by us which will appear to them little short of miraculous. Exert yourself therefore, oh Boetius, to get this thing put in hand. You have thoroughly imbued yourself with Greek philosophy[246]. You have translated Pythagoras the musician, Ptolemy the astronomer, Nicomachus the arithmetician, Euclid the geometer, Plato the theologian, Aristotle the logician, and have given back the mechanician Archimedes to his own Sicilian countrymen (who now speak Latin). You know the whole science of Mathematics, and the marvels wrought thereby. A machine [perhaps something like a modern orrery] has been made to exhibit the courses of the planets and the causes of eclipses. What a wonderful art is Mechanics! The mechanician, if we may say so, is almost Nature's comrade, opening her secrets, changing her manifestations, sporting with miracles, feigning so beautifully, that what we know to be an illusion is accepted by us as truth.' [Footnote 246: Evidently 'sic enim Atheniensium scholas longe positus introisti' does not mean that Boethius actually visited Athens, but that he became thoroughly at home in the works of Athenian philosophers.] 46. KING THEODORIC TO GUNDIBAD [SIC], KING OF THE BURGUNDIANS. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] Sends the two clocks, or rather perhaps the celestial globe and the water-clock. 'Have therefore in your country what you have often seen in Rome. It is right that we should send you presents, because you are connected with us by affinity. It is said that under you "Burgundia" looks into the most subtle things, and praises the discoveries of the ancients. Through you she lays aside her "Gentile" (barbarous) nature, and imitating the prudence of her King, rightly desires to possess the inventions of sages. Let her arrange her daily actions by the movements of God's great lights; let her nicely adjust the moments of each hour. In mere confusion passes the order of life when this accurate division of time is unknown. Men are like the beasts, if they only know the passage of the hours by the pangs of hunger, and have no greater certainty as to the flight of time than such as is afforded them by their bellies. For certainty is undoubtedly meant to be entwined in human actions.' BOOK II. CONTAINING FORTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. I. KING THEODORIC TO ANASTASIUS, MOST PIOUS EMPEROR. A.D. 511. [Sidenote: Consulship of Felix.] 'By excellent ordinance of the ancients the year is named from the Consul. Let the happy year take its title from our new Consul, _Felix_ [Consul with Secundinus, A.D. 511[247]]. [Footnote 247: 'Portamque dierum tali nomine dicatus annus, tempos introeat.' The figure here used seems borrowed from Claudian, In Primum Cons. Stilichonis ii. 425-476.] 'It is most suitable that Rome should gather back her children to her bosom, and in her venerable Senate should enrol a son of Gaul. 'Felix showed his excellent disposition first in this, that while still a young man he hastened to "the native land of all the virtues" [Rome]. Success followed his choice; we promoted him as he deserved. While still a young man, deprived of his father's care, he showed the rare gift of continence; he subdued avarice, the enemy of wisdom; he despised the blandishments of vice; he trampled under foot the vanities of pride. 'We have now determined to reward him with the Consulship. Do you who can with indiscriminate pleasure rejoice in both the blessings of the Republic [in the Consuls of the East and West] join your favouring vote. He who is worthy of so high an office as the Consulship may well be chosen by the judgment of both' [Emperor and King]. [An important letter, as showing the extent to which concurrent choice of Consuls was vested in Rome, or rather Ravenna, and Constantinople.] 2. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, VIR ILLUSTRIS, CONSUL ORDINARIUS, A.D. 511 (4TH OF THE INDICTION). [Sidenote: On the same subject.] An address on his elevation to the Consulship, touching on nearly the same topics as the preceding. Theodoric delights in bestowing larger favours on those whom he has once honoured [a favourite topic with Cassiodorus]. Felix has come back from Gaul to the old fatherland[248]. Thus the Consulship has returned to a Transalpine family, and green laurels are seen on a brown stock. [Footnote 248: 'Cum soli genitalis fortunâ relictâ, velut quodam postliminio in antiquam patriam commeasses.'] Felix has shown an early maturity of character. He has made a wise use of his father's wealth. The honour which other men often acquire by prodigality he has acquired by saving. Cassiodorus evidently has a little fear that the new Consul may carry his parsimony too far, and tells him that this office of the Consulship is one in which liberality, almost extravagance, earns praise[249]; in which it is a kind of virtue not to love one's own possessions; and in which one gains in good opinion all that one loses in wealth. [Footnote 249: 'Ubi praeconium meretur effusio.'] 'See the sacred City all white with your _vota_ (?). See yourself borne upon the shoulders of all, and your name flitting through their mouths, and manifest yourself such that you may be deemed worthy of your race, worthy of the City, worthy of our choice, worthy of the Consular _trabea_.' [The letter makes one suspect a certain narrowness and coldness of heart in the subject of its praise.] 3. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE. A.D. 511. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] Recommends Felix for the Consulship, going over again the topics mentioned in the two last letters. It appears that it was the father of Felix who emerged, after a temporary eclipse of the family fortunes, and then showed himself 'the Cato of our times, abstaining from vice himself, and forming the characters of others; imbued also with all Greek philosophy, he glutted himself with the honey of the Cecropian doctrine.' Mention is made of the Consulship of an earlier Felix, A.D. 428, the happy renown of which still lingered in the memories of men. The young Felix is praised for the qualities described in the two previous letters, and also for his power of conciliating the friendship of older men, especially the excellent Patrician Paulinus. 4. KING THEODORIC TO ECDICIUS (OR BENEDICTUS), VIR HONESTUS. [Sidenote: Collection of Siliquaticum.] 'We wish always to observe long-established rules in fiscal matters, the best guarantee against extortion. Therefore, whatever dues in the way of _Siliquaticum_ appertained to Antiochus are now transferred to you by the present authority, and the Sajo is charged to support your claims herein; only the contention must not be mixed up with any private matters of your own.' [The _Siliquaticum_ was a tax of one twenty-fourth--the _siliqua_ being the twenty-fourth of a _solidus_--payable on all sales in market overt by buyer and seller together.] 5. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS. [Sidenote: Soldiers' arrears.] 'We are always generous, and sometimes out of clemency we bestow our gifts on persons who have no claim upon us. How much more fitting is it then that the servants of the State should receive our gifts promptly! Wherefore, pray let your Magnificence see to it that the sixty soldiers who are keeping guard in the fastnesses of Aosta receive their _annonae_ without delay. Think what a life of hardship the soldier leads in those frontier forts for the general peace, thus, as at the gate of the Province, shutting out the entry of the barbarous nations. He must be ever on the alert who seeks to keep out the Barbarians. For fear alone checks these men, whom honour will not keep back.' [A singular letter to write in the name of one who was himself a Barbarian invader.] 6. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Embassy to Constantinople.] 'We have decided to send you on an embassy to the East (Constantinople). Every embassy requires a prudent man, but here there is need of especial prudence, because you will have to dispute against the most subtle persons--artificers of words, who think they can foresee every possible answer to their arguments. Do your best therefore to justify the opinion which I formed of you before full trial of your powers.' 7. KING THEODORIC TO SURA (OR SUNA), ILLUSTRIS AND COMES. [Sidenote: Embellishment of the City.] 'Let nothing lie useless which may redound to the beauty of the City. Let your Illustrious Magnificence therefore cause the blocks of marble which are everywhere lying about in ruins to be wrought up into the walls by the hands of the workmen whom I send herewith. Only take care to use only those stones which have really fallen from public buildings, as we do not wish to appropriate private property, even for the glorification of the City.' 8. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP SEVERUS, VIR VENERABILIS. [Sidenote: Compensation for damage done by troops on march.] 'None is more suitable than a member of the Priesthood to perform acts of justice towards his flock. 'We therefore send your Holiness, by Montanarius, 1,500 solidi (£900), for distribution among the Provincials, according to the amount of damage which each one has sustained this year by the passage of our army. See that the distribution is made systematically--not at random--so that it may reach the right persons.' 9. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS. [Sidenote: Allowance to a retired charioteer.] 'We always enjoy being generous. Compassion is the one virtue to which all other virtues may honourably give way. Long ago we made the charioteer Sabinus a monthly allowance of a solidus [twelve shillings]. Now, as we learn from Histrius [or Historius] that this former servant of the public pleasures is afflicted with the most melancholy poverty, we have pleasure in adding _another_ solidus to his monthly allowance. We are never so well pleased as when the accounts of our expenditure show these items of charitable disbursement.' 10. KING THEODORIC TO SPECIOSUS, VIR DEVOTUS, COMITIACUS [OFFICER OF THE COURT]. [Sidenote: The abduction of Agapita.] 'The laws guarding the sanctity of the marriage bed[250] must be carefully upheld. [Footnote 250: 'Illud Humani generis procreabile Sacramentum.'] 'Agapita[251] has explained to us that she was tempted away from her husband by seducers, who promised to procure his death. From the time of her leaving his company let all revenues which came to her under the marriage contract (invalidated by her unfaithfulness) be given up by her wrongful detainers[252] without any delay. It is too absurd that men who ought to be severely punished for their wrong-doing should even seek to make a profit out of it.' [Footnote 251: 'Foemina spectabilis.'] [Footnote 252: 'Retentatores.' So the Gepid Prince is called the Retentator of Sirmium (Ennodius, Panegyric. Theod. 178. Ed. Migne).] 11. KING THEODORIC TO PROVINUS (PROBINUS?), ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Gift obtained from Agapita under undue influence.] [Refers to the same business of Agapita, who seems to have been a woman of feeble intellect as well as an unfaithful wife.] The petition of her husband Basilius (vir Spectabilis) sets forth that, influenced by seducers, and from the levity so natural to woman, she for no good reason quitted her own home. Her own petition confirms this; and she states that, while taking refuge within the precincts of the Church, she by deed of gift bestowed on Provinus the 'Casa Areciretina,' a most preposterous gift from a poor woman to a rich man; from one whose reputation was gone to a chaste man; from a half-crazy creature to one who knew fully what he was about. This gift Agapita [and Basilius] now seek to annul. Provinus is exhorted at once to throw up a possession which cannot possibly bring him any credit, and the loss of which has brought the poor woman to destitution. Alienation of property should be the act of a person having 'solidum judicium,' which this poor creature evidently had not, or she would not have left her husband causelessly. 'This is the second time of writing. Let there be no further delay in complying.' [Probably, therefore, Probinus really is one of the 'Retentatores' referred to in Letter 10, though this letter does not distinctly identify him with them.] 12. KING THEODORIC TO THE COUNT OF THE SILIQUATARII (CUSTOMS OFFICERS), AND TO HIM WHO HAS THE CARE OF THE HARBOUR (OF PORTUS?). [Sidenote: Prohibition of export of lard.] 'Italy ought to enjoy her own products, and it is monstrous that anything which she produces should be wanting to her own children. 'Therefore let no lard be exported to foreign parts, but let it by God's grace be all kept for consumption at home. 'Now take care not to incur the slightest blame in this matter. It is a very serious fault even in trifles to disobey orders. Sin consists in quality, not in quantity; and injustice cannot be measured. A command, if it be despised in one part, is violated in the whole.' 13. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO[253] FRUINARITH. [Footnote 253: The Sajo was an officer, not of very high rank, apparently always of Gothic nationality, who was charged with executing the King's mandates. Perhaps our word 'henchman' would be the best translation of his title. His conventional attribute was 'devotio.' See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 181-186, and my 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 282-284.] [Sidenote: Dishonest conduct of Venantius.] 'We are always especially touched by the prayers of petitioners who complain that they are forced to pay unjustly. Ulpianus in his lamentable petition informs us that on the request of Venantius he bound himself as a guarantor (fidei jussionis vinculo) to pay over to the public Treasury at the time of his administration 400 solidi (£240). With the presumption of a truculent rustic Venantius despised his own promise, and Ulpianus has therefore been burdened with payment of the money. We therefore order that Venantius, who has been accused of many other crimes besides this, shall be summoned before you, and if found to be legally liable, shall be at once, and sharply, compelled to fulfil his promise.' 14. KING THEODORIC TO SYMMACHUS, PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Romulus the parricide.] 'Parricide is the most terrible and unnatural of crimes. Even the cubs of wild beasts follow their sires; the offshoot of the vine serves the parent stem: shall man war against him who gave him being? It is for our little ones that we lay up wealth. Shall we not earn the love of those for whom we would willingly incur death itself? The young stork, that harbinger of spring, gives a signal example of filial piety, warming and feeding its aged parents in the moulting season till they have recovered their strength, and thus repaying the good offices received in its earlier years. So too, when the partridge, which is wont to hatch the young of other birds, takes her adopted brood forth into the fields, if these hear the cry of their genuine mother they run to her, leaving the partridge forsaken. 'Wherefore, if Romulus[254] have fouled the Roman name by laying violent hands on his father Martinus, we look to your justice (we chose you because we knew you would not spare the cruel) to inflict on him legitimate revenge.' [Footnote 254: Quaere if named from the last Emperor.] 