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Traffiques, and Discoveries of The English Nation, Vol. XII., America, Part I., by Richard Hakluyt

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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of The English Nation, Vol. XII., America, Part I.

Author: Richard Hakluyt

Release Date: October 5, 2004 [EBook #13605]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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** Transcriber's Notes **

The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the
spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this
version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript
abbreviations have been silently expanded:

- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'
- q; = -que (in the Latin)
- y'e = the; y't = that; w't = with

This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes
are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling
conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always
systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's
own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the
sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are
labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in
poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on
corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH'

** End Transcriber's Notes **


THE PRINCIPAL

Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques

AND

Discoveries

OF

THE ENGLISH NATION.

Collected by

RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER.

AND

Edited by

EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.

VOL. XII.

AMERICA. PART I.



TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT CECIL[1] KNIGHT.

Principall Secretarie to her Maiestie, Master of the Court of Wards and
  Liueries, and one of her Maiesties most honourable Priuie Councell.

Right honourable, your fauourable acceptance of my second volume of the
English voyages offred vnto you the last yere, your perusing of the same at
your conuenient leasure, your good testimony of my selfe and of my
trauailes therein, together with the infallible signes of your earnest
desire to doe mee good, which very lately, when I thought least thereof,
brake forth into most bountiful and acceptable effects: these
considerations haue throughly animated and encouraged me to present vnto
your prudent censure this my third and last volume also. The subiect and
matter herein contained is the fourth part of the world, which more
commonly then properly is called America: but by the chiefest Authors The
new world. New, in regard of the new and late discouery thereof made by
Christopher Colon, aliàs Columbus, a Genouois by nation, in the yere of
grace 1492. And world, in respect of the huge extension thereof, which to
this day is not throughly discouered, neither within the Inland nor in the
coast, especially toward the North and Northwest, although on the either
side it be knowen vnto vs for the space of fiue thousand leagues at the
least, compting and considering the trending of the land, and for 3000.
more on the backeside in the South Sea from the Streight of Magellan to
Cape Mendoçino and Noua Albion. So that it seemeth very fitly to be called
A newe worlde. Howbeit it cannot be denied but that Antiquitie had some
kinde of dimme glimse, and vnperfect notice thereof. Which may appeare by
the relation of Plato in his two worthy dialogues of Timæus and Critias
vnder the discourse of that mighty large yland called by him Atlantis,
lying in the Ocean sea without the Streight of Hercules, now called the
Straight of Gibraltar, being (as he there reporteth) bigger then Africa and
Asia: And by that of Aristotle in his booke De admirandis auditionibus of
the long nauigation of certaine Carthaginians, who sayling forth of the
aforesaid Streight of Gibraltar into the maine Ocean for the space of many
dayes, in the ende found a mighty and fruitfull yland, which they would
haue inhabited, but were forbidden by their Senate and chiefe gouernours.
Moreouer, aboue 300. yeeres after these wee haue the testimony of Diodorus
Siculus lib. 5 cap. 7. of the like mighty yland discouered in the Westerne
Ocean by the Tyrrheni, who were forbidden for certaine causes to inhabite
the same by the foresaid Carthaginians. And Senecca in his tragedie
intituled Medea foretold aboue 1500. yeeres past, that in the later ages
the Ocean would discouer new worlds, and that the yle of Thule would no
more be the vttermost limite of the earth. For whereas Virgile had said to
Augustus Caesar, Tibi seruiat vltima Thule, alluding thereunto he
contradicteth the same, and saith, Nec sit terris vltima Thule. Yea
Tertullian, one of our most ancient and learned diuines, in the beginning
of his treatise de Pallio alludeth vnto Plato his Westerne Atlantis, which
there by another name he calleth Aeon, saying Aeon in Atlantico nunc
quæritur. And in his 40. chapter de Apologetico he reporteth the same to be
bigger then all Africa and Asia.[2] Of this new world and euery speciall
part thereof in this my third volume I haue brought to light the best and
most perfect relations of such as were chiefe actours in the particular
discoueries and serches of the same, giuing vnto euery man his right, and
leauing euery one to mainteine his owne credit. The order obserued in this
worke is farre more exact, then heretofore I could attaine vnto: for
whereas in my two former volumes I was enforced for lacke of sufficient
store, in diuers places to vse the methode of time onely (which many worthy
authors on the like occasion are enforced vnto) being now more plentifully
furnished with matter, I alwayes follow the double order of time and place.
Wherefore proposing vnto my selfe the right situation of this New world, I
begin at the extreme Northerne limite, and put downe successiuely in one
ranke or classis, according to the order aforesaide, all such voyages as
haue bene made to the said part: which comming all together, and following
orderly one vpon another, doe much more lighten the readers vnderstanding,
and confirme his iudgment, then if they had bene scattered in sundry
corners of the worke. Which methode I obserue from the highest North to the
lowest South.[3] Now where any country hath bene but seldome hanted, or any
extraordinary or chiefe action occureth, if I finde one voyage well written
by two seuerall persons, sometimes I make no difficultie to set downe both
those iournals, as finding diuers things of good moment obserued in the
one, which are quite omitted in the other. For commonly a souldier
obserueth one thing, and a mariner another, and as your honour knoweth,
Plus vident oculi, quàm oculus. But this course I take very seldome and
sparingly. And albeit my worke do cary the title of The English voyages,
aswell in regard that the greatest part are theirs, and that my trauaile
was chiefly vndertaken for preseruation of their memorable actions, yet
where our owne mens experience is defectiue, there I haue bene careful to
supply the same with the best and chiefest relations of strangers. As in
the discouery of the Grand Bay, of the mighty riuer of S. Laurence, of the
countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay, of Florida, and the Inland of
Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, and Quiuira, of The gulfe of California, and the
North westerne sea-coast to Cabo Mendoçino and Sierra Neuada: as also of
the late and rich discouery of 15. prouinces on the backside of Florida and
Virginia, the chiefest whereof is called the kingdome of New Mexico, for
the wealth, ciuil gouernment, and populousnesse of the same. Moreouer
because since our warres with Spaine, by the taking of their ships, and
sacking of their townes and cities, most of all their secrets of the West
Indies, and euery part thereof are fallen into our peoples hands (which in
former time were for the most part vnknowen vnto vs,) I haue vsed the
vttermost of my best endeuour, to get, and hauing gotten, to translate out
of Spanish, and here in this present volume to publish such secrets of
theirs, as may any way auaile vs or annoy them, if they driue and vrge vs
by their sullen insolencies, to continue our courses of hostilitie against
them, and shall cease to seeke a good and Christian peace vpon indifferent
and equal conditions. What these things be, and of how great importance
your honour in part may vnderstand, if it please you to vouchsafe to reade
the Catalogues conteyning the 14 principal heads of this worke. Whereby
your honor may farther perceiue that there is no chiefe riuer, no port, no
towne, no citie, no prouince of any reckoning in the West Indies, that hath
not here some good description thereof, aswell for the inland as the
sea-coast. And for the knowledge of the true breadth of the Sea betweene
Noua Albion on the Northwest part of America, and the yle of Iapan lying
ouer against the kingdomes of Coray and China, which vntil these foure
yeeres was neuer reueiled vnto vs, being a point of exceeding great
consequence, I haue here inserted the voyage of one Francis Gualle a
Spaniard made from Acapulco an hauen on the South sea on the coast of New
Spaine, first to the Philippinas, and then to the citie of Macao in China,
and homeward from Macao by the yles of Iapan, and thence to the back of the
West Indies in the Northerly latitude of 37. degrees 1/2. In which course
betweene the said ylands and the maine he found a wide and spacious open
Ocean of 900. leagues broad, which a little more to the Northward hath bene
set out as a Streight, and called in most mappes The Streight of Anian. In
which relation to the viceroy hee constantly affirmeth three seuerall
times, that there is a passage that way vnto the North parts of Asia.
Moreouer, because I perceiue by a letter directed by her Maiestie to the
Emperour of China (and sent in the last Fleet intended for those parts by
The South Sea vnder the charge of Beniamin Wood, chiefly set out at the
charges of sir Robert Duddeley, a gentleman of excellent parts) that she
vseth her princely mediation for obtaining of freedome of traffique for her
marchants in his dominions, for the better instruction of our people in the
state of those countries, I haue brought to light certaine new
aduertisements of the late alteration of the mightie monarchie of the
confronting yle of Iapan, and of the new conquest of the kingdome of Coray,
not long since tributarie to the king of China, by Quabacondono the monarch
of all the yles and princedomes of Iapan; as also of the Tartars called
Iezi, adioyning on the East and Northeast parts of Coray, where I thinke
the best vtterance of our natural and chiefe commoditie of cloth is like to
be, if it please God hereafter to reueile vnto vs the passage thither by
the Northwest. The most exact and true information of the North parts of
China I finde in a history of Tamerlan, which I haue in French, set out
within these sixe yeeres by the abbat of Mortimer, dedicated to the French
king that now reigneth, who confesseth that it was long since written in
the Arabian tongue by one Alhacen a wise and valiant Captaine, employed by
the said mighty prince in all his conquests of the foresaid kingdome. Which
history I would not haue failed to haue translated into English, if I had
not found it learnedly done vnto my hand.

And for an appendix vnto the ende of my worke, I haue thought it not
impertinent, to exhibite to the graue and discreet iudgements of those
which haue the chiefe places in the Admiraltie and marine causes of
England, Certaine briefe extracts of the orders of the Contractation house
of Siuil in Spaine, touching their gouernment in sea-matters: together with
The streight and seuere examination of Pilots and Masters before they be
admitted to take charge of ships, aswell by the Pilot mayor, and
brotherhood of ancient Masters, as by the Kings reader of The lecture of
the art of Nauigation, with the time that they be enioyned to bee his
auditors, and some part of the questions that they are to answere vnto.
Which if they finde good and beneficial for our seamen, I hope they wil
gladly imbrace and imitate, or finding out some fitter course of their
owne, will seeke to bring such as are of that calling vnto better
gouernment and more perfection in that most laudable and needfull vocation.
To leaue this point, I was once minded to haue added to the end of these my
labours a short treatise, which I haue lying by me in writing, touching The
curing of hot diseases incident to traueilers in long and Southerne
voyages, which treatise was written in English, no doubt of a very honest
mind, by one M. George Wateson, and dedicated vnto her sacred Maiestie. But
being carefull to do nothing herein rashly, I shewed it to my worshipfull
friend M. doctour Gilbert, a gentleman no lesse excellent in the chiefest
secrets of the Mathematicks (as that rare iewel lately set foorth by him in
Latine doeth euidently declare) then in his owne profession of physicke:
who assured me, after hee had perused the said treatise, that it was very
defectiue and vnperfect, and that if hee might haue leasure, which that
argument would require, he would either write something thereof more
aduisedly himselfe, or would conferre with the whole Colledge of the
Physicions, and set downe some order by common consent for the preseruation
of her Maiesties subjects. Now as the foresaid treatise touched the cure of
diseases growing in hot regions, so being requested thereunto by some in
authoritie they may adde their iudgments for the cure of diseases incident
unto men employed in cold regions, which to good purpose may serue our
peoples turnes, if they chance to prosecute the intermitted discouery by
the Northwest, whereunto I finde diuers worshipfull citizens at this
present much inclined. Now because long since I did foresee, that my
profession of diuinitie, the care of my family, and other occasions might
call and diuert me from these kinde of endeuours, I haue for these 3 yeeres
last pasts encouraged and furthered in these studies of Cosmographie and
forren histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend M. IOHN
PORY, one of speciall skill and extraordinary hope to performe great
matters in the same, and beneficial for the common wealth.

Thus Sir I haue portrayed out in rude lineaments my Westerne Atlantis or
America: assuring you, that if I had bene able, I would haue limned her and
set her out with farre more liuely and exquisite colours: yet, as she is, I
humbly desire you to receiue her with your wonted and accustomed fauour at
my handes, who alwayes wil remaine most ready and deuoted to do your honour
any poore seruice that I may; and in the meane season will not faile
vnfainedly to beseech the Almighty to powre vpon you the best of his
temporall blessings in this world, and after this life ended with true and
much honour, to make you partaker of his joyes eternall. From London the
first of September, the yeere of our Lord God 1600.

Your Honours most humble to
be commanded,

RICHARD HAKLVYT, Preacher.




Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries

OF THE

ENGLISH NATION IN AMERICA.

       *       *       *       *       *

The most ancient Discovery of the West Indies by Madoc the sonne of Owen
  Guyneth Prince of North-wales, in the yeere 1170: taken out of the
  history of Wales, lately published by M. Dauid Powel Doctor of
  Diuinity.[4]

After the death of Owen Guyneth, his sonnes fell at debate who should
inherit after him: for the eldest sonne borne in matrimony, Edward or
Iorweth Drwydion, was counted vnmeet to gouerne, because of the maime upon
his face: and Howell that tooke vpon him all the rule was a base sonne,
begotten upon an Irish woman. Therefore Dauid gathered all the power he
could, and came against Howel, and fighting with him, slew him; and
afterwards inioyed quietly the whole land of Northwales, vntil his brother
Iorwerths sonne came to age. [Sidenote: Madoc the son of Owen Guyneth.]
Madoc another of Owen Guyneth his sonnes left the land in contention
betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine ships, with men and munition,
and sought aduentures by Seas, sailing West, and leauing the coast of
Ireland so farre North, that he came vnto a land vnknowen, where he saw
many strange things.

[Sidenote: Humf. Llyod.] This land most needs be some part of that Countrey
of which the Spanyards affirme themselues to be the first finders since
Hannos time. Whereupon it is manifest that that countrey was by Britaines
discouered, long before Columbus led any Spanyards thither.

Of the voyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables feined, as the
common people doe vse in distance of place and length of time rather to
augment then to diminish: but sure it is there he was. [Sidenote: The
second voyage of Madoc the sonne of Owen Guyneth.] And after he had
returned home, and declared the pleasant and fruitfull countreys that he
had seen without inhabitants, and vpon the contrary part, for what barren
and wild ground his brethren and nephews did murther one another, he
prepared a number of ships, and got with him such men and women as were
desirous to liue in quietness: and taking leaue of his friends, tooke his
journey thitherward againe. [Sidenote: Gomara. lib. 2. cap. 16.] Therefore
it is to be supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those
countreys: for it appeareth by Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil
and other places the people honored the crosse. Wherby it may be gathered
that Christians had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards. But
because this people were not many, they followed the maners of the land
which they came vnto, and vsed the language they found there.

[Sidenote: M. Powels addition. Gutyn Owen.] This Madoc arriuing in that
Westerne countrey, vnto the which he came in the yere 1170, left most of
his people there, and returning backe for more of his owne nation,
acquaintance and friends to inhabit that faire and large countrey, went
thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I am of
opinion that the land whereunto he came was some part of the West
Indies.[5]

       *       *       *       *       *

Carmina Meredith filij Rhesi[6] mentionem facientia de Madoco filio Oweni
  Guynedd, et de sua nauigatione in terras incognitas. Vixit hic Meredith
  circiter annum Domini 1477.

    Madoc wyf, mwyedic wedd,
    Iawn genau, Owyn Guynedd:
    Ni fynnum dir, fy enaid oedd
    Na da mawr, ond y moroedd.[7]

The same in English.


    Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Gwynedd
    With stature large, and comely grace adorned:
    No lands at home nor store of wealth me please,
    My minde was whole to search the Ocean seas.

       *       *       *       *       *

The offer of the discouery of the West Indies by Christopher Columbus to
  king Henry the seuenth in the yeere 1488 the 13 of February: with the
  kings acceptation of the offer, and the cause whereupon hee was depriued
  of the same: recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the history of Don
  Fernand Columbus of the life and deeds of his father Christopher
  Columbus.[8]

Christophero Colon temendo, se parimente i Re di Castiglia non assentissero
alla sua impresa, non gli bisognasse proporla di nuouo à qualche alto
principe, e cosi in cio passasse lungo tempo; mando in Inghilterra vn suo
fratello, che haueua appresso di se, chiantato Bartholomeo Colon: il qual,
quantunque non hauesse lettere Latine, erà però huomo prattico, e
giudicioso nelle cose del mare, e sapea molto bene far carte da nauigare, e
sphere, et altri instrumenti di quella professione, come dal suo fratello
era instrutto. Partito adunque Bartholomeo Colon per Inghilterra, volle la
sua sorte, che desse in man di cor sali, i quali lo spogliarono insieme con
gli altri delta sua naue. Per la qual cosa, e per la sua pouertà et
infirmità, che in cosi diuerse terre lo assalirono crudelmente, prolungo
per gran tempo la sua ambasciata, fin che, aquistata vn poco di faculia con
le carte, ch' ei fabricana, cominciò a far pratiche co' il Re Enrico
settimo padre de Enrico ottauo, che al presente regna: a cui appresentò vn
mappamondo, nel quale erano scritti questi versi, che frá le sue scriture
lo trouai, e da me saranno qui posti piu rosto per l'antichità, che per la
loro elganza.

    Terraram quicunque cupis foeliciter oras
    Noscere, cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit,
    Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptolomæus, Plinius, atque
    Isidorus: non vno tamen sententia cuique.
    Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis
    Hispanis Zona illa, priùs incognita genti
    Torrida, quæ tandem nunc est notissima multis.

Et piu di sotto diceua

Pro Authore siue Pictore.

    Ianua cui patriæ est nomen, cui Bartholomæus
    Columbus de Terra Rubra, opus edidit istud,
    Londonijis anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno
    Octauo, decimaque die cum tertia mensis
    Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundè.

Et, percioche auuertirà alcuno, che dice Columbus de Terra Rubra, dico
medesimamente Io viddi alcune sotto scritioni dell'Ammiraglio, primo che
acquistasse lo stato, ou' egli si sotto scriueua, Columbus de Terra Rubra.
Ma, tornando al Re d'Inghilterra, dico, che, da lui il mappamondo veduto,
et cio che i'Ammiraglio gli offeriua, con allegro volto accettò la sua
offerta, e mandolo a chiamare. Ma, percioche Dio Phaueua per Cas. tiglia
serbata, gia l'Ammiraglio in quel tempo era andato, e tornato con la
vittoria della sua impresa, secondo che per ordine si racconterà. Lasciarò
hora di raccontar ciò, che Bartolomeo Colon hauena negociato in
Inghilterra, e tornarò all'Ammiraglio, etc.


The same in English.

Christopher Columbus fearing least if the king of Castile in like manner
(as the king of Portugall had done) should not condescend vnto his
enterprise, he should be inforced to offer the same againe to some other
prince, and so much time should be spent therein, sent into England a
certaine brother of his which he had with him, whose name was Bartholomew
Columbus, who, albeit he had not the Latine tongue, yet neuerthelesse was a
man of experience and skilfull in Sea causes, and could very wel make sea
cards and globes, and other instruments belonging to that profession, as he
was instructed by his brother. Wherefore after that Bartholomew Columbus
was departed for England, his lucke was to fall into the hands of pirats,
which spoiled him with the rest of them which were in the ship which he
went in. [Sidenote: The occasion why the West Indies were not discouered
for England.] Vpon which occasion, and by reason of his pouerty and
sicknesse which cruelly assaulted him in a countrey so farre distant from
his friends, he deferred his embassage for a long while, until such time as
he had gotten somewhat handsome about him with making of Sea Cards. At
length he began to deale with King Henry the seuenth the father of Henry
the eight, which reigneth at this present: vnto whom he presented a mappe
of the world, wherein these verses were written, which I found among his
papers: and I will here set them downe, rather for their antiquity then for
their goodnesse.

    Thou which desireth easily the coasts of lands to know,
    This comely mappe right learnedly the same to thee will shew:
    Which Strabo, Plinie, Ptolomew and Isodore maintaine:
    Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remaine.
    Here also is set downe the late discouered burning Zone
    By Portingals, vnto the world which whilom was vnknowen.
    Whereof the knowledge now at length thorow all the world is blowen.

And a little vnder he added:

For the Author or the Drawer.

    He, whose deare natiue soile hight stately Genua.
    Euen he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra,
    The yeere of Grace a thousand and foure hundred and fourescore
    And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more,
    In London published this worke. To Christ all laud therefore.

And because some peraduenture may obserue that he calleth himselfe Columbus
de Terra Rubra, I say, that in like maner I haue seene some subscriptions
of my father Christopher Columbus, before he had the degree of Admirall,
wherein be signed his name thus, Columbus de Terra Rubra. [Sidenote: King
Henry the seuenth his acceptation of Columbus offer.] But to returne to the
king of England, I say, that after he had seene the map, and that which my
father Christopher Columbus offered vnto him, he accepted the offer with
ioyfull countenance, and sent to call him into England. But because God had
reserued the said offer for Castile, Columbus was gone in the meane space,
and also returned with the performance of his enterprise, as hereafter in
order shall be rehearsed. Now will I leaue off from making any farther
mention of that which Bartholomew Colon had negotiated in England, and I
will returne vnto the Admirall, &c.

       *       *       *       *       *

Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the foresayd history of
  Ferdinando Columbus concerning the offer that Bartholomew Columbus made
  to king Henry the seuenth on the behalfe of his brother Christopher.

Tornato adunque l'Ammiraglio dallo scoprimento di Cuba and di Giamaica,
tornò nella Spagnuola Bartolomeo Colon suo fratello, quello, che era già
andato a trattare accordo col Re d'Inghilterra sopra lo scoprimento delle
Indie, come di sopra habiam detto. Questo poi, ritornando sene verso
Castiglia con capitoli conceduti, haueua inteso a Parigi dal re Carlo di
Francia, l'Ammiraglio suo fratello hauer gia scorperte l'Indie: per che gli
souenne per poter far il Viaggio di cento scudi. Et, Auenga che per cotal
nuoua egli si fosse molto affrettato, per arriuar l'Ammiraglio in Spagna,
quando non dimeno giunse a Siuiglia, egli era gia tornato alle Indie co' 17
nauigli. Perche, per asseguir quanto ei gli haueba lasciato, di subito al
principio dell' anno del 1494 sen' andò a i Re Catholici, menando seco Don
Diego Colon, mio fratello, e me ancora, accioche seruissimo di paggi al
serenissimo principe Don Giouanni, il qual viua in gloria, si come hauea
commandata la Catholica Reina donna Isabella, che alhora era in
Vagliadolid. Tosto adunque che noi giungemmo, i Re chiamarono Don
Bartolomeo, et mandaronlo alia Spagnuola centre naui, &c.

The same in English.

Christopher Columbus the Admirall being returned from the discouery of Cuba
and Iamayca, found in Hispaniola his brother Bartholomew Columbus, who
before had beene sent to intreat of an agreement with the king of England
for the discouery of the Indies, as we haue sayd before. This Bartholomew
therefore returning vnto Castile, with the capitulations granted by the
king of England to his brother, vnderstood at Paris by Charles the king of
France that the Admirall his brother had already performed that discouery:
whereupon the French king gaue vnto the sayd Bartholomew an hundred French
crownes to beare his charges into Spaine. And albeit he made great haste
vpon this good newes to meet with the Admirall in Spaine, yet at his
comming to Siuil his brother was already returned to the Indies with
seuenteene saile of shipps. Wherefore to fulfill that which he had left him
in charge in the beginning of the yeere 1494 he repaired to the Catholike
princes, taking with him Diego Colon my brother and me also, which were to
be preferred as Pages to the most excellent Prince Don Iohn, who now is
with God, according to the commandement of the Catholic Queene Lady
Isabell, which was then in Validolid. Assoone therefore as we came to the
Court, the princes called for Don Bartholomew, and sent him to Hispaniola
with three ships, &c.

