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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11
       Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History
       of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and
       Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the
       Present Time

Author: Robert Kerr

Release Date: March 16, 2005 [EBook #15376]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO
THE PRESENT TIME.


BY


ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. XI.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.




CONTENTS OF VOL. XI


PART II. BOOK IV. CONTINUED.

CHAP. XII.--(_Continued_.)
  Voyage round the World, by Captain George Shelvocke, in 1719-1722,

  SECT.
  V. Voyage from California to Canton in China,

  VI. Residence in China, and Voyage thence to
  England,

  VII. Supplement to the foregoing Voyage,

  VIII. Appendix to Shelvocke's Voyage round the
  World. Containing Observations on the
  Country and Inhabitants of Peru, by Captain
  Betagh,

  Introduction,
  § 1. Particulars of the Capture of the Mercury
  by the Spaniards,
  § 2. Observations made by Betagh in the
  North of Peru,
  § 3. Voyage from Payta to Lima, and Account
  of the English Prisoners at that
  Place,
  § 4. Description of Lima, and some Account
  of the Government of Peru,
  § 5. Some Account of the Mines of Peru and
  Chili,
  § 6. Observations on the Trade of Chili,
  § 7. Some Account of the French Interlopers
  in Chili,
  § 8. Return of Betagh to England,

CHAP. XIII. Voyage round the World, by Commodore Roggewein, in 1721-1723

  Introduction

  SECT.
  I. Narrative of the Voyage from Holland to the Coast of Brazil,

  II. Arrival in Brazil, with some Account of that Country,

  III. Incidents during the Voyage from Brazil to Juan Fernandez, with a
  Description of that Island,

  IV. Continuation of the Voyage from Juan Fernandez till the Shipwreck of
  the African Galley,

  V. Continuation of the Voyage after the Loss of the African, to the
  Arrival of Roggewein at New Britain,

  VI. Description of New Britain, and farther Continuation of the Voyage
  till the Arrival of Roggewein at Java,

  VII. Occurrences from their Arrival at the Island of Java, to the
  Confiscation of the Ships at Batavia,

  VIII. Description of Batavia and the Island of Java, with some Account
  of the Government of the Dutch East-India Company's Affairs,

  IX. Description of Ceylon,

  X. Some Account of the Governments of Amboina, Banda, Macasser, the
  Moluccas, Mallacca, and the Cape of Good Hope,

  XI. Account of the Directories of Coromandel, Surat, Bengal, and
  Persia,

  XII. Account of the Commanderies of Malabar, Gallo, Java, and
  Bantam,

  XIII. Some Account of the Residences of Cheribon, Siam, and Mockha,

  XIV. Of the Trade of the Dutch in Borneo and China,

  XV. Of the Dutch Trade with Japan,

  XVI. Account of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope,

  XVII. Voyage from the Cape of Good Hope to Holland, with some Account of
  St Helena, the Island of Ascension, and the Açores,

CHAP. XIV. Voyage round the World, by Captain George Anson, in the Years
1740-1744,

  Preface,

  Introduction,

  SECT.
  I. Of the Equipment of the Squadron, and the Incidents relating to it,
  from its first Appointment to its setting Sail from St Helens,

  II. The Passage from St Helens to the Island of Madeira, with a short
  Account of that Island, and of our Stay there,

  III. History of the Spanish Squadron commanded by Don Joseph
  Pizarro, 236

  IV. Passage from Madeira to St Catharines,

  V. Proceedings at St Catharines, and a Description of that Place, with
  a short Account of Brazil,

  VI. The Run from St Catharines to Port St Julian; with some Account of
  the Port, and of the Country to the South of the Rio Plata,

  VII. Departure from the Bay of St Julian, and Passage from thence to
  the Straits of Le Maire,

  VIII. Course from the Straits of Le Maire to Cape Noir,

  IX. Observations and Directions for facilitating the Passage of future
  Navigators round Cape Horn,

  X. Course from Cape Noir to the Island of Juan Fernandez,

  XI. Arrival of the Centurion at Juan Fernandez, with a Description of
  that Island,

  XII. Separate Arrivals of the Gloucester, and Anna Pink, at Juan
  Fernandez, and Transactions at that Island during the
  Interval,

  XIII. Short Account of what befell the Anna Pink before she rejoined;
  with an Account of the Loss of the Wager, and the putting back of
  the Severn and Pearl,

  XIV. Conclusion of Proceedings at Juan Fernandez, from the Arrival of
  the Anna Pink, to our final Departure from thence,

  XV. Our Cruise, from leaving Juan Fernandez, to the taking of
  Payta,

  XVI. Capture of Payta, and Proceedings at that Place,

  XVII. Occurrences from our Departure from Payta to our Arrival
  at Quibo,

  XVIII. Our Proceedings at Quibo, with an Account of the Place,

  XIX. From Quibo to the Coast of Mexico,

  XX. An Account of the Commerce carried on between the City of Manilla on
  the Island of Luconia, and the Port of Acapulco on the Coast of
  Mexico,

  XXI. Our Cruise off the Port of Acapulco for the Manilla Ship,

  XXII. A short Account of Chequetan, and of the adjacent Coast and
  Country,

  XXIII. Account of Proceedings at Chequetan and on the adjacent Coast,
  till our setting sail for Asia,

  XXIV. The Run from the Coast of Mexico to the Ladrones or Marian
  Islands,

  XXV. Our Arrival at Tinian, and an Account of the Island, and of our
  Proceedings there, till the Centurion drove out to Sea,

  XXVI. Transactions at Tinian after the Departure of the Centurion,

  XXVII. Account of the Proceedings on board the Centurion when driven out
  to Sea,

  XXVIII. Of our Employment at Tinian, till the final Departure of the
  Centurion, and of the Voyage to Macao,

  XXIX. Proceeding at Macao,

  XXX. From Macao to Cape Espiritu Santo: The taking of the Manilla
  Galleon, and returning back again,

  XXXI. Transactions in the River of Canton,

  XXXII. Proceedings at the City of Canton, and the Return of the
  Centurion to England,




A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART II.

BOOK IV. (CONTINUED.)

     *     *     *     *     *




CHAPTER XII--_Continued_.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE, IN 1719-1722.



SECTION V.

_Voyage from California to Canton in China_.

We fell in with the coast of California on the 11th of August, and
as soon as we were discovered by the natives, they made fires on the
shore as we sailed past. Towards evening, two of them came off on a
bark log, and were with difficulty induced to come on board. Seeing
our negroes standing promiscuously among the whites, they angrily
separated them from us, and would hardly suffer them to look at us.
They then made signs for us to sit down, after which one of them put
himself into strange postures, talking to us with great vehemence, and
seeming to be in a transport of extacy, running from one to the
other of us with great vehemence, continually singing, speaking, and
running, till quite out of breath. Night coming on, they were for
departing, when we gave them a knife and an old coat each, with which
they were much pleased, and invited us by signs to go on shore along
with them. On the 13th, we were near Porto Leguro, whence some of the
natives came out to meet us on bark-logs, while others made fires,
as if to welcome us, on the tops of hills and rocks near the sea, all
seemingly rejoiced to see us; those on shore running up and down
to each other, and those on the bark-logs paddling with all their
strength to meet us.

No sooner was our anchor down than they came off to us in crowds, some
off bark-logs, but most of them swimming, all the while talking and
calling to each other confusedly. In an instant our ship was full of
these swarthy gentry, all quite naked. Among the rest was their
king or chief; who was no way distinguishable from the rest by any
particular ornament, or even by any deference paid to him by his
people, his only ensign of sovereignty being a round black stick of
hard wood, about two feet and a half long. This being observed by some
of our people, they brought him to me, and concluding that I was the
chief of the ship, he delivered his black sceptre to me in a handsome
manner, which I immediately returned. Notwithstanding his savage
appearance, this man had a good countenance, and there was something
dignified in his manner and behaviour. I soon found a way to regale
them, by setting before them abundance of our choicest Peruvian
conserves, with which they seemed much gratified. They were
accommodated with spoons, mostly silver, all of which they very
honestly returned.

Having thus commenced friendship with the natives, I sent an officer
ashore to view the watering-place; and, to make him the more welcome,
I sent with him some coarse blue baize and some sugar, to distribute
among the women. On seeing our boat ready to put off, the king was
for accompanying her in his bark-log, but I persuaded him to go in the
boat, with which he seemed to be much gratified. The remainder of
the day was spent with our wild visitors, who behaved in general very
quietly. The officer returned with an account of having been very
civilly received, and we prepared our casks for being sent ashore next
morning. Although, at first view, the country and inhabitants might
dissuade us from venturing freely among them, I had formerly read such
accounts of these people, that I was under no apprehension of being
molested in wooding and watering. The Californians, however, appeared
very terrible to our negroes, insomuch, that one of them, who
accompanied the officer on shore, was afraid to stir from the boat,
and held an axe constantly in his hand, to defend himself in case of
being attacked. On the approach of night, all the Indians swam ashore,
leaving us a clear ship, after the fatigues of the day.

Next morning, at day-break, our boat went ashore with the people
appointed to cut wood and fill our water-casks; and before the sun was
up, our ship was again filled with our former guests, who seemed
never satisfied with gazing at us and every thing about the ship. That
nothing might be wanting to keep up our amity, I sent a large boiler
on shore, with a good store of flour and sugar, and a negro cook, who
continually boiled hasty-pudding, to serve the numerous guests on the
beach. At first the natives remained idle spectators of our labours;
but at length, taking compassion to see our few men labouring hard in
rolling great casks of water over the heavy sand in the sultry heat
of the day, they put forth their hands to help them, encouraged by the
particular readiness of their chief to serve us; for, after seeing Mr
Randal take up a log of wood to carry to the boat, he took up another,
and was immediately followed by two or three hundred of the natives,
so that they eased our men mightily. They also rolled our casks down
to the beach, but always expected a white man to assist them, though
quite satisfied if he only touched the cask with his finger. This
eased our men of a great deal of fatigue, and shortened the time of
our stay at this place. We even found means to make those who used to
stay all day on board, of some use to us; for, when we came to heel
the ship, we crowded them, all over on one side, which, with other
shifts, gave her a deep heel, while we cleaned and paid her bottom
with pitch and tallow.

The natives seemed every day more and more attached to us. When our
boat went ashore in the morning, there was constantly a large retinue
in waiting on the beach for our people, and particularly for those
whom they guessed to be above the common rank, by their better dress.
By this time, the news of our arrival had spread through all the
neighbouring parts, and some natives of different tribes from that
which dwelt about the bay, came daily to visit us. Those who came
from any distance in the inland country could not swim, and were
differently painted, besides some other visible distinctions; but
all united amicably to assist us, and hardly any were idle except the
women, who used to sit in circles on the scorching sand, waiting for
their shares of what was going forwards, which they received without
any quarrelling among themselves about the inequality of distribution.
Having completed our business in five days, we prepared for our
departure on the 18th August, and employed that morning in making a
large distribution of sugar among the women, and gave a great many
knives, old axes, and old iron among the men, being the most valuable
presents we could make them; and, in return, they gave us bows and
arrows, deer-skin bags, live foxes and squirrels, and the like. That
we might impress them with awe of our superior power, we saluted them
with five guns on loosing our top-sails, which greatly frightened
them, and there seemed an universal damp on their spirits on seeing
our sails loosed, as sorry for our approaching departure. The women
were all in tears when my people were coming off to the ship; and many
of the men remained till we were under sail, and then leapt into the
sea with sorrowful countenances.

Having made some stay in California, some account of that country and
its inhabitants may be expected; though I believe a complete discovery
of its extent and boundaries would produce few real advantages, except
satisfying the curious. That part of California which I saw, being the
southern extremity of its western coast, appears mountainous, barren,
and sandy, much like some parts of Peru: yet the soil about Porto
Leguro, and most likely in the other vallies, is a rich black mould,
and when turned up fresh to the sun, appears as if intermingled with
gold-dust. We endeavoured to wash and purify some of this, and the
more this was done, the more it appeared like gold. In order to be
farther satisfied, I brought away some of this earth, but it was
afterwards lost in our confusions in China. However this may be,
California probably abounds in metals of all sorts, though the natives
had no ornaments or utensils of any metal, which is not to be wondered
at, as they are perfectly ignorant of all arts.

The country has plenty of wood, but the trees are very small, hardly
better than bushes. But woods, which are an ornament to most other
countries, serve only to make this appear the more desolate; for
locusts swarm here in such numbers, that they do not leave a
green leaf on the trees. In the day, these destructive insects are
continually on the wing in clouds, and are extremely troublesome by
flying in, one's face. In shape and size they greatly resemble our
green grasshoppers, but are of a yellow colour. Immediately after we
cast anchor, they came off in such numbers, that the sea around the
ship was covered with their dead bodies. By their incessant ravages,
the whole country round Porto Leguro was stripped totally naked,
notwithstanding the warmth of the climate and the richness of the
soil. Believing that the natives are only visited with this plague at
this season of the year, I gave them a large quantity of calavances,
and shewed them how they were sown. The harbour of Porto Leguro is
about two leagues to the N.E. of Cape St Lucas, being a good and safe
port, and very convenient for privateers when cruizing for the Manilla
ship. The watering-place is on the north side of the bay or harbour,
being a small river which there flows into the sea, and may easily be
known by the appearance of a great quantity of green canes growing
in it, which always retain their verdure, not being touched by the
locusts, as these canes probably contain, something noxious to that
voracious insect.

The men of this country are tall, straight, and well set, having large
limbs, with coarse black hair, hardly reaching to their shoulders. The
women are of much smaller size, having much longer hair than the men,
with which some of them almost cover their faces. Some of both sexes
have good countenances; but all are much darker-complexioned than
any of the other Indians I saw in the South Seas, being a very deep
copper-colour. The men go quite naked, wearing only a few trifles by
way of ornament, such as a band or wreath of red and white silk-grass
round their heads, adorned on each side with a tuft of hawk's
feathers. Others have pieces of mother-of-pearl and small shells
fastened among their hair, and tied round their necks; and some had
large necklaces of six or seven strings, composed of small red and
black berries. Some are scarified all over their bodies; others use
paint, some smearing their faces and breasts with black, while others
were painted black down to the navel, and from thence to the feet with
red.

The women wear a thick fringe or petticoat of silk-grass, reaching
from their middle to their heels, and have a deer-skin carelessly
thrown over their shoulders. Some of the better sort have a cloak of
the skin of some large bird, instead of the bear-skins. Though the
appearance of the Californians is exceedingly savage, yet, from what
I could observe of their behaviour to each other, and their deportment
towards us, they seem to possess all imaginable humanity. All the time
we were there, and constantly among many hundreds of them, there
was nothing to be seen but the most agreeable harmony, and most
affectionate behaviour to each other. When any of us gave any thing
eatable to one person, he always divided it among all who were around
him, reserving the smallest share to himself. They seldom walked
singly, but mostly in pairs, hand in hand. They seemed of meek
and gentle dispositions, having no appearance of cruelty in their
countenances or behaviour, yet seemed haughty towards their women.
They lead a careless life, having every thing in common, and seemed to
desire nothing beyond the necessaries of life. They never once offered
to pilfer or steal any of our tools or other utensils; and such was
their honesty, that my men having forgotten their axes one day on
shore, while cutting wood, which was noticed by one of the natives, he
told it to the king, who sent into the wood for the axes, and restored
them with much apparent satisfaction.

Their language is guttural and harsh, and they talk a great deal, but
I could never understand a single word they spoke. Their dwellings
were very mean, being scarcely sufficient to shelter them. Their diet
is, I believe, mostly fish, which they frequently eat raw, but they
sometimes bake it in the sand. They seldom want abundance of this
food, as the men go out to sea on their bark-logs, and are very expert
harponiers. Their harpoons are made of hard wood, and with these
they strike the largest albicores, and bring them ashore on their
bark-logs, which they row with double paddles. This seemed strange
to us, who had often experienced the strength of these fish; for
frequently when we had hold of one of these with very large hooks,
made fast to eight-strand twine, we had to bring the ship to, to bring
them in, and it was then as much as eight or ten men could do; so that
one would expect, when an Indian had struck one of these fish,
from his light float, it would easily run away with the man and the
bark-log; but they have some sleight in their way of management, by
which the strength and struggling of these fish are all in vain. There
are hardly any birds to be seen in this country except a few pelicans.

When the Californians want to drink, they wade into the river, up to
their middles, where they take up the water in their hands, or stoop
down and suck it with their mouths. Their time is occupied between
hunting, fishing, eating, and sleeping; and having abundant exercise,
and rather a spare diet, their lives are ordinarily prolonged to
considerable age, many of both sexes appearing to be very old, by
their faces being much wrinkled, and their hair very grey. Their bows
are about six feet long, with strings made of deer's sinews, but their
arrows seemed too long for their bows; and considering that they have
no adequate tools, these articles must require much time in making.
The shafts of their arrows consist of a hollow cane, for two-thirds of
their length, the other third, or head, being of a heavy kind of wood,
edged with flint, or sometimes agate, and the edges notched like a
saw, with a very sharp point. They made no display of their arms to
us, and we seldom saw any in their hands, though they have need of
some arms to defend themselves from wild beasts, as I saw some men who
had been severely hurt in that way, particularly one old man, who
had his thigh almost torn in pieces by a tiger or lion, and though,
healed, it was frightfully scarred. The women commonly go into the
woods with bows and arrows in search of game, while the men are
chiefly occupied in fishing. I can say nothing respecting their
government, except that it did not seem any way strict or rigorous.
When the king appeared in public, he was usually attended by many
couples, or men walking hand in hand, two and two together. On the
first morning of our arrival, he was seen in this manner coming out of
a wood, and noticing one of my officers cutting down a tree, whom
he judged to be better than ordinary, by having silver lace on his
waistcoat, be shewed both his authority and civility at the same time,
by ordering one of his attendants to take the axe and work in his
stead.

One day while we were there, a prodigious flat fish was seen basking
in the sun on the surface of the water near the shore, on which twelve
Indians swam off and surrounded him. Finding himself disturbed, the
fish dived, and they after him, but he escaped from them at this time.
He appeared again in about an hour, when sixteen or seventeen Indians
swam off and encompassed him; and, by continually tormenting him,
drove, him insensibly ashore. On grounding, the force with which he
struck the ground with his fins is not to be expressed, neither can
I describe the agility with which the Indians strove to dispatch
him, lest the surf should set him again afloat, which they at length
accomplished with the help of a dagger lent them by Mr Randal. They
then cut him into pieces, which were distributed among all who stood
by. This fish, though of the flat kind, was very thick, and had a
large hideous mouth, being fourteen or fifteen feet broad, but not
quite so much in length.

On the 18th August, 1721, we set sail from Porto Leguro, bound for
Canton in China, as a likely place for meeting with some English
ships, in which we might procure a passage home. Considering the
length of the voyage before us, our ship was in a very bad condition,
as her sails and rigging were so old and rotten, that if any accident
had befallen our masts or sails, we had been reduced to extreme
distress and danger, having no change either of sails or ropes; but
ours being a case of necessity, we had to run all hazards, and to
endeavour, by the utmost attention, to guard against deficiencies
which could not be supplied. Having already overcome many
difficulties, seemingly insurmountable in prospect, we were full
of hope to get over these also, and the pleasing expectation of
revisiting our native shores gave us spirits to encounter this tedious
navigation in so weak and comfortless a condition. We were now so
weakly manned, that we could scarcely have been able to navigate our
vessel without the assistance of the negroes, not amounting now
to thirty whites, so much had our crew been reduced by untoward
accidents.

We discovered an island on the 21st, 110 leagues W.S.W. from Cape St
Lucas,[1] but as the wind blew fresh, I could not get nearer than two
leagues, and did not think proper to lose time in laying-to in the
night. It seemed seven or eight leagues in circumference, having a
large bay on its S.W. side, in the middle of which was a high rock. My
people named this Shelvocke's island. From hence we shelved, down to
the latitude of 13° N. but were stopped two or three days by westerly
winds, which we did not expect in this sea, especially as being
now five or six hundred leagues from the land. The trade-wind again
returning, we kept in the parallel of 13° N. except when we judged
that we were near the shoals of St Bartholomew, and then haled a
degree more to the north, and so continued for sixty or seventy
leagues. A fortnight after leaving California, my people, who had
hitherto enjoyed uninterrupted health, began to be afflicted with
sickness, particularly affecting their stomachs, owing doubtless to
the great quantities of sweetmeats they were continually devouring,
and also to oar common food, chiefly composed of puddings made of
coarse flour and sweetmeats, mixed up with sea-water, together with
jerked beef, most of which was destroyed by ants, cockroaches, and
other vermin. We could not afford to boil the kettle once in the whole
passage with fresh water, so that the crew became reduced to a
very melancholy state by scurvy and other distempers. The sickness
increased upon us every day, so that we once buried two in one day,
the armourer and carpenter's, mate, besides whom the carpenter,
gunner, and several others died, together with some of our best
negroes.

[Footnote 1: Probably La Nablada, in lat. 18° 55' N. long. 180° 48'
E.]

The greatest part of my remaining people were disabled, and our ship
very leaky; and to add to our misfortunes, one of our pumps split and
became useless. Under these unhappy circumstances, we pushed forwards
with favourable gales till within 80 leagues of Guam, one of the
Ladrones, when we encountered dismal weather and tempestuous winds,
veering round the compass. This was the more frightful, as we were
unable to help ourselves, not above six or seven, being able for duty,
though necessity obliged even those who were extremely low and weak
to lend what help they could. In the boisterous sea raised by these
gales, our ship so laboured that the knee of her head, and her whole
beak-head, became loose, so that the boltsprit fetched away and played
with every motion of the ship, and so continued all the rest of
the time we were at sea. For some time our main-mast stood without
larboard shrouds, till we could unlay our best cable to make more,
having knotted and spliced the old shrouds till our labour was in
vain. In the midst of these difficulties, I was taken very ill, and
had little expectations of living much longer, till the gout gave me
some painful hopes of recovery.

In the beginning of October, we made the island of Guam, 100 leagues
short of the account given by Rogers, who makes 105° of longitude
between Cape St Lucas and Guam, while we made not quite 100°.[2] We
passed through between Guam and Serpana, and saw several flying proas,
but none came near us that day. We had heavy and squally weather,
which obliged me to keep the deck in the rain, by which I caught a
cold, which threw me into a worse condition than before, in which I
continued all the time I was in China. Guam seemed very green and of
moderate height, and the sight of land was so pleasant after our long
run, that we would gladly have stopped to procure some refreshments,
but durst not venture in, though on the point of perishing, lest the
inhabitants should take advantage of our weakness. From Guam I shaped
our course for the island of Formosa, to which we had a long and
melancholy voyage, as our sickness daily increased; so that, on the 3d
November, when we got sight of that island, both ship and company
were almost entirely worn out. Next day we doubled the south Cape of
Formosa, passing within a league of the rocks of _Vele-Rete_, where
we were sensible of a very strong current. As we passed in sight, the
inhabitants of Formosa made continual fires on the coast, as inviting
us to land; but we were so weak that we did not deem it prudent to
venture into any of their harbours.

[Footnote 2: Rogers is however nearer the truth, the difference of
longitude being 106° 42' between these two places.--E.]

We directed our course from Formosa for the neighbouring coast of
China, and found ourselves on the 6th at the mouth of the river
_Loma_,[3] in twelve fathoms water, but the weather was so hazy that
we could not ascertain where we were. Seeing abundance of fishing
boats, we tried every method we could think of to induce some of
the fishermen to come on board to pilot us to Macao, but found
this impracticable, as we could not understand each other. We were
therefore obliged to keep the land close on board, and to anchor
every evening. This was a prodigious fatigue to our men, who were so
universally ill that we could hardly find any one able to steer
the ship. We were bewildered in a mist during four days, and much
surprised by seeing a great many islands, omitted in our charts, on
some of which we saw large fortifications. This made us believe
that the current had carried us beyond our port, and occasioned much
dejection of spirits; for, though the sea was covered with fishing
boats, we could get no one to set us right, or to give us any
directions we could understand.

[Footnote 3: This name is so corrupted as to be unintelligible.--E]

Towards evening of the 10th, as we were passing through a very narrow
channel between two islands, a fisherman who was near, and observed
by our manner of working that we were afraid to venture through, waved
with his cap for us to bring to till he came to us. When he came, he
seemed to understand that we enquired for Macao, and made signs that
he would carry us there, if we gave him as many pieces of silver as
he counted little fish from his basket, which amounted to forty. We
accordingly counted out forty dollars into a hat, and gave them to
him, on which he came into our ship, and took her in charge, carrying
us through the narrow channel, and brought us to anchor at sun-set. We
weighed next morning, and kept the coast of China close on board. By
noon we were abreast of Pulo Lantoon, whence we could see two English
ships under sail, passing the island of Macao on their way from the
river of Canton. They kept on their way, taking no notice of us, which
struck a damp into our spirits, fearing we should miss a passage for
England this season. In the afternoon of next day, we anchored in
the road of Macao, near the entrance of Canton river, which we never
should have found out by any of our charts.

I was much amazed at the incorrectness with which these coasts are
laid down, to the eastwards of Pulo Lantoon; as there runs a cluster
of islands for upwards of twenty leagues in that direction, which are
not in the least noticed by any of our hydrographers, nor have I ever
met with any navigator who knew any thing about them. The coast of
China, within these islands, is rocky, mountainous, and barren;
but, owing to my heavy sickness, I was unable to make any useful
observations.



SECTION VI.

_Residence in China, and Voyage thence to England._

As Macao is the place where ships always stop for a pilot to carry
them up the river of Canton, I sent an officer with my compliments
to the governor, and with orders to bring off a pilot; but
hearing nothing of him till next morning, I was under very great
apprehensions. Next morning, a great number of the people belonging
to the Success came off to our ship, and acquainted me that Clipperton
had left me designedly. About noon this day, the 12th November,
1721, a pilot came off to us, when we immediately weighed anchor, and
immediately entered Canton river, being assured that there still were
some European ships at Wampoo, about ten miles short of Canton. We
were four days in plying up to the road between the tower bars, where
we anchored; and, finding the Bonetta and Hastings, two English
ships, I sent an officer to request their instructions how to conduct
ourselves in this port, and to acquaint us with its customs. They
answered, that the Cadogan and Francis, two English European ships,
were lying at Wampoo, and advised me to send up to the English factors
at Canton, to acquaint them with our arrival, and the reasons which
obliged us to come here. This I accordingly did next day, borrowing
one of their flags to hoist as our boat, without which we had met with
much trouble from the _Hoppo-men_, or custom-house officers. I sent
letters to the captains of the English ships, signifying the necessity
which forced me to this country, and requesting their succour and
protection; assuring them that I acted under his majesty's commission,
which also I sent, for their perusal. Next morning, being the 17th, I
weighed and worked up to Wampoo, where, besides the two English ships,
I found three belonging to France, one Ostender, and a small ship from
Manilla.

I was here in hopes of all my troubles being at an end, and that I
should have full leisure for rest and refreshment after my many and
great fatigues; but I soon found these expectations ill grounded,
and after all my perils, that I was fallen into others least to be
endured, as proceeding from false brethren. A most unlucky accident
happened the very evening that we anchored at Wampoo, which gave birth
to all the troubles I encountered in India; though, in respect to
me, both unforeseen and unavoidable, and purely the effects of that
eagerness in the ship's company to get out of this part of the world
at any rate. Had there been any government among the English settled
here, to have supported my authority, this unlucky business had never
happened; and, as it was, could only be imputed to nothing but the
want of such an establishment. One of my men, named David Griffith,
being in a hurry to remove his effects into the Bonetta's boat, in
which he was chased by a _Hoppo_ or custom-house boat; and being a
little in liquor, and fearing to lose his silver, fired a musket and
killed the Hoppo-man or custom-house officer. Early next morning, the
dead body was laid at the door of the English factory, where Chinese
officers lay in wait to seize the first Englishman that should come
out. A supercargo belonging to the Bonetta happened to be the first;
he was immediately seized and carried off, and afterwards led in
chains about the suburbs of Canton. All that could be said or done
by the most considerable Chinese merchants who were in correspondence
with the English, was of no avail. In the mean time, my man, who had
slain the Chinese officer, and another, were put in irons aboard
the Francis, which was _chopped_, or seized, till the guilty man
was delivered up. He was then carried to Canton in chains, and the
supercargo was released.

I had not been here many days, when I was deserted by all my officers
and men, who were continually employed in removing their effects from
my ship to some of the European ships, without my knowledge, I being
then confined to bed. My officers were using all their efforts to
engage the gentlemen belonging to the company in their interest, and
had only left my son and a few negroes to look after the ship, and
to defend my effects, which were on the brink of falling into the
bottomless pit of Chinese avarice; besides, they and the ship's
company had so many ways of disposing of every thing they could lay
their hands on, that I found it impossible to oblige them to do what
I thought justice to our owners: They all soon recovered from
their illness, and they all became their own masters. There were no
magistrates for me to appeal to on shore, who would aid me so far as
to compel them to remain in my ship; and the officers commanding
the English ships could not afford me the help they might have been
inclined to give, lest the supercargoes might represent their conduct
to the East India Company. And these last, who superintend the English
trade at this port, seemed even inclined to have refused me a passage
in one of their ships, and even treated me as one enemy would treat
another in a neutral port; looking on me in that light for presuming
to come within the limits of the Company, without considering the
necessity by which I had been compelled to take that step.

When Captains Hill and Newsham came to visit me, they were astonished
at the ruinous condition of my ship, and could scarcely think it
possible for her to have made so long a passage. The rottenness of her
cordage, and the raggedness of her sails, filled them with surprise
and pity for my condition. When I had given them a short history of
the voyage, and requested they would receive my officers and company,
with their effects, they at once said, That they saw plainly my ship
was in no condition to be carried any farther, and they were willing
to receive us all as soon as we pleased, on payment of our passage.
But the supercargoes were displeased that I had not applied to them,
as they are the chief men here, though only passengers when aboard; so
that I was quite neglected, and the English captains were ordered to
fall down with their ships five or six miles below where I lay. I was
thus left destitute in the company of five foreign ships; yet their
officers, seeing me deserted by my countrymen, kindly offered me their
services, and assisted me as much as they could, and without them
I know not what might have been my fate, as I was under perpetual
apprehensions that the Chinese would have seized my ship.

After the murder of the custom-house officer seemed to have been quite
forgotten, a magistrate, called a _Little Mandarin_, committed the
following outrageous action:--At the beginning of the troubles,
occasioned by that murder, he had received orders to apprehend all the
English he could find, which he neglected till all was over. He then
one day, while passing the European factories, ordered his attendants
to seize on all the English he could see in the adjoining shops, and
took hold of nine or ten, French as well as English, whom he carried,
with halters about their necks, to the palace of the _Chantock_, or
viceroy. Application was then made to the _Hoppo_, or chief customer,
who represented matters to the viceroy in favour of the injured
Europeans; on which the mandarin was sent for, and being unable to
vindicate himself was degraded from his post, subjected to the bamboo,
a severe punishment, and rendered incapable of acting again as a
magistrate; the Europeans being immediately liberated. It appears to
me, however, that the English are tyrannized over by the Chinese, and
exposed to the caprices of every magistrate, wherefore I was the more
urgent to be on board one of the European ships. I had now discovered
my error in addressing the captains, and now sent a letter to the
supercargoes, demanding a passage for myself, my officers, and
ship's company, which I was sensible they could not refuse: but their
compliance was clogged with a charge to the captains not to receive
any thing belonging to us, unless consigned to the company in England.

The hoppo now made a demand upon me for anchorage in the river,
amounting to no less than 6000 _tahel_, and, to quicken the payment,
annexed a penalty to this extortion of 500 _tahel_ for every day
the payment was delayed. There were no means to avoid this gross
imposition; and though a day necessarily elapsed before I could
send up the money, I had to add the penalty of that day, so that he
received 6500 _tahel_, or L. 2166:13:4 sterling;[4] being about six
times as much as was paid for the Cadogan, the largest English ship
there at the time, and which measured a third larger than mine. I soon
after sold my ship for 2000 tahel, or L. 666, 13s. 4d. sterling, which
money was consigned to the India Company, along with all the rest of
my effects, and I prevailed on most of my officers and men to take
their passage in the English homeward-bound ships.

[Footnote 4: At these proportions, the Chinese _tahel_ is exactly 6s.
8d. sterling.--E.]

Considering my short stay in China, and my bad health, I cannot be
expected to give any tolerable account of this place from my own
observation, and to copy others would be inconsistent with the purpose
of this narrative, so that I shall only observe, that the English, at
this time, had no settled factory at Canton, being only permitted
to hire large houses, called _hongs_, with convenient warehouses
adjoining, for receiving their goods previous to their shipment. For
these they pay rent to the proprietors, and either hire the same or
others, as they think proper, next time they have occasion for the
accommodation.

Notwithstanding my utmost diligence, the business I was engaged in
kept me in a continual hurry till the ships were ready to depart,
which was in December, 1721: At which time, heartily tired of the
country, and the ill usage I had met with, I sailed in the Cadogan,
Captain John Hall, in company with the Francis, Captain Newsham; and
as the latter ship sailed much better than the Cadogan, she left us
immediately after getting out to sea. Finding his ship very tender, or
crank, Captain Hill put in at Batavia, to get her into better trim. We
continued here about ten days; but I can say little about that place,
being all the time unable to stand on my legs, and was only twice out
in a coach to take the air, two or three miles out of the city, in
which little excursion I saw a great variety of beautiful prospects of
fine country seats and gardens, and, indeed, every thing around shewed
the greatest industry. The buildings in the city are generally very
handsome, and laid out in very regular streets, having canals running
through most of them, with trees planted on each side, so that Batavia
may justly be called a fine city: But the sight is the only sense that
is gratified here, for the canals smell very offensively when the tide
is low, and breed vast swarms of muskitoes, which are more troublesome
here than in any place I was ever in.

A great part of the inhabitants of Batavia are Chinese, who are
remarkable for wearing there their ancient dress, having their hair
rolled up in such a manner that there is little difference in that
respect between the men and women. Ever since the revolution in China,
which brought that country under the Tartar yoke, the Tartarian
dress has been imposed upon the whole kingdom, which was not
effected without great bloodshed: For many of the Chinese were
so superstitiously attached to their ancient modes, that they
unaccountably chose rather to lose their lives than their hair; as the
Tartar fashion is to shave the head, except a long lock on the crown,
which they plait in the same manner we do. The Dutch, taking advantage
of this superstitious attachment of the Chinese to their hair, exact
from all the men who live under their protection, a poll-tax of a
dollar a month for the liberty of wearing their hair, which produces a
very considerable revenue.

Hearing at Batavia that there were several pirates in these seas,
Captain Hill joined the Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Bantam bay, and
the Dutch commodore promised to assist Captain Hill in wooding and
watering at _Mew_ island, the water at Batavia being very bad. We fell
in with the Francis in the Straits of Sunda, though we imagined that
ship had been far a-head. The Dutch made this a pretence for leaving
us before we got to Mew island, and Captain Newsham also deserted
us, so that we were left alone. We continued six or seven days at
Mew island, during which time several boats came to us from Prince's
island, and brought us turtle, cocoa-nuts, pine-apples, and other
fruits. From Mew island we had a very pleasant voyage to and about the
Cape of Good Hope. By the good management of Captain Hill, although
the Francis and the Dutch ships had the start of us seven days, by
deserting us in the Straits of Sunda, we yet got to the cape seven
days before the Francis, though she sailed considerably better than
we. By comparing notes with the officers of the Francis, we found that
she had suffered a good deal of bad weather off the south of Africa,
while we, by keeping about ten leagues nearer shore, continually
enjoyed pleasant weather and a fair wind, till we anchored in Table
Bay, which we did towards the end of March, 1722.

We here found Governor Boon and others, bound for England in the
London Indiaman. We had a pleasant voyage from the cape to St Helena,
and thence to England, arriving off the Land's-end towards the close
of July. On coming into the British channel we had brisk gales from
the west, with thick foggy weather. In the evening of the 30th July we
anchored under Dungeness, and that same night some of the supercargoes
and passengers, among whom I was one, hired a small vessel to carry
us to Dover, where we arrived the next morning early. The same day we
proceeded for London, and arrived there on the 1st August, 1722. Thus
ended a long, fatiguing, and unfortunate voyage, of _three years,
seven months, and eleven days_, in which I had sailed considerably
more than round the circumference of the globe, and had undergone a
great variety of troubles and hardships by sea and land.



SECTION VII.

_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage._

In the Collection of Harris, besides interweaving several
controversial matters respecting this voyage, from an account of it by
one Betagh, who was captain of marines in the Speedwell, a long series
of remarks on the conduct of Shelvocke by that person, are appended.
Neither of these appear to possess sufficient interest, at this
distance of time, almost a century, to justify their insertion in
our collection, where they would have very uselessly occupied a
considerable space. Captain Betagh appears to have been actuated by
violent animosity against Captain Shelvocke, whose actions he traduced
and misrepresented with the utmost malignity, the innocent cause of
his having suffered captivity among the Spaniards in South America,
of which some account will be found in the subsequent section. Of
all these charges, we have only deemed it expedient to insert the
following statement of the circumstances connected with the capture
of the Conception, as related by Betagh, which Harris, I. 230,
characterizes as "a very extraordinary piece of recent history, and
seemingly supported by evidence;" but at this distance of time we have
no means of ascertaining to which side the truth belongs.--_Ed._

"This being the great crisis of the voyage, I shall be more particular
in relating the affair of this last prize. This ship was named the
Conception, Don _Stephen de Recova_ commander,[1] bound from Calao to
Panama, having on board several persons of distinction, particularly
the Conde de la Rosa, who had been some time governor of Pisco,
and was now going to Spain, laden with flour, sugar, marmalade, _et
cetera_. Now, be it known to all men, that the _et cetera_ was 108,630
pieces of eight, or Spanish dollars: And Shelvocke little thought,
when he took this prize, or compiled his book, that I, of all men,
should have the exact state of this affair. He often said that he
would give the gentlemen owners a fair account; and I have often
promised to prove that he did say so. We have now both made our
words good, and I have not only an authentic account, but I will also
declare how I got it.

[Footnote 1: Shelvocke who certainly ought to have known best, names
the ship the Conception de Recova, and her commander Don Joseph
Desorio.--E.]

"When I was carried prisoner to Lima, I had sufficient leisure to
reflect on my misfortunes, and how likely I was to be ruined and
the owners cheated; wherefore, to prepare them to defend their just
rights, I wrote to one of them the substance of what had occurred
to me; how Shelvocke had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in
defiance of their articles, and what were his private intentions in
the latter part of the voyage. As soon as I came to London, which was
in October, 1721, I confirmed the report of my letter with several
new circumstances; for all which performance of my duty, it is, as
I suppose, that my name has met with so much reproach in Captain
Shelvocke's book. But, besides my advices, the gentlemen owners had
many proofs from prisoners and other people. Eleven months after me,
being August, 1722, Shelvocke himself arrived, and immediately waited
on the gentlemen in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any
thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, with every thing
else, among twenty-three of his men. Instead of compromising the
matter, the gentlemen read him a letter, secured him, and had him
the same day confined in _Wood-street Compter_. A few days after, his
pupil, Stewart, arrived at Dover, and was seized by the honest warden
of the castle, according to directions, securing also his book of
accounts, and brought it along with the prisoner to the owners, from
whom I had the book, and copied from it the following statement of the
dividends:--

Names.                Quality     Number   Dollars       Eng.
                                  of                     Money.
                                  Shares

George Shelvocke     Captain       6      14,325        2642  10  0
Samuel Rundal        Lieutenant    2-1/2|
John Rainer          Cap. Marines  2-1/2|
Blowfield Coldsea    Master        2-1/2|---4718        1100  17  4
Nicholas Adams       Surgeon       2-1/2|                  each
Mathew Stewart       First mate    2|
Monsieur La Porte    Second mate   2|
George Henshall      Boatswain     2|-------3775         880  16  8
Robert Davenport     Carpenter     2|                      each
William Clark        Gunner        2|
James Daniel         Midshipman    1-1/2|
David Griffith       Ditto         1-1/2|
Christopher Hawkins  Ditto         1-1/2|
Oliver Lefevre       Sail-maker    1-1/2|
John Doydge          Surgeon's          |
                     mate          1-1/2|
William Morgan       Ditto         1-1/2|---2850         660   0  0
John Popplestone     Armourer      1-1/2|                  each
James Moyett         Cooper        1-1/2|
John Pearson         Carpenter's   1-1/2|
                     mate               |
Geo. Shelvocke, jun.               1-1/2|
William Clement      Able seaman   1|
John Norris          Ditto         1|
James Moulville      Ditto         1|
George Gill          Ditto         1|
Peter Fero           Ditto         1|-------1887-1/4     440  7  2
John Smith           Ditto         1|                      each
Edward Alcocke       Ditto         1|
John Theobald        Barber        1|
William Burrows      Old seaman      3/4
Daniel M'Donald      Ditto           3/4
Richard Croft        Ditto           3/4
John Robbins         Grommet,        1/2|
                     or boy             |----943-1/4     220  4  2
Benedict Harry       Cook            1/2|                  each
------------------------------------------------------------------
33 persons in all                 52-1/4  98,604-2/3  23,007 15  6

"The reader will perceive that the sum total of this dividend falls
short of what I said the capture amounted to; but, in order to set
that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of
gold, which Shelvocke graciously shared among private friends, each
quadruple, or double doubloon; being worth sixteen dollars each, or L.
3:14:8 sterling, at 4s. 8d. the dollar. The value of these is 10,032
dollars, which, added to the sum of the foregoing account, make
108,636-3/4 dollars, or L. 25,348:11:6 sterling in all. Which large
sum of money Shelvocke had the prodigious modesty to conceal, under
the mysterious _et cetera_. Stewart's book mentions the double
doubloons, but says not a word as to how they were distributed, so
that we may imagine they were sunk between the two Shelvockes and
Stewart: For, as Stewart was agent, cashier, and paymaster, it was an
easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and to divide it
afterwards in a committee of two or three."--_Betagh._



SECTION VIII.

_Appendix to Shelvocke's Voyage round the World. Containing
Observations on the Country and Inhabitants of Peru, by Captain
Betagh._[1]

[Footnote 1: Harris, I. 240.]

INTRODUCTION.

This article may rather seem misplaced, as here inserted among the
circumnavigations; but, both as having arisen out of the voyage of
Shelvocke, and because arranged in this manner by Harris, it has been
deemed proper and necessary to preserve it in this place, where it
may be in a great measure considered as a supplement to the preceding
voyage. In the opinion of Harris, "The time that Betagh lived among
the Spaniards in Peru, and the manner in which he was treated by them,
gave him an opportunity of acquainting himself with their manners and
customs, and with the nature and maxims of their government, such as
no Englishman had possessed; and the lively manner in which he tells
his story, gives it much beauty and spirit." We have already seen, in
the narrative of Shelvocke, the occasion of Betagh separating from his
commander, along with Hately and a complement of men in the Mercury,
on which occasion Shelvocke alleged that they purposely separated from
him, in consequence of taking a prize containing 150,000 dollars. In
the following narrative, Betagh tells his own story very differently,
and we do not presume to determine between them. The separation of
Shelvocke originally from his own superior officer, Clipperton, is not
without suspicion; and Hately and Betagh may have learnt from their
commander, to endeavour to promote their own individual interests, at
the expense of their duty, already weakened by bad example.--_Ed_.

§ 1. _PARTICULARS OF THE CAPTURE OF THE MERCURY BY THE SPANIARDS_.

It was in the beginning of the year 1720, about the middle of March,
when Captain Shelvocke sent Hately and the rest of us to seek our
fortunes in the lighter called the Mercury. He then went in the
Speedwell to plunder the village of Payta, where we might easily have
joined him, had he been pleased to have imparted his design to us.
We had not cruized long off Cape Blanco, when we took a small bark,
having a good quantity of flour and chocolate. There were also on
board an elderly lady, and a thin old friar, whom we detained two
or three days; and, after taking out what could be of use to us, we
discharged the bark and them. Soon after this we took the Pink, which
Shelvocke calls the rich prize. Her people had no suspicion of our
being an enemy, and held on their way till they saw the Mercury
standing towards them, and then began to suspect us; on which, about
noon, they clapt their helm hard a-weather, and crowded all sail
before the wind; and, being in ballast, this was her best sailing, yet
proved also the greatest advantage they could have given us; for, had
she held her wind, our flat-bottomed vessel could never have got up
with theirs. About ten o'clock at night, with the assistance of hard
rowing, we got up within shot of the chase, and made her bring to,
when pretty near the shore. On boarding the prize, in which were
about seventy persons, thirty of whom were negroes, Hately left me and
Pressick in the Mercury, with other four, where we continued two or
three days, till a heavy rain spoiled all our bread and other dry
provisions. We then went on board the prize, sending three men to take
charge of the Mercury.

After this, we stood off and on in the height of Cape Blanco for seven
or eight days, expecting to meet with the Speedwell; and at that
place we sent ashore the Spanish Captain, a padre or priest, and some
gentlemen passengers. At last we espied a sail plying to windward;
and, having no doubt that she was either the Speedwell or the Success,
we stood towards her, while she also edged down towards us. About ten
in the morning we were near enough to make her out to be a ship of
war, but neither of these we wished for. The master of our prize had
before informed us, that he had fallen in with the _Brilliante_,
which was cruizing for our privateers, and we had till now entirely
disregarded his information. Upon this, Hately advised with me what
we ought to do in this emergency, when we agreed to endeavour to take
advantage of the information given us by the Spaniards; considering,
as the Brilliante had spoken so very lately with the Pink, that there
might not be many questions asked now. Accordingly, Hately and
I dressed ourselves like Spaniards, and hoisted Spanish colours,
confined all our prisoners in the great cabin, and allowed none but
Indians and negroes to appear on the deck, that the Pink might have
the same appearance as before. We had probably succeeded in this
contrivance, but for the obstinacy of John Sprake, one of our men,
whom we could not persuade to keep off the deck. As the Brilliante
came up, she fired a gun to leeward, on which we lowered our topsail,
going under easy sail till we got alongside. The first question asked
was, If we had seen the English privateer? We answered, No. The next
question was, How we had got no farther on our way to Lima? To
which we answered, By reason of the currents. To two or three other
questions, we answered satisfactorily in Spanish, and they were
getting their tacks aboard in order to leave us, when Sprake and two
or three more of our men appeared on the main deck. A Frenchman aboard
the Brilliante, who was on the mast-head, seeing their long trowsers,
called out, _Par Dieu, Monsieur, ils sont Anglois_, By Heaven, Sir,
they are English: Upon which they immediately fired a broad-side into
us with round and partridge shot, by one of which Hately was slightly
wounded in the leg.

As soon as we struck our flag, the enemy sent for all the English
on board their ships, and ordered two of their own officers into our
prize. The Brilliante then bore down on the Mercury, into which she
fired at least twenty-five shot, which bored her sides through and
through: Yet such was the construction of that extraordinary vessel,
that, though quite full of water, there was not weight enough to sink
her, and our three men who were in her remained unhurt. Don Pedro
Midrando, the Spanish commander, ordered these three men into his
own ship, in which he intended to sail for Payta. As for me, he gave
directions that I should be sent forty miles up the country, to a
place called _Piura_, and was so kind as to leave Mr Pressick the
surgeon, and my serjeant Cobbs, to bear me company. Mr Hately and
the rest of our men were ordered to Lima by land, a journey of four
hundred miles.[2] Hately had the misfortune to be doubly under the
displeasure of the Spaniards: First, for returning into these seas
after having been long their prisoner, and being well used among them:
And, second, for having stripped the Portuguese captain at Cape Frio
of a good quantity of moidores, which were now found upon him. Don
Pedro proposed to have this business searched to the bottom, and the
guilty severely punished, without exposing the innocent to any danger.

[Footnote 2: Lima is above six hundred miles from Cape Blanco, and
Piura is about seventy-five miles from the same place. Betagh gives no
account of the place where he landed; but forty miles northwards from
Piura would only carry him to the north side of the bay of Payta; and,
as he makes no mention of passing any river, he was probably landed on
the south side of the river Amatape or Chira.--E.]

§ 2. _OBSERVATIONS MADE BY BETAGH IN THE NORTH OF PERU._

Leaving Mr Hately for the present, I proceed to the observations I
made on the road, as the admiral was so good as send me up into the
country, till his return from Payta. As the weather in this part of
the world is much too hot to admit of any labour in the middle of the
day, the custom is to travel only from six in the evening till eight
next morning. My Indian guide set me on the best mule he had,
which did not think proper to follow the rest, so that I led my
fellow-travellers while day lasted. The whole country through which we
travelled was an open plain, having Indian plantations laid out with
tolerable regularity, on both sides of us. This champaign country is
from thirty to an hundred miles broad, and extends three hundred
miles along shore; and I was travelling to the southward, having the
Cordelieras, or mountains of the Andes, on my left hand, and the great
Pacific Ocean to the right. As the soil is good and fertile, this land
would be as fine a country as any in the world, if well watered; but
travellers are here obliged to carry water for their mules as well as
themselves. At the approach of night, I was much puzzled to find the
way, my mule still persisting to go foremost, being often stopped by
great sand hills, and my mule as often endeavoured to pull the reins
out of my hand. This being very troublesome, the Indians advised me
to lay the reins on the mule's neck, and on doing that the creature
easily hit the way. These sand hills often shift from place to place,
which I suppose is occasioned by strong eddy winds, reverberated from
the mountains.

We rested at night in an old empty house, about half way, which
the guide told me was built by the inhabitants of Piura, for the
accommodation of the prince of San Bueno, viceroy of Peru, when they
met and regaled him at his entrance on his government. After a short
rest, we continued our journey, and arrived at Piura, a handsome
regularly built town, on the banks of the river _Callan_ or _Piura_.
The Indian conducted us to the house of an honest Spanish gentleman
and his wife, to whose charge he committed us, and then returned to
Payta. In less than a quarter of an hour, the inhabitants of the town
flocked to see us, as a raree-show, and entertained us with respect
and civility, instead of using us as prisoners of war. The gentleman
to whose charge we were committed was named Don Jeronimo Baldivieso,
who had five daughters, who received us in so benevolent a manner,
that we hoped our time would slide easily away, and our captivity
prove no way disagreeable; and I now became sensible of the favour
shewn me by Don Pedro in sending me to this place; for he had such
interest in all Peru, that for his sake we found very good treatment.

After refreshing ourselves, according to the custom of the country,
with chocolate, biscuit, and water, we were serenaded by the sound
of a harp from some inner apartment, of which instrument the artist
seemed to have a good command, as I heard parts of several famous
compositions, both Italian and English. Upon enquiry, I found that
all Don Jeronimo's daughters had learnt music, and sung or played
upon some instrument. Though this seemed unaccountable at first, I
afterwards found that music was much cultivated in Peru. During the
prevalence of the Italian party at the court of Madrid, the last
viceroy of Peru, the prince of San Bueno, who was an Italian, brought
a great many musicians to that country along with him, by whom the
taste for music had spread every where, and had become as good in
Peru as in old Spain. I the rather notice this, because, by our
being lovers of music, and behaving peaceably and civilly to the
inhabitants, we passed our time quietly and chearfully. We were only
exposed to one inconvenience, which lasted all the time we remained
here: which was, the daily assembling of the people to stare at us.
I and my sergeant Cobbs, being used to exercise in public, bore this
pretty well; but Mr Pressick, being a grave man, at first hung down
his head, and was very melancholy. But he grew better acquainted with
the people by degrees, and came to like them so well, that we had much
ado to get him away, when it became necessary for us to remove our
quarters.