15. KING THEODORIC TO VENANTIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS. [Sidenote: Promotion of Venantius to Comitiva Domesticorum Vacans.] 'We always like to promote to office the sons of distinguished fathers. We therefore bestow on you the honour of Comes Domesticorum (Comitiva Vacans), in memory of your glorious father. He held at the same time the Praefecture [of Italy] and the command of the army, so that neither the Provinces lacked his ordering, nor did his wise care for the army fail. All was mastered by his skilled and indefatigable prudence; he inclined the manners of the Barbarians to peace, and governed so that all were satisfied with our rule. 'You are a zealous student of literature, illustrious by birth and eloquent by education. Go on as you have begun, and show yourself worthy of our choice.' 16. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: On the same subject.] This letter adds a little to the information contained in the preceding one, as to the career of Liberius, father of Venantius. [Sidenote: Praises of Liberius.] Liberius was a faithful servant of Odovacar, who adhered to his master to the last. 'He awaited incorruptly the Divine judgments, nor did he allow himself to seek a new King till he had first lost his old one. On the overthrow of his lord he was bowed by no terror; he bore unmoved the ruin of his Prince; nor did the revolution, at which even the proud hearts of the Barbarians trembled[255], avail to move him from his calm. [Footnote 255: 'Quam etiam ferocitas gentilis expavit.'] 'Prudently did he follow the common fortunes, in order that while fixedly bearing the Divine judgments he might with the more approbation find the Divine favour. We approved the faith of the man; he came over in sadness to our allegiance as one who being overcome changes his mind, not like one who has contrived [treacherously] that he should be conquered. We made him Praefectus Praetorio. He administered the finances admirably. By his economical management we felt the increased returns, while you knew nothing of added tributes. [Sidenote: Apportionment of Tertiae.] 'We especially like to remember how in the assignment of the [Gothic] Thirds (in Tertiarum deputatione) he joined both the possessions and the hearts of Goths and Romans alike. For whereas men are wont to come into collision on account of their being neighbours, with these men the common holding of their farms proved in practice a reason for concord. Thus it has happened that while the two nations have been living in common they have concurred in the same desires. Lo! a new fact, and one wholly laudable. The friendship of the lords has been joined with the division of the soil; amity has grown out of the loss of the Provincials, and by the land a defender has been gained whose occupation of part guarantees the quiet enjoyment of the whole. One law includes them: one equal administration rules them: for it is necessary that sweet affection should grow between those who always keep the boundaries which have been allotted them. 'All this the Roman Republic owes to Liberius, who to two such illustrious nations has imparted sentiments of mutual affection. See to it, Conscript Fathers, that his offspring does not go unrewarded.' 17. TO THE POSSESSORS, DEFENSORS, AND CURIALS[256] OF THE CITY OF TRIDENTUM (TRIENT). [Footnote 256: Cf. iii. 9 for a similar heading.] [Sidenote: Immunity from Tertiae enjoyed by lands granted by the King.] 'We do not wish to be generous at the expense of others, and we therefore declare that the _Sors_ which in our generosity we have bestowed on Butilianus the Presbyter, is not to be reckoned in to the tax calculations; but as many solidi as are comprehended in that gift, so many are you to be relieved from, in the contribution of "Tertiae."' [That is to say, the land given by the Gothic King to Butilian was to be itself, as a matter of course, free from Tertiae; but, in order that this might not throw a heavier burden on the other owners in the district, they were to be allowed to deduct the solidi of that portion from the gross amount payable by them on behalf of the whole district. Butilian's own immunity from Tertiae seems to be taken for granted as a result of the King's gift to him. (See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 145.)] 18. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP GUDILA. [Sidenote: Ecclesiastics as Curiales.] An interesting but rather obscure letter on the condition of _Curiales_. Apparently some ecclesiastics were claiming as slaves some men whom the Curia of Sarsena (?) asserted to be fellow-curials of their own, whom they therefore wanted to assist them in performing curial obligations. Cassiodorus argues that as the 'Sors nascendi' prevented the Curialis from rising to the higher honours of the State, it certainly ought also to prevent him from sinking into slavery[257]. 'Therefore we advise you to look well to your facts, and see whether these men are not justly claimed as Curials, in which case the Church should give them up before the matter comes to trial. It does not look well for the Bishop, who should be known as a lover of justice, to be publicly vanquished in a suit of this kind.' [Footnote 257: 'Quod si eos vel ad honores transire jura vetuerunt, quam videtur esse contrarium, Curialem Reipublicae, amissâ turpiter libertate, servire? et usque ad conditionem pervenisse postremam quem vocavit antiquitas _Minorem Senatum_.'] [Did the alleged Curials, in such a case, wish to have their curiality or their quasi-ecclesiastical character established? Who can say?] 19. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS, AND THOSE WHO KEEP THE HARBOURS AND MOUNTAIN-FORTRESSES (CLUSURAS). [Sidenote: Domestic treachery and murder.] 'We hate all crime, but domestic bloodshed and treachery most of all. Therefore we command you to act with the utmost severity of the law against the servants of Stephanus, who have killed their master and left him unburied. They might have learned pity even from birds. Even the vulture, who lives on the corpses of other creatures, protects little birds from the attacks of the hawk. Yet men are found cruel enough to slay him who has fed them. To the gallows with them! Let _him_ become the food of the pious vulture, who has cruelly contrived the death of his provider. That is the fitting sepulchre for the man who has left his lord unburied.' 20. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO UNIGILIS (OR WILIGIS). [Sidenote: Provision-ships to follow movements of Theodoric's Court.] 'Let any provision-ships [_sulcatoriĉ?_] which may be now lying at Ravenna be ordered round to Liguria (which in ordinary times supplies the needs of Ravenna herself). 'Our presence and that of our Court (Comitatus) attracts many spectators and petitioners to those parts, for whose maintenance an extra effort must be made.' [See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 282.] 21. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES THE APPARITOR. [Sidenote: A concession too timidly acted upon.] 'The King has conceded to the Spectabiles Spes and Domitius a certain tract of land which was laid waste by wide and muddy streams, and which neither showed a pure expanse of water nor had preserved the comeliness of solid earth, for them to reclaim and cultivate. 'The petition of the _Actores_ of Spes sets forth that the operation is put in jeopardy by the ill-timed parsimony of Domitius, which throws back the labourers to the point from which they set out at first[258]. Therefore let Domitius be stirred up to finish his part of the work, or if he thinks that too expensive, let him throw up his share of the concession and allow his partner to work it out.' [Footnote 258: 'Cum jam in soli faciem paulatim mollities siccata duresceret, celatamque longâ voracitate tellurem sol insuetus afflaret.' I cannot understand these words. I suppose there was a hard cake of clay left when the water was drained off, which was baked by the sun, and that there should have been further digging to work through this stratum and get at the good soil beneath; but the wording is not very clear.] [We find in this letter a good motto for Theodoric's reign: 'Nos quibus cordi est in melius cuncta mutare.'] 22. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Ecdicius to be buried by his sons.] 'The sons of Ecdicius, whom at first we had ordered to reside in the city, are to be allowed to return to their own country in order to bury their father. That grief is insatiable which feels that it has been debarred from rendering the last offices to the dead. Think at what risk of his life Priam implored the raging Achilles to give him back the body of his son.' [Apparently the sons of Ecdicius, not Ecdicius himself, had fallen into disgrace with Theodoric, or incurred some suspicion of disloyalty, which led to the rigorous order for their detention in Rome. See Dahn iii. 279-280.] 23. KING THEODORIC TO AMPELIUS, DESPOTIUS, AND THEODULUS, SENATORS. [Sidenote: Protection for owners of potteries.] 'It befits the discipline of our time that those who are serving the public interests shall not be loaded with superfluous burdens. Labour therefore diligently at the potteries (figulinae) which our Royal authority has conceded to you. Protection is hereby promised against the wiles of wicked men.' [What was the nature of the artifices to which they were exposed is not very clear.] 24. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: Arrears of taxation due from Senators.] 'We hear with sorrow, by the report of the Provincial Judges, that you the Fathers of the State, who ought to set an example to your sons (the ordinary citizens), have been so remiss in the payment of taxes that on this first collection[259] nothing, or next to nothing, has been brought in from any Senatorial house. Thus a crushing weight has fallen on the lower orders (_tenues_, _curiales_), who have had to make good your deficiencies and have been distraught by the violence of the tax-gatherers. [Footnote 259: 'Primae transmissionis tempus.'] 'Now then, oh Conscript Fathers, who owe as much duty to the Republic as we do, pay the taxes for which each one of you is liable, to the Procurators appointed in each Province, by three instalments (trinâ illatione). Or, if you prefer to do so--and it used to be accounted a privilege--pay all at once into the chest of the Vicarius. And let this following edict be published, that all the Provincials may know that they are not to be imposed upon and that they are invited to state their grievances[260].' [Footnote 260: See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 153 and 112, n. 5.] 25. AN EDICT OF KING THEODORIC. [Referred to in the preceding letter.] [Sidenote: Evasion of taxes by the rich.] The King detests the oppression of the unfortunate, and encourages them to make their complaints to him. He has heard that the powerful houses are failing to pay their share of the taxes, and that a larger sum in consequence is being exacted from the _tenues_[261]. [Footnote 261: Here follows a sentence which I am unable to translate: 'Superbia deinde conductorum canonicos solidos non ordine traditos, sed sub iniquo pondere imminentibus fuisse projectos nec universam siliquam quam reddere consueverant solemniter intulisse.' I think the meaning is, that the stewards of the Senators (conductores) arrogantly refused to allow the money paid to the tax-collectors (canonici solidi) to be tested, as in ordinary course it should have been, to see if it was of full weight. The 'imminentes' are, I think, the tax-collectors. I cannot at all understand the clause about 'universam siliquam.'] To 'amputate' such wickedness for the future, the letter last preceding has been addressed to the Senate; and the 'Possessores sive curiales' are now invited to state their grievances fully and frankly, or else ever after hold their peace and cultivate a habit of patience. 26. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. [Sidenote: Regulations for corn-traffic of Southern Italy.] A difficult letter about the corn-merchants of Apulia and Calabria. 1. The corn which they have collected by public sale is not to be demanded over again from them under the title of 'interpretium' [difference of price]. 2. Similarly as to the Sextarius which the merchant of each Province imports. No one is to dare insolently to exact the prices which have been always condemned. 3. Fines of £1,200 on the Praefect himself, and £400 on his _officium_ (subordinates), are to be levied if this order is disobeyed. 4. If the 'Siliquatarius' thinks right to withhold the monopoly (of corn) from any merchant, he must not also exact the monopoly payment from him. 5. As to the Aurarii [persons liable to payment of the _lustralis auri collatio_[262]], let the old order be observed, and those only be classed under this function whom the authority of antiquity chose to serve thereunder. [Footnote 262: This appears to have been a tax levied on all traders, otherwise known as the Chrysargyron. See Cod. Theod. xiii. 1. Aurarii is therefore equivalent to Licensed Traders.] 27. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE JEWS LIVING IN GENOA. [Sidenote: Rebuilding of Jewish Synagogue.] The Jews are permitted to roof in the old walls of their synagogue, but they are not to enlarge it beyond its old borders, nor to add any kind of ornament, under pain of the King's sharp displeasure; and this leave is granted on the understanding that it does not conflict with the thirty years' 'Statute of Limitations.' 'Why do ye desire what ye ought to shun? In truth we give the permission which you craved, but we suitably blame the desire of your wandering minds. _We cannot order a religion, because no one is forced to believe against his will._' 28. KING THEODORIC TO STEPHANUS, 'SENATOR, COMES PRIMI ORDINIS, AND EX-PRINCEPS OF OUR OFFICIUM[263].' [Footnote 263: Are we to understand by this expression the Officium of the Praetorian Praefect?] [Sidenote: Honours conferred on Stephanus on his retirement from the Civil Service.] Praises him for all the good qualities which have been recognised by successive Judges under whom he has served--his secrecy, efficiency, and incorruptibility. He is therefore, on his retirement from active service, raised to the honour of a 'Spectabilis,' and rewarded with the rank of 'Comitiva Primi Ordinis.' As a substantial recompence he is to have all the privileges which by 'divalia constituta' belong to the 'ex-principes' of his Schola, and is guaranteed against all damage and 'sordid burdens[264],' with a hope of further employment in other capacities[265]. [Footnote 264: Curial obligations.] [Footnote 265: 'Fixum tenuisti _militiae probatae_ vestigium. Spectabilitatis honorem, quem _militiae sudore_ detersis justa deputavit antiquitas praesenti tibi auctoritate conferimus ut laboris tui tandem finitas _excubias_ ... intelligas ... Tibique utpote _militiae_ munere persoluto.' The term 'militia' is employed here, as in the Codes, of 'service in a bureau.'] 29. KING THEODORIC TO ADILA, SENATOR AND COMES. [Sidenote: Protection to dependents of the Church.] [Notice the Senatorial rank borne by a man with a Gothic name.] 