       *       *       *       *       *

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, NAVIGATIONS, AND DISCOUERIES.

_(Intended for the finding of a northwest passage) to the north parts of
  America, to meta incogita, and the backeside of Gronland, as farre as 72
  degrees and 12 minuts: performed first by Sebastian Cabota, and since by
  Sir Martin Frobisher, and M. John Dauis, with the patents, discourses,
  and aduertisements thereto belonging._

The Letters patents of King Henry the seuenth granted vnto Iohn Cabot and
  his three sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius for the discouerie of new
  and vnknowen lands.

Henricus Dei gratia rex Angliæ, et Franciæ, et Dominus Hiberniæ, omnibus,
ad quos præsentes literæ nostræ peruenerint, salutem.

Notum sit et manifestum, quòd dedimus et concessimus, ac per præsentes
damus et concedimus pro nobis et hæredibus nostris, dilectis nobis Ioanni
Caboto ciui Venetiarum, Lodouico, Sebastiano, et Sancio, filijs dicti
Ioannis, et eorum ac cuiuslibet eorum hæredibus et deputatis, plenam ac
liberam authoritatem, facultatem, et potestatem nauigandi ad omnes partes,
regiones, et sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis, et septentrionalis, sub
banneris, vexillis, et insignijs nostris, cum quinque nauibus siue
nauigijs, cuiuscúnque portituræ et qualitatis existant, et cum tot et
tantis nautis et hominibus, quot et quantos in dictis nauibus secum ducere
voluerint, suis et eorum proprijs sumptibus et expensis, ad inueniendum,
discooperiendum, et inuestigandum quascunque insulas, patrias, regiones
siue prouincias gentilium et infidelium quorumcunque, in quacunque parte
mundi positas, quæ Christianis omnibus ante hæc tempora fuerint incognitæ.
Concessimus etiam eisdem et eorum cuilibet, eorumque et cuiuslibet eorum
hæredibus et deputatis, ac licentiam dedimus ad affigendum prædictas
banneras nostras et insignia in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu
terra firma à se nouiter inuentis. Et quòd prænominatus Ioannes, et filij
eiusdem, seu hæredes et eorum deputati, quascunque huiusmodi villas,
castra, oppida, et insulas à se inuentas, quæ subiugari, occupari,
possideri possint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valeant tanquam vasalli
nostri, et gubernatores, locatenentes, et deputati eorundem, dominium,
titulum et iurisdictionem earundem villarum, castrorum, oppidorum,
insularum, ac terræ firmæ sic inuentorum nobis acquirendo. Ita tamen, vt ex
omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis, commodis, lucris, et
obuintionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus, præfatus Iohannes,
et filij ac hæredes, et eorum deputati, teneanter et sint obligati nobis
pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliæ
applicuerint (ad quem omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti) deductis
omnibus sumptibus et impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem
capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecunijs persoluere:
Dantes nos et concedentes eisdem suisque hæredibus et deputatis, vt ab omni
solutione custumarum omnium et singulorum honorum et mercium, quas secum
reportarint ab illis locis sic nouiter inuentis, liberi sint et immunes. Et
insuper dedimus et concessimus eisdem ac suis hæredibus et deputatis, quod
terræ omnes firmæ, insulæ, villæ, oppida, castra, et loca quæcunque a se
inuenta, quotquot ab eis inueniri contigerit, non possint ab alijs
quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visitari, absque licentia
prædictorum Ioannis et eius filiorum, suorumque deputatoram, sub poena
amissionis tam nauium quàm bonorum omnium quorumcunque ad ea loca sic
inuenta nauigare præsumentium. Volentes et strictissimè mandantes omnibus
et singulis nostris subditis, tam in terra quàm in mari constitutis, vt
præfato Ioanni et eius filijs ac deputatis, bonam assistentiam faciant, et
tam in armandis nauibus seu nauigijs, quàm in prouisione commeatus et
victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atque aliarum omnium rerum sibi
prouidendarum pro dicta nauigatione sumenda suos omnes fauore set auxilia
impertiant. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus
patentes. [Sidenote: Ann. Dom. 1495.] Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium
quinto die Martij anno regni nostri vndecimo.

The same in English.

Henry by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland,
to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.

Be it knowen that we haue giuen and granted, and by these presents do giue
and grant for vs and our heires, to our welbeloued Iohn Cabot citizen of
Venice,[9] to Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the said Iohn, and
to the heires of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, full and free
authority, leaue, and power to saile to all parts, countreys, and seas of
the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensignes,
with fiue ships of what burthen or quality soeuer they be, and as many
mariners or men as they will haue with them in the sayd ships, vpon their
owne proper costs and charges, to seeke out, discouer, and finde whatsoeuer
isles, countreys, regions or prouinces of the heathen and infidels
whatsoeuer they be, and in what part of the world soeuer they be, which
before this time haue bene vnknowen to all Christians; we haue granted to
them, and also to euery of them, the heires of them, and their deputies,
and haue giuen them licence to set vp our banners and ensignes in euery
village, towne, castle, isle, or maine land of them newly found. And that
the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes, or their heires and assignes may subdue,
occupy and possesse all such townes, cities, castles and isles of them
found, which they can subdue, occupy and possesse, as our vassals, and
lieutenants, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and iurisdiction of the same
villages, townes, castles, and firme land so found. [Sidenote: Bristol
thought the meetest port for Westerne discoueries.] Yet so that the
aforesayd Iohn, and his sonnes and heires, and their deputies, be holden
and bounden of all the fruits, profits, gaines, and commodities growing of
such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they shall arriue at
our port of Bristoll (at the which port they shall be bound and holden
onely to arriue) all maner of necessary costs and charges by them made,
being deducted, to pay vnto vs in wares or money the fift part of the
capitall gaine so gotten. [Sidenote: Freedome from custome.] We giuing and
granting vnto them and to their heires and deputies, that they shall be
free from all paying of customes of all and singular such merchandize as
they shall bring with them from those places so newly found. And moreouer,
we haue giuen and granted to them, their heires and deputies, that all the
firme lands, isles, villages, townes, castles and places whatsoeuer they be
that they shall chance to finde, may not of any other of our subiects be
frequented or visited without the licence of the foresayd Iohn and his
sonnes, and their deputies, vnder paine of forfeiture aswell of their
shippes as of all and singuler goods of all them that shall presume to
saile to those places so found. Willing, and most straightly commanding all
and singuler our subiects aswell on land as on sea, to giue good assistance
to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies, and that as well in
arming and furnishing their ships or vessels, as in prouision of food, and
in buying of victuals for their money, and all other things by them to be
prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation, they do giue them all their
helpe and fauour. In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our
Letters patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminister the fift day of March,
in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne.[10]

       *       *       *       *       *

Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi.

[Sidenote: A record of the rolls touching the voyage of Iohn Cabot and
Sebastian his sonne.] Rex tertio die Februarij, anno 13, licentiam dedit
Ioanni Caboto, quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas, in aliquo
portu, siue portibus regni Angliæ, ita quod sint de portagio 200. doliorum,
vel subtus, cum apparatu requisito, et quod recipere possint in dictas
naues omnes tales magistros, marinarios, et subditos regis, qui cum eo
exire voluerint, &c.


The same in English.

The king vpon the third day of February, in the 13 yeere of his reigne,
gaue licence to Iohn Cabot to take sixe English ships in any hauen or
hauens of the realme of England, being of the burden of 200 tunnes, or
vnder, with all necessary furniture, and to take also into the said ships
all such masters, mariners, and subjects of the king as willingly will go
with him, &c.[11]

       *       *       *       *       *

An extract taken out of the map[12] of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement
  Adams, concerning his discouery of the West Indies, which is to be seene
  in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster, and in many other
  ancient merchants houses.

Anno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus, et Sebastianus illius filius eam
terram fecerunt peruiam, quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit, die 24 Junij,
circiter horam quintam bene manè. Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm
visam, credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos iniecerat. Nam quæ ex
aduerso sita est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis, hac opinor
ratione, quòd aperta fuit eo die qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistæ: Huius
incolæ pelles animalium, exuuiasque ferarum pro indumentis habent, easque
tanti faciunt, quanti nos vestes preciosissimas. Cùm bellum gerunt, vtuntur
arcu, sagittis, hastis, spiculis, clauis ligneis et fundis. Tellus sterilis
est, neque vllos fructus affert, ex quo fit, vt vrsis albo colore, et
ceruis inusitatæ apud nos magnitudinis referta sit: piscibus abundat,
ijsque sane magnis, quales sunt lupi marini, et quos salmones vulgus
appellat; soleæ autem reperiuntur tam longæ, vt vlnæ mensuram excedant.
Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium, quos vulgari sermone vocant
Bacallaos. Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigri, vt coruorum
similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant, perdices autem et aquilæ sunt nigri
coloris.


The same in English.

In the yeere of our Lord 1497 Iohn Cabot a Venetian, and his sonne
Sebastian (with an English fleet set out from Bristoll) discouered that
land which no man before that time had attempted, on the 24 of Iune,[13]
about fiue of the clocke early in the morning. This land he called Prima
vista, that is to say, First seene, because as I suppose it was that part
whereof they had the first sight from sea. That Island which lieth out
before the land, he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion, as I
thinke, because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The
inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes, and haue them in as
great estimation as we haue our finest garments. In their warres they vse
bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings. The soile is
barren in some places, and yeeldeth litle fruit, but it is full of white
beares, and stagges farre greater then ours. It yeeldeth plenty of fish,
and those very great, as seales, and those which commonly we call salmons:
there are soles also aboue a yard in length: but especially there is great
abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos. In the
same Island also there breed hauks, but they are so blacke that they are
very like to rauens, as also their partridges, and egles, which are in like
sort blacke.

       *       *       *       *       *

A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West
  India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth, vsed to
  Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine, and reported by the
  sayd Legate in this sort.

[Sidenote: This discourse is taken out of the second volume of the voyages
of Baptista Ramusius.[14]] Doe you not vnderstand sayd he (speaking to
certaine Gentlemen of Venice) how to passe to India toward the Northwest,
as did of late a citizen of Venice, so valiant a man, and so well practised
in all things pertaining to nauigations, and the science of Cosmographie,
that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine, insomuch that for his
virtues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West
Indies, who may not passe thither without his licence, and is therefore
called Piloto mayor, that is, the grand Pilot. [Sidenote: Sebastian Cabota
Pilot mayor of Spaine.] And when we sayd that we knew him not, he
proceeded, saying, that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil, and
desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards, it was
tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian borne named
Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those things, being an expert man in
that science, and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea, with his owne
hand, and by this report, seeking his acquaintance, hee found him a very
gentle person, who intertained him friendly, and shewed him many things,
and among other a large Mappe of the world, with certaine particular
Nauigations, as well of the Portugals, as of the Spaniards, and that he
spake further vnto him to this effect.

When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England,
to follow the trade of marchandises, hee tooke mee with him to the citie of
London, while I was very yong, yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of
letters of humanitie, and of the Sphere. And when my father died in that
time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had
discouered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the Court of
king Henry the 7, who then raigned, insomuch that all men with great
admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane, to saile by
the West into the East where spices growe, by a way that was neuer knowen
before, by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame
of desire to attempt some notable thing. And vnderstanding by reason of the
Sphere, that if I should saile by way of the Northwest, I should by a
shorter tract come into India, I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised
of my deuise, who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished with
all things appertayning to the voyage, which was as farre as I remember in
the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer. I began therefore to saile
toward the Northwest, not thinking to finde any other land then that of
Cathay, and from thence to turne toward India, but after certaine dayes I
found that the land ranne towards the North, which was to mee a great
displeasure. Neuerthelesse, sayling along by the coast to see if I could
finde any gulfe that turned, I found the lande still continent to the 56.
degree vnder our Pole. And seeing that there the coast turned toward the
East, despairing to finde the passage, I turned backe againe, and sailed
downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctiall (euer with intent
to finde the saide passage to India) and came to that part of this firme
lande which is nowe called Florida, where my victuals failing, I departed
from thence and returned into England, where I found great tumults among
the people, and preparation for wanes in Scotland; by reason whereof there
was no more consideration had to this voyage.

[Sidenote: The second voyage of Cabot to the land of Brazil, and Rio de
Plata.] Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique king, and Queene
Elizabeth, which being aduertised what I had done, intertained me, and at
their charges furnished certaine ships, wherewith they caused me to saile
to discouer the coastes of Brazile, where I found an exceeding great and
large riuer named at this present Rio de la plata, that is, the riuer of
siluer, into the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land, more
then sixe score leagues, finding it euery where very faire, and inhabited
with infinite people, which with admiration came running dayly to our
ships. Into this Riuer runne so many other riuers, that it is in maner
incredible.

[Sidenote: The office of Pilote maior.] After this I made many other
voyages, which I nowe pretermit, and waxing olde, I giue myselfe to rest
from such trauels, because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and
Mariners of good experience, by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the
fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office, as you
see.[15]

       *       *       *       *       *

The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the thirde volume of the
  Nauigations writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot.

In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of Iohn de
Vararzana, Florentine, and of a great captaine a Frenchman, and the two
voyages of Iaques Cartier a Briton, who sailed vnto the land situate in 50.
degrees of latitude to the North, which is called New France, which landes
hitherto are not throughly knowen, whether they doe ioyne with the firme
lande of Florida and Noua Hispania, or whether they bee separated and
diuided all by the Sea as Ilands: and whether that by that way one may goe
by Sea vnto the countrey of Cathaia. [Sidenote: The great probabilitie of
this North-west passage.] As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by
Sebastian Cabota our Countrey man a Venetian, a man of great experience,
and very rare in the art of Nauigation, and the knowledge of Cosmographie,
who sailed along and beyond this land of New France, at the charge of King
Henry the seuenth king of England: and he aduertised mee, that hauing
sailed a long time West and by North, beyond those Ilands vnto the Latitude
of 67. degrees and an halfe, vnder the North pole, and at the 11. day of
Iune finding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, he
thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaia,
which is in the East, and would haue done it, if the mutinie of the
ship-master and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne
homewards from that place. But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue
this great enterprise for some great prince to discouer this voyage of
Cathaia by this way, which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India
into Europe, were the most easy and shortest of all other wayes hitherto
found out. And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious, and of
most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great,
and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more then can be done by any
of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are used in Europe among
the miserable Christian people.

       *       *       *       *       *

Another testunonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and
  Northwest, taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Peter
  Martyr of Angleria.

Scrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus, sed
à parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus (vti moris est Venetorum,
qui commercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites) transportatus penè
infans. Duo is sibi nauigia, propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit,
et primò tentens cum hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem donec etiam Iulio
mense vastas repererit glaciates moles pelago natantes, et lucem ferè
perpetuam, tellure tamen libera, gelu liquefacto: quare coactus fuit, vti
ait, vela vertere et occidentem sequi: tetenditque tantum ad meridiem
littore sese incuruante, vt Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus æquarit:
ad occidentémque profectus tantum est vt Cubam Insulam à Iæua, longitudine
graduum penè parem, habuerit. Is ea littora percurrens, quæ Baccalaos
appelauit, eosdem se reperisse aquarum, sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem
ait, quos Castellani, meridionales suas regiones adnauigantes, inuenient.
Ergò non modò verisimilius, sed necessario concludendum est, vastos inter
vtramque ignotam hactenus tellurem iacere hiatus, qui viam præbeant aquis
ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem. Quas arbitror impulsu coelorum
circulariter agi in gyrum circa terræ globum, non autem Demogorgone
anhelante vomi, absorberique vt nonnulli senserunt, quod influxu, et
refluxu forsan assentire daretur. Baccalaos, Cabotus ipse terras illas
appellauit, eò quod in earum pelago tantam reperierit magnorum quorundam
piscium, tynnos æmulantium, sic vocatorum ab indigenis, multitudinem, vt
etiam illi interdum nauigia detardarent. Earum Regionum homines pellibus
tantum coopertos reperiebat, rationis haudquaquam expertes. Vrsorum inesse
regionibus copiam ingentem refert, qui et ipsi piscibus vescantur. Inter
densa namque piscium illorum agmina sese immergunt vrsi, et singulos
singuli complexos, vnguibusque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant et
comedunt. Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait Orichalcum in
plerisque locis se vidisse apud incolas prædicat. Familiarem habeo domi
Cabotum ipsum, et contubernalem interdum. Vocatus namque ex Britannia à
Rege nostro Catholico, post Henrici Maioris Britanniæ Regis mortem,
concurialis noster est, expectatque indies, vt nauigia sibi parentur,
quibus arcanum hoc naturæ latens iam tandem detegatur.


The same in English.

These North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian
borne, whom being yet but in maner an infant, his parents carried with them
into England, hauing occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise,
as in the maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched
to obtaine riches. Hee therefore furnished two ships in England at his owne
charges, and first with 300 men directed his course so farre towards the
North pole, that euen in the moneth of Iuly he found monstrous heapes of
ice swimming on the sea, and in maner continuall day light, yet saw he the
land in that tract free from ice, which had bene molten by the heat of the
Sunne. Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him, hee was enforced to turne
his sailes and follow the West, so coasting still by the shore, that hee
was thereby brought so farre into the South, by reason of the land bending
so much Southwards, that it was there almost equal in latitude, with the
sea Fretum Hercoleum, hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same
degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West, that
hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in maner in the same degree of
longitude. [Sidenote: A current toward the West.] As hee traueiled by the
coastes of this great land, (which he named Baccalaos) he saith that hee
found the like course of the waters toward the West, but the same to runne
more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in
their Nauigations Southwards. Wherefore it is not onely more like to be
true, but ought also of necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the
lands hitherto vnknown, there should be certaine great open places whereby
the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the West:
[Sidenote: The people of Island say the Sea and yce setteth also West.
(Ionas Arngrimus.)[16]] which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe
of the earth by the uncessant mouing and impulsion of the heauens, and not
to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the breathing of Demogorgon, as
some haue imagined, because they see the seas by increase and decrease to
ebbe and flowe. Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos,
because that in the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of
certaine bigge fishes much like vnto Tunies, (which the inhabitants called
Baccalaos) that they sometimes stayed his shippes. He found also the people
of those regions couered with beastes skinnes, yet not without the vse of
reason. He also saieth there is great plentie of Beares in those regions
which vse to eate fish: for plunging themselues into the water, where they
perceiue a multitude of these fishes to lie, they fasten their clawes in
their scales, and so draw them to land and eate them, so (as he saith) the
Beares being thus satisfied with fish, are not noisome to men. [Sidenote:
Copper found in many places by Cabote.] Hee declareth further, that in many
places of these Regions he saw great plentie of Copper among the
inhabitants. Cabot is my very friend, whom I vse familiarly, and delight to
haue sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house. For being called out
of England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile, after the
death of King Henry the seuenth of that name king of England, he was made
one of our council and Assistants, as touching the affaires of the new
Indies, looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discouer this
hid secret of Nature.

       *       *       *       *       *

The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard, in the fourth Chapter
  of the second Booke of his generall history of the West Indies concerning
  the first discouerie of a great part of the West Indies, to wit, from 58.
  to 38. degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of England.

He which brought most certaine newes of the countrey and people of
Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a Venetian, which rigged vp
two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England, hauing great desire to
traffique for the spices as the Portingalls did. He carried with him 300.
men, and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador,
vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation that
in the moneth of Iuly it was so cold, and the ice so great, that hee durst
not passe any further: that the dayes were long, in a maner without any
night, and for that short night that they had, it was very cleare. Cabot
feeling the cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himselfe at
Baccalaos: and afterwards he sayled along the coast vnto 38. degrees, and
from thence he shaped his course to returne into England.

       *       *       *       *       *

A note of Sebastian Cabots[17] first discouerie of part of the Indies taken
  out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle[18] not hitherto
  printed, which is in the custodie of M. Iohn Stow[19] a diligent
  preseruer of Antiquities.

[Sidenote: Cabots voyage (from Bristol) wherein he discouered Newfound land
and the Northerne parts of that land, and from thence almost as farre as
Florida.[20]] In the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. (by meanes of one Iohn
Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge
of the circuit of the world and Ilands of the same, as by a Sea card and
other demonstrations reasonable he shewed) the King caused to man and
victuall a ship at Bristow, to search for an Island, which he said hee knew
well was rich, and replenished with great commodities: Which shippe thus
manned and victualled at the kings cost, diuers Merchants of London
ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chiefe patron the said
Venetian. And in the company of the said ship, sailed also out of Bristow
three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse marchandizes, as
course cloth, caps, laces, points and other trifles. And so departed from
Bristow in the beginning of May, of whom in this Maiors time returned no
tidings.


Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented vnto the King in
  the foureteenth yere of his raigne, mentioned by the foresaid Robert
  Fabian.

This yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken in the Newfound
Island that before I spake of, in William Purchas time being Maior: These
were clothed in beasts skins, and did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach
that no man could vnderstand them, and in their demeanour like to bruite
beastes, whom the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two yeeres
after, I saw two apparelled after the maner of Englishmen in Westminster
pallace, which that time I could not discerne from Englishmen, til I was
learned what they were, but as for speach, I heard none of them vtter one
word.

       *       *       *       *       *

A briefe extract concerning the discouene of Newfound-land, taken out of
  the booke of M. Robert Thorne, to Doctor Leigh, &c.

I Reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarie, so this inclination or
desire of this discouerie I inherited from my father, which with another
marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discouerours of the
Newfound-lands; of the which there is no doubt (as nowe plainely appeareth)
if the mariners would then haue bene ruled, and followed their Pilots
minde, but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the golde cometh,
had bene ours; for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth, and is
aforesaid.

       *       *       *       *       *

The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabot,
  constituting him grand Pilot of England.

Edwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ rex, omnibus
Christi fidelibus ad quos præsentes hæ literæ nostræ peruenerint, salutem.
Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni et acceptabilis seruitij, nobis per
dilectum seruientem nostrum Sebastianum Cabotam impensi atque impendendi,
de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia, et mero motu nostro, nec
non de aduisamento, et consensu præclarissimi auunculi nostri Edwardi Ducis
Somerseti personæ nostræ Gubernatoris, ac Regnorum, dominiorum,
subditorumque nostrorum protectoris, et cæterorum consiliariorum nostrorum,
dedimus et concessimus, ac per præsentes damus, et concedimus eidem
Sebastiano Cabotæ, quandam annuitatem siue annualem reditum, centum
sexaginta et sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, et quatuor denariorum
sterlingorum, habendam, gandendam, et annuatìm percipiendam prædictam
annuitatem, siue annalem reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabotæ, durante vita sua
naturali, de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri Westmonasterij per
manus thesaurariorum, et Camerariorum nostrorum, ibidem pro tempore
existentium, ad festa annuntiationis beatæ Mariæ Virginis, natiuitatis
sancti Ioannis Baptistæ, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, et Natalis Domini per
æquales portiones soluendam. Et vlteriùs de vberiori gratia nostra, ac de
aduisamento, et consensu prædictis damus, et per præsentes concedimus
præfato Sebastiano Cabotæ, tot et tantas Denariorum summas, ad quot et
quantas dicta annuitas siue annalis reditus centum sexaginta sex librarum,
tresdecim solidorum, et quatuor denariorum, à festo sancti Michaelis
Archangeli vltimô præterito hue vsque se extendit, et attingit, habendas et
recipiendas præfato Sebastiano Cabotæ et assignatis suis de thesauro nostro
prædicto per manus prædictoram Thesaurariorum, et Camerarioram nostrorum de
dono nostro absque computo, seu aliquo alio nobis, hæredibus, vel
successoribus nostris proinde reddendo, soluendo, vel faciendo: eo quòd
expressa mentio, &c. In cuius rei testimonium, &c. [Sidenote: Anno D. 1549]
Teste Rege, apud Westmonasterium 6. die Ianuarij, Anno 2. Regis Edwardi
sexti.