Almost all the commodities of Europe are distributed through Spanish
America by a sort of pedlars, or merchants who travel on foot. These
men come from Panama to Payta by sea; and in their road from Payta
to Lima, make Piura their first stage, disposing of their goods, and
lessening their burdens, as they go along. From Piura, some take the
inland road by Caxamarca, and others the road along the coast through
Truxillo. From Lima they take their passage back to Panama by sea,
perhaps carrying with them a small adventure of brandy. At Panama
they again stock themselves with European goods, and return by sea to
Payta. Here they hire mules to carry their goods, taking Indians along
with them to guide the mules and carry them back: And in this
way these traders keep a continual round, till they have gained a
sufficiency to live on. Their travelling expenses are next to nothing;
as the Indians are under such entire subjection to the Spaniards,
that they always find them in lodgings free, and provide them with
provender for their mules. All this every white man may command, being
an homage the Indians have long been accustomed to, and some think
themselves honoured into the bargain. Yet out of generosity, they
sometimes meet with a small recompense. Among the British and French,
a pedlar is despised, and his employment is considered as a very, mean
shift for getting a living: But it is quite otherwise here, where the
quick return of money is a sufficient excuse for the manner in which
it is gained; and there are many gentlemen in old Spain, in declining
circumstances, who send their sons to what they call _the Indies_, to
retrieve their fortunes in this way.

Our lodging while at Piura was in an out-house, which had been built
on purpose for accommodating such travelling merchants. Every day,
according to the Spanish custom, our dinner was served up under
covers, and we eat at the same table with Don Jeronimo; while the good
lady of the house and her daughters sat in another room. Any strong
liquors are only used during dinner: And I think the only circumstance
in our conduct that any way disobliged our good host, was once seeing
me drink a dram with the doctor, at a small eating-house; and, as
nothing is more offensive to the Spaniards than drunkenness, I had
much ado to apologise for this step. Yet they admit of gallantry in
the utmost excess, thus only exchanging one enormity for another.

After remaining about six weeks at Piura, our Indian guide came to
conduct us to Payta, to which place the Brilliante had returned. When
about to take leave, Mr Pressick our surgeon was not to be found,
which detained us a day. They had concealed him in the town, meaning
to have kept him there, being a very useful man; and if he could have
had a small chest of medicines, he might soon have made a handsome
fortune. Next day, however, we mounted our mules, and parted
reluctantly with our kind host and his family. We went on board the
Brilliante at Payta, which had done nothing at sea since we left her,
and now made a sort of cruizing voyage to Calao, the port of Lima.
I have already mentioned the civility I received from Don Pedro
Midranda, who was admiral or general of the South Seas; and I shall
here add one circumstance to the honour of Monsieur de Grange, a
captain under the general. When taken by the Brilliante, the soldiers
stripped us, considering our clothes as the usual perquisite of
conquerors; on which that gentleman generously gave me a handsome suit
of clothes, two pair of silk stockings, shirts, a hat and wig, and
every thing accordant, so that I was rather a gainer by this accident.

§ 3. _VOYAGE FROM PAYTA TO LIMA, AND ACCOUNT OF THE ENGLISH PRISONERS
AT THAT PLACE._

Our voyage to Lima occupied about five weeks; and, immediately on our
arrival, we were committed to the same prison in which the rest of
the ship's company were confined, except Mr Hately, who, for reasons
formerly assigned, was confined by himself, and very roughly treated.
A short time after our arrival, commissioners were appointed to
hear our cause, and to determine whether we were to be treated as
criminals, or as prisoners of war. We were charged with piracy,
not solely for what we had done in the South Seas in plundering
the Spaniards, but for having used the like violence against other
nations, before our arrival in that sea, from which they proposed to
infer that we had evinced a piratical disposition in the whole of
our conduct. Of this they thought they had sufficient proof in the
moidores found upon Hately, as they appeared to have been taken from
the subjects of a prince in amity with our sovereign. Happily for us,
Don Diego Morsilio, the viceroy, who was an archbishop in the decline
of life, was pleased to investigate this matter; and finding only one
of us guilty, would not sign an order for taking away the lives of
the innocent. Some were for sending Hatley to the mines for life,
and others for hanging him: But the several accounts of the vile
proceedings of Captain Shelvocke contributed to his deliverance, of
the truth of which circumstance, there were enough of our people at
Lima to witness; for, besides Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men,
who were brought thither, there came also the men whom Shelvocke sent
along with Hopkins to shift for themselves in an empty bark, who were
forced to surrender themselves to the Indians for want of sustenance;
so that the court were satisfied that Shelvocke was the principal in
that piratical act, rather than Hately. Considering that we had all
been sufficiently punished before our arrival at Lima, they thought
fit to let us all go by degrees. Hately was kept in irons about a
twelvemonth, and was then allowed to return to England. I was more
fortunate, as my imprisonment lasted only a fortnight, owing to the
interposition of one Captain Fitzgerald, a gentleman born in France,
who had great interest with the viceroy, and became security for
me, on which I was allowed my liberty in the city, provided I were
forthcoming when called for.

Among my first enquiries was into the condition of other English
prisoners at this place. I learnt from Lieutenant Sergeantson and
his men, who were here before us, that most of them had adopted the
religion of the country, had been christened, and were dispersed among
the convents of the city. The first of these I met had his catechism
in one hand, and a large string of beads dangling in the other. I
smiled, and asked him how he liked it? He said, very well; for having
a religion to chuse, he thought theirs better than none, especially
as it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life. Many of
Shelvocke's men followed this example, and I may venture to say, that
most of them had the same substantial reason for their conversion.
It is here reckoned very meritorious to make a convert, and many
arguments were used for that purpose, but no rigorous measures
were used to bring any one over to their way of thinking. Those who
consented to be baptized, generally had some of the merchants of Lima
for their patrons and god-fathers, who never failed to give them a
good suit of clothes, and some money to drink their healths.

About this time four or five of Clipperton's men had leave from the
convents where they resided, to meet together at a public-house kept
by one John Bell, an Englishman, who had a negro wife, who had been
made free for some service or other. The purpose of this meeting was
merely to confirm their new baptism over a bowl of punch; but they all
got drunk and quarrelled, and, forgetting they were true catholics,
they demolished the image of some honest saint that stood in a corner,
mistaking him for one of their companions. Missing them for a few
days, I enquired at Bell what was become of them, when he told me they
were all in the Inquisition; for the thing having taken air, he was
obliged to go himself to complain of their behaviour, but he got them
released a few days after, when they had time to repent and get
sober in the dungeons of the holy office. Bell said, if these men had
remained heretics, their drunken exploit had not come within the verge
of the ecclesiastical power; but as they were novices, they were the
easier pardoned, their outrages on the saint being attributed to the
liquor, and not to any designed affront to the catholic faith, or a
relapse into heresy.

Some time afterwards, about a dozen of our men from the Success and
Speedwell were sent to Calao, to assist in careening and fitting out
the Flying-fish, designed for Europe. They here entered into a plot
to run away with the Margarita, a good sailing ship which lay in the
harbour, meaning to have gone for themselves, in which of course they
would have acted as pirates. Not knowing what to do for ammunition and
a compass, they applied to Mr Sergeantson, pretending they meant to
steal away to Panama, where there was an English factory, and whence
they had hopes of getting home. They said they had got half a dozen
firelocks, with which they might be able to kill wild hogs or other
game, as they went along, and begged him to help them to some powder
and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the woods. By
begging and making catholic signs to the people in Lima, they had
collected some dollars, which they desired Sergeantson to lay out
for them; and he, not mistrusting their plot, bought them what they
wanted. Thus furnished, one of them came to me at Lima, and told me
their intention, and that Sprake was to have the command, as being the
only one among them who knew any thing of navigation. I answered, that
it was a bold design; but as Captain Fitzgerald had engaged for my
honour, I could not engage in it. Their plot was discovered a few days
after, their lodgings searched, their arms taken away, and they were
committed to prison. The government was much incensed against them,
and had nearly determined upon their execution; but they were soon all
released except Sprake, who was the ringleader, and was kept in irons
for two or three months, and then set at liberty.

The dominions belonging to the Spaniards in America are so large and
valuable, that, if well governed, they might render that monarchy
exceedingly formidable. In my long stay in Peru, I had the means of
examining at leisure, and with attention, their manner of living, the
form of their government, and many other circumstances little known
in our part of the world, and had many opportunities of enquiring into
things minutely, which did not fall under my immediate observation;
and of which I propose to give as clear and accurate an account as
I can, constantly distinguishing between what fell under my own
immediate knowledge, and what I received from the information of
others.

§ 4. _DESCRIPTION OF LIMA, AND SOME ACCOUNT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF
PERU._

The great and rich city of Lima is the metropolis of Peru, and the
seat of an archbishop. It is all regularly built, the streets being
all straight and spacious, dividing the whole into small squares. It
stands in an open vale, through which runs a gentle stream, dividing
the city in two, as the Thames does London from Southwark. Calao is
the port of Lima, from whence it is about seven miles distant. Because
of the frequent earthquakes, the houses are only of one story, and
generally twelve or fourteen feet high. It contains eight parish
churches, three colleges for students, twenty-eight monasteries of
friars, and thirteen nunneries, so that the religions occupy a fourth
part of the city; yet, by the quick and plentiful flow of money, and
the vast sums bequeathed through the effects of celibacy, they are
well endowed. Besides these, there are two hospitals for sick, poor,
and disabled; and in which several of our men were kindly looked
after. The length of the city from north to south is two miles, and
its breadth one and a half; its whole circumference, including the
wall and the river, being six miles. The other, or smaller part of
the city, is to the east of the river, over which there is a handsome
stone bridge of seven arches. Including all sorts and colours, I
computed that the whole population of Lima amounted to between
sixty and seventy thousand persons; and I should not wonder at any
multiplication in this city, as it is the centre of so much affluence
and pleasure. Besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all
ships that trade this way, whether public or private, generally leave
some deserters, who remain behind in consequence of the encouragement
given to all white faces.

The people here are perhaps the most expensive in their habits of any
in the world. The men dress nearly as in England, their coats being
either of silk, fine English cloth, or camblets, embroidered or laced
with gold or silver, and their waistcoats usually of the richest
brocades. The women wear no stays or hoops, having only a stitched
holland jacket next their shifts, and they generally wear a square
piece of swansdown flannel thrown over their shoulders, entirely
covered with Flanders lace, and have their petticoats adorned with
gold or silver lace. When they walk out, the Creole women are mostly
veiled, but not the mulattoes; and, till thirty or forty years of
age, they wear no head-clothes, their hair being tied behind with fine
ribbons. The pride of the ladies chiefly appears in fine Mechlin or
Brussels lace, with which they trim their linen in a most extravagant
manner, not omitting even their sheets and pillows. Their linen
jackets are double bordered with it, both at top and bottom, with four
or five ruffles or furbelows hanging down to their knees. They
are very extravagant also in pearls and precious stones, in rings,
bracelets, and necklaces, though the value of these is hardly equal to
the shew.

The viceroy has a splendid palace in the royal square, or great
quadrangle of the city, which seemed as large as Lincoln's-Inn-Fields.
His salary is ten thousand pounds a-year, but his perquisites amount
to double that sum. And though his government expires at the end of
three, four, or five years, he generally makes a handsome fortune,
as all places are in his gift, both in the government and the army
throughout all Peru, except such as are sent out or nominated by the
king. The great court of justice consists of twelve judges, besides a
number of inferior officers, councillors, and solicitors. Before this
court all causes are decided, but they are too often determined in
favour of the party who gives most money. And, though these vast
dominions abound in riches, there is not much work for the lawyers,
as the laws are few and plain, which certainly is much better than
a multiplicity of laws, explaining one another till they become so
intricate that the issue of a cause depends more on the craft of the
solicitor and advocate, than on its justice. Every magistrate in this
country knows that his reign is short, and that he will be laughed at
if he does not make a fortune, so that they wink at each other; and,
so great is the distance between Spain and Peru, that the royal orders
are seldom, regarded, being two years in going backward and forward:
Hence arise many clandestine doings. According to law, the king ought
to have a twentieth part of all the gold, and a fifth of all the
silver procured from the mines; but vast quantities are carried away
privately, without paying any duty, both north by Panama, and south
through the Straits of Magellan. There are also vast sums allowed for
the militia, the garrisons, and the repairs of fortifications, one
half of which are never applied to these objects. Hence it may easily
be imagined what immense riches would flow into the treasury of
Madrid, if his catholic majesty were faithfully served.

The country of Peru is naturally subject to earthquakes. About fifty
years before I was there, or about the year 1670, there were two great
ones at Lima, which overturned many houses, churches, and convents.
And in the reign of Charles II. the late king of Spain, there was an
earthquake near the equator, which lifted up whole fields, carrying
them to the distance of several miles. Small shocks are often felt
which do no harm, and I have been often called out of bed on such
occasions, and heard nothing more about the matter; but on these
occasions the bells always toll to prayers. Yet, although this country
has suffered much from earthquakes, especially near the coast, their
churches are lofty and neatly built. Such parts of their buildings as
require strength are made of burnt bricks; but their dwelling-houses
are all constructed of bamboos, canes, and bricks only dried in
the sun, which are sufficiently durable, as it never rains in Peru.
Instead of roofs, they are merely covered over with mats, on which
ashes are strewed, to keep out the dews. The small river of Lima,
or _Runac_, consists mostly of snow-water from the neighbouring
mountains, which are covered all the year with snow, that partly
dissolves in the summer-season, from September to March.

One would expect the weather to be much hotter here; but there is
no proportion between the heat of this part of America and the
same latitudes in Africa. This is owing to two causes; that the
neighbourhood of the snowy mountains diffuses a cool temperature
of the air all around; and the constant humid vapours, which are so
frequent that I often expected it to rain when I first went to Lima.
These vapours are not so dense, low, and gloomy, like our fogs, nor
yet are they separated above like our summer clouds; but an exhalation
between both, spread all around, as when we say the day is overcast,
so that sometimes a fine dew is felt on the upper garments, and may
even be discerned on the knap of the cloth. This is a prodigious
convenience to the inhabitants of Lima, who are thus screened half the
day from the sun; and though it often shines out in the afternoon, yet
is the heat very tolerable, being tempered by the sea-breezes, and
not near so hot as at Lisbon and some parts of Spain, more than thirty
degrees farther from the equator.

The entire want of rain in this country induced the Indians, even
before the conquest, to construct canals and drains for leading water
from among the distant mountains, which they have done with great
skill and labour, so as to irrigate and refresh the vallies, by which
they produce grass and corn, and a variety of fruits, to which also
the dews contribute. A Spanish writer observes that this perpetual
want of rain is occasioned by the south-west wind blowing on the coast
of Peru the whole year round, which always bears away the vapours from
the plains before they are of sufficient body to descend in showers:
But, when carried higher and farther inland, they become more compact,
and at length fall down in rain on the interior hills. The inhabitants
of Peru have plenty of cattle, fowls, fish, and all kinds of
provisions common among us, except butter, instead of which they
always use lard. They have oil, wine, and brandy in abundance, but not
so good as in Europe. Instead of tea from China, which is prohibited,
they make great use of _camini_, called herb of Paraguay, or Jesuits
tea, which, is brought from Paraguay by land. They make a decoction
of this, which they usually suck through a pipe, calling it _Mattea_,
being the name of the bowl out of which it is drank. Chocolate is
their usual breakfast, and their grace cup after dinner; and sometimes
they take a glass of brandy, to promote digestion, but scarcely drink
any wine. In Chili, they make some butter, such as it is, the cream
being put into a skin bag kept for that purpose, which is laid on a
table between two women, who shake it till the butter comes.

The Spaniards are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and intrigue
are here brought to perfection, insomuch that it is quite unmannerly
here not to have a mistress, and scandalous not to keep her well. The
women have many accomplishments, both natural and acquired, having
graceful motions, winning looks, and engaging, free, and sprightly
conversation. They are all delicately shaped, not injured by
stiff-bodied stays, but left entirely to the beauty of nature, and
hardly is there a crooked body to be seen, among them. Their eyes and
teeth are singularly beautiful, and their hair is universally of a
dark polished hue, nicely combed and plaited, and tied behind with
ribbons, but never disguised by powder; and the brightness of their
skins round the temples, clearly appears through their dark hair.
Though amours are universal at Lima, the men are very careful to bide
them, and no indecent word or action is ever permitted in public.
They usually meet for these purposes, either in the afternoon at
the _Siesta_, or in the evening in calashes on the other side of the
river, or in the great square of the city, where calashes meet in
great numbers in the dusk. These are slung like our coaches, but
smaller, many of them being made only to hold two persons sitting
opposite. They are all drawn by one mule, with the negro driver
sitting on his back; and it is quite usual to see some of these
calashes, with the blinds close, standing still for half an hour at
a time. In these amusements they have several customs peculiar to
themselves. After evening prayers, the gentleman changes his dress
from a cloak to a _montero_, or jockey-coat, with a laced linen cap on
his head, and a handkerchief round his neck, instead of a wig; or if
he wear his own hair, it must be tucked under a cap and concealed, as
it is the universal fashion to be thus disguised. Even those who
have no mistress, are ashamed to appear virtuous, and must be somehow
masked or disguised, in order to countenance the way of the world.
As, all this is night-work, they have an established rule to avoid
quarrels, by never speaking to or noticing each other, when going in
quest of or to visit their ladies.

In short, the fore-part of every night in the year is a kind of
masquerade. Among people of any rank who do not keep calashes, one
couple never walks close behind another, but each at the distance
of at least twelve paces, to prevent the overhearing of any secret
whispers. Should a lady drop a fan or any thing else by accident, a
gentleman may take it up, but he must not give it to the lady, but to
the gentleman who accompanies her, lest she may happen to be the wife
or sister of him who takes it up; and as all the ladies are veiled,
these wise rules are devised to prevent any impertinent discoveries.
Any freedom in contravention of these laws of gallantry would be
looked upon as the highest affront, and would be thought to merit a
drawn sword through the midriff. Should any one see his most intimate
friend any where with a woman, he must never take notice of it, or
mention it afterwards. Every thing of this nature is conducted with
all imaginary gravity and decorum, by which the practice of gallantry
becomes decent and easy; yet there are some jealousies in this regular
commerce of love, which sometimes end fatally. A story of this kind
happened shortly before I went to Lima. A young lady, who thought
herself sole sovereign in the heart of her lover, saw him by chance
in the company of another, and, waiting no farther proof of his
infidelity, she instantly plunged a dagger in his bosom. She was soon
after brought to trial, and every one expected that she should pay
the forfeit with her life; but the judges, considering her rashness
as proceeding from excess of love, not malice, acquitted her. However
agreeable these gallantries may be to the _Creole_ Spaniards, they
have an inconvenient effect on society; as the men are so engrossed
by these matters, as to spoil all public conversation. Their time is
entirely taken up in attendance on their mistresses, so that there are
no coffee-houses or taverns, and they can only be met with at their
offices, or in church.

Perhaps it may be chiefly owing to this effeminate propensity, that
all manly exercises, all useful knowledge, and that noble emulation
which inspires virtue, and keeps alive respect for the public good,
are here unknown. Those amusements which serve in other countries to
relax the labours of the industrious, and to keep alive the vigour of
the body and mind, are unknown in Peru; and whoever should attempt to
introduce any such, would be considered as an innovator, which, among
them, is a hateful character: For they will never be convinced, that
martial exercises or literary conferences are preferable to intrigues.
They have, however, a sort of a play-house, where the young gentlemen
and students divert themselves after their fashion; but their dramatic
performances are so mean as hardly to be worth mentioning, being
scripture stories, interwoven with romance, a mixture still worse than
gallantry. At this theatre, two Englishmen belonging to the squadron
of Mons. Martinat, fought a prize-battle a short time before I came
to Lima. Having first obtained leave of the viceroy to display their
skill at the usual weapons, and the day being fixed, they went through
many previous ceremonies, to draw, as the phrase is, a good house.
Preceded by beat of drum, and dressed in holland shirts and ribbons,
they went about the streets saluting the spectators at the windows
with flourishes of their swords, so that the whole city came to see
the trial of skill, some giving gold for admittance, and hardly any
one less than a dollar. The company, male and female, being assembled,
the masters mounted the stage, and, after the usual manner of the
English, having shaken hands, they took their distance, and stood
on their guard in good order. Several bouts were played without much
wrath or damage, the design being more to get money than cuts or
credit, till at length one of the masters received a small hurt on
the breast, which blooded his shirt, and began to make the combat look
terrible. Upon this, fearing from this dreadful beginning that the
zeal of the combatants might grow too warm, the company cried out,
_Basta! basta!_ or enough! enough! And the viceroy would never permit
another exhibition of the same kind, lest one of the combatants might
receive a mortal wound, and so die without absolution.

So deficient are the Spaniards in energy of spirit, that many
extensive countries and islands remain unexplored, in the immediate
neighbourhood of their vast American dominions, though some of these
are reported to be richer and more valuable than those which are
already conquered and settled. The first Spanish governors of Mexico
and Peru were not of this indolent disposition, but bestowed great
pains in endeavouring to acquire the most perfect knowledge bordering
upon their respective governments: But now that general thirst of fame
is entirely extinguished, and they content themselves with plundering
their fellow-subjects in the countries already known. The regions to
the north of Mexico are known to abound in silver, precious stones,
and other rich commodities, yet the Spaniards decline all conquest on
that side, and discourage as much as possible the reports which have
spread of the riches of these countries. On the same principles, they
give no encouragement to attempt penetrating into the heart of South
America, whence most of the riches of Peru are known to come, the
mountains at the back of the country being extremely rich in gold; and
the regions, on the other side, towards the Atlantic, being inhabited
by nations that have abundance of that metal, though, for fear of
being oppressed by the Europeans, they conceal it as much as possible.

Of all the discoveries that have been talked of among the Spaniards,
that which has made the most noise is the island or islands of
Solomon, supposed to be the same with those discovered by the famous
Ferdinand Quiros. He reported them to be extremely rich and very
populous, and repeatedly memorialed the court of Spain to be
authorised to complete his discovery. All his solicitations, however,
were neglected, and it became a question in a few years whether any
such islands had ever existed. At length, towards the close of the
seventeenth century, such discoveries were made as to the reality of
these islands, that Don Alvaro de Miranda was sent out to discover
them in 1695. He failed in the attempt, but in the search met with
four islands, between the latitude of 7° and 10° S. which were
wonderfully rich and pleasant, the inhabitants being a better looking
race, and far more civilized than any of the Indians on the continent
of America. This discovery occasioned a good deal of discourse at the
time; but the subsequent disturbances relative to the succession to
the crown of Spain, so occupied the attention of every person, that
all views of endeavouring to find the islands of Solomon were laid
aside.[2]

[Footnote 2: These islands of Miranda appear to have been the
Marquebes, between the latitudes of 8° 45' and 10° 25' N. and long.
139° W. The Solomon islands, or New Georgia, are between 5° and 10° N.
and long. 200° to 205° W. 63-1/2 degrees of longitude farther to the
westwards.--E.]

§ 5. _SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MINES OF PERU AND CHILI_.

As the riches of Peru consist chiefly in mines of silver, I shall
endeavour to give some account of them, from the best information I
could procure. There are two sorts of silver-mines, in one of which
the silver is found scattered about in small quantities, or detached
masses, while, in the other kind of mine, it runs in a vein between
two rocks, one of which is excessively hard, and the other much
softer. These certainly best deserve the name of silver-mines, and
are accordingly so denominated. This precious metal, which in other
countries is the standard or measure of riches, is the actual riches
of Peru, or its chief natural commodity; as, throughout the whole of
that vast country, silver-mines are almost every where to be met with,
of more or less value, according as the ore produces more or less
silver, or can be wrought at a greater or less expence. Some of these
mines are to the north of Lima, but not a great many, but to the south
they are very numerous. On the back, or eastern side of the Andes,
there is a nation of Indians called _Los Platerors_, or the _Plate_,
or _Silver_ men, from their possessing vast quantities of silver,[1]
but with them the Spaniards have very little communication. The best
of the mine countries are to the south of Cusco, from thence to Potosi
and the frontiers of Chili, where, for the space of 800 miles, there
is a continued succession of mines, some being discovered and others
abandoned almost every day.

[Footnote 1: This tribe still holds its place in modern geography,
in the vast plain to the E. of the Maranors or Amazons, where there
cannot be any silver-mines, at least that they can explore. They are
so named because of wearing silver ear-rings, which they must, almost
certainly, procure in barter from the tribes in the mountains, far to
the west.--E.]

It is common, both here and elsewhere, for people to complain of the
times, commending the past, as if there had been infinitely greater
quantities of silver dug from the mines formerly than at present. This
certainly may be the case with particular mines; but, on the whole,
the quantities of silver now annually obtained from the mines in
Spanish America, abundantly exceeds what used formerly to be procured.
Those mines which are at present [1720] most remarkable in Peru are,
Loxa, Camora, Cuenca, Puerto-veio, and St Juan del Oro. Those of Oruro
and Titiri are neglected; and those of Porco and Plata are filled
up. At Potosi there are a vast number of mines; and those of Tomina,
Chocaia, Atacuna, Xuxui, Calchaques, Guasco, Iquique, &c. are all
wrought with more or less profit, according to the skill of the
proprietors or managers. It is generally believed that the Creoles
have a very perfect acquaintance with the minerals, from experience,
and with the art of treating them, so as to obtain the largest profit;
but, when their utter ignorance in all other arts is considered, their
constant going on in the old beaten track, and their enormous waste of
quicksilver, one is tempted to believe that our European miners might
conduct their works to still greater advantage.

The most perfect silver that is brought from Peru is in the forms
called _pinnas_ by the Spaniards, being extremely porous lumps of
silver, as they are the remainder of a paste composed of silver dust
and mercury, whence the latter being exhaled or evaporated, leaves the
silver in a spongy mass, full of holes, and very light. This is the
kind of silver which is put into various forms by the merchants, in
order to cheat the king of his duty; wherefore all silver in this
state, found any where on the road, or on board any ship, is looked
upon as contraband, and liable to seizure.

In regard to the art of refining, I propose to shew the progress of
the ore, from the mine till it comes to this spongy mass or cake.
After breaking the stone or ore taken out of the veins, it is grinded
in mills between grindstones, or pounded in the _ingenious reales_,
or royal engines, by means of hammers or beetles, like the mills for
Paris plaster. These generally have a wheel of twenty-five or thirty
feet diameter, with a long axle or lying shaft, set round with smooth
triangular projections, which, as the axle turns, lay hold of the iron
hammers, of about two hundred-weight each, lifting them to a certain
height, whence they drop down with such violence that they crush and
reduce the hardest stones to powder. The pounded ore is afterwards
sifted through iron or copper sieves, which allow the finest powder
to go through, the coarse being returned to the mill. When the one
happens to be mixed with copper or other metals which prevent
its reduction to powder, it is roasted or calcined in an oven or
reverberatory furnace, and pounded over again.

At the smaller mines, where they only use grindstones, they, for the
most part, grind the ore along with water, forming it into a liquid
paste, which runs out into receivers. When grinded dry, it has to be
afterwards mixed with water, and well moulded up with the feet for a
long time. For this purpose, they make a court or floor, on which that
mud, or paste of pounded ore and water, is disposed in square parcels
of about a foot thick, each parcel containing half a _caxon_, or
chest, which is twenty-five quintals or hundred-weights of ore, and
these parcels are called _cuerpos_, or bodies. On each of these they
throw about two hundred-weights of sea-salt, more or less, according
to the nature of the ore, which they mould or incorporate with the
moistened ore for two or three days. They then add a certain quantity
of quicksilver, squeezing it from a skin bag, to make it fall in drops
equally on the mass or _cuerpo_, allowing to each mass ten, fifteen,
or twenty pounds of quicksilver, according to the nature or quality of
the ore, as the richer it is, it requires the more mercury to draw it
to the silver contained in the mass, so that they know the quantity
by long experience. An Indian is employed to mould or trample one
of these square cuerpos eight times a-day, that the mercury
may thoroughly incorporate with the silver. To expedite this
incorporation, they often mix lime with the mass, when the ore happens
to be what they call greasy, and in this great caution is required,
as they say the mass sometimes grows so hot that they neither find
mercury nor silver in it, which seems quite incredible. Sometimes also
they strew in some lead or tin ore, to facilitate the operation of the
mercury, which is slower in very cold weather; wherefore, at Potosi
and Lipes, they are often obliged to mould or work up their cuerpos
during a month or six weeks; but, in more temperate climates, the
amalgama is completed in eight or ten days. To facilitate the action
of the mercury, they, in some places, as at Puno and elsewhere,
construct their _buiterons_ or floors on arches, under which they keep
fires for twenty-four hours, to heat the masses or _cuerpos_, which
are in that case placed as a pavement of bricks.

When it is thought that the mercury has attracted all the silver,
the assayer takes a small quantity of ore from each cuerpo, which he
washes separately in a small earthen plate or wooden bowl; and, by the
colour and appearance of the amalgama found at the bottom, when the
earthy matters are washed away, he knows whether the mercury has
produced its proper effect. When blackish, the ore is said to have
been too much heated, and they add more salt, or some other temper. In
this case they say that mercury is _dispara_, that is, shoots or flees
away. If the mercury remains white, they put a drop under the thumb,
and pressing it hastily, the silver in the amalgam sticks to the
thumb, and the mercury slips away in little drops. When they conceive
that all the silver has incorporated with the mercury, the mixed mass,
or cuerpo, is carried to a basin or pond, into which a small stream
of water is introduced to wash it, much in the same way as I shall
afterwards describe the manner in which they wash gold, only that as
the silver-ore is reduced to a fine mud without stones, it is stirred
by an Indian with his feet, to dissolve it thoroughly, and loosen the
silver. From the first basin it falls into a second, and thence into
a third, where the stirring and washing is repeated, that any amalgam
which has not subsided in the first and second may not escape the
third.

The whole being thoroughly washed in these basins, which are lined
with leather, till the water runs clear off, the amalgam of mercury
and silver is found at the bottom, and is termed _la pella_. This is
put into a woollen bag and hung up, from whence some of the mercury
runs out. The bag is then beaten and pressed as much as they can,
laying upon it a flat piece of wood loaded with a heavy weight, to get
out as much of the mercury as they can. The paste is then put into
a mould of wooden planks bound together, generally in the form of an
octagon pyramid cut short, its bottoms being a plate of copper, full
of small holes, into which the paste is stirred and pressed down, in
order to fasten it. When they design to make many _pinnas_, or spongy
lumps of various weights, these are divided from each other by thin
beds or layers of earth, which hinder them from uniting. For this
purpose, the _pella_, or mass of amalgam, must be weighed out in
separate portions, deducting two-thirds for the contained mercury, by
which they know to a small matter the quantity of silver contained in
each. They then take off the mould, and place the pella or mass with
its copper base on a trivet, or such like instrument, standing over a
great earthen vessel full of water, and cover it with an earthen cap,
which again is covered by lighted coals. This fire is fed and kept
up for some hours, by which the mass of pella below becomes violently
heated, the contained mercury being thereby raised into vapour: But,
having no means of escape through the cap or cover, it is forced down
to the water underneath, where it condenses into quicksilver and sinks
to the bottom. By this contrivance, little of the mercury is lost,
and the same serves over again. But the quantity must be increased,
_because it grows weak_.[2] At Potosi, as Acosta relates, they
formerly consumed six or seven thousand quintals of mercury every
year, by which Some idea may be formed of the silver there procured.

[Footnote 2: This is utterly absurd, as the mercury must be the same
in _quality_ as before, the _quantity_ only being _weakened_.]

On the evaporation of the mercury, nothing remains but a spongy lump
of contiguous grains of silver, very light and almost mouldering,
called _la pinna_ by the Spaniards. These masses must be carried to
the king's receipt or mint, to pay the royal fifth; and are there cast
into ingots, on which are stamped the arms of the crown, the place
where cast, and their weight and fineness. All these ingots, having
paid the fifth, are sure to be without fraud or deceit; but it is not
so with the _pinnas_, as these have often iron, sand, or some other
matter contained within them, to increase their weight; Hence,
prudence requires that these should be opened, and made red hot in a
fire; for, if falsified, the fire will turn them black or yellow, or
melt them more easily. This trial by fire is also necessary to extract
moisture, which they contract in places where they are purposely laid
to render them heavier, as also for separating the mercury with which
the bottom of the mass is always more or less impregnated. The weight
of these _pinnas_ may be increased nearly a third, by dipping them
while red hot into water. It also sometimes happens that the same mass
of pinna may be of different fineness in different parts.

The ore, or stones taken from the mines, or the _mineray_, as it is
called in Peru, from which the silver is extracted, is not always of
the same nature, consistence, and colour. Some are white and grey,
mixed with red or bluish spots, called _plata blanca_ or white silver;
of which sort the one in the Lipes mines mostly consists. For the most
part, some little grains of silver are to be discerned, and very often
small branches are seen, ramifying along the layers of the stone. Some
ores are as black as the dross of iron, and in which no silver is to
be seen, which is called _negrillo_ or blackish ore. Sometimes the ore
is rendered black by admixture of lead, and is called _plombo ronco_,
or coarse lead, in which the silver appears as if scratched by
something harsh. This ore is generally the richest in silver, and from
it also the silver is got at the smallest charge; as instead of having
to be moulded or kneaded with quicksilver, it has only to be melted
in furnaces, where the lead evaporates by the force of fire, and the
silver remains pure behind. From this sort. of mines, the Indians drew
their silver before the coming of the Spaniards, having no knowledge
of the use of mercury, and they accordingly only wrought those mines
of which the ore would melt; and, having but little wood, they heated
their furnaces with _ylo_, the dung of the _Llamas_ or Peruvian sheep,
placing their furnaces on the sides of mountains, that the wind might
render their fires fierce.

There is another sort of black ore, in which the silver does not at
all appear; and which, when wetted and rubbed against iron, becomes
red. This ore is called _rosicler_, signifying that ruddiness which
appears at the dawn of day. This is very rich, and affords the finest
silver. Another kind, called _zoroche_, glitters like talc, and is
generally very poor, yielding little silver: Its outer coat is very
soft and of a yellowish red, but seldom rich; and the mines of this
sort are wrought on account of the easiness of extracting the ore,
being very easily dug. Another kind, not much harder than the last, is
of a green colour, called _cobrissa_ or copperish, and is very rare.
Although the silver usually appears in this kind, and it is almost
mouldering, it is the most difficult of all to manage, as it parts
very difficultly with the silver. Sometimes, after being stamped or
reduced to powder, it has to be burnt in the fire, and several other
expedients must be used to separate the silver, doubtless because
mixed with copper. There is another very rare sort of ore, which has
only been found in the mine of _Cotamiso_ at Potosi, being threads of
pure silver entangled, or wound up together, like burnt lace, and so
fine that it is called _arana_, or spider ore, from its resemblance to
a cobweb.

The veins of _mineray_, of whatever sort they may be, are generally
richer in the middle than towards the edges; and where two veins
happen to cross each other, the place where they meet is always very
rich. It is also observed that those which lie north and south are
richer than those which lie in any other direction. Those also which
are near to places where mills can be erected, and can consequently
be more commodiously wrought, are often preferable to others that are
richer, but require more expense in working. For this reason, at Lipes
and Potosi, a chest of ore must yield ten marks or eighty ounces of
silver, to pay the charges of working; while those in the province of
Tarama only require five merks or forty ounces to defray the expences.
When even very rich, and they happen to sink down so as to be liable
to be flooded, the adventurers must have recourse to pumps and
machines in order to drain them; or to _cocabones_ or levels dug
through the sides of the mountain, which often ruin the owners by the
enormous expence they are insensibly drawn into. At some of the mines,
where the methods of separation already described fail, they use other
means of extracting the silver from the ore, and from other metals
which may be combined with it; as by fire, or strong separating
waters; and there the silver is cast into a sort of ingots, called
_bollos_. But the most general and useful method is that already
described.

It may naturally be supposed that mines, as well as other things, are
subject to variation in their productiveness. The mines which, till
very lately, yielded most silver, were those of _Oroura_, a small town
about eight leagues from Arica. In the year 1712, one was discovered
at _Ollachea_ near Cusco, so rich that it yielded 2500 marks of silver
of eight ounces each, or 20,000 ounces, out of each _caxon_ or chest,
being almost a fifth part of the ore; but it has since declined much,
and is now [1720] only reckoned among the ordinary sort. Those of
Lipes have had a similar fate. Those at Potosi now yield but little,
and are worked at a very heavy expence, owing to their excessive
depth. Although the mines here are far diminished in their
productiveness, yet the quantity of ore which has been formerly
wrought, and has lain many years on the surface, is now thought
capable of yielding a second crop; and when I was at Lima, they were
actually turning it up, and milling it over again with great success.
This is a proof that these minerals generate in the earth like all
other inanimate things;[3] and it likewise appears, from all the
accounts of the Spaniards, that gold, silver, and other metals are
continually growing and forming in the earth. This opinion is verified
by experience in the mountain of Potosi, where several mines had
fallen in, burying the workmen and their tools; and these being
again opened up after some years, many boxes and pieces of wood were
discovered, having veins of silver actually running through them.[4]

[Footnote 3: It is merely a proof that the ore had been formerly very
imperfectly managed, and still contained enough of silver to pay for
extraction with profit, by more expert methods.--E.]

[Footnote 4: This proves only change of place, by solution,
infiltration, and deposition not growth, increase, or new
production.--E.]

All these mines become the property of their first discoverer, who
immediately presents a petition to the magistrates, desiring to have
such a piece of ground for his own. This is accordingly granted, and
a spot of ground eighty Spanish yards in length by forty in breadth[5]
is measured out and appropriated to the discoverer, who chuses what
spot he pleases within these bounds, and does with it as he thinks
fit. The exact same quantity is then measured off as belonging to the
king, and is sold to the best bidder, there being always many who are
willing to purchase, what may turn out an inestimable treasure. After
this, if any person may incline to work a part of this mine on his own
account, he bargains with the proprietor for a particular vein. All
that is dug out by any one is his own, subject however to payment of
the royal duties; being one-twentieth part for gold, and a fifth for
silver; and some proprietors find a good account in letting out their
grounds and mills to others.

[Footnote 5: In Harris this is said to be _about 1200 feet in length,
and 100 in breadth_, which is obviously absurd; as the one measure
gives the Spanish yard at 15 English feet, and the latter at 2-1/2
feet. Both measures are probably erroneous; but there are no data for
their correction.--E.]

There are gold-mines just beyond the town of Copaipo, and in all the
country around, which have attracted many purchasers and workmen to
that district, to the great injury and oppression of the Indians;
as the Spanish magistrates not only take away their lands for the
purposes of mining, but their horses also, which they sell to the
new adventurers, under pretence of serving the king and improving the
settlements. There is also abundance of magnet and _lapiz lazuli_,
of which the Indians know not the value; and some leagues within the
country, there is plenty of salt and salt-petre, which often lies an
inch thick on the ground. On the _Cordelieras_, about an hundred miles
to the east, there is a vein of sulphur about two feet wide, so fine
and pure that it needs no cleaning. This part of the country is full
of all sorts of mines, but so excessively barren, that the inhabitants
have to fetch all their subsistence from the country about Coquimbo,
over a desert of more than 300 miles extent, in which the earth
abounds so much in salt and sulphur that the mules often perish by
the way, for want of grass and fresh water. In that long road there
is only one river in the course of two hundred miles, which is named
_Ancalulae_ or the Hyporite, because it runs only from sun-rise to
sun-set. This is occasioned by the great quantities of snow melted on
the Cordelieras in the day, which freezes again by the excessive cold
of the night. Hence _Chili_ is said to derive its name, as _chile_
signifies cold in the Indian language; and we are told by the Spanish
historians, that some of their countrymen and others, who first traded
to this country, were frozen to death on their mules; for which reason
they now always travel by a lower road, towards the coast.

The mine countries are all so cold and barren, that the inhabitants
have to procure most of their provisions from the coast; this is
caused by the exhalations of salts and sulphur from the earth, which
destroy the growth of all vegetables. These are so stifling to the
Spaniards who dwell about the mines, that they are obliged often to
drink the _mattea_, or tea made of the herb _camini_, to moisten their
mouths. The mules also, that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are
forced to walk slowly in the country about the mines, and have often
to stop to take breath. If these vapours are so strong without and in
the open air, what must they be within the bowels of the earth in the
mines, into which, if a fresh man go, he is suddenly benumbed with
pain. This is the case with many, but seldom lasts above a day, and
they are not liable to be affected a second time: Yet vapours often
burst forth suddenly, by which the workmen are killed on the spot;
and one way or another, great multitudes of Indians die in working the
mines. One is apt to wonder that, through all this part of the world,
those districts which are most barren and unwholesome are the best
inhabited; while other places, that seem to vie with our nations of
the terrestrial paradise, in beauty and fertility, are but thinly
peopled. Yet, when one considers, that it is the thirst of wealth, not
the love of ease, which attracts people thither, the wonder ceases,
and we see how much the hope of living rich gets the better even of
the hope of living; as if the sole end for which man was created was
to acquire wealth, at the expence of health and happiness.

In reference to these deserts, the following observation occurs to my
memory, as having happened when we were on the road to Piura. When
we lay down to sleep at night, our mules went eagerly in search of a
certain root, not unlike a parsnip, but much bigger, which contains a
great deal of juice, and, besides serving as food, often answers as
a substitute for water in the deserts. When the mules find these, and
are unable to rake them out of the ground with their feet, they stand
over them and bray with all their might, till the Indians come to
their assistance.

It is generally understood that silver is the peculiar wealth of Peru,
and the Spaniards usually talk of gold-mines as confined to Chili: Yet
there are one or two _lavaderas_, or washing-places for gold in the
south of Peru, near the frontiers of Chili. In 1709, two surprizingly
large _pepitos_, or lumps of virgin gold, were found in one of these
places, one of which weighed complete thirty-two pounds, and was
purchased by the _Conde de Monclod_, then viceroy of Peru, and
presented by him to the king of Spain. The other, shaped somewhat like
an ox's heart, weighed twenty-two pounds and a half; and was purchased
by the corregidor of Arica. In searching for these _lavadores_ or
washing places, they dig in the corners of some little brook, where
they judge, from certain tokens, that the grains of gold are lodged.
To assist in carrying away the earth or mud, they let in a stream or
current of water into the excavation, and keep stirring up the soil,
that the water may carry it away. On reaching the golden sand, they
turn the stream another way, and dig out this sand, which is carried
on mules to certain ponds or basons, which are joined by small canals.
Into these they introduce a smart stream of water, to loosen the earth
and carry away the grosser part. The Indians stand in the basons or
ponds, stirring up the earth to assist the operation of the water, and
throwing out the stones. The gold remains at the bottom, still mixed
with a black sand, and is hardly to be seen till farther cleaned and
separated, which is easily done. These washing places differ much from
each other. In some the grains of gold are as big as small shot; and
in one belonging to the priests, near Valparaiso, some are found from
the weight of two or three ounces to a pound and a half. This way
of getting gold is much better than from the mines, as it does not
require expensive digging, neither are mills necessary for grinding
the ore, nor quicksilver for extracting the metal; so that both the
trouble and expence are much less. The Creoles are by no means so nice
in washing their gold as are the people in Europe; but great plenty
makes them careless, both in this and other matters.

§ 6. _OBSERVATIONS ON THE TRADE OF CHILI._

It is not intended in this place to give a description of the large
kingdom of Chili, but only some account of the nature of its trade,
and the manner in which that is connected with the general commerce
of Peru, by which the wealth of Chili is transmitted to Europe.
Chili extends in length about 1200 miles from north to south, but its
breadth is uncertain. The air is very temperate and wholesome, unless
when rendered otherwise by pestilential exhalations, that are most
common after earthquakes, to which this country is peculiarly liable.
The winter rains are very heavy, during the months of May, June, July,
and August; after which, for eight months together, they have fine
weather, generally speaking. The soil, where it admits of cultivation,
is prodigiously fertile, and fruit-trees carried thither from Europe
come to the greatest perfection, so that fruit is coming forward in
its different stages at all times of the year; insomuch that it is
common to see apple-trees, in the situation so much admired in orange
trees, having blossoms, fruit just set, green fruit, and ripe apples,
all on one tree at the same time. The valleys, wherever they have any
moisture, wear a perpetual verdure; and the hills are covered with
odoriferous herbs, many of which are very useful in medicine. The
country also produces trees of all sorts. Thus Chili, independent of
its gold-mines, may well be accounted one of the richest and finest
countries in the world. For instance, the town of Coquimbo, in lat.
30° S. [30° 20'] a short mile from the sea, in a most delightful
place. It is situated on a green rising ground, about ten yards high,
formed by nature like a regular terrace, stretching north and south in
a direct line of more than half a mile, turning a little at each end
to the eastwards; and its principal street forms a delightful walk,
having a fine prospect of the country and the bay. All this is placed
in an evergreen valley, and watered by a beautiful river, which rises
in the mountains, and flows in a winding stream to the sea, through
beautiful meadows and fertile vales.

Notwithstanding its many advantages, this vast country is very thinly
inhabited; so that through its whole extent there are scarcely five
towns deserving that appellation, and only one city, named St Jago.
Through all the rest of the country there are only farms, called
_estancias_, which are so remote from each other, that the whole
country cannot muster 20,000 whites capable of bearing arms, of which
St Jago contains 2000. All the rest of the population consists of
mesticoes, mulattoes, and Indians, the number of whom may amount to
three times as many.[1] This is exclusive of the _friendly_ Indians to
the south of the river _Biobio_, who are reckoned to amount to 15,000
fighting men, but whose fidelity is not much to be depended upon.

[Footnote 1: Allowing _eight_ persons of all ages and both sexes
to _one_ fit to bear arms, this would give to Chili, in 1720, a
population of 160,000 whites, and 480,000 of colour, or 640,000 in
all.--E.]

The trade of this country is chiefly carried on by sea, and at
present, 1720, is rather in a declining situation. The port of
Baldivia was formerly very famous, on account of the very rich
gold-mines which were wrought in its neighbourhood, which are now in
a great measure disused. Hence it is now only kept as a garrison,
serving to Peru as the fortresses on the coast of Barbary do to
Spain, as a place to which malefactors are sent, to serve against the
Indians. The trade of this place consists in sending ten or twelve
ships every year to Peru, laden with hides, tanned leather, salt meat,
corn, and other provisions, which are to be had here in great plenty.

The port of Conception is more considerable, by reason of its trade
with the Indians who are not under subjection to the crown of Spain.
These Indians are copper-coloured, having large limbs, broad faces,
and coarse lank hair. The nation of the _Puelches_ differs somewhat
from the rest, as among them there are some who are tolerably white,
and have some little colour in their cheeks; which is supposed to be
owing to their having some Europeans blood in their veins, ever since
the natives of this country revolted from the Spaniards, and cut off
most of their garrisons; on which occasion they preserved the women,
and especially the nuns, by whom they had many children; who still
retain a sort of affection for the country of their mothers, and,
though too proud to submit to the Spaniards, yet are unwilling to hurt
them.

These _Puelches_ inhabit the ridge of mountains called _La Cordeliera_
by the Spaniards, and as the manner of trading with them is very
singular, it may be proper to give some account of it. When the
Spanish pedlar or travelling merchant goes into this country, he
goes directly to a caçique or chief, and presents himself before him
without speaking a word. The caçique breaks silence first, saying
to the merchant, _Are you come?_ To which the merchant answers _I am
come._ _What have you brought me?_ replies the caçique. To which the
merchant rejoins, _Wine_, and such other things as he may have to
dispose of, wine being a necessary article. Upon which the caçique
never fails to say, _You are welcome_. The caçique then appoints
a lodging for the merchant near his own hut, where his wives and
children, bidding him welcome, each demand a present, however small,
which he accordingly gives. The caçique then gives notice to his
scattered subjects, by means of his horn or trumpet, that a merchant
is arrived with whom they may trade. They come accordingly and see
the commodities, which are knives, axes, combs, needles, thread, small
mirrors, ribbons, and the like. The best of all would be wine, were it
not dangerous to supply them with that article; as, when drunk, they
are very quarrelsome and apt to kill one another, and it would not
then be safe to be among them. When they have agreed on the price, or
barter rather, they carry away all the articles without then making
payment; so that the merchant delivers all his commodities without
knowing to whom, or even seeing any of his debtors. When his business
is concluded, and he proposes to go away, the caçique commands payment
by again sounding his horn, and then every man honestly brings to
the merchant the cattle he owes for the goods received; and, as
these consist of mules, goats, oxen, and cows, the caçique commands a
sufficient number of men to conduct them to the Spanish frontiers.

The far greater number of bullocks and cows that are slaughtered and
consumed every year in Chili, comes from the plains of Paraguay,[2]
which are in a manner covered by them. The Puelches bring them through
the plain of _Tapa-papa_, inhabited by the _Pteheingues_,[3] or
unconquered Indians, this being the best pass for crossing the
mountains, as being divided into two hills of less difficult access
than the others, which are almost impassable for mules. There is
another pass, about eighty leagues from Conception, at the volcano of
_Silla Velluda_, which now and then casts out fire, and sometimes with
so great a noise as to be heard even at that city. In that way the
journey is much shortened, and they can go to Buenos Ayres in six
weeks. By these communications they generally bring all the beeves and
goats,[4] which are slaughtered in Chili by thousands for their tallow
and lard. This last consists of the marrow of the bones, which serves
throughout all South America instead of butter and oil, for making
sauces. The flesh is either dried in the sun, or by means of smoke,
to preserve it for use, instead of salt as used in Europe. These
slaughters also afford great quantities of hides, especially
goat-skins, which they dress like Morocco leather, by them called
cordovanes, and is sent into Peru for making shoes, or other uses.

[Footnote 2: Paraguay is here used in far too extensive a sense,
as comprising the whole level country to the east of the Andes: The
plains of Cuyo are those alluded to in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 3: The Pehneuches are probably here meant, who dwell on the
west side of the Andes, between the latitudes of 33° and 36° S. The
Puelches on the same side of the Andes, from 36° to 40°.--E.]

[Footnote 4: Perhaps, instead of the goats in the text, _vicunnas_
ought to be understood.--E.]

Besides the trade of hides, tallow, and dried meat, the inhabitants of
Conception send every year eight or ten ships of forty or fifty tons
to Calao laden with corn; besides supplying meal and biscuit to the
French ships, which take in provisions there in order to proceed
to Peru, and for their voyage back to France. All this were quite
inconsiderable for so fine a country, were it better peopled; since
the land is so extraordinarily fertile, were it well cultivated, that
they only scratch it for the most part, by means of a plough made of a
crooked stick, and drawn by two oxen; and, though the seed be scarcely
covered, it produces seldom less than an hundred fold. Neither are
they at any more pains in procuring their vines, in order to make good
wine. Besides which, as they have not the art to glaze their jars in
which the wine is secured, to make them hold in, they are under the
necessity of pitching them. And this, together with the goat-skin bags
in which it is carried from the estancias, gives it a bitter taste
like treacle, and a flavour to which it is hard for strangers to
accustom themselves. The grasses also are allowed to grow without any
attention or industry being employed in grafting. Apples and pears
grow naturally in the woods, and in such abundance as it is hard to
comprehend how they could have so multiplied since the conquest, as
they affirm there were none in the country before.