'We wish to protect all our subjects[266], but especially the Church, because by so doing we earn the favour of Heaven. Therefore, in accordance with the petition of the blessed Eustorgius[267], Bishop of Milan, we desire you to accord all necessary protection to the men and farms belonging to the Milanese Church in Sicily: always understanding, however, that they are not to refuse to plead in answer to any public or private suit that may be brought against them. They are to be protected from wrong, but are not themselves to deviate from the path of justice.' [Footnote 266: 'Quia Regnantes est gloria, subjectorum otiosa tranquillitas.'] [Footnote 267: For Eustorgius, cf. Letter i. 9.] 30. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. [Sequel to last letter.] [Sidenote: Freedom from taxation granted to Church of Milan.] 'Our generosity to an individual does not harm the public, and there is no reason for putting any bounds to its exercise. 'The Defensores of the Holy Church of Milan want to be enabled to buy as cheap as possible the things which they need for the relief of the poor; and they say that we have bestowed this favour on the Church of Ravenna. 'Your Magnificence will therefore allow them to single out some one merchant who shall buy for them in the market, without being subject to monopoly, siliquaticum, or the payment of gold-fee[268].' [Footnote 268: Auraria pensio. See note on ii. 26.] [It is easy to see how liable to abuse such an exception was. Who was to decide when this merchant was buying for the Church and when for himself; when the Church was buying for the poor and when for her own enrichment?] 31. KING THEODORIC TO THE DROMONARII [ROWERS IN EXPRESS-BOATS]. [Sidenote: State Galleys on the Po.] 'Those who claim the title of "militia" ought to serve the public advantage. We have therefore told the Count of Sacred Largesses that you are to assemble at Hostilia [on the Padus, about fifteen miles east of Mantua], there to receive pay from our Treasury, and then to relieve the land postal-service (veredarii) by excursions up and down the channel of the Padus. There is no fear of _your_ limping; you walk with your hands. No fear of _your_ carriages wearing out; they travel over liquid roads, and suffer no wear and tear because they are borne along upon the wave which itself runs with them.' 32. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: Drainage of marshes of Decennonium.] 'We always enjoy rewarding public spirit. Decius, Magnificus and Patrician, has most nobly volunteered to drain the marsh of Decennonium, where the sea-like swamp, accustomed to impunity through long licence, rushes in and spoils all the surrounding lands. 'We, in consideration of so great an undertaking, determine to secure to him the fruits of his labour, and we therefore wish that you, Conscript Fathers, should appoint a commission of two to visit the spot and mark out the ground, which is at present wasted by the inundations, that this land may be secured to Decius as a permanent possession when he has drained it.' [The Palus Decennonii is undoubtedly connected with the Decennovial Canal mentioned by Procopius ('De Bello Gotth.' i. 11), and so called because it flowed for nineteen miles alongside the Appian Way. In the Piazza at Terracina there is a very interesting inscription, recording the fact that Theodoric had ordered that nineteen miles of the Appian Way should be cleared of the waters which had accumulated round it, and had committed the work to Caecina Maurus Basilius Decius, 'Vir Clarissimus et Illustris, Ex-Praefectus Urbi, Ex-Praefectus Praetori, Ex-Consul Ordinarius et Patricius.' See 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 348.] 33. KING THEODORIC TO DECIUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: The same subject.] The complement of the foregoing letter, about the drainage of the marshes of Decennonium, which are hereby granted to him, apparently 'sine fisco,' tax-free. [But the meaning may be, 'the marshes which you drain _sine fisco_'--without help from the Treasury.] The chief point of difference between this and the previous letter is that here Decius is allowed and encouraged to associate partners with him in the drainage-scheme, whom he is to reward according to their share of the work. Thus will he be less likely to sink under the enterprise, and he will also lessen men's envy of his success. 34. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY. [Sidenote: Embezzlement of City building funds.] 'The persons to whom money was entrusted for the rebuilding of the walls of Rome have been embezzling it, as was proved by your examination of their accounts (discussio). We are very glad that you have not hidden their misconduct from us (inclined as a generous mind is to cover up offences), since you would thereby have made yourself partaker of their evil deeds. They must restore that which they have dishonestly appropriated, but we shall not (as we might fairly do) inflict upon them any further fine. We are naturally inclined to clemency, and they will groan at having to give up plunder which they had already calculated upon as their own.' 35. KING THEODORIC TO TANCILA, SENATOR. [We have here another Senator with a Gothic name]. [Sidenote: Theft of brazen statue at Como.] 'We are much displeased at hearing that a brazen statue has been stolen from the City of Como. It is vexatious that while we are labouring to increase the ornaments of our cities, those which Antiquity has bequeathed to us should by such deeds be diminished. Offer a reward of 100 aurei (£60) to anyone who will reveal the author of this crime; promise pardon [to an accomplice], and if this does not suffice, call all the workmen together "post diem venerabilem" [Does this mean on the day after Sunday?], and enquire of them "sub terrore" [by torture?] by whose help this has been done. For such a piece of work as moving this statue could only have been undertaken by some handicraftsman.' 36. EDICT ABOUT THE STATUE AT COMO. [Refers to previous letter.] [Sidenote: The same subject.] 'Though impunity for the crime should be sufficient reward, we promise 100 aurei, as well as forgiveness for his share in the offence, to anyone who will reveal the author of the theft of the statue at Como. A golden reward for a brazen theft. Anyone not accepting this offer and afterwards convicted will suffer the extreme penalty of the law.' 37. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. [Sidenote: Largesse to citizens of Spoleto.] 'As our Kingdom and revenues prosper, we wish to increase our liberality. Let your Magnificence therefore give to the citizens of Spoletium another "millena" for extraordinary gratuitous admissions to the baths[269]. We wish to pay freely for anything that tends to the health of our citizens, because the praise of our times is the celebration of the joys of the people.' [Footnote 269: 'Ad exhibitionem thermarum supra consuetudinem.'] [The 'millena' probably means 1,000 solidi, or £600.] 38. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. [Sidenote: Immunity from taxation. Hostile ravages.] 'We have no pleasure in gains which are acquired by the misery of our subjects. We are informed that the merchants of the city of Sipontum [in Apulia] have been grievously despoiled by hostile incursions [probably by the Byzantine fleet in 508]. Let your Magnificence therefore see to it that they are for two years not vexed by any claims for purveyance (coemptio) on the part of our Treasury. But their other creditors must give them the same indulgence.' 39. KING THEODORIC TO ALOISIUS THE ARCHITECT. [Sidenote: Hot springs of Aponum.] 'The fountain of Aponus--so called originally in the Greek language as being the remover of pain[270]--has many marvellous and beneficial properties, for the sake of which the buildings round it ought to be kept in good repair. One may see it welling up from the bowels of the earth in spherical form, under a canopy of steam. From this parent spring the waters, glassy-clear and having lost their first impetuosity, flow by various channels into chambers prepared for them by nature but made longer by art. In the first, when the boiling element dashes against the rock, it is hot enough to make a natural sudatorium; then it cools sufficiently for the tepidarium; and at last, quite cold, flows out into a fish-pond like that of Nero. Marvellous provision of Nature, whereby the opposing elements, fire and water, are joined in harmonious union and made to soothe the pain and remove the sickness of man! Yet more wonderful is the moral purity of this fountain. Should a woman descend into the bath when men are using it, it suddenly grows hotter, as if with indignation that out of its abundant supply of waters separate bathing-places should not be constructed for the two sexes, if they wish to enjoy its bounty[271]. Moreover, those secret caves, the bowels of the mountains from whence it springs, have power even to judge contentious business. For if any sheep-stealer presumes to bring to it the fleece of his prey, however often he may dip it in the seething wave, he will have to boil it before he succeeds in cleansing it. [Footnote 270: [Greek: aponos].] [Footnote 271: I think this is Cassiodorus' meaning, but his language is obscure.] 'This fountain then, as we before said, deserves a worthy habitation. If there be anything to repair in the _thermae_ themselves or in the passages (cuniculi), let this be done out of the money which we now send you. Let the thorns and briers which have grown up around it be rooted up. Let the palace, shaken with extreme old age, be strengthened by careful restoration. Let the space which intervenes between the public building and the source of the hot-spring be cleared of its woodland roughness, and the turf around rejoice in the green beauty which it derives from the heated waters.' [The hot-springs of Abano, the ancient Aponum, are situated near the Euganean Hills, and are about six miles from Padua. The heat of the water varies from 77° to 185° (Fahr.). The chief chemical ingredients are, as stated by Cassiodorus, salt and sulphur. Some of the minute description of Cassiodorus (greatly condensed in the above abstract) seems to be still applicable; but he does not mention the mud-baths which now take a prominent place in the cure. On the other hand, the wonderful moral qualities of the spring are not mentioned by modern travellers.] 40. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS THE PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Boetius to choose a harper for the King of the Franks.] 'The King of the Franks [Clovis] has asked us to send him a harper. We felt that in you lay our best chance of complying with his request, because you, being such a lover of music yourself, will be able to introduce us to the right man.' Reflections on the nature of music. She is the Queen of the senses; when she comes forth from her secret abiding place all other thoughts are cast out. Her curative influence on the soul. The five tones: the Dorian[272], influencing to modesty and purity; the Phrygian to fierce combat; the Aeolian to tranquillity and slumber; the Ionian (Jastius), which sharpens the intellect of the dull and kindles the desire of heavenly things; the Lydian, which soothes the soul oppressed with too many cares. [Footnote 272: Cf. Milton: 'To the Dorian mood Of flutes and soft recorders; such as rais'd To highth of noblest temper heroes old Arming to battle, and instead of rage Deliberate valour breath'd, firm and unmov'd With dread of death to flight or foul retreat.'] We distinguish the highest, middle, and lowest in each tone, obtaining thus in all fifteen tones of artificial music. The diapason is collected from all, and unites all their virtues. Classical instances of music: Orpheus. Amphion. Musaeus. The human voice as an instrument of music. Oratory and Poesy as branches of the art. The power of song: Ulysses and the Sirens. David the author of the Psalter, who by his melody three (?) times drove away the evil spirit from Saul. The lyre is called 'chorda,' because it so easily moves the hearts (corda) of men. As the diadem dazzles by the variegated lustre of its gems, so the lyre with its divers sounds. The lyre, the loom of the Muses. Mercury, the inventor of the lyre, is said to have derived the idea of it from the harmony of the spheres. This astral music, apprehended by reason alone, is said to form one of the delights of heaven. 'If philosophers had placed that enjoyment not in sweet sounds but in the contemplation of the Creator, they would have spoken fitly; for there is truly joy without end, eternity abiding for ever without weariness, and the mere contemplation of the Divinity produces such happiness that nothing can surpass it. This Being furnishes the true immortality; this heaps delight upon delight; and as outside of Him no creature can exist, so without Him changeless happiness cannot be[273]. [Footnote 273: 'Bene quidem arbitrati, si causam celestis beatitudinis non in sonis sed in Creatore possuissent; ubi veraciter sine fine gaudium est, sine aliquo taedio manens semper aeternitas: et inspectio sola Divinitatis efficit, ut beatius esse nil possit. Haec veraciter perennitatem praestat: haec jucunditates accumulat; et sicut praeter ipsam creatura non extat, ita sine ipsâ incommutabilem laetitiam habere non praevalet.'] 'We have indulged ourselves in a pleasant digression, because it is always agreeable to talk of learning with the learned; but be sure to get us that _Citharoedus_, who will go forth like another Orpheus to charm the beast-like hearts of the Barbarians. You will thus both obey us and render yourself famous.' 41. KING THEODORIC TO LUDUIN [CLOVIS], KING OF THE FRANKS. [Sidenote: Victories of Clovis over the Alamanni.] Congratulates him on his recent victories over the Alamanni. Refers to the ties of affinity between them (Theodoric having married the sister of Clovis). Clovis has stirred up the nation of the Franks, 'prisca aetate residem,' to new and successful encounters. 'It is a memorable triumph that the impetuous Alaman should be struck with such terror as even to beg for his life. Let it suffice that that King with all the pride of his race should have fallen: let it suffice that an innumerable people should have been doomed either to the sword or to slavery.' He recommends (almost orders) Clovis not to touch the panic-stricken refugees who have fled to the territory of Theodoric. Theodoric himself has always found that those wars were prosperously waged which were ended moderately. Theodoric sends 'illum et illum' as ambassadors, to take certain verbal counsels from himself, to bring this letter and carry back the reply, and also to introduce the Citharoedus of whom we heard in the preceding letter[274]. [Footnote 274: There are two allusions to the relationship between the Kings: 'vestrae virtutis affinitate' (line 1), and 'ad parentum vestrorum defensionem confugisse' (line 10).] [The campaign of Clovis against the Alamanni, referred to in this letter, is not mentioned by Gregory of Tours. Ennodius, however, in his Panegyric on Theodoric, and Agathias in his History, make distinct allusions to this event, and to Theodoric's reception of the vanquished Alamanni in his own dominions, probably in the valleys of Raetia. This letter is very fully discussed by Von Schubert, at pp. 32-43 of his 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen' (Strassburg, 1884). I may also refer to 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 390-91. The date of the letter is probably about 504.] BOOK III. CONTAINING FIFTY-THREE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. KING THEODORIC TO ALARIC, KING OF THE VISIGOTHS. [Sidenote: Dissuades Alaric the Visigoth from war with the Franks.] 