The same in English.

Edward the sixt by the grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, to all Christian people to whom these presents shall
come, sendeth greeting. Know yee that we, in consideration of the good and
acceptable seruice done, and to be done, vnto vs by our beloued seruant
Sebastian Cabota, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, meere motion,
and by the aduice and counsel of our most honourable vncle Edward duke of
Somerset gouernour of our person, and Protector of our kingdomes,
dominions, and subiects, and of the rest of our Counsaile, haue giuen and
granted, and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Sebastian
Cabota, a certaine annuitie, or yerely reuenue of one hundreth, three-score
and sixe pounds, thirteene shillings foure pence sterling, to haue, enioy,
and yerely receiue the foresaid annuitie, or yerely reuenue, to the
foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his natural life, out of our Treasurie at
the receit of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurers
and paymasters, there remayning for the time being, at the feasts of the
Annuntiation of the blessed Virgin Mary, the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist,
S. Michael the Archangel, and the Natiuitie of our Lord, to be paid by
equal portions.

And further, of our more speciall grace, and by the aduise and consent
aforesaide wee doe giue, and by these presents do graunt vnto the
aforesaide Sebastian Cabota, so many, and so great summes of money as the
saide annuitie or yeerely reuenue of an hundreth, three-score and sixe
pounds, thirteene shillings 4. pence, doeth amount and rise vnto from the
feast of S. Michael the Archangel last past vnto this present time, to be
had and receiued by the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota, and his assignes out of
our aforesaid Treasurie, at the handes of our aforesaide Treasurers, and
officers of our Exchequer of our free gift without accompt, or any thing
else therefore to be yeelded, payed, or made, to vs, our heires or
successours, forasmuch as herein expresse mention is made to the contrary.

In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents:
Witnesse the King at Westminster the sixt day of Ianuarie, in the second
yeere of his raigne. The yeere of our Lord 1548.

       *       *       *       *       *

A discourse written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight,[21] to proue a passage
  by the Northwest to Cathaia, and the East Indies.

¶ The Table of the matters in euery Chapter of this discourse.

Capitulo 1.

To prone by anthoritie a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe
to Cataia, China, and to the East India.

Capitulo 2.

To prone by reason a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe to
Cataia, Moluccæ, &c.

Capitulo 3.

To proue by experience of sundry mens trauailes the opening of this
Northwest passage, whereby good hope remaineth of the rest.

Capitulo 4.

To proue by circumstance, that the Northwest passage hath bene sailed
throughout.

Capitulo 5.

To proue that such Indians as haue bene driuen vpon the coastes of Germanie
came not thither by the Southeast, and Southwest, nor from any part of
Afrike or America.

Capitulo 6.

To prooue that the Indians aforenamed came not by the Northeast, and that
there is no thorow passage nauigable that way.

Capitulo 7.

To proue that these Indians came by the Northwest, which induceth a
certaintie of this passage by experience.

Capitulo 8.

What seuerall reasons were alleaged before the Queenes Maiestie, and
certaine Lords of her Highnesse priuie Council, by M. Anth. Ienkinson a
Gentleman of great trauaile and experience, to proue this passage by the
Northeast, with my seuerall answers then alleaged to the same.

Capitulo 9.

How that this passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffike,
then the other by the Northeast, if there were any such.

Capitulo 10.

What commodities would ensue, this passage being once discouered.

To proue by authoritie a passage to be on the Northside of America, to goe
to Cathaia, and the East India.


Chapter 1.

When I gaue my selfe to the studie of Geographie, after I had perused and
diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe, Asia, and Afrike, and
conferred them with the Mappes and Globes both Antique and Moderne: I came
in fine to the fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which by
all descriptions I found to bee an Iland enuironed round about with Sea,
hauing on the Southside of it the frete or straight of Magellan, on the
West side Mar del Sur, which Sea runneth towards the North, separating it
from the East parts of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are: On
the East part our West Ocean, and on the North side the sea that seuereth
it from Groneland, thorow which Northern Seas the Passage lyeth, which I
take now in hand to discouer.

Plato in Timæo, and in the Dialogue called Critias, discourseth of an
incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis, being greater then all
Afrike and Asia, which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar,
nauigable round about: affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did as
well enioy the gouernance of all Affrike, and the most part of Europe, as
of Atlantis it selfe.

Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland, and the inhabiting of it in
ancient time by them of Europe, to be of the more credite; Marinæus
Siculus[22] in his Chronicle of Spaine, reporteth that there haue bene
found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America, certaine pieces of
Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Cæsar: which pieces were sent to
the Pope for a testimonie of the matter, by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of
Consentinum.

[Sidenote: Prodns pag. 24.] Moreouer, this was not only thought of Plato,
but by Marsilius Ficinus,[23] an excellent Florentine Philosopher, Crantor
the Græcian,[24] and Proclus,[25] and Philo[26] the famous Iew (as
appeareth in his booke De Mundo, and in the Commentaries vpon Plato,) to be
ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water, by reason of a mightie earthquake,
and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates. [Sidenote: Iustine Lib. 4.]
The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy, when by the forciblenes
of the Sea, called Superum, it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of
Calabria, as appeareth in Iustine, in the beginning of his fourth booke.
Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders.

[Sidenote: Plinie.] And also the Cities of Pyrrha and Antissa, about Meotis
palus: and also the Citie Burys, in the Corynthian bosome, commonly called
Sinus Corinthiacus, haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea, and are not at
this day to be discerned: By which accident America grew to be ['be be' in
original--KTH] vnknowen of long time, vnto vs of the later ages, and was
lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius,[27] in the yeere of our
Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus
Columbus a Genuois, Anno 1492.

The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres
before Plato his time, which some of the people of the Southeast parts of
the world accompted as 9000. yeeres: for the maner then was to reckon the
Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere, which is our vsual moneth,
depending à Luminari minori.

So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or
iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis, then those Westerne Islands, which
beare now the name of America: counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis,
in the knowledge of our age.[28]

[Sidenote: A minore ad maius.] Then, if when no part of the sayd Atlantis,
was oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coast round about the same were
nauigable: a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest,
seeing the most part of it was (since that time) swallowed vp with water,
which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels, but rather be
an occasion of the inlarging of the olde, and also an inforcing of a great
many new: why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and
nauigation from England to India? &c. seeing that Atlantis now called
America, was euer knowen to be an Island, and in those dayes nauigable
round about, which by accesse of more water could not be diminished.

Also Aristotle in his booke De Mundo, and the learned Germaine Simon
Gryneus[29] in his annotations vpon the same, saith that the whole earth
(meaning thereby, as manifestly doth appeare, Asia, Africk and Europe,
being all the countreys then knowen) is but one Island, compassed about
with the reach of the sea Atlantine: which likewise prooueth America to be
an Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia, or the rest.

[Sidenote: Strabo lib. 15] Also many ancient writers, as Strabo and others,
called both the Ocean Sea, (which lieth East of India) Atlanticum pelagus,
and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk, Mare Atlanticum:
the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the
earth.

[Sidenote: Valerius Anselmus[30] in Catalogo annorum et principum. fol. 6.
Gen. 9. 10.] So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifestly,
that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine
Atlas in Africk, or yet the sea adioining to Africk, had the name Oceanus
Atlanticus of the same mountaine: but that those seas and the mountaine
Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis, and that the one and
the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas,
sometimes king thereof, who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah, in whose time
the whole earth was diuided between the three brethren, Sem, Cam, and
Iaphet.

Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found
fauourable to this our enterprise, and am the rather imboldened to beleeue
the same, for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, and
other ancient Phylosophers: but also by all the best moderne Geographers,
as Gemma Frisius, Munsterus, Appianus, Hunterus, Gastaldus,
Guyccardinus,[31] Michael Tramasinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Bernardus
Puteanus, Andreas Vauasor, Tramontanus, Petrus Martyr, and also
Ortelius,[32] who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569,
all the countreys and Capes, on the Northwest side of America, from
Hochalega to Cape de Paramantia: describing likewise the sea coastes of
Cataia and Gronland, towards any part of America, making both Gronland and
America, Islands disioyned by a great Sea, from any part of Asia.

All which learned men and paineful trauellers haue affirmed with one
consent and voice, that America was an Island: and that there lyeth a great
Sea betweene it, Cataia, and Grondland, by which any man of our countrey,
that will giue the attempt, may with small danger passe to Cataia, the
Molluccæ, India, and all other places in the East, in much shorter time,
than either the Spaniard, or Portugal doeth, or may doe, from the neerest
parte, of any of their countreys within Europe.

What moued these learned men to affirme thus much, I know not, or to what
ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same:
[Marginal note: We ought by reasons right to haue a reuerent opinion of
worthy men.] But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly
affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, if they had not
had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to haue lead them
therevnto.

[Sidenote: A Nauigation of one Ochther made in king Alfreds time.] Now
least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their
experiences which trauelled long before our times, reckoning their
authority amongst fables of no importance: I haue for the better assurance
of those proofes, set downe some part of a discourse, written in the Saxon
tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William
Cecil, lord Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of England, wherein there is
described a Nauigation which one Ochther made, in the time of king Alfred,
king of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these:
[Sidenote: A perfect description of our Moscouie voyage.] Hee sailed right
North, hauing alwaies the desert land on the Starborde, and on the Larbord
the maine sea, continuing his course, vntill hee perceiued that the coast
bowed directly towards the East, or else the Sea opened into the land he
could not tell how farre, where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a
westerne winde, or somewhat upon the North, and sayled thence directly East
alongst the coast, so farre as hee was able in foure dayes, where he was
againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde, because the coast
there bowed directly towards the South, or at least opened he knew not howe
farre into the land, so that he sayled thence along the coast continually
full South, so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes, where
hee discouered a mighty riuer, which opened farre into the land, and in the
entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe.[33]

[Sidenote: By Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, Chancellor and Borough.[34]]
Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way, that we now doe yerely
trade by S. Nicholas into Moscouia, which no man in our age knew for
certaintie to be by sea, vntil it was since discouered by our English men,
in the time of King Edward the sixt; but thought before that time that
Groneland had ioyned to Normoria, Byarmia, &c. and therefore was accompted
a new discouery, being nothing so indeede, as by this discourse of Ochther
it appeareth.

Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the
encouragement of this onely author, he should haue bene thought but simple:
considering that this Nauigation was written so many yeres past, in so
barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author, and yet we in these our
dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true.

How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee, being
verified by the opinions of all the best, both Antique, and Moderne
Geographers, and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes,
Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables and discourses of this our age, and
by the rest not denied but left as a matter doubtfull.


To prooue by reason, a passage to be on the Northside of America, to goe to
  Cataia, &c.

Chap. 2. [3 in original--KTH]

[Sidenote: Experimented by our English fishers.] First, all seas are
maintained by the abundance of water, so that the neerer the end any Riuer,
Bay, or Hauen is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some accidentall
barre, it is sometime found otherwise) But the farther you sayle West from
Island towards the place, where this fret is thought to be, the more deepe
are the seas: which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with
Mar del Sur, by some fret that lyeth betweene America, Groneland and
Cataia.

2 Also if that America were not an Island, but a part of the continent
adioyning to Asia, either the people which inhabite Mangia, Anian, and
Quinsay, &c. being borderers vpon it, would before this time haue made some
road into it hoping to haue found some like commodities to their owne.

[Sidenote: Neede makes the old wife to trotte.] 3 Or els the Scythians and
Tartarians (which often times heretofore haue sought farre and neere for
new seats, driuen therevnto through the necessitie of their cold and
miserable countreys) would in all this time haue found the way to America,
and entred the same, had the passages bene neuer so straite or difficult;
the countrey being so temperate pleasant and fruitfull, in comparison of
their owne. But there was neuer any such people found there by any of the
Spaniards, Portugals, or Frenchmen, who first discouered the Inland of that
countrey: which Spaniards or Frenchmen must then of necessitie haue seene
some one ciuil man in America, considering how full of ciuill people Asia
is; But they neuer saw so much as one token or signe, that euer any man of
the knowen part of the world had bene there.

4 Furthermore it is to be thought, that if by reason of mountaines, or
other craggy places, the people neither of Cataia or Tartarie could enter
the countrey of America, or they of America haue entred Asia, if it were so
ioyned: yet some one sauage or wandring beast would in so many yeres haue
passed into it: but there hath not any time bene found any of the beasts
proper to Cataia, or Tartarie &c. in America: nor of those proper to
America, in Tartarie, Cataia, &c. or any part of Asia. Which thing proueth
America, not onely to be one Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia: But
also that the people of those Countreys, haue not had any traffique with
each other.

5 Moreouer at the least some one of those paineful trauellers, which of
purpose haue passed the confines of both countreys, with intent only to
discouer, would as it is most likely haue gone from the one to the other:
if there had bene any piece of land, or Isthmos, to haue ioyned them
together, or els haue declared some cause to the contrary.

6 But neither Paulus Venetus,[35] who liued and dwelt a long time in
Cataia, euer came into America, and yet was at the sea coastes of Mangia,
ouer against it where he was embarked, and performed a great Nauigation
along those seas: Neither yet Verarzanus,[36] or Franciscus Vasques de
Coronado, who trauelled the North part of America by land, euer found entry
from thence by land to Cataia, or any part of Asia.

7 Also it appeareth to be an Island, insomuch as the Sea [Marginal note:
The Sea hath three motions. 1 Motum ab oriente in occidentem. 2 Motum
fluxus et refluxus. 3 Motum circularem. Ad cæli motum elementa omnia
(excepta terra) mouentur.] runneth by nature circularly from the East to
the West, following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile, which carieth with
it all inferiour bodies moueable, aswel celestiall as elemental; which
motion of the waters is most euidently seene in the Sea, which lieth on the
Southside of Afrike where the current that runneth from the East to the
West is so strong (by reason of such motion) that the Portugals in their
voyages Eastward to Calicut, in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are
enforced to make diuers courses, the current there being so swift as it
striketh from thence all along Westward vpon the fret of Magellan, being
distant from thence, neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth;
and not hauing free passage and entrance thorow, the fret towards the West,
by reason of the narrownesse of the sayd Straite of Magelian [sic--KTH], it
runneth to salue this wrong, (Nature not yeelding to accidentall
restraints) all along the Easterne coastes of America, Northwards so far as
Cape Fredo, being the farthest knowne place of the same continent towards
the North: which is about 4800 leagues, reckoning therewithall the trending
of the land.

[Sidenote: Posita causa ponitur effectus.] 8 So that this current being
continually maintained with such force, as Iaques Cartier[37] affirmeth it
to be, who met with the same being at Baccalaos, as he sayled along the
coastes of America, then either it must be of necessitie haue way to passe
from Cape Fredo, thorow this fret, Westward towards Cataia, being knowen to
come so farre, onely to salue his former wrongs, by the authority before
named: or els it must needes strike ouer, vpon the coast of Island, Norway,
Finmarke, and Lappia, (which are East from the sayd place about 360
leagues) with greater force then it did from Cape de buona Sperança, vpon
the fret of Magellan, or from the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo, vpon
which coastes Iaques Cartier met with the same, considering the shortnesse
of the Cut from the sayd Cape Fredo, to Island, Lappia, &c. And so the
cause Efficient remaining, it would haue continually followed along our
coasts, through the narrow seas, which it doth not, but is digested about
the North of Labrador, by some through passage there thorow this fret.

[Sidenote: Conterenus.] The like course of the water in some respect
happeneth in the Mediterrane sea, (as affirmeth Conterenus) whereas the
current which cometh from Tanais, and Pontus Euxinus, running along all the
coasts of Greece, Italy, France, and Spaine, and not finding sufficient way
out through Gibraltar, by meanes of the straitnesse of the fret it runneth
backe againe along the coastes of Barbary, by Alexandria, Natolia, &c.

[Sidenote: An objection answered.] It may (peraduenture) bee thought that
this course of the sea doth sometime surcease, and thereby impugne this
principle, because it is not discerned all along the coast of America, in
such sort as Iaques Cartier found it: Wherevnto I answere this: that
albeit, in euery part of the Coast of America, or elswhere this current is
not sensibly perceuied, yet it hath euermore such like motion, either in
the vppermost or nethermost part of the sea; as it may be proued true, if
ye sinke a sayle by a couple of ropes, neere the ground, fastening to the
nethermost corners two gunne chambers or other weights: by the driuing
whereof you shall plainely perceiue, the course of the water, and current
running with such course in the bottome. [Marginal note: The sea doth
euermore performe this circular motion, either in Suprema, or concaua
superficie aquæ.]

By the like experiment, you may finde the ordinary motion of the sea, in
the Ocean: howe farre soeuer you be off the land.

9 Also there commeth another current from out the Northeast from the
Scythian Sea (as M. Ienkinson a man of rare vertue, great trauail and
experience, told me) which runneth Westward towardes Labrador, [Marginal
note: The yce set westward euery yeere from Island. Auth. Iona Arngriimo.]
as the other did, which commeth from the South: so that both these
currents, must haue way thorow this our fret, or else encounter together
and runne contrarie courses; in one line, but no such conflicts of
streames, or contrary courses are found about any part of Labrador, or
Terra noua, as witnesse our yeerely fishers, and other saylers that way,
but is there disgested, as aforesayd, and found by experience of Barnard de
la Torre, to fall into Mar del Sur.

10 Furthermore, the current in the great Ocean, could not haue beene
maintained to runne continually one way, from the beginning of the world
vnto this day, had there not beene some thorow passage by the fret
aforesayd, and so by circular motion bee brought againe to maintaine it
selfe: For the Tides and courses of the sea are maintayned by their
interchangeable motions: as fresh riuers are by springs, by ebbing and
flowing, by rarefaction and condensation.

So that it resteth not possible (so farre as my simple reason can
comprehend) that this perpetuall current can by any meanes be maintained,
but onely by continuall reaccesse of the same water, which passeth thorow
the fret, and is brought about thither againe, by such circular motion as
aforesayd. [Marginal note: The flowing is occasioned by reason that the
heate of the moone boyleth, and maketh the water thinne by way of
rarefaction.] And the certaine falling thereof by this fret into Mar del
Sur [Marginal note: An experience to prooue the falling of this current
into Mar del Sur.] is prooued by the testimonie and experience of Bernard
de la Torre, who was sent from P. de la Natiuidad to the Moluccæ, Anno
domini 1542. by commandement of Anthony Mendoza, then Viceroy of Noua
Hispania, which Bernard sayled 750. Leagues, on the Northside of the
Aequator, and there met with a current, which came from the Northeast, the
which droue him backe againe to Tidore.

Wherfore, this current being proued to come from C. de buona Sperança to
the fret of Magellan, and wanting sufficient entrance there, by narrownes
of the straite, is by the necessitie of natures force, brought to Terra de
Labrador, where Iaques Cartier met the same, and thence certainly knowen,
not to strike ouer vpon Island, Lappia, &c. and found by Bernard de la
Torre in Mar del Sur, on the backeside of America: therefore this current
(hauing none other passage) must of necessity fall out thorow this our fret
into Mar del Sur, and so trending by the Moluccæ, China, and C. de buona
Sperança, maintaineth it selfe, by circular motion, which is all one in
nature, with Motus ab Oriente in Occidentem.

So that it seemeth, we haue now more occasion to doubt of our returne, then
whether there be a passage that way, yea or no: which doubt, hereafter
shall be sufficiently remooued. Wherefore, in mine opinion, reason it self,
grounded vpon experience, assureth vs of this passage, if there were
nothing els to put vs in hope thereof. But least these might not suffice, I
haue added in this chapter following, some further proofe hereof, by the
experience of such as haue passed some part of this discouerie: and in the
next adioining to that the authority of those, which haue sailed wholy,
thorow euery part thereof.


To proue by experience of sundry mens trauels, the opening of some part of
  this Northwest passage: whereby good hope remaineth of the rest.

Chap. 3.

Paulus Venetus, who dwelt many yeres in Cataia, affirmed that hee sayled
1500 miles vpon the coastes of Mangia, and Anian, towards the Northeast:
alwayes finding the Seas open before him, not onely as farre as he went,
but also as farre as he could discerne.

[Sidenote: Alcatrarzi be Pelicanes.] 2 Also Franciscus Vasques de Coronado
passing from Mexico by Ceuola, through the country of Quiuira, to Siera
Neuada, found there a great sea, where were certaine ships laden with
Merchandise, carrying on their prowes the pictures of certaine birds called
Alcatrarzi, part whereof were made of golde, and part of siluer, who
signified by signes, that they were thirty dayes comming thither: which
likewise proueth America by experience to be disioyned from Cataia: on that
part by a great Sea, because they could not come from any part of America,
as Natiues thereof: for that so farre as is discouered, there hath not bene
found there any one Shippe of that countrey.

[Sidenote: Baros lib. 9. Of his first Decas cap 1.] 3. In like maner, Iohn
Baros[38] testifieth that the Cosmographers of China (where he himselfe had
bene) affirme that the Sea coast trendeth from thence Northeast, to 50
degrees of Septentrional latitude, being the furthest part that way which
the Portugals had then knowledge of: And that the said Cosmographers knew
no cause to the contrary, but that it might continue further.

By whose experiences America is prooued to be separate from those parts of
Asia, directly against the same. And not contented with the iudgements of
these learned men only, I haue searched what might be further sayd for the
confirmation hereof.

4 And I found that Franciscus Lopez de Gomara affirmeth America to be an
Island, and likewise Gronland: and that Gronland is distant from Lappia 40
leagues, and from Terra de Labrador, 50.

5 Moreouer, Aluaros Nunnius[39] a Spaniard, and learned Cosmographer, and
Iacobus Cartier, who made two voyages into those parts, and sayled 900
miles upon the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme the same.

6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius,[40] a learned Italian, and trauailer in
the North parts of the same land.

7 Also Iaques Cartier hauing done the like, heard say at Hochelaga in Noua
Francia, how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was
not knowen: which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia.

[Sidenote: Written in the discourses of Nauigation.] Furthermore, Sebastian
Cabota by his personal experience and trauel hath set foorth, and described
this passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seene in the Queens
Maiesties priuie Gallerie at Whitehall, who was sent to make this discouery
by king Henrie the seuenth, and entred the same fret: affirming that he
sayled very farre Westward, with a quarter of the North, on the Northside
of Terra de Labrador the eleuenth of Iune, vntill he came to the
Septentrionall latitude of 67 degrees and a halfe,[41]and finding the Seas
still open, sayd, that he might, and would haue gone to Cataia, if the
mutinie of the Master and Mariners had not bene.

Now as these mens experience hath proued some part of this passage: so the
chapter following shal put you in full assurance of the rest, by their
experiences which haue passed through euery part thereof.


To prooue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sayled
  throughout.