The mines of _Quilogoya_ and _Quilacura_ are within four leagues of
this port, and afford vast quantities of gold. At the _Estancia del
Re_, or king's farm, which is at no great distance, there is by far
the most plentiful _lavaders_, or washing-place for gold in all Chili,
where sometimes they find lumps of pure gold of prodigious size. The
mountains of the Cordelieras are reported to contain a continued chain
of mines for many hundred miles, which certainly is highly probable,
as hardly any of these mountains have hitherto been opened without
vast quantities of metal being found in them, especially fine copper,
of which all the artillery in the Spanish West Indies is constructed,
at least all that are used in the countries on the South Seas.

The most considerable port in Chili is Valparaiso, which is esteemed
one of the best harbours on the whole coast of the South Sea. It lies
on a river fifteen leagues below St Jago, the capital of Chili.[5]
To this port all the riches of the mines on every side are brought,
particularly from those of _Tiltil_, which are immensely rich, and are
situated between St Jago and Valparaiso. The gold here is found in
a very hard stone, some of which sparkles and betrays the inclosed
treasure to the eye; but most of it does not shew the smallest sign
of gold, appearing merely a hard harsh stone of various colours, some
white, some red, some black. This ore, after being broken in pieces,
is grinded or stamped in a mill by the help of water, into a gross
powder, with which quicksilver is afterwards mixed. To this mixture a
brisk stream of water is let in, which reduces the earthy matters to a
kind of mud, which is carried off by the current, the amalgam of gold
and quicksilver remaining at the bottom, in consequence of its weight.
This amalgam is then put into a linen bag, and pressed very hard,
by which the greatest part of the mercury is strained off, and the
remainder is evaporated off by the force of fire, leaving the gold in
a little wedge or mass, shaped like a pine-apple, whence it is called
a _pinna_. This is afterwards melted and cast in a mould, to know its
exact weight, and to ascertain the proportion of silver that is mixed
with the gold, no farther process of refining being done here. The
weightiness of the gold, and the facility with which it forms an
amalgam with the mercury, occasions it easily to part from the dross
or earthy matters of the stone or matrix. This is a great advantage
to the gold-miners, as they every day know what they get; but the
silver-miners often do not know how much they get till two months
after, owing to the tediousness of their operation, as formerly
described.

[Footnote 5: This is a material error. Valparaiso is on no river, and
lies forty English miles north from the river Maypo, on one of the
upper branches of which, the Mapocho, St Jago is situated.--E.]

According to the nature of these gold-mines, and the comparative
richness of the veins, every _caxon_, or chest of fifty quintals,
yields four, five, or six ounces of gold. When it only yields two
ounces, the miner does not cover his charges, which often happens; but
he sometimes receives ample amends, when he meets with good veins; and
the gold-mines are those which produce metals the most unequally. In
following a vein, it frequently widens, then becomes narrower, and
then seems to disappear, all within a small space of ground; and this
sport of nature makes the miners live in continual hopes of finding
what they call a _purse_, being the expanded end of a vein, which is
sometimes so rich as to make a man's fortune at once; yet this same
inequality sometimes ruins them, which is the reason that it is more
rare to see a gold-miner rich than a silver-miner, or even one in any
other metal, although there be less expence in extracting gold from
the mineral than any other metal. For this reason also the gold-miners
have the particular privilege that they cannot be sued to execution in
civil actions. Gold only pays a twentieth part to the king, which
duty is called _Covo_, from the name of a private individual at whose
instance the duty was thus reduced, gold having formerly paid a fifth,
as silver still does.

On the descent of this mountain of _Tiltil_, there runs, during the
rainy season, a brisk stream of water, which passes through among
the gold-ore, and washes away abundance of that rich metal, as it
ripens[6] and breaks from its bed. On this account, this stream is
accounted one of the richest lavaderos in all Chili for four months
of every year; and well it may, as there are sometimes found in it
pellets of gold of an ounce weight. At _Palma_, about four leagues
from Valparaiso, there is another rich lavadero; and every where
throughout the country, the fall of a brook or rivulet is accompanied
by more or less of these golden showers, the richest of which fall
into the laps of the jesuits, who farm or purchase abundance of mines
and lavaderos, which are wrought for their benefit by their servants.
The soil in the neighbourhood of Valparaiso is exceedingly rich and
fertile, so that forty ships go from thence yearly to Calao, laden
with corn; yet that commodity still remains so cheap at this place,
where money is so abundant, that an English bushel of wheat may be
bought for less than three shillings. It would be still cheaper, could
all the country be cultivated; but as it has constant dry weather for
eight months endurance, cultivation is only possible where they have
brooks or little rills in the vales coming from the mountains, which
can be applied for irrigating or watering the cultivated land.

[Footnote 6: That is, as the matrix or rock in which it is contained,
moulders and decays by the influences of the weather and of this
stream; for the notion of ores ripening is a mere dream or fancy.--E.]

There is a great trade carried on to all parts of Chili from the
Atlantic ocean, by way of Buenos Ayres, whence the Chilese receive
some European goods, together with large sums in silver, in return
for their commodities. This is perhaps the largest route of Indian
commerce in the world, as the road from Buenos Ayres to Potosi is 1500
miles; and though the distance from Valparaiso be not above 160 miles
more,[7] yet it is attended with much greater difficulty, as the
vast chain of mountains called the Cordelieras of the Andes has to be
passed, which can only be done during the three first months of the
year, the passes being impracticable at all other times. At that
season the merchants come from Mendoza, an inland town about 300
leagues from Buenos Ayres, and travel through the mountains to St
Jago. The passage of the mountains usually takes up six or seven days,
though only about sixty leagues, and the travellers have not only to
carry their own provisions with them, but also the provender of their
mules, as the whole of that part of the road is a continued series
of rocks and precipices, and all the country round so barren and so
exposed to snows in winter, that it is utterly uninhabitable. The
remainder of the journey, from St Jago to the mines, and from thence
to Valparaiso, is both safe and pleasant; and in this the merchants
have nothing to fear, except staying too long, and losing their
passage home through the mountains for that season, in which case they
would have to remain in Chili at least nine months longer than they
intended.

[Footnote 7: In these estimates, Betagh has been very unfortunate, as
the direct distance from Buenos Ayres to Potosi does not exceed 1100
miles, and the distance from Valparaiso, also in a straight line, is
hardly 800 miles.--E.]

On the whole, though a very great part of the enormous extent of
the Spanish dominions in South America be absolutely desert, and the
people in some of the inhabited parts do not acquire large fortunes,
yet the Spanish settlers in Chili certainly procure immense riches
yearly, as the country is but thinly inhabited, and all the gold
drawn from the mines and lavadores must be divided among them. It
is evident, however, that the greater part of the inhabitants do not
abound in wealth. Those among them who deal in cattle, corn, and the
other productions of the country, only acquire moderate fortunes;
and those who are concerned in the mines are frequently ruined by
launching out into unsuccessful speculations, and by expensive living.
Those who are easy in their circumstances, and retire to the city of
St Jago, Jago, live in such a manner as sufficiently demonstrates
the riches of Chili; as all their utensils, even those of the most
ordinary sort, are of pure gold, and it is believed that the wealth
of that city cannot fall short of twenty millions.[8] Add to this,
the gold-mines are continually increasing, and it is only for want
of hands that they are not wrought to infinitely more advantage; for
those already discovered and now neglected, would be sufficient to
employ 40,000 men. It may also be observed, that the frauds practised
against the royal revenue are increasing daily, and, as the riches
of the Spanish West Indies are measured by the amount of the royal
revenue, this must make them appear poorer than they are in reality.
We have one instance of this in the mines of Potosi, which are said to
produce less silver than they did formerly; yet, on a computation
for fifty years, the annual revenue to the king has amounted, on the
average, to 220,000 _pesos_, of thirteen rials and a quarter yearly,
which shews that the annual produce of these mines, so far as it has
paid the royal duty, amounts nearly to two million pieces of eight,
or dollars, and it may be confidently asserted that the royal treasury
does not receive above half of what is due: wherefore, from this
example, the rest may be judged of.

[Footnote 8: The coin or denomination is not specified: If dollars, at
4s. 6d., this would amount to four millions and a half sterling.--E.]

§ 7. _SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FRENCH INTERLOPERS IN CHILI._

As the policy of Spain chiefly consists in endeavouring, by all
possible means, to prevent the riches of these extensive dominions
from passing into other hands, so the knowledge possessed by other
nations of the great wealth of these countries, and of the great
demand for European manufactures among their inhabitants, has excited
almost every nation in Europe to devise every possible contrivance for
coming in for a share in these riches, and this with such effect, that
it is even questionable whether any considerable portion of the riches
of the new world centres among the inhabitants of Old Spain. This may
be judged of from the following considerations: Even the trade carried
on from Spain to the new world is of much greater importance to
foreigners than to the Spaniards themselves. For as Spain has few
commodities of its own, and carries on scarcely any manufactures, the
Spanish merchants at Cadiz have to make up their cargoes by means of
purchases from other countries; or rather the Cadiz merchants are mere
factors for the merchants of England, France, and Holland, whose goods
they send to America, and pay them by the returns made in the Plate
fleets. Spain also is a country very ill provided with some of the
necessaries of life, and most of the conveniences; so that prodigious
sums of the money brought from America have to be yearly exported for
the purchase of these.

Besides such drawbacks as the above, to which the Spaniards willingly
submit, there are many others which they are forced to endure: For
instance, all the negroes they employ in their plantations, in
which every kind of labour is performed by them, are purchased from
foreigners, particularly the English and Dutch, at a very large
annual expence; and, under pretence of furnishing them with negroes, a
clandestine trade is carried on every year, along the whole coasts
of their possessions on the Atlantic. In the South Sea, however,
they were tolerably free from every thing except the depredations
of pirates, till the general war on account of the succession to the
crown of Spain, which created a new kind of contraband trade, unknown
in former times, of which I now propose to give some account.

The _French interlopers_ carried vast quantities of goods directly
from Europe into the South Seas, which till then had hardly ever been
attempted by any European nation. This was always viewed with an evil
eye by the court of Spain, as repugnant to the interests of Spain, and
diametrically opposite to the maxims of her government; but there
were many circumstances at that time which rendered this a kind of
necessary evil, and obliged therefore the people of Old Spain to
submit to it. As for the Creoles, they had European goods and at a
cheaper rate, and it did not give them much concern who it was that
received their money. The town of St Malo has always been noted for
privateers, and greatly annoyed the trade of the English and Dutch
during the whole reign of King William, and part of that of Queen
Anne; and though some allege that money procured by privateering never
prospers, yet I may safely affirm that the people of St Malo are as
rich and flourishing as any in all France. Privateering has thriven
so well among them, that all their South Sea trade has arisen from
thence; and, during the last war, they were so rich and generous,
that they made several free gifts to Louis XIV.; and so dexterous were
they, that though our Admiralty always kept a stout squadron in
the Atlantic, we were never able to capture one of their South-Sea
traders. The reason of this was, that they always kept their ships
extremely clean, having ports to careen at of which we knew not. In
1709, when I belonged to her majesty's ship the Loo, being one of the
convoy that year to Newfoundland, we saw and chased upon that coast
a ship of fifty guns, which we soon perceived to be French-built; but
she crowded sail and soon left us. She had just careened at Placentia,
and we wondered much to find such a ship in that part of the world. We
afterwards learnt, from some French prisoners, that she was a French
ship bound to St Malo, having two or three millions of dollars on
board, and was then so trim that she trusted to her heels, and valued
nobody. They went thus far to the north and west on purpose to have
the advantage of a westerly wind, which seldom failed of sending them
into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. Since Placentia
has been yielded to Great Britain, they now use St Catherine and
Islagrande, on the coast of Brasil, and Martinico in the West Indies.

This trade succeeded so well, that all the merchants of St Malo
engaged in it, sending every year to the number of twenty sail of
ships. In 1721, I saw eleven sail of these together at one time on the
coast of Chili, among which were several of fifty guns, and one called
the _Fleur-de-luce_, which could mount seventy, formerly a man-of-war.
As this trade was contrary to the _Assiento_ treaty between Great
Britain and Spain, memorials were frequently presented against it
at Madrid by the court of London; and the king of Spain, willing to
fulfil his engagements to the king of England, resolved to destroy
this contraband French trade. As there was no other way to accomplish
this but by sending a squadron of men-of-war into the South Sea, and
as few of the Spaniards were acquainted with the navigation of Cape
Horn, or could bear the extreme rigour of the climate, the court of
Spain was obliged to use foreigners on this expedition, and the
four ships sent oat were both manned and commanded by Frenchmen. The
squadron consisted of the _Gloucester_, of 50 guns, and 400 men, the
_Ruby_, of 50 guns, and 330 men, both of these formerly English ships
of war, the _Leon Franco_, of 60 guns, and 450 men, and a frigate
of 40 guns, and 200 men. Monsieur _Martinet_, a French officer, was
commodore of this squadron, and commanded the _Pembroke_,[1] and
Monsieur _La Jonquiere_ the Ruby. The French conducted the navigation
round the cape very well, though in the middle of winter; but the last
ship of the four, which was manned with Spaniards, could not weather
Cape Horn, and was forced back to the Rio Plata, where she was cast
away. As the Spaniards have little or no trade into any of the cold
climates, and are unused to hard work, it is not to be wondered that
they failed on this occasion, especially considering the improper
season of the year. The Biscaneers, indeed, are robust enough fellows;
and had the Leon Franco been manned with them, she had certainly
doubled the cape along with the other three ships; but the Spaniards
in general, since acquiring their possessions in America, have become
so delicate and indolent, that it would be difficult to find an entire
ship's company capable to perform that navigation.

[Footnote 1: No such name occurs, in enumerating the squadron
immediately before--E.]

The vast advantage of the trade of Chili by way of Cape Horn, is so
obvious, that his catholic majesty is obliged by treaty to shut out
all the European nations from it, as well as the English, although
his own subjects make nothing of it, as it very rarely happens that
a Spanish ship ventures to go round Cape Horn. Owing to this, all
European goods sell enormously dear in Chili and Peru; insomuch, that
I have been told at Lima, that they are often at 400 per cent. profit,
and it may be fairly asserted, that the goods carried from France by
Cape Horn are in themselves 50 per cent. better than those sent in
the Cadiz _flota_ to Carthagena and Vera Cruz, because the former are
delivered in six months, fresh and undamaged, while the latter are
generally eighteen months before they reach Chili. In the course of
this trade, the French sold their goods, furnished themselves with
provisions, and got home again, all within twelve or fourteen months.

When Martinet arrived on the coast of Chili in 1717, furnished with a
commission from the king of Spain to take or destroy all the ships of
his countrymen found trading in the South Sea, he soon had sufficient
employment for his squadron and of fourteen ships belonging to St
Malo, then on the coast, only one escaped him, which lay hid in a
landlocked creek unseen till he had gone to leeward. Although in this
he executed the orders of his catholic majesty, and did a material
benefit to the British South Sea company, yet he almost ruined the
trading part of the Creole Spaniards, as hindering the circulation of
money and spoiling business, so that they could not bear the sight
of the French men-of-war, though they liked the French merchant ships
very much. On the other hand, imagining that they had done essential
service to the Spaniards, the French expected to have received at
least civil treatment in return, during their stay in these seas.
As soon, however, as Martinet brought his prizes into Calao, and the
Frenchmen had received their shares of the prize-money, forgetting
the ancient antipathy of the Spaniards for the French, they gave
themselves extravagant airs on shore, by dancing and drinking, which
still more incensed the creolians against them, who called them
cavachos and renegados, for falling foul of their own countrymen. From
one thing to another, their mutual quarrels grew so high, that the
Frenchmen were obliged to go about Lima and Calao in strong armed
parties, the better to avoid outrages and affronts. At last, a young
gentleman, who was ensign of the Ruby, and nephew to Captain La
Jonquiere, was shot from a window, and the murderer took refuge in
the great church of Calao. Martinet and La Jonquiere petitioned the
viceroy to have the murderer delivered up to justice: But the viceroy,
who was at the same time archbishop, would on no account consent to
violate the privileges of the church. On this refusal, they called all
their men on board by beat of drum, and laid the broadsides of their
three ships to bear on the town of Calao, threatening to demolish
the town and fortifications, unless the assassin were delivered up
or executed. All this blustering, however, could not prevail upon the
viceroy to give them any satisfaction, though they had several other
men killed, besides that gentleman.

At length, unwilling to proceed to extremities, and no longer able
to endure the place where his nephew had been murdered, La Jonquiere
obtained leave of his commodore to make the best of his way home.
About this time, many _padros_ and many rich passengers were assembled
at Conception in Chili, intending to take their passage to Europe in
the French squadron, knowing that all ships bound for Cape Horn must
touch at Conception, or some places thereabout, for provisions.
La Jonquiere, having thus the start of his commodore, had all the
advantage to himself of so many good passengers in his ship; for, as
the king of Spain had no officer at Conception to register the
money shipped at that place, these passengers and missionaries put
astonishing sums of money on board the Ruby. They were thereby spared
the trouble of a voyage to Panama or Acapulco, and travelling thence
for Portobello or Vera Cruz, where they must have had their coffers
visited, to see if the _indulto_ of his majesty were fairly accounted
for. They therefore saved every shilling of that _indulto_, as the
Ruby touched first in France, where no cognizance whatever was taken
of this affair. They also got clear of the other moiety payable in
Spain, as they landed all their money in France.

Besides these rich passengers and their money, the Ruby had also on
board a considerable sum arising to his catholic majesty from the
confiscation of the thirteen captured interlopers, all of which, as I
was informed, amounted to four millions of dollars in that ship. What
a fine booty we missed therefore by the obstinacy of Shelvocke! For,
when this ship, the Ruby, found us at the island of St Catharine, her
company was so sickly that she had not above sixty sound men out of
four hundred; so that La Jonquiere was actually afraid of us, and
would not send his boat to the watering-place, where we kept guard,
and our coopers and sail-makers were at work, till he had first
obtained leave of our captain; neither is this strange, for he knew we
had a consort, and was in Spain all the time he staid there, lest the
Success should have joined us.

After Commodore Martinet had cleared the coast of Chili and Peru
of his countrymen, he sent his brother-in-law, Monsieur de Grange,
express with the news to Madrid, who went by way of Panama,
Portobello, Jamaica, and London. On delivering his message, the king
of Spain asked what he could do for him, when he humbly requested his
majesty would give him the command of a ship, and send him again round
Cape Horn into the South Sea. He accordingly got the Zelerin, of fifty
guns. He came first to _Calais_,[2] where the ship was getting ready,
and was surprised to meet with a cold reception from the French
merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there; for,
as there were merchants of various nations interested in the ships
taken and confiscated in the South Sea, they universally considered
him and all the French in that squadron as false brethren, for serving
the crown of Spain to the prejudice of their own countrymen. Thus,
while he expected to have had a valuable cargo consigned to his care,
no man would ship the value of a dollar with him. Captain Fitzgerald,
who was then at _Cales_, made him a considerable offer for the
privilege of going out as his second officer, with liberty to take out
what goods he might be able to procure, in his own name. As de Grange
was not a little embarrassed, he accepted this offer, and procured a
commission for Fitzgerald as second captain. They accordingly manned
the Zelerin chiefly with French seamen, and some English, and got very
well round Cape Horn. At this time our two privateers, the Success and
Speedwell, were known to be in the South Seas, and the Zelerin was
one of the ships commissioned by the viceroy of Peru to cruize for
us. Fitzgerald sold all his goods to great advantage at Lima, where he
continued to reside; while de Grange served as captain under Admiral
Don Pedro Miranda, who took Hately and me prisoners.

[Footnote 2: This, certainly, is a mistake for Cadiz, often named
Cales by English seamen; and, in fact, only a few lines lower down,
the place is actually named Cales.--E.]

Though great sufferers by so many confiscations, the merchants of St
Malo were not entirely discouraged; for, in the year 1720, we found
the Solomon of St Malo, of 40 guns, and 150 men, at _Ylo_, on the
coast of Chili, with several Spanish barks at her stern. In the course
of six weeks, she sold all her cargo, got in a supply of provisions,
and left the coast without interruption, as by this time Martinet's
squadron had left the coast. Encouraged by the success of the Solomon,
the merchants of St Malo fitted out fourteen sail together, all of
which arrived in the South Sea in the beginning of the year 1721.
Three of the commanders of these ships, being well acquainted with the
creolians, quickly sold their cargoes and returned home. About this
time, the people of Lima judged that our privateers were gone off the
coast, or at least would not commit any more hostilities, because
of the truce between the two crowns. Wherefore, the three Spanish
men-of-war that had been fitted out to cruize against us, were ordered
against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the Flying-fish, an
advice-boat that accompanied the men-of-war, when they came up with
eleven sail of the St Malo ships, which were then altogether on the
coast of Chili, and, instead of firing on them, the Spaniards joined
them as friends. At first, expecting to have been attacked, the French
ships drew up in a line, as if daring the ships of war. This seemed to
me somewhat strange, that three such ships, purposely fitted out for
this cruize, should decline doing their duty on their own coasts; for,
had they proved too weak, they had ports of their own to retire
to, under their lee. But the ships of war contented themselves with
watching the motions of the interlopers, keeping them always in sight;
and when any of the French ships drew near the shore, the Spaniards
always sent a pinnace or long-boat along with her, carrying the
Spanish flag, the sight of which effectually deterred the creolians
from trading with the French. In this manner they contrived to prevent
all these ships from disposing of their goods, except when they
were met with at sea by chance, and sold some of their commodities
clandestinely. At length, completely tired out by this close
superintendence, the French got leave to take in provisions, and went
home, at least half of their goods remaining unsold. Notwithstanding
these losses and disappointments, and severe edicts issued against
this trade in France, the merchants of St Malo still persist to carry
it on, though privately, nor is it probable they will ever leave off
so lucrative a commerce, unless prevented by the strong arm of power,
or supplanted by some other nation.

§ 8. RETURN OF BETAGH TO ENGLAND.

I now return to my own affairs, and the manner of my return to England
from Peru. I have already acknowledged the kind reception I met with
from the admiral of the South Seas, Don Pedro Miranda, and the reasons
of his treating us so civilly. I think it barely justice to mention
the several favours I received, during the eleven months that I
continued at Lima, particularly from Don Juan Baptista Palacio, a
native of Biscay, a knight of the order of St Jago, who came weekly
to the prison while we were there, and distributed money to us all, in
proportion to our several ranks. Captain Nicholas Fitzgerald procured
my enlargement, by becoming security for me; and he afterwards
supplied me with money and necessaries, from that time till my
departure; and procured for me and twenty more, a passage to Cadiz, in
a Spanish advice-boat called the Flying-fish, of which our surgeon's
mate, Mr Pressick, acted as surgeon, receiving wages, as did the
rest of our men, being released from prison expressly to assist in
navigating that vessel home to Spain. For my own part, being well
treated, I did not think proper to eat the bread of idleness, but kept
my watches as well as the other officers. And pray, what is the harm
of all this? Though Shelvocke had the stupidity to call it treason;
it must surely appear a very malicious, as well as an ignorant charge,
after a man has been driven among the enemy, to call him a traitor
because he has been kindly used, and for accepting his passage back
again; and, because I was not murdered in Peru, I ought to be
executed at home. This is Shelvocke's great Christian charity and good
conscience![1]

[Footnote 1: After all, had the Flying-fish been captured by a British
cruizer, Betagh would have run great risk of being found guilty of
treason for _keeping his watches_.--E.]

On my arrival at Cadiz, captain John Evers of the Britannia kindly
gave me my passage to London, and entertained me at his own table. On
my return to London, and representing the hardships I had undergone,
nine honourable persons made me a present of ten guineas each; which
afforded me the satisfaction of seeing, that such as were the best
judges, had a proper idea of the miseries I had suffered, and approved
the manner in which I had behaved, the only consolation I could
receive in the circumstances in which I was left by that unfortunate
voyage. The fair account I have given of facts, and the detail of my
proceedings in the Spanish West Indies, together with the account of
what I observed worthy of notice during my stay in these parts,
will acquit me, I hope, in the opinion of every candid and impartial
person, from the aspersions thrown upon me by Shelvocke, in the
account he has published of his voyage.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Note._

"Betagh has fully shewn, that the navigation round Cape Horn is no
such dangerous or wonderful voyage. If twenty ships from St Malo could
perform it in one year, and not a single vessel either shipwrecked or
forced to put back, what shall hinder an English ship or an English
fleet from doing the same? We see from the foregoing account, with how
much ease the French carried on a prodigious trade to the South Seas,
at a time when the appearance of an English ship there was esteemed
a prodigy. We certainly can send our frigates there, as well as the
French can their ships from St Malo; and it might be well worth the
while of our merchants to send out ships to the coasts of Chili and
Peru, laden with proper goods for that country."--_Harris._

In the present day, this trade to the coasts of Chili and Peru has
been resumed by the citizens of the United States; but the subjects
of Britain are debarred from even attempting to take a share, because
within the exclusive limits of the East India Company; although their
ships never come nearer to the western coast of America than Canton
in China, at the enormous distance of 174 degrees of longitude, and
59 degrees of latitude, counting from Canton in China to Conception in
Peru, or upwards of _twelve thousand English miles_. It is certainly
at least extremely desirable, that a trade of such promise should not
remain any longer prohibited, merely to satisfy a punctilio, without
the most distant shadow of benefit to the India Company, or to the
nonentity denominated the South-sea Company.--_Ed._




CHAPTER XIII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY COMMODORE ROGGEWEIN, IS 1721-1723.[1]



INTRODUCTION.

There was, perhaps, no country in the world where commerce was more
profitable, or held more honourable, than in Holland, or where more
respect and attention was shewn to it by the government. As the
republic chiefly subsisted by trade, every thing relating to it was
considered as an affair of a public nature, in which the welfare
of the state was concerned, and highly deserving therefore of the
strictest and readiest attention. The great companies in Holland,
as in other countries, were considered as injurious to trade in
some lights, yet necessary to its welfare in others. The _West India
Company_ of that country, originally erected in 1621, held, by an
exclusive charter, the commerce of the coast of Africa, from the
tropic of Cancer to the Cape of Good Hope, and that of America, from
the southern point of Newfoundland in the N.E. all along the eastern
coast to the Straits of Magellan or Le Maire, and thence northwards
again along the western coast, to the supposed Straits of Anian, thus
including the entire coasts of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The
directors of this company consisted of seventy-two persons, divided
into five chambers, of whom eighteen were chosen to administer the
affairs of the Company, together with a nineteenth person, nominated
by the States-General.

[Footnote 1: Harris, I. 256. Callender, III. 644.]

The affairs of this Company were once in so very flourishing a
condition, that it was considered as even superior to their East India
Company. This prosperity was chiefly owing, to the happy success of
their affairs at sea; as their admiral, Peter Haines, in the 1629,
captured the Spanish plate fleet, laden with immense riches. They at
one time made themselves masters of the greatest part of Brazil; and
were so considerable that the great Count Maurice of Nassau did not
think it beneath him to accept a commission from this Company as
Governor-General of Brazil; which country, however, after it had cost
them immense sums to defend, they at length lost. The term of their
charter, originally limited to twenty-four years, expired in 1647,
and was then renewed for other twenty-five years. During this second
period, their affairs became so perplexed, so that the Company was
dissolved towards the close of that term, with its own consent.

In 1674, a new company was erected, by letters patent from the
States-General, with nearly the same powers and privileges, which has
subsisted ever since with great reputation.[2] The capital of this
new company consisted of six millions of florins, which are equal
to 545,454l. 10s. 10d. 10-11ths sterling. And the limits of their
authority are the western coast of Africa and both coasts of America,
all the establishments of the Dutch in these countries being under
their authority, so that any one who proposes a new scheme of commerce
in those parts, must necessarily apply himself to that company. Under
these circumstances, a Mr Roggewein, a person of parts and enterprize,
formed a project for the discovery of the vast continent and numerous
islands, supposed to be in the southern part of the globe, under the
name of _Terra Australis Incognita_, of which the world had hitherto
only very imperfect notices from others; which project, with a plan
for carrying the discovery into execution, they presented to the Dutch
_East_ India Company[3] in 1696, by which it was favourably received,
and he was assured of receiving all the assistance and support he
could desire or expect, as soon as the affairs of the Company would
permit. But the disturbances which soon afterwards followed put a stop
to the good intentions of the Company; and Mr Roggewein died before
any thing could be done. Mr Roggewein was a gentleman of the province
of Zealand, who had addicted himself from his youth to mathematical
studies, and we have reason to suppose recommended his projected
discovery on his death-bed to his son.

[Footnote 2: This refers to the year 1743, when Harris wrote: It
is hardly necessary to say, that Holland and its great commercial
companies are now merely matters of history.--E.]

[Footnote 3: From what goes both before and after, this seems a
mistake for the _West_ India Company.--E.]

After the death of his father, the younger Roggewein applied to his
studies with much vigour, and qualified himself for the office of
counsellor in the court of justice at Batavia, where he resided
for many years. After his return from Java, where he had acquired a
handsome fortune, he resolved upon carrying his father's projected
discovery into execution; and, in the year 1721, presented a memorial
to the West India Company, narrating the proposal of his father
for discovering the southern continent and islands, which they had
formerly been pleased to approve of, and which he was now ready to
attempt. The Company received this memorial with readiness; and, as
its affairs were now in better order, acquainted Mr Roggewein, that it
would give immediate orders for equipping such a squadron as might
be necessary for carrying his design into effect. The squadron
accordingly fitted out on this occasion consisted of three ships: The
Eagle of 36 guns and 111 men, commanded by Captain Job Coster, and in
which Mr Roggewein embarked as Commodore; the Tienhoven of 28 guns and
100 men, commanded by Captain James Bowman; and the African, a galley
armed with 14 guns, and carrying 60 men, commanded by Captain Henry
Bosenthal.

It may be proper to acquaint the reader, that the subsequent account
of this voyage is derived from an original journal, which never
appeared before in our language, for which I was indebted to the
gentleman who commanded the land-forces on board the Commodore, and
whose name I am not at liberty to mention; neither that of another
gentleman who was engaged in the voyage, and from whom I received
considerable assistance. The nature of the expedition is sufficient
in itself to recommend it to the notice of the curious; and the many
remarkable particulars it contains, especially respecting the state of
the Dutch Company in the Indies, renders it both a very entertaining
and a most instructive performance.

Before proceeding to the narrative of this voyage, I hope to be
indulged in making a few remarks, which may contribute both to
amusement and information, and may clear up some points that might
otherwise appear obscure in the following voyage. It is worth
observing, that the Dutch West India Company had been long in a
declining condition; which, instead of dispiriting the Directors,
engaged them to turn their thoughts to every method that could be
devised for recovering their affairs. There is so wide a difference
between our English great chartered companies and those [formerly]
in Holland, that it may not be amiss to give a concise account of the
flourishing state of that Company, as it may shew what great things
may be managed by a board of merchants, for such the Directors
generally were.

It appears, from the books of the Company, that, in the space of
thirteen years, from 1623 to 1636, the Company had fitted out 800
ships, either for war or trade, and that the expence of building,
equipping, and seamen's wages had cost forty-five millions of florins,
or upwards of _four millions_ sterling: And, in the same space of
time, the Company had taken from the enemy 545 vessels, valued at
_sixty millions_ of florins, or nearly _five and a half millions_
sterling; besides to the value of _thirty millions_ at the least, or
nearly _two millions and a quarter_ sterling, in spoils of various
denominations. The greatest of their exploits was the capture of the
Spanish _flota_ at the Havannah, by their admiral Peter Heyne; by
which they gained seven millions of dollars in money, or L. 2,625,000
sterling; besides ships, brass cannon, and other military stores, to
the value of above ten millions.[4] Such were the flourishing times of
the Company.

[Footnote 4: Harris does not say whether dollars or florins: If the
former, equal to L. 2,250,000 sterling at 4s. 6d. the dollar; if the
latter, a little above L. 900,000 sterling at 11 florins to the pound
sterling; both of these the old par of exchange.--E.]

The causes of their decay seem to have been principally the following.
_First_, their emulation of the East India Company, which induced
them to make the conquest of Brazil from Portugal, the crown of which
country had been usurped by their arch enemy the king of Spain. This
was achieved at a vast expence, and Count Maurice of Nassau was
appointed governor-general, who conducted their affairs with great
skill and prudence. _Secondly_, owing to the desire of the Company
to conduct all things, and repining at the expence incurred by
that prince in the government of Brazil, was another cause of their
misfortunes: For the merchants, who had conducted their affairs with
great wisdom and capacity, while they confined themselves to commerce
and maritime war, shewed themselves only indifferent statesmen, and
soon lost all that Prince Maurice had gained, and loaded the Company
with so heavy a debt, as compelled them in the end to consent to its
dissolution.

The new West India Company, warned by the example of its predecessors,
has kept more within bounds, and has certainly managed its affairs
with great prudence and economy. Having formed a project in 1714,
for uniting the East and West India Companies into one,[5] and the
proposition, being rejected, the directors of the West India
Company very wisely turned their thoughts another way; and it is not
improbable, that the rejection of their proposal on this occasion
may have induced them to give encouragement to the proposition of
Roggewein: For, being disappointed in their aim of coming in for a
share in the commodities of the East Indies, they were desirous of
acquiring the same articles of trade by some other means, expecting to
have found these in the continent or islands proposed to be discovered
by Roggewein. This also accounts for the extraordinary heat and
violence of the Dutch East India Company, against those who were
engaged on the present expedition, and is the true secret of the
dispute so warmly carried on by the two Companies, and so wisely
decided by the States-General. When the Dutch East India Company
persecuted and destroyed Le Maire for his voyage of discovery,
under pretence of interfering within their exclusive boundaries, the
government did not interfere, because at that time the power of the
East India Company was of the highest importance to the state: But,
as the government of Holland became better established, and especially
since a share in the public administration has been acquired by such
as are conversant in trade, the concerns of the East India Company
have been viewed in a new light. The first who explained this matter
clearly was that consummate statesman and true patriot, John de Witte,
whose words are most worthy the attention of the reader.

[Footnote 5: A long, indistinct, and uninteresting account of this
project is here omitted, which Harris alleges might have transferred
the whole commerce of Europe to the Dutch, but for which opinion he
advances no substantial reasons, or rather none at all.--E.]

"When the East India Company had attained to a certain extent of power
and grandeur, its interests came not only to clash with, but grew
absolutely opposite to those of the country. For, whereas the
advantage of the nation consists in the increase of manufactures,
commerce, and freight of ships; the interests of the Company are to
promote the sale of foreign manufactures, and that with the smallest
extent of traffic and navigation that can be contrived. Hence, if
the East India Company can gain more by importing Japan cloths, India
quilts, carpets, and chintzes, than by raw silk; or, if the Company,
by creating an artificial scarcity of nutmegs, mace, cloves, cinnamon,
and other spices, can raise their price so as to gain as much profit
by the sale of 100 tons, as it would otherwise gain by the sale of
1000 tons, we are not to expect that it will import raw silks, or be
at the expence of transporting 1000 tons of spice; though the former
would assist and encourage our manufactures at home, and the latter
would increase our navigation.

This chain of reasoning is so plain, and so evidently agrees with the
interests of all nations, as well as with those of Holland, that it
is impossible for any unprejudiced person not to discern that all
exclusive companies destroy, instead of promoting, the commerce of
the countries in which they are established. The same great statesman
already quoted observes, "That the more any country extends its
foreign conquests, the more of its stock must necessarily be spent,
for the preservation and defence of these conquests: And consequently,
by how much the greater are its dominions, so much the less is that
company able to prosecute the trade, for the promotion of which it was
erected."[6]--_Harris._

[Footnote 6: The remarks of Harris on this voyage are extended to a
far greater length than have been here adopted, and are many of them
loose and uninteresting; but some of those here inserted have a strong
reference to a most important subject now under consideration of the
legislature; and the notices respecting the Dutch West India Companies
are curious in themselves, as well as upon a subject very little known
in this country.

The subject of this voyage round the world is principally exhausted
in the _seven_ first sections; all those subsequent being chiefly a
detail of the Indian settlements of the Dutch East India Company, as
it was in the year 1722, almost a century ago. These certainly might
have been omitted on the present occasion, without injury to the
present article, as a _circumnavigation_: But, as conveying a
considerable mass of information, respecting the _Dutch possessions in
India_, now all belonging to Britain, and respecting which hardly any
thing has been published in the English language, it has been deemed
indispensable to preserve them.--E.]



SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage from Holland to the Coast of Brazil._[1]

The small squadron of three ships, already enumerated, sailed
from Amsterdam on the 16th July, 1721, and arrived at the Texel in
thirty-six hours, where they were provided with every thing requisite
for so long a voyage. All things being in readiness, they sailed with
a fair wind on the 21st August; but, as the wind changed next day,
they were three days in beating to windward through the British
channel, after which they continued their course to the S.W. for the
coast of Barbary, but were opposed by a heavy storm which did them
considerable damage. To this a dead calm succeeded, during which the
water ran mountains high, owing to agitation they had been thrown into
by the storm. By the rolling of the ships during the calm, several
injuries were sustained, one of the vessels losing its main-top-mast
and mizen-mast; and the main-yard of the Commodore came down with such
force as to wound several of the people on deck. After two days the
wind freshened again, and they continued their course S.W. towards the
Canaries, amusing themselves with observing the manner in which the
flying-fish endeavours to escape from its enemies, the albicores and
bonitoes. The _flying-fish_ are not larger than a herring, and raise
themselves into the air by means of two long fins, one on each side,
not much unlike the wings of a bat in strength and texture. They are
considered as good eating, and the sailors are always well pleased
when they are met with in plenty. The _bonito_ is about two feet long,
of a greyish colour, finely streaked from head to tail; but the flesh
is hard, dry, and disagreeably tasted. The _albicore_ is generally
five or six feet long, and sometimes weighs 150 pounds. They saw
likewise several water-fowls, particularly _teal_, which the seamen
account a sign of land being near.

[Footnote 1: In the various steps of this voyage, the merely
uninteresting journal or log-book incidents have been materially
abbreviated.--E.]

While in lat. 28° N. and soon expecting to see the Canaries, a sail
was descried from the mast-head carrying English colours. On drawing
near she struck her colours and bore away, but re-appeared in about an
hour, having four sail more in her company, sometimes carrying white,
sometimes red, and sometimes black colours, which gave reason to
suspect that they were pirates. The Commodore immediately made the
signal for the line of battle, and all hands went to work in clearing
the ship for action, filling grenades, and preparing every thing for
the ensuing engagement, in which they fortunately had the advantage
of the weather-gage. Observing this, the pirates put themselves into
a fighting posture, struck their red flag, and hoisted a black one, on
which was a death's head in the centre, surmounted by a powder horn,
and two cross bones underneath. They likewise formed the line, and
commenced a smart action. The pirates fought very briskly for some
time, as believing the Dutch ships to be merchantmen; but after two
hours cannonade, perceiving the Commodore preparing to board the
vessel to which he was opposed, the pirates spread all their canvass,
and crowded away as fast as they could sail. Commodore Roggewein, on
seeing them bear away, called out, _Let the rascals go:_ In which he
strictly obeyed his instructions; as all the ships belonging to the
Dutch East and West India Companies have strict orders to pursue their
course, and never to give chase. In this action, four men were killed,
and nine wounded in the Commodore, the other two ships having seven
slain and twenty-six wounded. The carpenters also had full employment
in stopping leaks, and repairing the other damages sustained.

Continuing their voyage, they had sight of Madeira on the 15th
November, and in the neighbourhood saw a desert island which is much
frequented by the pirates, for wood and water and other refreshments.
They afterwards had sight of the Peak of Teneriffe, which is generally
esteemed the highest single mountain in the world, on which account
the geographers of Holland adopt it as the first meridian in their
maps and charts; while the French and English of late incline to
fix their first meridians at their respective capitals of Paris and
London. These differences are apt to create much confusion in the
longitudes of places, when not explained by the writers who use these
several modes of reckoning; on which account Lewis XIII. of France, by
edict in 1634, endeavoured to obviate this inconvenience, by directing
the first meridian to be placed in the island of Ferro, the most
westerly of the Canaries.[1] From these islands they directed their
course for the islands of Cape Verde, so named from Cabo Verde, or
the Green Cape, a point or mountain on the coast of Africa, called
_Arlinarium_ by Ptolemy.

[Footnote 1: The Royal Observatory at Greenwich is now the first
meridian in British maps and globes, from which St Paul's in London is
0° 5' 37" W. the observatory of Paris 2° 20' E. Teneriffe peak 16° 40'
W. and Ferrotown 17° 45' 50" W.]

This cape is bounded by two rivers, the Senegal and Gambia, called by
the ancients the _Garatius_ and _Stachiris_. It has an island to the
west, which is frequented by an infinite number of birds, the eggs of
which are frequently gathered by mariners going this way. This cape is
dangerous to land upon, because of a great many sunken rocks about
it. The continent is here inhabited by negroes, who trade with all
nations, and speak many languages, especially French and Portuguese.
Most of them go naked, except a piece of cloth about their middle, but
their princes and great men wear long garments of calico striped
with blue, and made like shifts; they hang also little square bags of
leather on their arms and legs, but we could not learn of them what
these bags contain.[2] They wear necklaces made of sea-horses teeth,
alternating with glass beads; and have caps of blue and white striped
calico on their heads. They are a prudent and wise people, cultivating
their soil, which bears good rice and other articles sufficient for
their maintenance; and the richer people keep cattle, which are very
dear, as being scarce. They have many good blacksmiths, and iron is
much, valued among them, being forged into fish-spears, implements for
cultivating the ground, and various weapons, as the heads of arrows,
darts, and javelins. Their religion seems to border on Mahometism, as
they are all circumcised; but they have little knowledge of the true
God, except among a few who converse with Christians. They are very
lascivious, and may have as many wives as they please; but the women
are seldom contented with one husband, and are passionately fond of
strangers. The whole country is under subjection to the governors
or head-men of the various towns and villages, who row on board such
ships as arrive, making them pay customs. Several Portuguese reside
here, who trade freely with all nations, but have no power or
authority, except over their own slaves and servants.

[Footnote 2: These are called _obi_, containing a variety
of ridiculous trash, and are held in superstitious esteem as
amulets.--E.]

Having the advantage of a strong N.E. wind, they took their departure
from Cape de Verde, and continued their course for six weeks, without
coming to anchor or handing a sail. In this long passage, they had
some days in which the heat was almost insupportable, and the crew
began to murmur excessively on account of being at short allowance of
water. On this occasion one of the swabbers got into the hold, and,
being extremely thirsty, pierced a cask of brandy, of which he pulled,
so heartily that he was soon intoxicated to a degree of madness. In
this condition he staggered into the cook-room, where he threw down a
pan of grease, and being sharply reproved by the cook, drew his knife
and rushed upon him. Some of the crew gathered about him and wrenched
the knife out of his hand, but not till he had drawn it two or three
times across the cook's face. For this they drubbed him soundly, which
he resented so deeply that he seized a knife as soon as he got loose,
and gave himself several stabs in the belly. The utmost care was taken
of his recovery, in order to make him a public example, to prevent
such actions in future among the crew; and after his recovery he
was punished in the following manner. Being declared infamous at
the fore-mast, he was thrice keel-hauled, and had 300 strokes on the
buttocks, after which his right hand was fastened to the mast with his
own knife. When he had stood some time in this condition, he was put
in chains on the fore-castle, being allowed nothing but bread and
water for some days; and was continued in irons to be set on shore at
the first barren island they came to.

Continuing their voyage till near the line, they were much incommoded
by the shifting of the wind; and by scarcity of water, many of the
crew falling ill of the scurvy. When it sometimes fell entirely calm,
the heat of the sun became more than ordinarily oppressive, owing to
which some of the men became quite distracted, others fell into high
fevers, and some had fits like the epilepsy. Their water, as it grew
low, stunk abominably, and became full of worms. The salt provisions
were in a manner quite spoiled, and served only to turn their stomachs
and increase their thirst. Hunger is said to be the greatest of
torments, but they had reason to consider thirst as the greatest
misery incident to human nature. At this time they often observed
towards evening that the sea appeared all on fire; and taking up some
buckets of water in this condition, they observed that it was full of
an infinite number of little globules, of the size, form, and colour
of pearls. These retained their lustre for some time when held in the
hand, but on pressure seemed nothing more than an earthy fat substance
like mud.

They at length crossed the line, with the loss only of one man, who
died of a high fever; and on getting into the latitude of 3° S. they
fell into the true trade-wind, before which they scudded along at a
great rate. In lat. 5° S. they had the sun directly vertical, so that
they were some days without any observation. In 6° S. they caught
many dorados and dolphins, both, in the opinion of the author of this
voyage, being the same fish, of which the dolphin is the male and
the dorado the female. Some of these are six feet long, but not of
proportional bulk. In the water they appear excessively beautiful,
their skins shining as if streaked with burnished gold; but lose their
splendid appearance on being taken out of the water. Their flesh is
very sweet and well flavoured, so that the seamen always feast when
they can procure plenty of this fish. They saw also abundance of
sharks, many of which are ten feet long. Their flesh is hard, stringy,
and very disagreeably tasted; yet the seamen frequently hang them up
in the air for a day or two, and then eat them: Which compliment the
surviving sharks never fail to return when a seaman falls in their
way, either dead or alive, and seem to attend ships for that purpose.



SECTION II.

_Arrival in Brazil, with some Account of that Country._

Coming near the coast of Brazil, their design was to have anchored
at the island _Grande_, but finding they had passed that island, they
continued their course till off Porto, in lat. 24° S. where they came
to anchor. Some of the ship's company of the commodore then got into
the boat in order to go shore, both for the purpose of procuring wood
and water and other refreshments, and in order to bury one of their
seamen who had died. Before they could get on shore, they descried a
body of Portuguese well armed moving along the coast, who seemed
to prevent them from landing, and beckoned the Dutch to keep off,
threatening to fire if they attempted to land: But, on shewing them
the dead body, they allowed them to land, and even shewed them a place
in which to inter their dead companion. Being desirous of procuring
some intelligence, the Dutch asked many questions about the country,
but could only get for answer, that Porto was an advanced port to St
Sebastian, not marked in the charts, and that they were inhabitants
of Rio Janeiro, which lay at the distance of eight miles.[1] The Dutch
endeavoured to persuade them to go on board the commodore, but they
refused, fearing they might be pirates, which frequently used to come
upon the coast, and, under pretence of getting fresh water, would land
and pillage any of the little towns near the sea.

[Footnote 1: There must be a considerable mistake here in regard to
the latitude of Porto, said to be in 21° S. as Rio Janeiro is in
lat. 22° 54' S. and must therefore have been eighty leagues distant.
Perhaps the eight miles in the text, as the distance to Rio Janeiro,
ought to have been eighty leagues or Dutch miles.--E.]

About six months before the arrival of Roggewein at this place, a
pirate had been there, and, while the crew were preparing to make a
descent, a French ship of force arrived, which sent her to the bottom
with one broadside. She sank in thirteen fathoms, and as she was
supposed to have seven millions on board,[2] they had sent for divers
from Portugal, in order to attempt recovering a part of her treasure.
However, by dint of entreaties and the strongest possible assurance of
safety, two of them were prevailed upon to go on board the commodore,
where they were very kindly treated, and had clothes given them, by
which they were induced to carry the squadron into a safe port, which
was most serviceable to men in their condition, almost worn out with
fatigues, and in a manner destroyed for want of water.

[Footnote 2: This is a most inconclusive mode of expression, perhaps
meaning Dutch florins, and if so, about £636,363 sterling.--E.]

The harbour of Porto affords good anchorage in from six to eight
fathoms. In entering it on the S.W. the main land is on the right, and
a large island on the left, all the coast appearing very high land,
consisting of mountains and intermediate vallies, overgrown with trees
and shrubs. Porto is in a pleasant situation, but at this time had
no inhabitants. They caught here both fish and tortoises of exquisite
flavour, and so very nourishing, that about forty of the people who
were ill of the scurvy, recovered very fast. Having remained there two
days, in which time they supplied themselves with wood and water, they
weighed anchor, and in six leagues sailing to the S.W. came into the
road of St Sebastian. Just when entering the mouth of the river a
violent storm arose, on which they had to drop their anchors, lest
they had been driven on the rocks, and to wait the return of the tide
in that situation. They entered the port next day, and came to anchor
just before the town, which they saluted, but without being answered,
either because the Portuguese guns were not in order, of because the
inhabitants were not pleased, with their arrival, suspecting them of
being pirates, though under the Dutch flag. In order to remove these
apprehensions, Roggewein wrote to the governor, informing him what
they were, and desiring to be furnished with cattle, vegetables,
fruits, and other refreshments for payment, also requesting the use
of a few huts on shore for the recovery of the sick men. The governor
made answer, that these things were not in his power, as he was
subordinate to the governor of Rio de Janeiro, to whom he should
dispatch an express that evening, and hoped the commodore would give
him time to receive the orders of his superior officer. But Roggewein
was by no means satisfied with this answer, giving the governor to
know, if he refused to deal with him by fair means and for ready money
as offered, be should be obliged to have recourse to force, though
much against his inclinations. Having learnt that there was a
Franciscan monastery in the town, Roggewein sent also to inform the
fathers of his arrival, accompanying his message by a present.

It happened fortunately for the Dutch, that a native of Utrecht, one
Father Thomas, belonged to this monastery, who came immediately on
board, accompanied by several other monks. He was so much delighted
at the sight of his countrymen, that he declared he should now die
in peace, having earnestly wished for twenty-two years to enjoy the
satisfaction he was now gratified with. The commodore gave him a kind
welcome, and presented him with whatever was deemed useful for the
monastery. The prior, who was of the party on this occasion, begged
the commodore to have patience till the return of the express from
Rio de Janeiro, and promised to use his interest with the governor, to
induce him to furnish the demanded refreshments, so that they parted
well satisfied with each other. In the mean time, the Portuguese came
down to the coast in large bodies well armed, posting themselves in
such places as they judged the Dutch might attempt to put their men on
shore; and at the approach of a Dutch pinnace, thought proper to fire
at her, by which one of the Dutchmen was dangerously wounded in the
shoulder. The boat's crew returned the fire by a general discharge of
their fire-arms, by which two of the Portuguese were brought down,
and the rest made a precipitate retreat. The Dutch then landed
immediately, filling what water they had occasion for, and returned on
board.