'Surrounded as you are by an innumerable multitude of subjects, and strong in the remembrance of their having turned back Attila[275], still do not fight with Clovis. War is a terrible thing, and a terrible risk. The long peace may have softened the hearts of your people, and your soldiers from want of practice may have lost the habit of working together on the battlefield. Ere yet blood is shed, draw back if possible. We are sending ambassadors to the King of the Franks to try to prevent this war between our relatives; and the ambassadors whom we are sending to you will go on to Gundibad, King of the Burgundians, to get him to interpose on behalf of peace. Your enemy will be mine also.' [Footnote 275: 'Quamvis Attilam potentem reminiscamini Visigothorum viribus inclinatum.'] [The battle of Vouglé in which Alaric was overthrown by Clovis, was fought in 507; but the date of this letter is probably 506 (Dahn's date) rather than 507, as there were no doubt some premonitory symptoms before the war broke out. Binding i. 181 (_n._ 608), and Pallmann ii. 55 _n._ 1, and 135 _n._ 2, incline to a date somewhat earlier even than 506, thinking that there may have been earlier threatenings of war, which Theodoric succeeded for the time in averting. The earlier the date the better will it suit the allusion to Clovis (and Alaric) as 'Regii _Juvenes_' in the following letter. Clovis was born in 466, and was therefore 41 years of age at the battle of Vouglé.] 2. KING THEODORIC TO GUNDIBAD, KING OF THE BURGUNDIANS. [Sidenote: Dissuades Gundibad from war.] Repeats the arguments in iii. 1 about the ill effects of war on the fortunes of all, and says that it is Theodoric's part to moderate the angry impulses of 'regii juvenes.' It becomes them to reverence 'senes,' such as Theodoric and Gundibad, although they are themselves in the balmy vigour of the flower of their age. Sends two ambassadors ('illum atque illum') with letters and a verbal message, hoping that the wisdom of Gundibad may reflect upon what they say to him [perhaps too delicate a matter to be committed to writing], and find some way of preserving peace. [It is remarkable that in this letter Theodoric, who was probably only 52, if the date of it be 506, and who may have been a year or two younger, speaks of himself along with Gundibad as a _senex_, and of Clovis, who could hardly be more than twelve years his junior, as _regius juvenis_. Perhaps this is partly due to the fact that Cassiodorus speaks from his own point of view. To him, now about 26 years of age, Theodoric might seem to be fitly described as 'senex.' See Binding i. 181-183 on this letter and the reasons why it produced no effect on Gundibad. See also Dahn ii. 144.] 3. KING THEODORIC TO THE KINGS OF THE HERULI, WARNI (GUARNI), AND THURINGIANS. [Sidenote: Attempt to form a Teutonic coalition on behalf of Alaric.] [On the same subject.] If Clovis succeeds in his unprovoked aggression on Alaric, none of his neighbours will be safe. 'I will tell you just what I think: he who inclines to act without law is prepared to shake the kingdoms of all of us[276].' [Footnote 276: Compare the state of Europe during the wars of the French Revolution, as expressed by Tennyson: 'Again their ravening eagle rose, In anger, wheel'd on Europe-shadowing wings, And barking for the thrones of kings.'] 'Remember how often Alaric's father Euric gave you presents and staved off war from your borders. Repay to the son the kindness of the father. I send you two ambassadors, and I want you to join your representations to mine and Gundibad's, calling on Clovis to desist from his attacks on Alaric and seek redress from the law of nations[277], or else expect the combined attack of all of us, for this quarrel is really the quarrel of us all.' [Footnote 277: 'Et leges gentium quaerat.' But how was the law of nations to be enforced?] [The turn of the Thuringians to be swallowed up by the Frankish Monarchy came in 531. See on this letter Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' ii. 144 and 8 _n._ 2; Pallmann ii. 55.] 4. KING THEODORIC TO LUDUIN (LUDWIG, OR CLOVIS), KING OF THE FRANKS. [Sidenote: Desires Clovis to desist from war on Alaric.] [On the same subject.] 'The affinities of kings ought to keep their subjects from the plague of war. We are grieved to hear of the paltry causes which are giving rise to rumours of war between you and our son Alaric, rumours which gladden the hearts of the enemies of both of you. Let me say with all frankness, but with all affection, just what I think: "It is the act of a passionate man to get his troops ready for action at the first embassy which he sends." Instead of that refer the matter to our arbitration. It would be a delight to me to choose men capable of mediating between you. What would you yourselves think of me if I could hear unmoved of your murderous intentions towards one another? Away with this conflict, in which one of you will probably be utterly destroyed. Throw away the sword which you wield for _my_ humiliation. By what right do I thus threaten you? By the right of a father and a friend. He who shall despise this advice of ours will have to reckon us and our friends as his adversaries. 'I send two ambassadors to you, as I have to my son Alaric, and hope that they may be able so to arrange matters that no alien malignity may sow the seeds of dissension between you, and that your nations, which under your fathers have long enjoyed the blessings of peace, may not now be laid waste by sudden collision. You ought to believe him who, as you know, has rejoiced in your prosperity. No true friend is he who launches his associates, unwarned, into the headlong dangers of war.' 5. KING THEODORIC TO IMPORTUNUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: Importunus promoted to the Patriciate.] [Importunus was Consul in 509. This letter therefore probably belongs to the early part of 510.] 'Noble birth and noble deeds meet in you, and we are therefore bestowing on you an honour to which by age you are scarcely yet entitled. Your father and uncle were especially noteworthy, the glory of the Senate, men who adorned modern ages[278] with the antique virtues, men who were prosperous without being hated. The Senate felt their courage, the multitude their wisdom. [Footnote 278: Notice the use of the word _modernus_ here, a post-classical word, which apparently occurs first in Cassiodorus.] 'Therefore, being descended from such ancestors, and yourself possessing such virtues, on laying down the Consular fasces, assume the insignia of the Patriciate. Bind those fillets, which are generally reserved for the hoary head, round your young locks, and by your future actions justify my choice of you.' 6. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE ON IMPORTUNUS' ACCESSION TO THE PATRICIATE. [See preceding letter.] [Sidenote: The same subject.] 'We delight to introduce new men to the Senate, but we delight still more when we can bring back to that venerable body, crowned with fresh honours, her own offspring[279]. And such is now my fortune in presenting to you Importunus, crowned with the honours of the Patriciate; Importunus, who is descended from the great stock of the Decii, a stock illustrated by noble names in every generation, by the favour of the Senate and the choice of the people. Even as a boy he had a countenance of serene beauty, and to the gifts of Nature he added the endowments of the mind. From his parents in household lays he learned the great deeds of the old Decii. Once, at a great spectacle, the whole school at the recitation of the Lay of the Decii turned their eyes on Importunus, discerning that he would one day rival his ancestors. Thus his widowed mother brought him up, him and all his troop of brothers, and gave to the Curia as many Consulars as she had sons[280]. All these private virtues I have discerned in him, and now seal them with promotion to the Patriciate. At this act I call on you specially to rejoice.' [Footnote 279: 'Origo ipsa jam gloria est: laus nobilitati connascitur. Idem vobis est dignitatis, quod vitae principium. Senatus enim honor amplissimus vobiscum gignitur, ad quem vix maturis aetatibus pervenitur.'] [Footnote 280: 'Et quot edidit familiae juvenes, tot reddidit curiae consulares.'] 7. KING THEODORIC TO THE VENERABLE JANUARIUS, BISHOP OF SALONA. [Sidenote: Extortion by the Bishop of Salona.] 'The lamentable petition of John says that you have taken sixty tuns of oil from him, and never paid him for them. It is especially important that preachers of righteousness should be righteous themselves. We cannot suppose that God is ignorant whence come the offerings which we make before Him [and He must therefore hate robbery for a burnt offering]. Pray enquire into this matter, and if the complaint be well founded remedy it promptly. You who preach to us our duty in great things should not be caught tripping in little ones.' 8. KING THEODORIC TO VENANTIUS, SENATOR, CORRECTOR OF LUCANIA AND BRUTTII. [Sidenote: Remissness of Venantius in collection of public revenue.] [Venantius, son of Liberius, was, with many high commendations, made Comes Domesticorum in Letters ii. 15 and 16. See further as to his fall in iii. 36, also iii. 46.] 'Remissness in the collection of the public taxes is a great fault, and no kindness in the end to the taxpayer. For want of a timely caution you probably have to end by selling him up. 'The Count of Sacred Largesses tells us that you were long ago commissioned to get in the _Bina_ and _Terna_ [and have not done so]. Be quick about it, that the collection may be completed according to the registers of the Treasury. If you are not quick, and the Treasury suffers loss, you will have to make it good out of your private property. You have not shown proper respect to our orders, nor a due sense of the obligation of your own promise.' [These 'Bina' and 'Terna' are a mystery; but Dahn[281] thinks they are not a specially Gothic tax, but an inheritance from the fiscal administration of Rome, having probably nothing to do with the Tertiae.] [Footnote 281: iii. 145, _n._ 4.] 9. KING THEODORIC TO THE POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES[282] DWELLING AT AESTUNAE[283]. [Footnote 282: Note these three classes; as also in ii. 17.] [Footnote 283: I have not been able to identify this place.] [Sidenote: Marbles for Ravenna.] 'We wish to build new edifices without despoiling the old[284]. But we are informed that in your municipality there are blocks of masonry and columns formerly belonging to some building now lying absolutely useless and unhonoured. If it be so, send these slabs of marble[285] and columns[286] by all means to Ravenna, that they may be again made beautiful and take their place in a building there.' [Footnote 284: 'Moderna sine priorum imminutione desideramus erigere.'] [Footnote 285: 'Platonias.' This, which is the spelling found in Nivellius' edition, seems to be a more correct form than the 'platomas' of Garet. Ducange, who has a long article on the subject, refers the word to the Greek [Greek: platunion].] [Footnote 286: Possibly the columns in S. Apollinare Deutro may have been some of those here mentioned.] 10. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS FESTUS, PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: The same subject.] A similar order, for the transport of marbles from the Pincian Hill to Ravenna, by Catabulenses[287]. 'We have ordered a "subvectus" [assistance from the public postal-service?], that the labourers may set to work at once.' [Footnote 287: 'Catabulenses,' or 'Catabolenses'--freighters, contractors, who effected the transport of heavy goods by means of draught-horses and mules.] 11. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS [A.D. 510]. [Sidenote: Argolicus appointed Praefect of the City.] Announces to this young man his nomination to the Praefecture of the City (for the 4th Indiction). Enlarges on the dignity of the office, especially as involving the Presidency of the Senate, and calls upon him by a righteous and sober life to show himself worthy of the choice. Argolicus is a great student [perhaps a literary friend of Cassiodorus], and he is exhorted to keep himself in the right path by musing on the great examples of antiquity. [There is a sort of tone of apology for the appointment of Argolicus, which is perhaps accounted for by the fact, which comes out in the next letter, that his father was a comparatively poor man. See a sharp rebuke of Argolicus for venal procrastination, iv. 29.] 12. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: The same subject.] Rehearses the usual sentiments about the dignity of the Senate and Theodoric's care in the choice of officials. 'It is easier, if one may say so, for Nature herself to err, than that a Sovereign should make a State unlike to himself.' Recounts the ancestry of Argolicus. The older Senators will remember his eloquent and purely-living grandfather, a man of perfectly orthodox reputation, who filled the offices of Comes Sacrarum Largitionum and Magister Officiorum. His father never stained the dignity of 'Comes Privatarum' by cruelty, and was free from ill-gotten gains in an age when avarice was not accounted a crime[288]. [Footnote 288: Tillemont understands this of the times of Odovacar, vi. 438.] 'We may hope that the son will follow the example of such distinguished ancestors.' 13. KING THEODORIC TO SUNHIVAD, SENATOR. [Sidenote: Sunhivad, Governor of Samnium.] [Notice again the Roman title and Gothic name.] 'You who have ruled your own life in a long career so well should make a good governor of others. I therefore send you to Samnium as Governor, in reply to the complaints which reach me from that Province. Settle according to the law of justice the disputes which have arisen there between the Romans and the Goths.' 14. KING THEODORIC TO THE VENERABLE BISHOP AURIGENES. [Sidenote: Accusations against the servants of a Bishop.] 'You as a Bishop will be especially grieved to hear of any offences against the sanctity of the married state. Julianus complains that his wife has been outraged and his goods wasted by some of your servants [probably slaves]. 'Do you enquire into the matter, and if the complaint appears to be just, deal promptly and severely with the offenders.' [Cf. Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 193, on this letter. He shows that it has been improperly appealed to as proving the immunity of all ecclesiastical persons from a secular tribunal. What Theodoric really intended was to give the Bishop a chance of settling the affair himself, and so to prevent the scandal of its appearing in the secular Courts, which it assuredly would do if the Bishop were apathetic. But one sees how easily this would glide into something like immunity from secular tribunals.] 