Chap. 4.

The diuersitie betwene bruite beastes and men, or betweene the wise and the
simple is, that the one iudgeth by sense onely, [Marginal note: Quinque
sensus. 1 Visus. 2 Auditus. 3 Olfactus. 4 Gustus. 5 Tactus. Singularia
sensu, vniuersalia verò mente percipiuntur.] and gathereth no surety of any
thing that he hath not seene, felt, heard, tasted, or smelled: And the
other not so onely, but also findeth the certaintie of things by reason,
before they happen to be tryed. Wherefore I haue added proofes of both
sorts, that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied.

1 First, as Gemma Frisius reciteth, there went from Europe three brethren
through this passage: whereof it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum.

3 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos, (who wrote 57 yeeres before
Christ) that there were certaine Indians driuen by tempest, vpon the coast
of Germanie which were presented by the king of Sueuia, vnto Quintus
Metellus Celer, the Proconsull of France.

[Sidenote: Lib. 2. cap. 66.] 3 And Plinie vpon the same sayth, that it is
no maruel though there be Sea by the North, where there is such abundance
of moisture: which argueth that hee doubted not of a nauigable passage that
way, through which those Indians came.

[Sidenote: Pag. 590.] 4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie
of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested, to proue my opinion of the
Northwest passage: you shall finde the same affirmed more plainly in that
behalfe, by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger, who sheweth
how many wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it selfe, making in that place
recital of certaine Indians, that were likewise driuen through the North
Seas from India, vpon the coastes of Germany, by great tempest, as they
were sayling in trade of marchandize.

5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour, Anno Do. 1160. there
came certaine other Indians vpon the coast of Germanie. [Marginal note:
Auouched by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara in his historie of India, lib. I.
cap. 10.]

6 Likewise Othon in the storie of the Gothes affirmeth, that in the time of
the Germane Emperours there were also certaine Indians cast by force of
weather, vpon the coast of the sayd countrey, which foresaid Indians could
not possibly haue come by the Southeast, Southwest, nor from any part of
Afrike or America, nor yet by the Northeast: therefore they came of
necessitie by this our Northwest passage.


To prooue that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast,
  Southwest, nor from any other part of Afrike, or America.

Cap. 5.

First, they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança,
because the roughnes of the Seas there is such (occasioned by the currents
and great winds in that part) that the greatest armadas the king of
Portugal hath, cannot without great difficulty passe that way, much lesse
then a Canoa of India could liue in those outragious seas without
shipwracke (being a vessel of very small burden) and haue conducted
themselues to the place aforesayd, being men vnexpert in the Arte of
nauigation.

2 Also, it appeareth plainely that they were not able to come from alongst
the coast of Afrike aforesayd, to those parts of Europe, because the winds
doe (for the most part) blow there Easterly off from the shore, and the
current running that way in like sort, should haue driuen them Westward
vpon some part of America: for such winds and tides could neuer haue led
them from thence to the said place where they were found, nor yet could
they haue come from any of the countries aforesayd, keeping the seas
alwayes, without skilful mariners to haue conducted them such like courses
as were necessary to performe such a voiage.

3 Presupposing also, if they had bene driuen to the West (as they must haue
bene, comming that way) then they should haue perished, wanting supplie of
victuals, not hauing any place (once leauing the coast of Afrike) vntill
they came to America, nor from America vntill they arriued vpon some part
of Europe, or the Islands adioyning to it, to haue refreshed themselues.

4 Also, if (notwithstanding such impossibilities) they might haue recouered
Germanie by comming from India by the Southeast, yet must they without all
doubt haue stricken vpon some other part of Europe before their arriuall
there, as the Isles of the Açores, Portugal, Spaine, France, England,
Ireland, &c. which if they had done, it is not credible that they should or
would haue departed vndiscovered of the inhabitants: but there was neuer
found in those dayes any such ship or men but only vpon the coasts of
Germanie, where they haue bene sundry times and in sundry ages cast aland:
neither is it like that they would haue committed themselues againe to sea,
if they had so arriued, not knowing where they were, nor whither to haue
gone.

[Sidenote: This fifth reason by later experience is proued vtterly vntrue.]
5 And by the Southwest it is vnpossible, because the current aforesayd
which commeth from the East, striketh with such force vpon the fret of
Magellan, and falleth with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur, that
hardly any ship (but not possibly a Canoa, with such vnskilfull mariners)
can come into our Westerne Ocean through that fret, from the West seas of
America, as Magellans experience hath partly taught vs.

[Sidenote: That the Indians could not be natiues either of Africa, or of
America.] 6 And further, to prooue that these people so arriuing vpon the
coast of Germany, were Indians, and not inhabiters of any part either of
Africa or America, it is manifest, because the natiues both of Africa and
America neither had, or haue at this day (as is reported) other kind of
boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor sailes, (except onely vpon
the coasts of Barbarie and the Turkes ships) but do carie themselues from
place to place neere the shore by the ore onely.


To prooue that those Indians came not by the Northeast, and that there is
  no thorow nauigable passage that way.

Cap. 6.

It is likely that there should be no thorow passage by the Northeast,
whereby to goe round about the world, because all Seas (as aforesayd) are
maintained by the abundance of water, waxing more shallow and shelffie
towards the ende, as we find it doeth by experience in Mare Glaciali,
towards the East, which breedeth small hope of any great continuance of
that sea, to be nauigable towards the East, sufficient to saile thereby
round about the world.

[Sidenote: Quicquid naturali loco priuatur, quam citisimè corrumpitur.]
[Sidenote: Qualis causa, talis effectus.] 2 Also, it standeth scarcely with
reason, that the Indians dwelling vnder Torrida Zone, could endure the
iniurie of the cold ayre, about the Septentrional latitude of 80. degrees,
vnder which eleuation the passage by the Northeast cannot bee (as the often
experience had of all the South parts of it sheweth) seeing that some of
the inhabiants of this cold climate (whose Summer is to them an extreme
Winter) haue bene stroken to death with the cold damps of the aire about 72
degrees, by an accidental mishap, and yet the aire in such like Eleuation
is alwaies cold, and too cold for such as the Indians are.

3 Furthermore, the piercing cold of the grosse thicke aire so neere the
Pole wil so stiffen and furre the sailes and ship tackling, that no mariner
can either hoise or strike them (as our experience farre neerer the South,
then this passage is presupposed to be, hath taught vs) without the vse
whereof no voiage can be performed.

4 Also the aire is so darkened with continuall mists and fogs so neere the
Pole, that no man can well see, either to guide his ship, or direct his
course.

5 Also the compasse at such eleuation doth very suddenly vary, which things
must of force haue bene their destructions, although they had bene men of
much more skill then the Indians are.

[Sidenote: Similium similis est ratio.] 6 Moreouer, all baies, gulfes, and
riuers doe receiue their increase vpon the flood, sensibly to be discerned
on the one side of the shore or the other, as many waies as they be open to
any main sea, as Mare Mediterraneum, Mare Rubrum, Sinus Persicus, Sinus
Bodicus, Thamesis, and all other knowen hauens or riuers in any part of the
world, and each of them opening but on one part to the maine sea, doe
likewise receiue their increase vpon the flood the same way, and none
other, which Mare Glaciale doeth, onely by the West, as M. Ienkinson
affirmed vnto me: and therefore it followeth that this Northeast sea,
receiuing increase but onely from the West, cannot possibly open to the
maine Ocean by the East.

7 Moreouer, the farther you passe into any sea towards the end of it, on
that part which is shut vp from the maine sea (as in all those aboue
mentioned) the lesse and lesse the tides rise and fall. The like whereof
also happeneth in Mare Glaciale, which proueth but small continuance of
that sea toward the East.

[Sidenote: Quicquid corrumpitur à contrario corrumpítur.] 8 Also, the
further yee goe toward the East in Mare Glaciale, the lesse salt the water
is: which could not happen, if it were open to the salt Sea towards the
East, as it is to the West only, seeing Euery thing naturally ingendreth
his like: and then must it be like salt throughout, as all the seas are, in
such like climate and eleuation.[42]

[Sidenote: Omne simile giguit sui simile.] And therefore it seemeth that
this Northeast sea is maintained by the riuer Ob, and such like freshets,
as Mare Goticum, and Mare Mediterraneum, in the vppermost parts thereof by
the riuers Nilus, Danubius, Neper, Tanais, &c.

9 Furthermore, if there were any such sea at that eleuation, of like it
should be alwaies frozen throughout (there being no tides to hinder it)
because the extreme coldnes of the aire being in the vppermost part, and
the extreme coldnesse of the earth in the bottome, the sea there being but
of small depth, whereby the one accidentall coldnesse doth meet with the
other, and the Sunne not hauing his reflection so neere the Pole, but at
very blunt angels, it can neuer be dissolued after it is frozen,
notwithstanding the great length of their day: for that the sunne hath no
heate at all in his light or beames, but proceeding onely by an accidentall
reflection, which there wanteth in effect.

10 And yet if the Sunne were of sufficient force in that eleuation, to
preuaile against this ice, yet must it be broken before it can be
dissolued, which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sunne
aboue their Horizon, and by that time the Sommer would be so farre spent,
and so great darkenes and cold ensue, that no man could be able to endure
so cold, darke, and discomfortable a nauigation, if it were possible for
him then, and there to liue.

11 Further, the ice being once broken, it must of force so driue with the
windes and tides, that no ship can saile in those seas, seeing our Fishers
of Island, and the New found land, are subiect to danger through the great
Islands of Ice which fleete in the Seas (to the sailers great danger) farre
to the South of that presupposed passage.

And it cannot be that this Northeast passage should be any neerer the
South, then before recited, for then it should cut off Ciremissi, and Turbi
Tartari, with Vzesucani, Chisani, and others from the Continent of Asia,
which are knowen to be adioyning to Scythia, Tartaria, &c. with the other
part of the same Continent.

And if there were any thorowe passage by the Northeast, yet were it to
small ende and purpose for our traffique, because no shippe of great burden
can Nauigate in so shallow a Sea: and ships of small burden are very vnfit
and vnprofitable, especially towards the blustering North to performe such
a voyage.


To prooue that the Indians aforenamed, came only by the Northwest, which
  induceth a certaintie of our passage by experience.

Cap. 7.

It is as likely that they came by the Northwest, as it is vnlikely that
they should come, either by the Southeast, Southwest, Northeast, or from
any other part of Africa or America, and therefore this Northwest passage
hauing bene alreadie so many wayes prooued, by disproouing of the others,
&c. I shall the lesse neede in this place, to vse many words otherwise then
to conclude in this sort, That they came onely by the Northwest from
England, hauing these many reasons to leade me thereunto.

1 First, the one halfe of the windes of the compasse might bring them by
the Northwest, bearing alwayes betweene two sheats, with which kind of
sayling the Indians are onely acquainted, not hauing any vse of a bow line,
or quarter winde, without the which no ship can possibly come either by the
Southeast, Southwest or Northeast, having so many sundry Capes to double,
whereunto are required such change and shift of windes.

2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by the Northwest, [Marginal
note: True both in ventis obliquè flantibus, as also in ventis ex diamentro
spitantibus.] because the coast whereon they were driuen, lay East from
this our passage, And all windes doe naturally driue a ship to an opposite
point from whence it bloweth, not being otherwise guided by Arte, which the
Indians do vtterly want, and therefore it seemeth that they came directly
through this our fret, which they might doe with one wind.

3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança, then must they (as
aforesaid) haue fallen vpon the South parts of America.

4 And if by the fret of Magellan, then vpon the coasts of Afrike, Spaine,
Portugall, France, Ireland or England.

5 And if by the Northeast, then vpon the coasts of Cerremissi, Tartarji,
Lappia, Island, Terra de Labrador, &c. and vpon these coasts (as aforesaid)
they haue neuer bene found.

So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come without shipwracke
vpon the coastes of Germanie, if they had first striken vpon the coastes of
so many countries, wanting both Arte and shipping to make orderly
discouery, and altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation, and also
of the Rockes, Flats, Sands or Hauens of those parts of the world, which in
most of these places are plentifull.

6 And further it seemeth very likely, that the inhabitants of the most part
of those countries, by which they must haue come any other way besides by
the Northwest, being for the most part Anthropophagi, or men eaters, would
haue deuoured them, slaine them, or (at the least wise) kept them as
wonders for the gaze.

So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians (which as you haue heard
in sundry ages were driuen by tempest vpon the shore of Germanie) came
onely through our Northwest passage.

7 Moreouer, the passage is certainely prooued by a Nauigation that a
Portugall made, who passed through this fret, giuing name to a promontorie
farre within the same, calling it after his owne name, Promontorium
Corterialis, neere adioyning vnto Polisacus fluuius.

8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a great part thereof.

9 Also there was one Saluaterra, a Gentleman of Victoria in Spaine, that
came by chance out of the West Indias into Ireland, Anno 1568. who affirmed
the Northwest passage from vs to Cataia, constantly to be beleeued in
America nauigable. And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney
(then lord Deputie of Ireland) in my hearing, that a Frier of Mexico,
called Andrew Vrdaneta, more then eight yeeres before his then comming into
Ireland, told him there, that he came from Mar del Sur into Germany through
this Northwest passage, and shewed Saluaterra (at that time being then with
him in Mexico) a Sea Card made by his owne experience and trauell in that
voyage, wherein was plainly set downe and described this Northwest passage,
agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe.

And further, this Frier tolde the king of Portugall (as he returned by that
countrey homeward) that there was (of certainty) such a passage Northwest
from England, and that he meant to publish the same: which done, the king
most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage
knowen to any nation: [Marginal note: The words of the king of Portugall to
Andro Vrdaneta a Frier, touching the concealing of this Northwest passage
from England to Cataia.] For that (said the King) if England had knowledge
and experience thereof, it would greatly hinder both the king of Spaine and
me. This Frier (as Saluaterra reported) was the greatest Discouerer by sea,
that hath bene in our age. Also Saluaterra being perswaded of this passage
by the frier Vrdaneta, and by the common opinion of the Spaniards
inhabiting America, offered most willingly to accompanie me in this
Discouery, which of like he would not haue done if he had stood in doubt
thereof. [43]

[Sidenote: An obiection.] And now as these moderne experiences cannot be
impugned, so least it might be obiected that these things (gathered out of
ancient writers, which wrote so many yeeres past) might serue litle to
prooue this passage by the North of America, because both America and India
were to them then vtterly vnknowen: to remooue this doubt let this suffise:
[Sidenote: Aristotle lib. de mundo, cap. 2. Berosus lib. 5.] That Aristotle
(who was 300. yeeres before Christ) named Mare Indicum. Also Berosus (who
liued 330 yeres before Christ) hath these words, Ganges in India. Also in
the first chapter of Hester be these wordes, In the dayes of Assuerus which
ruled from India to Aethiopia, which Assuerus liued 580 yeeres before
Christ. Also Quintus Curtius (where he speaketh of the conquests of
Alexander) mentioneth India. Also, Arianus, Philostratus, and Sidrach in
his discourses of the warres of the king of Bactria, and of Garaab, who had
the most part of India vnder his gouernment. All which assureth vs, that
both India and Indians were knowen in those dayes.

These things considered, we may (in my opinion) not only assure our selues
of this passage by the Northwest, but also that it is nauigable both to
come and go, as hath bene prooued in part and in all, by the experience of
diuers, as Sebastian Cabota, Corterialis, the three brethren aboue named,
the Indians, and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico, &c.

And yet notwithstanding all this, there be some that haue a better hope of
this passage to Cataia by the Northeast then by the West, whose reasons
with my seuerall answeres ensue in the chapter following.


Certaine reasons alleaged for the proouing of a passage by the Northeast,
  before the Queenes Maiestie, and certaine Lords of the Counsell, by
  Master Anthoni Ienkinson, with my seuerall answers then vsed to the same.

Cap. 8.

Because you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged against me, as
what doth serue for my purpose, I haue here added the reasons of Master
Anthony Ienkinson a worthy gentleman, and a great traueller, who conceiued
a better hope of the passage to Cataia from vs, to be by the Northeast,
then by the Northwest.

[Sidenote: The Northwest passage assented vnto.] He first said that he
thought not to the contrary, but that there was a passage by the Northwest
according to mine opinion: but assured he was, that there might be found a
nauigable passage by the Northeast from England, to goe to all the East
parts of the world, which he endeuoured to prooue three wayes.

[Sidenote: The first reason.] The first was that he heard a Fisherman of
Tartaria say in hunting the Morce, that he sayled very farre towards the
Southeast, finding no end of the Sea: whereby he hoped a thorow passage to
be that way.

[Sidenote: The answer or resolution.] Whereunto I answered, that the
Tartarians were a barbarous people, and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of
Nauigation, not knowing the vse of the Sea Card, Compasse or Starre, which
he confessed to be true: and therefore they could not (said I) certainly
know the Southeast from the Northeast, in a wide sea, and a place vnknowen
from the sight of the land.

Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore, yet he (being ignorant) might be
deceiued by the doubling of many points and Capes, and by the trending of
the land, albeit he kept continually alongst the shore.

[Sidenote: Visus nonnunquam fallitur in suo obíecto.] And further, it might
be that the poore Fishermen through simplicitie thought that there was
nothing that way but sea, because he saw no land: which proofe (vnder
correction) giueth small assurance of a Nauigable sea by the Northeast, to
goe round about the world, For that be iudged by the eye onely, seeing we
in this our cleare aire doe account twentie miles a ken at Sea.

[Sidenote: The second reason or allegation.] His second reason is, that
there was an Vnicornes horne found vpon the coast of Tartaria, which could
not come (said he) thither by any other meanes then with the tides, through
some fret in the Northeast of Mare Glaciale, there being no Vnicorne in any
part of Asia, sauing in India and Cataia: which reason (in my simple
iudgement) forceth as litle.

[Sidenote: The answer or resolution.] First, it is doubtfull whether those
barbarous Tartarians do know an Vnicornes horne, yea, or no: and if it were
one, yet it is not credible that the Sea could haue driuen it so farre,
being of such nature that it will not swimme.

Also the tides running too and fro, would haue driuen it as farre backe
with the ebbe, as it brought it forward with the flood.

There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose horne most like it was)
which hath but one horne like an Vnicorne in his forehead, whereof there is
great plenty in all the North parts thereunto adioyning, as in Lappia,
Noruegia, Finmarke, &c. as Iacobus Zieglerus writeth in his historie of
Scondia.

And as Albertus saieth, there is a fish which hath but one horne in his
forehead like to an Vnicorne, and therefore it seemeth very doubtfull both
from whence it came, and whether it were an Vnicornes horne, yea, or no.

[Sidenote: The third and last reason or assertion.] His third and last
reason was, that there came a continuall streame or currant through Mare
Glaciale, of such swiftnesse (as a Colmax told him) that if you cast any
thing therein, it would presently be carried out of sight towards the West.

[Sidenote: The answer or resolution.] Whereunto I answered, that there doth
the like from Mæotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus Bosphorus, and along
the coast of Græcia, &c. As it is affirmed by Contarenus, and diuers others
that haue had experience of the same: and yet that Sea lieth not open to
any maine Sea that way, but is maintained by freshets as by Tanais,
Danubius, &c.

In like maner is this current in Mare Glaciale increased and maintained by
the Dwina, the riuer Ob, &c.

Now as I haue here briefly recited the reasons alleaged, to prooue a
passage to Cataia by the Northeast, with my seuerall answeres thereunto: so
will I leaue it to your iudgement, to hope or despaire of either at your
pleasure.[44]


How that the passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffique,
  then the other by the East, if there were any such.

Cap. 9.

First, by the Northeast (if your windes doe not giue you a maruelous
speedie and luckie passage) you are in danger (being so neere the Pole) to
be benighted almost the one halfe of the yeere, and what danger that were,
to liue so long comfortlesse, voide of light, (if the cold killed you not)
each man of reason or vnderstanding may iudge.

[Sidenote: Some doubt of this.] 2 Also Mangia, Quinzai, and the Moluccæ are
neerer vnto vs by the Northwest, then by the Northeast, more then two fiue
parts, which is almost by the halfe.

3 Also we may haue by the West a yeerely returne, it being at all times
nauigable, whereas you haue but 4. moneths in the whole yeere to goe by the
Northeast: the passage being at such eleuation as it is formerly expressed,
for it cannot be any neerer the South.

4 Furthermore, it cannot be finished without diuers wintrings by the way,
hauing no hauens in any temperate climate to harbour in there: for it is as
much as we can well saile from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade of
Moscouia, and returne in the nauigable season of the yeere, and from S.
Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartari, which stande at 80 degrees of the
Septentrional latitude, it is at the least 400 leagues, which amounteth
scarce to the third part of the way, to the end of your voyage by the
Northeast.

5 And yet after you haue doubled this Cape, if then there might be found a
nauigable Sea to carie you Southeast according to your desire, yet can you
not winter conueniently, vntil you come to 60 degrees, and to take vp one
degree running Southeast, you must saile 24 leagues and three foure parts,
which amounteth to 495 leagues.

6 Furthermore, you may by the Northwest saile thither with all Easterly
windes, and returne with any Westerly windes, whereas you must haue by the
Northeast sundry windes, and those proper, according to the lying of the
coast and Capes, you shalbe inforced to double, which windes are not
alwaies to be had, when they are looked for: whereby your iourney should be
greatly prolonged, and hardly endured so neere the Pole. As we are taught
by sir Hugh Willoughbie, who was frozen to death farre neerer the South.

7. Moreouer, it is very doubtfull, whether we should long inioy that trade
by the Northeast, if there were any such passage that way, the commodities
thereof once knowen to the Moscouite, what priuilege so euer hee hath
granted, seeing pollicy with the masse of excessiue gaine, to the inriching
(so greatly) of himselfe and all his dominions would perswade him to
presume the same, hauing so great opportunitie to vtter the commodities of
those countries by the Narue.

But by the Northwest, we may safely trade without danger or annoyance of
any prince liuing, Christian or Heathen, it being out of all their trades.

8 Also the Queenes Maiesties dominions are neerer the Northwest passage
then any other great princes that might passe that way, and both in their
going and returne, they must of necessitie succour themselues and their
ships vpon some part of the same, if any tempestuous weather should happen.

Further, no princes nauie of the world is able to incounter the Queenes
Maiesties nauie, as it is at this present: and yet it should be greatly
increased by the traffike insuing vpon this discouerie, for it is the long
voyages that increase and maintaine great shipping.

Now it seemeth necessarie to declare what commodities would growe thereby,
if all these things were, as we haue heretofore presupposed, and thought
them to be: which next adioyning are briefly declared.


What commodities would ensue, this passage once discouered.

Cap. 10.

First, it were the onely way for our princes, to possesse the wealth of all
the East parts (as they terme them) of the world, which is infinite: as
appeareth by the experience of Alexander the great, in the time of his
conquest of India, and other the East parts of the world, alleaged by
Quintus Curtius, which would be a great aduancement to our countrey, a
wonderfull inriching to our prince, and an vnspeakable commoditie to all
the inhabitants of Europe.

2 For through the shortnesse of the voyage, we should be able to sell all
maner of merchandize, brought from thence, farre better cheape then either
the Portugall or Spaniard doth or may do. And further, we should share with
the Portugall in the East, and the Spaniard in the West, by trading to any
part of America, thorow Mar del Sur, where they can no maner of way offend
vs.