On the report of what had happened, which he deemed an act of
hostility, Roggewein made immediate dispositions for attacking the
town, ordering his smallest ship to go as near the place as possible,
while the Teinhoven was ordered to watch the coast, and the commodore
laid his own ship opposite the monastery, as if he had intended to
batter it down. All this was merely to frighten the Portuguese
into better behaviour, and it had the desired effect, as the
deputy-governor came soon after on board, and entered into a
treaty, granting every thing desired. He at the same time expressed
considerable doubts of being paid for what they might furnish, as
a French ship had been lately supplied with necessaries, and at its
departure the French captain threatened to burn the town about their
ears, if they insisted on payment according to agreement and his
promises on first coming in. The sick were now landed on the island,
and the whole of the ships companies were daily furnished by the
Portuguese with beef, mutton, fowls, vegetables, fruits, and every
thing else they wanted. The ships companies also had leave to go on
shore, and soon contracted acquaintance among the Portuguese, from
whom they obtained sugar, tobacco, brandy, and every thing else they
wished for, in exchange for European goods, although the governor had
strictly prohibited all commerce, under the strictest penalties. Thus,
in a very short time the Portuguese became so well satisfied of the
honesty and good intentions of the Dutch, that they brought back all
their rich effects, formerly carried out of town when the ships first
arrived. The Portuguese, however, complained loudly of the bad usage
they met with from the French, who came frequently to this place with
their ships, taking whatever they pleased by force, and plundering the
houses in which they were permitted to lodge the sick; owing to which
the Portuguese believed that all other Europeans would treat them in
the same manner.

The town of St Sebastians is situated in lat. 24° S. and long. 60°
W.[3] being a place of moderate extent, only indifferently fortified
by an inclosure of palisades, with a few cannon for its defence. The
church however is a beautiful building, and the palace of the governor
is very magnificent; but the houses of the inhabitants are only such
as are commonly met with among the Spanish and Portuguese colonists in
America. The Franciscan monastery stands on the S. side of the town,
and accommodates about thirty monks very conveniently. The prior
shewed to the commodore and his officers a curious idol, which he said
had been worshipped by the ancient natives of the place. It was the
image of a creature half tiger half lion, about four feet high and a
foot and a half round. Its feet resembled the paws of a lion, and
the head was adorned with a double crown, in which were stuck twelve
Indian darts, one of which on each side was broken. On each shoulder
there was a large wing like that of a stork. In the inside was seen
the statue of a man, completely armed in the manner of the country,
having a quiver of arrows at his back, a bow in his left hand, and an
arrow in his right. The tail of this strange idol was very long, and
twisted three or four times round the body of the man. It had been
called _Nasil Lichma_, by its worshippers, and the prior said that it
was made of gold; but the author of this voyage suspected it was
only gilded. The monks had also a numerous collection of European and
American curiosities, which they exhibited at the same time.

[Footnote 3: It is impossible to reconcile this longitude with any
of the first meridians mentioned in a former note, or indeed with any
known geographical principles. It is 45° 30' W. from Greenwich. If
reckoned from the meridian of Teneriffe, said to be that used by the
Dutch, this would place it 21° 10' too far west, as Teneriffe is 16°
40' W. from Greenwich. This place, in an island of the same name, has
to be carefully distinguished from the city of St Sebastian, now more
commonly known by the name of Rio de Janeiro.--E.]

The port, or river rather, of St Sebastian, is three or four leagues
in length, and about one league broad, having a very fine island on
the N.E. of about four miles round, and there are smaller islands on
all the other sides of this haven. The country of Brazil is very large
and rich, insomuch that the king of Portugal is said to draw as
great a revenue from hence, as the king of Spain from all his vast
possessions in America. Its capital is Bahia, or St Salvador, besides
which there are many other towns, as Siara, Olinda, Rio de Janeiro, St
Vincent, and others. The country was discovered in 1590; but even at
this day the Portuguese have not penetrated above eighty leagues
into the interior. The soil is good, and the country would doubtless
produce abundance of corn and wine for the use of its inhabitants;
but, from a principle of policy, the colonists are not permitted to
cultivate these productions, and are consequently supplied with them
from Portugal. It is the common opinion that the ancient inhabitants
were _anthropophagi_, or cannibals, and it is even said that human
flesh was sold in their markets, as commonly as beef and mutton, but
of this there is no authentic proof.[4]

[Footnote 4: There is no doubt that at least some of the tribes
roasted and eat their prisoners, like the Caribs of the West Indies.
But certainly they had not arrived to that state of civilization as
to have markets; and beef and mutton were unknown in America, till
carried there from Europe.--E.]

Such of the natives as were seen were large dark-complexioned men,
having thick lips, flat noses, and very white teeth. The Portuguese
are numerous in Brazil, both Creoles, and such as come from time to
time from Portugal, to repair their broken fortunes. A little time
before the arrival of Roggewein, the Portuguese had discovered a
diamond mine not far from St Sebastian, of which at that time they
were not in full possession, but were meditating an expedition against
the Indians, in order to become sole masters of so valuable a prize;
and with this view they invited the Dutch to join them, promising them
a share in the riches in the event of success. By these means, nine
of our soldiers were tempted to desert. I know not the success of this
expedition; but it is probable that it succeeded, as great quantities
of diamonds have since been imported from Brazil into Europe. They are
said to be found on the tops of mountains among a peculiar red earth
containing a great deal of gold; and, being washed down by the great
rains and torrents into the vallies, are there gathered in lavaderas
by negroes employed for the purpose.

Brazil abounds with numerous sorts of beasts, birds, and fish, both
wild and tame. They have tigers that do a great deal of mischief,
also elephants in great abundance, the teeth of which are of great
value.[5] There is no country on earth where serpents, and other
venomous reptiles, are more frequent, or of larger size. So far as
the Portuguese power and colonization extends, the popish religion is
established; but vast numbers of the indigenous natives of the country
remain unsubdued, and continue their original idolatry, being of such
cruel and vindictive dispositions, that when a Christian falls into
their hands, the best thing that can happen to him is to have his
throat cut, as they are, for the most part, put to death by means
of cruel tortures. The air of the country, though excessively hot at
certain times of the year, is extremely wholesome, as we experienced
by our speedy recovery from the scurvy and other distempers. About
St Sebastian there are vast quantities of venomous musquetoes, which
sting to such a degree that we were all covered over with blisters.
Our pilot, having drank too freely of the country rum, and afterwards
fallen asleep in the open air, had his head, face, arms, and legs so
severely stung, that his life was in imminent danger, and he recovered
after a long time, not without much care.

[Footnote 5: There are animals of the tyger kind in Brazil and
other parts of America, and the Jaguar, Owza, or Brazilian tyger, is
probably the one here meant. No elephants exist in America, and
their teeth, mentioned in the text, must have come from some of the
Portuguese African possessions.--E.]

While here, the commodore kept up a very strict discipline over his
people; and some of his sailors being complained against as having
maltreated some Indian women, he caused them to be severely punished,
and would never afterwards allow them to go on shore. The Dutch and
Portuguese agreed extremely well, but the governor was far from being
pleased with his visitors, more especially because he had learnt from
some of the deserters that the object of the expedition was to make
discoveries in the south. For this reason he practised every art he
could devise to hinder and distress them, and furnished them with
provisions only from day to day, that they might not increase their
sea-stores. He also frequently talked of there being five or six
Portuguese men-of-war in Rio de Janeiro, in order to put the Dutch in
fear of being attacked, and actually sent for the only ship that
was there at the time, to come to St Sebastian. Roggewein perfectly
understood the meaning of all this, of which he took no notice, and
complied exactly with the terms of the agreement entered into with the
deputy governor, saving part of the fresh provisions daily and salting
them, cleaned and repaired his ship in succession, and took on board
tobacco, sugar, and every thing else he wanted, till in a condition
to continue the voyage. He then fully satisfied the governor for every
thing procured at this place, making payment in fire-arms, hats, silk
stockings, linen, stock-fish, and other European articles, and made
him a considerable present besides. In return, the governor sent
him some black cattle, and gave him a certificate of his honourable
behaviour.



SECTION III.

_Incidents during the Voyage from Brazil to Juan Fernandez, with a
Description of that Island._

Every thing being settled at St Sebastian, Roggewein set sail towards
the S.W. and falling in with a desert island about three leagues from
the coast, he set on shore the swabber who had attempted to murder the
cook, pursuant to his sentence, as formerly related. Leaving the coast
of Brazil, the commodore proposed to have visited an island called
Aukes Magdeland, after the name of its supposed discoverer, who
is said to have seen a light on that island about an hundred years
before, but did not go on shore. This island was said to be situated
in the latitude of 30° S. and as being in the route of the navigation
towards the South Sea, and in a good climate, he proposed to have
settled a colony there for the service of such ships as might
afterwards be bound for the _Southern Indies_, the object he was now
in search of, where they might be supplied with wood, water, and other
refreshments. But after much pains, he could neither discover that
nor any other island in or near the latitude of 30° S. He therefore
altered his coarse, steering for those called the _New Islands_ by the
Dutch, and the _Islands of St Lewis_, by a French privateer who first
discovered them. Keeping always within forty or fifty leagues of
the American coast, the squadron prosecuted its course very happily,
having always the advantage of the land and sea-breezes; whereas, if
it had kept farther from land, it would infallibly have fallen in with
the western trade-wind.

On the 21st December, being in lat. 40°. S. they were assailed by a
hurricane, attended with thunder and lightning, during which storm
the Tienhoven parted company, and did not rejoin till three months
afterwards. The extreme violence of this hurricane only lasted about
four hours, during which they every moment expected to have been
swallowed up by the waves, which ran mountain-high. These hurricanes
are extremely dangerous, and are far more frequent in the American
seas than in the East Indies. They usually happen at that season of
the year when the west monsoon reigns, which is from the 20th July to
the 15th October, for which reason ships usually remain then in port
till they think the danger is over. Yet as storms of this kind are not
exactly periodical, ships that trust to such calculations are often
caught, as there are some years in which there are no hurricanes, and
others in which they are more frequent and violent, and at unusual
periods. The ordinary, or at least the surest sign of an approaching
hurricane, is very fair weather, and so dead a calm that not even a
wrinkle is to be seen on the surface of the sea. A very dark cloud is
then seen to rise in the air, not larger than a man's hand, and in a
very little time the whole sky becomes overcast. The wind then begins
to blow from the west, and in a short space of time, whirls round the
compass, swelling the sea to a dreadful height; and as the wind blows
now on one side and then on the other, the contrary waves beat so
forcibly on the ships that they seldom escape foundering or shipwreck.
On first perceiving the before-mentioned small cloud, the best thing
a ship can do is to stand out to sea. It is remarkable that the
hurricanes are less frequent as we approach the higher latitudes in
either hemisphere, so that they are not to be feared beyond the lat.
of 55° either S. or N. It is also remarked, that hurricanes rarely
happen in the middle of the wide ocean, but chiefly on the coasts of
such countries as abound with minerals, and off the mouths of large
rivers. Another surprising phenomenon at sea is what is called a
whirlwind water-spout, or syphon, which often carries up high into
the air whatever comes within the circle of its force, as fish,
grasshoppers, and other things, where they appear like a thick vapour
or cloud. The English fire at a water-spout or whirlwind, and often
succeed in stopping its progress; the circular motion ceasing, and all
that it had taken up falling immediately down, when the sea becomes
presently calm.

On the cessation of the hurricane, the commodore and his remaining
consort, the African galley, continued their course to the S.S.W. till
in the height of the Straits of Magellan. They here fell in with an
island of near 200 leagues in circumference, and about 14 leagues from
the mainland of America, and seeing no smoke, nor any boat, or other
kind of embarkation, they concluded that it was uninhabited. The west
coast of this island was discovered by a French privateer, and named
the Island of St Lewis; but being seen afterwards by the Dutch, who
fancied its many capes to be distinct islands, they called it _New
Islands_. Considering that, if ever it should be inhabited, its
inhabitants would be the antipodes of the Dutch, Roggewein gave it the
name of _Belgia Australis_. It is in the lat. of 52° S. and long. of
95° W.[1]

[Footnote 1: There is not the smallest doubt that the text refers
to the Falkland islands or Malouines, which consist of two principal
islands, called West and East Islands, besides a number of islets,
about 360 English miles from the continent of South America. The
centre of the west, or principal island, is in lat. 51° 25' S. and
long. 60° W. from Greenwich.--E.]

The land appeared extremely beautiful and very fertile, being
chequered with mountains and vallies, all of which were cloathed with
fine straight trees. The verdure of the meadows, and freshness of the
woods, afforded a delightful prospect, insomuch that all the people
believed they should have found abundance of excellent fruits. But the
commodore would not delay by permitting them to land, being anxious
to get round Cape Horn, and chose therefore to defer a thorough
examination of this new country till his return from discovering the
southern continent and islands: This, however reasonable, proved vain
in the sequel, as he was forced to return with his squadron by the
East Indies; and this fine island, therefore, is likely to continue in
a great measure unknown.

Quitting this island, they made for the Straits of Magellan, in order
to wait a wind favourable for their navigation, which took place in a
few days: for, if it had continued to blow from the west, they could
not possibly have got into the South Seas. They now resolved to
attempt the Straits of Le Maire, as infinitely more commodious than
the Strait of Magellan, in which latter the sea has but small depth,
and the meeting of the north and south currents occasion continual
rough seas. The bottom also of the Straits of Magellan is rocky,
affording no good anchorage; and the flows of winds from the mountains
on both sides are apt to endanger all ships that endeavour to pass
through these perilous straits. Having now a fair wind, they continued
their course to the south for the Straits of Le Maire, seeing on their
way abundance of whales and other large fish of that kind. Among the
rest, they were followed for a whole month by that kind of fish which
is called the _Sea Devil_ by the Dutch sailors, which they took the
utmost pains to catch, but to no purpose. It has a large head, a thick
short body, and a very long tail, like that which painters bestow on
the dragon.

Arriving in the lat. of 55° S. they soon after saw State Island, or
Staten-land, which forms one side of the Straits of Luttaire. The
fury of the waves, and the clashing of contending currents, gave such
terrible shocks to their vessels, that they expected every moment
their yards should have been broken, and their masts to come by the
board. They would gladly have come to anchor, especially on finding
the bottom to be good, but the weather and the sea were so rough that
they durst not. They passed through the straits, which are about ten
leagues long, by six over, with a swiftness not to be expressed, owing
to the force and rapidity of the current. After getting through, this
current, together with the westerly winds, carried them a great way
from the coast of America; and, that they might be sure to sail free
of Cape Horn, they sailed as high as the lat. of 62° 30' S. For three
weeks together, they sustained the most dreadful gusts of a furious
west wind, accompanied with hail and snow, and the most piercing
frost. While enveloped in thick mists, they were apprehensive of being
driven by the extreme violence of the winds upon mountains of ice,
where they must inevitably have perished.

Whenever the weather was in any degree clear or serene, they had
scarcely any night; for, being in the middle of January, 1722, the
summer was then in its height, and the days at their utmost length.

These mountains of ice, of which they were so much afraid, are certain
proofs that the southern countries extend quite to the pole, as well
as those under the north; for, without question, these vast hills of
ice cannot be produced in the sea, nor formed by the common force of
cold. It must therefore he concluded, that they are occasioned by the
sharp piercing winds blowing out of the mouths of large rivers.[2] It
is no less certain, that the currents discerned in this ocean must all
proceed from the mouths of large rivers, which, rolling down from
a high continent, fall with such impetuosity into the sea, as to
preserve a great part of their force long after they have entered
it.[3] The great quantity of birds seen here was an additional proof
that land was not far off. It may be asked, whether this land be
inhabited or not? For my part I believe it is. It may be again asked,
How men should live in such a climate, in the lat. of 70° S. where the
winter is so very long, the summer so short, and where they must be
involved for so great a portion of the year in perpetual night? To
this I answer, That such as dwell there come only in the fine season
in order to fish, and retire on the approach of winter, as is done by
many of the inhabitants of Russia and of Davis Straits, who, when they
have provided themselves with fish on the coasts of a frozen climate,
retire farther inland, and eat in their cabins during the winter
the fish they have caught in the summer. If the people who inhabit
Greenland and Davis Straits are to be believed, the country is
inhabited even as high as 70° N. both winter and summer; and what is
practicable in one country, cannot justly be reputed impracticable
when supposed in another.[4]

[Footnote 2: This is quite erroneous, as it is now well known that
the sea water freezes, when reduced to a sufficient degree of cold,
considerably lower than what is requisite for freezing fresh water. On
this occasion, the salt precipitates from the freezing water, and the
ice of sea water is sufficiently fresh for use when melted, if the
first running be thrown away, which often contains salt, either
adhering to the surface, or contained in cells.--E.]

[Footnote 3: This is poor reasoning to support a preconceived theory
of a southern continent, and might easily have been answered by
themselves, as the prodigious current which set them through the
Straits of Le Maire with such rapidity, could not have originated from
any such cause. Currents are well known to be occasioned by the
tides, the diurnal revolution of the earth, and by prevailing winds,
influenced and directed by the bendings of coasts, the interposition
of islands, and the position of straits. No such currents could
possibly come from rivers in an austral land, locked up in ever-during
frost, should any such land exist.--E.]

[Footnote 4: It might be asked, whence are these fishers to come?
Not surely from among the miserable inhabitants of Terra del Fuego.
A miserable hypothesis is thus often obstinately defended by wretched
arguments.--E.]

Being driven 500 leagues from the continent by the contrary winds, the
commodore now believed that he was beyond Cape Horn to the westwards,
and steered therefore N.E. by N. in order to fall in with the coast of
Chili. On the 10th March, being in lat. 37° 30' S. they discovered
the coast of Chili to their great joy, and anchored soon after on
the coast of the island of Mocha, which is three leagues from the
continent.[5] They were in hopes of finding on this island at least a
part of the refreshments of which they were in want, especially fresh
meat and vegetables, but were disappointed, by finding the island
entirely abandoned, all its inhabitants having removed to the main
land. They saw, however, in the island a multitude of horses and
birds, and found some dogs in two cabins near the shore. They also
discovered the wreck of a Spanish ship, from which they supposed the
dogs had got on shore. The horses were supposed to have been left here
to graze, and that the owners came at certain times from the main to
take them, as wanted. They here killed abundance of geese and ducks;
and finding the coast extremely rocky, and having no safe place of
anchorage, they resolved to put to sea. In a council of the officers,
it was determined to continue for some time longer on the coast of
Chili, in hopes of meeting with some port in which they could
safely anchor, in order to get some refreshments; but perceiving the
Spaniards to be every where on their guard, they steered W.N.W.
for the island of Juan Fernandez, which they reckoned to be at the
distance of ninety leagues in that direction. Although the coast of
Chili appears to be enormously high when seen from a distance, they
discovered, by sailing along shore, that it was not higher than the
coast of England, and that they had been deceived by the enormous
height of the inland mountains, the tops of which are hid in the
clouds, and cloathed in perpetual snow.

[Footnote 5: Mocha is in lat. 36° 20' S. and about 20 miles from the
coast of Chili.--E.]

Having a favourable wind, they made way at a great rate, and got sight
of the island of Juan Fernandez, on the fourth day after leaving the
coast of Chili, but could not get to anchor that day in the road,
owing to its falling calm. Next day, when ready to go in, they were
astonished by seeing a ship riding at anchor, which they conjectured
to be either a Spanish ship of force or a French interloper, but at
last concluded to be a pirate. While consulting what to do, they saw
the boat belonging to the ship coming towards them, carrying a Spanish
flag, on which they began to prepare for an engagement, but were
astonished beyond measure, on its nearer approach, to find that it
belonged to their consort the Tienhoven, which they concluded had
foundered. Captain Bowman was himself on board the boat, and shewed
how well he had followed his instructions, as, by the commodore's
orders in case of separation, this was to be the first place of
rendezvous; whence, after cruizing six weeks, they were to repair
to lat. 28° S. and cruize there a similar time: But, in case of not
meeting the commodore in either of these places, they were then to
open their sealed instructions, and follow them exactly. As soon as
Captain Bowman was on board the commodore, he made a signal agreed
on to his own ship, to acquaint them that the two ships were their
consorts, After this, the Eagle and African entered the harbour.

When leisure permitted, Captain Bowman gave an account of the dangers
he had encountered in passing the Straits of Magellan: That he had met
with many storms on the coast of America, and that his ship was in a
very bad condition, having only arrived at Juan Fernandez the evening
before his consorts, both of which he believed had been lost in
the hurricane at the time of their separation. The three captains
afterwards dined together very cheerfully in the Tienhoven, where they
recounted and reciprocally commiserated their past misfortunes, and
rejoiced at their present happy meeting. As it still continued a dead
calm, they were unable to come to anchor at the place intended, but
they next day got close beside the Tienhoven, anchoring in forty
fathoms, within musket-shot of the shore. The sick were now landed,
and proper persons sent ashore along with them to construct cabins
or huts for their accommodation; and to search for provisions and
refreshments.

According to the author of this voyage, the island of Juan Fernandez
is one of the finest and best situated in the world, having a
pleasant, wholesome, and temperate climate, fit to restore health to
the sick, and to give a constant flow of spirits to those who are
in health, which this author personally experienced, having here
recovered from a complication of disorders to perfect health. The
hills are covered with tall trees of various kinds, fit for all kinds
of uses; and the vallies are fertile, and able to produce all the
necessaries of life with very little cultivation. It abounds with
small streams and brooks, the banks of which are covered with
wholesome giants; and the waters which run down from the mountains,
though not in the least disagreeable to the taste, or injurious to
health, are so impregnated with some mineral particles, that they
never corrupt. On the east side of the bay in which the Dutch ships
anchored, there are three mountains, the middlemost of which resembles
the Table Mountains at the Cape of Good Hope. Behind these there
are many other mountains which rise to a prodigious height, and are
generally covered by very thick mist, especially in the mornings and
evenings, whence I am apt to suspect that these mountains may contain
rich mines. To give a just idea of the island in few words, it
resembles in all respects the country at the Cape of Good Hope.

This author also mentions the sea-lions and seals of other writers,
and adds, that there are sea-cows also of enormous size, some weighing
near half a ton. He also mentions the abundance and excellence of the
fish, of which the Dutch cured many thousands during their short stay,
which proved extraordinarily good, and were of great service during
the rest of the voyage. He mentions goats also on the island in
abundance, but says the Dutch were unable to catch them, and at a loss
how to get at their bodies when shot; but they were frightened from
this sport by an unlucky accident which happened to the steward of one
of the ships, soon after their arrival, who, rambling one evening in
the mountains, fell suddenly from the top of a rock and was dashed to
pieces. They found here the remains of a wreck, supposed by them to
have been of a Spanish ship; but it was more probably the vestiges of
the Speedwell, lost a year before, and from which, by diving, some of
the sailors recovered several pieces of silver plate.

Having attentively considered the advantageous situation and many
conveniences of this island, Roggewein conceived the design of
settling on it, as the most proper place that could be thought of
for ships bound, as he was, for the _Terra Australis_, or southern
islands, and was the more encouraged in this design by considering
the fertility of the island, which could not fail to afford sufficient
subsistence for six hundred families at least. He postponed this,
however, as also the settlement of _Belgia Australis_, or Falkland
islands, till his proposed return, owing to which they never were
settled. A settlement at the latter might have afforded a proper place
for ships to careen and refit at, and to procure wood and water, after
the long voyage from Europe, before entering the Straits of Magellan,
and Juan Fernandez would have afforded every convenience for repairing
any injuries that might have been sustained in passing through these
straits, or going round Cape Horn. Whatever nation may revive and
prosecute this plan, will certainly acquire in a few years as rich and
profitable a commerce as is now possessed by the Spaniards with Mexico
and Peru, or the Portuguese with Brazil.[6]

[Footnote 6: Britain once tried a settlement at Falkland islands, and
had nearly gone to war with Spain on the occasion; and there can be no
doubt that Spain could never have submitted to the settlement of Juan
Fernandez by any other power. There is now a fort and small garrison
kept in that island.--E]



SECTION IV.

_Continuation of the Voyage from Juan Fernandez till the Shipwreck of
the African Galley._

On leaving Juan Fernandez, Roggewein proposed to visit that part of
the southern lands which was reported to have been discovered by Davis
in 1680.[1] As the Dutch author of this voyage is rather dark on this
subject, I shall here insert Mr Wafer's account of this discovery, as
it is very short. Wafer was a man of sense and knowledge, who sailed
along with Davis when this discovery was made.

[Footnote 1: We have omitted a long, inconclusive, and uninteresting
discussion about the climate and productions of the proposed
discovery, the _Terra Australis_, which still remains _incognito_, or
rather has been clearly shewn to have no existence.--E.]

"We steered from the Gallapagos island S. by E. 1/2 E. until we came
into the lat. of 27° 20' S. when we fell in with a low sandy island,
and heard a great roaring noise right a-head of the ship, like that
of the sea beating on the shore. It being some hours before day, and
fearing to fall foul of the shore, the ship put about, and plied off
and on till next morning, and then stood in for the land, which
proved to be a small flat island, not surrounded by any rocks. To the
westwards, about twelve leagues by estimation, we saw a range of high
land which we took to be islands, as there were several partitions
in the prospect, and this land seemed to extend fourteen or sixteen
leagues. There came great flocks of fowls from that direction; and I
and more of the men would have made this land and gone on shore there,
but the captain would not consent. The small island bears 500 leagues
from Copaipo almost due W. and from the Gallapagos 600 leagues."[2]

[Footnote 2: There can be no doubt that the small low flat island was
Easter island, in lat. 27° 20' S. long. 110° 10' W. Its distance from
Copaipo, almost due W. is almost exactly 40° or 800 marine leagues.
The range of high land seen to the westwards, could be nothing but a
fog bank, so that Roggewein set out from Juan Fernandez in search of a
nonentity.--E.]

In prosecuting his voyage to the westwards, the first land seen by
Roggewein was the lesser island of Juan Fernandez, otherwise called
Massa-fuero, about ninety-five English miles direct west. This
appeared lower and less fertile from a distance, but they had not an
opportunity of landing. Having the benefit of a S.E. trade-wind, they
soon arrived in lat. 28° S. and the longitude of 251° E. where they
expected to have fallen in with the land seen by Davis, but no such
land was to be found. Continuing their voyage to the westwards, and
attended by a vast quantity of birds, they arrived on the coast of a
small island about sixteen leagues in extent, which they fell in with
on the 14th April, 1722, being Easter-day, and called it therefore
_Pascha_, or _Easter_ Island.

The African galley being the smallest ship, was sent in first to
examine this new discovery, and reported that it seemed to be very
fertile and well peopled, as abundance of smoke was to be seen in all
parts of the island. Next day, while looking out for a port, and when
about two miles from the shore, an Indian came off to the ships in a
canoe, who came readily on board and was well received. Being naked,
he was first presented with a piece of cloth to cover him, and they
gave him afterwards pieces of coral, beads, and other toys, all of
which he hung about his neck, together with a dried fish. His body was
painted all over with a variety of figures, through which the
natural colour of his skin appeared to be dark brown. His ears were
excessively large and long, hanging down to his shoulders, occasioned
doubtless by wearing large heavy ear-rings; a thing also practised
by the natives of Malabar. He was tall, well-made, robust and of a
pleasing countenance, and brisk and active in his manners, appearing
to be very merry by his gestures and way of speaking. They gave him
victuals, of which he eat heartily, but could not be prevailed on to
use a knife and fork; and when offered a glass of wine threw it away
to their great surprise, afraid of being poisoned, or offended by
the smell of strong liquor, to which he was unaccustomed. He was then
dressed from head to foot, and had a hat put on his head, with which
he did not seem at all pleased, but cut a very awkward figure, and
seemed uneasy. The music was then ordered to play, with which he
seemed much pleased, and when taken by the hand would leap and dance.
Finding it impossible to bring the ships to anchor that day, they
sent off the Indian, allowing him to keep all he had got in order to
encourage the rest to come on board. But, what was really surprising,
he had no mind to go away, and looked at the Dutch with regret, held
up his hands towards his native island, and cried in a loud voice
several times _Odorega!_ making appear by signs that he would much
rather have staid, and they had much ado to get him into his canoe.
They afterwards imagined he called upon his gods, as they saw
abundance of idols erected on the coast when they landed.[3]

[Footnote 3: It will be afterwards seen in the modern
circumnavigations, that there are several gigantic statues, having
a distant resemblance to the human figure, on this island, which are
perhaps alluded to in the text.--E.]


Next morning at day-break, the ships entered a cove or bay on the S.E.
side of the island, when _many thousands_[4] of the inhabitants came
down to meet them, bringing with them vast quantities of fowls and
roots; and many of them brought these provisions on board, while
the rest ran backwards and forwards on the shore, like so many wild
beasts. As the ships drew near, the islanders crowded down to the
shore to get a better view of them, and at the same time lighted
fires, and made offerings to their idols, probably to implore their
protection against the strangers. All that day the Dutch spent in
getting into the bay and mooring their ships. Next morning very early,
the islanders were observed prostrating themselves before their idols
towards the rising sun, and making burnt offerings. While preparations
were making for landing, the friendly native who had been before on
board came a second time, accompanied by many others, who had their
canoes loaded with living fowls and roots cooked after their manner,
as if to make themselves welcome. Among this troop of islanders there
was one man perfectly white, having round pendents in his ears as big
as a man's fist. He had a grave decent air, and was supposed to be a
priest. By some accident, one of the islanders was shot dead in his
canoe by a musket, which threw the whole into prodigious confusion,
most of them leaping into the sea in order to get the sooner ashore;
while the rest who remained in their canoes paddled away with all
their might.

[Footnote 4: This surely is a prodigious exaggeration, as the island
is utterly incapable to have supported any considerable number of
inhabitants, and there is not any other within 1500 miles.--E.]

The Dutch presently followed, and made a descent with 150 soldiers and
seamen, at the head of whom was Commodore Roggewein, accompanied by
the author of the voyage, who commanded the soldiers. The islanders
crowded so close upon them while landing, that they thought it
necessary to make their way by force, especially as some of the
natives were so bold as to lay hold of their arms; and the Dutch
accordingly fired, when a great number of the islanders were slain,
among whom was the friendly native who had been twice aboard ship.
This frightened and dispersed them; yet in a few minutes they rallied
again, but did not come quite so near the strangers as before, keeping
at the distance of about ten yards, as if they supposed that
were sufficient to ensure their safety from the muskets. Their
consternation was however very great, and they howled and lamented
dismally. After all, as if to employ every possible means to mollify
their invaders, the men, women, and children presented themselves in
the most humble postures, carrying branches of palm in token of peace
and submission, bringing plenty of provisions of all kinds, and even
pointing to their women, giving the Dutch to understand by signs that
these were entirely at their disposal, and that they might carry as
many of them on board ship as they thought proper. Softened by these
tokens of submission, the Dutch did them no farther harm, but
made them presents of coral beads and small looking-glasses, and
distributed among them sixty yards of painted cloth.

The natives now brought at once to the Dutch about 500 live fowls,
every way the same with the ordinary poultry of Europe, together with
a great quantity of red and white roots and potatoes, which these
islanders use instead of bread. They brought also several hundred
sugar-canes, and a great quantity of _pisans_, which are a sort of
figs as large as gourds covered by a green rind, the pulp of which is
as sweet as honey. The leaves of the tree on which these figs grow
are six or eight feet long and three broad, and there are sometimes an
hundred of these _pisans_ on one bough. The Dutch saw no quadrupeds of
any kind, yet supposed there might be cattle and other beasts in the
interior, as on shewing some hogs to the islanders, they expressed by
signs that they had seen such animals before. They used pots to dress
their meat in; and it appeared that every family or tribe among
them dwelt in a separate village. The huts or cabins composing these
villages were from forty to sixty feet long, by six or eight feet
broad, made of upright poles, having the interstices filled up with
loam or fat earth, and covered at top with palm leaves. They drew most
of their subsistence from the earth by cultivation, the land being
portioned out into small plantations very neatly divided and staked
out. While the Dutch were there, almost all the fruits and roots were
in full maturity, and the island seemed to abound in good things. In
their houses there were not many moveables, and those they had were
of no value, except some red and white quilts or cloths, which served
them in the day for mantles, and at night for coverlets. The stuff of
which these were composed felt as soft as silk, and was probably of
their own manufacture.

The natives of this island were in general a brisk, slender, active,
well-made people, very swift of foot, and seemed of sweet tempers, and
modest dispositions, but timorous and faint-hearted; for whenever they
brought fowls or other provisions to the Dutch, they threw themselves
on their knees, and immediately on delivering their presents retired
in all haste. They were mostly as brown-complexioned as Spaniards,
some among them being almost black, while others were white, and
others again had their skins entirely red, as if sun-burnt. Their ears
hung down to their shoulders, and some had large white bales hanging
to them, which they seemed to consider as a great ornament. Their
bodies were painted all over with the figures of birds and other
animals, on some much better executed than on others.[5] All their
women had artificial bloom on their cheeks, but of a much deeper
crimson than is known in Europe, and the Dutch could not discover what
this colour was composed of. They wore little hats on their heads
made of straw or reeds, and had no other covering than the quilts or
mantles formerly mentioned.[6] The women were by no means extremely
modest, for they invited the Dutchmen into their houses by signs,
and when they sat by them would throw off their mantles, as inviting
familiarity. It is very singular of these islanders, that the Dutch
saw no appearance whatever of arms among them; but, when attacked,
they fled for refuge to their idols, numbers of which were erected
all along the coast. These idols were all of stone, representing
the figures of men with great ears, their heads covered by the
representations of crowns; and all so nicely proportioned, and
so highly finished, that the Dutch were much amazed. Many of the
inhabitants seemed to be more frequent and more zealous worshippers
of these images than the rest, which induced the Dutch to believe that
these were priests; and that the more especially, as their heads were
close shaven, on which they wore caps of black and white feathers,[7]
and they had large white balls hanging at their ears.

[Footnote 5: _Tatooed_ in all probability, a practice so common
through the inhabitants of Polynesia, which will be minutely described
in an after division of this collection. It may suffice to say at
present, that this decoration is formed by pricking the skin with
sharp instruments till it just bleeds, and afterwards rubbing
some coloured powders into the punctures, which leave indelible
stains.--E.]

[Footnote 6: It is left ambiguous whether these straw hats and mantles
were worn by both sexes, or confined exclusively to the women.--E.]

[Footnote 7: A dissertation is here omitted on a fancied migration
of storks annually from Europe to this island and others in the
South-sea, as high as lat. 40° and 50° S. merely because the Dutch
thought the feathers in these caps resembled those of storks.--E.]

No appearance of government or subordination was observed among these
islanders, and consequently no prince or chief having dominion over
the rest. The old people wore bonnets made of feathers resembling
the down of ostriches, and had sticks in their hands. In some of the
houses, the father of the family was observed to have rule over all
its inhabitants, and was obeyed with the greatest readiness. In the
opinion of the Dutch author of this voyage, this island might be
settled to great advantage, as the air is very wholesome and the soil
rich; being proper for producing corn in the low lands, and its higher
grounds might be converted into vineyards. On the evening, after
returning on board, Roggewein proposed to land again next morning with
a force sufficient to make a strict survey of the whole island: But
during the night there arose so strong a west wind as drove them from
their anchors, and they were forced to put to sea, to avoid being
shipwrecked. After this misfortune, they cruized for some time in the
same latitude, seeking in vain for the land discovered by Davis, on
which Roggewein determined to bear away for the _Bad Sea of Schouten_,
keeping always a west course, in hopes of discovering some new land.
In this coarse, they soon found themselves in the height of the
island discovered by Schonten in 1615, to which he gave the name of
_Bad-water_, because all its waters were brackish; but, by changing
their course, they ran 300 leagues out of their way, and at least 150
leagues farther than Schonten.

In this wide sea, Roggewein sailed upwards of 800 leagues without
seeing land, though he frequently varied his course. At length, when
in lat. 15° 30' S. they discovered a very low island, the coast of
which was covered with a deep yellow-coloured sand, having in
the middle of the island a kind of pond, lake, or lagoon. All the
principal officers were of opinion that this was the island to which
Schonten gave the name of _Dog_ island, and did not therefore think
it necessary to go on shore for more particular examination.[8] The
author of this voyage was of a different opinion, conceiving it a new
discovery, and calling it _Carlshoff_,[9] which he says is in lat. 15°
45' S. and long. 280°. He describes it as a low flat island of about
three leagues in extent, having a lake in the middle.

[Footnote 8: In modern geography Dog island is placed in lat. 15° 10'
S. long. 137° 45' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 9: Carlshoff is laid down by Arrowsmith in lat. 15° 45' S.
as in the text, and long. 145° 28' W. The first meridian used for the
longitude in the text is quite inexplicable, and was probably assumed
on very erroneous computation. It is 190 marine leagues due west from
Dog island.--E.]

Leaving this island, the wind came about to the S.W. a sign that they
were near some coast, which had changed the current of the air; and
by this alteration of wind they were driven among some small islands,
where they found themselves considerably embarrassed. In this
situation the African galley led the way for the rest, as sailing best
and drawing least water; but she soon found herself in such danger,
that they fired repeated guns of distress, on which the other two
ships hastened to her assistance, when they found her stuck so fast
between two rocks that it was impossible to get her of? and were only
able to save her people. Roused by the noise of the signal guns, the
natives of the surrounding islands kindled many fires on their hills,
and flocked in crowds to the coasts; and the Dutch; not knowing what
might be their designs in the darkness of the night and in the midst
of their own confusion, fired upon them without ceremony, that they
might have as few dangers as possible to deal with at one time. In the
morning as soon as it was light, they had a clear view of the danger
all the ships had been in during the darkness of the past night,
finding themselves environed on all sides by four islands, with a
continued chain of steep rocks, and so close together that they could
hardly discern the channel by which they had got in, so that they had
much reason to be thankful for having been so wonderfully preserved
in the midst of so much danger. On this occasion only one seaman was
lost, who belonged to the Tienhoven, and who, in his eagerness to go
to succour his friends, dropt overboard and was drowned.

The danger was by no means over as soon as discovered, as it cost
the Dutch no less than five days to extricate themselves from their
perilous situation, during which time the commodore was separated from
the Tienhoven, and remained ignorant of the fate of the African. At
length, the boat of the Tienhoven, having sailed all round the group
of islands, brought information that the crew of the African had got
safe on shore; and that the natives, after being once fired on, had
retired into the interior in all haste. Roggewein now sent his boat to
bring off all those who had got on shore; and on mustering the crew of
the African on board the Eagle, it appeared that a quarter-master and
four seamen were missing. On enquiry, it was found that these men had
chosen to remain on the island, as they had mutinied against their
officers on getting ashore, because they had interposed to prevent
them from killing each other with their knives, and Captain Rosenthall
had threatened to have them all put to death when he got them aboard
the commodore, wherefore they had fled to avoid punishment. Being
unwilling to lose them, the commodore sent the author of this
narrative with a detachment of soldiers to bring them away, but he was
unable to succeed.

These islands are situated between the latitudes of 15° and 16° S.
about twelve leagues west from Carlshoff,[10] each of them appearing
to be four or five leagues in compass. That on which the African
was shipwrecked was named _Mischievous Island_, the two next it
the _Brothers_, and the fourth the _Sister_ All four islands were
beautifully verdant, and abounded in fine tall trees, especially
cocoas; and the crews found material benefit while here by refreshing
themselves on the vegetable productions of these islands, by which
many of them were surprisingly recovered from the scurvy. The Dutch
found here vast quantities of muscles, cockles, mother-of-pearls,
and pearl-oysters, which gave reason to expect that a valuable pearl
fishery might have been established here. These islands are extremely
low, so that some parts of them must be frequently overflowed; but the
inhabitants have plenty of stout canoes, as also stout barks provided
with sails and cables; and the Dutch found several pieces of rope on
the shore, that seemed made of hemp. The natives were of extraordinary
size, all their bodies being painted [or _tatooed_] with many colours,
and had mostly long black hair, though some had brown hair even
inclined towards red. They were armed with pikes or lances eighteen or
twenty feet long, and kept in bodies of fifty or an hundred together,
endeavouring to entice the Dutch to follow them into the interior, as
if to draw them into an ambuscade, on purpose to be revenged for the
loss they had sustained by the firing on the night of the shipwreck.

[Footnote 10: Pernicious islands, almost certainly the Mischievous
islands of the text, are placed in lat. 16° 5' S. and long. 148° 50'
W. about 20 leagues W. by S. from Carlshoff by Arrowsmith.--E.]



SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Voyage after the Loss of the African, to the
Arrival of Roggewein at New Britain._

The next morning after leaving Mischievous island, they saw a new
island eight leagues to the west, to which they gave the name of
_Aurora_ island, because observed first at break of day. At this time
the Tienhoven was so near, that if the sun had risen half an hour
later, she must have shared the same fate with the African, as she was
within cannon-shot of the shore when the danger was perceived, and she
then tacked and escaped with considerable difficulty. The fright which
this occasioned produced a mutiny, in which all the seamen insisted
with the commodore either to return immediately, or to give them
security for payment of their wages, in case they should be so
unfortunate as to suffer shipwreck. This request seemed just and
reasonable, being daily exposed to excessive fatigue in these stormy
and unknown seas, and at the same time ran the hazard of losing all
the reward of their labours, as it is the custom in Holland that the
seamen lose their wages if the ship is lost in which they sail.
The commodore listened to their complaints with much humanity, and
immediately gave them assurance upon oath, that they should have their
wages to the uttermost farthing, and kept his promise with the utmost
exactness; for, though the African was lost before, and both the other
ships were condemned at Batavia, yet every one of their respective
crews received their full wages on their arrival at Amsterdam.

The island of _Aurora_ was about four leagues in extent, the whole
being covered with delightful verdure, and adorned with lofty trees
interspersed with smaller wood. But, as the coast was found to be all
foul and rocky, they left this island also without landing. Towards
evening of the same day, they had sight of another island, to which
therefore they gave the name of _Vesper_.[1] This was about twelve
leagues in circuit, all low land, yet verdant and containing abundance
of trees of various sorts. Continuing their course to the west in
about the latitude of 15° S. they next morning discovered another
country; and, as it was covered with smoke, they concluded it
was inhabited, and made there all sail to come to it, in hopes of
procuring refreshments. On approaching nearer, some of the inhabitants
were seen diverting themselves off the coast in their canoes. They
also perceived by degrees, that what they had at first supposed to
be one country or large island, was in reality abundance of islands
standing close together, among which they had now entered so far, that
they found it difficult to get out again. In this situation, a man was
sent to the mast-head to look out for a passage, and as the weather
was quite serene, they had the good fortune to get out once more into
the open sea without injury; although in passing by several steep
ranges of rocks, they had reason to consider this as a great
deliverance. There were six of these islands, exceedingly beautiful
and pleasant in appearance, which altogether could not be less than
thirty leagues in circumference. They were about twenty-five
leagues west from Mischievous island, and the Dutch called them the
Labyrinth,[2] having difficultly got clear of them by numerous tacks.

[Footnote 1: Aurora and Vesper are called in modern geography
Roggewein's or Palliser's Islands, in lat. 15° 32' S, about 10 leagues
N. by W. of Pernicious Islands.--E.]

[Footnote 2: Perhaps Prince of Wales' islands are here alluded to, in
lat. 15° 50' S. and long. 148° 5' W. about 40 marine leagues W.N.W.
from Pernicious islands.--E.]

As it was very dangerous to anchor on the coast, and as none of the
inhabitants came off in their canoes, the Dutch did not think fit to
make any stay, but continued still a western course, and in a few days
discovered another island, which at a distance appeared very high
and beautiful; but, on a nearer approach they found no ground for
anchorage, and the coast appeared so rocky that they were afraid to
venture near. Each ship therefore embarked twenty-five men in their
boats, in order to make a descent. The natives no sooner perceived
their design than they came down in crowds to the coast to oppose
their landing, being armed with long spears, which they soon shewed
they knew how to use to the best advantage. When the boats drew near,
the shore was found to be so steep and rocky, that the boats could not
come to land, on which most of the sailors went into the water with
their arms in their hands, having some baubles fit for presents to the
natives tied upon their heads; while those who remained in the boats
kept up a continual fire to clear the shore. This expedient succeeded,
and the seamen got ashore without much resistance from the natives;
who were frightened by the fire of the musquetry, and retired up the
mountains, but came down again as soon as the Dutch ceased firing.

On the return of the islanders, the Dutch who had landed shewed them
small mirrors, beads, and other baubles, and the people came up to
them without fear, took their presents, and suffered them to search
where they pleased for herbs and sallading for the sick. They found
abundance of these, and soon filled twelve sacks, six for the Eagle
and six for the Tienhoven, the inhabitants even assisting them and
shewing them the best sorts. They carried their cargo of greens
immediately on board, which were more acceptable to the sick than if
they had brought them as much gold and silver. Next morning a larger
body of men were ordered on shore, both on purpose to gather herbs and
to examine the island. The first thing they did was to make a present
to the king or chief of a considerable assortment of trinkets, which
he received with an air of indifference and disdain, which did not
promise much good in their future intercourse, yet sent the Dutch
a considerable quantity of cocoa nuts in return, which were very
agreeable to them in their present circumstances. The chief was
distinguished from the ordinary inhabitants by wearing various
ornaments of pearls, as they judged to the value of 600 florins, or
L. 55 sterling. The women of the island seemed to admire the white men
much, and almost stifled them with caresses: But this was all employed
to lull the Dutch into security, that the plot contrived by the men
for their destruction might the more readily succeed.

When the Dutch had filled twenty sacks with greens, they advanced
farther into the country, till they came to the top of some steep
rocks, which hung over a large and deep valley, the natives going both
before and behind them, quite unsuspected of any evil intention.
At length, thinking they had the Dutch at an advantage, the natives
suddenly quitted them, and soon after prodigious numbers came pouring
out from caves and holes in the rocks, and surrounded the Dutch on all
sides, while they immediately formed in close order for defence. The
chief or king then made a signal for the Dutch to keep off, but as
they continued to advance, the chief made a signal of battle, which
was instantly followed by a prodigious shower of stones. The Dutch in
return made a general discharge of their fire arms, which did great
execution, and the chief was among the first who fell. Yet the
islanders continued to throw stones with great fury, so that most of
the Dutch were soon wounded and almost disabled, on which they retired
under shelter of a rock, whence they fired with such success that
great numbers of the islanders were slain. They still obstinately
maintained their ground, and the Dutch were at last forced to retreat,
having some of their number killed, and a great many wounded, most of
whom died not long after, in consequence of their scorbutical habit
of body, in spite of every care. As soon as they could disengage
themselves from the enemy, the Dutch retired on board ship, carrying
with them the sacks of greens which they had gathered. This rencounter
had so great an effect on the Dutch, that when it was proposed to
land again, not a man could be prevailed upon to make the dangerous
attempt.

They had given to this island, before this unfortunate affair, the
name of the _Island of Recreation_,[3] which is in lat. 16° S. and
long. 285°. It is about twelve leagues in compass, with a fertile
soil, producing a great number of trees, especially cocoa nuts, palms,
and iron-wood. The Dutch conceived that there might be rich mines
in the heart of the country, and other valuable things, but were not
allowed to search. The natives were of middle size, but robust
and active, having long black shining hair, which they anoint with
cocoa-nut oil, a practice very common among the Indians. They were
painted all over, like the inhabitants of Easter island; the men
wearing a kind of net-work round their middles, which they stick
up between their legs. The women were entirely covered by a kind of
mantles of their own manufacture, the stuff of which to the sight and
touch resembled silk;[4] and they wear long strings of pearls about
their necks and wrists.

[Footnote 3: By Arrowsmith, this island is placed in lat. 16° 32' S.
and long. 148° 50' W. The longitude in the text is inexplicable on any
supposition.--E.]

[Footnote 4: The cloth of the South-sea islands is a substance in
a great measure resembling paper, composed of the inner bark of the
paper mulberry, the preparation of which will be afterwards detailed
in the narratives of the modern circumnavigators--E.]

Roggewein thought proper to sail from this island without farther loss
of time, and before his departure held a council of his officers,
in which he stated his instructions, which were,--If no discovery of
importance could be made in the latitude and longitude in which they
then were, that he should return home. Some of the council were much
astonished at this, and remonstrated, That having already gone so
far, and met with such encouragement to hope for discoveries of great
importance, they thought it would betray a great want of spirit not
to proceed. To this Roggewein answered, That they had now been out ten
months, having still a long voyage to make to the East Indies; that
provisions began to grow scarce, and, above all, that the crews were
already so much diminished in number, and the survivors in so weak a
condition, that if twenty more were to die or fall sick, there would
not be a sufficient number remaining to navigate both ships. The true
reason, however, in the opinion of the author of this voyage, was the
anxiety to get to the East Indies before the change of the monsoon,
in which case they must have remained six months longer in these
seas. Some of the officers opposed this motion to the last, earnestly
entreating the commodore that he would rather winter at the land
mentioned by Ferdinand de Quiros, from which they could not now be
more than 150 leagues distant. They insisted that it was wrong to
think of going to the East Indies, that being directly contrary to
the design of their instructions: And that by continuing in the same
western course, they could not fail to fall in with some island, where
they might land and procure refreshments, remaining on shore till
all their sick men were recovered, and erecting a fort to defend
themselves against the natives. If this were complied with, they said
they might afterwards return home by an eastern coarse; and, by taking
time, might effectually complete the discoveries on which they were
sent.

These reasons were listened to with patience and civility, but had
not the weight they deserved; and a resolution was formed to continue
their coarse for New Britain and New Guinea, and thence to the East
Indies, by way of the Moluccas, being in hopes to procure there a
supply of provisions and necessaries, together with a reinforcement
of seamen, in case they should then be too weak for navigating their
ships home to Europe. In consequence of this resolution, an end was
put to all hope of visiting the land of Quiros, which the best seamen
on board thought might have been easily discovered, called by him
and Torres the _Islands of Solomon_, and reported to be beautiful
and fertile, and abounding in gold, silver, precious stones, and
spices.[5]

[Footnote 5: We have here omitted a long, uninteresting, and
inconclusive disquisition on the supposed Terra Australis, as
altogether founded on supposition and error.--E.]

Leaving the island of _Recreation_, Roggewein steered a coarse towards
the N.W. pursuant to the resolution of the council, in order to get
into the latitude of New Britain. On the third day, in lat. 12° S.
and long. 29° they discovered several islands which appeared very
beautiful at a distance, and, on a nearer approach, were seen to be
well planted with all sorts of trees, and produced herbs, corn,
and roots in great plenty, to which they gave the name of _Bowman's
Islands_, after the captain of the Tienhoven, by whom they were first
seen.[6] As soon as they were seen by the natives, they came off in
their canoes to the ships, bringing fish, cocoa-nuts, Indian figs,
and other refreshments, in return for which the Dutch gave them small
mirrors, strings of beads, and other trifles. These islands were very
fully peopled, as many thousands of men and women came down to the
shore to view the ships, most of the men being armed with bows and
arrows. Among the rest, they saw a majestic personage, who, from the
peculiar dress he wore, and the honours that were paid him, evidently
appeared to be chief or king of these islanders. This person soon
afterwards went into a canoe, accompanied by a fair young woman, who
sat close by his side, and his canoe was immediately surrounded by a
vast number of others, which seemed intended for his guard.

[Footnote 6: These appear to have been the most northerly of the
Society islands, about 70 marine leagues, or 3-1/2 degrees W. by N.
from Recreation island, in lat. 15° 20' S. long. 152° W.]