15. KING THEODORIC TO THEODAHAD, SENATOR[289]. [Footnote 289: This is no doubt the nephew of Theodoric.] [Sidenote: A contumacious person handed over to Theodahad.] 'It is the extreme of insolence in anyone not to execute our "sacred orders." A certain person whom we commanded to attend before the judgment-seat of the Illustrious Sona, has with inveterate cunning withdrawn himself therefrom. We therefore hand him over to you, that your fame may grow by your skilful management of a difficult case like this.' 16. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR (509-510). [Sidenote: Appointment of Gemellus as Governor of Gaul.] 'Having proved your worth by experience we are now going to send you to govern the Provinces of Gaul newly wrested [from Clovis], as Vicar of the Praefects[290]. [Footnote 290: 'Vicarius Praefectorum.' Vicar of what Praefects? Why the plural number? Had Theodoric a titular Praefect _of the Gauls_, to whom this Vicarius was theoretically subject while practically obeying the Praefect of Italy? Or, to prevent bickerings, did he give the 'Praefectus Italiae' and the 'Praefectus Urbis' conjoint authority over the new conquests? There is some mystery here which would be worth explaining.] 'Think what a high opinion we must have formed of you to delegate to you the government of these Provinces, the conquest of which has added so much to our glory, and the good opinion of whose inhabitants we so particularly wish to acquire. Abhor turbulence; do not think of avarice; show yourself in all things such a Governor as "Romanus Princeps" ought to send, and let the Province feel such an improvement in her lot that she may "rejoice to have been conquered."' [This is so like the words put by Sidonius into the mouth of Lyons, after Majorian's conquest of her, that I believe it to be intentionally imitated.] 17. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GAULISH PROVINCES (510). [Sidenote: Proclamation to the new Gaulish subjects.] 'Obey the Roman customs. You are now by God's blessing restored to your ancient freedom; put off the barbarian; clothe yourselves with the morals of the toga; unlearn cruelty, that you may not be unworthy to be our subjects. We are sending you Spectabilis Gemellus as Vicarius Praefectorum, a man of tried worth, who we trust will be guilty of no crime, because he knows he would thereby seriously displease us. Obey his commands therefore. Do not dislike the reign of Law because it is new to you, after the aimless seethings of Barbarism (Gentilitas). 'You may now bring out your long-hidden treasures; the rich and the noble will again have a chance of suitable promotion. You may now enjoy what till now you have only heard of--the triumph of Public Right, the most certain solace of human life, the help of the weak, the curb of the strong. You may now understand that men are exalted not by their bodily strength, but by reason.' [Some of these reflections on the past misgovernment of _Gentilitas_ hit the Visigoths, Theodoric's friends, harder than the Franks. If the Gaulish nobles of the south-eastern Provinces (and these were all that Theodoric had conquered) had _long_ been obliged to hide the treasures of their fathers, that surely was the fault rather of Euric and Alaric II than of Clovis. Cf. Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 261-2, on all this correspondence.] 18. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS. [Sidenote: Magnus to be restored to his possessions.] [Probably during his government of Gaul]. 'We wish that all who have elected to live under our Clemency should be the better for it. 'The Spectabilis Magnus, spurning the conversation of our enemies [Franks?], and remembering his own origin, has sought re-patriation in the Roman Empire; but during his absence his property has suffered loss. Let him therefore be restored to, and henceforward have unquestioned possession of, all that he can prove to be his own in the way of lands, urban or rural slaves.' 19. KING THEODORIC TO DANIEL [A 'COMMONITORIUM']. [Sidenote: Monopoly of supply of marble sarcophagi.] 'We wish the servants of our palace to have proper reward for their labours, though we might call on them to render them gratuitously. Therefore, being much pleased with your skill in preparing and ornamenting marbles, we concede to you the [sole] right of furnishing the marble chests in which the citizens of Ravenna bury their dead. 'They thus keep them above ground--no small consolation to the survivors, since the souls alone depart from this world's conversation; but they do not altogether lose the bodies which once were dear to them. 'Do not, however, impose upon their sadness; do not let a relative be forced to the alternative of wasting his substance in funeral expenses, or else throwing the body of his dear one into some well. Be moderate in your charges.' [Odovacar was buried [Greek: en lithinê larnaki] (Joann. Ant. fr. 214). The great stone coffins of Honorius and Valentinian will be remembered by every visitor to Ravenna.] 20. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO GRIMODA AND TO THE APPARITOR FERROCINCTUS. [Sidenote: Oppression of Castorius by Faustus.] [Cf. Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 86 and 113.] 'We are determined to assist the humble, and to repress the violence of the proud. 'The lamentable petition of Castorius sets forth that he has been unjustly deprived of his property by the magnificent Praetorian Praefect Faustus. [The same, no doubt, to whom are addressed iii. 55, i. 35, and the immediately succeeding letter (iii. 21).] 'If it be so, let the invader (pervasor) restore to Castorius his property, and hand over, besides, another property of equal value. 'If Faustus have employed any intermediate person in the act of violence, let him be brought to us in chains; and if that well-known author of ill [Faustus] tries any further to injure Castorius, he shall pay £2,000, besides having the misery of seeing his would-be victim unharmed. 'No Powers of any kind, be they Praetorian Praefects or what they may, shall be permitted to trample on the lowly.' 21. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS. [Sidenote: Disgrace and temporary exile of Faustus.] 'As all men require change, Faustus is allowed to absent himself from the sacred walls of Rome for four months, which he may spend at his own Penates. The King expects, however, that he will then return to the most famous (opinatissima) City, from which no Roman Senator can long be absent without grief.' [Coupling this letter with its immediate predecessor it is difficult not to believe that Faustus is sent away in disgrace--notwithstanding the smooth words here used--for the act of injustice therein mentioned. But why is he only addressed as Vir Illustris, and not also as Praefectus? Perhaps his term of office was expired; perhaps he was even dismissed from it.] 22. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS. [Sidenote: An earnest invitation to the King's friend, Artemidorus.] 'We hereby [by these oracles] invite your Greatness to behold us, which we know will be most agreeable to you, in order that you who have now spent a large portion of your life with us may be satisfied by the sweetness of our presence. He who is permitted to share our converse deems it a Divine boon. We believe that you will come gladly, as we shall entertain you with alacrity.' [Cf. Dahn iii. 283-4. The ending of the letter (Venire te gaudentem credimus, quem alacriter sustinemus) is the common form, and 'sustineo' is a technical word for the King's reception of his subjects: see iii. 28, ad finem.] 23. KING THEODORIC TO COLOSSAEUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES (CIR. A.D. 505). [Sidenote: Appointment of Colossaeus as Governor of Pannonia.] 'We delight to entrust our mandates to persons of approved character. 'We are sending you "with the dignity of the illustrious belt" to Pannonia Sirmiensis, an old habitation of the Goths. Let that Province be induced to welcome her old defenders, even as she used gladly to obey our ancestors. Show forth the justice of the Goths, a nation happily situated for praise, since it is theirs to unite the forethought of the Romans and the virtue of the Barbarians. Remove all ill-planted customs[291], and impress upon all your subordinates that we would rather that our Treasury lost a suit than that it gained one wrongfully, rather that we lost money than the taxpayer was driven to suicide.' [Footnote 291: 'Consuetudines abominanter inolitas.' Fornerius thinks this means 'all extortionate taxes.' Compare the English use of the word 'customs.'] [Cf. Muchar, 'Geschichte der Steiermark' iv. 131.] 24. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE BARBARIANS AND ROMANS SETTLED IN PANNONIA. [Cf. Muchar, iv. 132.] [Sidenote: To the Pannonians, on the appointment of Colossaeus.] 'Intent on the welfare of our subjects we are sending you Colossaeus for Governor. His name means a mighty man; and a mighty man he is, who has given many proofs of his virtue. Now we exhort you with patience and constancy to submit yourselves to his authority. Do not excite that wrath before which our enemies tremble. Acquiesce in the rule of justice in which the whole world rejoices. Why should you, who have now an upright Judge[292], settle your grievances by single combat? What has man got a tongue for, if the armed hand is to settle all differences? or where can peace be looked for, if there is fighting in a civilised State like ours[293]? Imitate then our Goths, who have learned to practise war abroad, to show peaceable dispositions at home. We want you so to live as you see that our subjects (parentes) have lived and flourished under the Divine blessing.' [Footnote 292: 'Cur ad monomachiam recurritis, qui venalem judicem non habetis?'] [Footnote 293: 'Aut unde pax quaeritur si sub civilitate pugnetur.'] 25. KING THEODORIC TO SIMEON, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES. [Sidenote: Tax-collecting and iron-mining in Dalmatia.] 'We entrust to you the duty of collecting throughout the Province of Dalmatia the arrears of Siliquaticum for the first, second, and third Indictions [Sept. 1, 506, to Aug. 31, 509]. We do this not only for the sake of gain to our Treasury, but to prevent the demoralisation of our subjects. 'Also by careful mining (cuniculo veritatis) seek out the iron veins in Dalmatia, where the softness of earth is pregnant with the rigour of iron, which is cooked by fire that it may become hard. 'Iron enables us to defend our country, is serviceable for agriculture and for countless arts of human life: yea, iron is master of gold, compelling the rich man, weaponless, to obey the poor man who wields a blade of steel.' 26. KING THEODORIC TO OSUN, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COUNT. [Sidenote: Simeon's journey to Dalmatia.] Commands him to provide all the necessaries for the journey of 'Clarissimus' Simeon, setting off for Dalmatia on the aforesaid mission to collect Siliquaticum and develop the iron mines. [Why is Simeon not called Illustris, as in the previous letter? This seems to show that the titles 'Clarissimus' and 'Illustris' were not always used with technical exactness, as they would have been under Diocletian.] 27. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES, SENATOR, CONSULAR OF CAMPANIA. [Sidenote: Promises protection against the Praetorian Praefect.] 'You have not complained to us in vain that the Praetorian Praefect [perhaps again Faustus] is venting a private grudge against you under colour of the discharge of his public duty. We will wall you round with our protection. Go now and discharge the duties of Consular of Campania with the like devotion as your predecessors, and with this reflection: "If the King prevents my superior the Praetorian Praefect from doing me harm, with what unfailing rigour will he visit me if I do wrong."' 28. KING THEODORIC TO CASSIODORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN[294]. [Footnote 294: Father of the writer.] [Sidenote: An invitation to Cassiodorus Senior to come to Court.] 'For your glorious services, and your incorruptible administration, which has given deep peace to the nation, we reward you by summoning you to Court. 'Having endeavoured to check _another_ [probably alluding to the disgrace of Faustus], we have bestowed our praises on you, as all the Palace knows. Come then, come eagerly, as he should do whom his Sovereign is going to entertain[295].' [Footnote 295: There is an obscure sentence in this letter: 'Hinc omnibus factus notior, quia multi te positum in potestate nesciunt.' Possibly the meaning is that the elder Cassiodorus used his power so little for his own private aggrandisement, that many people did not even know that he possessed it.] 29. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PRAEFECT OF THE CITY. [Sidenote: Permission to Paulinus to repair certain granaries at Rome.] 'The King should sow his gifts broadcast, as the sower his seeds--not put them all into one hole. 'The Patrician Paulinus represents to us that such and such granaries are falling into ruin and are of no use to anyone, and asks to be allowed to repair them and transmit them to his heirs. We consent to this, if you are of opinion that they are not wanted for the public, and if there is no corn in them belonging to our Treasury. 'It is especially fitting that all ruined buildings should be repaired in Rome. In Rome, praised beyond all other cities by the world's mouth, there should be nothing sordid or mediocre[296].' [Footnote 296: This letter is well illustrated by an inscription of the time of Severus Alexander, found at Great Chesters in Northumberland, and recording the repair of 'horreum vetustate conlabsum.' The words of Cassiodorus are 'horrea longi temporis vetustate destructa.'] 30. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PRAEFECTUS URBIS. [Sidenote: Repair of the Cloacae of Rome.] 'We are ever vigilant for the repair and beautification of Rome. 'Let your Sublimity know that we have directed John to repair the Cloacae of the City, those splendid works which strike astonishment into the hearts of all beholders. There you see rivers as it were shut in by concave mountains, flowing down through mighty rafters[297] (?). There you see men steering their ships with the utmost possible care, lest they should suffer shipwreck. Hence may the greatness of Rome be inferred. What other city can compare with her in her heights when even her depths are so incomparable? [Footnote 297: 'Per ingentia ligna decurrere.' Fornerius proposes to read 'stagna.'] 'See therefore, O Praefect, that John as a public officer receives his proper salary.' 31. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sidenote: Commission issued to John to check ruin of aqueducts and temples in Rome.] 