3 Also we might sayle to diuers very rich countreys, both ciuill and
others, out of both their iurisdictions, trades and traffikes, where there
is to be found great abundance of golde, siluer, precious stones, cloth of
gold, silkes, all maner of spices, grocery wares, and other kinds of
merchandize of an inestimable price, which both the Spaniard and Portugall,
through the length of their iournies, cannot well attaine vnto.

4 Also we might inhabite some part of those countreyes, and settle there
such needy people of our countrey, which now trouble the common wealth, and
through want here at home are inforced to commit outragious offences,
whereby they are dayly consumed with the gallowes.

5 Moreouer, we might from all the aforesaid places haue a yeerely returne,
inhabiting for our staple some conuenient place of America, about Sierra
Neuada, or some other part, whereas it shal seeme best for the shortning of
the voyage.

6 Beside vttering of our countrey commodities, which the Indians, &c. much
esteeme: as appeareth in Hester, where the pompe is expressed of the great
king of India, Assuerus, who matched the coloured clothes, wherewith his
houses and tents were apparelled, with gold and siluer, as part of his
greatest treasure: not mentioning either veluets, silkes, cloth of gold,
cloth of siluer, or such like, being in those countreyes most plentifull:
whereby it plainly appeareth in what great estimation they would haue the
clothes of this our countrey, so that there would be found a farre better
vent for them by this meanes, then yet this realme euer had: and that
without depending either vpon France, Spaine, Flanders, Portugall,
Hamborow, Emden, or any other part of Europe.

7 Also, here we shall increase both our ships and mariners, without
burthening of the state.

8 And also haue occasion to set poore mens children to learne handie
craftes, and thereby to make trifles and such like, which the Indians and
those people do much esteeme: by reason whereof, there should be none
occasion to haue our countrey combred with loiterers, vagabonds, and such
like idle persons.

All these commodities would grow by following this our discouery, without
iniury done to any Christian prince, by crossing them in any of their vsed
trades, whereby they might take any iust occasion of offence.

Thus haue I briefly shewed you some part of the grounds of mine opinion,
trusting that you will no longer iudge me fantasticke in this matter:
seeing I haue conceiued no vaine hope of this voyage, but am perswaded
thereunto by the best Cosmographers of our age, the same being confirmed
both by reason and certaine experiences.

Also this discouery hath bene diuers times heretofore by others both
offered, attempted and performed.

It hath bene offered by Stephen Gomes vnto Carolus the fift Emperour, in
the yeere of our Lord God 1527, as Alphonso Vllua testifieth in the story
of Carolus life: who would haue set him forth in it (as the story
mentioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his long warres had
not caused him to surcease the same.

[Sidenote: This discouery offered.] And the king of Portugall fearing least
the Emperour would haue perseuered in this his enterprise, gaue him to
leaue the matter vnattempted, the summe of 350000 crownes: and it is to be
thought that the king of Portugall would not haue giuen to the Emperour
such summes of money for egges in mooneshine.

[Sidenote: This discovery attempted.] It hath bene attempted by Sebastian
Cabota in the time of king Henry the seuenth, by Corterialis the Portugall,
and Scolmus the Dane.

[Sidenote: This discouery performed.] And it hath bene performed by three
brethren, the Indians aforesaid, and by Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico.

Also diuers haue offered the like vnto the French king, who hath sent two
or three times to haue discouered the same: The discouerers spending and
consuming their victuals in searching the gulfes and bayes betweene Florida
and Terra de Labrador, whereby the yce is broken to the after commers.

So that the right way may now easily be found out in short time: and that
with little ieopardie and lesse expences.

For America is discouered so farre towards the North as Cape Frio,[45]
which is 62 degrees, and that part of Grondland next adioyning is knowen to
stand but at 72 degrees. [Sidenote: The labour of this discouerie shortned
by other mens trauell.] So that wee haue but 10 degrees to saile North and
South, to put the world out of doubt hereof: [Sidenote: Why the kings of
Spaine and Portugal would not perseuer in this discovery.] and it is likely
that the king of Spaine, and the king of Portugall would not haue sit out
all this while, but that they are sure to possesse to themselues all that
trade they now vse, and feare to deale in this discouery, least the Queenes
Maiestie hauing so good opportunitie, and finding the commoditie which
thereby might ensue to the common wealth, would cut them off, and enioy the
whole traffique to herselfe, and thereby the Spaniards and Portugals, with
their great charges, should beate the bush, and other men catch the birds:
which thing they foreseing, haue commanded that no pilot of theirs vpon
paine of death, should seeke to discouer to the Northwest, or plat out in
any Sea card any thorow passage that way by the Northwest.

Now, and if you will indifferently compare the hope that remaineth, to
animate me to this enterprise, with those likelihoods which Columbus
alleaged before Ferdinando the king of Castilia, to prooue that there were
such Islands in the West Ocean, as were after by him and others discouered
to the great commodity of Spaine and all the world: you will thinke then
this Northwest passage to be most worthy trauell therein.

For Columbus had none of the West Islands set foorth vnto him, either in
globe or card, neither yet once mentioned of any writer (Plato excepted,
and the commentaries vpon the same) from 942 yeeres before Christ, vntill
that day.

Moreouer, Columbus himselfe had neither seene America nor any other of the
Islands about it, neither, vnderstood he of them by the report of any other
that had seene them, but only comforted himselfe with this hope, that the
land had a beginning where the Sea had an ending: for as touching that
which the Spaniards doe write of a Biscaine, which should haue taught him
the way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them, to depriue Columbus
of his honour, being none of their countrey man, but a stranger borne.

And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but roue at the matter, or
(at the least) gathered the knowledge of it, by coniectures onely.

And albeit myselfe haue not seene this passage nor any part thereof, but am
ignorant of it as touching experience (as Columbus was before his attempt
made) yet haue I both the report, relation, and authoritie of diuers most
credible men, which haue both seene and passed through some and euery part
of this discouery, besides sundry reasons for my assurance thereof: all
which Columbus wanted.

These things considered, and indifferently weighed togither, with the
wonderfull commodities which this discouery may bring, especially to this
realme of England: I must needes conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius,
and diuers other learned men, who said, that this discouery hath bene
reserued for some noble prince or worthie man, thereby to make himselfe
rich, and the world happie: desiring you to accept in good part this briefe
and simple discourse, written in haste, which if I may perceiue that it
shall not sufficiently satisfie you in this behalfe, I will then impart
vnto you a large discourse, which I haue written onely of this discouery.

And further, because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there
is, without abilitie to performe the same, I wil at at leasure make you
partaker of another simple discourse of nauigation, wherein I haue not a
little trauelled, to make my selfe as sufficient to bring these things to
effect, as I haue bene readie to offer my selfe therein.

And therein I haue deuised to amend the errors of vsuall sea cards, whose
common fault is to make the degrees of longitude in euery latitude of one
like bignesse.

And haue also deuised therein a Spherical instrument, with a compasse of
variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude.

And a precise order to pricke the sea card, together with certaine
infallible rules for the shortning of any discouery, to know at the first
entring of any fret whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one,
how farre soeuer the sea stretcheth itself into the land.

Desiring you hereafter neuer to mislike with me, for the taking in hande of
any laudable and honest enterprise: for if through pleasure or idlenesse we
purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame remaineth for euer.

[Sidenote: Pereas qui vmbras times.] And therefore to giue me leaue without
offence, alwayes to liue and die in this mind, That he is not worthy to
liue at all, that for feare, or danger of death, shunneth his countreys
seruice, and his owne honour: seeing death is inevitable, and the fame of
vertue immortall. Wherefore in this behalfe, Mutare vel timere sperno.

       *       *       *       *       *

Certaine other reasons, or arguments to prooue a passage by the Northwest,
  learnedly written by M. Richard Willes, Gentleman.

Foure famous wayes there be spoken of to those fruitfull and wealthie
Islands, which wee doe vsually call Moluccaes, continually haunted for
gaine, and dayly trauelled for riches therein growing. These Islands,
although they stand East from the Meridian, distant almost halfe the length
of the worlde, in extreame heate, vnder the Equinoctiall line, possessed of
Infidels and Barbarians: yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth
there is painefully sought in respect of the voyage deerely bought, and
from thence dangerously brought home vnto vs. Our neighbours I call the
Portugalls in comparison of the Molucchians for neerenesse vnto vs, for
like situation Westward as we haue, for their vsuall trade with vs, for
that the farre Southeasterlings doe knowe this part of Europe by no other
name then Portugall, not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations
thereof. [Sidenote: 1 By the Southeast.] Their voyage is very well
vnderstood of all men, and the Southeasterne way round about Afrike by the
Cape of Good hope more spoken of, better knowen and trauelled, then that it
may seeme needefull to discourse thereof any further.

[Sidenote: 2 By the Southwest.] The second way lyeth Southwest, betweene
the West India or South America, and the South continent, through that
narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that euer we doe read of,
passed these latter yeeres, leauing therevnto therefore his name.
[Sidenote: This is an errour.] This way no doubt the Spaniardes would
commodiously take, for that it lyeth neere vnto their dominions there,
could the Easterne current and leuant windes as easily suffer them to
returne, as speedily therwith they may be carried thither: for the which
difficultie, or rather impossibility of striuing against the force both of
winde and streame, this passage is litle or nothing vsed, although it be
very well knowen.

[Sidenote: 3 By the Northeast.] The third way by the Northeast, beyond all
Europe and Asia, that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh Willoughbie
sought to his perill, enforced there to ende his life for colde, congealed
and frozen to death. And truely this way consisteth rather in the
imagination of Geographers, then allowable either in reason, or approued by
[Sidenote: Ortel. tab. Asiæ 3.] experience, as well it may appeare by the
dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius vnder the 80 degree
North, by the vnlikely sailing in that Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce
and snow, or at the least continually pestred therewith, if happily it be
at any time dissolued: besides bayes and shelfes, the water waxing more
shallow toward the East, that we say nothing of the foule mists and darke
fogs in the cold clime, of the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire,
of the vncomfortable nights, so neere the Pole, fiue moneths long.

[Sidenote: 4 By the Northwest.] A fourth way to go vnto these aforesaid
happy Islands Moluccæ sir Humphrey Gilbert a learned and valiant knight
discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo. The enterprise of
itselfe being vertuous, the fact must doubtlesse deserue high praise, and
whensoeuer it shal be finished, the fruits thereof cannot be smal: where
vertue is guide, there is fame a follower, and fortune a companion. But the
way is dangerous, the passage doubtfull, the voiage not throughly knowen,
and therefore gainesaid by many, after this maner.

[Sidenote: Ob. 1.] First, who can assure vs of any passage rather by the
Northwest then by the Northeast? do not both waves lye in equall distance
from the North Pole? Stand not the North Capes of eyther continent vnder
like eleuation? Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from
our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West, then the extreame poyntes of
Cathayo Eastward, if Ortelius generall Carde of the world be true:
[Sidenote: In Theatro.] In the Northeast that noble Knight Syr Hugh
Willoughbie perished for colde: and can you then promise a passenger any
better happe by the Northwest? Who hath gone for triall sake at any time
this way out of Europe to Cathayo?

[Sidenote: Ob. 2.] If you seeke the aduise herein of such as make
profession in Cosmographie, Ptolome the father of Geographie, and his
eldest children, will answere by their mappes with a negatiue, concluding
most of the Sea within the land, and making an end of the world Northward,
neere the 63. degree. The same opinion, when learning chiefly florished,
was receiued in the Romanes time, as by their Poets writings it may
appeare: tibi seruiat vltima Thyle, said Virgil, being of opinion, that
Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. Ioseph
Moletius an Italian, and Mercator a Germaine, for knowledge men able to be
compared with the best Geographers of our time, the one in his halfe
Spheres of the whole world, the other in some of his great globes, haue
continued the West Indies land, euen to the North Pole, and consequently,
cut off all passage by sea that way.

The same doctors, Mercator in other of his globes and mappes, Moletius in
his sea Carde, neuerthelesse doubting of so great continuance of the former
continent, haue opened a gulfe betwixt the West Indies and the extreame
Northerne land: but such a one, that either is not to be trauelled for the
causes in the first obiection alledged, or cleane shut vp from vs in Europe
by Groenland: the South ende whereof Moletius maketh firme land with
America, the North part continent with Lappeland and Norway.

[Sidenote: Ob. 3.] Thirdly, the greatest fauourers of this voyage can not
denie, but that if any such passage be, it lieth subiect vnto yce and snow
for the most part of the yeere, whereas it standeth in the edge of the
frostie Zone. Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre, and dissolued the yce,
eche one well knoweth that there can be no sailing: the yce once broken
through the continuall abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those
parts, how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe is, to
holde out amid whole Ilands, as it were of yce continually beating on eche
side, and at the mouth of that gulfe, issuing downe furiously from the
north, and safely to passe, when whole mountaines of yce and snow shall be
tumbled downe vpon her?

[Sidenote: Ob. 4.] Well, graunt the West Indies not to continue continent
vnto the Pole, grant there be a passage betweene these two lands, let the
gulfe lie neerer vs then commonly in cardes we finde it set, namely,
betweene the 61. and 64. degrees north, as Gemma Frisius in his mappes and
globes imagineth it, and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his
table which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheinies: Let the way be voyde of
all difficulties, yet doeth it not follow that wee haue free passage to
Cathayo. For examples sake: You may trend all Norway, Finmarke, and
Lappeland, and then bowe Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscouia: you may
likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople, and the mouth of
Tanais: yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscouia into Pont Euxine,
now called Mare Maggiore. Againe, in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea, we
saile to Alexandria in Egypt, the Barbarians bring their pearle and spices
from the Moluccaes vp the Red sea or Arabian gulph to Sues, scarcely three
dayes iourney from the aforesayd hauen: yet haue wee no way by sea from
Alexandria to the Moluccaes, for that Isthmos or litle straight of land
betweene the two seas. In like maner although the Northerne passage be free
at 61 degrees of latitude, and the West Ocean beyond America, vsually
called Mar del Zur, knowen to be open at 40. degrees eleuation from the
Island Iapan, yea, three hundred leagues Northerly aboue Iapan: yet may
there be land to hinder the thorow passage that way by Sea, as in the
examples aforesaid it falleth out, Asia and America there being ioyned
together in one continent. Ne can this opinion seeme altogether friuolous
vnto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings. Iosephus
Moletius is of that minde, not onely in his plaine Hemispheres of the
world, but also in his Sea card. The French Geographers in like maner be of
the same opinion, as by their Mappe cut out in forme of a Hart you may
perceiue: as though the West Indies were part of Asia. Which sentence well
agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schooles. Quicquid præter Africam
et Europam est, Asia est, Whatsoeuer land doeth neither apperteine vnto
Afrike nor to Europe, is part of Asia.

[Sidenote: Ob. 5.] Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long, so
painefull, so doubtfull a voyage by such a new found way, if in Cathayo you
should neither bee suffered to land for silkes and siluer, nor able to
fetch the Molucca spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas. Of a law
denying all Aliens to enter into China, and forbidding all the inhabiters
vnder a great penaltie to let in any stranger into those countreys, shall
you reade in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other
Portugals: as also in the Iaponish letters, how for that cause the worthy
traueller Xauierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of
pepper to be brought into Canton, a port in China. The great and dangerous
piracie vsed in those Seas no man can be ignorant of, that listeth to reade
the Iaponish and East Indian historie.

[Sidenote: Ob. 6.] Finally, all this great labour would be lost, all these
charges spent in vaine, if in the ende our trauellers might not be able to
returne againe, and bring safely home into their owne natiue countrey that
wealth and riches, which they in forrein regions with aduenture of goods,
and danger of their liues haue sought for. By the Northeast there is no
way, the Southeast passage the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those
Seas. At the Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught vs, and
partly we are persuaded by reason, how the Easterne current striketh so
furiously on that straight, and falleth with such force into that narrow
gulph, that hardly any ship can returne that way into our West Ocean out of
Mar del Zur. The which if it be true, as truly it is, then wee may say that
the aforesayd Easterne current or leuant course of waters continually
following after the heauenly motions, loseth not altogether his force, but
is doubled rather by an other current from out the Northeast, in the
passage betweene America and the North land, whither it is of necessity
caryed: hauing none other way to maintaine it selfe in circular motion, and
consequently the force and fury thereof to be no lesse in the straight of
Anian, where it striketh South into Mar del Zur, beyond America (if any
such straight of Sea there be) then in Magellans fret, both straights being
of like bredth: as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France, and in Don
Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for nauigation in that region we doe finde
precisely set downe.

Neuerthelesse to approue that there lyeth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest
from out of Europe, we haue experience, namely of three brethren that went
that iourney, as Gemma Frisius recordeth, and left a name vnto that
straight, whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum. We doe reade
againe of a Portugall that passed this straight, of whom Master Frobisher
speaketh, that was imprisoned therefore many yeeres in Lisbone, to verifie
the olde Spanish prouerbe, I suffer for doing well. Likewise Andrew
Vrdaneta a Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way into Germanie:
his Carde (for he was a great discouerer) made by his owne experience and
trauell in that voyage, hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good credite.

[Sidenote: Cic. 1. de orat. Arist, pri. Metaph.] Now if the obseruation and
remembrance of things breedeth experience, and of experience proceedeth
arte, and the certaine knowledge we haue in all faculties, as the best
Philosophers that euer were doe affirme: truely the voyage of these
aforesayd trauellers that haue gone out of Europe into Mar del Zur, and
returned thence at the Northwest, do most euidently conclude that way to be
nauigable, and that passage free. [Sidenote: Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2.] So much
the more we are so to thinke for that the first principle and chiefe ground
in all Geographie, as Ptolome saith, is the history of trauell, that is,
reports made by trauellers skilful in Geometrie and Astronomie, of all such
things in their iourney as to Geographie doe belong. It onely then
remaineth, that we now answere to those arguments that seemed to make
against this former conclusion.

[Sidenote: Sol. 1.] The first obiection is of no force, that generall table
of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mercator, for it greatly skilleth
not, being vnskilfully drawen for that point: as manifestly it may appeare
vnto any one that conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his vniuersall
Mappe, with his round quartered carde, with his globe, with Sebastian
Cabota his table, and Ortelius his generall mappe alone, worthily preferred
in this case before all Mercator and Ortelius other doings: for that Cabota
was not onely a skilful Sea man, but a long traueller, and such a one as
entred personally that straight, sent by king Henry the seuenth to make
this aforesayd Discouerie, as in his owne discourse of nauigation you may
reade in his carde drawen with his owne hand, that the mouth of the
Northwesterne straight lyeth neere the 318. Meridian, betweene 61. and 64.
degrees in the eleuation, continuing the same bredth about 10 degrees West,
where it openeth Southerly more and more, vntill it come vnder the tropicke
of Cancer, and so runneth into Mar del Zur, at the least 18 degrees more in
bredth there, then it was where it first began: otherwise I could as well
imagine this passage to be more vnlikely then the voyage to Moscouia, and
more impossible then it for the farre situation and continuance thereof in
the frostie clime: as now I can affirme it to be very possible and most
likely in comparison thereof, for that it neither coasteth so farre North
as the Moscouian passage doeth, neither is this straight so long as that,
before it bow downe Southerly towardes the Sunne againe.

[Sidenote: Sol. 2.] The second argument concludeth nothing. Ptolome knew
not what was aboue sixteene degrees South beyond the Equinoctiall line, he
was ignorant of all passages Northward from the eleuation of 63. degrees:
he knewe no Ocean sea beyond Asia, yet haue the Portugals trended the Cape
of Good hope at the South point of Afrike, and trauelled to Iapan an Island
in the East Ocean, betweene Asia and America: our merchants in the time of
king Edward the sixt discouered the Moscouian passage farther North than
Thyle, and shewed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland and Norway:
the like our Northwesterne trauellers haue done, declaring by their
nauigation that way, the ignorance of all Cosmographers that either doe
ioyne Groenland with America, or continue the West Indies with that frosty
region vnder the north pole. As for Virgil he sang according to the
knowledge of men in his time, as an other poet did of the hot Zone.

[Sidenote: Ouid. 1. Meta.] Quarum quæ media est, non est habitabilis æstu.
Imagining, as most men then did, Zonam torridam, the hot Zone to be
altogether dishabited for heat, though presently wee know many famous and
worthy kingdomes and cities in that part of the earth, and the Island of S.
Thomas neere Æthiopia, and the wealthy Islands for the which chiefly all
these voyages are taken in hand, to be inhabited euen vnder the
Equinoctiall line.

[Sidenote: Sol. 3.] To answere the third obiection, besides Cabota and all
other trauellers nauigations, the onely credit of M. Frobisher[46] may
suffice, who lately through all these Islands of ice, and mountaines of
snow, passed that way, euen beyond the gulfe that tumbleth downe from the
North, and in some places though he drewe one inch thicke ice, as he
returning in August did, yet came he home safely againe.

[Sidenote: Sol. 4.] The fourth argument is altogether friuolous and vaine,
for neither is there any isthmos or strait of land betweene America and
Asia, ne can these two landes ioyntly be one continent. [Sidenote: Lib.
Geog.] The first part of my answere is manifestly allowed of by Homer, whom
that excellent Geographer Strabo followeth, yeelding him in this facultie
the price. The author of that booke likewise [Greek: perì kosmou] to
Alexander, attributed vnto Aristotle, is of the same opinion that Homer and
Strabo be of, in two or three places. Dionisius in [Greek: oikoumenaes
periaegaesi] hath this verse [Greek: otos hokeanos peridedrome gaian
hapasan.] So doth the Ocean Sea runne round about the worlde: speaking
onely of Europe, Afrike and Asia, as then Asia was trauelled and knowen.
[Sidenote: Note.] With these Doctours may you ioyne Pomponius Mela. cap. 2.
lib 1. Plinius lib. 2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap 2. in his description of
Asia. [Sidenote: Richard Eden.] All the which writers doe no lesse confirme
the whole Easterne side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea, then
Plato doeth affirme in Timæo, vnder the name Atlantis, the West indies to
be an Island, as in a special discoure thereof R. Eden writeth, agreeable
vnto the sentence of Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and others. Out of Plato
it is gathered that America is an island. Homer, Strabo, Aristotle,
Dionysius, Mela, Plinie, Pius 2. affirme the continent of Asia, Afrike, and
Europe to be enuironed with the Ocean. I may therefore boldly say (though
later intelligences thereof had we none at all) that Asia and the West
Indies be not tied together by any Isthmos or straight of land, contrary to
the opinion of some new Cosmographers, by whom doubtfully this matter hath
bin brought in controuersie. And thus much for the first part of my answere
vnto the fourth obiection.