All the inhabitants of these islands were white, differing only from
Europeans in being sun-burnt, and they seemed a very harmless good
sort of people, of brisk and lively dispositions, behaving to each
other with much civility, and shewing no appearance of wildness or
savageness in their behaviour. Their bodies were not painted like
those of the islanders they had seen hitherto, but very handsomely
cloathed from the waist downwards, with a sort of silk fringes very
neatly arranged. On their heads they wore hats of a very neat-looking
stuff, very large and wide spreading, in order to keep off the sun,
and their necks were adorned with collars or garlands of beautiful
odoriferous flowers. The islands appeared quite charming, being
agreeably diversified with beautiful hills and intermediate vallies.
Each family or tribe appeared to have its separate district, and
to compose a separate government or community, all the land being
regularly laid out into regular and fair plantations, as had formerly
been observed at _Pasch_, or _Easter_ island. In all respects, the
natives were the most civilized and best disposed people they had seen
in the South Seas. Instead of shewing any terror or apprehension at
the arrival of the Dutch, the natives expressed the utmost joy and
satisfaction, treating them with the utmost kindness and respect, and
manifested the most sincere and deep concern at their departure. Many
of the Dutch also felt a similar regret, and would have been well
pleased to have made a longer stay in this delightful and plenteous
country, among so kind a people, as, by the help of the excellent
provisions in great abundance with which these good islands furnished
them, all their sick people would have been perfectly recovered in
a month. These islands had also one convenience greatly superior to
those they had met with before, as there was good anchorage almost
every where along their coasts, where they rode in the utmost safety,
in from fifteen to twenty fathoms.

So many advantageous circumstances ought to have induced Roggewein
and his officers to have remained here longer; but their heads were
so full of proceeding for the East Indies, that they were fearful of
missing the favourable monsoon, while they afterwards discovered, to
their cost, that they were two months too early, instead of two months
too late. By this indiscreet step, they sacrificed the health and
strength of their crew to such a degree, that they were at length
hardly able to navigate their ships, and at one time were on the
point of burning one of their ships, that they might be better able to
manage the other: All of which inconveniences might have been avoided,
had they embraced this opportunity afforded them by Divine Providence,
and been contented to remain in a place of safety, plenty, and
pleasure, till their sick were recovered, instead of wilfully seeking
new dangers which they were so little able to encounter.

Leaving Bowman's islands, and continuing their course towards the N.W.
they came next morning in sight of two islands, which they took to
be _Coccos_ and _Traitor's_ islands,[7] so called by Schouten, who
discovered them. The island of Coccos, at a distance, for Roggewein
would not stop to examine it, seemed very high land, and about eight
leagues in circuit. The other seemed much lower, composed of a red
soil, and destitute of trees. They soon after saw two other islands
of large extent, one of which they named _Tienhoven_,[8] and the other
_Groninguen_; which last many of their officers were of opinion was
no island, but the _great southern continent_ they were sent out to
discover. The island of _Tienhoven_ appeared a rich and beautiful
country, moderately high, its meadows or low lands, by the sea,
exceedingly green, and the interior well provided with trees. They
coasted along this island for a whole day without reaching its
extremity, yet noticed that it extended semi-circularly towards the
island of Groninguen, so that those which they took for islands might
be contiguous lands, and both of them parts of the _Terra Australis
incognita_.

[Footnote 7: There must be here an enormous error in the text; Coccos
and Traitor's islands are almost directly west from Recreation
island, and the northermost of the Society islands, supposed to be the
Bowman's islands of the text, and not less than 23°10' farther west
than these last, or 463 marine leagues, which could not well be run in
less than a week or ten days.--E.]

[Footnote 8: These were probably the _Fee-jee_, or Bligh's islands, in
lat. 17° 20' S. long. 181° 30' W. but the narrative is too
incomplete to ascertain this and many other points with any tolerable
certainty.--E.]

A great part of the company were for anchoring on this coast, and
making a descent, but the officers were so intent on proceeding
for India, that they alleged it might be very dangerous to attempt
landing, lest any of the men might be cut off, and they should not
have enough left to carry on the ships. They continued in their
course, therefore, not doubting that they should soon see the coasts
of New Britain or New Guinea: But, after sailing many days without
seeing any land at all, they began to see the vanity of these
calculations, and could not forbear murmuring at their effects, as
the scurvy began to cut off three, four, or five of their best hands
daily. At this time nothing was to be seen but sick people, struggling
with inexpressible pains, or dead carcasses just relieved from their
intolerable distress. From these there arose so abominable a stench,
that even those who were yet sound often fainted away, unable to
endure it. Cries and groans were incessantly heard in all parts of the
ships, and the sight of the poor diseased wretches who were still able
to crawl about, excited horror and compassion. Some were reduced to
such mere skeletons that their skins seemed to cleave to their bones,
and these had this consolation, that they gradually consumed away
without pain. Others were swelled out to monstrous sizes, and were so
tormented with excruciating pain, as to drive them to furious madness.
Some were worn away by the dysentery, and others were racked with
excruciating rheumatism, while others again dragged their dead limbs
after them, having lost feeling through the palsy. To these
numerous and complicated diseases of the body, many had superadded
distemperature of the mind. An anabaptist of twenty-five years old
called out continually to be baptized, and when told with a sneer that
there was no parson on board, he became quiet, and died with great
resignation. Two papists on board gave what little money they had to
their friends, beseeching them, if they ever got back to Holland, to
lay it out in masses to St Anthony of Padua for the repose of their
souls. Others again would listen to nothing that had the smallest
savour of religion, for some time before they died. Some refused
meat and drink for twenty-four hours before death, while others were
suddenly carried off in the midst of conversation.

All these various appearances of disease are attributed by the author
of this voyage principally to the bad quality of their provisions;
their salt meat being corrupted, their bread full of maggots, and
their water intolerably putrid. Under these circumstances medicines
were of no avail, being utterly unable to work a cure, and could at
best only defer death for a little, and protract the sufferings of
the sick. Though as well as any one in either ship, the author of this
journal had the scurvy to such a degree that his teeth were all loose,
his gums inflamed and ulcerated, and his body all over covered with
livid spots. Even such as were reputed in best health, were low, weak,
and much afflicted with the scurvy. Nothing could effectually relieve
or even alleviate their sufferings, except fresh meat, vegetables,
and sweet water. At length it pleased God to put a period to their
miseries, by giving them sight of the coast of New Britain, the joy of
which filled the sick with new spirits, and encouraged those who were
still able to move, with the enlivening hope of once more revisiting
their native land. Our author was fully of opinion, that if they
had been many days longer at sea, they must all have perished by the
continuance and necessary increase of the miseries which they endured,
which no description can possibly express in any thing like adequate
terms.



SECTION VI.

_Description of New Britain, and farther Continuation of the Voyage
till the Arrival of Roggewein at Java._

The country of New Britain, and all the islands in its neighbourhood,
is composed of very high land, many of the mountains hiding their
heads in the clouds. The sea coasts are however both pleasant and
fertile, the low lands being cloathed in perpetual verdure, and the
hills covered with a variety of trees, mostly bearing fruit. It is
in lat. between 4°and 7° S.[1] and both in regard to situation and
appearance, no country can promise better than this. After some
consultation, it was resolved to go on shore here at all events,
though now so much reduced by the long-continued sickness, that they
could hardly muster a sufficient number of men from both ships to man
a boat, and leave men enough, in case they were cut off, to navigate
one ship home, supposing them even to sacrifice one of the ships. Yet
such was the ardent desire of all to get on shore, and so urgent was
the necessity for that measure, that it appeared indispensable
to venture on landing, let the consequences be what they might.
Accordingly, our author was ordered into the boat, with as many men
as could be spared, with orders to get on shore at any rate, by fair
means if possible, and with the consent of the inhabitants, for whom
he carried a great number of baubles to distribute among them as
presents. If, however, these had no effect, he was then to use force,
as the circumstances to which they were reduced made it as eligible to
die by the hands of barbarians as to perish gradually by disease and
famine.

[Footnote 1: No account is given of this voyage from Bowman's islands,
perhaps the Fee-jees, as already mentioned, to New Britain, neither
indeed is it any way expressed on what part of New Britain they had
now arrived. They probably steered a course N.W. or N.W. by W. from
the Fee-jees, and fell in with the N.E. part of New Britain, now known
to be a separate island, and called New Ireland; and by the lower
latitude mentioned, in the text, they appear to come first to the
eastern part of New Ireland; but it is impossible to say whether they
went to the N. or S. of Solomon's island.--E.]

The nearer they drew towards the coast, the more they were delighted
with its appearance, as giving them a nearer prospect of the
wished-for refreshments. The inhabitants came down in multitudes to
the coast, but in such guise as did not by any means increase their
satisfaction, as they were all armed with bows and arrows and slings,
and demonstrated sufficiently by their gestures that the Dutch were
by no means welcome visitors, and that they were not to expect being
permitted to land peaceably. As the boat approached the shore, the
natives seemed to become frantic with despair, made frightful faces,
tore their hair, and howled in a horrible manner; and at length, as
borrowing courage from the increase of danger, they hurried into
their canoes and put off from the shore, as if to meet that danger the
sooner which was evidently unavoidable. As the Dutch continued their
way towards the land, the natives discharged a flight of arrows at the
boat, which they followed by throwing their spears or javelins,
after which they threw in a shower of stones discharged from slings.
Convinced now that there was nothing to be trusted to but force, the
Dutch opened their fire, and kept it up with such effect, that many of
the natives were slain, and the rest so terrified, that great numbers
of them leapt into the water to swim ashore, and at last all the
survivors followed the example, by turning their canoes towards the
land. But such was their confusion and dismay, that they were now
unable to distinguish the proper channels by which to get back to the
coast, but ran them on the rocks and shoals. This circumstance almost
deprived the Dutch of all hopes of being able to attain the coast.

While thus embarrassed, there arose a violent storm, of that kind
which the Dutch call _traffat_, and which in the east is named a
_tuffoon_, which usually arises suddenly in the midst of a calm, and
when the air is perfectly clear and serene, and which, by its extreme
violence, often brings the masts by the board, and whirls the sails
into the air, if they are not furled in an instant. By this sudden
tempest, the two ships were forced out to sea, and the poor people in
the boat were left without relief, and almost devoid of hope. The boat
was forced on a sand-bank, where she was for some time so beaten by
the winds and waves, that there seemed no chance of escaping almost
instant destruction. But despair often lends strength and spirits to
men beyond their usual powers; and, by dint of great exertions, they
dragged their boat clear of the bank, and got to land, where all got
safe on shore without hurt, but almost exhausted by fatigue. The first
thing they did was to look out for some place of retreat, where they
might be safe from any sudden assault of the natives; but night came
on before any such could be found, so that they were forced to rest
contented with making a fire on the shore, in order to dry and warm
themselves, which in some measure revived their spirits. The light
of the fire enabled them to discover several huts or cabins of the
natives in the neighbourhood of where they were, on which they felt
inclined to examine them, but found neither inhabitants nor household
goods of any kind, all that they met with worth taking away being a
few nets of curious workmanship. They also saw abundance of cocoa-nut
trees, but, having no hatchets, were unable to come at any of the
fruit, and had to pass a most comfortless night, during which they
were perpetually disturbed and alarmed by the frightful noise of the
natives in the adjoining wood, whence they naturally concluded they
were every moment about to attack them. About midnight they heard a
signal from the ships, which had been able to come back to that
part of the coast, on which they immediately hastened on board, and
immediately continued their voyage along the coast of New Britain,
making their way with considerable difficulty through among numerous
islands. They named that part of the coast on which they landed,
_Stormland_, which was probably the same called _Slinger's bay_ by
Dampier, on account of the dexterity of the natives in the management
of that instrument.

This country of New Britain seems to be extremely fertile, and to
abound in fruits of many sorts. The inhabitants are a tall well-made
people, perfect mulattoes in their complexions, with long black hair
hanging down to their waists, being extremely nimble and vigorous,
and so dexterous in the management of their weapons, that in all
probability they live in a state of continual warfare with their
neighbours. The sea along the coast is studded with numerous islands,
so that they had great difficulty in getting a passage through them.

Notwithstanding the dangers they had already experienced, they
resolved to make another descent upon the coast on the first
opportunity, though they had not now ten men in both vessels in
perfect health, but their necessities admitted of no other remedy.
The stock-fish, on which they had lived for some time past, was now
so full of worms, and stunk so abominably, that, instead of eating
it, they were unable to come near it. The officers were unable now
to pacify the men with stories of relief in the East Indies, for
they unanimously declared that immediate death on shore would be more
welcome than living longer at sea in this dreadful condition. In
this forlorn condition they arrived in the lat. of 2° S. where they
fortunately fell in with the islands of _Moa_ and _Arimoa_, [2]
formerly discovered by Schouten, and immediately determined upon
endeavouring to procure relief from Arimoa, the larger of these
islands. The natives, on perceiving the approach of the two ships,
came immediately off to meet them in their canoes, of which they
had prodigious numbers. All of these people were armed with bows and
arrows, even their women and children; but they brought with them
various refreshments, as cocoa-nuts, _pisans_, or Indian figs, with
various other fruits, and different kinds of roots, rowing directly to
the ships without any signs of fear or distrust. The Dutch gave them
such kind of trifles as they had by way of presents, and in return
for these refreshments; but on shewing more of these, and giving the
islanders to understand, by signs, that such was the merchandize they
had to give in barter for refreshments, they looked at them coolly,
as if they had no desire to trade for such commodities. Next day,
however, they returned with great quantities of similar articles of
provision; and the Dutch having endeavoured to express by signs
that they wished them to bring some hogs, the natives mistook their
meaning, and brought two or three dogs the day following, to the great
disappointment of the Dutch.

[Footnote 2: It is utterly impossible to ascertain what islands are
here meant, as the indications of the voyage are so entirely vague. In
the indicated latitude, off the mouth of the Great bay, in New Guinea,
there are two considerable islands, named Mysory, or Schouten's
island, and Jobie, or Long-island, which may possibly be Arimoa and
Moa. Perhaps Jobie of our modern maps includes both, as in some more
recent maps it is laid down as two contiguous islands, and it is more
exactly in the indicated latitude, while Mysory is rather less than
one degree from the line.]

These refreshments were very seasonable, and greatly amended the
health of many of the sick people in the two ships; and our author is
convinced that most of them would have perfectly recovered in a few
days, if they could have ventured to live on shore. The islanders
never failed to invite them ashore every time they came off; but being
greatly weakened, as for some days they had thrown four or five of
their people overboard, they did not think it prudent to run so great
a hazard; more especially as, even in the midst of their civility, the
air, look, and language of these people seemed to savour of perfidy,
and besides the island was extremely populous. The Dutch noticed that
these islanders, always on coming on board their ships, carried a
piece of stick to which some white stuff was fixed, as if in the
nature of a flag of truce, whence they supposed they were often at
war with some neighbouring nation or tribe, and especially with the
inhabitants of _Moa_, particularly as none of their canoes ever went
ashore on that island, but always, on the contrary, passed it with
evident precipitation. These remarks furnished the Dutch with a
new project by which to acquire a considerable stock of provisions
speedily, by a sudden descent on Moa, which appeared to be but thinly
peopled, though as pleasant and fertile as the other, hoping to carry
off at once enough of provisions to enable them to prosecute their
voyage, without the risk of falling again into the distress they had
so lately endured.

This bold scheme required much prudence, and it was thought expedient
to land in different places at once, one party being directed to
advance into the country, while the others should be at hand to
support them, and to secure their retreat. This was accordingly very
happily effected; for, although the natives formed an ambush behind
the trees and bushes, and discharged their arrows at the principal
party as soon as they began to cut down the cocoa-trees, the Dutch
fortunately remained uninjured, and laid many of the natives dead by
discharges of their fire-arms. This so frightened the rest that they
took refuge in their canoes, whence they endeavoured by cries
and shouts to alarm the rest of their countrymen to come to their
assistance: But the Dutch were so judiciously posted as to constrain
them to remain in the mountains, by which means the main party were
enabled to carry off about 800 cocoa-nuts to their boats, with which
booty they rejoined their ships.

The _cocoa-tree_ is a species of palm, found in most parts of the East
and West Indies. The trunk is large, straight, and lofty, tapering
insensibly to the top, whence the fruit hangs in bunches united by a
tendril, not unlike the twig of a vine, but stronger. The flowers are
yellow, resembling those of the chesnut. As it produces new bunches
every month, there are always some quite ripe, some green, some
just beginning to button, and others in full flower. The fruit is
three-lobed and of a greenish hue, of different sizes, from the size
of an ordinary tennis-ball, to that of a man's head, and is composed
of two rinds. The outer is composed of long tough fibres, between red
and yellow colour, the second being a hard shell. Within this is a
thick firm white substance or kernel, lining the shell, tasting like
a sweet almond; and in a central hollow of this kernel there is a
considerable quantity of a clear, bright, cool liquor, tasting like
sugared water. The natives of the countries in which these trees grow,
eat the kernel with their victuals instead of bread; and likewise
extract from it, by pressure, a liquor resembling milk of almonds
in taste and consistence. When this milk is exposed to the action of
fire, it changes to a kind of oil, which they use as we do butter
in dressing their victuals, and also burn in their lamps; and they
likewise employ it for smearing their bodies. They also draw from the
tree a liquor called _sura_ by the Indians, and which the Europeans
name _toddy_, or palm-wine. For this purpose, having cut one of the
largest twigs about a foot from the body of the tree, they hang to
this stump a bottle or calabash, into which the sap distils. This
_sura_ is of a very agreeable taste, little inferior to the Spanish
white wine; but being strong and heady, is generally diluted with
fresh clear water got from the nut It does not however keep, as it
becomes sour in about two days; when, by exposure to the sun, it is
converted into excellent vinegar. When boiled in its recent state,
it is converted into another liquor, called _orraqua_ by the Indians;
from which they distil a spirituous liquor called arrack, which many
people prefer to the other liquor of the same name distilled from rice
in India, which is so well known and so much esteemed in Europe.

Besides cocoa-nuts, the Dutch found in Moa great plenty of
pomegranates of exquisite taste, and abundance of _pisans_ or Indian
figs. These refreshments were of infinite service to them, as without
them the whole of both ships companies must have inevitably perished;
and immediately on returning to their ships, they began to prepare
for resuming their voyage. While engaged in these preparations, the
inhabitants of Moa came off to the ships in about 200 canoes, which
they exchanged with the Dutch for various articles, apparently doing
this to prevent the Dutch from making a second descent on their
island: But on this occasion, though the Dutch received them kindly,
and treated them with fairness in purchasing their provisions, they
would only admit a few of them into the ships at once; and when the
islanders attempted to rush on board in crowds, they fired upon them.
On these occasions, the natives all ducked their heads, and when they
raised them again broke out into loud laughter. This exchange was no
sooner over than they weighed anchor and proceeded on their voyage.
The author of this narrative remarks, that such of the sick as had any
strength remaining recovered surprisingly at these islands, through
the excellent refreshments they procured there, while those who were
already quite exhausted soon died.

Leaving these islands of _Moa_ and _Arimoa_, they continued their
voyage through a part of the sea so very full of islands, that finding
it difficult or impossible to count them, they gave them the name of
_Thousand Isles_.[3] Their inhabitants were negroes, of a short squat
make, and their heads covered with thick curled wool, being a bold,
mischievous, and intractable race of savages. They were all naked,
men, women, and children, having no other ornaments except a belt
about two fingers broad, stuck fall of teeth, and bracelets of
the same; and some of them wore light straw hats, adorned with the
feathers of the _Bird-of-Paradise_. These birds are said to be found
no where else but in these islands. Such of these islands as are
situated near the west point of New Guinea are still called the
_Islands of the Popoes_ or _Papuas_, the continent itself being called
the _Land of Papua_, till Schouten imposed upon it the name of _New
Guinea_, chiefly because of its being in the same latitude with _Old
Guinea_.[4]

[Footnote 3: These appear, by the sequel, to have been the islands
at the N.W. extremity of Papua or New Guinea, and from thence to
Celebes--E.]

[Footnote 4: More probably because of its inhabitants being
negroes.--E.]

When the inhabitants of these islands go to Ternate, Banda, Amboina,
or any of the Moluccas, in order to sell their salt pork, amber,[5]
gold-dust, and other merchandise, they always carry some of these
_Birds-of-Paradise_, which they constantly sell dead, affirming that
they find them so, and that they know not whence they come or where
they breed. This bird is always seen very high in the air. It is
extremely light, as its bulk consists mostly of feathers, which are
extremely beautiful, rendering it one of the greatest curiosities in
the world. The plumage of the head is as bright as burnished gold;
that of the neck resembles the neck of a drake; and those of the wings
and tail are like those of a peacock. In beak and form, this bird
comes nearest to a swallow, though considerably larger. Such as deal
in them endeavour to persuade strangers that they have no feet, and
that they hang themselves, when they sleep, to the boughs of trees by
means of their feathers. But, in reality, these traders cut off their
feet, to render them the more wonderful. They also pretend that the
male has a cavity on his back, where the female lodges her young till
they are able to fly. They always cut off the feet of these birds so
close to the body, that the flesh dries in such a manner that the skin
and feathers perfectly unite, making it impossible to perceive the
smallest scar. They also assert, that these birds are perpetually on
the wing, subsisting on birds and insects, which they catch in the
air. The feathers of the male are much brighter than those of the
female. In the east, this bird is usually called _Mancodiata_, or the
Bird-of-God. Great numbers of them are sent to Batavia, where they
generally sell for three crowns each. The Moors, Arabians, and
Persians are anxious to procure these birds, with which they adorn
their saddles and housings, often mixing with them pearls and
diamonds. They wear them also in their turbans, especially on going
to war, having a superstitious notion that they act as a charm or
talisman, capable of preserving them from wounds. Formerly, the Shah
and Mogul used to present their favourites with one of these birds, as
a mark of esteem or favour.

[Footnote 5: Perhaps ambergris ought to be here understood.--E.]

Besides their girdle and bracelets, formerly mentioned, the _Popoes_,
or inhabitants of the Thousand Isles, wear a bit of stick, the size of
a tobacco-pipe and the length of a finger, thrust through the gristle
of the nose, which they think renders them terrible to their enemies,
as some Europeans consider mustachios. They are the worst and most
savage people in all the South Seas. The continent of _New Guinea_
appeared a high country, extremely full of trees and plants of a vast
variety of kinds, so that, in sailing 400 leagues along its coast,
they did not observe one barren spot. Our author thinks that it
probably contains many precious commodities, as rich metals and
valuable spices, especially as most of the countries hitherto
discovered under the same parallel are not deficient in such riches.
He was afterwards assured, that some of the free burgesses in the
Moluccas go annually to New Guinea, where they exchange small pieces
of iron for nutmegs. Schouten and other navigators conceived high
ideas of this country, and represented it as one of the finest and
richest in the world; but they were unable to penetrate any way into
the interior, which could not be done with a small force, as it is
extremely populous, and the natives are mostly well armed, and of a
martial disposition.

Roggewein and his officers were at this time in considerable doubts,
whether to prosecute the route formerly followed by Dampier, or to go
by Ternate, Tidore, and Bacian, as the less dangerous passage. To
gain time, however, they chose the former, as they most otherwise
have coasted round the last-mentioned islands, in their way to the
Moluccas. In this view, they steered along shore, or rather through an
innumerable chain of small islands, extending from the western point
of New Guinea to the island of Gilolo, making their passage with much
difficulty and danger, and were greatly delighted and astonished on
getting sight of the island of _Bouro_, in lat. 2° S. [3° 30' S. and
long. 127° E.] the most eastern country in which the Dutch East-India
Company, maintain a factory. This island is mostly pretty high land,
and abounds every where with trees and shrubs of various kinds. On
their arrival upon its coast, they were spoken with by a small vessel,
in which were two white men and several blacks. The white men examined
them very strictly to whom they belonged, whence they came, and
whither they were bound. To which they answered, that they came from
New Guinea, and were going to Batavia, but wisely concealed belonging
to the West-India Company, knowing that the East-India Company
permitted no vessels, except their own, to navigate these seas, and
had given strict orders to capture all strange vessels that might
appear there. Yet, in spite of these precautions, the English
sometimes find their way among these islands, to the no small
displeasure of the Dutch company, although they keep ships cruizing
here during both monsoons, to preserve their monopoly of spices.

The island of _Bouro_ is about forty or fifty leagues in
circumference, and is indifferently fertile, formerly producing
abundance of clove-trees; but a detachment of Dutch soldiers is sent
yearly to grub them up, as they do also in the other Molucca islands,
because Amboina is thought to produce enough of that commodity to
maintain their commerce. Formerly also the Dutch had a strong fort
here, which the natives took and demolished after a long siege,
putting all the garrison to the sword. At present, [in 1721,]
the company only sends a detachment of soldiers to root out the
clove-trees, for which the inhabitants receive some present. The two
whites who were on board this Dutch bark were the first Christians
seen by Roggewein for the space of ten months, or since leaving the
coast of Brazil. Continuing their course for the island of _Bootan_,
in hopes of meeting with refreshments, of which they were now in
extreme want, they arrived there in lat 4° S.[6] and sailed along its
coast for a whole day, in hopes of finding the strait for which they
sought, and at length found they were eight leagues to leeward of
it, and the monsoon now blew too strong to be able to bear up for the
intended port. They had now no hopes of being able to find any port
for refreshments till they should arrive at the island of Java; as,
wherever they might attempt to land, they well knew that their ships
would be confiscated, in consequence of the invariable maxims of the
East-India Company. All men therefore, but especially the sick and
feeble, cast an anxious look on the fertile island now left behind
them, presaging the melancholy effects which must necessarily attend
so pernicious a measure.

[Footnote 6: The northern end of Bootan is in lat. 4° 40' S.]

The situation of the island of _Bootan_ is remarkably advantageous,
being in from 4° to 6° of S. latitude, and nearly equal in size to the
island of _Bouro_. It is extremely fertile, especially in rice, and
has abundance of cattle and fish. It would also produce plenty both
of clove and nutmeg trees, if they were permitted to grow. The king
of the island has a very strong fort, on which the Dutch standard is
displayed, though there is no Dutch garrison; the company contenting
itself with sending deputies yearly to see the spice trees destroyed,
in consideration of which the king receives a considerable sum
yearly from the company. This nation is the most faithful of all the
inhabitants of the Indian islands to the India company, having not
only assisted them in expelling the Portuguese, but also against the
inhabitants of the Moluccas, whenever they have attempted to revolt;
by which means the company has acquired the whole trade of this part
of the world. In consideration of this, the inhabitants of Bootan
enjoy many privileges that are denied to all other Indians: As, for
instance, they are allowed to come into any of the Dutch forts armed,
which is never allowed even to the natives of the countries in which
the forts are situated. Some time before this voyage, the king of
Bootan sent his eldest son ambassador to the governor-general
of Batavia, where he was received with every mark of honour and
distinction. It would not have been easy to have known this prince for
an Indian, had he not worn a triple-rowed turban, richly adorned
with gold and precious stones, as the rest of his dress was entirely
European, and he wore a sword instead of a cutlass, which no Indian
had done before. His train was numerous and splendid, all dressed
in the Indian manner: Twelve of them were armed with cuirasses and
bucklers, carrying each a naked sword resting on his shoulder. At this
time there was a prodigious mortality in Batavia, which carried off
500 of the attendants of this prince, and destroyed no less than
150,000 persons in one year, besides vast numbers of beasts. This
mortality was occasioned by a malignant pestilential fever, which
attacked indiscriminately all the inhabitants of Batavia, Europeans,
natives, Chinese, and blacks. It spread also through Bengal and all
the dominions of the Great Mogul, where it made incredible ravages,
and extended even to Japan in the most extreme violence, where numbers
fell down dead in the streets, who had left their houses in perfect
health. This dreadful malady was supposed to have arisen from
excessive drought, as no rain had fallen during the space of two
years, whence it was conceived that the air was surcharged with
mineral vapours.

Leaving the island of Bootan, and passing through the channel of
the Moluccas, or between the S.W. leg of Celebes and Salayr
islands, during which course the crews of the two vessels suffered
inexpressible miseries, by which the greatest part of them were
carried off, Roggewein arrived on the coast of Java towards the close
of September 1722.



SECTION VII.

_Occurrences from their Arrival at the Island of Java, to the
Confiscation of the Ships at Batavia._

Roggewein came to anchor immediately in the road of Japara, and
saluted the city and fort, after which the boats were hoisted out to
go on shore, where they were astonished to find that it was Saturday,
whereas on quitting their ships they conceived it to be Friday
morning. This was occasioned by having come round from the east
along with the sun, by which they had lost a day in their reckoning.
Roggewein immediately waited upon Ensign Kuster, a very civil and
well-behaved gentleman, who commanded there on the part of the
East-India Company, to whom he gave an account of his motives for
coming to this place. Kuster immediately assembled a council, to
consider what measures were to be taken on this occasion, and all
were much moved at the recital of the miseries which Roggewein and
his people had endured. In truth, never were men more worthy of
compassion. Only ten persons remained in any tolerable health, and
twenty-six were down in various sicknesses, by which, exclusive of
those who had been slain in their different engagements with the
Indians, they had lost seventy men during the voyage. Their next care
was to get the sick men on shore, which was done with all care and
diligence, slinging them in their hammocks into the boats. Four of
these poor people were in so low a condition that it was thought
impossible they could bear removal, and they were therefore left on
board, the very thoughts of which, after their companions went ashore,
soon killed them. Those who were carried on shore were lodged under
tents in an island, where they had every necessary afforded them that
the country produced, yet many of them died.

Mr Kuster sent an immediate account of their arrival to the
commandant of the coasts of Java, who instantly forwarded it to Mr
_Swaardekroon_, at that time governor-general of the East Indies. He
sent a favourable answer, promising every assistance in his power, and
adding, that they had nothing to do but to get to Batavia as soon as
possible. While waiting the answer of the governor-general and the
recovery of their sick, they passed their time agreeably enough at
Japara, as their countrymen used them with all imaginable kindness.
In a few days, the seamen became as frolicsome and gay as if they had
made a pleasant and fortunate voyage; insomuch, that those who, only
a few days before, were weeping, sighing, praying, and making warm
protestations of leading new lives, if God in his mercy were pleased
to save them, now ran headlong into the greatest extravagances;
spending their whole time in debauched houses, and in swearing and
drinking. This our author attributed to the bad example of those among
whom they lived, all the lower people at Japara being as lewd and
profligate as could be imagined; insomuch, that the first question
they put to strangers from Europe is, if they have brought over any
new oaths.

The town of _Japara_ is seated at the bottom of a mountain of moderate
height, is of a middling size, and is inhabited by Javans, Chinese,
and Dutch; and was of more considerable extent than now, when in the
hands of the Portuguese. Before getting possession of Jacatra, now
Batavia, the Dutch East-India Company had their principal magazines
for trade at this place, which was their chief factory, and on which
all the other factories in Java were dependent; but it has fallen much
in importance since the factory was transferred to Samarang. The port
of Japara is both safe and commodious, and is defended by a fort,
built mostly of wood, on the top of the mountain at the foot of which
the town is seated. This fort is called the _Invincible Mountain_,
because the Javanese were constantly defeated in all their attempts to
get it into their hands, when in possession of the Portuguese; and its
guns command the whole road.

The king of Japara mostly resides at a place called _Kattasura_, about
twenty-nine leagues up the country, where the Dutch have a strong
fort with a good garrison, serving at the same time to secure their
conquest, and to guard the king. This prince is a Mahomedan, and is
served entirely by women, of whom he takes as many as he pleases,
either as wives or concubines. Some of his priests are obliged to
go every year on pilgrimage to Mecca, in order to make vows for the
safety and prosperity of the king and royal family. His subjects are
extremely faithful, and devoted to his service; the principal persons
of his court having to approach him on their knees, every time they
have an audience; but in time of war, this slavish custom is dispensed
with. Such as commit the slightest fault, are poniarded on the spot by
a kriss or dagger; this being almost the only punishment in use among
them, as the smallest faults and the greatest crimes are all equally
capital. The natives of this country are mostly of a very brown
complexion, tolerably well shaped, and having long black hair, which
however many of them cut short. Their noses are all flat and broad,
and their teeth very black, owing to the incessant chewing of betel
and faufel.

The _faufel_ or _areka_ is a kind of nut, not much unlike a nutmeg,
but smaller, and in a great measure tasteless, but yielding a red
juice when chewed, which juice also is used by the Indians in painting
chintzes, so much admired in Europe. The tree which bears this nut is
very straight, and has leaves like those of the cocoa-nut tree. The
_betel_ is a plant producing long rank leaves, shaped like those of
the citron, and having an agreeable bitter taste. The fruit of this
plant resembles a lizard's tail, and is about an inch and half long,
having a pleasant aromatic flavour. The Indians continually carry
the leaves of this plant, which also are presented at all ceremonious
visits. They are almost continually chewing these leaves, and they
mostly qualify their extreme bitterness by the addition of the faufel
or areka-nut, and the powder of calcined oyster-shells, which give
them a very agreeable taste; though some mix their betel leaves with
shell lime, ambergris, and cardamom seeds, while others use Chinese
tobacco. After all the juice is chewed out, they throw away the
remaining dry mass. Many Europeans have got into the habit of chewing
betel, so that they cannot leave it off, though it has proved fatal to
some of them; for the natives are very skilful in preparing betel so
as to do a man's business as effectually as a pistol or a dagger.

The prevailing diversion among these people is called _tandakes_,
which are a kind of comedies, acted by women very richly dressed, and
consists chiefly in singing and dancing, accompanied by music, not
very pleasant to European ears, the only instruments being small
drums, on which they beat with much dexterity. Their dancing is mostly
of a grotesque kind, in which they are very dexterous, throwing
their bodies into all sorts of postures with astonishing agility, and
expressing by them the passions of the mind so comically, that it is
impossible to refrain from laughing. The men also practise a kind
of war dance, in which the king and grandees bear a part. They also
practise cock-fighting, like the English, and bet such considerable
sums on this sport as often beggars them.

The country abounds in all the necessaries of life, having abundance
of beeves and hogs, and amazing quantities of fowls. The only thing
scarce is mutton, chiefly owing to the richness of the pasture,
which is very apt to burst the sheep. As to wild animals, they have
buffaloes, stags, tygers, and rhinoceroses; which last animal is
hunted by the Indians chiefly for the sake of its horns, of which they
make drinking cups that are greatly valued, owing to a notion that
they will not contain poison, but break immediately on that being
poured into them. The high price of these tends to shew that the
Javanese are addicted to the infamous practice of poisoning. The land
is every where extremely fertile, producing vast abundance of pepper,
ginger, cinnamon, rice, cardamoms, and other valuable articles. Of
late they have planted coffee, and with such success as to have a
reasonable hope of rendering it a principal commodity of the country.
Cocoa-nuts, figs, and a variety of other excellent fruits grow every
where in the greatest profusion; and as the trees on which they grow
are verdant during the whole year, and are planted in rows along the
rivers, they form the most agreeable walks that can be conceived.
Sugar-canes also abound in Java. They have also plenty of vines, which
produce ripe grapes seven times every year, but they are only fit
for making raisins, and not wine, being too hastily ripened by the
climate. The sea, and all the rivers, furnish an infinite variety of
the finest fish. Thus, taking it altogether, it may be safely affirmed
that Java is one of the most plentiful and pleasantest islands in the
world.

Having refreshed at Japara for about a month, Roggewein began to
think of proceeding to Batavia, encouraged by the fine promises of the
governor-general. Every thing being ready, the voyagers spent two
days in taking leave of their kind friends, who supplied them with all
sorts of provisions, much more than sufficient for so short a voyage,
and they at length departed, feeling a sensible regret at parting with
those who had treated them with so much kindness, relieving all their
wants with so much generosity, and had enabled them to spend several
weeks in peace and plenty, after a long period of sickness and misery.
Steering from thence about seventy leagues to the westwards, with a
fair wind, they entered the road of Batavia, where they saluted the
fort, and anchored close to the ships that were loading for the voyage
home, believing that all their distresses were now over, and that they
should speedily accompany these other ships homewards. As soon as
the ships were safely anchored, Roggewein went along with the other
captains into his boat, meaning to have gone ashore to Batavia, but
had not proceeded far from the ship when he met a boat having the
commandant of Batavia on board, together with the fiscal, and some
other members of the council, by whom he was desired to go back to his
ship, which he did immediately; and, when the two boats came within
hearing of the ships, the fiscal proclaimed, with a loud voice, that
both ships were confiscated by order of the governor-general. At this
time both ships were so environed by other large vessels belonging
to the East India Company, that it was impossible to have escaped,
if they had so inclined; and soon afterwards several hundred soldiers
came on board, taking possession of both ships, and placing their
crews under safe custody. Taught by so many and such unlooked-for
misfortunes, Roggewein now thoroughly repented having proposed to
return home by way of the East Indies, but was now wise behind hand.
He had neglected prosecuting the discovery on which he had been
sent, for which he now suffered a just punishment from the East India
Company, however unjust in itself the sentence might be considered. By
the sentence, both ships were declared legal prizes, and all the goods
they contained were confiscated; and to prevent all trouble and delay
from representations, reclamations, or memorials, every thing was
immediately exposed to public auction, and sold to the highest
bidders. The crews of both ships were divided, and put on board
several of the homeward-bound ships.



SECTION VIII.

_Description of Batavia and the Island of Java, with some Account of
the Government of the Dutch East India Company's Affairs._

The city of Batavia lies in the lat. of 6° 20' S. and long. 107° E.
from Greenwich, being the capital of all the vast dominions belonging
to the Dutch East India Company, serving also as the emporium of
its prodigious trade, where all the merchandise and riches of that
princely and wealthy company are laid up. It fell into the hands of
the Dutch company in 1618, till which time it was known by the name of
_Jacatra_, and soon afterwards they built a fort in the neighbourhood
of that native city, to which they gave the name of Batavia. By the
time this was hardly well finished, the natives of the island attacked
it, animated and assisted by the English, and repeated their attempts
several times, but always unsuccessfully, and to their great loss.
The last time, they kept it blockaded for a considerable time, till
succoured by a powerful squadron from Europe under Admiral Koen, when
the siege was immediately raised, and the natives obliged to retire
with the utmost precipitation. The Dutch had now leisure to consider
the excellent situation of the fort, and the many advantages it
possessed for becoming the centre of their East Indian trade and
dominion, on which they resolved to build a town in the neighbourhood
of the fort. With this view they demolished Jacatra, and erected on
its ruins this famous commercial city, which they named Batavia.

This city arrived at perfection in a short time, by the extraordinary
diligence bestowed upon its construction, in spite of the many
obstacles it met with from the two kings of Matarana and Bantam; the
former of whom laid siege to it in 1629, and the latter in 1649. It
is surrounded by an earthen rampart of twenty-one feet thick, faced on
the outside with stone, and strengthened by twenty-two bastions, the
whole environed by a ditch forty-five yards wide, and quite full of
water, especially in spring-tides. All the approaches to the town are
defended by several detached forts, all of which are well furnished
with excellent brass cannon. Six of these are so considerable as
to deserve being particularly mentioned, which are, Ansiol, Anke,
Jacatra, Ryswyk, Noordywyk, and Vythock. The fort of _Ansiol_ is
seated on a river of the same name, to the eastwards, and about 1200
yards from the city, being built entirely of squared stone, and always
provided with a strong garrison. _Anke_ is on a river of the same
name, to the westwards, about 500 yards from the city, and is built
like the former. _Jacatra_ lies also on a river of the same name, and
is exactly like the two former, being 500 paces from the city. The
road to this fort lies between two regular rows of fine trees, having
very fine country houses and gardens on each side. The other three
forts are all built of similar materials on the inland side of the
city, and at small distances; the two first-named serving to secure
the city on the side of the sea, and the other four to defend the
approaches towards it from the land, and at the same time to protect
the country houses, plantations, and gardens of the inhabitants.
By these, all enemies are prevented from coming upon the city by
surprise, as on every side they would be sure to meet a formidable
resistance; and besides, no person is allowed to pass the forts, even
outwards, unless with a passport.

The river of Jacatra passes through the middle of the city, and
supplies water to fifteen canals, all faced with freestone, and
adorned on each side with ever-green trees, affording a charming
prospect. Over these canals, which are all within the city, there are
fifty-six bridges, besides others without the town. The streets are
all perfectly straight, and are in general thirty feet broad on each
side, besides the breadth of the canals. The houses are built of
stone, mostly of several stories high, like those in the cities of
Holland. The city of Batavia is about a league and a half in circuit,
but is surrounded by a vast number of houses without the walls, which
may be considered as forming suburbs, and in which there is ten times
the population that is within the city. It has five gates, including
that leading to the port, near to which there is a boom, or barrier,
which is shut every night at nine o'clock, and at which there is a
strong guard of soldiers night and day. There were formerly six
gates, but one of these has since been walled up. There is a very fine
stadt-house, or town-hall, and four churches for the Calvinists. The
first of these, named _Kruist-kirk_, or Cross-church, was built in
1640, and the second in 1672, and in both of these the worship is
in the Dutch language. The third church belongs to the _protestant_
Portuguese, and the fourth is for the Malays who have been converted
to the reformed Christian religion. Besides these, there are abundance
of other places of worship for various sorts of religions.

They have likewise in this city a _Spin-hays_, or house of correction
for the confinement of disorderly women; an orphan-house, and arsenal
of marine stores, and many magazines for spiceries: Also many wharfs,
docks, rope-walks, and other public buildings. The garrison usually
consists of from two to three thousand men. Besides the forts formerly
mentioned, the famous citadel or castle of Batavia is a fine regular
fortification, having four bastions, situated at the mouth of the
river opposite to the city; two of its bastions fronting towards the
sea and commanding the anchorage, while the other two face towards
the city. There are two main gates to the citadel, one called the
Company's gate, which was built in 1636, to which leads a stone bridge
of fourteen arches, each of which is twenty-six feet span, and ten
feet wide. The other is called the Water-gate. Besides which, there
are two posterns, one in the east curtain, and the other in the
west, neither of which are ever opened except for the purposes of the
garrison. In this citadel the governor-general resides, having a brick
palace two stories high, with a noble front of Italian architecture.
Opposite to this palace is that of the director-general, who is next
in rank to the governor. The counsellors and other principal officers
of the company have also their apartments within the citadel, together
with the chief physician, chief surgeon, and chief apothecary. There
in also a remarkably neat and light small church, and there are many
magazines and store-houses well furnished with ammunition and military
stores; and in it are the offices in which all the affairs of the
company are transacted, and archives for containing all the records.

Besides many Dutch, all of whom are either in the service of the
company or free burgesses, the city is inhabited by a vast number
of people of many different Indian nations, besides many Portuguese,
French, and other Europeans, established here on account of trade. The
Portuguese are mostly descendants of those who lived formerly here or
at Goa, and who, finding their account in living under the government
of the Dutch, did not think proper to remove after the Dutch had
reduced the country; but far the greater number of these are now of
the reformed religion. The Indian inhabitants consist of Javanese, or
natives of the island, Chinese, Malays, negroes, Amboinese, Armenians,
natives of the island of Bali, Mardykers, Macassars, Bougis, and
others. It is a very curious thing to see so great a multitude of
different nations all living in the same great city, and each nation
according to their own manners. Every moment one sees new customs,
strange manners, varieties of dresses, and faces of different colours,
as black, white, brown, yellow, and olive-coloured; every one living
as he pleases, and all speaking their different languages. Yet, amidst
all this variety of people and customs so opposite to each other,
there is a surprising unity among the citizens, occasioned by the
advantages of commerce, the common object of all, so that they live
harmoniously and happily under the gentle and prudent laws established
by the company. All enjoy perfect liberty of conscience, whatever may
be their religion or sect, only that none are permitted the public
exercise of their religion except the Calvinists, any more than in
Holland, so that priests and monks must not walk the streets in the
habits of their respective orders. All are however allowed to live
here in peace, and may exercise the rites of their religion within
doors. Jesuits are, however, excluded, for fear of their intrigues;
and the Chinese religion, because of its abominable idolatry, is
obliged to have its pagoda, or idol temple, about a league from the
city, where also they bury their dead.

Every Indian nation settled at Batavia has its chief or head, who
watches over the interests of his nation, but is not allowed to decide
upon any thing of importance, his chief functions being those of
religion, and to decide slight controversies among his countrymen. The
_Japanese_ chiefly addict themselves to agriculture, ship-building,
and fishing. These people, for the most part, only wear a kind of
short petticoat, reaching to their knees, all the rest of their
bodies being naked, having also a sort of scarf or sash across their
shoulders, from which hangs a short sword. On their heads they wear
small bonnets. Their huts or cabins are remarkably neater than those
of the other Indians, built of split bamboos, with large spreading
roofs, under which they sit in the open air.

The _Chinese_ are very numerous, as it is reckoned there are at least
five thousand of them in the city and its suburbs. These people seem
naturally born for trade, and are great enemies to idleness, thinking
nothing too hard or laborious that is attended with a prospect of
gain. They can live on very little, are bold, enterprising, possessed
of much address, and indefatigably industrious. Their sagacity,
penetration, and subtilty, are so extraordinary as to make good their
own saying, "That the Dutch have only one eye, while they have two;"
but they are deceitful beyond measure, taking a pride in imposing on
those who deal with them, and even boast of that cunning of which they
ought to be ashamed. In husbandry and navigation they surpass all the
other nations of India. Most of the sugar-mills around Batavia belong
to them, and the distillery of arrack is entirely in their hands. They
are the carriers of eastern Asia, and even the Dutch often make use
of their vessels. They keep all the shops and most of the inns of
Batavia, and farm all the duties of excise and customs. Generally
speaking, they are well-made men, of an olive complexion, their heads
being peculiarly round, with small eyes, and short flat noses. They
do not cut their hair, as all in China are obliged to do since the
Tartars conquered the country; and whenever any one comes to Batavia
from China, he immediately suffers his hair to grow, as a token
of freedom, dressing it with the utmost care; their priests only
excepted, whose heads are all close shaven.

The Chinese go always bare headed, carrying an umbrella in their hands
to keep off the sun; and they suffer their nails to grow immoderately
long, which gives them prodigious dexterity in slight of hand, an art
of considerable importance as they use it. Their dress here differs
materially from what they wear in their own country, their cotton
robes being very ample, and their sleeves very wide. Below this they
have a kind of breeches reaching to their ancles, having a kind
of little slippers on their feet instead of shoes, and never wear
stockings. Their women, who are very brisk, lively, impudent, and
debauched, wear very long cotton robes. In general, the Chinese have
no distinction of meats, but eat without ceremony of any animal that
comes to hand, be it even dog, cat, or rat, or what it may. They are
amazingly fond of shows and entertainments. Their feast of the new
year, which they celebrate in the beginning of March, commonly lasts
a whole month; during which they do nothing but divert themselves,
chiefly in dancing, which they do in a strange manner, running round
about to the sound of gongs, flutes, and trumpets, which do not form a
very agreeable concert. They use the same music at their comedies,
or theatrical diversions, of which they are extremely fond: These
comedies consist of a strange mixture of drama, opera, and pantomime,
as they sometimes sing, sometimes speak, and at other times the whole
business of the scene consists in gesture. They have none but _women_
players,[1] who are brought up to this employment from their infancy;
but many of them act male parts, using proper disguises for the
purpose. Whenever they act a comedy, the city receives fifty crowns
for a licence. They erect the theatre in the street, in front of the
house of him who is at the expence of the play, the subject of
which always turns on the exploits of their ancient heroes, or the
austerities of their old saints.

[Footnote 1: This may possibly have been the case at this time in
Batavia; but we are assured by recent travellers in China, that they
have there none but _men_ players, the female parts being acted by
youths.--E.]

The funerals of the Chinese are very singular, as well as very rich
and pompous, forming grand and solemn processions, in which sometimes
at least 500 persons of both sexes assist, the women being all
cloathed in white. At these funerals they employ music to heighten the
shew, together with coloured umbrellas and canopies, carrying their
principal idol, which they call _Joostie de Batavia_, under one of
their canopies. Their tombs are some of them very magnificent. They
follow the idolatrous religion of their native country, and have a
pagoda, or idol temple, about the distance of a league from the
city, where they assemble for worship. They are perhaps the grossest
idolaters, and the most ridiculous in their opinions, of all the
pagans of the east, as they openly profess to worship and adore the
devil. This does not proceed from their ignorance or unbelief in a
God, but rather from mistaken notions in their belief concerning him.
They say that God is infinitely good and merciful, giving to man every
thing he possesses, and never doing any hurt; and therefore that there
is no need to worship him. But with the devil, the author of all ill,
they are desirous to live upon good terms, and to omit nothing that
can entitle them to his good graces. It is the devil therefore whom
they represent by the idol above mentioned, and in whose honour they
have frequently great feasts and rejoicings.

Like the Javans, the Chinese are extravagantly addicted to gaming
and laying wagers; and this humour, especially at cock-fights and the
new-year's feasts, drives them sometimes into downright madness.
They will not only stake and lose their money, goods, and houses, but
sometimes their wives and children; and when these are all lost, will
stake their beards, nails, and winds; that is, they bind themselves
not to shave their beards, pare their nails, or go on board ship to
trade, till they have paid their game debts. When reduced to this
condition, they are forced to hire themselves as the bond slaves of
some other Chinese. Under such misfortunes their only resource is,
that some relative, either at Batavia or China, pays their debts out
of compassion, and by that means reinstates them in their property and
freedom.

The _Malays_ who live at Batavia usually employ themselves in fishing,
having very neat and shewy vessels, the sails of which are most
ingeniously constructed of straw. These are a most wicked and
profligate people, who often commit atrocious murders for very
trifling gain. They profess the Mahomedan religion, but are so
absolutely devoid of moral principle, that they even make a boast and
merit of cheating Christians. Their last chief was publicly whipped
and branded for his frauds and villainies, his goods confiscated, and
he himself banished to Ceylon; since when they have been ashamed
to elect another chief. Their habits are of silk or cotton, the men
wearing a piece of cotton round their heads, and their black hair tied
into a knot behind.

The blacks or negroes at Batavia are mostly Mahomedans, who come
chiefly from Bengal, dressing like the Malays, and living in the same
quarter of the city. Some of them work at different mechanic trades,
and others are a kind of pedlars; but the most considerable of them
trade in stones for buildings, which they bring from the neighbouring
islands.

The _Amboinese_ are chiefly employed in building houses of bamboos,
the windows of which are made of split canes, very nicely wrought in
various figures. They are a bold boisterous race, and so turbulent
that they are not permitted to reside in the city, but have their
quarter near the Chinese burying ground. The chief of their own
nation, to whom they pay the utmost submission, has a magnificent
house in their quarter, well furnished after their manner. Their arms
are chiefly large sabres and long bucklers. The men wear a piece of
cotton cloth wrapped round their heads, the ends of which hang down
behind, and adorn this species of turban with a variety of flowers.
Their women wear a close habit, and a cotton mantle over their
shoulders, having their arms bare. Their houses are built of boards,
thatched with leaves, usually two or three stories high, the ground
floor especially being divided into several apartments.