'Our care is for the whole Republic, "in which, by the favour of God, we are striving to bring back all things to their former state;" but especially for the City of Rome. We hear that great depredations are being committed on public property there. '(1) It is said that the water of the aqueducts (formae) is being diverted to turn mills and water gardens--a thing which would not be suffered even in the country districts. Even in redressing this wrong we must be observant of law; and therefore if it should be found that those who are doing this can plead thirty years' prescription, they must be bought off, but the misuser must cease. If the diversion is of less ancient date[298], it must of course be at once stopped without compensation. [Footnote 298: 'Si vero aliquid modernâ praesumptione tentatum est.' (Again 'modernus.')] '(2) Slaves assigned by the forethought of previous rulers to the service of the formae have passed under the sway of private masters. '(3) Great weights of brass and lead (the latter very easy to steal, from its softness) have been stripped off from the public buildings. Now Ionos, King of Thessaly, is said to have first discovered lead, and Midas, King of Phrygia, brass. How grievous that we should be handed down to posterity as neglecting two metals which they were immortalised by discovering! '(4) Temples and other public buildings, which at the request of many we have repaired, are handed over without a thought to spoliation and ruin. 'We have appointed the Spectabilis John to enquire into and set straight all these matters. _You_ ought to have brought the matter before us yourselves: at least, now, support him with the necessary "solatia."' [See preceding letter as to the commission entrusted to John, Theodoric's Clerk of the Works in Rome.] 32. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR. A.D. 511. [Appointed Governor of the Gaulish Province in Letter iii. 16.] [Sidenote: Remission of taxes to citizens of Arles.] 'The men of Arles, who were reduced to penury in the glorious siege which they endured on our behalf, are freed from the obligation of taxes for the fourth Indiction [Sept. 1, 510, to Aug. 31, 511]. We ask for these payments from men at peace, not from men besieged. How can one claim taxes from the lord of a field when one knows he has not been able to cultivate it? They have already rendered a most precious tribute in their fidelity to us. After this year, however, the taxes will be collected as usual.' 33. KING THEODORIC TO ARGOLICUS, ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECT OF THE CITY. [Sidenote: Promotion of Armentarius and Superbus to post of Referendi Curiae.] Armentarius (Clarissimus) and his son Superbus are to receive the privilege of _Referendi Curiae_[299]. Thus will the profession of the law be, as is most fitting, adorned with the honours of the Senate. [Footnote 299: Possibly Referendi is the same as Referendarii. See Var. vi. 17.] Praises of Rhetoric. The man who has swayed the judges by his eloquence is sure to have a favouring audience in the Senate. 34. KING THEODORIC TO THE INHABITANTS OF MASSILIA. [Sidenote: Count Marabad Governor of Marseilles.] 'In accordance with our usual policy of sending persons of tried ability and moderation to govern the Provinces, we are sending Count Marabad [a Gothic name?] to act as your Governor, to bring solace to the lowly and repress the insolent, and to force all into the path of justice, which is the secret of the prosperity of our Empire. As befits your long-tried loyalty, welcome and obey him.' 35. KING THEODORIC TO ROMULUS. [It is surely possible that this is the dethroned Emperor. The name Romulus, which, as we know, he derived from his maternal grandfather, was not a very common one in Rome (it must be admitted there is another Romulus, ii. 14). And is there not something rather peculiar in the entire absence of all titles of honour, the superscription being simply 'Romulo Theodoricus Rex,' as if neither King nor scribe quite knew how to address an ex-Emperor?] [Sidenote: Gifts to Romulus shall not be revoked.] 'The liberality of the Prince must be kept firm and unshaken by the arts of malignant men. Therefore any gift which shall be proved to have been given according to our orders by the Patrician Liberius, to you _or to your mother_, by written instrument (pictacium or pittacium), shall remain in full force, and you need not fear its being questioned.' [For Liberius, see ii. 16. A man of that eminence, who was employed to arrange disputes between the Goths and Romans at the first settlement of the former in Italy, was the very man to be also employed to arrange terms with Augustulus. There is some reason to think that the mother of the deposed Emperor was named Barbaria, and that she is mentioned in the history of the translation of the relics of St. Severinus. See 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 190.] 36. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS COUNT ARIGERN. [Sidenote: Complaints against Venantius.] 'Firminus alleges that he has some cause of complaint against the Magnificent Venantius [son of Liberius, mentioned in the previous letter, and strongly commended in ii. 15], and that Venantius treats his claims with contempt. There is always a danger of justice being wrested in the interests of the great. We therefore desire you with all due reverence to address the aforesaid Magnificent person and desire him to appoint a representative, with proper credentials, to plead in our Court in answer to the claims of Firminus, who will be punished for his audacity if he have brought a false charge against so illustrious a person.' [This and the preceding letter look as if the fortunes of the house of Liberius (so greatly extolled in ii. 15 and 16) were passing under a cloud. See also iii. 8, as to the disgrace of Venantius. This may have made the ex-Emperor anxious as to the validity of the settlement made through him.] 37. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP PETER. [Sidenote: Alleged injustice of a Bishop.] [See the full explanation of this letter in Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 193-4. Cf. also Var. iii. 14. Observe how the marginal note (in the edition of the Benedictine, Garet) strains the doctrine of this letter in favour of the clergy[300].] [Footnote 300: 'Causae sacerdotum a sacerdotibus debent terminari.'] 'Germanus, in his "flebilis allegatio," informs us that you detain from him a part of the property of his father Thomas. As it is proper that causes which concern you should first be remitted to you (so often employed as judges to settle the disputes of others), we call upon you to enquire into this claim, and if it be a just one to satisfy it. Know that if you fail to do justice yourself to the petitioner, his cause will be carried through to our own audience-chamber.' 38. KING THEODORIC TO WANDIL [VUANDIL[301]]. [Footnote 301: Probably a Gothic officer.] [Sidenote: The Gothic troops at Avignon to abstain from molesting the citizens.] 'Our Piety wishes that there should be order and good government everywhere in our dominions, but especially in Gaul, that our new subjects there may form a good opinion of the ruler under whom they have come. Therefore by this authority we charge you to see that no violence happen in Avignon where you reside. Let our army live "civiliter" with the Romans, and let the latter feel that our troops are come for their defence, not for their annoyance.' 39. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, ILLUSTRIS AND CONSUL (A.D. 511). [Sidenote: Largesse to charioteers of Milan.] 'Those who minister to the pleasures of the public should be liberally treated, and the Consul must not belie the expectations of his generosity which have been formed when he was Senator. Therefore let your Sublimity enquire into the petition for largesse presented by the charioteers of Milan; and if their statements are correct, let them have whatever it has been customary for them to receive. In matters of this kind custom creates a kind of debt.' 40. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS SETTLED IN GAUL. [Sidenote: Immunity from taxes for districts ravaged by war.] 'We wish promptly to relieve all the distresses of our subjects, and we therefore at once announce to you that the districts ravaged by the incursions of the enemy will not be called upon to pay tribute at the fourth Indiction [Sept. 510, to Aug. 511]. For we have no pleasure in receiving what is paid by a heavy-hearted contributor. The part of the country, however, which has been untouched by the enemy will have to contribute to the expense of our army. But a hungry defender is a weak defender.' 41. KING THEODORIC TO GEMELLUS, SENATOR [Governor of Gothic Gaul[302]]. [Footnote 302: See Letters iii. 16 and 32.] [Sidenote: Corn for the garrisons on the Durance.] 'A burden borne in common is lightened, since only the edge as it were of the whole rests on the shoulders of each individual. We have ordered the corn for the army to be carried from the granaries of Marseilles to the forts upon the Durance. Let all unite in this toil. The willing labour of many brings a speedy end to the work.' [This letter, as showing that at least one if not both banks of the Durance were included in the Ostrogothic Monarchy in 511, has an important bearing on the geographical extent of the Burgundian Kingdom. See Exkurs vi. to Binding's 'Burgundisch-Romanische Königreich.' He makes the northern bank of the Durance belong to Burgundy, the southern to the Ostrogoths.] 42. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE PROVINCIALS IN GAUL. [Sidenote: No part of Gaul to be called on for military contributions.] 'Because the generosity of the Prince should even outrun the petitions of his subjects we repeal that part of a previous letter [iii. 40] which says that the unravaged portion of the Province of Gaul must pay the expenses of our soldiers. We will transmit to the Duces and Praepositi sufficient money to provide "alimonia nostris Gothis."' ['Praebendae,' near the end of this letter, seems to be used in a technical sense, almost equivalent to stipendia or annonae.] 43. KING THEODORIC TO UNIGIS, THE SWORD-BEARER [SPATARIUS]. [No doubt a high officer in the Royal household.] [Sidenote: Runaway slaves to be restored to their owners.] 'We delight to live after the law of the Romans, whom we seek to defend with our arms; and we are as much interested in the maintenance of morality as we can possibly be in war. For what profit is there in having removed the turmoil of the Barbarians, unless we live according to law? Certain slaves, on our army's entry into Gaul, have run away from their old masters and betaken themselves to new ones. Let them be restored to their rightful owners. Rights must not be confounded under the rule of justice, nor ought the defender of liberty to favour recreant slaves. [Probably an allusion to the office of the _Assertor Libertatis_ in the _Liberalis Causa_, as set forth in the Theodosian Code iv. 8.] Let other kings desire the glory of battles won, of cities taken, of ruins made; our purpose is, God helping us, so to rule that our subjects shall grieve that they did not earlier acquire the blessing of our dominion.' 44. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE LANDOWNERS [POSSESSORES] OF ARLES. [Sidenote: Repair of walls of Arles, and supply of corn.] 'We wish to refresh men, but to repair cities also, that the renewed fortune of the citizens may be displayed by the splendour of their buildings. 'We have therefore directed that a certain sum of money be sent for the repair of the walls and old towers of Arles. But we are also going to send you, as soon as the time is favourable for navigation, provisions to supply the waste caused by the war. Be of good cheer, therefore! Grain for which our word is pledged is as good as grain already in your granaries.' 45. KING THEODORIC TO ARIGERN, ILLUSTRIS AND COUNT. [Sidenote: Site disputed between Roman Church and Samaritans.] 'It is represented to us by the Defensors of the "sacrosanct" Roman Church that Pope Simplicius, of blessed memory, bought a house at Rome[303] of Eufrasius the Acolyte, with all proper formalities, and that now the people of the Samaritan superstition, hardened in effrontery, allege that a synagogue of theirs was built on that site, and claim it accordingly; whereas the very style of building, say their opponents, shows that this was meant as a private house and not as a synagogue. Enquire into this matter, and do justice accordingly. If we will not tolerate chicanery [calumniae] against men, much less will we against the Divinity Himself.' [Footnote 303: 'In sacratissimâ urbe.'] 46. KING THEODORIC TO ADEODATUS. [Sidenote: Further charges of misgovernment against Venantius.] 'The crimes of subjects are an occasion for manifesting the virtues of princes. You have addressed to us your petition, alleging that you were compelled by the Spectabilis Venantius, Governor of Lucania and Bruttii, to confess yourself guilty of the rape of the maiden Valeriana. [Sidenote: Illogical decision in the case of Adeodatus.] 'Overcome, you say, by the severity of your imprisonment and the tortures inflicted upon you, and longing for death as a release from agony; being moreover refused the assistance of Advocates, while the utmost resources of rhetoric were at the disposal of your opponents, you confessed a crime which you had never committed. 'Such is your statement. The Governor of Bruttii sends his _relatio_ in opposition, saying that we must not give credence to a petitioner who is deceitfully seeking to upset a sentence which was given in the interests of public morality. 'Our decision is that we will by our clemency mitigate the severity of your punishment. From the date of this decree you shall be banished for six months; and on your return no note of infamy of any kind shall be attached to you; since it is competent for the Prince to wipe off all the blots on a damaged reputation. Anyone who offends against this decree [by casting your old offence in your teeth] shall be fined £120 (3 lbs. of gold). And all who are accused of the same offence in any place or time, but who offended through ignorance, are to be freed from all fear of punishment.' [A most illogical and unjust conclusion, by which the judgment of Venantius is in fact neither upheld nor reversed. And what the meaning of the concluding sentence may be it is impossible to conjecture. See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 107, on this absurd decision. On the subject of the misgovernment and disgrace of Venantius, cf. Letters ii. 15, 16; iii. 8, 36. Cf. also Procopius, 'De Bello Gotthico' iii. 18 and 22, as to his son Tullianus. In connection with the alleged misgovernment of Bruttii and Lucania by Venantius, remember the close connection of Cassiodorus himself with those Provinces.] 47. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. [Sidenote: Jovinus, for killing a fellow Curial, is banished to the islands of Lipari, the volcanoes of which are described.] 'Jovinus the Curialis, according to the report of the Corrector of Lucania and Bruttii, had an angry altercation with a fellow Curial (collega), and in his rage slew him. 'He then took refuge within the precincts of a church, and refused to surrender himself to justice. We decide that the capital punishment shall be remitted out of reverence for his place of refuge, but he shall be banished to the Vulcanian [Lipari] Islands, there to live away from the paternal hearth, but ever in the midst of burning, like a salamander, which is a small and subtile beast, of kin to the slippery worm, clothed with a yellow colour. 