[Sidenote: Lib. 2. Meteor. cap 1.] The second part, namely that America and
Asia cannot be one continent, may thus be prooued, [Greek: kata taen taes
gaes koilotaeta rhei kai ton potamon to plaethos.] The most Riuers take
downe that way their course, where the earth is most hollow and deepe,
writeth Aristotle: and the Sea (sayeth he in the same place) as it goeth
further, so it is found deeper. Into what gulfe doe the Moscouian riuers
Onega, Duina, Ob, powre out their streames Northward out of Moscouia into
the sea? Which way doeth that sea strike: The South is maine land, the
Easterne coast waxeth more and more shalow: from the North, either
naturally, because that part of the earth is higher Aristot. 2. Met. cap.
1. or of necessitie, for that the forcible influence of some Northerne
starres causeth the earth there to shake off the Sea, as some Philosophers
doe thinke: or finally for the great store of waters engendered in that
frostie and colde climate, that the bankes are not able to holde them.
Alber, in 2. Meteor. cap. 6. From the North, I say, continually falleth
downe great abundance of water. So that this Northeasterne currant must at
the length abruptly bow towards vs South on the West side of Finmarke and
Norway: or else strike downe Southwest aboue Groneland and Iseland, into
the Northwest straight we speake of, as of congruence it doeth, if you
marke the situation of that Region, and by the report of M. Frobisher
experience teacheth vs. And M. Frobisher the further he trauailed in the
former passage, as he tolde me, the deeper always he found the Sea. Lay you
now the summe hereof together. The riuers runne where the chanels are most
hollow, the Sea in taking his course waxeth deeper, the Sea waters fall
continually from the North Southward, the Northeasterne current striketh
downe into the straight we speak of, and is there augmented with whole
mointaines of yce and snowe falling downe furiously out from the land vnder
the North pole. [Sidenote: Plin. lib. 2. cap. 67] Where store of water is,
there is it a thing impossible to want Sea, where Sea not onely doeth not
want, but waxeth deeper, there can be discouered no land, finally, whence I
pray you came the contrary tide, that M. Frobisher mette withall after he
had sailed no small way in that passage, if there be any Isthmos or
straight of land betwixt the aforesayd Northwesterne gulfe, and Mar del
Zur, to ioyne Asia and America together? That conclusion frequented in
scholes Quicquid præter, &c. was meant of the partes of the world then
knowen, and so it is of right to be vnderstood.

[Sidenote: Sol. 5.] The fift obiection requireth for answere wisdome and
policie in the trauailer to winne the Barbarians fauour by some good
meanes: and so to arme and strengthen himselfe, that when he shal haue the
repulse in one coast, he may safely trauaile to an other, commodiously
taking his conuenient times, and discreetely making choise of them with
whom hee will throughly deale. To force a violent entry, would for vs
Englishmen be very hard, considering the strength and valour of so great a
Nation, farre distant from vs, and the attempt thereof might be most
perilous vnto the doers, vnlesse their part were very good.

Touching their lawes against strangers, you shall reade neuerthelesse in
the same relations of Galeotto Perera, that the Cathaian king is woont to
graunt free accesse vnto all foreiners that trade into his Countrey for
Marchandise, and a place of libertie for them to remaine in: as the Moores
had, vntill such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that
coast to be a circumcised Saracene: wherefore some of them were put to the
sword, the rest were scattered abroad: at Fuquien a great citie in China,
certaine of them are yet this day to be seene. As for the Iapans they be
most desirous to be acquainted with strangers. The Portingals though they
were straitly handled there at the first, yet in the ende they found great
fauor at the Prince his hands, insomuch that the Loutea or president that
misused them was therefore put to death. The rude Indian Canoa halleth
those seas, the Portingals, the Saracens, and Moores trauaile continually
vp and downe that reach from Iapan to China, from China to Malacca, from
Malacca to the Moluccaes: and shall an Englishman, better appointed then
any of them all (that I say no more of our Nauie) feare to saile in that
ocean? What seas at all doe want piracie? what Nauigation is there voyde of
perill?

[Sidenote: Sol. 6.] To the last argument. Our trauailers neede not to seeke
their returne by the Northeast, neither shall they be constrained, except
they list, either to attempt Magellans straight at the Southwest, or to be
in danger of the Portingals for the Southeast: they may returne by the
Northwest, that same way they doe goe foorth, as experience hath shewed.

The reason alleadged for proofe of the contrary may be disproued after this
maner. And first it may be called in controuersie, whether any current
continually be forced by the motion of Primum mobile, round about the
world, or no: For learned men doe diuersly handle that question. [Sidenote:
Luc. lib. 1. Pharsal.] The naturall course of all waters is downeward,
wherefore of congruence they fall that way where they finde the earth most
lowe and deepe: in respect whereof, it was erst sayd, the seas doe strike
from the Northern landes Southerly. Violently the seas are tossed and
troubled diuers wayes with the windes, encreased and diminished by the
course of the Moone, hoised vp and downe through the sundry operations of
the Sunne and the starres: finally, some be of opinion, that the seas be
carried in part violently about the world, after the dayly motion of the
highest moueable heauen, in like maner as the elements of ayre and fire,
with the rest of the heauenly spheres, are from the East vnto the West.
[Sidenote: What the Easterne current is.] And this they doe call their
Easterne current, or leuant stream. Some such current may not be denied to
be of great force in the hot Zone, for the neerenesse thereof vnto the
centre of the Sunne, and blustering Easterne windes violently driuing the
seas Westwards: howbeit, in the temperate climes, the Sunne being further
off, and the windes more diuers, blowing as much from the North, the West
and South, as from the East, this rule doeth not effectually withholde vs
from trauailing Eastward, neither be we kept euer backe by the aforesaid
Leuant windes and streame. But in the Magellans streight wee are violently
driuen backe West: Ergo, through the Northwesterne straight or Annian
frette shall we not be able to returne Eastward? It followeth not. The
first, for that the northwesterne straight hath more sea roome at the least
by one hundreth English myles, than Magellans frette hath, the onely want
whereof causeth all narrow passages generally to be most violent. So would
I say in the Anian gulfe, if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius
haue painted it out, any returne that way to bee full of difficulties, in
respect of such streightnesse thereof, not for the neerenesse of the Sunne,
or Easterne windes violently forcing that way any leuant streame: But in
that place there is more sea roome by many degrees, if the Cardes of
Cabota, and Gemma Frisius, and that which Tramezine imprinted be true.

And hitherto reason see I none at all, but that I may as well giue credite
vnto their doings, as to any of the rest. [Sidenote: Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2.]
It must be Peregrinationis historia, that is, true reportes of skilfull
trauailers, as Ptolome writeth, that in such controuersies of Geographie
must put vs out of doubt. Ortelius in his vniuersall tables, in his
particular Mappes of the West Indies, of all Asia, of the Northern
kingdomes, of the East Indies, Mercator in some of his globes, and generall
Mappes of the world, Moletius in his vniuersall table of the Globe diuided,
in his sea Carde, and particuler tables of the East Indies, Zalterius, and
Don Diego, with Ferdinando Bertely, and others, doe so much differ from
Gemma Frisius and Cabota, among themselues, and in diuers places from
themselues, concerning the diuers situation and sundry limits of America,
that one may not so rashly, as timely surmise, these men either to be
ignorant in those points touching the aforesaid region, or that the Mappes
they haue giuen out vnto the world, were collected onely by them, and neuer
of their owne drawing.

       *       *       *       *       *

The first Voyage of M. Martine Frobisher, to the Northwest, for the search
  of the straight or passage to China, written by Christopher Hall, Master
  in the Gabriel, and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576.

The 7. of Iune being Thursday, the two Barks, viz. the Gabriel, and the
Michael [Marginal note: M. Matthew Kinderslye was Captaine of the Michael.]
and our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe, and bare down to Detford, and
there we ancred: the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boulsprit, and
foremast aboard of a ship that rode at Detford, else wee meant to haue past
that day by the Court then at Grenewich.

The 8. day being Friday, about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford, and
set saile all three of vs, and bare downe by the Court, where we shotte off
our ordinance and made the best shew we could: Her Maiestie beholding the
same, commended it, and bade vs farewell, with shaking her hand at vs out
of the window. Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs, who declared
that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings, and thanked vs for it, and
also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his
leaue of her.

The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs, and
declared to the company, that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them
charge to be obedient, and diligent to their Captaine, and gouernours in
all things, and wished vs happie successe.

The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend, by the castle or blockehouse, we
obserued the latitude, which was 51. degrees 33. min. And in that place the
variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe.

[Sidenote: Faire Island.] The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone, I
had sight of Faire yle,[47] being from vs 6. leagues North and by East, and
when I brought it Northwest and by North, it did rise at the Southermost
ende with a litle hommocke, and swampe in the middes.

[Sidenote: Shotland.] The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone,
the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale, I cast about to the
Westward, the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head
Northnorthwest from me, and the land of Faire yle, West Southwest from me.
I sailed directly to the North head of that said land, sounding as I ranne
in, hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms, and gray redde shels: and within halfe
a mile of that Island, there are 36. fathoms, for I sailed to that Island
to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde, and I
found by my sounding hard rockes, and foule ground, and deepe water, within
two cables length of the shoare, 28. fathome, and so did not ancre but
plied to and fro with my foresaile, and mizen till it was a high water
vnder the Island. The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast: the flood
setteth Southeast, and the ebbe Northwest.

The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale, sayling from Faire yle
to Swinborne head, I did obserue the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being
West Northwest from me 6. leagues, and Swinborne head East southeast from
me, I found my eleuation [Marginal note: By eleuation he meaneth the
distance of the sunne from the zenith.] to be 37. degr and my declination
22. degr. 46 min. So that my latitude was 59. degr. 46. min. [Sidenote: S.
Tronions.] At that present being neere to Swinborne head, hauing a leake
which did trouble vs, as also to take in fresh water, I plyed roome with a
sound, which is called S. Tronions, and there did ancre in seuen fathoms
water, and faire sande. You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring
17. 15. 12. 10. 9. 8. and 7. fathoms, and the sound lyeth in North
northwest, and there we roade to a West sunne, and stopped our leake, and
hauing refreshed our selues with water, at a North northwest sunne, I set
saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest, and turned out till wee
were cleare of the sound, and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of
Fowlay. [Sidenote: Fowlay Island.] And running off toward Fowlay,[48] I
sounded, hauing fiftie fathome, and streamie ground, and also I sounded
Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande, hauing fiftie
fathome at the South head, and streamie ground, like broken otmell, and one
shell being redde and white like mackerell.

[Sidenote: Latitude 59. deg. 59. min. Here they begin to saile West and by
North.] The 27. day at a South sunne I did obserue the latitude, the Island
of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast: I found my selfe to be
in latitude 59. degrees, 59. min truly obserued, the winde at South
Southwest: I sailed West and by North.

From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone, the wind at South, a faire gale the
shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues, and at the ende of this watch,
I sounded hauing 60. fathome, with little stones and shels, the Island from
vs 8. leagues East.

[Sidenote: July the first.] The first of Iuly, from 4. to 8. a clocke, wee
sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues, and at that present we had so much winde
that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues.

The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to Westwards: this
day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6 leagues.

From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues. [Sidenote:
The Compasse varying Westwards one point.] At that present I found our
compasse to be varied 11 deg. and one 4. part to the Westwards, which is
one point.

[Sidenote: The Island of Friseland.] The 11. day at a Southeast sunne we
had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16.
leagues, and rising like pinacles of steeples, and all couered with snowe.
I found my selfe in 61. degr. of latitude. Wee sailed to the shoare and
could finde no ground at 150. fathoms, we hoised out our boate, and the
Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land, but the land lying
full of yce, they could not get on land, and so they came aboord againe: We
had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge. Yet from
Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest
20. leagues.

The 18. day at a Southwest sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg.
And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg. So I obserued it till I found it at
the highest, and then it was eleuated 52. deg. [Sidenote: The variation of
the needle two points and a halfe to the West.] I iudged the variation of
the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward.

[Sidenote: A great drift of yce.] The 21. day we had sight of a great drift
of yce, seeming a firme land, and we cast Westward to be cleare of it.

[Sidenote: The latitude of 62. degrees 2. min.] The 26. we had sight of a
land of yce: the latitude was 62. degrees, and two minutes.

[Sidenote: Sight of land supposed to haue been Labrador.] The 28. day in
the morning was very foggie: but at the clearing vp of the fogge, we had
sight of lande, which I supposed to be Labrador, with great store of yce
about the land: I ranne in towards it, and sownded, but could get no ground
at 100. fathom, and the yce being so thicke, I could not get to the shoare,
and so lay off, and came cleare of the yce. Upon Munday we came within a
mile of the shoare, and sought a harborowe: all the sownd was full of yce,
and our boate rowing a shoare, could get no ground at 100. fathom, within a
Cables length of the shoare: then we sailed Eastnortheast along the shoare,
for so the lande lyeth, and the currant is there great, setting Northeast,
and Southwest: and if we could haue gotten anker ground, wee would haue
seene with what force it had runne, but I iudge a ship may driue a league
and a halfe, in one houre, with that tide.

This day at 4. of the clocke in the morning, being faire and cleere, we had
sight of a head land, as we iudged, bearing from vs north, and by East, and
we sailed Northeast, and by North to that land, and when we came thither,
wee could not get to the lande for yce: for the yce stretched along the
coast, so that we could not come to the land, by fiue leagues.

[Sidenote: August.] Wednesday the first of August it calmed, and in the
after noone I caused my boate to be hoysed out, being hard by a great
Island of yce, and I and foure men rowed to that yce, and sounded within
two Cables length of it, and had sixteene fathome, and little stones, and
after that sownded againe within a Minion shot, and had ground at an
hundreth fathome, and faire sand: we sownded the next day a quarter of a
myle from it, and had sixtie fathome rough ground, and at that present
being aboord, that great Island of yce fell one part from another, making a
noyse as if a great cliffe had fallen into the Sea. And at foure of the
clocke I sownded againe, and had 90. fathome, and small blacke stones, and
little white stones like pearles. The tide here did set to the shoare.

The tenth I tooke foure men, and my selfe, and rowed to
shoare to an Island one league from the maine, and there the
flood setteth Southwest alongest the shoare, and it floweth as
neere as I could iudge so too, I could not tarry to prooue it,
because the ship was a great way from me, and I feared a fogge:
but when I came a shoare, it was a low water. I went to the top
of the Island, and before I came backe, it was hied a foote water,
and so without tarrying I came aboord.

[Sidenote: They enter the Streit in the latitude of 63. deg. and 8. min.]
The 11. we found our latitude to be 63. degr. and eight minutes, and this
day we entred the streight.

The 12. wee set saile towardes an Island, called the Gabriels Island, which
was 10 leagues then from vs.

We espied a sound, and bare with it, and came to a Sandie Baye, where we
came to an anker, the land being East southeast off vs, and there we rode
al night in 8. fathome water. It floweth there at a Southeast Moone. We
called it Priors sownd, being from the Gabriels Island, tenne leagues.

The 14, we waied, and ranne into another sownde, where wee ankered in 8.
fathome water, faire sand, and black oaze, and there calked our ship, being
weake from the wales vpward, and tooke in fresh water.

The 15. day we waied, and sailed to Priors Bay, being a mile from thence.

The 16. day was calme, and we rode still, without yce, but presently within
two houres it was frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an ynch thicke,
and that day very faire, and calme.

The 17. day we waied, and came to Thomas Williams Island.

The 18. day we sailed North northwest, and ankered againe in
23. fathome, and tough oaze, vnder Burchers Island, which is from
the former Island, ten leagues.

[Sidenote: Sight of the Countrey people.] The 19. day in the morning, being
calme, and no winde, the Captaine and I tooke our boat, with eight men in
her, to rowe vs a shoare, to see if there were any people, or no, and going
to the toppe of the Island, we had sight of seuen boates, which came rowing
from the East side, toward that Island: whereupon we returned aboord
againe: at length we sent our boate with fiue men in her, to see whither
they rowed, and so with a white cloth brought one of their boates with
their men along the shoare, rowing after our boate, till such time as they
sawe our ship, and then they rowed a shoare: then I went on shore my selfe,
and gaue euery of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboord of
me, where hee did eate and drinke, and then carried him on shoare againe.
Whereupon all the rest came aboord with their boates, being nineteene
persons, and they spake, but we vnderstoode them not. [Sidenote: The
description of the people.[49]] They bee like to Tartars, with long blacke
haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and tawnie in colour, wearing Seale
skinnes, and so doe the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women
are marked in the face with blewe streekes downe the cheekes, and round
about the eyes. Their boates are made all of Seales skinnes, with a keele
of wood within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop,
saue only they be flat in the bottome, and sharpe at both ends.

The twentieth day wee wayed, and went to the Eastside of this island, and I
and the Captaine, with foure men more went on shoare, and there we sawe
their houses, and the people espying vs, came rowing towards our boate:
whereupon we plied toward our boate: and wee being in our boate and they
ashoare, they called to vs, and we rowed to them, and one of their company
came into our boate, and we carried him a boord, and gaue him a Bell, and a
knife: [Sidenote: 5 of our men taken by the people.] so the Captaine and I
willed fiue of our men to set him a shoare at a rocke, and not among the
company, which they come from, but their wilfulnesse was such, that they
would goe to them, and so were taken themselues, and our boate lost.

The next day in the morning, we stoode in neere the shoare, and shotte off
a fauconet, and sounded our trumpet, but we could hear nothing nothing of
our men: this sound wee called the fiue mens sound, and plyed out of it,
but ankered againe in thirtie fathome, and ooze: and riding there all
night, in the morning, the snow lay a foote thicke vpon our hatches.

The 22. day in the morning we wayed, and went againe to the place we lost
our men, and our boate. We had sight of foureteene boates, and some came
neere to vs, but wee could learne nothing of our men: among the rest, we
intised one boate to our ships side, with a Bell, and in giuing him the
Bell, we tooke him, and his boate, and so kept him, and so rowed downe to
Thomas Williams Island, and there ankered all night.

[Sidenote: They returne.] The 26. day we waied, to come homeward, and by
12. of the clocke at noone, we were thwart of Trumpets Island.

The next day we came thwart of Gabriels Island, and at 8. of the clocke at
night, we had the Cape Labrador as we supposed West from vs, ten leagues.

The 28. day we went our course Southeast.

We sailed Southeast, and by East, 22. leagues.

The first day of September in the morning we had sight of the land of
Friseland being eight leagues from vs but we could not come neerer it, for
the monstrous yce that lay about it. From this day, till the sixth of this
Moneth, we ranne along Island, and had the South part of it at eight of the
clocke, East from vs ten leagues.

The seuenth day of this moneth we had a very terrible storme, by force
whereof, one of our men was blowen into the sea out of our waste, but he
caught hold of the foresaile sheate, and there held till the Captaine
pluckt him againe into the ship.

The 25 day of this moneth we had sight of the Island of Orkney, which was
then East from vs.

[Sidenote: The Sheld.] The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld,
and so sailed about the coast, and ankered at Yarmouth, and the next day we
came into Harwich.

The language of the people of Meta incognita.

Argoteyt, a hand.
Cangnawe, a nose.
Arered, an eye.
Keiotot, a tooth.
Mutchatet, the head.
Chewat, an eare.
Comagaye, a legge.
Atoniagay, a foote.
Callagay, a paire of breeches.
Attegay, a coate.
Polleuetagay, a knife.
Accaskay, a shippe.
Coblone, a thumbe.
Teckkere, the foremost finger.
Ketteckle, the middle finger.
Mekellacane, the fourth finger.
Yacketrone, the little finger.

       *       *       *       *       *

The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and
  Northwest Regions, in the yeere 1577. with a description of the Countrey,
  and people: Written by Master Dionise Settle.

On Whitsunday, being the sixe and twentieth of May, in the yeere of our
Lord God 1577. Captaine Frobisher departed from Blacke Wall, with one of
the Queenes Maiesties ships, called The Aide, of nine score tunnes, or
thereabouts: and two other Little Barkes likewise, the one called The
Gabriel, whereof Master Fenton, a Gentleman of my Lord of Warwikes, was
Captaine: accompanied with seuen score Gentlemen, souldiers, and sailers,
well furnished with victuals, and other prouision necessarie for one halfe
yeere, on this his second voyage, for the further discouering of the
passage to Cathay, and other Countreys, thereunto adiacent, by West and
Northwest nauigations: which passage or way, is supposed to bee on the
North and Northwest part of America: and the said America to be an Island
inuironed with the sea, where through our Merchants may haue course and
recourse with their merchandize, from these our Northernmost parts of
Europe, to those Orientall coasts of Asia, in much shorter time, and with
greater benefite then any others, to their no little commoditie and profite
that do or shall frequent the same. Our said Captaine and General of this
present voyage and company hauing the yeere before, with two little
pinnesses, to his great danger, and no small commendations, giuen a worthy
attempt towards the performance thereof, is also prest, when occasion shall
be ministred (to the benefite of his Prince, and natiue Countrey) to
aduenture himelfe further therein. As for the second voyage, it seemeth
sufficient that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of
those people and Countreys, which in his first voyage the yeere before he
had found out.

[Sidenote: The Islands Orcades, or Orkney.] Vpon which considerations, the
day and yeere before expressed, we departed from Blacke Wall to Harwich,
where making an accomplishment of things necessary, the last of May we
hoised vp sailes, and with a merrie winde the 7. of Iune we arriued at the
Islands called Orcades, or vulgarly Orkney, being in number 30. subiect and
adiacent to Scotland where we made prouision of fresh water; in the doing
wherof our Generall licensed the Gentlemen and souldiers for their
recreation to go on shore. [Sidenote: The Orcadians upon smal occasion flee
their home.] At our landing, the people fled from their poore cottages,
with shrikes and alarms, to warne their neighbours of enemies, but by
gentle perswasions we reclamed them to their houses. It seemeth they are
often frighted with Pirats, or some other enemies, that mooue them to such
sudden feare. Their houses are very simply builded with Pibble stone,
without any chimneis, the fire being made in the middest thereof. The good
man, wife, children, and other of their family eate and sleepe on the one
side of the house, and the cattell on the other, very beastly and rudely,
in respect of ciuilitie. [Sidenote: No wood in Orkney.] They are destitute
of wood, their fire is turffes, and Cowshards. They haue corne, bigge, and
oates, with which they pay their Kings rent, to the maintenance of his
house. They take great quantitie of fish, which they dry in the wind and
Sunne. They dresse their meat very filthily, and eate it without salt.
Their apparell is after the rudest sort of Scotland. Their money is all
base. Their Church and religion is reformed according to the Scots.
[Sidenote: Fisher men of England haue daily traffique to Orkney.] The
fisher men of England can better declare the dispositions of those people
then I: wherefore I remit other their vsages to their reports, as yeerely
repaires thither, in their course to and from Island for fish.

[Sidenote: In Iune and Iuly no night in those West and Northwest regions.]
We departed herehence the 8. of Iune, and followed our course betweene West
and Northwest, vntill the 4. of Iuly: all which time we had no night, but
that easily, and without any impediment we had when we were so disposed,
the fruition of our bookes, and other pleasures to passe away the time: a
thing of no small moment, to such as wander in vnknowen seas, and long
nauigations, especially, when both the winds and raging surges do passe
their common and wonted course. This benefite endureth in those parts not
6. weekes, while the sunne is neere the Tropike of Cancer: but where the
pole is raised to 70. or 80. degrees, it continueth much longer.

[Sidenote: Great abundance of Firre trees floting in the sea.] All along
these seas, after we were sixe dayes sailing from Orkney, we met floting in
the sea, great Firre trees, which as we iudged, were with the furie of
great floods rooted vp, and so driuen into the sea. Island hath almost no
other wood nor fuell, but such as they take vp vpon their coastes.
[Sidenote: Inquire further of this current.] It seemeth, that these trees
are driuen from some part of the New found land, with the current that
setteth from the West to the East.[50]

The 4. of Iuly we came within the making of Frisland.[51] From this shoare
10. or 12. leagues, we met great Islands of yce, of halfe a mile, some
more, some lesse in compasse, shewing aboue the sea, 30. or 40. fathoms,
and as we supposed fast on ground, where with our lead we could scarse
sound the bottome for depth.