The _Mardykers_ or _Topasses_ are idolaters from various Indian
nations, and follow various trades and professions; and their
merchants, under licences or passports from the company, carry on
considerable commerce among the neighbouring islands. Some of these
people are gardeners, others rear cattle, and others breed fowls. The
men of this mixed tribe generally dress after the Dutch fashion, but
the women wear the habits of other Indians. These people dwell both
in the city and country, their houses being better than those of the
other Indians, built of stone or brick, several stories high, and very
neat. There are also some _Macassers_ at Batavia, so famous for their
little poisoned arrows, which they blow from tubes. This poison is
made of the juice of a certain tree, which grows in Macasser and the
_Bougis_ islands, into which they dip the points of the arrows and
allow them to dry. The wound inflicted by these arrows is absolutely
mortal. The _Bougis_ are natives of three or four islands near
Macasser, and since the conquest of that island have settled at
Batavia. They are very bold and hardy fellows, for which reason they
are employed as soldiers by the company. Their arms are bows and
arrows, with sabres and bucklers. Besides these enumerated nations,
which contribute to form the population of Batavia, there are several
Armenians and some other Asiatics who reside there occasionally for
the sake of trade, and stay no longer than their affairs require, All
the inhabitants around Batavia, and for a track of about forty leagues
along the mountains of the country of Bantam, are immediately subject
to the governor-general, who sends _drossards_ or commissaries among
them, to administer justice, and to collect the public revenues; and
the chief men of the several districts resort at certain times to
Batavia, to give an account of the behaviour of these commissaries.

The city of Batavia, and all the dominions possessed by the company in
the East Indies, are governed by two supreme councils, one of which is
named the Council of the Indies, and the other the Council of Justice,
both of which are fixed at Batavia, the capital of the dominions
belonging to the company. To the first of these belong all matters
of government, and the entire direction of public affairs, and to
the other the administration of justice in all its branches. The
governor-general always presided in the former of these councils,
which is ordinarily composed of eighteen or twenty persons, called
counsellors of the Indies; but it seldom happens that these are all
at Batavia at one time, as they are usually promoted to the seven
governments which are at the disposal of the company. This council
assembles regularly twice a-week, besides as often extraordinarily as
the governor pleases. They deliberate on all affairs concerning the
interest of the company, and superintend the government of the island
of Java and its dependencies: But in affairs of very great importance,
the approbation and consent of the directors of the company in Europe
must be had. From this Council of the Indies, orders and instructions
are sent to all the other governments, which must be implicitly
obeyed. In this council, all letters addressed to the governor or
director-general are read and debated, and answers agreed upon by a
plurality of voices.

The Council of Justice consists of a president, who is generally a
counsellor of the Indies, together with eight counsellors of justice,
a fiscal or attorney-general for affairs of government, another fiscal
for maritime affairs, and a secretary. The first fiscal has a vote
along with the counsellors, and receives a third part of all fines
below an hundred florins, and a sixth part of all above that sum.
The duty of his office is to observe that the laws are obeyed, and to
prefer informations against those who break them. The fiscal of the
sea has jurisdiction over all frauds committed in commerce, in cases
of piracy, or in whatever tends to disturb the settled rules of
maritime affairs. Besides these sovereign tribunals, there is a
council of the city of Batavia, consisting of nine burgomasters or
aldermen, including a president, who is always a member of the Council
of the Indies, and a vice-president. The bailiff of the city, and the
commissary of the adjacent territory, have also seats in this council,
to which likewise there is a secretary.

The governor-general is head of the empire belonging to the company in
India, being as it were stadtholder, captain-general, and admiral of
the Indies. By his office he is president of the supreme council, in
which he has two voices. He has the keys of all the magazines, and
directs every thing belonging to them, without being accountable to
any one. He commands by his own proper authority, and every person is
bound to obey him, so that his authority equals, and even surpasses,
that of several European sovereigns. But he is accountable to, and
removeable by the directors at home. In cases, however, of being
guilty of treason, or any other enormous crime, the Council of Justice
have a right to seize his person and call him to account. In case the
governor-general dies or resigns his office, the Council of the Indies
meets and elects a successor, when they immediately write to the
directors at home, desiring them to confirm and approve their choice.
They also write to the same purpose to the states-general of the
United Provinces, who have reserved to themselves the power of
confirming or excluding a governor-general. It is usual, however, for
the directors and the state to confirm the choice of the council, and
to send him letters patent, conformable to the desire of the council;
yet there have been some instances of the directors rejecting the
governor-general thus elected, and sending out another.

The salary allowed by the company to the governor-general is 800
rix-dollars, with other 500 dollars for his table, and also pay the
salaries of the officers of his household. But these appointments form
a very small portion of his revenue; as the legal emoluments of his
office are so great that he is able to amass an immense fortune in
two or three years, without oppressing the people or burdening his
conscience. Being the head and apparent sovereign of all the countries
belonging to or dependent upon the company, he is allowed a court and
most of the honours usually paid to crowned heads, in compliance with
the customs of the east. When he goes from his palace to his country
seat, he is preceded by the master of his household, at the head
of six gentlemen on horseback. A trumpeter and two halberdeers on
horseback go immediately before the coach. The master of the horse and
six mounted halberdeers ride on the right; and he is followed by
other coaches carrying his friends and retinue. The whole cavalcade is
closed by a troop of forty-eight dragoons, commanded by a captain and
three quarter-masters, and preceded by a trumpeter richly clothed. If
this office be considerable for its honour, power, and emolument,
it is also very fatiguing, as the governor-general is employed from
morning to night in giving audiences, in reading letters, and in
giving orders in the service of the company; so that he seldom can
allow above half an hour for dinner, and even dispatches pressing
affairs while at table. He has also to receive all Indian princes and
ambassadors who come to Batavia, and of these many arrive every year.

The director-general is the next in authority after the
governor-general, and is the second person in the council of the
Indies. This employment requires great care and attention, as he has
the charge of buying and selling all the commodities that enter into
or go out from the Company's warehouses. He gives orders for the kinds
and quantities of all goods sent to Holland or elsewhere, keeps the
keys of all the magazines, and every officer in the service of the
Company makes a report to him daily of every thing committed to their
charge. He has the supreme direction of every thing relative to the
trade and commerce of the Company, both at Batavia and all other
places; and the members of all the factories belonging to the Company
are accountable to him for their conduct.

The third person in the government is the Major-general, who has the
command of all the forces under the governor-general. The number of
regular troops in the service of the Company throughout the Indies may
be about 12,000 men, exclusive of the militia, which amount to about
100,000 more, and are well disciplined, and always called out in time
of danger. The entire military and naval strength of the Company by
land and sea is about 25,000 men, including officers, soldiers,
and sailors. For the support of its commerce, the Company keeps
in constant employment about 180 ships, of from 30 to 60 pieces of
cannon, and in cases of emergency are able at any time to fit out
forty of the largest size.

The ecclesiastical government at Batavia, or consistory, consists of
eleven persons; viz. the five ministers of the two Dutch churches in
the city, and that in the citadel, besides the minister who resides
in the island of _Ourust_, together with the three ministers of the
Portuguese churches, and the two belonging to the Malay church. These
last five are all Dutchmen-born, though they preach in the Portuguese
and Malay languages. As it is deemed necessary that the state should
be informed of all that passes among their clergy, the eleventh person
is nominated by the government, whose especial business is to see
that they do nothing contrary to the laws or to the regulations of the
Company. Besides these, the consistory also consists of eight elders
and twenty deacons. One principal branch of business confided to the
consistory, is to provide ministers for the subordinate governments;
where they are relieved after a certain term of years, and either
return to Batavia or to Holland, to enjoy the fruits of their labours.
Our author relates that one of these ministers went home in the same
ship with him, who had made such good use of his time, that he bought
a _noble fief_ on his return, and became a man of quality. In
the smaller places belonging to the Company, where there are no
established ministers, an itinerant is sent once in three or four
years, to marry, baptize, and dispense the communion; which is
necessary, since the synods do not permit the propagation of any other
except the reformed religion in the territories of the Company.

For a long time the Lutherans have solicited for permission to have a
church in Batavia, but have constantly been refused, though certainly
a just and reasonable demand, especially in a place where Mahomedans
and Pagans are freely tolerated in the exercise of their religion,
and where the Chinese are even permitted to worship the devil.
This ecclesiastical consistory has also dependent upon it all the
schoolmasters, consolators of the sick, and catechists. Of these last
there are many in the service of the Company in their ships; their
duty being to say prayers every day, and to instruct such as embrace
the Christian religion; and as they are mostly natives, and speak
several languages, they are the better able to give instructions, and
to teach the confession of faith to so many different nations. Such
as are converted are baptized and receive the communion; and, for the
better preservation of uniformity in doctrine, an annual visitation of
all the new converts is made by the ministers. In consequence of
these regulations, the reformed religion has made amazing progress,
especially among the blacks, of whom our author says he has seen 150
at a time present themselves to receive baptism. This however is not
rashly granted, as all who receive it must be well instructed, and be
able to make their confession of faith. The Chinese are well known
to be so obstinately addicted to their great Confucius, as not to be
easily induced to embrace any other religion; yet some even of them
from time to time have abjured their idolatry, and embraced the
protestant faith. Yet our author seems to doubt their sincerity,
alleging that the Chinese are seldom sincere in any thing; and he
tells us, that a Chinese, on renouncing idolatry; said he was about to
embrace the religion of the Company.

The country around Batavia is extremely beautiful, and it may be said
that nature and art seem to strive which shall have the greatest share
in adorning it. The air is sweet and mild, the land extremely fertile,
and the face of the country finely diversified with hills and vallies,
all laid out in regular plantations, beautiful canals, and whatever
can contribute to render the country pleasant and agreeable. The
island of Java is about 300 leagues in circumference, divided into
several kingdoms and principalities, all dependent upon the emperor
who resides at _Kattasura_, except the kings of Bantam and Japara,[2]
who do not acknowledge his authority. The country produces in
abundance all the necessaries of life, as also great quantities of
those valuable productions which form its commerce. It is interspersed
by many mountains, rivers, and woods, to all of which nature has
bestowed her treasures with a bountiful hand. There are gold-mines in
some parts of the country, and for some years the government caused
the mountains of _Parang_ to be wrought, in hopes of reaping profit;
but, after expending a million, the marcasites were found not to
be fully ripened.[3] Those who directed this enterprise were much
censured, and the works have been long discontinued. Some are
thoroughly satisfied that the natives find considerable quantities
of gold in several places, which they carefully conceal from the
knowledge of the Dutch. During the last war in Java, which continued
from 1716 to 1721, the inhabitants of some parts of the country were
so often plundered that they were reduced to absolute beggary; yet,
after a year's peace, they were observed to have grown excessively
rich, having plenty of gold, both in dust and ingots.

[Footnote 2: There is some strange error here, which we do not presume
to correct or explain. In the former section, the king of _Japara_ is
said to reside chiefly at _Kattasura_, which in the present instance
is said to be the residence of the emperor. In an after division of
this collection, more ample and distinct accounts will be found of
this rich island, now subject to Britain.--E.]

[Footnote 3: In plain English, the mineral, or ore, was so poor as not
to defray the expence of extracting the metal.--E.]

The mountains of Java are very high, so that many of them can be seen
at the distance of thirty or forty leagues. That which is called the
_Blue Mountain_ is by far the highest, being seen from the greatest
distance at sea. Java is subject to frequent and terrible earthquakes,
which the inhabitants believe are caused by the mountain of Parang,
which is full of sulphur, salt-petre, and bitumen, which take fire by
their intestine commotions, causing a prodigious struggle within the
bowels of the earth, whence proceeds the earthquake; and they assert
that it is common, after an earthquake, to see a vast cloud of smoke
hanging over the top of that mountain. About thirty years before
Roggewein was in Batavia, Mynheer Ribeck, then governor-general, went
with many attendants to the top of this mountain, where he perceived
a large cavity, into which he caused a man to be let down, to examine
the inside. On his return, this man reported that the mountain was
all hollow within, that he heard a most frightful noise of torrents of
water on every side, that he here and there saw flames bursting out,
so that he was afraid of going far, from apprehension of either being
stifled by the noxious vapours, or falling into one of the chasms. The
waters in the neighbourhood of this mountain are unwholesome, and even
those in the neighbourhood of Batavia are impregnated with sulphur,
those who drink much of them being liable to several disorders,
particularly the dysentery. But when boiled, their water is entirely
freed from the sulphur, and does no manner of harm, though drank
copiously.

The fruits and plants of Java are excellent and numberless. Among
these the cocoa-nut tree is by far the most valuable, as besides
its fruit already described, the bark makes a kind of hemp which is
manufactured into good ropes and cables; the timber serves to build
houses and ships, and the leaves serve to cover the former. It is said
that the father of a family in this country causes a cocoa-nut tree
to be planted at the birth of each of his children, by which each may
always know his own age, as this tree has a circle rising yearly on
its stem, so that its age may be known by counting these circles: and
when any one asks a father the ages of his children, he sends them to
look at his cocoa trees.

There are numerous woods or forests in different parts of the
island, in which are abundance of wild beasts, as buffaloes, tigers,
rhinoceroses, and wild horses. These also abound in serpents, some
of which are of prodigious size. Crocodiles are numerous and large in
this island, being mostly found about the mouths of the rivers; and,
being amphibious animals, delight much in marshes and savannahs. Like
the tortoise, this creature deposits its eggs in the hot sands,
taking no farther care of them, and the sun hatches them in the proper
season, when they immediately betake themselves to the water. A short
time before the arrival of Roggewein at Batavia, a crocodile was
taken in the mouth of the river to the east of the city, upwards of
thirty-three feet long, and proportionally large. They have fowls of
all kinds, and exquisitely good; particularly peacocks, partridges,
pheasants, and wood-pigeons. The Indian bat is a great curiosity,
differing little in form from ours, but its extended wings measure a
full yard, and its body is as large as a rat.

There are great numbers of excellent fish of different sorts to be had
in the adjoining sea, and so plentiful and cheap that as much may be
bought for three-pence as will dine six or seven men. Tortoises or
sea-turtle also are abundant, their flesh resembling veal, and there
are many persons who think it much better. The flat country round
Batavia abounds in all kinds of provisions; and to prevent all danger
of scarcity, vessels belonging to the Company are continually employed
in bringing provisions, spiceries, and all other necessaries, from the
most distant parts of the island, together with indigo, rice, pepper,
cardamoms, coffee, and the like. In the magazines and store-houses,
there are always vast quantities of rich and valuable commodities, not
of Java only, but of all parts of India, ready to be transported to
other parts of the Company's dominions, in the ships which return
annually to Holland.

The homeward-bound ships sail five times every year from Batavia. The
first fleet sails in July, generally consisting of four or five sail,
which touch on their way at the island of Ceylon. The second, of six
or seven vessels, sails in September. The third usually consists
of from sixteen to twenty ships, and leaves Batavia in October. The
fourth, of four or five vessels, sails in January. And the fifth,
being only a single ship, generally sails in March, but not till the
arrival of the fleet from China which brings the tea, of which the
principal part of the cargo of this ship consists, wherefore it is
usually called the _tea-ship_: The common people call it also the
_book-ship_ as it carries home the current account of the whole year,
by which the Company is enabled to judge of the state of its trade
in India. It is to be observed that these ships, laden with the rich
commodities of many countries, all sail from this single port of
Batavia; the ships from Mokha which carry coffee, being the only
vessels in the service of the Dutch East India Company that are
allowed to proceed directly home without going to Batavia.



SECTION IX.

_Description of Ceylon._

The next best government belonging to the Dutch East India Company,
after Batavia, is that of the island of Ceylon. The governor of this
island is generally a member of the council of the Indies, and has
a council appointed to assist him, framed after the model of that in
Batavia, only that the members are not quite such great men. Though
the governor of Ceylon be dependent upon the Council of the Indies at
Batavia, he is at liberty to write directly to the directors of
the Company in Holland, without asking permission from the
governor-general, or being obliged to give any account of his conduct
in so doing. This singular privilege has had bad effects, having even
tempted some governors of Ceylon to endeavour to withdraw themselves
from their obedience to the Company, in order to become absolute
sovereigns of the island. There have been many examples of this kind,
but it may be sufficient to mention the two last, owing to the
tyranny of two successive governors, Vuist and Versluys, which made a
considerable noise in Europe.

When Mr Rumpf left the government of Ceylon, his immediate successor,
Mr Vuist, began to act the tyrant towards all who were not so
fortunate as to be in his good graces, persecuting both Europeans and
natives. Having from the beginning formed the project of rendering
himself an independent sovereign, he pursued his plan steadily, by
such methods as seemed best calculated to insure success. He thought
it necessary in the first place to rid himself of the richest persons
in the island, and of all having the reputation of wisdom, experience,
and penetration. In order to save appearances, and to play the
villain with an air of justice, he thought it necessary to trump up a
pretended plot, and caused informations to be preferred against such
persons as he intended to ruin, charging them with having entered into
a conspiracy to betray the principal fortresses of the island into the
hands of some foreign power. This scheme secured him in two ways, as
it seemed to manifest his great zeal for the interest of the Company,
and enabled him to convict those he hated of high treason, and to
deprive them at once of life and fortune. To manage this the more
easily, he contrived to change the members of his council, into
which he brought creatures of his own, on whose acquiescence in his
iniquities he could depend upon. The confiscations of the estates and
effects of a number of innocent persons whom he had murdered by these
false judicial proceedings, gave him the means of obliging many, and
gained him numerous dependants.

Vuist was born in India of Dutch parents, and had a strong natural
capacity which had been improved by assiduous application to his
studies. His dark brow, and morose air, shewed the cruelty of his
disposition: Yet he loved and protected the Indians, either from a
natural disposition, or because he deemed them fit instruments to
forward his designs. In order to gain the natives in his interest, he
preferred them to many vacant offices under his government, in direct
opposition to repeated instructions from the Company, to bestow the
principal offices on Dutchmen or other Europeans. After carrying on
his designs with much dexterity, and having acquired by gifts a vast
number of dependants, ready to support his purposes, some of the
faithful servants of the Company sent such clear and distinct
information of his proceedings to Holland, as sufficiently evinced his
real intentions, in spite of all his arts to conceal them. At length
the Company sent out Mr Versluys to supersede him in the government
of Ceylon, with orders to send him prisoner to Batavia. As soon as he
arrived there, abundance of informations were preferred against him,
for a variety of crimes both of a private and public nature, into
all of which the council of justice made strict inquisition, and were
furnished with abundant proofs of his guilt. In the end, he freely
confessed that he had caused nineteen innocent persons to be put to
death, having put them all to the torture, extorting from all of them
confessions of crimes which they had never even dreamt of committing.
He was accordingly sentenced to be broken alive on the wheel, his body
to be quartered, and his quarters burnt to ashes and thrown into the
sea.

Such was the deserved end of the traitor and tyrant Vuist; yet
Versluys, who was sent expressly to amend what the other had done
amiss, and to make the people forget the excesses of his predecessor
by a mild and gentle administration, acted perhaps even worse than
Vuist. Versluys was by no means of a cruel disposition, wherefore,
strictly speaking, he shed no blood, yet acted as despotically and
tyrannically as the other, though with more subtilty and under a
fairer appearance. His great point was not the absolute possession of
the country, but to possess himself of all that it contained of value.
For this purpose, immediately on getting possession of the government,
he raised the price of rice, the bread of the country, to so
extravagant a height that the people in a short time were unable
to purchase it, and were soon reduced to beggary and a starving
condition. Their humble representations of the great and general
misery which reigned among all ranks of people throughout the island
made no impression on his avaricious disposition; but all things went
on from bad to worse, till an account of his nefarious conduct was
transmitted to Holland. When informed of the distressed situation of
the inhabitants of Ceylon, the States-general sent out Mr Doembourgh
as governor, with orders to repair all past errors, and to treat the
natives with all possible tenderness and indulgence. On his arrival,
Versluys, after beggaring the whole nation, took it into his head that
they would defend him against his masters, and absolutely refused to
resign the government; and had even the insolency to fire upon
the Company's ships as they lay at anchor in the road of Columbo.
Doembourgh, however, immediately landed, and his authority was readily
recognised by all the Company's servants, and submitted to by the
people. He caused Versluys to be immediately arrested and sent to
Batavia, where a long criminal process was instituted against him, but
which was not concluded when our author left India.

Of all the Asiatic islands, Ceylon is perhaps the fairest and most
fertile. It lies to the S.E. of the peninsula of India on this side of
the Ganges, between the latitudes of 5° 30' and 9° N. and between
the longitudes of 79° 45' and 82° 12' E. so that it extends 70 marine
leagues from N. to S. and 49 leagues from E. to W. It is so fertile
and delicious, that many have believed it to have been the seat of the
terrestrial paradise; and the natives certainly believe this, for they
pretend to shew the tomb of Adam, and the print of his foot on the
mountain named the Peak of Adam,[1] one of the highest mountains
in the world. On another mountain there is a salt-lake, which the
inhabitants affirm was filled by the tears shed by Eve, while she wept
incessantly an hundred years for the death of Abel.

[Footnote 1: This gross absurdity is not worth contesting; but the
fact is, that the real natives, the idolaters of the interior, refer
both the tomb and the footmark to their false god, or lawgiver,
Bodh.--E.]

The principal places in Ceylon are Jafnapatam, Trinkamaly, Baracola,
Punta de Galla, Columbo, Negombo, Sitavaca, and Candy. The Dutch East
India Company are possessed of all the coasts of the island, and ten
or twelve leagues within the land, and most of the before-mentioned
towns, except the two last. While the Portuguese had possession, they
built abundance of forts for their security, so that the Dutch found
it a difficult matter to dislodge them; but having contracted a secret
treaty with the king of Candy, the Portuguese were attacked on all
sides, by sea and land, and were driven by degrees out of all their
possessions. Since then, the Dutch have taken much pains to cultivate
a good understanding with that native sovereign, from whom they have
obtained almost every thing they demanded. They send every year an
ambassador to him with various presents; in return for which his
Candian majesty sends to the company a casket of jewels, of such value
that the ship which carries it home is reckoned to be worth half the
fleet.

Punta de Galle and Columbo are the two principal places in the
island, the latter being the residence of the governor, and the other,
properly speaking, is only the port of that city. Though extremely
hot, the air of Ceylon is reckoned healthy, and the country abounds
with excellent fruits of many kinds. The sea and the rivers afford
plenty of various kinds of fish. There are also on the land great
abundance of fowls, both wild and tame, and many wild animals,
particularly elephants that are larger than any other country in Asia,
also tygers, bears, civet cats, monkeys, and others. _Cinnamon_ is the
production for which this island is peculiarly famous, as that which
is procured here is estimated far superior to any other. The Dutch
East India Company have the entire monopoly not only of this, but of
all the other spices, with which they supply all parts of the world.
Cinnamon is the inner bark of a tree resembling the orange, the
flowers of which very much resemble those of the laurel both in size
and figure. There are three sorts of cinnamon. The finest is taken
from young trees; a coarser sort from the old ones; and the third is
the _wild cinnamon_, or cassia, which grows not only in Ceylon, but
in Malabar and China, and of late years in Brazil. The company also
derives great profit from an essential oil drawn from cinnamon, which
sells at a high price; and it also makes considerable gain by the
precious stones found in this island, being rubies, white and blue
sapphires, topazes, and others.

Off the coast of this island, at Manaar and Tutecorin, there is a fine
pearl fishery, which brings in a large revenue, being let twice a-year
in farm to certain black merchants. The oysters are at the bottom of
the sea, and the fishery is only carried on in fine weather, when the
sea is perfectly calm. The diver has one end of a rope fastened round
his body below the arm-pits, the other end being tied to the boat,
having a large stone tied to his feet, that he may descend the
quicker, and a bag tied round his waist to receive the oysters. As
soon as he gets to the bottom of the sea, he takes up as many oysters
as are within his reach, putting them as fast as possible into the
bag; and in order to ascend, pulls strongly at a cord, different from
that which is round his body, as a signal for those in the boat to
haul him up as fast as they can, while he endeavours so shake loose
the stone at his feet. When the boats are filled with oysters, the
black merchants carry them to different places on the coast, selling
them at so much the hundred; which trade is hazardous for the
purchasers, who sometimes find pearls of great value, and sometimes
none at all, or those only of small value.

The inhabitants of Ceylon are called _Cingolesians_, or Cingalese, who
are mostly very tall, of a very dark complexion, with very large ears,
owing to the numerous large and heavy ornaments they wear in them.
They are men of great courage, and live in a hardy manner, and
are therefore excellent soldiers. They are, for the most part,
Mahomedans,[2] though there are many idolaters among them who worship
cows and calves. The inhabitants of the interior do not greatly
respect the Dutch, whom they term their _coast-keepers_, in derision;
but the Dutch care little about this, endeavouring to keep in good
correspondence with the king of Candy, whose dominions are separated
from theirs by a large rapid river, and by impenetrable forests. The
Ceylonese are remarkable for their great skill in taming elephants,
which they employ as beasts of burden in time of peace, and render
serviceable against their enemies in war.

[Footnote 2: The author has probably confounded the original natives
of Ceylon, who are idolaters, with the Malays, who are Mahomedans, and
of whom a considerable number are settled on the coast country.--E.]



SECTION X.

_Some Account of the Governments of Amboina, Banda, Macasser, the
Moluccas, Mallacca, and the Cape of Good Hope._

The third government under the East India Company is that of Amboina,
one of the Molucca islands, which was formerly the seat of the
governor-general till the building of Batavia, when it was transferred
there on account of its advantageous situation, in the centre of the
company's trade and settlements, while Amboina lay too far to the
east. The island of Java also is vastly more fertile than Amboina,
producing all the necessaries of life in abundance, so that it has
no dependence for provisions on any other country, while they had
provisions to search for in all other places, at the time when the
government was established at Amboina. This island is one of the
largest of the Moluccas, being situated in the _Archipelago of St
Lazarus_, in lat. 3 40' S. and long. 128° 30' E. 21° 30' or 430 marine
leagues east from Batavia. It was conquered in 1519 by the Portuguese,
who built a fort there to keep the inhabitants under subjection, and
to facilitate the conquest of all the adjacent islands. This fort was
taken by the Dutch in 1605, but they did not entirely reduce the whole
island of Amboina and the neighbouring islands till 1627, by which
conquest they acquired entire possession of the clove trade, whence
these islands are termed the _gold-mine_ of the company, owing to the
vast profit they draw from them, and it is so far superior to
other gold-mines, that there is no fear of these islands being ever
exhausted of that commodity. A pound weight of cloves or nutmegs, for
the company has the entire monopoly of both, does not in fact cost the
company much more than a half-penny, and every one knows at what rate
the spices are sold in Europe. Amboina is the centre of all this rich
commerce; and to keep it more effectually in the hands of the company,
all the clove-trees in the other islands are grubbed up and destroyed;
and sometimes, when the harvest is very large at Amboina, a part even
of its superfluous produce is burnt.

This valuable spice grows only in Amboina and the other five Molucca
islands, and in the islands of Meao, Cinomo, Cabel, and Marigoran. The
Indians call cloves _calafoor_, while the inhabitants of the Moluccas
call them _chinke_. The clove-tree is much like the laurel, but its
leaves are narrower, resembling those of the almond and willow. Even
the wood and leaves taste almost as strong as the cloves themselves.
These trees bear a great quantity of branches and flowers, and each
flower produces a single clove. The flowers are at first white, then
green, and at last grow red and pretty hard, and are properly the
cloves. While green, their smell is sweet and comfortable, beyond all
other flowers. When ripe, the cloves are of a yellow colour, but
after being gathered and dried, they assume a smoky and black hue. In
gathering, they tie a rope round each bough, and strip off the whole
of its produce by force, which violence injures the tree for the next
year, but it bears more than ever in the following season. Others beat
the trees with long poles, as we do walnut-trees, when the cloves fall
down on cloths spread on the ground to receive them. The trees
bear more fruit than leaves, the fruit hanging from the trees like
cherries. Such cloves as are sold in the Indies are delivered just as
procured from the trees, mixed with their stalks, and with dust and
dirt; but such as are to be transported to Holland are carefully
cleaned and freed from the stalks. If left ungathered on the tree,
they grow large and thick, and are then termed _mother-cloves_, which
the Javanese value more than the others, but the Dutch prefer the
ordinary cloves.

No care is ever taken in propagating or planting clove-trees, as the
cloves which fall to the ground produce them in abundance, and the
rains make them grow so fast that they give fruit in eight years,
continuing to bear for more than an hundred years after. Some are of
opinion that the clove-tree does not thrive close to the sea, nor when
too far removed; but seamen who have been on the island assert that
they are found everywhere, on the mountains, in the vallies, and
quite near the sea. They ripen from the latter end of August to the
beginning of January. Nothing whatever grows below or near these
trees, neither grass, herb, or weed, as their heat draws all the
moisture and nourishment of the soil to themselves. Such is the hot
nature of cloves, that when a sackful of them is laid over a vessel
of water, some of the water is very soon wasted, but the cloves are no
way injured. When a pitcher of water is left in a room in which cloves
are cleaned, all the water is consumed in two days, although even the
cloves have been removed. Cloves are preserved in sugar, forming an
extraordinary good confection. They are also pickled. Many Indian
women chew cloves to give them a sweet breath. A very sweet-smelling
water is distilled from green cloves, which is excellent for
strengthening the eyes, by putting a drop or two into the eyes. Powder
of cloves laid upon the head cures the headache; and used inwardly,
increases urine, helps digestion, and is good against a diarrhoea, and
drank in milk, procures sleep.

A few days after the cloves are gathered, they are collected together
and dried before the fire in bundles, by which operation they lose
their natural beautiful red colour, changing into a deep purple or
black. This is perhaps partly owing to their being sprinkled with
water, which is said to be necessary for preventing worms from getting
into them. Those persons who are sent for this commodity in the
company's ships, practise a fraud of this nature, in order to conceal
their thefts: For, having abstracted a certain quantity or proportion
from the cloves received on board, they place two or three hogsheads
of sea-water among those remaining, which is all sucked up in a few
days by the cloves, which that recover their former weight. By this
contrivance, the captain and merchant or supercargo agreeing
together, find a way to cheat the company out of part of this valuable
commodity. Yet this fraud, though easy and expeditious, is extremely
dangerous as when detected it is invariably punished with death,
and the company never want spies. Owing to this, cloves are commonly
enough called galgen kruid, or gallows-spice, as frequently bringing
men to an ill end.

The king of Amboina has a pension from the company, and a guard of
European soldiers, maintained at its expence. The inhabitants of the
island are of middle stature, and of black complexions, being all
extremely lazy and given to thieving; yet some of them are very
ingenious, and have a singular art of working up the cloves while
green into a variety of curious toys, as small ships or houses,
crowns, and such like, which are annually sent to Europe as presents,
and are much esteemed. Those of the Amboinese who acknowledge the
authority of the king are Mahomedans, but there are many idolaters who
live in the mountains, and maintain their independence, considering
themselves as free men, but the king and the Hollanders reckon them
savages; and as they are guilty of frequent robberies and murders,
they are always reduced to slavery when caught, and are treated with
the utmost rigour, and employed in the hardest labour. On this
account a most excessive hatred subsists between them and the other
inhabitants of the island, with whom they are perpetually at war,
and to whom they hardly ever give quarter. Their arms are bucklers;
swords, and javelins or pikes.

The garrison kept in the fort of Amboina is numerous, and constantly
maintained in excellent order, being composed of the best troops in
the company's service. The fort is so strong, both by nature and
art, as to be reckoned impregnable, and so effectually commands the
harbour, that no vessel can possibly go in or out without being sunk
by its cannon. Although the rich commerce in cloves might make a
sufficient return to the company for the charges of this island, yet
of late years coffee has been ordered to be cultivated here, and
is likely to turn out to advantage. While this island was under
the government of Mr Barnard, it was discovered that considerable
quantities of gold-dust were washed down by the torrents in some parts
of the mountains, and by tracing up the auriferous streams to their
sources, the mine has at last been found. Amboina also produces a red
kind of wood, which is both beautiful and durable, and is naturally
embellished in its grain with abundance of curious figures. Of this
wood they make tables, cabinets, writing-desks, and other beautiful
pieces of furniture, which are sent as presents to the principal
persons in the government, the rest being sold at extravagant prices
all over India.

The fourth government under the company is _Banda_, an island about
fifty leagues from Amboina towards the east, and to the southward
of the Moluccas. The governor, who is generally an eminent merchant,
resides at _Nera_, the capital of the country, and has several other
neighbouring islands under his jurisdiction, in the government of
all which he is assisted by a council, as at Amboina. In some
representations sent home, and published by the company, this island
is set forth as being very expensive to the company, and so thinly
inhabited as to take off very little goods, while it is so barren as
to require large supplies of provisions. All this is pure artifice;
for, though Banda is a very small island in comparison with Amboina,
being only about twelve leagues in circumference, it certainly affords
as great profits, which arise from the important commerce in nutmegs,
which grow here in such prodigious quantities as to enable the Dutch
company to supply all the markets in Europe.

This admirable and much-valued fruit grows in no other part of the
world except Banda and a few other small islands in its neighbourhood,
named Orattan, Guimanasa, Wayer, Pulo-wai, and Pulo-rion. The
nutmeg-tree is much like a peach-tree, but the leaves are shorter and
rounder. The fruit is at first covered by two skins or shells, the
outer one being tough and as thick as one's finger, which falls off
when the fruit ripens. This outer rind when candied has a fine taste
and flavour. When this falls off, the next is a fine smooth skin or
peel, which is the mace, or flower of the nutmeg; and below this is a
harder and blackish shell, much like that of a walnut; and on opening
this shell, the nutmeg is found within, being the kernel. The mace is
at first of a fine scarlet colour; but, when ripe, it falls off the
shell, and is then of an orange colour, as it comes to Europe. They
preserve whole nutmegs in sugar, which make the best sweetmeat in
India. The Bandanese call nutmegs _palla_, and mace _buaa-palla_.
There are two sorts of nutmegs; the one being of a long shape, called
males, and the other round and reddish, called females, which latter
have better taste and flavour than the other. When gathered and the
mace carefully preserved, the shells are removed and the nutmegs
dried, being first thrown among quicklime, as otherwise worms would
breed in and destroy them.

There are several islands in the neighbourhood of Banda in which the
nutmeg-trees grow, but these are carefully destroyed every year, which
at first sight may seem extraordinary, as, if once destroyed, one
would imagine they would never grow again. But they are annually
carried by birds to these islands. Some persons allege that the birds
disgorge them undigested, while others assert that they pass through
in the ordinary manner, still retaining their vegetative power. This
bird resembles a cuckoo, and is called the nutmeg-gardener by the
Dutch, who prohibit their subjects from killing any of them on pain
of death. The nutmeg is a sovereign remedy for strengthening the
brain and memory, for warming the stomach, sweetening the breath,
and promoting urine; it is also good against flatulence, diarrhoea,
head-ach, pain of the stomach, heat of the liver, and amenorrhoea.
Oil of nutmegs is a powerful cordial. Mace is an effectual remedy
for weakness of the stomach, helps digestion, expels bad humours,
and cures flatulence. A plaister of mace and nutmegs in powder,
and diluted with rose-water, greatly strengthens the stomach. Being
peculiar to Banda, merchants from Java, Malucca, China, and all parts
of the Indies, come to Nera and the other towns of Banda to purchase
mace and nutmegs; and immediately on their arrival, they all purchase
wives to keep house for them and dress their victuals during their
stay, which is usually two or three months, and when they go away
again, they give liberty to these temporary wives to go where they
please.

The island of Banda is very hilly, yet fertile, the government
among the natives being a kind of commonwealth, administered by the
Mahomedan priests, who are very strict and severe. The population
of the whole island may be about 12,000 persons of all ages, of whom
about 4000 are fighting men. It is so well fortified as to be deemed
impregnable, yet there is always a numerous squadron of small vessels
on the coast for farther security. The garrison is numerous, but in
a worse condition than those of any other garrison, belonging to the
company, owing to the scarcity of victuals, as the island is of a
barren sandy soil,[1] wherefore the soldiers eat dogs, cats, and
any other animal they can find. For six months of the year they have
tolerable abundance of turtle or sea-tortoises, and after this they
are glad to get a little sorry fish, now and then. Their bread is made
from the juice of a tree, which resembles the grounds of beer when
first drawn, but grows as hard as a stone when dried: Yet, when put
into water, it swells and ferments, and so becomes fit to eat, at
least in this country, where nothing else is to be had.[2] Butter,
rice, dried fish, and other provisions, are all imported from Batavia,
and are much too dear to be purchased by the soldiers, at least in any
great plenty. Thus the inhabitants are none of the happiest; but, to
do them justice, they live fully as well as they deserve, as there is
not an honest man on the island.

[Footnote 1: This is contradictory, having been before described as
hilly, yet fertile.--E.]

[Footnote 2: This account of the matter is not easily understood, and
seems to want confirmation. Perhaps it is an ignorant or perverted
report of sago: Yet there may possibly be some tree or plant affording
a considerable quantity of fecula or starch by expression.--E.]

According to the Dutch, the original natives of this island were so
cruel, perfidious and intractable, that they were forced to root them
out in a great measure for their own security, and to send a Dutch
colony to occupy the island: But such a colony as has not much mended
the matter, being entirely composed of a rascally good-for-nothing
people, who were either content to come, or were sentenced to be sent
here, almost to starve, not being able to live elsewhere. Their misery
at this place does not continue long, as they are usually soon carried
off by the dry gripes or twisting of the guts, which is the endemic,
or peculiar disease of the country. Hence, and because wild young
fellows are sometimes sent here by their relations, the Dutch at
Batavia usually call this _Verbeetering Island_, or the Island of
Correction.

Macasser, or the island of Celebes, is considered as the fourth best
government after Batavia. This island lies between Borneo and the
Moluccas, 260 leagues or 13° E. from Batavia. It is a singularly
irregular island, consisting in a manner of four long peninsular
processes, two projecting eastwards, and two towards the south,
reaching from lat. 1° 30' N. to 5° 45' S. and from long. 119° to 125°
20', both E. It is called, and with great reason, the key of the spice
islands, and the form of its government is much the same as in the
other islands, consisting of a governor and council. Since the Dutch
conquered these islands from the Portuguese, they have carefully
fortified the sea-coast, and have always a very numerous garrison
in the fort of Macasser, where the governor resides; which is
particularly necessary, as the island is very populous, and the
natives are beyond comparison the bravest and best soldiers in India.
This nation long gave inexpressible trouble to the Dutch, but was at
length, subdued, and stands now in as much awe of the company as any
other nation: But, till very lately, the expences of the troops at
this place were so large, that the company derived very little gain
from the conquest, although the slave-trade here is very profitable.

Before the last Macasser war, which ended in the entire subjugation of
the prince of this country, he was able to procure great quantities
of mace, nutmegs, and cloves, which he sold to the English and other
nations, at much more reasonable rates than they could procure them
from the Dutch. For which reason the Dutch were at great pains and
expence to reduce this island to entire subjection, that it might
become the bulwark of the Moluccas, and secure their monopoly of the
spice-trade: But, for similar reasons, the other European powers ought
to have supported the king of Macasser in his independence. The
island of Celebes is very fertile, and produces abundance of rice, and
articles of great value in the Indies. The inhabitants are of middle
stature, and have yellow complexions, with good features, and are of
brisk and active dispositions: But are naturally thieves, traitors,
and murderers to such a degree, that it is not safe for an European to
venture beyond the walls of the fort after dark, or to travel at any
time far into the country, lest he be robbed and murdered. Yet many of
the natives live under the protection of the Dutch forts, being
free burgesses, who carry on considerable trade. There are also a
considerable number of Chinese residents, who sail from hence in
vessels of their own to all parts of the company's dominions, and who
acquire immense wealth by means of extensive commerce.

The inland country is under the dominion of three different princes,
who, fortunately for the Dutch, are in continual opposition to each
other; for, if united, they might easily drive the Dutch from the
island. One of these princes is styled the _Company's King_, as
he lives in good correspondence with the Dutch, and promotes their
interest as far as he can. On this account the Dutch make him presents
of considerable value from time to time, such as gold chains, golden
coronets set with precious stones, and the like, in order to keep him
steady in his allegiance, and to prevent him from uniting with the
other two princes of the island. Some little time before the arrival
of Roggewein at Batavia, a rich gold-mine was discovered in Celebes,
to which a director and a great number of workmen were sent from
Batavia; but how far this has been attended with success, our author
was unable to say.

_Ternate_ is the fifth government at the disposal of the company, and
the farthest east of all belonging to the Dutch dominions in India, so
that it is a kind of frontier. The governor is always a merchant, and
has a council, like all the others already mentioned. This is one of
the largest of the Molucca islands, and the king of Ternate is the
most valuable of all the allies of the company; as, although his
island would abound in cloves, he causes them to be rooted out
annually, for which the company allows him a pension of eighteen
or twenty thousand rix dollars yearly. He has likewise a numerous
life-guard, with a very strong fort well garrisoned, all at the
expence of the company. The kings of Tidore and Bachian are his
tributaries. Ternate is very fertile, and abounds in all sorts of
provisions, and in every thing that can contribute to the ease and
happiness of life, yet its commerce is of no great importance, hardly
amounting to as much as is necessary to defray the charges of the
government. It was at this time, however, expected to turn out to
better account, as a rich gold-mine had been recently discovered. The
natives are a middle-sized people, strong and active, more faithful
than their neighbours, and better affected towards the Europeans. In
religion they are mostly Mahometans or Pagans; but of late many of
them had become Christians, chiefly occasioned by their king having
declared himself of that religion, a point of great consequence
towards the conversion of the people. The inhabitants of Ternate
make a species of palm wine, called _Seggeweer_, which is excessively
strong. There are here many most beautiful birds, having feathers
of all sorts of colours, charmingly diversified, which are sent to
Batavia, where they are sold at high prices on account of their beauty
and docility, as they may be taught to sing finely, and to imitate the
human voice. Many Birds-of-Paradise are also brought from this island.
There are several sorts of these birds. The most common kind is
yellow, having small bodies, about eight inches long exclusive of the
tail, which is half a yard long, and sometimes more. The second kind
is red, the third blue, and the fourth black. These last are the
most beautiful and most in request, being called the King of the
Birds-of-Paradise. This kind has a crown or tuft of feathers on the
top of its head, which lies flat or is raised up at pleasure. In this
they resemble the _cadocus_ or cockatoo, a bird entirely white, with a
yellow crown on its head.

The sixth government is Malacca, which city is the capital of a
small kingdom of the same name, inhabited by Malayans or Malays. The
governor here is a merchant, and is assisted by a council like all the
others. This kingdom of Malacca is the south part of the peninsula of
India beyond the Ganges, being divided from the island of Sumatra by
a strait, named the strait of Malacca. This city is of considerable
size, and carries on an extensive commerce, for which it is admirably
situated, and is the storehouse or emporium of all that part of India.
It is also the rendezvous of all the homeward-bound ships from Japan,
which make at this place a distribution of their merchandise into
various assortments, which are sent from hence to all the settlements
of the company in India. It is however subject to the great
inconvenience of scarcity of provisions, having nothing of that kind
except various sorts of fish. The princes of the adjacent countries
and their subjects are all notorious pirates, and give much
disturbance to the trade of India; but are particularly inimical to
the Dutch company, and omit no opportunity of doing all the evil
in their power to its subjects. These people suffered formerly some
severe reverses from the Portuguese, who were formerly established
here, and since from their successors the Dutch, which has gradually
reduced their power, so that they are now much less able to carry
on their depredations. The natives of Malacca are of a very dark
complexion, but brisk and active, and greatly addicted to thieving.
Some are idolaters but they are mostly Mahometans.

When the Portuguese were masters of Malacca, they had no less than
three churches and a chapel within the fortress, and one on the
outside. That which is now used for worship by the Dutch stands
conspicuously on the top of a hill, and may be seen for a great
distance up or down the straits. It has a flag-staff on the top of its
steeple, where a flag is always displayed on seeing a ship. The fort
is large and strong. A third part of its walls is washed by the sea:
A deep, narrow, and rapid river covers its western side; and all the
rest is secured by a broad, deep ditch. The governor's house is both
beautiful and convenient, and there are several other good houses,
both in the fort and the town. But, owing to the shallowness of the
sea at this place, ships are obliged to ride above a league off,
which is a great inconvenience, as the fort is of no use to defend the
roads. The straits here are not above four leagues broad, and though
the opposite coast of Sumatra is very low, it may easily be seen in
a clear day: Hence the sea here is always quite smooth, except
in squalls of wind, which are generally accompanied with thunder,
lightning, and rain. These squalls, though violent, seldom last more
than an hour.

The country of Malacca produces nothing for exportation, except a
little tin and elephants teeth; but has several excellent fruits and
roots for the use of its inhabitants, and the refreshment of strangers
who navigate this way. The pine-apples of Malacca are esteemed the
best in the world, as they never offend the stomach; while those of
other places, if eaten in the smallest excess, are apt to occasion
surfeits. The _mangostein_ is a delicious fruit, almost in the shape
of an apple. Its skin is thick and red, and when dried is an excellent
astringent. The kernels, if they may be so called, are like cloves of
garlic, of a most agreeable taste, but very cold. The _rambostan_ is
a fruit about the size of a walnut, with a tough skin beset with
capillaments,[3] and the pulp within is very savoury.

[Footnote 3: This uncommon word is explained by Johnson, as "small
threads or hairs growing in the middle of flowers, adorned with little
knobs."--Here it may be supposed to mean that the fruit is hairy.--E.]

There is a high mountain to the N.E. of Malacca, whence several rivers
descend, that of Malacca being one of them, and all these have small
quantities of gold in their channels. The inland inhabitants, called
_Monacaboes_, are a barbarous and savage people, whose chief delight
is in doing injury to their neighbours. On this account, the peasantry
about Malacca sow no grain, except in inclosures defended by thickset
prickly hedges or deep ditches: For, when the grain is ripe in the
open plains, the Monacaboes never fail to set it on fire. These inland
natives are much whiter than the Malays of the lower country; and the
king of Johor, whose subjects they are or ought to be, has never been
able to civilize them.

When the Dutch finally attempted to conquer Malacca from the
Portuguese, in alliance with the king of Johor, and besieged it both
by sea and land, they found it too strong to be reduced by force, and
thought it would be tedious to reduce it by famine. Hearing that the
Portuguese governor was a sordid, avaricious wretch, much hated by the
garrison, they tampered with him by letters, offering him mountains of
gold to betray his trust, and at length struck a bargain with him for
80,000 dollars, and to convey him to Batavia. Having in consequence of
his treachery got into the fort, where they gave no quarter to any one
found in arms, they dispatched the governor himself, to save payment
of the promised bribe.

The seventh government bestowed by the company is that of the Cape of
Good Hope. The governor here is always one of the counsellors of the
Indies, and has a council to assist him. This colony was taken from
the Portuguese by the Dutch in 1653, and is justly esteemed one of the
most important places in the hands of the company, though the profits
derived from it are not comparable to what they derive from some of
the islands in the East Indies. Formerly things were still worse, as
the revenues of this settlement fell short of its expences. Yet the
company could hardly carry on the trade to India, were it not in
possession of this place, as here only the ships can meet with water
and other refreshments on the outward and homeward-bound voyages; and
these are indispensably necessary, especially for such ships as are
distressed with the scurvy. This place so abounds in all sorts of
provisions, that there never is any scarcity, notwithstanding the vast
yearly demand, and all ships putting in here are supplied at moderate
rates. These refreshments consist of beef, mutton, fowls, fruit,
vegetables, wine, and every thing, in short, that is necessary, either
for recovering the sick on shore, or recruiting the sea-stores for
the continuance of the voyage out or home. In the space of a year, at
least forty outward-bound ships touch here from Holland alone, and
in these there cannot be less than eight or nine thousand people. The
homeward-bound Dutch ships are not less than thirty-six yearly, in
which there are about three thousand persons; not to mention
foreign vessels, which likewise put in here, and have all kinds of
refreshments furnished to them at reasonable rates. There are almost
always some ships in this road, except in the months of May, June, and
July, when the wind usually blows with great violence at N.W. and then
the road is very dangerous.



SECTION XI.

_Account of the Directories of Coromandel, Surat, Bengal, and Persia._

Having now given a short view of the governments in the disposal of
the Dutch East-India Company, which are a kind of principalities, as
each governor, with the advice and assistance of his council, is a
kind of sovereign, and acts without controul through the whole extent
of his jurisdiction, we are now to consider the other establishments
of the company in India, for carrying on this extensive trade. In all
the countries where their affairs require it, they have factories, in
each of which there is a chief, with some title or other, having also
a council to assist him in regard to matters of policy or trade. Among
these, the directories of Coromandel, Surat, Bengal, and Persia are
all of great importance, and the direction of them is attended with
great profit. The directors have the same power with the governors,
within their respective jurisdictions; only that they cannot execute
any criminal sentences within the countries in which they reside, so
that all criminals are executed on board ship, under the flag of the
company.

The directory of Coromandel is the first of the four, and has all the
forts and factories belonging to the Dutch on that coast under
his jurisdiction. Besides Negapatnam, on the southernmost point of
Coromandel, and the fort of _Gueldria_, in which the director resides,
they have factories at Guenepatnam, Sadraspatnam, Masulipatnam,
Pelicol, Datskorom, Benlispatnam, Nagernauty, and Golconda. The Dutch
director is a principal merchant, and if he discharges his office with
reputation, he is commonly in a few years promoted to be one of
the counsellors of the Indies. It is not uncommon for a governor
or director in the Indies, in the space of a few years, to amass a
fortune equal to the original capital of the company, or six millions
and a half of guilders, or nearly £600,000 sterling.

Formerly, the country of Coromandel was divided into a great number of
principalities, and the little princes and chiefs imposed such heavy
duties, and gave such interruptions to trade in other respects, as
rendered the company very uneasy. But after the war of Golconda, which
cost the company a great deal of money, yet ended to their advantage,
these princes grow more tractable. At present, the kings of Bisnagar
and Hassinga,[1] who are the most powerful in Coromandel, live in
tolerably good terms with the Dutch and other European nations; the
English and Danes having also a share in Coromandel, with several good
fortresses for the protection of their trade.

[Footnote 1: This seems to be a misprint for Narsinga, otherwise the
Carnatic.--E.]

The great trade carried on here is in cotton goods, as muslins,
chintzes, and the like; in exchange for which the Dutch bring them
spices, Japan copper, steel, gold-dust, sandal and _siampan_ woods.
In this country, the inhabitants are some Pagans, some Mahomedans, and
not a few Christians. The country is very fertile in rice, fruits,
and herbs, and in every thing necessary to the support of man; but
the weather is exceedingly hot during the eastern monsoon. All the
manufactures of this country, purchased by the Dutch, are transported
first to Batavia, whence they are sent home to Holland, and are thence
distributed through all Germany and the north of Europe.

The second and third directories are established at Hoogly on the
Ganges, and at Surat on the western coast of India, both in the
territories of the Great Mogul, and the two most important places
of trade in all Asia. The Dutch, English, French, and other European
natives trade to both, and have erected forts and magazines for their
security and convenience. The best part of the trade is carried on by
black merchants, who deal in all sorts of rich goods; such as opium,
diamonds, rich stuffs, and all kinds of cotton cloths. The empire of
the Great Mogul is of prodigious extent, and the countries under his
dominion are esteemed the richest in the world. The air is tolerably
pure, yet malignant fevers are common, generally attacking strangers
as a kind of seasoning sickness, in which, if the patient escape the
third day, he generally recovers.