'The substance of volcanoes, which is perpetually destroyed, is by the inextricable power of Nature perpetually renewed. 'The Vulcanian Islands are named from Vulcan, the god of fire, and burst into eruption on the day when Hannibal took poison at the Court of Prusias. It is especially wonderful that a mountain kindling into such a multitude of flames, should yet be half hidden by the waves of the sea.' 48. KING THEODORIC TO ALL GOTHS AND ROMANS LIVING NEAR THE FORT OF VERRUCA[304]. [Footnote 304: The double 'r' seems to be the correct spelling, though the MSS. of the Variarum apparently have the single 'r.'] [Sidenote: Fortification of Verruca in the Tyrol.] 'It is the duty and the glory of a ruler to provide with wise forethought for the safety of his subjects. We have therefore ordered the Sajo Leodifrid that under his superintendence you should build yourselves houses in the fort Verruca, which from its position receives its most suitable name[305]. [Footnote 305: 'Milites ad Verrucam illum--_sic enim M. Cato locum editum asperumque appellat_--ire jubeas' (Gell. 3. 7. 6). Verruca therefore means primarily a steep cliff, and only secondarily a wart. See White and Biddell, s.v.] 'For it is in the midst of the plains a hill of stone roundly arising, which with its tall sides, being bare of woods, is all one great mountain fortress. Its lower parts are slenderer (graciliora) than its summit, and like some softest fungus the top broadens out, while it is thin at bottom. It is a mound not made by soldiers[306], a stronghold made safe by Nature[307], where the besieged can try no _coup-de-main_ and the besieged need feel no panic. Past this fort swirls the Adige, that prince of rivers, with the pleasant gurgle of his clear waters, affording a defence and an adornment in one. It is a fort almost unequalled in the whole world, "a key that unlocks a kingdom[308];" and all the more important because it bars the invasion of wild and savage nations. This admirable defence what inhabitant would not wish to share, since even foreigners delight to visit it? and though by God's blessing we trust that the Province [of Raetia] is in our times secure, yet it is the part of prudence to guard against evils, though we may think they will not arise.' [Footnote 306: 'Agger sine pugna.'] [Footnote 307: 'Obsessio secura.'] [Footnote 308: 'Tenens claustra provinciae.'] Examples of gulls, who fly inland when they foresee a storm; of dolphins, which seek the shallower waters; of the edible sea-urchin, 'that honey of flesh, that dainty of the deep,' who anchors himself to a little pebble to prevent being dashed about by the waves; of birds, who change their dwellings when winter draws nigh; of beasts, who adapt their lair to the time of year. And shall man alone be improvident? Shall he not imitate that higher Providence by which the world is governed? [The fortress of Verruca does not seem to be mentioned in the 'Notitia,' in the Antonine 'Itinerary,' or by the geographer of Ravenna. Maffei ('Verona Illustrata,' Book ix. Vol. 2, pp. 391-2 in ed. 1825) comments on this passage, and argues that _Verruca = Dos Trento_, a cliff about a mile from Trient, and this identification seems to have been accepted, for Ball ('Alpine Guide, Eastern Alps,' p. 404) says: 'In the centre of the valley, close to the city, rises a remarkable rock known as _Dos Trento, and also called La Verruca_, formerly frequented for the sake of the beautiful view which it commands. Since 1857 it has been strongly fortified, and permission to ascend to the summit is not easily obtained.' Maffei says that the French bombarded Trient from this rock in 1703. He speaks of another 'Verruca, or Rocca,' on the other side of Aquileia, and thinks that the modern word 'rocca' (rock) may perhaps have been derived herefrom (?). It is remarkable that there is a place called _Verrua_ near the Po in Piedmont (about 20 miles east of Turin). 'Situated upon an abrupt and insulated hill, in a most defensible position, it opposed an obstinate resistance to the Emperor Frederick II. In more recent times (1704), the Duc de Vendôme attacked it without success' (Murray's 'Guide to Northern Italy,' p. 51). No doubt this was also originally called _Verruca_.] 49. KING THEODORIC TO THE HONOURED POSSESSORES, DEFENSORES, AND CURIALES OF THE CITY OF CATANA. [Sidenote: Repair of amphitheatre of Catana.] 'It is a great delight to the Ruler when his subjects of their own accord suggest that which is for the good of the State. You have called our attention to the ruinous state of your walls, and ask leave to use for its repair the stones of the amphitheatre, which have fallen down from age and are now of no ornament to your town, in fact only show disgraceful ruins. You have not only our permission to do this, but our hearty approval. Let the stones, which can be of no use while they lie there, rise again into the fabric of the walls; and your improved defence will be our boast and confidence.' [Some remains of the amphitheatre are still visible at Catania; not, however, so important as those of the theatre.] 50. KING THEODORIC TO THE PROVINCIALS OF NORICUM. [Sidenote: The Alamanni and Noricans to exchange their cattle.] 'It is an admirable arrangement when a favour can be conferred by which giver and receiver are alike benefited. 'We therefore decree that you should exchange your oxen for those of the Alamanni. 'Theirs is the finer and larger breed of cattle, but they are worn out by the long journey. Thus will they get fresh beasts capable of doing the work which is required of them, and you will permanently improve your breed of cattle, and so be able to till your fields better. Thus, what does not often happen, the same transaction will equally benefit both parties to it.' [Cf. ii. 41 as to these Alamannic exiles. Possibly this letter as well as that refers to their expulsion by Clovis (cir. 504); but it seems more probable, as von Schubert suggests (pp. 52-54), that we have here to do with a removal of some of the Alamannic subjects of Theodoric from Raetia to Noricum, in order to guard the north-east frontier of the kingdom.] 51. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT. [Sidenote: Stipend of Thomas the Charioteer. Description of the Circus.] 'Constancy in actors is not a very common virtue, therefore with all the more pleasure do we record the faithful allegiance of Thomas the Charioteer, who came long ago from the East hither, and who, having become champion charioteer, has chosen to attach himself to "the seat of our Empire[309];" and we therefore decide that he shall be rewarded by a monthly allowance. He embraced what was then the losing side in the chariot races and carried it to victory--victory which he won so often that envious rivals declared that he conquered by means of witchcraft. [Footnote 309: 'Nostri sedes delegit fovere _Imperii_.'] 'The sight of a chariot-race (spectaculum) drives out morality and invites the most trifling contentions; it is the emptier of honourable conduct, the ever-flowing spring of squabbles: a thing which Antiquity commenced as a matter of religion, but which a quarrelsome posterity has turned into a sport. 'For Aenomaus is said first to have exhibited this sport at Elis, a city of Asia (?), and afterwards Romulus, at the time of the rape of the Sabines, displayed it in rural fashion to Italy, no buildings for the purpose being yet founded. Long after, Augustus, the lord of the world, raising his works to the same high level as his power, built a fabric marvellous even to Romans, which stretched far into the Vallis Murcia. This immense mass, firmly girt round with hills, enclosed a space which was fitted to be the theatre of great events. 'Twelve _Ostia_ at the entrance represent the twelve signs of the Zodiac. These are suddenly and equally opened by ropes let down by the _Hermulae_ (little pilasters)[310]. The four colours worn by the four parties of charioteers denote the seasons: green for verdant spring, blue for cloudy winter, red for flaming summer, white for frosty autumn. Thus, throughout the spectacle we see a determination to represent the works of Nature. The _Biga_ is made in imitation of the moon, the _Quadriga_ of the sun. The circus horses (_Equi desultorii_), by means of which the servants of the Circus announce the heats (_Missos_) that are to be run, imitate the herald-swiftness of the morning star. Thus it came to pass that while they deemed they were worshipping the stars, they profaned their religion by parodying it in their games. [Footnote 310: The Ostia are denoted by A and the Hermulae by H in the accompanying plan. (See page 230.)] 'A white line is drawn not far from the ostia to each _Podium_ (balcony), that the contest may begin when the quadrigae pass it, lest they should interrupt the view of the spectators by their attempts to get each before the other[311]. There are always seven circuits round the goals (_Metae_) to one heat, in analogy with the days of the week. The goals themselves have, like the decani[312] of the Zodiac, each three pinnacles, round which the swift quadrigae circle like the sun. The wheels indicate the boundaries of East and West. The channel (_Euripus_) which surrounds the Circus presents us with an image of the glassy sea, whence come the dolphins which swim hither through the waters[313] (?). The lofty obelisks lift their height towards heaven; but the upper one is dedicated to the sun, the lower one to the moon: and upon them the sacred rites of the ancients are indicated with Chaldee signs for letters[314]. [Footnote 311: 'Ut quadrigis progredientibus, inde certamen oriretur: ne dum semper propere conantur elidere, spectandi voluptatem viderentur populis abrogare.' In fact, to compel the charioteers to start fair.] [Footnote 312: Each sign of the Zodiac was considered to have three decani, occurring at intervals of ten days.] [Footnote 313: 'Unde illuc delphini aequorei aquas interfluunt.' The sentence is very obscure, but the allusion must be to the dolphins, the figures of which were placed upon the spina.] [Footnote 314: 'Obeliscorum quoque prolixitates ad coeli altitudinem sublevantur: sed potior soli, inferior lunae dicatus est: ubi sacra priscorum Chaldaicis signis, quasi litteris indicantur.'] 'The _Spina_ (central wall, or backbone) represents the lot of the unhappy captives, inasmuch as the generals of the Romans, marching over the backs of their enemies, reaped that joy which was the reward of their labours. The _Mappa_ (napkin), which is still seen to give the signal at the games, came into fashion on this wise. Once when Nero was loitering over his dinner, and the populace, as usual, was impatient for the spectacle to begin, he ordered the napkin which he had used for wiping his fingers to be thrown out of window, as a signal that he gave the required permission. Hence it became a custom that the display of a napkin gave a certain promise of future _circenses_. 'The _Circus_ is so called from "circuitus:" _circenses_ is, as it were, _circu-enses_, because in the rude ages of antiquity, before an elaborate building had been prepared for the purpose, the races were exhibited on the green grass, and the multitude were protected by the river on one side and the swords (_enses_) of the soldiers on the other[315]. [Footnote 315: I can extract no other meaning than the above from this extraordinary sentence: 'Circenses, quasi circu-enses: propterea quod apud antiquitatem rudem, quae necdum spectacula in ornatum deduxerat fabricarum, inter _enses_ et flumina locis virentibus agerentur.'] 'We observe, too, that the rule of this contest is that it be decided in twenty-four heats[316], an equal number to that of the hours of day and night. Nor let it be accounted meaningless that the number of circuits round the goals is expressed by the putting up of _eggs_[317], since that emblem, pregnant as it is with many superstitions[318], indicates that something is about to be born from thence. And in truth we may well understand that the most fickle and inconstant characters, well typified by the birds who have laid those eggs, will spring from attendance on these spectacles[319]. It were long to describe in detail all the other points of the Roman Circus, since each appears to arise from some special cause. This only will we remark upon as pre-eminently strange, that in these beyond all other spectacles men's minds are hurried into excitement without any regard to a fitting sobriety of character. The Green charioteer flashes by: part of the people is in despair. The Blue gets a lead: a larger part of the City is in misery. They cheer frantically when they have gained nothing; they are cut to the heart when they have received no loss; and they plunge with as much eagerness into these empty contests as if the whole welfare of the imperilled fatherland were at stake. [Footnote 316: _Missibus._ In a previous sentence Cassiodorus makes the acc. plural _missos_.] [Footnote 317: The number of times that the charioteers had rounded the goal was indicated by large wooden _eggs_, which were posted up in a conspicuous place on the spina. It seems that in a corresponding place near the other end of the spina figures of _dolphins_ were used for the same purpose. Upon the Cilurnum gem (figured on page 231) we can perceive four eggs near one end of the spina, and four creatures which may be dolphins near the other, indicating that four circuits out of the seven which constitute a missus have been accomplished by the quadrigae.] [Footnote 318: Alluding probably to the story of Castor and Pollux.] [Footnote 319: 'Et ideo datur intelligi, volitantes atque inconstantissimos inde mores nasci, quos avium matribus aptaverunt.' _Ovium_ would seem to give a better sense than _avium_.] 'No wonder that such a departure from all sensible dispositions should be attributed to a superstitious origin. We are compelled to support this institution by the necessity of humouring the majority of the people, who are passionately fond of it; for it is always the few who are led by reason, while the many crave excitement and oblivion of their cares. Therefore, as we too must sometimes share the folly of our people, we will freely provide for the expenses of the Circus, however little our judgment approves of this institution.' [Notwithstanding some absurdities, the above description of the Circus Maximus (which I have attempted to translate in full) is of great value, being, after that given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, our chief authority on the subject. The accompanying plan (taken, with some slight variations, from Smith's 'Dictionary of Antiquities'), will, I trust, render it intelligible. [Illustration: Plan of Ancient Circus.] It is well illustrated by the recently excavated 'Stadium of Augustus,' on the Palatine; but perhaps even better by a beautifully executed gem lately found at Chesters in Northumberland, on the site of the Roman station at Cilurnum. By the kindness of the owner, Mr. Clayton, I am able to give an enlarged copy of this gem, which is described in the 'Archaeologia Aeliana,' vol. x. pp. 133-137. [Illustration: The Circus Maximus, a magnified engraving of an intaglio on a carnelian signet-ring found at Cilurnum (Chesters in Northumberland) in 1882.] The reader will easily discern the _Spina_ with one obelisk (not two, as described by Cassiodorus) in the centre, the high tables supported by pillars on which the Ova and Delphini are placed, the three spindle-shaped columns which formed the _Meta_ at each end, and the four quadrigae (four was the regular number for each missus) careering in front.] 52. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS CONSULARIS. [Sidenote: On Roman land surveying.] 'We are sorry to hear that a dispute (which is on the point of being settled by arms instead of by the law) has arisen between the Spectabiles Leontius and Paschasius as to the boundaries of their properties[320]. If they are so fierce against one another here in Italy, where there are mountains and rivers and the "arcaturae" [square turrets of the land surveyor] to mark the boundaries, what would they have done in Egypt, where the yearly returning waters of the Nile wash out all landmarks, and leave a deposit of mud over all? [Footnote 320: 'Casarum.' Casa is evidently no longer a cottage; perhaps the estate attached to a villa. There is probably still a flavour of rusticity about it.] 'Geometry was discovered by the Chaldaeans, who perceived that its principles lay at the root of Astronomy, Music, Mechanics, Architecture, Medicine, Logic, and every science which deals with generals. This science was eagerly welcomed by the Egyptians, who perceived the advantage it would be to them in recovering the boundaries of estates obliterated by the wished-for deluge[321] of the Nile. [Footnote 321: 'Votiva inundatione.'] 'Therefore let your Greatness send an experienced land surveyor (agrimensor) to settle this dispute by assigning fixed boundaries to the two estates. 'Augustus made a complete survey of the whole "Orbis Romanus," in order that each taxpayer should know exactly his resources and obligations. The results of this survey were tabulated by the author Hyrummetricus. The Professors of this Science [of land surveying] are honoured with a more earnest attention than falls to the lot of any other philosophers. Arithmetic, Theoretical Geometry, Astronomy, and Music are discoursed upon to listless audiences, sometimes to empty benches. But the land surveyor is like a judge; the deserted fields become his forum, crowded with eager spectators. You would fancy him a madman when you see him walking along the most devious paths. But in truth he is seeking for the traces of lost facts in rough woods and thickets[322]. He walks not as other men walk. His path is the book from which he reads; he _shows_ what he is saying; he proves what he hath learned; by his steps he divides the rights of hostile claimants; and like a mighty river he takes away the fields of one side to bestow them on the other. [Footnote 322: An excellent description of an antiquary walking along a Roman 'Limes Imperii.'] 'Wherefore, acting on our instructions, choose such a land surveyor, whose authority may be sufficient to settle this dispute, that the litigants may henceforth cultivate their lands in peace.' 53. KING THEODORIC TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS APRONIANUS, COUNT OF THE PRIVATE DOMAINS. [Sidenote: On Water-finders.] 'Your Greatness tells us that a water-finder has come to Rome from Africa, where, on account of the dryness of the soil, his art is greatly in request. 'We are glad to hear it. It is a very useful art. 'Signs of the existence of water are the greenness of the grass, the size of the trees, the nature of the plants, reeds, rushes, brambles, willows, poplars, &c. Some discover water by putting out dry wool under a bowl at night. So too, if you see at sunrise a cloud [or gossamer, 'spissitudinem'] of very small flies. A mist rising like a column shows water as deep below as the column rises high above. 'The water-finder will also predict the quality of the water, and so prevent you from wasting labour on a brackish spring. This science was ably treated of by ----[323], and by Marcellus among the Latins. They tell us that waters which gush forth towards the east and south are light and wholesome; that those which emerge towards the north and west are too cold and heavy. [Footnote 323: 'Apud Graecos _ille_.' Cassiodorus has left the name blank, and has either forgotten or been unable to fill it up; like the 'ille et ille' in his State documents.] 'So then, if the testimonials of the aforesaid water-finder and the results of his indications shall approve themselves to your wisdom, you may pay his travelling expenses and relieve his wants: he having to repay you by his future services. For though Rome itself is so abundantly supplied with aqueducts, there are many suburban places in which his help would be very useful. Associate with him also a mechanician who can sink for and raise the water when he has pointed it out. Rome ought not to lack anything which is an object of desire.' BOOK IV. CONTAINING FIFTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC. 1. KING THEODORIC TO HERMINAFRID, KING OF THE THURINGIANS. [Sidenote: Marriage of Theodoric's niece to the King of the Thuringians.] 'Desiring to unite you to ourselves by the bonds of kindred, we bestow upon you our niece [Amalabirga, daughter of Theodoric's sister; see 'Anon. Valesii' § 70], so that you, who descend from a Royal stock, may now far more conspicuously shine by the splendour of Imperial blood[324]'. [A remarkable passage, as showing that Theodoric did in a sense consider himself to be filling the place of the Emperors of the West.] [Footnote 324: 'Nunc etiam longius claritate Imperialis sanguinis fulgeatis.'] The virtues and intellectual accomplishments of the new Queen of the Thuringians are described. 'We gladly acknowledge the price of a favour, in itself beyond price, which, according to the custom of the nations, we have received from your ambassadors: namely, a team of horses, silvery in colour, as wedding-horses should be. Their chests and thighs are suitably adorned with round surfaces of flesh. Their ribs are expanded to a certain width. They are short in the belly. Their heads have a certain resemblance to the stag, the swiftness of which animal they imitate. These horses are gentle from their extreme plumpness; very swift notwithstanding their great bulk; pleasant to look at, still better to use. For they have gentle paces, not fatiguing their riders by insane curvetings. To ride them is repose rather than toil; and being broken-in to a delightful and steady pace, they can keep up their speed, over long distances. 'We too are sending you some presents, but our niece is the fairest present of all. May God bless you with children, so that our lines may be allied in future.' 2. KING THEODORIC TO THE KING OF THE HERULI. [Adopting him as his son by right of arms.] [Sidenote: Herminafrid adopted as 'filius per arma' by Theodoric.] 'It has been always held amongst the nations a great honour to be adopted as "filius per arma." Our children by nature often disappoint our expectations, but to say that we esteem a man _worthy to be our son_ is indeed praise. As such, after the manner of the nations and in manly fashion, do we now beget you[325]. [Footnote 325: Notice the strong expression, 'Et ideo more gentium et conditione virili filium te praesenti munere _procreamus_.'] 'We send you horses, spears, and shields, and the rest of the trappings of the warrior; but above all we send you our judgment that you are worthy to be our son[326]. Highest among the nations will you be considered who are thus approved by the mind of Theodoric. [Footnote 326: 'Damus quidem tibi equos, enses clypeos, et reliqua instrumenta bellorum, sed quae sunt omnimodis fortiora, largimur tibi nostra judicia.'] 'And though the son should die rather than see his father suffer aught of harm, we in adopting you are also throwing round you the shield of our protection. The Heruli have known the value of Gothic help in old times, and that help will now be yours. A and B, the bearers of these letters, will explain to you in Gothic (patrio sermone) the rest of our message to you[327]. [Footnote 327: In 512, says Marcellinus Comes, 'Gens Erulorum in terras atque civitates Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris introducta.' But what relation that entry of the Heruli into Roman territory may bear to this letter is a very difficult question. See Dahn, Könige der Germanen ii. 8, _n._ 2.] 3. KING THEODORIC TO SENARIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES. [Conferring upon him the dignity of 'Comitiva Patrimonii.'] [Sidenote: Senarius made Comes Patrimonii.] 'The master's fame is enhanced by choosing the right persons for his servants. The Sovereign ought to promote such persons that whenever he condescends to behold them he may feel that his _judicia_[328] have been justified. We therefore hereby bestow upon you, for the fourth Indiction [Sept. 1, 510], the Illustrious dignity of Comes of our Patrimony.' [Footnote 328: Same expression as in preceding letter.] Services of Senarius as a diplomatist, in standing up against Barbarian Kings and subduing their intellects to the moderate counsels of Theodoric[329]. [Footnote 329: 'Subiisti saepe arduae legationis officium. Restitisti regibus non impar assertor, coactus justitiam nostram et illis ostendere, qui rationem vix poterant cruda obstinatione sentire. Non te terruit contentionibus inflammata regalis auctoritas,' etc.] His success as an advocate[330]. The charm of his pronunciation. His purity of morals; his popularity with high and low. He is exhorted still to cultivate these dispositions, and to win favour for his office by his affable demeanour. [Footnote 330: 'Usus es sub exceptionis officio eloquentis ingenio.' 'Exceptio' is a law term, the defendant's answer to the plaintiff's bill; but is it so used here?] 4. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Announcing the promotion of Senarius, conferred in the preceding letter.] [Sidenote: On the same subject.] Describes the merits of the new Comes, who when young in years but mature in merit had entered the service of the Palace; his diplomatic career[331] and his moderation and reserve in the midst of success, although naturally 'joy is a garrulous thing,' and it is difficult for men who are carrying all before them to restrain the expression of their exaltation. [Footnote 331: Again we have 'exceptiones' mentioned (see preceding letter). 'Nunc ad colloquia dignus, _nunc ad exceptiones aptissimus_, frequenter etiam in legationis honorem electus.'] Compliments to the Senate, who are invited to give a hearty welcome to the new comer. 5. KING THEODORIC TO AMABILIS, VIR DEVOTUS[332] AND COMES. [Footnote 332: Probably this epithet means that Amabilis was a Sajo.] [Sidenote: Supply of provisions to famine-stricken Provinces of Gaul.] 'Having heard that there is dearth in our Gaulish Provinces we direct your Devotion to take bonds from the shipmasters along the whole western coast of Italy (Lucania, Campania, and Thuscia) that they will go with supplies of food only to the Gauls, having liberty to dispose of their cargoes as may be agreed between buyer and seller. They will find their own profit in this, for there is no better customer for a corn-merchant than a hungry man. He looks on all his other possessions as dross if he can only supply the cravings of necessity. He who is willing to sell to a man in this condition almost seems to be _giving_ him what he needs, and can very nearly ask his own price.' [It will be seen that in this letter there is no attempt to fix a maximum price, only to prescribe the kind of cargo, 'victuales species,' which is to be carried to Gaul.] 6. KING THEODORIC TO SYMMACHUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PATRICIAN. [Sidenote: The sons of Valerian to be detained in Rome.] 'The Spectabilis Valerian, who lives at Syracuse, wishes to return thither himself, but that his sons, whom he has brought to Rome for their education, may be detained in that City. 'Let your Magnificence therefore not allow them to leave the aforesaid City till an order has been obtained from us to that effect. Thus will their progress in their studies be assured, and proper reverence be paid to our command. And let none of them think this a burden, which should have been an object of desire[333]. To no one should Rome be disagreeable, for she is the common country of all, the fruitful mother of eloquence, the broad temple of the virtues: it is a striking mark of our favour to assign such a City as a residence to any of our subjects[334].' [Footnote 333: 'Non ergo sibi putet impositum quod debuit esse votivum. Nulli sit ingrata Roma, quae dici non potest aliena. Illa eloquentiae foecunda mater, illa virtutum omnium latissimum templum.'] [Footnote 334: Cf. the very similar letter, i. 39.] 7. KING THEODORIC TO SENARIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, COMES PRIVATARUM. [Sidenote: Losses by shipwreck to be refunded to those who were sending provisions to Gaul.] 'Any calamity which comes upon a man from causes beyond his control ought not to be imputed to him as a fault. The pathetic petition of the Superintendents of Grain[335] informs us that the cargoes which they destined for Gaul have perished at sea. [Footnote 335: 'Prosecutores frumentorum.' It would seem that these are not merchants supplying the famine-stricken Provinces of Gaul as a private speculation (according to iv. 5), but public officers who have had certain cargoes of corn entrusted to them from the State magazines, and who, but for this letter, would be bound to make good the loss suffered under their management.] 'The framework of the timbers of the ships gaped under the violence of the winds and waves, and from all that overabundance of water nothing remains to them but their tears. 'Let your Sublimity therefore promptly refund to them the proportion (modiatio) which each of them can prove that he has thus lost. It would be cruel to punish them for having merely suffered shipwreck.' 8. KING THEODORIC TO THE HONOURED POSSESSORES AND CURIALES OF FORUM LIVII (FORLI). [Sidenote: Transport of timber ordered for Alsuanum.] 'You must not think anything which we order hard; for our commands are reasonable, and we know what you ought to do. Your Devotion is therefore to cut timber and transport it to Alsuanum[336], where you will be paid the proper price for it.' [Footnote 336: Where is this?] 9. KING THEODORIC TO OSUIN, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES. [Sidenote: Tuitio regii nominis.] [This letter is quoted by Dahn ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 117) as an illustration of '_tuitio regii nominis_.'] 'Maurentius and Paula, who are left orphans, inform us that their youth and helplessness expose them to the attacks of many unscrupulous persons. 'Let your Sublimity therefore cause it to be known that any suits against them must be prosecuted in our Comitatus, the place of succour for the distressed and of sharp punishment for tricksters.' 10. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES, SENATOR AND CONSULARIS OF CAMPANIA. [Sidenote: The lawless custom of Pignoratio is to be repressed.] [A custom had apparently grown