[Sidenote: Yce, snow, and haile in Iune and Iuly.] Here, in place of
odoriferous and fragrant smels of sweete gums, and pleasant notes of
musicall birdes, which other Countreys in more temperate Zones do yeeld,
wee tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile, in
the moneths of Iune and Iuly, nothing inferior to our vntemperate winter: a
sudden alteration, and especially in a place or Paralelle, where the Pole
is not eleuate aboue 61. degrees: at which height other Countreys more to
the North, yea vnto 70. degrees, shew themselues more temperate then this
doth.

All along this coast yce lieth, as a continuall bulwarke, and so defendeth
the countrey, that those that would land there, incur great danger. Our
Generall 3. dayes together attempted with the ship boate to haue gone on
shoare, which for that without great danger he could not accomplish, he
deferred it vntill a more conuenient time. All along the coast lie very
high mountains covered with snow, except in such places, where through the
steepenes of the mountaines of force it must needs fall. Foure dayes
coasting along this land, we found no signe of habitation. [Sidenote:
Friseland subiect to fogge.] Little birds, whiche we iudged to haue lost
the shore, by reason of thicke fogges which that Countrey is much subiect
vnto, came flying into our ships, which causeth vs to suppose, that the
Countrey is both more tollerable, and also habitable within, then the
outward shore maketh shew or signification.[52]

From hence we departed the eight of Iuly: and the 16. of the same, we came
with the making of land, which land our Generall the yeere before had named
The Queenes foreland, being an Island as we iudge, lying neere the supposed
continent with America: and on the other side, opposite to the same, one
other Island called Halles Isle, after the name of the Master of the ship,
neere adiacent to the firme land, supposed continent with Asia. [Sidenote:
Frobishers streight.] Betweene the which two Islands there is a large
entrance or streight, called Frobishers streight,[53] after the name of our
Generall, the firste finder thereof. This said streight is supposed to haue
passage into the sea of Sur, which I leaue vnknowen as yet.

It seemeth that either here, or not farre hence, the sea should haue more
large entrance, then in other parts within the frozen or vntemperate Zone:
and that some contrary tide, either from the East or West, with maine force
casteth out that great quantity of yce, which commeth floting from this
coast, euen vnto Friseland, causing that Countrey to seeme more vntemperate
then others, much more Northerly then the same.

I cannot iudge that any temperature vnder the Pole, the time of the Sunnes
Northerne declination being halfe a yere together, and one whole day,
(considering that the Sunnes eleuation surmounteth not 23. degrees and 30.
minuts) can haue power to [Sidenote: Islands of yce comparable to
mountaines.] dissolue such monstrous and huge yce, comparable to great
mountaines, except by some other force, as by swift currents and tides,
with the hope of the said day of halfe a yeere.

Before we came within the making of these lands we tasted cold stormes, in
so much that it seemed we had changed summer with winter, if the length of
the dayes had not remooued vs from that opinion.

[Sidenote: Captaine Frobisher his speciall care and diligence for the
benefite of his Prince and Countrey.] At our first comming, the straights
seemed to be shut vp with a long mure of yce, which gaue no litle cause of
discomfort vnto vs all: but our Generall, (to whose diligence imminent
dangers, and difficult attempts seemed nothing, in respect of his willing
mind, for the commoditie of his Prince and Countrey,) with two little
Pinnesses prepared of purpose, passed twise thorow them to the East shore,
and the Ilands thereunto adiacent: and the ship, with the two Barks lay off
and on something further into the sea, from the danger of the yce.

[Sidenote: The order of the people appearing on shoare.] Whilest he was
searching the Countrey neere the shoare, some of the people of the Countrey
shewed themselues leaping and dauncing, with strange shrikes and cries,
which gaue no little admiration to our men. Our Generall desirous to allure
them vnto him by faire meanes, caused kniues, and other things to be
profered vnto them, which they would not take at our hands: but being laid
on the ground, and the party going away, they came and tooke vp, leauing
some thing of theirs to counteruaile the same. [Sidenote: Fierce and bold
people.] At the length two of them leauing their weapons, came downe to our
Generall and Master, who did the like to them, commanding the company to
stay, and went vnto them: who after certaine dumbe signes, and mute
congratulations, began to lay handes vpon them, but they deliuerly escaped,
and ranne to their bowes and arrowes, and came fiercely vpon them, (not
respecting the rest of our companie which were readie for their defence,)
but with their arrowes hurt diuers of them: [Sidenote: One taken.] we tooke
the one, and the other escaped.

Whilest our Generall was busied in searching the Countrey, and those
Islands adiacent on the Eastshoare, the ship and barkes hauing great care,
not to put farre into the sea from him, for that he had small store of
victuals, were forced to abide in a cruell tempest, chancing in the night,
amongst and in the thickest of the yce, which was so monstrous, that euen
the least of a thousand had bene of force sufficient, to haue shiuered our
ship and barks into small portions, if God (who in all necessities, hath
care vpon the infirmitie of man) had not prouided for this our extremitie a
sufficient remedie through the light of the night, whereby we might well
discerne to flee from such imminent dangers, which we auoyded with 14.
Bourdes in one watch the space of 4 houres. [Sidenote: Richard Cox, Master
gunner. Master Iackman. Andrew Dier.] If we had not incurred this danger
amongst those monstrous Islands of yce, we should haue lost our Generall
and Master, and the most of our best sailers, which were on shoare
destitute of victuals: but by the valure of our Master Gunner, Master
Iackman, and Andrew Dier, the Masters Mates, men expert both in nauigation,
and other good qualities, wee were all content to incurre the dangers afore
rehearsed, before we would with our owne safetie, runne into the seas, to
the destruction of our sayd Generall, and his company.

The day following, being the 19. of Iulie, our captaine returned to the
ship, with report of supposed riches, which shewed it selfe in the bowels
of those barren mountaines, wherewith wee were all satisfied.

[Sidenote: Iackmans sound.] Within foure daies after we had bene at the
entrance of the streights, the Northwest and West winds dispersed the yce
into the sea, and made vs a large entrance into the streights, so that
without any impediment, on the 19. of Iulie we entred them, and the 20.
thereof, our Generall and Master with great diligence, sought out and
sounded the West shoare, and found out a faire Harborough for the ship and
barkes to ride in, and named it after our Masters mate, Iackmans sound, and
brought the ship, barkes and all their company to safe anker, except one
man, which died by Gods visitation.

At our first arriuall, after the ship rode at anker, our generall, with
such company as could well be spared from the ships, in marching order
entred the lande, hauing speciall care by exhortations, that at our
entrance thereinto, wee should all with one voyce, kneeling vpon our knees,
chiefly thanke God for our safe arriuall: secondly beseech him, that it
would please his diuine Maiestie, long to continue our Queene, for whom he,
and all the rest of our company in this order tooke possession of the
[Sidenote: Possession taken.] Countrey: and thirdly, that by our Christian
studie and endeuour, those barbarous people trained vp in Paganisme, and
infidelitie, might be reduced to the knowledge of true religion, and to the
hope of saluation in Christ our Redeemer. With other words very apt to
signifie his willing mind, and affection toward his Prince and Countrey:
whereby all suspicion of an vndutifull subiect, may credibly be iudged to
be vtterly exempted from his mind. All the rest of the Gentlemen and other
deserue worthily herein their due praise and commendation.

These things in this order accomplished, our Generall commanded all the
company to be obedient in things needfull for our owne safegard, to Master
Fenton, Master Yorke, and Master Beast his Lieutenant, while he was
occupied in other necessarie affaires, concerning our comming thither.

After this order we marched through the Countrey, with Ensigne displaied,
so farre as was thought needfull, and now and then heaped vp stones on high
mountaines, and other places in token of possession, as likewise to
signifie vnto such as hereafter may chance to arriue there, that possession
is taken in the behalfe of some other Prince, by those who first found out
the Countrey.

[Sidenote: Yce needfull to be regarded of sea faring men.] Who so maketh
nauigations to those Countreys, hath not onely extreme winds, and furious
sea to encounter withall, but also many monstrous and great Islands of yce;
a thing both rare, wonderfull, and greatly to be regarded.

We were forced sundry times, while the ship did ride here at anker, to haue
continuall watch, with boats and men ready with halsers to knit fast vnto
such yce, as with the ebbe and flood were tossed to and fro in the
harborough, and with force of oares to hale them away, for endangering the
ship.

Our Generall certaine dayes searched this supposed continent with America,
and not finding the commodity to answere his expectation, after he had made
triall thereof he departed thence with two little barks, and men sufficient
to the East shore being the supposed continent of Asia, and left the ship
with most of the Gentlemen, souldier, and sailers, vntill such time as he
either thought good to send or come for them.

[Sidenote: Stones glister with sparkles like gold.] The stones of this
supposed continent with America be altogether sparkled, and glister in the
Sunne like gold: [Sidenote: A common prouerb.] so likewise doth the sand in
the bright water, yet they verifie the old Prouerb: All is not gold that
glistereth.

[Sidenote: The sea Vnicorne.] On this West shore we found a dead fish
floating, which had in his nose a horne streight and torquet,[54] of length
two yards lacking two ynches, being broken in the top, where we might
perceiue it hollow, into the which some of our sailers putting spiders they
presently died. I saw not the triall hereof, but it was reported vnto me of
a trueth: by the verture whereof we supposed it to be the sea Vnicorne.

After our Generall had found out good harborough for the ship and barks to
anker in, and also such store of supposed gold ore as he thought himselfe
satisfied withall, he returned to the Michael, whereof Master Yorke
aforesaid was Captaine, accompanied with our master and his Mate: who
coasting along the West shore not farre from whence the ship rode, they
perceived a faire harborough, and willing to sound the same, at the
entrance thereof they espied two tents of Seale skins, vnto which the
Captaine, our said Master, and other company resorted. [Sidenote: The
people fled at the sight of our men.] At the sight of our men the people
fled into the mountaines: neuerthelesse they went to their tents, where
leauing certaine trifles of ours, as glasses, bels, kniues, and such like
things they departed, not taking any thing of theirs, except one dogge.
They did in like maner leaue behind them a letter, pen, yncke, and paper,
whereby our men whom the Captaine lost the yere before, and in that peoples
custody, might (if any of them were aliue) be advertised of our presence
and being there.

[Sidenote: Master Philpot. Master Beast.] On the same day after
consultation had, all the Gentlemen, and others likewise that could be
spared from the ship, vnder the conduct and leading of Master Philpot,
(vnto whom in our Generall his absence, and his Lieutenant Master Beast, al
the rest were obedient) went a shore, determining to see, if by faire means
we could either allure them to familiarity, or otherwise take some of them,
and so attaine to some knowledge of those men whom our Generall lost the
yeere before.

At our comming backe againe to the place where their tents were before,
they had remooued their tents further into the said Bay or Sound, where
they might if they were driuen from the land, flee with their boates into
the sea. We parting our selues into two companies, and compassing a
mountaine came suddenly vpon them by land, who espying vs, without any
tarrying fled to their boates, leauing the most part of their oares behind
them for haste, and rowed downe the bay, where our two Pinesses met them
and droue them to shore: but if they had had all their oares, so swift are
they in rowing, it had bene lost time to haue chased them.

[Sidenote: A fierce assault of a few.] When they were landed they fiercely
assaulted our men with their bowes and arrowes, who wounded three of them
with our arrowes; and perceiuing themselues thus hurt, they desperatly
leapt off the Rocks into the Sea, and drowned themselues: which if they had
not done, but had submitted themselues, or if by any meanes we could haue
taken them aliue (being their enemies as they iudged) we would both haue
saued them, and also haue sought remedy to cure their wounds receiued at
our hands. But they altogether voyd of humanity, and ignorant what mercy
meaneth, in extremities looke for no other then death: and perceiuing they
should fall into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired death
then otherwise to be saued by vs: the rest perceiuing their fellowes in
this distresse, fled into the high mountaines. Two women not being so apt
to escape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being
incombred with a yong child, we tooke. The old wretch, whom diuers of our
Saylers supposed to be eyther a deuill, or a witch, had her buskins plucked
off, to see if she were clouen footed, and for her ougly hew and deformity
we let her go: the yong woman and the child we brought away. We named the
place where they were slaine, Bloodie point: and the Bay or Harborough,
Yorks sound, after the name of one of the Captaines of the two Barks.

[Sidenote: Faire meanes not able to allure them to familiarity.] Having
this knowledge both of their fiercenesse and cruelty, and perceiuing that
faire meanes as yet is not able to allure them to familiarity, we disposed
our selues, contrary to our inclination, something to be cruel, returned to
their tents and made a spoyle of the same: where we found an old shirt, a
doublet, a girdle, and also shoes of our men, whom we lost the yeere
before: on nothing else vnto them belonging could we set our eyes.

[Sidenote: Boates of skinnes.] Their riches are not gold, siluer or
precious Drapery, but their tents and boates, made of the skins of red
Deare and Seale skins; also dogges like vnto woolues, but for the most part
black, with other trifles, more to be wondred at for their strangenesse,
then for any other commoditie needefull for our vse.

[Sidenote: Our departure from the West shoare.] Thus returning to our ship
the 3. August, we departed from the West shore supposed firme with America,
after we had ankered there 13. dayes: and so the 4. thereof we came to our
Generall on the East shore and ankered in a faire Harborough name Anne
Warwickes sound, vnto which is annexed an Island both named after the
Countesse of Warwicke, Anne Warwickes sound and Isle.

In this Isle our Generall thought good for this voyage, to fraight both the
ship and barkes, with such stone or supposed gold minerall, as he iudged to
counteruaile the charges of his first, and this his second nauigation to
these Countreys.

[Sidenote: The countrey people shew themselues vnto vs.] In the meane time
of our abode here some of the countrey people came to shew themselues vnto
vs, sundry times on the maine shore, neere adiacent to the saide Isle. Our
Generall desirous to haue some newes of his men, whom he lost the yeere
before, with some company with him repaired with the ship boat to common,
or signe with them for familiaritie, whereunto he is perswaded to bring
them. They at the first shew made tokens, that three of his fiue men were
aliue, and desired penne, ynck, and paper, and that within three or foure
dayes they would returne, and (as we iudged) bring those of our men which
were liuing, with them.

They also made signes or tokens of their king, whom they called Cacough,
and how he was carried on mens shoulders, and a man farre surmounting any
of our company, in bignesse and stature.

[Sidenote: Their vsage in traffique or exchange.] With these tokens and
signes of writing, penne, yncke, and paper was deliuered them, which they
would not take at our hands, but being laid vpon the shore, and the partie
gone away, they tooke vp: which likewise they do when they desire any thing
for change of theirs, laying for that which is left so much as they thinke
will counteruaile the same, and not coming neere together. It seemeth they
haue been vsed to this trade or traffique, with some other people
adioining, or not farre distant from their Countrey.

[Sidenote: The people shew themselues the third time.] After 4. dayes some
of them shewed themselues vpon the firme land, but not where they were
before. Our General very glad thereof, supposing to heare of our men, went
from the Island, with the boat, and sufficient company with him. They
seemed very glad, and allured him about a certaine point of the land:
behind which they might perceiue a company of the crafty villaines to lye
lurking, whom our Generall would not deale withall, for that he knew not
what company they were, and so with few signes dismissed them and returned
to his company.

[Sidenote: The people shew themselues againe on firme land.] An other time
as our said Generall was coasting the Countrey with two little Pinnesses,
whereby at our returne he might make the better relation thereof, three of
the crafty villans, with a white skin allured vs to them. [Sidenote: Their
first meanes to allure vs to shore.] Once again, our Generall, for that he
hoped to heare of his men, went towards them: at our comming neere the
shore whereon they were, we might perceiue a number of them lie hidden
behind great stones, and those 3. in sight labouring by all meanes possible
that some would come on land: and perceiuing we made no hast by words nor
friendly signes, which they vsed by clapping of their hands, and being
without weapon, and but 3. in sight, they sought further meanes to prouoke
vs therevnto. [Sidenote: Their second meanes.] One alone laid flesh on the
shore, which we tooke vp with the Boate hooke, as necessary victuals for
the relieuing of the man, woman, and child, whom we had taken: for that as
yet they could not digest our meat: whereby they perceiued themselues
deceiued of their expectation, for all their crafty allurements. [Sidenote:
Their third and craftiest allurement.] Yet once againe to make (as it were)
a full shew of their craftie natures, and subtile sleights, to the intent
thereby to haue intrapped and taken some of our men, one of them
counterfeited himselfe impotent and lame of his legs, who seemed to descend
to the water side, with great difficulty: and to couer his craft the more,
one of his fellowes came downe with him, and in such places where he seemed
vnable to passe, he tooke him on his shoulders, set him by the water side,
and departed from him, leauing him (as it should seeme) all alone, who
playing his counterfeit pageant very well, thought thereby to prouoke some
of vs to come on shore, not fearing, but that one of vs might make our
party good with a lame man.

[Sidenote: Compassion to cure a crafty lame man.] Our Generall hauing
compassion of his impotency, thought good (if it were possible) to cure him
thereof: wherefore he caused a souldier to shoote at him with his Caleeuer,
which grased before his face. The counterfeit villeine deliuerly fled,
without any impediment at all, and got him to his bow and arrowes, and the
rest from their lurking holes, with their weapons, bowes, arrowes, slings,
and darts. Our Generall caused some caleeuers to be shot off at them,
whereby some being hurt, they might hereafter stand in more feare of vs.

This was all the answere for this time we could haue of our men, or of our
Generals letter. Their crafty dealing at these three seuerall times being
thus manifest vnto vs, may plainely shew their disposition in other things
to be correspondent. We iudged that they vsed these stratagemes, thereby to
haue caught some of vs, for the deliuering of the man, woman and child whom
we had taken.

They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion: their colour is
not much vnlike the Sunne burnt Countrey man, who laboureth daily in the
Sunne for his liuing.

They weare their haire something long, and cut before either with stone or
knife, very disorderly. Their women weare their haire long and knit vp with
two loupes, shewing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest
foltred vpon a knot. Also some of their women race their faces
proportionally, as chinne, cheekes, and forehead, and the wrists of their
hands, wherevpon they lay a colour which continueth darke azurine.

They eate their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and foule, or something per
boyled with blood and a little water which they drinke. For lacke of water
they will eate yce, that is hard frosen, as pleasantly as we will do Sugar
Candie, or other Sugar.

If they for necessities sake stand in need of the premisses, such grasse as
the countrey yeeldeth they plucke vp and eate, not deintily, or salletwise
to allure their stomacks to appetite: but for necessities sake without
either salt, oiles or washing, like brute beasts deuouring the same. They
neither vse table, stoole, or table cloth for comlines; but when they are
imbrued with blood knuckle deepe, and their kniues in like sort, they vse
their tongues as apt instruments to lick them cleane: in doing whereof they
are assured to loose none of their victuals.

[Sidenote: Dogges like vnto wolues.] They frank or keepe certaine dogs not
much vnlike Wolues, which they yoke togither, as we do oxen and horses, to
a sled or traile: and so carry their necessaries ouer the yce and snow from
place to place: as the captiue, whom we haue, made perfect signes.
[Sidenote: They eate dogs flesh.] And when these dogs are not apt for the
same vse: or when with hunger they are constrained for lacke of other
victuals, they eate them: so that they are as needfull for them in respect
of their bignesse, as our oxen are for vs.

They apparell themselues in the skins of such beasts as they kill, sewed
together with the sinewes of them. All the foule which they kill, they
skin, and make thereof one kind of garment or other to defend them from the
cold.

[Sidenote: Hoods and tailes to their apparell.] They make their apparel
with hoods and tailes, which tailes they giue when they thinke to gratifie
any friendship shewed vnto them: a great signe of friendship with them. The
men haue them not so side[55] as the women.

The men and women weare their hose close to their legges, from the wast to
the knee without any open before, as well the one kind as the other. Vpon
their legges they weare hose of leather, with the furre side inward two or
three paire on at once, and especially the women. In those hose they put
their kniues, needles, and other thing needfull to beare about. They put a
bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foote to the knee,
whereupon they draw the said hose, and so in place of garters they are
holden from falling downe about their feete.

They dresse their skinnes very soft and souple with the haire on. In cold
weather or Winter they weare the furre side inward: and Summer outward.
Other apparell they haue none but the said skinnes.

Those beasts, fishes, and foules, which they kill, are their meat, drinke,
apparell, houses, bedding, hose, shooes, threed, and sailes for their
boates, with many other necessaries whereof they stand in need, and almost
all their riches.

[Sidenote: Their houses of Seale skins and firre.] Their houses are tents
made of Seale skins, pitched vp with 4. Firre quarters foure square meeting
at the top, and the skins sewed together with sinews, and laid thereupon:
they are so pitched vp, that the entrance into them is alwayes South or
against the Sunne.

They haue other sorts of houses which we found not to be inhabited, which
are raised with stones and Whale bones, and a skinne layd ouer them, to
with stand the raine, or other weather: the entrance of them being not much
vnlike an Ouens mouth, whereto I thinke they resort for a time to fish,
hunt, and foule, and so leaue them vntil the next time they come thither
again.

[Sidenote: Their weapons of defence.] Their weapons are bowes, arrowes,
darts, and slings. Their bowes are of wood of a yard long, sinewed at the
back with strong sinews, not glued too, but fast girded and tyed on. Their
bow strings are likewise sinewes. Their arrowes are three pieces nocked
with bone, and ended with bone, with those two ends, and the wood in the
midst, they passe not in length halfe a yard or little more. They are
fethered with two fethers the penne end being cut away, and the fethers
layd vpon the arrow with the broad side to the wood; insomuch that they
seeme when they are tyed on, to haue foure fethers. [Sidenote: Three sorts
of heads to their arrowes.] They haue also three sorts of heads to those
arrowes: one sort of stone or yron, proportioned like to a heart: the
second sort of bone, much like vnto a stopt head, with a hooke on the same:
the third sort of bone likewise made sharpe at both sides, and sharpe
pointed. They are not made very fast but lightly tyed to, or else set in a
nocke, that vpon small occasion the arrowes leaue these heads behind them:
and they are of small force, except they be very neere when they shoote.

[Sidenote: two sorts of darts.] Their Darts are made of two sorts: the one
with many forkes of bones in the fore end and likewise in the midst: their
proportions are not much vnlike our toasting yrons, but longer: these they
cast out of an instrument of wood, very readily. The other sort is greater
then the first aforesayd, with a long bone made sharpe on both sides not
much vnlike a Rapier, which I take to bee their most hurtfull weapon.

[Sidenote: Two sortes of boates made of leather.] They haue two sorts of
boats made of leather, set out on the inner side with quarters of wood,
artificially tyed with thongs of the same: the greater sort are not much
vnlike our wherries, wherein sixteene or twenty men may sit: they haue for
a sayle drest the guts of such beasts as they kill very fine and thinne,
which they sew together: the other boate is but for one man to sit and row
in with one oare.

[Sidenote: They vse to foule, fish, and hunt.] Their order of fishing,
hunting, and fouling are with these said weapons; but in what sort, or how
they vse them we haue no perfect knowledge as yet.

[Sidenote: It is to be supposed that their inhabiting is elsewhere.] I can
suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither their
houses or apparell, are of such force to withstand the extremity of cold,
that the Countrey seemeth to be infected with all: neither do I see any
signe likely to performe the same.