Most of the inhabitants of this country are tall black robust men, of
gay and lively dispositions. In point of religion, many of them are
idolaters, more of them Mahometans,[2] and some of them Christians.
The idolaters are split into numerous sects, some of whom believe
firmly in the metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls; for which
reason they will not take away the life of any living creature, not
even daring to kill a fly or a flea. They have even hospitals for
worn-out oxen and old cows, where they are fed and attended till they
die of age or disease. These people are in general very industrious,
but covetous, false, and perfidious. They employ themselves, such as
reside in towns, in the manufactures of silk and cotton; and those
who live in the country are very diligent cultivators, so that they
annually expect from hence vast quantities of grain to Batavia.

[Footnote 2: This is an obvious mistake, as by far the greater part of
the population is idolatrous.--E.]

The Great Mogul is one of the richest and most powerful princes in the
world, having a most magnificent court, and a numerous army always
on foot. The directors at Bengal and Surat know perfectly well how
to deal with him, and, by making shewy presents, procure valuable
diamonds and other precious stones in return. Surat is a town of no
great antiquity, yet very large and immensely rich. It is in compass
about five miles within the walls, and is computed to contain about
200,000 inhabitants. The Moorish and even the Indian merchants
here are many of them prodigiously rich. The former chiefly addict
themselves to the diamond trade, which is very precarious; for
sometimes a small stock produces an immense fortune, while at other
times, a man wastes immense sums without finding stones of any great
value: For, at the diamond-mines, the adventurers purchase so many
yards square at a certain price, employing slaves to dig and lift the
earth, taking whatever stones are found in that spot; which sometimes
are of great value, and sometimes so few and small as not to pay
costs. Other Moorish merchants deal largely in foreign trade, and
as the Mogul is a very easy master, some of them acquire prodigious
wealth, and carry on commerce to such an extent as can scarce be
credited in Europe. About twenty years ago, [that is, about the year
1700,] there died a Moorish merchant at Surat, who used yearly to
fit out twenty sail of ships, from three to eight hundred tons, the
cargoes of each of which were in value from ten to twenty thousand
pounds, and who always retained goods in his warehouses equal in
value to what he sent away. The customs of Surat amount every year to
upwards of L. 160,000 sterling, and, as the merchants pay three per
cent. at a medium, the value of the goods must exceed five millions
yearly.

The fourth and last factory under a director, is that of Gambroon or
Bendar-abassi on the coast of Persia. The director here is always a
principal merchant, having a council and a fiscal to assist him. As
this city stands on the Persian gulf or sea of Basora, being the only
port of Persia on the Indian sea, and lies at a great distance from
Batavia, this direction is not so much sought after as others; and
besides, the heat at this place is greater than in any part of the
world, and the air is excessively unwholesome. To balance these
inconveniences, the director at Gambroon has an opportunity of making
a vast fortune in a short time, so that in general, in four or five
years, he has no farther occasion to concern himself in commerce.
There are several other European nations settled here besides the
Dutch, but they have by far the best factory, and have fortified it so
effectually, that the inhabitants of the neighbouring mountains, who
are a crew of bold and barbarous robbers, have never been able to gain
possession of it, though they have made frequent attempts. The king
of Persia, who reigned about 1722, came sometimes to Gambroon, and
distinguished the Dutch above the other European nations by many marks
of his favour, and by the grant of many privileges. Some time before
that period, he sent a gold saddle very richly wrought, and adorned
with precious stones, a present to the governor of Batavia, desiring
in return an European habit for himself and another for his queen.

Gambroon is a disagreeable place to live in, as in August it is
unbearably hot; and yet the winter is so cold that they wear English
cloth lined with furs. They have here beeves, sheep, goats, poultry,
and fish, all good of their kinds, and tolerably cheap. They have also
grapes, melons, and mangoes in the utmost perfection, and excellent
wine, which is esteemed superior to that of all other countries,
insomuch that it still preserves its flavour after being diluted with
four times its quantity of water. At the time when our author was in
India, intestine wars raged to such a degree in Persia, that a ship
had to be constantly stationed at Gambroon to bring off the factory,
in case of danger. Another inconvenience to the trade on this
coast proceeded from the multitude of pirates on those seas, mostly
Europeans, who, having run away with the ships of their owners,
subsisted by robbing all nations. Among these at this time was a stout
ship named the Hare, which had been sent from Batavia to Persia: But
the crew mutinied, and forced their officers to turn pirates. After
committing many depredations on this coast, they sailed to the
Red-Sea, where they attacked and plundered many Arabian pirates. At
length, being short of provisions, and not daring to put into any
port, they resolved to return; and finding themselves also in want
of water, they resolved to supply themselves at an island. With this
view, most of them crowded into the pinnace and put off from the ship,
which gave an opportunity to the officers to resume their authority;
wherefore they cut the cable, and brought the ship into the harbour
of Gambroon, by which means the ship and cargo were restored to the
Company.

In 1701, the Ballorches, who rebelled against the Shah, attempted
to make themselves masters of the English and Dutch factories at
Gambroon, with a body of four thousand men, but were beat off at both
places; but a warehouse belonging to the Dutch, at some distance from
the factory, fell into their hands, in which were goods to the value
of twenty thousand pounds. A short time afterwards, the famous rebel
_Meriweys_ made himself master of Ispahan, where he plundered both the
English and Dutch factories, taking from the former goods to the value
of half a million, and from the latter to the value of two hundred
thousand pounds.



SECTION XII.

_Account of the Commanderies of Malabar, Gallo, Java, and Bantam._

In such subordinate places as were not thought of sufficient
consequence to require a governor or director, the Dutch East India
Company has established another principal officer, with the title of
chief or commander. If the person entrusted with this authority be a
merchant, he is accountable for his conduct to the civil government,
but if a captain, to the military establishment. A chief or commander,
in conjunction with his council, has nearly the same authority with
a governor, except that he cannot execute any capital judgment on
criminals, till the case has been reviewed and confirmed by the
council at Batavia.

At the time when our author was in India, the commander at the fort of
Cochin on the Malabar coast, was Captain Julius de Golints, a native
of Mecklenburg, from whom he received great civilities. Malabar was
the first country discovered by the Portuguese in India, and in which
they established themselves, not without great effusion of blood, nor
were they many years in possession till they were driven out by the
Dutch. These conquerors, in their turn, found it very difficult to
support themselves against the natives, who attacked them with great
spirit and success, and had infallibly driven them out of the country,
but for the courage and conduct of Major John Bergman, who preserved
their establishments with much difficulty.

Though very warm, the climate of Malabar is very healthy, and the soil
is fertile in rice, fruit, and all sorts of herbs. It is divided into
many principalities, among which the following are reckoned kingdoms;
Cananore, Calicut, Cranganore, Cochin, Calicoulan, Porcaloulang, and
Travancore. As the capital of the Dutch possessions in Malabar was the
city of Cochin, it may be proper to describe this little kingdom as
at that period. It reaches from _Chitway_ in the north, and extends
twenty-four leagues to the southwards along the coast, being divided
into a multitude of small islands by the streams which descend from
the mountains of _Gatti_, [the Gauts.] These rivers have two great
or principal mouths, one at Cranganore in the north, and the other at
Cochin, in the south, distant thirty marine leagues from each other.
The Portuguese were the first European nation who settled here, where
they built a fine city on the river about three leagues from the sea;
but the sea has since so gained on the land, that it is now not above
an hundred paces from the city. This place is so pleasantly situated,
that the Portuguese had a common saying, "That China was a good place
to get money in, and Cochin a pleasant place to spend it at." The
great number of islands formed by the rivers and canals, make fishing
and fowling very amusing; and the mountains, which are at no great
distance, are well stored with wild game. On the island of _Baypin_
[Vaypen], there stands an old fort called _Pallapore_, for the purpose
of inspecting all boats that pass between Cranganore and Cochin:
And five leagues up the rivulets, there is a Romish church called
_Varapoli_ [Virapell], served by French and Italian priests, and at
which the bishop takes up his residence when he visits this part of
the country. The _padre_, or superior priest at Virapell can raise
four thousand men on occasion, all Christians of the church of Rome;
but there are many more Christians of the church of St Thomas, who do
not communicate with the Romanists.[1] About two leagues farther
up than Virapell, towards the mountains, there is a place called
_Firdalgo_,[2] on the side of a small but deep river, where the
inhabitants of Cochin annually resort in the hot months of April and
May to refresh themselves. The banks and bottom of the river here are
clean sand, and the water is so clear that a small pebble stone may be
seen at the bottom, in three fathoms water.

[Footnote 1: A very interesting account of the remnant of an ancient
Christian church in the Travancore country, a little to the southward
of Cochin, has been lately published by Dr Buchanan, in a work named
Christian Researches in India, which will be noticed more particularly
in an after division of our Collection.--E.]

[Footnote 2: Perhaps Bardello, about the distance mentioned in the
text.--E.]

All the water along this low flat coast, to the south of Cranganore,
has the very bad quality of occasioning swelled legs to those who
drink it. This disease sometimes only affects one leg, but sometimes
both, and the swelling is often so great as to measure a yard round at
the ancles. It occasions no pain, but great itching, neither does
the swelled leg feel any heavier than that which occasionally remains
unaffected. To avoid this disease, the Dutch who reside at Cochin,
send boats daily to Virapell, from which they bring water in small
casks of about ten or twelve gallons, to serve the city. This water is
given free to the servants of the Company, but private persons have to
pay six-pence for each cask-full, which is brought to their houses
at that price. Still, however, both Dutch men and women are sometimes
afflicted with this disease, and no means have hitherto been found
out for prevention or cure. The old legend imputes this disease to the
curse laid by St Thomas upon his murderers and their posterity, as
an odious mark to distinguish them: But St Thomas was slain by the
_Tilnigue_[3] priests at Miliapoor in Coromandel, above four hundred
miles from this coast; and the natives there have no touch of this
malady.

[Footnote 3: This word ought assuredly to have been Telinga.--E.]

Cochin is washed by the greatest outlet on this coast, and being
near the sea, its situation is strong by nature, but art has not been
wanting to strengthen it. As built by the Portugueze, it was a mile
and a half long by a mile in breadth. The Dutch took it in 1662, when
Heitloff van Chowz was commander of the forces by sea and land. The
insolence of the Portuguese had made several of the neighbouring
princes their enemies, who joined with the Dutch to drive them out of
that country, and the king of Cochin in particular assisted them with
twenty thousand men. Not long after the Dutch had invested the town,
Van Chowz received notice of a peace having been concluded between
Portugal and Holland, but kept the secret to himself and pushed on the
siege. Having made a breach in the weakest part of the fortifications,
he proceeded to a furious assault, which was kept up for eight days
and nights incessantly, relieving the assailants every three hours,
while the Portuguese were kept on continual duty the whole time, and
were quite worn out with fatigue. Finding the city in danger of being
taken by storm, the Portuguese at length capitulated and gave up the
place. There were at this time four hundred topasses in the garrison,
who had done good service to the Portuguese, but were not comprehended
in the capitulation. On discovering this omission, and knowing the
cruel and licentious character of the Dutch soldiery in India, they
drew up close to the gate at which the Portuguese were to march out,
and the Dutch to enter, declaring, unless they had equally favourable
terms granted them with the Portugueze, they would massacre them all,
and set fire to the town. The Dutch general not only granted them all
they asked, but even offered to take those who had a mind into the
Dutch pay, to which many of them assented. The very day after the
surrender, a frigate came from Goa, with the articles of peace, and
the Portuguese loudly complained of having been unfairly dealt with by
Van Chowz; but he answered, that the Portuguese had acted in the same
manner with the Dutch, only a few years before, in the capture of
Pernambuco in Brazil. The English had at that time a factory in
Cochin, but the Dutch ordered them immediately to remove with all
their effects, which they accordingly did to their factory at Paniany.

On gaining possession of Cochin, the Dutch thought it too extensive,
and therefore contracted it to the size it is now, being hardly a
tenth part of what it was before. It measures about 600 paces long,
by 200 in breadth, and is fortified with seven large bastions and
intermediate curtains, all the ramparts being so thick that they are
planted with double rows of trees, to give shade in the hot season.
Some of the streets built by the Portuguese still remain, together
with a church, which is now used for the Dutch worship, the cathedral
being converted into a warehouse. The house of the commandant is the
only one built in the Dutch fashion, which is so near the river that
the water washes some part of its walls. The flag-staff is placed on
the steeple of the old cathedral, on a mast seventy-five feet high,
above which is the staff, other sixty feet in length, so that the flag
may be seen above seven leagues off at sea. The garrison of Cochin
usually consists of three hundred men; and from Cape Comoras upwards,
in all their forts and factories, they have five hundred soldiers,
and an hundred seamen, all Europeans, besides some topasses and the
militia. They procure their store of rice from Barcelore, because the
Malabar rice will not keep above three months out of the husk,
though it will keep twelve with the husk on. This part of the country
produces great quantities of pepper, but it is lighter than that which
grows more to the northwards. The forests in the interior affords good
teak-wood for ship-building, and two woods, called _angelique_ and
_prospect_, which make beautiful chests and cabinets, which are sent
all over the coasts of western India. They have also iron and steel
in plenty, and bees-wax for exportation. The sea and the rivers afford
abundance of excellent fish of various kinds, which are sold very
cheap.

_Cranganore_, a little to the north of Cochin, stands upon a river
about a league from the sea, and at this place the Dutch have a
fort. This place is remarkable for having formerly been the seat of a
_Jewish government_, and that nation was once so numerous here as to
consist of 40,000 families, though now reduced to 4000. They have a
synagogue about two miles from the city of Cochin, not far from the
palace of the rajah, and in it they carefully preserve their records,
engraven upon plates of copper in the Hebrew language; and when any
of the characters decay, they are cut anew, so that they still possess
their history down from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar to the present
day. About the year 1695, _Mynheer van Reede_ had an abstract of this
history translated from Hebrew into the Dutch language. They assert
themselves to be of the tribe of Manasseh, a part of which was sent
by Nebuchadnezzar to the most easterly province of his large empire,
which is alleged to have reached Cape Comorin. Twenty thousand of them
travelled from Babylon to this place in three years, and were civilly
and hospitably treated by the inhabitants of Malabar, who allowed
them liberty of conscience in religion, and the free exercise of their
reason and industry in the management of their secular affairs. Having
increased in numbers and riches, they at length, by policy or wealth,
became masters of the small kingdom of Cranganore: And a particular
family among them being much esteemed for wisdom and riches, two of
that family were chosen by their elders and senators to govern the
commonwealth, and to reign jointly over them. At length one of the
brothers invited his colleague to a feast, at which he basely killed
him, thinking to reign alone; but a son of the deceased slew the
fratricide, after which the state fell into a democracy, which still
continues among the Jews here. Their lands have, however, reverted for
many years into the hands of the Malabars, and poverty and oppression
have occasioned many of them to apostatise.

Between Cranganore and Cochin there is an island called Baypin,
[Vaypen] four leagues long, but in no part above two miles broad.
The Dutch do not allow any vessels or boats to enter or go out at
Cranganore, obliging all to use the river of Cochin, which is a
quarter of a mile broad, and very deep, but has a bar on which there
is no more than fourteen feet water at spring-tides. The inhabitants
of this country are mostly idolaters, over whom the bramins or
priests exercise great authority, which they much abuse, of which
the following abominable custom is a strong instance. When any man
marries, he is prohibited from bedding with his wife the first night,
which function is performed in his stead by one of the bramins, or, if
none of these be at hand, by some other man. Foreigners used formerly
to be often employed on these occasions, as the Malabars made choice
of them instead of their own countrymen, often making large presents
to the substitutes, sometimes to the value of forty or fifty pounds.
But of late the bramins have become so very religious, that they
never fail to execute this duty themselves. Besides this, the bramins
frequent the company of the women so much, that no one of their
religion can pretend to know his own father with any certainty. For
which reason, by the laws of this country, sons or daughters never
inherit from the husbands of their mothers, but the heritage always
goes, to nephews and nieces, by sisters of the deceased born of the
same mother, as certainly of his blood. This rule is observed also
in the order of succession in their royal families, and is a glaring
proof of the strange effects of boundless superstition.[4]

[Footnote 4: This strange custom has been differently related
formerly, and we believe more accurately, as prevalent only in the
Nayra tribe, in which the women are allowed several husbands at the
same time, and may change them at pleasure.--E.]

The next commandery is _Gallo_, or Point de Galle, on the island of
Ceylon, at the distance of about twenty leagues from Columbo, the
Dutch capital of that island. Gallo was the first place in Ceylon
taken from the Portuguese by the Dutch, and still is a place of
considerable trade. The commander at this place is entirely
dependent upon the governor of Ceylon, and can do nothing without his
approbation. About the year 1672, Lewis XIV. sent out a squadron of
eight frigates, with orders to make themselves master of this place,
this project having been proposed to the court of France by one
Mynheer Jan Martin, who had served the Dutch East India Company for
many years, and had quitted their service on some disgust. When
the royal orders came to be opened at sea, Martin found that the
government was to be vested in another person, in case the place were
taken, on which he took such measures as frustrated the object of the
expedition. Mynheer van Cosse, who then commanded the Dutch fleet,
soon arrived on the coast, and the French retired without venturing
an engagement. They went to _Trankamala_, or _Trinconomalee_, and
anchored in the bay of that name, meaning to force the garrison of
that small fort to surrender: But Van Cosse soon followed them, and
brought them to action while disadvantageously situated in the bay,
and either sank or burnt half of the French fleet. The rest fled to
St Thomas, on the coast of Coromandel, intending to have formed a
settlement there; but Van Cosse again followed them to that place and
seized all their ships, many of their guns having been carried ashore,
as were at this time a great number of their officers and men. The
French who were on shore capitulated with the Dutch to quit India, on
being allowed shipping to carry them home, which Van Cosse agreed to,
giving them his flag-ship, the _Groote Britanye_, and two others, for
that purpose. Martin was detained and carried to Batavia, where he was
confined for life on an allowance of a rix-dollar a-day.

The next commandery is that of Samarang, on the island of Java, and
he who commands here has the direction of all the factories in that
island, except those which depend immediately on the government of
Batavia. _Kuttasura_, which is the residence of the emperor of Java,
is within his jurisdiction. In the year 1704, a war broke out in Java
between the brother and son of the deceased emperor, as competitors
for the succession, which lasted twenty years. The Dutch sided with
the former, but the affections of the natives were with the latter,
who drew over to his party a great number of the native soldiers who
had served under the Dutch, and who, being well disciplined, behaved
gallantly on all occasions, and gave the Dutch much trouble.

At _Bantam_, on the same island, the Dutch have a strong fort with a
numerous garrison, to keep the people in awe, who are very mutinous,
and far from being well affected to the Dutch government. The king,
or rajah of Bantam, has also a fort only a few hundred paces from that
belonging to the Dutch, in which be keeps a numerous garrison for the
security of his person. The only commodity of this part of the country
is pepper, of which they are able to export 10,000 tons yearly. The
king is obliged to supply the company with a certain quantity of
pepper yearly; but in all other respects they treat him kindly enough.
His dominions are extensive and well peopled, and his subjects are
hardy and enterprising, but perfidious and revengeful, and mortally
hate all Christians. The bay of Bantam is safe and pleasant, having
many islands, which still retain the names given them by the English,
who had a fine factory here, from which they were expelled in 1683.
The territory of Bantam is very fertile, abounding in rice, pepper,
fruits, and cattle. In the interior of the country the natives
sometimes find precious stones of great value, of which however the
Dutch rarely get possession, as the people fear they might be
induced to extend their conquests, by which they are already greatly
oppressed. The head of the factory at this place has the title of
chief.

Another Dutch chief resides at _Padang_, on that part of the coast of
Sumatra which is called the _gold-coast_. This chief has a council
and fiscal like all the rest, and his post is considered as both
honourable and profitable. Sumatra is a very large fine island,
separated from the continent of Asia by the Straits of Malacca,
and from the island of Java by the Straits of Sunda, and is justly
esteemed one of the richest and noblest islands in all India. The
Dutch have a factory at Palambaugan, about eight leagues from the sea,
on the banks of a very large river, which empties itself into the
sea by four different channels. The great trade of this part of the
country is in pepper, which the Dutch company wish to monopolize, as
they have done cloves, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon; and are at great
expence in keeping several armed barks cruising at the mouths of this
river, to prevent what they are pleased to call smuggling. It must
be allowed, however, that they have a contract with the king of this
country to take all the pepper in his dominions, at the rate of ten
dollars the bahar of 400 pounds weight, which is a fair price.[5] They
have, however, a clause in the contract, by which half the price is to
be paid in cloth, at such rates as greatly reduce the cost.

[Footnote 5: Exactly five farthings and two-fifths of a farthing the
pound.--E.]

The interior of the island is very mountainous, but most of the
mountains abound in mines of gold, silver, lead, and other metals. The
company possesses some mines of gold, said to be very rich, and great
care is taken to secure and conceal the profits. Gold-dust is found
in great quantities in all the rivers and rivulets of the country,
especially when the western monsoon reigns, when the torrents roll
down from the mountains with great rapidity. Abundance of copper
is also found here, of which they make very good cannon. There are
likewise found several sorts of precious stones. There is a burning
mountain on the island, which continually throws forth flame and
smoke, like Etna in Sicily; and there is said to be a fountain of
balsam, or petroleum. This island abounds also in spice and silk; but
the air is not very wholesome, especially to strangers, owing to the
great numbers of rivers, standing waters, and thick forests, which
every where abound. It produces no wheat, nor any other of the grains
which grow in Europe; but has plenty of rice, millet, and fruits,
which afford good and sufficient nourishment for the inhabitants. It
produces also, in great abundance, honey, bees-wax, ginger, camphor,
cassia, pepper, and many Other valuable articles. It is of great
extent, being 310 leagues long from N.W. to S.E. and about 50 leagues
across at an average. The greatest sovereign in the island is the king
of _Acheen, Atcheen_, or Achem, who resides in a city of that name
at the N.W. end of the island. It was formerly always governed by a
woman, and it is not above forty years ago since the government fell
into the hands of a man, since which several attempts have been made
to restore the old constitution. Acheen is a free port, to which the
English, Dutch, Portuguese, and Chinese resort, and in short all the
trading nations of Europe and Asia. The goods brought there are rich
brocades, silks of all kinds, muslins of all sorts, raw silk, fish,
butter, oil, and ammunition, for which the payments are mostly made in
gold, the great commodity of the country, and remarkably fine.

During the western monsoon, the rains fall here with prodigious
violence, attended with terrible storms of thunder and lightning, and
frequent earthquakes; but the people, being used to them, are not much
alarmed. The nations are, generally speaking, Mahometans, and are very
expert in making all sorts of plate and ornaments in gold, with very
few tools, yet with such inimitable dexterity, that their workmanship
sells at a high rate all over India. The company sends a great number
of slaves to this island every year to work in their gold-mines; but
the kings in that part of the country are seldom on good terms with
the Dutch, with whom they often quarrel. The principal places where
gold is found are _Trion_ and _Manicabo_, and the way in which they
procure the gold is as follows:--They dig trenches at the bottoms of
the hills, so as to intercept the torrents which roll rapidly down
their sides in the winter months: and having drained off the water
from the ditches in summer, they find considerable quantities of
gold-dust in the mud which remains. It is generally believed that this
island furnishes annually 5000 pounds weight of gold-dust,[6] yet
very little of this quantity is ever brought to Europe, being mostly
employed by the servants of the East India Company in making purchases
of commodities in places where gold bears a high price.

[Footnote 6: Supposing these troy pounds, the value may be estimated
at L. 240,000 sterling.--E.]

The Dutch East India Company has long entertained a project of
building ships at this island, as its timber is so good that ships
built here are expected to last forty or fifty years, whereas those of
Europe seldom last more than twelve or thirteen years. The Dutch have
a strong fort and great factory at _Jambee_, and another at _Siack_,
both in this island. This last place is excessively unwholesome, owing
to the following circumstance, which certainly might be obviated. It
stands on the great river Andragheira, into which, at one season of
the year, there come vast shoals of large shads, a third part of
their bulk being composed of their _roes_, which are accounted a great
delicacy. Wherefore, after taking these out, the rest of the fish is
thrown away, and as these lie in great heaps to corrupt, they exhale
pestilential vapours and infect the air. The persons, therefore, who
are sent to reside at Siack, are much of the same description
with those formerly mentioned as sent to Banda, being of abandoned
characters and desperate fortunes. There is another very considerable
factory on the river Bencalis, which produces a large profit from the
sale of cloth and opium, for which gold-dust is received in payment.
This trade was discovered about forty years ago, that is, about
the year 1680, by a factor, who carried it on privately for his own
emolument for ten years, during which he acquired upwards of a _ton
of gold_ yearly, a Dutch phrase implying L. 10,000 sterling. He then
resolved to secure what he had got by making a disclosure of this
valuable branch of traffic to the company. There are also several
Dutch establishments on what is called the _West-coast_ of Sumatra.

A very powerful and warlike people subsists in this island, known to
Europeans by the name of the _Free-nation_, who are equally averse
from submitting either to the Sumatran sovereigns or Europeans,
and have always defended themselves valiantly against both. All the
natives of Sumatra are much more inclined to the English than the
Dutch, perhaps because they are not under subjection to the former.
But the latter use every precaution they can to prevent the natives
from dealing with any except themselves. For a considerable time past,
the chiefs at Padang have been so unlucky as to have their honesty
much suspected, chiefly owing to their management of the mines, which
do not turn out greatly to the profit of the company, while all their
officers gain immense sums out of them, which the councils at Batavia
are much dissatisfied with, yet cannot prevent. For this reason they
change the chief very frequently, yet to little purpose.



SECTION XIII.

_Some Account of the Residences of Cheribon, Siam, and Mockha._

The chiefs of those factories belonging to the Dutch in India are
termed _Residents_, and correspond directly with the governor-general
at Batavia, and are not dependent on any subordinate governor or
director. The first of these independent residents is fixed at
_Cheribon_, on the coast of Java, at the distance of about forty
leagues from Batavia, where a very advantageous commerce is carried on
by the company in coffee, cardamoms, indigo, and cotton. The land at
this place is as fertile in rice and other provisions as perhaps any
country in the world. This district is of considerable extent, and was
formerly under the dominion of four great lords, who used to be
styled _pangerans_, but have now the titles of sultans, though their
authority is not much extended by these more splendid titles. One of
these is called the company's sultan, because always attached to the
interests of the company, though in truth they might all get the same
appellation, as they are all under the protection of the company, and
freed from apprehensions of the king of Bantam, who used formerly
to be continually at war with them, and must have reduced them under
subjection, but for the assistance of the Dutch. Since then, both from
gratitude for past favours, and in expectation of future protection,
they have granted great privileges to the company in their dominions.
The company maintains a fort at Cheribon, with a garrison of sixty
men, and has an excellent factory.

About half a league from the fort of Cheribon, the tombs of the
princes of Cheribon stand in a vast temple, splendidly built of
various fine kinds of stone, and are said to contain vast riches,
yet are left unguarded, from an idea that they are protected by some
supernatural power; and they tell strange stories of persons having
dropt down dead, on approaching the places where these riches are
hidden, with an intention to steal. Many people believe that the
Javanese priests, who are Mahometans, have the power of causing sudden
death by means of incantations; and that they are able to enchant
crocodiles and serpents, causing the former to go into and out of the
water at command, and the latter to remain in any posture they please.
A great number of priests are maintained about this great temple, many
of whom have made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and are therefore held in
much veneration. These priests are all governed by a sovereign pontiff
or mufti, who is even more respected than the sultans. There was
formerly a considerable English factory at Cheribon, having a small
town belonging to it: But the persons of the factory so provoked the
people, by intriguing with their wives, that they rose one night and
massacred them all. Perhaps this might have been set on foot by their
Dutch neighbours.

Another resident has the direction of the company's affairs in the
kingdom of Siam, where the company carries on a considerable trade in
tin, lead, elephants-teeth, gum-lac, _wool_,[1] and other commodities.
The king of Siam is a prince of considerable power, and his dominions
extend nearly 300 leagues. Being favourable to commerce, all nations
are allowed to trade freely in his country; but ships of no great
burden are forced to anchor at the distance of sixty leagues from his
capital; because the river _Menan_, on which it is situated, is so
rapid that they find great difficulty in getting higher up. This
river, like the Nile and many others, overflows its banks at a certain
season, so that most of the country is under water for half the year,
for which reason all the houses are built on posts. The capital is a
large city, consisting at least of 50,000 houses, with a prodigious
number of temples.[2] The natives are all pagans, and hold this
singular maxim, "That all religions are good, provided they tend to
the honour of God." They think, however, that their own is the best;
though they sometimes own that the God of the Christians is most
powerful, because the head of their principal idol has been twice
beaten to pieces by thunder. This is perhaps the largest idol in the
world, and is called by the Dutch in derision, _The great blockhead of
Lust_. He is represented sitting cross-legged like a tailor; in which
posture he measures seventy feet high, and every one of his fingers
is as large as the body of a man. About three leagues from the capital
there is a temple of vast size, having an idol not quite so large as
the other, which the priests say is his wife; and that once in seven
years, one of these goes to visit the other. The priests also pretend
that both of these idols are of solid gold; but the thunder-clap,
which destroyed the head of the larger idol detected that part of the
cheat, shewing it to be only brick and lime, very artificially gilded
all over. One may justly wonder that this accident did not put an end
to the adoration of so wretched a deity; but where superstition once
prevails the plainest proofs very seldom produce any effect.

[Footnote 1: Perhaps cotton, often termed _cotton-wool_, ought to have
been here substituted.--E.]

[Footnote 2: In Harris the temples are stated at 30,000.--E.]

The country of Siam is very rich and fertile, and there is a
considerable trade carried on here by the Chinese. The Dutch have here
considerable privileges, and are the favoured nation, especially since
the great revolution, when they got into great favour with the new
king, because the English had been entrusted by his predecessor, whom
he murdered, with the best places in the government, both civil and
military. The Dutch have a factory on the side of the river, about a
mile below the city, where they collect great numbers of deer-skins;
which are sent annually to Japan. The Siamese are themselves much
addicted to trade, and the Chinese who reside here still more; so that
they send ships every year to Japan, which, considering the difficulty
of the navigation, is not a little extraordinary. The Siamese boast of
having used the compass above a thousand years before it was known
in Europe: But the Jesuits very justly observe, that the Siamese and
Chinese compasses are very imperfect.

The third resident is fixed at _Mokha_, being always a merchant,
having two factors under him. This country is under the government
of an Arab prince, styled _Imaum_, who resides in the inland country,
about 200 miles east from Mokha. The sea-port of his dominions was
formerly Aden; but as that was found very inconvenient, he removed the
trade to Mokha, then only a fishing village. Mokha is situated close
to the sea, in a large dry sandy plain, which affords neither fruits
nor water, except what is brackish and unwholesome, and those who are
forced to drink it have long worms bred in their legs and feet, which
are very troublesome and dangerous. The town is supplied with very
good and wholesome water from _Musa_, a town at the distance of twenty
miles; but it is so dear, being brought by land carriage; that it
costs as much as small beer does in England. Mokha is large, and makes
a fine appearance from the sea, the buildings being lofty, but they
look much better without than within. The markets are well supplied
with provisions, such as beef, mutton, goats, kid, lamb, and camels
flesh, antelopes, poultry, guinea-fowls, partridges, and pigeons. The
sea affords a variety of fish, but not well tasted, owing probably
to the nature of their food. It is also furnished all the year with
excellent fruits, as grapes, peaches, apricots, and quinces, of which
they make great quantities of marmalade, both for their own use and
exportation. Yet there is neither tree nor shrub to be seen near the
town, except a few date-trees, and they seldom have above two or three
showers of rain in a year, sometimes no rain for two or three years.
Among the mountains, however, about twenty miles inland, seldom a
morning passes without a moderate shower, which makes the vallies very
fertile in such corn and fruits as suit the soil and climate. They
have plenty of wheat and barley, but no rice.

Since Mokha has been made a free port, it has become a place of great
trade. Besides the Dutch factory, it has one belonging to the English
East-India Company. Trade is also carried on here by English free
merchants, by Portuguese, Banians, and Moors; also by vessels
from Basora, Persia, and Muskat. The country itself produces few
commodities, except coffee and some drugs, as myrrh, olibanum or
frankincense from _Cossin_, Soccotrine aloes from Soccotora, liquid
storax, white and yellow arsenic, some gum-arabic, mummy, and balm
of gilead, these two last being brought down the Red Sea. The coffee
trade brings a continual supply of gold and silver from Europe,
particularly Spanish money, German crowns, and other European silver
coins, with chequins and German and Hungarian gold ducats, and
_ebramies_ and _magrabees_ of Turkey. It is a settled point here,
though other goods may be bought and sold on credit for a certain
time, coffee must always be paid for in ready money. The European
shipping that comes here annually rather exceeds 20,000 tons, and that
belonging to other nations may amount to nearly the same tonnage. The
whole province of _Betlefackee_ is planted with coffee-trees, which
are never allowed to grow above four or five yards high. The berries
cling to the branches like so many insects, and are shaken off when
ripe. They are at first green, then red, and lastly of a dark-brown
colour.

The Dutch have here a great advantage over all other nations, in
consequence of their monopoly of the spice-trade, as these are
consumed here in great quantities, which consequently enables them to
procure coffee at much easier rates than other nations. Yet this trade
of Mokha is continually falling off, owing to the vast quantities
of coffee produced in their own plantations, especially at Batavia,
Amboina, and the Cape of Good Hope: Even the Dutch, however,
acknowledge that there is no comparison between the coffee raised on
their own plantations and that brought from Mokha.

The _Happy Arabia_ is divided into many small territories, under
independent princes, styled Emirs, who all pay a kind of homage, but
no obedience, to the Grand Signor or Emperor of the Turks. The Red Sea
gets this name from several parts of it being of a red colour, owing
to its bottom in these parts.



SECTION XIV.

_Of the Trade of the Dutch in Borneo and China._

_Borneo_ is the largest island in the East Indies, perhaps the largest
in the world, being 220 marine leagues from N. to S. and 170 leagues
from E. to W. It is divided into many small principalities, of which
the most powerful is the king of _Banjaar Masseen_, and after him the
kings of _Borneo_ and _Sambas_. The air is reckoned very unwholesome
in some places, on account of being low and marshy; and it is only
thinly peopled, though abounding in very rich commodities. On the
first establishment of the Dutch in India, they were very solicitous
to have factories in this island, and accordingly fixed three, at the
cities of Borneo, Sambas, and Succadanea; but they soon found it was
impossible to have any dealings with the natives, who certainly
are the basest, crudest, and most perfidious people in the world;
wherefore they quitted the island, and though several times invited
back, have absolutely refused to return. The commerce of Borneo is
as rich as any in India. At Sambas and Banjaar Masseen they deal in
diamonds, of which there is a mine in the interior country. These
stones generally run from four to twenty-four carats each, though some
are found as high as thirty and even forty carats; but the whole trade
does not exceed 600 carats yearly. They always sell these stones
for gold, though that is a commodity of the island, and there is a
considerable trade in gold-dust at Pahang, Saya, Calantan, Seribas,
Catra, and Melanouba. Bezoar is another principal article of their
trade. Japan wood, fine wax, incense, mastic, and several other rich
gums, are here met with; but the staple commodity is pepper, which
this island produces in as great abundance as any place in India.
A drug is met with in this island, called _piedro de porco_, or
pork-stone, so highly esteemed as to be worth 300 crowns each; as the
Indian physicians pretend that they can infallibly discover whether
their patients are to live or die, by exhibiting to them the water in
which this stone has been steeped.

Before the Portuguese discovered the way by sea to India, the Chinese
possessed the whole trade of this island, and since the Europeans
have declined settling here, it has reverted to them again. The places
where they are settled are Banjaar Masseen, Mampua, Teya, Lando, and
Sambas, where they parry on a great trade, furnishing the inhabitants
with silks, chintz, calico, and all the manufactures of China and
Japan. It has been suggested, that a more valuable trade might be
established in Borneo than in any other part of India, as there come
here every year large fleets of Chinese junks, laden with all the
commodities of that empire, which might be purchased here as cheap, or
cheaper even than in China itself. There come also yearly some small
vessels from the island of Celebes to Borneo, in spite of the utmost
vigilance of the Dutch, which bring considerable quantities of cloves,
nutmegs, and mace, so that the Dutch are unable to sell much of these
spices to the inhabitants: Yet they send ships here frequently to load
with pepper, endeavouring to keep up a good correspondence with the
kings of Borneo and Sambas, for the king of Banjaar Masseen refuses to
have any dealings with them.

Considering the vast sway of the Dutch in India, it is strange that
they should not have any factory in China. They have indeed formerly
sent ambassadors to that country, under pretence of demanding a free
trade, but in reality on purpose to gain a more accurate knowledge of
the nature of trade in China, and in consequence of their discoveries
in that manner, have been induced to decline entering upon any direct
trade to that country. While they were possessed of the island of
Formosa, they carried on a direct trade to China with great profit:
But, since their expulsion from that island in 1661, they have
not been able to make that trade turn out profitable. After the
establishment of the Ostend East-India Company, they tried to send
ships to China, direct from Holland; but even this came to no great
account, the profit having seldom exceeded twenty-five per cent.
which, considering the hazard of so long a voyage, was not considered
a very encouraging return. It has been doubted whether the Dutch were
able to deal with the Chinese, where both nations are upon an equal
footing, as the latter are certainly the cunningest of men: Besides,
the Chinese are less inclined to deal with the Dutch than with any
other Europeans; and, when they do, always hold them to harder terms.
The port charges also in China, and the presents they are obliged to
make, cut deep into their gains.

Besides the foregoing circumstances, as China is at a great distance
from Batavia, and as the officers of the Dutch ships can so easily
consign their effects into the hands of the Portuguese, English,
and other foreign merchants, they have been found to mind their own
affairs much more than those of the Company. But the principal
reason of avoiding the trade to China is, that the Chinese carry on
a prodigious trade with Batavia; and though the voyage exceeds 550
leagues, the Chinese junks make the run in six weeks, sailing from
Canton in the beginning of December, and arriving at Batavia in the
middle of January. The company has in the first place a duty of four
per cent. on all the goods brought by the Chinese, which are gold,
silks of all sorts, tea, anniseed, musk, rhubarb, copper, quicksilver,
vermilion, china ware, &c. For which they receive in exchange lead,
tin, pepper, incense, camphor, cloves, nutmegs, amber, and many
other articles, on all which the Dutch fix their own prices, and
consequently buy much cheaper than other nations can do in China. They
have also found by experience, that a direct trade greatly lessens
this more profitable mode at Batavia. They have also opportunities of
dealing with the Chinese in many other parts of India, where, after
the Chinese merchants have completed their sales to the natives, they
are glad to part with the remainder of their commodities to the Dutch,
at a cheap rate. Thus, the Dutch East-India Company are able to send
home vast quantities of the commodities of China, and purchased on
very advantageous terms, without trading directly to China, either
from Holland or from Batavia.



SECTION XV.

_Of the Dutch Trade with Japan._

A Dutch chief resides at Japan, who is always a principal merchant,
and is assisted by some writers in the Company's service. The profit
formerly made of this establishment by the Dutch East-India Company,
frequently amounted to 80 and even 100 per cent. but has fallen off
to such a degree, that they rarely make now, 1721, above eight or ten.
This has been chiefly occasioned by the Chinese, who for some time
past have purchased every kind of goods at Canton that are in demand
in Japan, and it is even said that they have contracted with the
Japanese to furnish them with all kinds of merchandize at as low
prices as the Dutch. Another cause of the low profits is, that the
Japanese fix the prices of all the goods they buy, and if their offer
is not accepted, they desire the merchants to take them home again.
This may possibly have been suggested to them by the Chinese, who
used formerly to be treated in the same manner at Batavia. There is no
place in all India where the Dutch have so little authority, or where
their establishments are of so little consequence, as in Japan. They
are allowed a small island to themselves, where they have warehouses
for their goods, and a few ordinary houses for the members of the
factory; but this island is a prison, in which they are completely
shut up as long as they remain in Japan, not being permitted to pass
the bridge that joins this island to the city of Naugasaque. The only
shadow of liberty that is allowed them is, that their chief, with two
or three attendants, goes once a-year as ambassador to the emperor.
One great reason of this is said to have been occasioned by their
using too great familiarities with the Japanese women; but the true
reason is, that the Dutch have more than once given strong indications
of an inclination to establish themselves in the country by force.

A French gentleman, Monsieur Carron, who was for some time at the head
of their factory in Japan, and who, in several journeys to the
court, had ingratiated himself into the favour of the emperor,
by entertaining him with accounts of the state of Europe, got his
permission to build a house for the factory on the little island
allotted to them. He accordly laid the fortifications of great extent,
and continued the work till he had completed a handsome fortification,
in form of a regular tetragon; and as the Japanese were quite ignorant
in the art of fortification, they suffered it to be finished, without
any suspicion of deceit. Carron now desired the council at Batavia
to send him some cannon, packed in casks filled with oakum or cotton,
along with some other casks of the same form filled with spices. This
was done accordingly, but in rolling the casks after landing, one
of them that contained a brass gun burst open, by which accident the
cheat was discovered. This put an entire stop to all trade till the
pleasure of the emperor was known. The emperor, without prohibiting
trade, gave orders that no Dutchman should presume to stir out of the
island on pain of death, and ordered Carron up to Jeddo, to answer for
his fault. The emperor reproached him for abusing his favour; after
which he ordered his beard to be pulled out by the roots, and that
he should be led, dressed in a fool's coat and cap, through all the
streets of the city. He was thus sent back to the factory, with orders
to leave Japan in the first ship that sailed for Batavia.

The island of _Desima_, where the Dutch reside, is divided from the
city of Naugasaki by a small creek of salt water of about forty feet
broad, over which there is a convenient bridge, having a draw-bridge
at one end, of which the Japanese keep possession, and no Dutchman can
pass this without leave from the governor of the city; neither
dare any Japanese converse with the Dutch, except the merchants and
factors, who have a licence for that purpose. For the security of the
factory, the island of Desima is pallisaded all round. It contains
four streets, with large warehouses, and a spacious market-place over
against the bridge, where at stated times the town's people have leave
to trade with the Dutch. So great is the jealousy entertained of the
Dutch, that they are not even allowed to have the command of their own
ships while in Japan: For, as soon as one of them enters the harbour,
the Japanese take entire possession of her, taking out all the arms
and ammunition, which they lay up on shore, and return again in good
order, when the ship is ready to sail. They also exact a complete
account of all the men on board, whom they muster by one of their own
commissaries.

Japan is well peopled, and produces every thing necessary for human
sustenance in great plenty; yet the Dutch pay high for every thing
they need, and have even to purchase wood for fuel by weight. The
mountains are rich in gold, silver, and copper, which last is the best
in the world. Their porcelain is finer than that of China, as also
much thicker and heavier, with finer colours, and sells much dearer
both in India and Europe. The tea of Japan, however, is not near so
good as that of China. Their lackered ware, usually called Japan, is
the best in the world, and some of it will even hold boiling water
without being injured. They have abundance of silks, both raw and
manufactured, much stronger than what is produced in China. Their
houses are mostly built of wood, but the palace of the emperor is
of marble, covered with copper, so remarkably well gilded that it
withstands the weather many years. Jeddo is the metropolis, and its
magnitude may be guessed from this circumstance, that in a great
fire which raged in this city for eight days, about the year 1660, it
consumed 120,000 houses, and 500 temples.

The Japanese are strict observers of moral rules, especially in
commercial matters; insomuch that merchants of reputation put up sums
of gold _cupangs_, always in decimal numbers, in silken bags, sealed
with their seals; and these bags always pass current for the several
sums indicated by the seals, without any one ever examining the
contents of the bags for several generations. These _cupangs_ are
broad oblong pieces of gold, of about twenty shillings value in Japan;
but gold is there so plentiful and cheap, in relation to silver, that
a _cupang_ passes current in Batavia for thirty-two shillings; and,
after being stampt with the lion of the Company, it passes for forty
shillings sterling. The Japanese also are exact observers of justice,
and punish crimes with extreme rigour. To a man of distinction,
when found guilty of a capital crime, the emperor writes a letter,
commanding him to become his own executioner, on an appointed day and
hour, on penalty of being subjected to the most exquisite tortures,
if he survive the appointed time. On receiving this mandate, the
delinquent invites all his friends and near relations to a sumptuous
feast on the set day. When the feast is over, he shows them the letter
from the emperor, and, while they are reading it, he stabs himself
with a dagger below the navel, and cuts open his belly to the breast
bone. The capital punishments inflicted on the inferior people are
hanging, beheading, or being flung over a precipice; and for smaller
faults, whipping and branding are usual.

The government of Japan would be well pleased to encourage trade with
all nations, but for two considerations. The first is, lest their
religion should be insulted, which was frequently the case from
misguided zeal, while there were any Christians among the Japanese.
The other proceeds from their aversion to strange customs, or to any
innovation in the manners of the people, from which they dread the
worst consequences. When the Dutch were first established in this
empire, the then prime minister explained their opinions on this
subject in the following manner: "We are well acquainted with the
advantages resulting from the system of government established among
us, and will on no account run the hazard of any change. We know that
great revolutions are often brought about by imperceptible degrees,
and are therefore resolved to cure the itch of novelty by the rod of
chastisement." Upon this maxim a law is established in Japan, by
which all the subjects of the empire are prohibited from leaving the
country; or, if any do, they must never return. They are so wedded to
their own customs and opinions, and so jealous of the introduction
of any new or foreign customs, that they never send any embassies to
other countries, neither do they allow their merchants to carry on
commerce beyond their own country. A few small junks are sent in
summer to the land of Yedso, a country about fifty leagues from the
northern extremity of Japan; and it is said that they bring much gold
from thence.

There is but one good harbour in Japan, all the rest of the coast
being so guarded by steep rocks or shoals, that they have no reason to
fear being invaded. In point of military discipline and bravery, the
Japanese far exceed the Chinese, and are by no means of so base and
effeminate dispositions as most of the inhabitants of that great
empire. The government also of Japan is perfectly uniform and well
settled, so that there cannot be any diversity of interests; for,
though several of its provinces are denominated kingdoms, yet all
these petty kings are under the strictest subjection to the emperor,
and the laws of the country extend over all. These laws pay the
strictest regard to private property, the father transmitting to his
children not only the patrimonial estate, but all the acquisitions of
his own industry; and this is certainly a powerful prevention of any
desire of change. Though the emperor resides at Jeddo, thirty days
journey from Naugasaki, yet he receives intelligence in the space
of three days, of the number and force of every ship that arrives,
conveyed by a chain of signal-posts, by means of flags and fire
beacons.

The forms observed in business are wonderfully exact, and the edicts
and orders of the emperor are signified in most expressive and
dignified terms, containing very little of the bombast and swelling
style so common among oriental courts. Yet, amid all their good sense
and quick parts, the religion of the Japanese is the idlest and most
ridiculous paganism that can well be imagined, of which the following
is a sufficient proof. Every family has a tutelary deity or idol,
which is placed at the top of the house, and instructed to keep off
all sickness, misfortunes, or accidents: And when any such happen, the
idol is taken down and whipt, for not doing its duty. _Amida_ is
the name of their favourite god, his residence in heaven is at a
prodigious distance, insomuch that it requires three years journey
of a departed soul to reach paradise, which is only the outskirts or
suburbs of heaven; but when once there, the soul is sure of getting
to heaven, and enjoys a quiet residence in that place, as none of
the fiends dare come there to give annoyance. They have several other
gods, to all of whom they are particularly attached devotees; and each
god has his own particular paradise, none nearer this world than three
years journey. On purpose to gain an easy passage to these paradises,
some of the zealots cut their own throats, and others hang themselves.
Their idols are often carried in procession on horseback, attended
by bands of music; and many feasts and sacrifices are made in their
honour, the idols being fed on the smoke and flavour, while the
votaries regale on the substantial meats.[1]

[Footnote 1: Harris here subjoins a long enquiry into the nature of
the Dutch commerce in Japan, in the form of answers to a number of
queries on the subject: But as we shall have an opportunity, in
a subsequent division of this work, to give much more ample and
satisfactory accounts of these matters, by actual travellers in Japan,
this has been omitted, as tedious and unsatisfactory.--E.]



SECTION XVI.

_Account of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope._

Nothing remarkable occurred to the author of this voyage, while on the
way from Batavia to the Cape of Good Hope, except seeing the wreck of
the Schonenberg, a ship belonging to the Company, which had been lost
a little before.[2] On coming in sight of the Cape, they discovered
many French, English, and Dutch ships at anchor in the roads, some
outward-bound and some homewards. A little way from the entrance of
the bay is a small island, on which there is always a guard composed
of a serjeant and a small number of men. As soon as the serjeant sees
what number of ships a fleet consists of, he hoists a flag, and fires
so many pieces of cannon as there are ships in sight, to give notice
to the commandant at the Cape. They are here employed in making
train-oil, and in raking oyster-shells to burn into lime. Into this
island, malefactors are generally banished from the Cape, and from
most parts of India. Here, besides the punishment of being separated
from all their friends, they are kept to the hardest labour.

[Footnote 2: This is said to have been on the coast of Africa _at the
height of Angola_, whither they were driven by a storm. But this could
not possibly have been the case _before_ reaching the Cape of Good
Hope.--E.]

Table Bay is very fine and large, of a semi-oval form, entering
several leagues into the land, and may be about nine leagues in
circuit; but the anchorage is not every where equally good, and there
is some danger near the shore. The middle of the bay is commanded by
a very strong fort, being a regular pentagon, and each of its fine
bastions mounts twenty pieces of heavy cannon. This fort and the town
are situated on the edge of a plain about three leagues in extent,
lying at the bottom of three very high mountains. The first of these
is _Lion Mountain_, having some resemblance to a lion couchant. The
second is _Table Mountain_, which is much higher, and has a broad flat
top like a table, being so high that it may be seen twenty leagues out
at sea in clear weather. The third is called the _Devil's Mountain_,
and is not so remarkable as either of the other two. The houses of
Cape Town are very neat and commodious, but are only built two stories
high, on account of the furious winds at S.E. which sometimes blow
here.

About the year 1650, the Dutch East-India Company bought a certain
district of this country from the Hottentots, its aboriginal
inhabitants, and took care to have it immediately planted and well
peopled, for the convenience of their ships, both outward and homeward
bound. All the inhabitants of this colony are Europeans, or descended
from Europeans. Some of the planters are settled at the distance of
three hundred leagues from the Cape; yet all are obliged to appear
once a-year at a place called Stellenbosch, where the _Drossart_ or
magistrate of the country resides. They have here to pass in review,
as all the peasants, as well as the towns-men, are formed into
companies under proper officers. After the review is over, they go
back to their respective plantations, generally carrying home with
them what tools or other European articles they stand in need of.
These people cultivate the ground, raising rye, barley, beans, and
other grains. They also plant vines, which produce excellent grapes,
of which they make very good wine. Some of these peasants are in
very easy circumstances, having, besides large and well-cultivated
plantations, great flocks of sheep and cattle.

Among other colonists, there is one about eight leagues from Cape
Town, at a place called _Drakenstein_, entirely composed of French
refugees, who have a large tract of well cultivated ground, and are
allowed churches and ministers of their own. Part of the inhabitants
of Cape Town are in the service of the Company, and the rest are free
burgesses. They have regular magistrates, who decide causes of small
importance, and regulate any little disputes that happen among them;
but affairs of moment are carried before the governor and council,
who determine finally and without appeal. In the interior country, the
drossart determines in things of small consequence; but all matters of
importance must come before the governor and council, whose sentences,
both in civil and criminal cases, are executed without delay. The
officer who commands here in chief, has the rank and pay of major, yet
does the duty in all respects of a major-general. The officers under
him are captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, who take care to keep
their companies always complete and well disciplined; and in case of
attack, they can draw together five thousand men at least, all well
armed and as good as regular troops: Each peasant knows where he has
to repair to, in order to range himself under his proper standard.

It is not easy to describe the expertness with which these peasants
manage their fire-arms, an exercise in which they are constantly
employed, even from their infancy; and it is almost incredible how
boldly they attack even the fiercest animals. Many among them disdain
to shoot a sleeping lion, because, as they say, it shows neither skill
nor courage: When, therefore, they discover a lion asleep, they throw
stones to waken him, and do not fire till he is on his feet. A little
before the arrival of our author at the Cape, two peasants went out
together to hunt. One of them, seeing a lion, fired at and missed him,
when the lion rushed upon the man, who threw away his gun, to have
more liberty to defend himself. The other peasant, on hearing the
report, hastened to the place, and found his companion and the lion
closely engaged; on which he snatched up the gun, and slew the lion
by a few blows on the head, but broke the gun in pieces. The first
peasant, whose property the gun was, complained loudly of its
demolition, blamed his companion for coming up uncalled for, and even
talked of making him pay for the gun, insisting that he could have
slain the lion himself without aid. It was formerly considered a
wonderful deed for a man to kill a lion; but now it is so common an
occurrence, that they make no more of killing a lion, than we do of
shooting a hare.

The country about Cape Town is full of vineyards and gardens. Two
of these belong to the company, which are perhaps the finest in the
world. One is at the distance of two hundred paces from the fort,
between the town and Table Mountain, being about 1400 paces in length,
by 235 paces broad, and having a fine rivulet from the mountain
running through the middle of it. It is divided into quarters, in
which they cultivate, with the utmost success, the fruits and flowers
of the four quarters of the globe. The other garden is about two
leagues distant from the town, in what is called the _New Country_,
and is likewise kept in excellent order by slaves belonging to the
company, of whom there are seldom less than five hundred. The
country hereabout is mountainous and stony; but the vallies are very
agreeable, and extremely fertile. The climate is perhaps the best
in the world, neither cold nor heat being ever felt here to any
intolerable degree. The people accordingly live to great ages, and
have hardly any diseases except such as proceed from intemperance of
some kind. The mountains, which contribute to the wholesomeness of the
country, are supposed to be rich in gold and other valuable metals.
Some trials have been made; but as yet no mines have been discovered,
or at least none in such situations as would permit their being worked
to advantage.

Mynheer van Steel, who was lately governor of this colony, travelled
over the country, and examined it with much attention. He caused
gardens to be laid out, and pleasure-houses to be built, in several
places; but the peasants who were employed in building these houses
and cultivating these gardens, sent over a representation and
complaint to the company, alleging that these works were prejudicial
to their private affairs, and prevented them from being able to
maintain their families; upon which that governor was immediately
recalled. His discoveries, however, were of great consequence, having
made the interior country known to the Dutch, together with the
nations or tribes by whom it is inhabited. These, so far as yet
discovered, consist of seven different tribes, all comprehended under
the general denomination of _Hottentots_. The first of these, and
least considerable, who live in the neighbourhood of the Cape, have
no chief, and are mostly either in the service of the company, or are
employed as servants by the townsmen, or by the peasants and farmers
in cultivating the lands, or tending their flocks and herds. The
second tribe inhabit the mountains, or, more properly speaking,
dwell in the caverns of the mountains, being thieves and robbers by
profession, and subsist entirely by plundering the other Hottentots,
with whom they are perpetually at war; yet never rob or molest the
Christians. The other tribes are called the _Great_ and _Little
Maqua_, and the _Great_ and _Little Kriqua_[2], and the _Caffres_.
The words _Maqua_ and _Kriqua_ signify king or chief, and these four
tribes are continually engaged in war against each other; but when
any one nation is in danger of being totally ruined, other tribes
immediately take up its cause; and these rude tribes seem to have a
notion of maintaining a kind of balance of power.

[Footnote 2: These tribes are known in geography by the names of
Namaquas and Briquas, the latter being also called Booshuanas. The
second tribe in this account are named Bosjemans by the Dutch.--E.]

Such of the Hottentots as have submitted to the Hollanders are called
the Company's Hottentots. The Dutch send every year fifty or sixty
persons to trade among the Hottentots, who purchase their cattle,
giving them in exchange arrack, tobacco, hemp, and such other things
as they have occasion for; by which means a good understanding is kept
up. These Hottentots of the Company are often attacked by the other
tribes, and, when no longer able to defend themselves, their king
or chief comes down to the Cape, attended by a small escort of his
subjects, to demand assistance. He goes immediately to the governor,
having in his hand the staff of command given him by the Company,
decorated with their arms, and holding it in his hand, demands
assistance. If the governor does not think proper to grant his
request, but endeavours to shift him off with fair words, he throws
down his staff saying, in bad Dutch, _Voor my, niet meer Compagnies
Hottentot_; that is, "For me, I will no more be the Company's
Hottentot." The governor generally sends him home with an escort of
troops, as it is the interest of the company to be on good terms with
these chiefs, who are always ready to do any service required of them.

The Hottentots are a very stupid and brutal people. They rub their
bodies all over with rancid grease, which gives them a very bad smell,
so that you may nose them at a considerable distance. Their children
are all born perfectly white; but being constantly rubbed with grease,
and exposed to the sun, they grow by degrees quite brown, and almost
black. When a woman brings forth twins, one of them is immediately
condemned to death, and is tied to a tree, where it is left to expire.
Some of them have a custom of extirpating one testicle in their male
children, as soon as they are able to bear the operation, in hope of
preventing them afterwards from begetting twins. They seem to have
little or no religion; yet they frequently look with admiration at the
heavenly bodies, saying, "He who governs these is certainly a being of
infinite power and wisdom." In many respects they are more like beasts
than men, being abominably nasty in their persons, and, taking them
altogether, they are certainly one of the meanest nations on the face
of the earth. They are short and thick-set, with flat noses like a
Dutch pug dog, very thick lips, and large mouths, having very white
teeth, but very long and ill set, some of them sticking out of their
mouths like boar's tusks. Their hair is black, and curled like
wool. They are very nimble, and run with incredible speed. They are
generally covered with a sheep's skin, each man having a quiver full
of arrows on his back, and a bow in his hand. Immediately on coming in
sight of an enemy, they set up a dreadful cry, leaping, dancing,
and skipping about, and throwing themselves into the most frightful
postures.

The seventh nation is named the _Caffres_, who are certainly the
_Anthropophagi_ who have made so much noise in the world[3]. The
Hottentots are much afraid of them, and take care to keep out of their
way as much as possible, for fear of being roasted or boiled if taken
prisoners. This abominable nation has never entered into any kind
of commerce with the Christians; but, on the contrary, takes all the
pains they can to entrap and murder them, in order, as is generally
believed, to eat them. It is reported that they have grown somewhat
more tractable of late years, and will enter into some sort of trade
with such as venture among them. They are a potent and warlike nation,
strong and well-made; and though black, and having curled hair
like other negroes, they have better faces, and a much more manly
appearance.

[Footnote 3: A very different account is now given of the Caffres,
or Koussis rather, who are described as a half-civilized race, who
cultivate the ground, and live under regular government.--E.]

At the distance of about eighteen leagues from the Cape, there is
another port called Saldanha Bay, which is, in all respects, an
infinitely better harbour than Table Bay, except in wanting fresh
water, which prevents it from being frequented. The animals of this
country are many. The lion is common here, and in hard winters often
comes very near the habitations of the colonists. He is reputed the
king of beasts, because he never eats a man till he has beaten out his
breath with his paws. Before attacking a man he roars terribly, and
shakes his mane; and if he does not give these signals of rage, there
is no danger in passing him. Tigers and leopards are also very common,
and do a vast deal of mischief; and it is probable these animals would
be much more numerous, were it not for a race of wild dogs, which hunt
in packs, and are so bold that they often weary out and worry a lion.
They often destroy tigers, leopards, and wolves, and it is said that
they will allow a man to take their prey from them when they have
killed it. Travellers are never afraid when they fall in with these
wild dogs, but rather rejoice, because they are sure that no ferocious
animal is in the neighbourhood. There are many elephants in this
country, and of as great size, as any in the world, being often from
twelve to fifteen feet high or better, their teeth weighing from sixty
to an hundred and twenty pounds. The rhinoceros is also often met
with. This animal is rather less than the elephant, but stronger. His
skin is prodigiously thick, and so hard that scarcely any weapon can
pierce it. His snout is like that of a hog, on which grows a solid
horn, ten or twelve inches long, which is much valued, because
esteemed an excellent medicine in convulsions.

There are two animals peculiar to this country, which therefore
deserve notice. One is a species of wild ass, which resembles the
common ass in nothing but the length of its ears. It is as large as
an ordinary horse, and is the most beautiful animal in the world. His
hair is very soft, and from the ridge of the back descends in coloured
streaks to the belly, forming so many circles. It is a brisk and
lively creature, which runs more swiftly than any horse. It is very
difficult to take alive, and when taken cannot be tamed; yet sells
at a prodigious price, and is thought a fit present for a sovereign
prince, from its rarity and exquisite beauty[4]. The other creature,
found in no other country, is called by the Dutch the _Stinkbungsen_,
or Stinking-Badger. This is of the size of an ordinary dog, but is
shaped like a ferret. When pursued by man or beast, it retreats but
slowly, and when its enemy draws near, discharges backwards a so
intolerably fetid wind, that dogs tear up the ground and hide their
noses in it, to avoid the smell. When killed, it stinks so abominably
that there is no approaching the carcass, which is therefore left to
consume where it falls.

[Footnote 4: This is a very imperfect account of the Zebra, which
exactly resembles the ass, except in colour, and is by no means
larger. One died lately in Edinburgh, after being exhibited as a show,
which was as quiet and gentle as any lady's donkey.--E.]

It is impossible to describe all the creatures that are seen in the
vast forests of Africa, as the inhabitants see new animals every year
that are utterly unknown to them. They allege that, in the middle of
summer, when the wild animals are almost raging mad with thirst, they
resort in vast multitudes to the rivers named Salt, Elephants, and
St John's rivers, where the males and females of different species
intermixing, produce strange beasts that seem to be new species. The
Hottentots in the service of the Company frequently carry the skins of
these monsters to the governor; and our author assures us that he
saw one of the following description, that had been killed not long
before. It was about the size of a calf of six months old, and seemed
to have had four eyes. The head resembled that of a lion, but the hair
was quite smooth, and of a dark grey colour. It had tusks like a boar.
The fore-feet resembled those of that creature; but the hind-feet were
like those of a tiger.

The birds of this country are in a manner infinite in numbers and
sorts; and though they have not been observed often to intermingle
species, yet hybrids are sometimes remarked among them. The largest
and strongest birds are to be found in Africa, among which is the
ostrich, the largest of all, being commonly seven feet high. The beak
is short and pointed, but the neck is very long. The feathers of the
male are white and black only, while those of the female are mixed
white, black, and grey. Those of the former are most esteemed, as
their large feathers are better spread, and their down much softer.
This bird is prodigiously swift of foot, and is hunted down by hounds.
Their wings do not serve them to fly, but assist them in running,
especially when they have the wind with them. The common opinion of
their being able to digest iron is totally false. They swallow pieces
of iron indeed, but then it is only to bruise the food in their
gizzards, just as other birds swallow stones for the same purpose.
They are also said to leave their eggs uncovered on the sand, and to
take no care of their young. But those of the Cape country hide their
eggs in the sand, and are so tender of their young, that, though
naturally timorous, if one of them is missing, they become quite
furious, so that it is not safe to go near them. There are abundance
of eagles of all sorts at the Cape, which are very bold, and
frequently do a great deal of mischief. They are not very large, yet
are incredibly strong, so that they often kill and devour cattle when
returning home from work, when they come in great flocks. of fifty or
an hundred at once, single out a beast as it feeds among the flock,
and falling upon it all at once, kill and devour it.

Some years before our author was at the Cape, there was seen on Table
Mountain a bird as large in the body as a horse, having grey and black
plumage. His beak and talons were like those of an eagle, but of a
most dreadful size. He sat and hovered about that mountain for a long
time, and the people were persuaded it was a griffin. It frequently
carried off sheep and calves, and at length began to destroy the cows,
on which orders were given to destroy it, and it was accordingly shot,
its skin stuffed, and sent home as a curiosity to the Company. No such
bird, has been seen since, and the oldest people of the colony do not
remember to have heard of any such before.[5]

[Footnote 5: This was probably a stray Condor, and its size an
ordinary exaggeration, in the passage of the story, like that of _the
three black crows_.--E.]

Africa has been long famous for serpents, and there are such vast
numbers of them in the neighbourhood of the Cape, that many of them
have no names. Most of them are extremely venomous, and the colonists
would suffer much more than they do from them, were it not that they
have a specific remedy for their bites, not known in Europe. This
remedy is the _serpent-stone_, allowed to be factitious, and is
brought from India, where they are made by the bramins who have the
secret of composing them, which they so carefully conceal, that no
Europeans have hitherto been able to discover how they are made. The
serpent-stone is about the size of a bean, white in the middle, but of
a fine sky-blue on the outside. When a person is bitten by a serpent,
this stone is applied to the wound, to which it soon sticks fast of
itself, without the aid of any bandage or plaister. The part bitten
begins immediately to swell and becomes inflamed. The stone also
swells till it becomes full of the venom, and then drops off. It is
then put into warm milk, where it soon purges itself from the venom,
and resumes its natural colour, after which it is again applied to the
wound, where it sticks as before, till a second time full, and so on
till all the venom is extracted and the cure perfected.

All the mountains of this vast country are full of minerals and
crystal, with many things of great value, if they could be got at;
but the natives are so fearful of being made slaves in the mines, that
they take all imaginable pains to conceal them. There is particularly
a mountain, about 500 leagues from the Cape, called _Copper-mountain_,
which is supposed to contain great quantities of metals. Large
quantities of copper have been found here, which is said to contain a
mixture of gold. Some Europeans endeavoured to follow the natives, who
were suspected of going to that mountain to gather gold, but were all
massacred. The Company is so tender of the colonists, and so unwilling
to risk a revolt, that they have even neglected a gold-mine much
nearer the Cape, the marcasites of which gave great hopes of its
containing abundance of gold. Perhaps the Company may have another
reason for acting in this manner, lest, if a gold-mine was discovered
at the Cape, it might tempt the French or English to undertake
something to their prejudice. Under its present management, the Dutch
colony at the Cape is a general advantage to other nations, as well
as to the Dutch. A few years ago a cavern was discovered in a mountain
very near Cape-Town, in which the Hottentots find the venom in which
they dip their poisoned arrows. There have likewise been found about
twenty leagues from the Cape, some hot springs impregnated with steel,
which have been found to cure many diseases, by using as a bath.

Considerable improvements may certainly be made on this colony, for
the advantage both of the inhabitants and the company, which latter
make no great gains by this establishment besides the convenience it
affords in giving refreshments to their ships going to and returning
from India. The Company would be glad of any means that might
increase the value of the settlement, consistent with their maxims of
government, and with that indulgence they find it necessary to shew
the Hottentots, who are perhaps more tenacious of their liberty than
any people on earth, and the most desperate in resenting any attempts
to its prejudice.



SECTION XVII.

_Voyage from the Cape of Good Hope to Holland, with some Account of St
Helena, the Island of Ascension, and the Acores_.

Towards the end of March, 1723, the ship being revictualled, they
sailed from Table-bay with a brisk wind at S.E. the fleet homewards
bound consisting of twenty-three sail, mostly belonging to the Dutch
East India Company. In about three weeks they reached the island of
_St Helena_, which is in the latitude of 16° 15' S. [lat. 16° S. long.
5° 30' W.] This island is about seven leagues in circumference, and
is entirely composed of rocky hills, which may be seen in a clear day
from the distance of forty leagues. It is surprising to see so small
an island in the midst of the ocean, at so great a distance from any
other land, being 550 leagues from the Cape, 500 leagues from Brazil,
and 350 from Augusta, which is the nearest land[1]; yet the sea is all
around so very deep, that there is hardly an anchorage to be found.
This island was first discovered by the Portuguese, on which occasion
one of their large Indian carracks was wrecked, from the remains of
which they built a chapel, long since decayed, but which still gives
name to the finest valley in the island. They planted lemons, oranges,
and pomegranates all over the island, and left here hogs and goats,
together with partridges, pigeons, and peacocks, for the convenience
of ships touching here. At one time a hermit chose to live here,
killing the goats for the sake of their skins, which he sold to
ships that stopped here; but the Portuguese removed him, as they did
afterwards some negro slaves who had settled in the mountains. It is
now possessed by the English, who have so good a fort that it is not
likely any other nation should be able to drive them out. The vallies
are exceedingly beautiful and fertile, and in these the weather is
sometimes exceedingly hot; but as it is always cool on the mountains,
the inhabitants can never be in want of a place of refreshment. It is
admirably watered, having many rivulets running from the tops of the
hills into the sea, the water of these being as clear as crystal. The
island produces abundance of mustard, parsley, sorrel, cresses, and
other herbs, excellent against the scurvy. It has also abundance of
trees fit for fuel, but none that can serve as timber. All sorts of
refreshments are to be had in plenty.

[Footnote 1: Caleo Negro, in lat. 16° 20' S. on the coast of Africa,
is the nearest part of the continent, and is probably what is referred
to in the text under the name of Augusta.--E.]

They sailed from hence for the island of _Ascension_, which lies in
lat 8° N. and long. 14° 20' W. about 200 leagues N.W. from St Helena.
This is much of the same size, but the shore is excessively rocky, and
the whole island absolutely barren, having neither trees nor grass,
and the entire surface seems as it were rent asunder, whence some
have conceived, and not without great show of reason, that it had been
formerly a volcano, or burning mountain. In the middle of the island
there is a high hill, on one side of which water has been found. At
one season of the year, the whole surface of the island is covered
with sea-fowl. What chiefly induces ships to put into the only harbour
of the island, is the great plenty of excellent turtle to be found
here. When these animals come on shore in the night to lay their eggs,
the sailors turn them over on their backs till they have leisure to
carry them on board. These creatures will live above a month without
any kind of sustenance, having only a little salt water sprinkled
over them three or four times a-day. The sailors never weary of eating
them, believing that they make a perfect change of their juices,
freeing them entirely from the scurvy and other diseases of the blood.

As this island is a very miserable place to live in, it is common to
leave malefactors here when they do not incline to put them to death.
This was done not long before our author passed this way, to a Dutch
book-keeper, who was convicted of sodomy; though perhaps this may
be considered as a worse punishment even than death, considering the
miseries that must be endured in the hottest climate of the world, on
a place that does not afford even the slightest shelter. After leaving
this island, they began to approach the line, which they crossed
without feeling any excessive heat, as the sun was then towards the
north, and they had the benefit of pretty fresh gales, which moderated
the heat extremely. They now also began to see the north-star at
night, which they had not done for a year and a half and it is
impossible to express how much the seamen were rejoiced at this
circumstance.

Coming into the latitude of 18° N. we found that part of the sea which
is generally so covered with grass that it looks at a distance like a
meadow. This grass has a yellowish cast, being hollow within, and on
being pressed it yields a clammy viscous juice. In some years none
of this grass appears, while in other years it is found in prodigious
quantities. Some imagine that it comes from the bottom of the sea, as
divers report that the bottom is in many places covered with grass and
flowers. Others conceive that it comes from the coast of Africa: But
our author disapproves both of these opinions, because, if it came
from the bottom, there is no reason why the same appearance should not
be found elsewhere; whereas, if it came from the coast of Africa, it
ought to be found in other situations, especially near that coast. His
opinion, therefore, is, that it comes from the coast of America, and
particularly from the Gulf of Bahama, or Mexico, where it is known
to grow in great abundance, and where, when it comes to maturity, it
breaks off; and is carried away by the currents.[2]

[Footnote 2. In the old Portuguese maps and voyages, this part of
the Atlantic is called _Mar de Sargasso_, or the _Sea of Cresses_;
Sargasso signifying water-cresses, which these weeds which spread over
the sea nearly resemble.--Harris.]

Nothing is more difficult than to account for the motion and course
of currents in the ocean, which, in some places, run for six months
in one direction, and six in another, while in other places they run
always one way. There are instances also where they run one way for
a day or two after full moon, and then run strongly in the opposite
direction till next full moon. Seamen also observe, that in places
where the trade-winds blow, the currents are generally influenced by
them, moving the same way with the winds, but not with equal force
in all places; neither are they so discernible in the wide ocean,
but chiefly about islands, where their effects are more or less felt
according as they are influenced by being more or less in the way
of the trade-winds. It would be of great service to navigation if
sensible men would take notice of these currents, and enquire into the
reason of their appearances. In old books of voyages we find many more
wonders than in those of later date, not because the course of nature
is at all changed, but because nature was not then so well understood.
A thousand things were prodigious a century ago, which are not now at
all strange. Thus the storms at the Cape of Good Hope, which make so
great a figure in the histories of the Portuguese discoveries, are now
known to have been merely the effect of endeavouring to double that
Cape at a wrong season of the year.

In the East and West Indies, the natives are able to foretell
hurricanes and tornadoes, not from any superior skill, but by
observing certain signs which usually precede them. There is often so
little apparent connection between the sign and the event, that men
who value themselves on their wisdom are apt to slight such warnings
as impertinent and absurd. But they had better enquire diligently into
facts, and neither receive nor reject them too hastily. In the present
case, it is a clear matter of fact that the sea, in the latitude of
18° N. between Africa and America, is frequently covered with weeds
to a great extent, and there is good reason for enquiry as to whence
these weeds come. In the first voyage made by the famous Columbus for
the discovery of the new world, he met with this grass or sea-weed
floating on the sea, without which he could not have prevailed on his
sailors to continue the voyage; and it is very remarkable, that, by
pursuing his course through these weeds, he arrived in the Gulf of
Bahama, the place whence our present author supposes this sea-grass to
come.[3]

[Footnote 3: In his first voyage, Columbus kept the parallel of
about 37° N. but was considerably farther south in his subsequent
voyage.--E.]

Continuing their course to the north, they encountered hard gales of
wind, by which they were driven into lat. 37° N. where they fell in
with two islands, which proved to be _Flores_ and _Corres_;[4] and as
their fresh provisions were now nearly spent, they stopped three days
at the larger island to procure refreshments. There are two of the
islands named _Açores_ by the Spaniards, which signifies the _islands
of hawks_. The Dutch call them _Vlanneische eslanders_, or _Flemish
islands_, because Fayal was first peopled by Flemings, and their
descendants remain in the island to this day, and are easily
distinguished from the other inhabitants by their shape and air. They
dwell upon a little river running down a mountain, called _Ribera dos
Flamenas_ by the Portuguese, or river of the Flemings.

[Footnote 4: Flores is in lat. 39° 10', Corvo in 39° 35', both N.]

The nine islands of the Açores, or Wester Islands, are Tercera, San
Michael, Santa Maria, St George, Gratiosa, Pico, Fayal, Corvo, and
Flores. Tercera is the chief island, being fifteen or sixteen leagues
in circumference, and so high and steep in many places that it is
almost impregnable, and they have built forts in such places as are
accessible. The only port is before the capital, named _Angra_, and
as it is in the form of a half-moon, it is called the _Half-Moon of
Angra_. At each horn of this half-moon there is a mountain, which are
called the Brazils, which project out into the sea, appearing from a
distance as if two islands; and these mountains are so high that one
may see at any time ten or twelve leagues off, and fifteen in clear
weather. Angra has a fine cathedral, and is the residence of a bishop,
and of a governor and council, whose authority extends over all the
nine islands. There is another town three leagues from Angra, called
Praya, or the town of the shore, situated on a shore which cannot be
approached by ships, so that it has no trade, and the town seems a
kind of desert, though well built and walled round.

The inhabitants raise sufficient provisions on the island for
all their wants, being pleasant and fertile, and all covered with
corn-fields; and so abounds with flesh, fish, and all sorts of
victuals, that even in times of the greatest scarcity, there is enough
for all the inhabitants. It produces wine also, but very small, and
does not keep well, wherefore the richer people provide themselves
from Madeira and the Canaries. They want oil, salt, lime, and potters
ware, which they have to import from other countries. They have
abundance of peaches, apples, pears, oranges, and lemons, with all
sorts of vegetables and garden stuffs, and among these a plant
called _batatas_, which grows like a vine stock, but the leaves are
different. These produce roots, weighing a pound more or less, and
are so plentiful that they are despised by the rich, though of a sweet
pleasant taste and very nourishing. There is another root in this
country as large as a man's two fists, covered over with filaments of
a golden yellow colour, and as smooth as silk. The inhabitants
stuff beds with this, instead of feathers, but skilful workmen could
certainly manufacture it into fine stuffs.

There are but few birds, except canaries, quails, ordinary poultry,
and turkies, which are numerous. Several parts of this island are very
hilly, and full of thick and almost impervious woods; and travelling
is rendered very difficult, as you often find rocks a league in
length, so rugged and sharp that they cut the shoes at every step;
yet these rocks are so full of vines that they are not to be seen
in summer, being covered over by the vine leaves. These vines spread
their roots among the crannies and crevices of the rocks, which are
so small and devoid of soil, that it is wonderful how they should find
any nourishment; yet if planted in the good soil of the country, the
vines will not grow. The corn and fruits of this island will not keep
above a year; and unless the corn is buried under ground, it spoils in
four months. On this account, every inhabitant has a pit without the
town, the mouth of which is round, just large enough to admit a man,
which is covered by a flat stone and secured by a lock. Some of these
pits are so large as to contain two or three lasts of corn, the last
containing 108 bushels Amsterdam measure, and each bushel weighing
forty pounds or more. They put their corn into these pits in July,
and cover the stone with earth to exclude the air, and take it out at
Christmas, or considerably later, finding it then as good as when put
in. The oxen in Tercera are the largest and finest that can be, equal
to any in Europe, and have prodigiously wide horns. Every one has his
name, like our dogs, and they are so familiar, that when the master
calls one of them by his name, though among a thousand others, he will
presently come to him.

One would think the ground of this island were hollow, as the rocks
sound like vaults when walked on; and indeed the thing is not at all
improbable, as the island is much subject to earthquakes. In many
places of the island of San Michael there are holes and cracks, out of
which there comes a great smoke, and the ground seems as if burnt all
around. This is not uncommon also in all the islands, as they all have
sulphur mountains. There are also fountains of water so hot as to boil
eggs. Three leagues from Angra there is a petrifying spring, which
changes wood into stone; and there was formerly a tree having some of
its roots in that water, which were stony and as hard as flint. This
island produces excellent timber, especially cedar, which is so common
that their carts and waggons are made of it, and it is even used as
fuel. The island of _Pico_, twelve leagues from Tercera, has a sort of
wood called _teixo_, as hard as iron, and of a shining red colour when
wrought. It becomes always better and finer as it grows older; for
which reason no person is allowed to cut any of these trees, unless
for the king's use, and by virtue of a special order from the royal
officers. The chief trade of Tercera consists in _woad_, of which they
have great quantities. The fleets of Spain and Portugal, bound for the
East Indies, Brazil, Cape Verd, Guinea, and other countries, usually
come here for refreshments, to the great profit of this and the other
islands, the inhabitants selling to them their various articles at
good prices.

The island of _San Michael_ is seven or eight leagues S.E. of Tercera,
and is about twenty leagues in length, having several towns and
villages. The capital of this island is _Ponta del Guda_, which drives
a considerable trade in _woad_, sent to Tercera, producing about
200,000 quintals[5] every year. This island also produces such
abundance of corn, that it is transported to the other islands; but it
has no harbours or rivers to give shelter to ships.

[Footnote 5: This is perhaps an error for 2000, as the larger quantity
would amount to 10,000 tons.--E.]

_Santa Maria_, twelve leagues S. of San Michael, is ten or twelve
leagues in circumference, its only trade being in earthen ware, with
which the inhabitants supply the other islands. It also produces
plenty of all manner of provisions for its own inhabitants. The island
of _Gratiosa_, seven or eight leagues N.N.W. of Tercera, is only about
five or six leagues in circumference, but abounds in provisions of all
sorts. _St George_, eight or nine leagues N.W. of Tercera, is
twelve leagues in length by two or three in breadth. This is a wild
mountainous country, producing very little woad. The inhabitants
subsist by cultivating the ground and keeping cattle, and export
considerable quantities of cedar to Tercera. _Fayal_, seven German
leagues S.S.W. of St George, is seventeen or eighteen leagues in
circumference, and is the best of the Açores, after Tercera and San
Michael. This island has plenty of woad, with abundance of fish,
cattle, and other commodities, which are exported to Tercera and the
other islands. Its chief town is called _Villa Dorta_. Most of the
inhabitants of this island are descended from Flemings, but now speak
the Portuguese language; yet they continue to love the Flemings, and
use all strangers kindly.

Three leagues S.E. of Fayal is the island of _Pico_, so called from
a peaked mountain, which some believe to be higher than the Peak of
Teneriffe. The inhabitants cultivate the soil, and have plenty of
cattle and other provisions, growing also better wine than in any
other island of the Açores. This island is about fifteen leagues in
circumference. Seventy leagues W.N.W. from Tercera is the island of
_Flores_, and to the N. of it lies _Corvo_, the former about seven,
and the latter not above two or three leagues in circumference.
They both produce woad, especially Flores, which also abounds in
provisions. The winds at all these islands are so strong, and the air
so piercing, especially at Tercera, that they in a short time spoil
and consume the stones of the houses, and even iron.[6] They have a
kind of stone, however, that is found within high-water mark, which
resists the air better than the other sorts, and of which the fronts
of their houses are generally built.

[Footnote 6: This effect on the iron is obviously occasioned by
the muriatic acid in the sea spray; and were it not that the author
expressly says they have no lime, one would be apt to believe that the
stones so affected were limestone. There are, however, some cilicious
sand-stones, in which the grit, or particles of sand, are cemented
together by a calcareous infiltration, which may be the case in these
islands.--E.]

Leaving the Açores, and getting into Spanish sea, or mouth of the bay
of Biscay, the weather proved so bad that the _Advice-ship_ lost
her rudder, which obliged her to go through the Channel in order to
purchase a new one on the coast of England. The French, Danish, and
other ships, generally go that way; but the Dutch ships generally go
round Ireland and north about, from an idea, if they should happen
to meet with stormy weather in the channel, so as to be obliged to go
into an English port, that this might occasion several inconveniences.
Such ships, however, as have sustained any damage at sea, are
permitted to take their way through the channel. The rest of the Dutch
fleet followed the north-about course; and after three weeks, during
which they were involved in perpetual mists and fogs, they had sight
at length of the Orkney islands, where some Dutch ships were still
engaged in the herring fishery. In the latitude of 60° N. they met
some ships of war that waited for them, and convoyed them to the
coast of Holland, where all the ships got into their destined ports
in safety. Those on board of which were our author, and the other
prisoners, came into the Texel on the 11th of July, 1723; and arrived
five days afterwards at Amsterdam, the very same day two years after
sailing on their voyage.

The West-Company immediately commenced a law-suit against the
East-India Company, in behalf of themselves and all the persons
engaged in their service in the foregoing voyage, to obtain
satisfaction for the injury and injustice done them at Batavia. After
a long litigation, the States-General decreed, that the East-India
Company should furnish the West-India Company with two new ships,
completely fitted for sea in every respect, better than those which
had been confiscated by their officers in India, and should pay the
full value of their cargoes. Also, that the East-India Company should
pay the wages of the crews of both ships, up to the day of their
landing in Holland: Together with the entire costs of suit; besides
a considerable sum by way of fine, as a punishment for having abused
their authority so egregiously.[7]

[Footnote 7: Harris has given a report of this law-suit at some
length, but it did not seem necessary to give any more than the
result, as quite uninteresting at the present day.--E.]




CHAPTER XIV.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY CAPTAIN GEORGE ANSON, IN THE YEARS
1740-1744.[1]


PREFACE.

Though of considerable length, the importance of this narrative
forbids all attempts to alter it in any respect; except that it has
been necessary to leave out the explanations of several engraved
views of coasts and harbours, inserted in the original, but which were
greatly too large for admission, and would have been rendered totally
useless by being reduced to any convenient use for the octavo form
of this collection. Indeed, to have introduced all the engravings of
plans and views, necessary for the illustration of this and many other
voyages and travels, would have been utterly incompatible with the
nature and circumstances of this work; as nothing less than a complete
Atlas and entire Neptune of the whole globe could have sufficed,
attended by an enormous expence, and at the same time inadmissible
into octavo volumes. It has therefore been indispensably requisite,
on all occasions, to confine our illustrations of that kind to a
few reduced charts, merely sufficient to convey general notions of
geographical circumstances, and occasionally sketch plans of harbours,
straits, islands, and capes, explanatory of particular and important
places. Such of our readers, therefore, as require more complete
illustrations of geography, topography, and hydrography, must have
recourse to Atlasses, Neptunes, and coasting pilots.

[Footnote 1: Voyage, &c. by George Anson, Esq. afterwards Lord
Anson; compiled from his papers and materials by Richard Walter, M.A.
chaplain of H.M.S. Centurion in that expedition--_fifteenth edition_,
4to, Lond. 1776.]

This narrative was originally published under the name of Richard
Walter, chaplain to H.M.S. Centurion in the expedition, dedicated by
him to John Duke of Bedford, and said to have been compiled by that
gentleman from papers and materials furnished for the purpose by
Commodore Anson.

As the object of this expedition was of an extensive political nature,
intended to humble the power of Spain, in her most valuable yet most
vulnerable possessions, by injuring and intercepting the great source
of her public treasure, it has been thought proper, on the present
occasion, to give a transcript of the reflections made upon the
policy and expedience of this important voyage, very soon after
its completion, by Dr John Harris, by way of _Introduction_ to his
abridged account of this circumnavigation, in his Collection of
Voyages and Travels, vol. i. p. 337.

       *       *       *       *       *

"It is a thing that has been generally taken for granted, ever since
Spain has been possessed of her American dominions, and has made use
of the riches derived from these to disturb the peace and invade the
liberties of her neighbours, that the best way to reduce her strength,
and to prevent the bad effects of her evil intentions, would be to
attack her in the South Seas. This was pursued with great diligence,
and in some measure with success, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, [as
has been already shewn in the circumnavigatory voyages of Drake
and Candish, almost solely devoted to that object.] In that of her
successor, when a new quarrel broke out with that crown, in the year
1624, the first thing thought of by our patriots, who were equally
willing to humble the king's enemies and to save the money of the
nation, was an expedition to the South Seas, to be carried on at
the expence of, and for the benefit of the people; which scheme was
entitled _The West-India Association_.

"It may be thought I look a great way back when I offer to the view
of the reader the reasons which were then suggested in parliament in
support of that scheme. But whoever considers that it is not only the
most effectual, but the safest method, to instruct the present age
from the sentiments of the last, will readily enter into the reasons
which induce me, upon this occasion, to produce the speech of an
eminent patriot, in which the nature and scope of that _Association_,
as well as the motives on which it is grounded, are very fully and
pathetically set forth; and this in such terms, as, if the reader were
not told that this was a speech to Sir Dudley Diggs, then chairman
of a committee of the whole house, by Sir Benjamin Rudyard, he might
mistake it for a speech made only a few years since, so agreeable is
it, in language and sentiments, even to our present occasions.

"Sir,--I do profess that as my affections, my reason, and my judgement
go strongly with the scope and drift of this proposition, so shall
good part of my fortune when it comes to execution. For, to my
understanding, there was never propounded in parliament a design more
proper for this kingdom, nor more pregnant with advantages to it,
whether we consider the nature of our situation or the quality of our
enemy's forces. As we are an island, it concerns our very being to
have store of ships to defend us, and also our well-being by their
trade to enrich us. This Association for the West Indies, when it
shall be regulated and established by act of parliament, and thereby
secured from the violence and injury of any intruding hand, will
certainly give many men encouragement and confidence voluntarily
to bring in large and liberal contributions towards so noble and so
profitable an enterprize; so that, in short, we shall see many new
ships built, many brave men employed, and enabled to act for the
service of their country. None of this money shall be carried out of
the kingdom, but laid out in shipping, which is the defence of it, and
bestowed upon our own men, who must be fed and maintained though they
stay at home. For this, we shall reap the fruit of whatsoever benefit
plantation, traffic, or purchase can procure us, besides honour and
security.

"Now, let us a little consider the enemy we have to encounter, the
king of Spain. They are not his great territories which make him so
powerful and so troublesome to all Christendom. For it is very well
known that Spain itself is but weak in men, and barren of natural
commodities, and as for his other territories, they lie divided and
asunder, which is a weakness in itself. Besides, they are held
by force, and maintained at an extraordinary charge; insomuch, as
although he be a great king, yet he is like that giant who was said
to have an hundred hands, but had fifty bellies to feed, so that,
rateably, he had no more hands than another man. No, sir, they are
his mines in the West Indies which minister fuel to feed his ambitious
desire of universal monarchy. It is the money he hath from thence
which makes him able to levy and pay soldiers in all places, and to
keep an army on foot ready to invade and endanger his neighbours, so
that we have no other way but to endeavour to cut him off at the root,
and seek to impeach or to supplant him in the West Indies; by part
of which course that famous queen, of glorious memory, had heretofore
almost brought him to his knees. And this our undertaking, if it
pleases God to bless it, most needs affect it sooner and quicker, the
whole body of the kingdom being united, and concurring in a perpetual
supply to this action, so that he shall have no free time given him to
rest.

"Moreover, this will be a means not only to save, but to fill his
majesty's coffers, enabling the people to give him liberally and
often. The king's ships will have little to do but to guard the
coasts; for the sea-war will be chiefly made at the charge of the
subjects. This I doubt not but that, in a short time, both king and
people shall be safe at home, and feared abroad. To conclude, I shall
be very glad to hear any man make objection against this design, so
that he do so with an intention to refine and perfect the work; but
if any shall speak against it with a mind to hinder and destroy it, I
must entreat him to pardon me, if I do scarce think him to be a good
Englishman.

"That project of the West India Association had the same fate with
most other bold and honest projects in that reign, which was, after
being talked of a little, it sunk into oblivion. Our next difference
with Spain was under the protectorate of Cromwell, who encouraged
Father Gage to publish his account of the Spanish West Indies, which
formed the foundation of his attempt upon Hispaniola, and conquest of
Jamaica; but I do not know of any design formed by him to attack the
Spaniards in the South Seas. After the Restoration we were upon good
terms with Spain, as certainly was our interest. Yet Charles II. did
not absolutely neglect this navigation, but sent Sir John Marborough,
one of the best seamen this nation ever bred, in the Sweepstakes, in
the latter end of the year 1669, by way of the Straits of Magellan,
into the South Seas. To say the truth, our privateers, under the
command of Captains Sharpe, Davis, Swan, &c. were continually in these
seas, during all that reign and the next; so that, in those days, our
seamen were no strangers to any of the passages into the South Seas;
and, as the reader may have already observed, from the voyage of
Captain Cowley, it was then no unusual thing for the traders of London
to fit out ships for these parts, but whether with a view to traffic
or privateering, is a point not easy to determine at this distance of
time. But whatever the purpose they were sent upon, thither they went,
and no complaints were ever heard of with respect to extraordinary
hardships in the voyage, which is sufficient to shew how much
depends upon keeping all branches of navigation open, in order to
be constantly in a condition to secure and extend our trade, and to
preserve our reputation as a maritime power.

"After the Revolution, several proposals were made in relation to the
establishment of a commerce in the South Sea, which were received with
approbation; and it is certain that king William gave instructions to
Admiral Benbow, when he went out last to the West Indies, to enquire
how far any of these projects were feasible. After the breaking out of
the last general war, all the world expected that the first thing the
maritime powers would have done, would have been sending a squadron
to these seas, either for the service of the prince whom they owned as
king of Spain, or for their own advantage. The people of this nation,
in particular, were so desirous of seeing the war carried on this way,
and on this side, that, to give them hopes, and to shew, at the same
time, that the legislature approved their sentiments, a bill was
brought in and passed, in the House of Lords, for the better carrying
on the war in the West Indies, which was lost, however, by a kind
of ministerial craft, in the House of Commons; and soon after, for
reasons which have never yet been explained to the public, all designs
of this nature were laid aside. The only expedition of this nature,
during the whole war, was that of the Duke and Duchess, under the
command of Captain Woods Rogers, already related, which was fitted out
at the expence of some private merchants of Bristol. On the change of
ministry, a prodigious clamour was raised on this head, and all of a
sudden a resolution was taken to secure all the advantages that could
be wished for to this nation from the trade of the South Seas, which
ended, however, only in erecting a company under that title.
The nation very soon became sensible that this would not do, and
therefore, as soon as our disputes with the king of Spain came to
a height, in the reign of the late king, George I. a design was
immediately set on foot for sending privateers once more into that
part of the world, which ended in the expedition of Captain Shelvocke
and Captain Clipperton, already related at large.

"By this short deduction of facts, I think it is demonstrably proved,
that, in the judgement of this nation, the most probable way of
humbling Spain, in case of a war, is to send a squadron into the South
Seas, and I will venture to say, that there is one reason why this
is now become more expedient than ever, which is, that we are now no
longer at liberty to send ships thither in time of peace, as we were
before the South Sea Company was erected. It is not therefore at all
strange, that as soon as the present war broke out with Spain, the
general voice of the nation dictated such an expedition, or that, when
they saw it resolved on, and a squadron actually equipped for that
service, they very loudly testified their approbation of the scheme.
I believe also, my readers will readily give credit to the assertion,
when I affirm, that, during the time this squadron lay at Portsmouth,
there was a more general expectation of its performing things of the
highest consequence for the service of Great Britain, and reducing the
enemy to reason.

"It was in the midst of summer, in the year 1740, that this squadron
was formed at Portsmouth, at the same time that a great embarkation
was preparing for the West Indies, by which the siege of Carthagena
was afterwards undertaken, which turned the eyes of the whole world
upon that sea-port. At London, every person spoke of the intended
expedition to the South Seas as a design that must necessarily be
attended with highly advantageous consequences, if properly conducted;
and of this there was not made the least doubt, when it was known that
Captain Anson was named to the command, because he had shewn himself
upon all occasions equally vigilant in his duty, and moderate in the
exercise of power, more ready to correct by his own example than by
any other sort of reproof, and who, in the course of his services,
had acquired the respect of the officers, and the love of the sailors;
qualities that rarely meet in one person, and qualities which, without
the least contradiction, were ascribed to him.[2]

[Footnote 2: The sequel of these observations, by Harris, are
extracted from his supplementary reflections at the close of the
expedition, vol. 1, p. 364, _et sequ._ In these, however, we have used
much retrenchment, as the observations that may have been exceedingly
applicable in 1745, when Spain was in a great manner identified with
France, have now lost much of their force, in consequence of the
passing events, well known to all, but which do not admit of being
discussed in a note.--E.]

"Though this expedition was not attended by so great success in the
South Seas as was expected, yet the nation in general was far from
believing that its comparative failure ought to deter us from
the thoughts of such expeditions for the future, since it plainly
appeared, that, if the whole squadron had got round along with
the commodore into the South Seas, he would have been able to have
performed much greater things than any of our commanders had hitherto
done in these parts. Neither is it at all clear that the Spaniards
are there in a better condition, their coasts better fortified,
their garrisons more numerous, or the country in any respect better
provided, than when our privateers had formerly so great success
in those parts. The sacking of Payta in this expedition proves the
contrary, since it was then actually in a worse condition, and less
capable of making any resistance, than when formerly taken by Captain
Shelvocke. If this expedition had never taken place, we might have
been told that it was impracticable, that the Spaniards were grown
wiser, that all their ports were well fortified, and any attempt of
this kind would be only to sacrifice the lives of such as might be
employed in the expedition. But we now know the contrary, and that the
Spaniards remained as unguarded, and as little apprehensive as ever;
perhaps even the fate of this expedition may have made them less
so, insomuch, that were a new project of the same kind to be put in
execution, either at public or private expence, there seems next to a
moral certainty that it would succeed. Another expedition might,
and probably would be attended by fewer difficulties; at least, it
certainly might be undertaken at much less expence; and, besides
all the advantages resulting to such private persons as became
proprietors, this inestimable advantage would accrue to the public,
that we should once more have a number of able marines, well
acquainted with the navigation of the South Seas, which we never can
have by any other means.

"I would not be understood at all to lessen the miseries and
distresses of these who were employed in this voyage; and all I would
endeavour to aim at is to convince the reader that the difficulties
and discouragements met with in this voyage are not sufficient to
ground a decisive opinion by the few in opposition to the sentiments
of the many, that all attempts on this side ought to be abandoned. And
I really think that the setting the difficulties and discouragements
encountered by the Centurion in the strongest light, will serve my
purpose much better than lessening or extenuating them. For, if after
being ruined in a manner by storms, diseases, and hardships, they
landed rather skeletons than men, on the island of Juan Fernandez; if,
after their long cruize in the South Seas, their distresses came to be
as great when they took shelter in the island of Tinian; if the lying
at Macao was attended with many inconveniences; if the taking of the
Spanish galleon be a thing almost incredible, considering the small
number of men, and the condition they were in, who attacked her in the
Centurion; if the difficulties they afterwards met with in the river
of Canton, and the hazards run by the commodore in visiting the
viceroy, and thereby putting himself into the hands of such a people
as the Chinese, who could not but be displeased with his proceedings,
are circumstances which aggravate the matter: If so perilous a
navigation as that from Canton, through the Straits of Sunda, and
thence to the Cape of Good Hope, with little or no refreshment, with
a crew that wanted it so much, is still more amazing; and if the
bringing the ship home from thence, with a crew composed of so many
different nations, in the midst of a French war, and without the least
assistance from home, swell the whole into a kind of miracle, what
does all this prove? Since all this, under God, was entirely owing to
the prudence, moderation, and wise conduct of the commanding officer,
it certainly proves, if a right choice be made of commanders, that
there are no difficulties which may not be overcome, and therefore
that the adverse circumstances attending this voyage ought not at all
to discourage us.

"For, with the help of the example afforded by Commodore Anson, I
presume that there are many officers who would undertake and execute
such an expedition, to the honour of their country, and to the
advantage of their employers, supposing them to be employed by private
persons. This is the right use that might be made of this expedition:
an expedition difficult, dangerous, and in a manner impracticable,
considered in one light, but equally glorious and successful
when considered in another point of view; An expedition that has
demonstrated to the whole world that a train of unforeseen and most
disastrous accidents may be remedied, and even turned to advantage, by
an honest, skilful, brave, experienced, and well-meaning officer; An
expedition which shews that there are no hazards, no difficulties, no
distresses capable of depressing the courage of English seamen under
a proper commander; an expedition which makes it evident that
discontent, sedition, and mutiny, do not arise from the restless
tempers, intractable dispositions, and unruly behaviour of the English
sailors, but purely from the want of prudence, and right management,
and, in short, from the want of experience and capacity of such as
are entrusted with the command of them; an expedition, in a word, that
puts it beyond all doubt that the British nation is, at this day,
as capable of undertaking as great things, and of performing them as
successfully, as ever were done by their ancestors; and, consequently,
an expedition that must convince not only us, but all Europe, that
if our maritime force be not employed in undertakings of the most
important nature, it is not owing to the degeneracy or our seamen, nor
to be imputed to our want of able or daring commanders, which is not
my business, and which indeed surpasses my abilities, to discover.

"We are now to close this general subject of circumnavigations, which
relates to the whole world. It is true, that all the circumnavigators
did not propose, and that several of them did not make, any
discoveries; yet all their voyages are of great, though not of equal
importance, down to this last. For, by comparing that by Magellan,
which was the first, with this by Mr Anson, we shall find them to
differ in many respects, especially in the conclusion; that by Mr
Anson being by far the longer of the two. Some of them, also, took
quite a different route from others. As, for instance, Le Maire and
Roggewein, who never ran at all into the northern latitudes, but
sailed directly through the South Seas to the coast of New Guinea, and
thence to the island of Java; which is a much shorter course than
by way of California to the Philippines. From hence it very clearly
appears, that the passage to the East Indies by the South Seas is
shorter than that by the Cape of Good Hope;[3] of which the reader
will be convinced by considering the following particulars. Captain
Woods Rogers, in the Duke, sailed From the coast of Ireland and
doubled Cape Horn in four months; and Le Maire sailed from Juan
Fernandez to New Guinea and the Moluccas in three months; so that this
voyage takes up but seven months in the whole; whereas the Dutch, when
the chief emporium of their eastern commerce was fixed at Amboina,
thought it a good passage thither from Holland, if performed in ten or
eleven months.[4] It is from these stupendous voyages, that not only
the greatest discoveries have been made in general geography, but
from which all future discoveries must be expected; and therefore
this ought to be considered as one of the strongest arguments for
encouraging such voyages.[5]--_Harris._

[Footnote 3: It is not easy to conceive how Harris should have fallen
into this enormous error. To say nothing of the greater length and
difficulty of passing round Cape Horn, rather than the Cape of Good
Hope, the difference in longitudes is sufficient to establish the
absolute contrary of the position in the text. The longitude, for
instance, of the island of Ceylon, by the eastern passage, is only
80° E. whereas by the western passage it is 280 W. an excess of 200
degrees. Even Canton in China, is only in 113° E. but in 247° W. an
excess of 134 degrees.--E.]

[Footnote 4: To say nothing of the absurdity of the partial instances
adduced, it may be mentioned that, only a few years ago, an English
East Indiaman performed the voyage from England to Madras, delivered
his outward-bound cargo, took on board a new cargo, and returned to
England, all within nine months.--E.]

[Footnote 5: The remaining observations of Harris, supplementary
to his abbreviated account of this expedition, have no manner of
connection with the subject in hand, and are therefore omitted.]

       *       *       *       *       *

George Anson, the commodore on this expedition, was born in 1697,
being the third son of William Anson, Esq. of Shuckborough, in the
county of Stafford. Taking an early inclination for the naval service,
and after passing through the usual inferior steps, he was appointed
second lieutenant of the Hampshire in 1716. He was raised to the rank
of master and commander in 1722, and obtained the rank of post captain
in 1724, with the command of the Scarborough man-of-war. Between that
time and the year 1733, he made three voyages to North Carolina; and
having acquired considerable wealth, he appears to have purchased an
estate in that colony, where he erected a small town of his own name,
which gave the name of Anson County to the