Those houses or rather dennes which stand there, haue no signe of footway,
or any thing else troden, which is one of the chiefest tokens of
habitation. And those tents which they bring with them, when they haue
sufficiently hunted and fished, they remoue to other places: and when they
haue sufficiently stored them of such victuals, as the Countrey yeeldeth or
bringeth forth, they returne to their winter stations or habitations. This
coniecture do I make, for the infertility which I coniecture to be in that
Countrey.

[Sidenote: Their vse of yron.] They haue some yron whereof they make arrow
heads, kniues, and other little instruments, to worke their boates, bowes,
arrowes, and darts withall, which are very vnapt to doe any thing withall
but with great labour.

It seemeth that they haue conuersation with some other people, of whom for
exchange they should receiue the same. They are greatly delighted with any
thing that is bright, or giueth a sound.

[Sidenote: Anthropophagi.] What knowledge they haue of God, or what Idoll
they adore, we haue no perfect intelligence, I thinke them rather
Anthropophagi, or deuourers of mans flesh then otherwise: for that there is
no flesh or fish which they find dead (smell it neuer so filthily) but they
will eate it, as they finde it without any other dressing. A loathsome
thing, either to the beholders or hearers.

There is no maner of creeping beast hurtfull, except some Spiders (which as
many affirme, are signes of great store of gold) and also certaine stinging
Gnattes, which bite so fiercely, that the place where they bite shortly
after swelleth, and itcheth very sore.

They make signes of certaine people that weare bright plates of gold in
their foreheads, and other places of their bodies.

[Sidenote: Description of the Countreis.] The Countreys on both sides the
streights lye very high with rough stony mountaines, and great quantitie of
snow thereon. There is very little plaine ground and no grasse, except a
little which is much like vnto mosse that groweth on soft ground, such as
we get Turffes in. There is no wood at all. To be briefe there is nothing
fit or profitable for the vse of man, which that Countrey with roote
yeeldeth or bringeth forth: Howbeit there is great quantity of Deere, whose
skins are like vnto Asses, there heads or hornes doe farre exceede, as well
in length as also in breadth, any in these our parts or Countreys: their
feete likewise are as great as our oxens, which we measured to be seuen or
eight ynches in breadth. There are also hares, wolues, fishing beares, and
sea foule of sundry sorts.

As the Countrey is barren and vnfertile, so are they rude and of no
capacitie to culture the same to any perfection; but are contented by their
hunting, fishing, and fouling, with raw flesh and warme blood to satisfie
their greedy panches, which is their only glory.

[Sidenote: A signe of Earthquakes or thunder.] There is great likelihood of
Earthquakes or thunder: for that there are huge and monstrous mountaines,
whose greatest substance are stones, and those stones so shaken with some
extraordinarie meanes that one is separated from another, which is
discordant from all other Quarries.

[Sidenote: No riuers, but such as the Sunne doth cause to come of Snow.]
There are no riuers or running springs, but such as through the heate of
the Sunne, with such water as decendeth from the mountaines and hilles,
whereon great drifts of snow do lie, are engendred.

[Sidenote: A probability that there should be neither spring or riuer in
the ground.] It argueth also that there should be none: for that the earth,
which with the extremitie of the Winter is so frosen within, that that
water which should haue recourse within the same to maintaine springs, hath
not his motion, whereof great waters haue their originall, as by experience
is seene otherwhere. Such valleis as are capable to receiue the water, that
in the Summer time by the operation of the Sunne decendeth from great
abundance of snowe, which continually lyeth on the mountaines and hath no
passage, sinketh into the earth and so vanisheth away, without any runnell
aboue the earth, by which occasion or continuall standing of the said
water, the earth is opened, and the great frost yeeldeth to the force
thereof, which in other places foure or fiue fathomes within the ground for
lacke of the said moisture, the earth (euen in the very summer time) is
frosen, and so combineth the stones together, that scarcely instruments
with great force can vnknit them.

Also where the water in those valleis can haue no such passage away, by the
continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed, the yeerely
descent from the mountaines filleth them full, that at the lowest banke of
the same, they fall into the valley, and so continue as fishing Ponds or
Stagnes in Summer time full of water, and in the Winter hard frosen: as by
skarres that remaine thereof in Summer may easily be perceiued: so that the
heat of Summer is nothing comparable or of force to dissolue the extremitie
of cold that commeth in Winter.

[Sidenote: Springs nourish gold.] Neuerthelesse I am assured that below the
force of the frost within the earth, the waters haue recourse, and emptie
themselues out of sight into the Sea, which through the extremitie of the
frost are constrained to doe the same: by which occasion the earth within
is kept the warmer, and springs haue their recourse, which is the only
nutriment of golde and Minerals within the same.

There is much to be sayd of the commodities of these Countreys, which are
couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let passe till more perfect
triall be made thereof.

The 24. of August after we had satisfied our minds with fraight sufficient
for our vessels, though not our couetous desires with such knowledge of the
Countrey people, and other commodities as are before rehearsed, we departed
therehence. [Sidenote: Our departure from those Countreys.] The 17. of
September we fell with the lands end of England, and so sailed to Milford
Hauen, from whence our Generall rode to the Court for order, to what Port
or Hauen to conduct the ship.

[Sidenote: How and when we lost our 2. Barks which God neuerthelesse
restored.] We lost our two Barkes in the way homeward, the one the 29. of
August, the other the 21. of the same moneth, by occasion of great tempest
and fogge. Howbeit God restored the one to Bristowe, and the other made his
course by Scotland to Yermouth. In this voyage we lost two men, one in the
way by Gods visitation, and the other homeward cast ouer borde with a surge
of the Sea.

[Sidenote: The conclusion.] I could declare vnto the Readers, the latitude
and longitude of such places and regions as we haue bene at, but not
altogether so perfectly as our masters and others, with many circumstances
of tempests and other accidents incident to Sea-faring men, which seeme not
altogether strange, but I let them passe to their reports as men most apt
to set forth and declare the same. I haue also left the names of the
Countreys on both the shores vntouched, for lacke of vnderstanding the
peoples language: as also for sundry respects, not needfull as yet to be
declared.

Countreys new discovered where commoditie is to be looked for, doe better
accord with a new name giuen by the discouerers, then an vncertaine name by
a doubtfull Authour.

Our generall named sundry Islands, Mountaines, Capes, and Harboroughs after
the names of diuers Noble men and other gentlemen his friends, as wel on
the one shore as also on the other.

       *       *       *       *       *

The third and last voyage vnto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher,
  in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis.

These are to let you know, that vpon the 25. of May, the Thomas Allen being
Viceadmirall whose Captaine was M. Yorke, M. Gibbes Master, Christopher
Hall Pilot, accompanied with the Reareadmiral named the Hopewel, whose
Captaine was M. Henrie Carewe, the M. Andrewe Dier, and certaine other
ships came to Grauesend, where wee ankered and abode the comming of our
Fleete which were not yet come.

The 27. of the same moneth our Fleete being nowe come together, and all
things prest in a readinesse, the wind fauouring, and tide seruing, we
being of sailes in number eight, waied ankers and hoised our sailes toward
Harwich to meete with our Admirall, and the residue which then and there
abode arriuall: where we safely arriued the 28. thereof, finding there our
Admirall, whom we with the discharge of certaine pieces saluted, acording
to order and duety, and were welcommed with the like courtesie: which being
finished we landed; where our Generall continued mustering his souldiers
and Miners, and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage vntill
the last of the said moneth of May, which day we hoised our sailes, and
committing ourselues to the conducting of Almightie God, we set forward
toward the west Countrey in such luckie wise and good successe, that by the
fift of Iune we passed the Dursies, being the vtmost part of Ireland to the
Westward.

And here it were not much amisse nor farre from our purpose, if I should a
little discourse and speake of our aduentures and chances by the way, as
our landing at Plimmouth, as also the meeting certaine poore men, which
were robbed and spoyled of all that they had by Pirates and Rouers: amongst
whom was a man of Bristow, on whom our Generall vsed his liberality, and
sent him away with letters into England.

But because such things are impertinent to the matter, I will returne
(without any more mentioning of the same) to that from the which I haue
digressed and swarued, I meane our ships now sailing on the surging seas,
sometime passing at pleasure with a wished Easterne wind, sometimes
hindered of our course againe by the Westerne blasts, vntill the 20. day of
the foresayd moneth of Iune, on which day in the morning we fell with
Frizeland, which is a very hie and cragged land and was almost cleane
couered with snow, so that we might see nought but craggie rockes and the
topes of high and huge hilles, sometimes (and for the most part) all
couered with foggie mists. There might we also perceiue the great Isles of
yce lying on the seas, like mountaines, some small, some big, of sundry
kinds of shapes, and such a number of them, that wee could not come neere
the shore for them.

Thus sailing alongst the coast, at the last we saw a place somewhat voyd of
yce, where our Generall (accompanied with certaine other) went a shore,
where they sawe certaine tents made of beasts skinnes; and boates much the
like vnto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnished with flesh,
fish, skins, and other trifles: amonst the which was found a boxe of
nailes: whereby we did coniecture, that they had either Artificers amongst
them, or els a traffike with some other nation. The men ran away, so that
wee coulde haue no conference or communication with them. [Sidenote: The
curtesie of our Generall.] Our Generall (because hee would haue them no
more to flee, but rather incouraged to stay through his courteous dealing)
gaue commaundement that his men should take nothing away with them, sauing
onely a couple of white dogs, for the which he left pinnes, poynts, kniues,
and other trifling things, and departed without taking or hurting any
thing, and so came abord, and hoysed sailes, and passed forwards.

But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there fell such a foggy and
hidious mist that we could not see one another: whereupon we stroke our
drums, and sounded our trumpets, to the ende we might keepe together: and
so continued all that day and night till the next day that the mist brake
vp: so that we might easily perceiue all the ships thus sailing together
all that day, vntil the next day, being the 22. of the same: on which day
wee sawe an infinite number of yce, from the which we cast about to shun
the danger thereof.

But one of our small Barkes named the Michael, whose Captaine was Master
Kinderslie, the master Bartholomew Bull, lost our company, insomuch that we
could not obteine the sight of her many dayes after, of whom I meane to
speak further anon when occassion shall be ministred, and opportunitie
serue. Thus we continued in our course vntill the second of Iuly, on which
day we fell with the Queenes foreland, where we saw so much yce, that we
thought it vnpossible to get into the Straights; yet at the last we gaue
the aduenture and entred the yce.

[Sidenote: The Michael. The Iudith. M. Fenton. Charles Iackman.] Being
amongst it wee sawe the Michael, of whom I spake before, accompanied with
the Iudith, whose Captaine was Master Fenton, the Master Charles Iackman,
bearing into the foresayd yce, farre distant from vs, who in a storme that
fell that present night, (whereof I will at large God willing, discourse
hereafter) were seuered from vs, and being in, wandred vp and downe the
Straights amongst the yce many dayes in great perill, till at the last, by
the prouidence of God, they came safely to harbor in their wished Port in
the Countesse of Warwicks sound, the 20. of Iuly aforesayd, tenne dayes
before any of the other shippes: [Sidenote: The Countesse of Warwicks
sound.] who going on shore found where the people of the Countrey had bene,
and had hid their provision in great heapes of stones being both of flesh
and fish, which they had killed; whereof wee also found great store in
other places after our arriual. They found also diuers engins, as bowes,
slings, and darts. They found likewise certaine pieces of the Pinnesse
which our Generall left there the yeere before, which Pinnesse he had
sunke, minding to haue it againe the next yeere.

Now seeing I haue entreated so much of the Iudith and the Michael: I will
returne to the rest of the other ships, and will speake a little of the
storme which fell, with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put into
the yce: whereof I made mention before.

[Sidenote: Our entrance and passage &c.] At the first entring into the yce
in the mouth of the Straights, our passage was very narrow, and difficult
but being once gotten in, we had a faire open place without any yce for the
most part, being a league in compasse, the yce being round about vs and
inclosing vs, as it were, within the pales of a parke. In which place,
(because it was almost night) we minded to take in our sailes, and lie a
hull all that night. But the storme so increased, and the waues began to
mount aloft, which brought the yce so neere vs, and comming on so fast vpon
vs, that we were faine to beare in and out, where we might espie an open
place. Thus the yce comming on vs so fast, we were in great danger, looking
euery houre for death. And thus passed we on in that great danger, seeing
both our selues and the rest of our ships so troubled and tossed amongst
the yce, that it would make the strongest heart to relent.

[Sidenote: Barke Dionyse.] At the last the Barke Dionyse being but a weake
ship, and bruised afore amongst the yce, being so leake that no longer she
could tarry aboue the water, sanke without sauing any of the goods which
were within her: which sight so abashed the whole Fleete, that we thought
verily we should haue tasted of the same sauce. But neuerthelesse we seeing
them in such danger, manned our boates and saued all men in such wise, that
not one perished: God be thanked.

[Sidenote: Narow shifts for safetie.] The storme still increased and the
yce inclosed vs, so that we were faine to take downe top and top mastes:
for the yce had so inuironed vs, that we could see neither land nor sea, as
farre as we could kenne: so that we were faine to cut our cables to hang
ouer boord for fenders, somewhat to ease the ships sides from the great and
driry strokes of the yce: some with Capstan barres, some fending off with
oares, some with plancks of two ynches thicke, which were broken immediatly
with the force of the yce, some going out vpon the yce to beare it off with
their shoulders from the ship. But the rigorousnes of the tempest was such,
and the force of the yce so great, that not onely they burst and spoyled
the foresaid prouision, but likewise so raised the sides of the ships, that
it was pitifull to behold, and caused the hearts of many to faint.

[Sidenote: Gods prouidence.] Thus we continued all that dismall and
lamentable night plunged in this perplexity, looking for instant death: but
our God (who neuer leaueth them destitute which call vpon him, although he
often punisheth for amendements sake) in the morning caused the winds to
cease, and the fogge which all that night lay on the face of the water to
cleare: so that we might perceiue about a mile from vs, a certaine place
cleare from any yce, to the which with an easie breath of wind which our
God sent vs, we bent our selues. And furthermore, hee prouided better for
vs then we deserued or hoped for: for when we were in the foresaid cleare
place, he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest, which set vs
cleare without all the yce. And further he added more: for he sent vs so
pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before, as after
punishment consolation.

Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie, tooke in all our sailes and lay a
hull, praysing God for our deliuerance, and stayed to gather together our
Fleete: which once being done, we seeing that none of them had any great
hurt, neither any of them wanted, sauing onely they of whom I spake before
and the ship which was lost, then at the last we hoised our sailes, and lay
bulting off and on, till such time as it would please God to take away the
yce that wee might get into the Straights.

[Sidenote: A mountaine of yce appearing in sundry figures.] And as we thus
lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce, which
surpassed all the rest that euer we saw: for we iudged it to be neere
fourescore fathomes aboue water, and we thought it to be a ground for any
thing that we could perceiue, being there nine score fathoms deepe, and of
compasse about halfe a mile.

[Sidenote: A fog of long continuance.] Also the fift of Iuly there fell a
hidious fogge and mist, that continued till the nineteenth of the same: so
that one shippe could not see another. [Sidenote: A current to the
Northwest.] Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue
the time: but there ran such a current of a tide, that it set vs to the
Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights: where
(through the contagious fogge hauing no sight either of Sunne or Starre) we
scarce knew where we were. In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the
company of the Viceadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Busse of Bridgewater,
and the Francis of Foy.

[Sidenote: The Gabriel. The people offer to traffike with vs.] The 16. day
one of our small Barkes named The Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare
in with the land to descrie it, where being on land, they met with the
people of the Countrey, which seemed very humane and ciuill, and offered to
traffike with our men, profering them foules and skins for kniues, and
other trifles: whose courtesie caused vs to thinke, that they had small
conuersation with other of the Straights.

Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland: and the
eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore, and found
where the people had bene: but we saw none of them. This day we were againe
in the yce, and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first. For
through the darknesse and obscuritie of the fogie mist, we were almost run
on rocks and Islands before we saw them: But God (euen miraculously)
prouided for vs, opening the fogges that we might see clearely, both where
and in what danger we presently were, and also the way to escape: or els
without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks.

When we knew perfectly our instant case, wee cast about to get againe on
Sea bord, which (God be thanked) by night we obtained and praised God. The
cleare continued scarce an houre, but the fogge fell againe as thicke as
euer it was.

[Sidenote: Warning pieces of safe passage discharged.] Then the
Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and
rocks, strooke their sailes and lay a hull, staying to haue the rest of the
Fleet come forth: which as yet had not found the right way to cleare
themselues from the danger of rockes and yce, vntill the next morning, at
what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue
notice that she had escaped, and that the rest (by following of her) might
set themselues free, which they did that day.

Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed
voyage, bearing off, and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the
19. day of Iuly; at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed, so that
we might plainely and clearly behold the pleasant ayre, which so long had
bene taken from vs, by the obscuritie of the foggie mists: and after that
time we were not much incumbred therewith vntill we had left the confines
of the Countrey.

[Sidenote: A faire sound betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound.]
Then we espying a fayre sound, supposed it to goe into the Straights
betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound, which proued as we
imagined. For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it,
who passed through with much difficulty: for there ran such an extreme
current of a tide, with such a horrible gulfe, that with a fresh gale of
wind they were scarce able to stemme it: yet at length with great trauaile
they passed it, and came to the Straights, where they met with the Thomas
Allen, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Busse of Bridgewater: who altogether
aduentured to beare into the yce againe, to see if they could obtaine their
wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they
were able to get out againe, yet at the last they escaping, the Thomas
Allen, and the Gabriel bare in with the Westerne shore, where they found
harbour, and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August, at which
time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound. The Thomas of
Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and
so was mended.

We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland,
at the point whereof we met with part of the gulfe aforesaid, which place
or gulfe (as some of our Masters doe credibly report) doeth flow nine
houres, and ebs but three. At that point wee discouered certaine lands
Southward, which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search. Then
being come to the mouth of the Straights, we met with the Anne Francis, who
had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone, neuer
finding any of her company. We met then also the Francis of Foy, with whom
againe we intended to venture and get in: but the yce was yet so thicke,
that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea bord.

[Sidenote: An horrible snowe fell in Iuly.] There fell also the same day
being the 26. of Iuly, such an horrible snow, that it lay a foot thick vpon
the hatches which frose as it fell.

We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile,
which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey: yet for all
that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose,
knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs, but hurtfull to our
voyage, we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe to giue
the onset.

The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed, and with little trouble
(God be praysed) we passed the dangers by day light. [Sidenote: The time of
our setting forward, &c.] Then night falling on the face of the earth, wee
hulled in the cleare, til the chearefull light of the day had chased away
the noysome darkenesse of the night: at which time we set forward towards
our wished Port: by the 30. day wee obteined our expected desire, where we
found the Iudith, and the Michael: which brought no smal ioy vnto the
General, and great consolation to the heauie hearts of those wearied
wights.

The 30. day of Iuly we brought our ships into the Countesse of Warwicks
sound, and moared them, namely these ships, The Admirall, the Rearadmirall,
the Francis of Foy, the Beare Armenel, the Salomon, and the Busse of
Bridgewater: which being done, our Generall commaunded vs all to come a
shore vpon the Countesses Iland, where he set his Miners to worke vpon the
Mine, giuing charge with expedition to dispatch with their lading.

Our Generall himselfe, accompanied with his Gentlemen, diuers times made
rodes into sundry partes of the Countrey, as well to finde new Mines, as
also to finde out and see the people of the Countrey. [Sidenote: The
Countesse of Sussex Iland.] He found out one Mine vpon an Island by Beares
sound, and named it the Countesse of Sussex Island. [Sidenote: Winters
Fornace.] One other was found in Winters Fornace, with diuers others, to
which the ships were sent sunderly to be laden. [Sidenote: Dauids Sound.]
In the same rodes he mette with diuers of the people of the Countrey at
sundry times, as once at a place called Dauids sound: who shot at our men,
and very desperately gaue them the onset, being not aboue three or foure in
number, there being of our Countrey men aboue a dozen: but seeing
themselues not able to preuaile, they tooke themselues to flight; whom our
men pursued, but being not vsed to such craggie cliffes, they soone lost
the sight of them, and so in vaine returned.

[Sidenote: The policie of the people for the safetie of themselues.] We
also saw of them at Beares sound, both by Sea and land in great companies:
but they would at all times keepe the water betweene them and vs. And if
any of our ships chanced to be in the sound (as they came diuers times,
because the Harbor was not very good) the ship laded, and departed againe:
then so long as any ships were in sight, the people would not be seene. But
when as they perceiued the ships to be gone, they would not only shew
themselues standing vpon high cliffes, and call vs to come ouer vnto them:
but also would come in their Botes very neere to vs, as it were to brag at
vs: whereof our Generall hauing aduertisement, sent for the Captaines and
Gentlemen of the ships, to accompany and attend vpon him, with the Captaine
also of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come vnto vs. For
they, and the Fleebote hauing lost vs the 26. day in the great snow, put
into an harbour in the Queenes foreland, where they found good Oare,
wherewith they laded themselues, and came to seeke the Generall: so that
now we had all our Shippes, sauing one Barke, which was lost, and the
Thomas of Ipswich, who (compelled by what furie I knowe not) forsooke our
company, and returned home without lading.

[Sidenote: Their speedie flight at our Generalls arriual.] Our Generall
accompanied with his Gentlemen, (of whom I spake) came altogether to the
Countesse of Sussex Island, neere to Beares sound: where he manned out
certaine Pinasses, and went ouer to the people: who perceiuing his
arriuall, fledde away with all speede, and in haste left certaine dartes
and other engines behinde them, which we found: but the people we could not
finde.

The next morning our Generall perceiuing certaine of them in botes vpon the
Sea gaue chase to them in a Pinnesse vnder saile, with a fresh gale of
winde, but could by no meanes come neere vnto them: for the longer he
sailed, the further off he was from them: which well shewed their cunning
and actiuitie. Thus time wearing away, and the day of our departure
approching, our Generall commaunded vs to lade with all expedition, that we
might be againe on Seaboard with our ships: for whilest we were in the
Countrey, we were in continual danger of freesing in: for often snowe and
haile often falling, the water was so much frosen and congealed in the
night, that in the morning we could scarce rowe our botes or Pinnesses,
especially in Diers sound, which is a calme and still water: which caused
our Generall to make the more haste, so that by the 30. day of August we
were all laden, and made all things ready to depart.

[Sidenote: Gentlemen should haue inhabited the Countrey.] But before I
proceede any further herein, to shew what fortune befell at our departure,
I will turne my penne a litle to M. Captaine Fenton, and those Gentlemen
which should haue inhabited all the yeere in those Countries, whose valiant
mindes were much to be commended: For doubtlesse they had done as they
intended if lucke had not withstoode their willingnesse.

For the Barke Dionyse which was lost, had in her much of their house which
was prepared and should haue bene builded for them, with many other
implements. Also the Thomas of Ipswich which had most of their prouision in
her, came not into the Streights at all: neither did we see her since the
day we were separated in the great snow, of which I spake before. For these
causes, hauing not their house, nor yet prouision, they were disappointed
of their pretence to tarie, and therefore laded their ships, and so came
away with vs.

[Sidenote: An house tricked and garnished with diuers trinkets.] But before
we tooke shipping, we builded a litle house in the Countesse of Warwicks
Island, and garnished it with many kinds of trifles, as Pinnes, Points,
Laces, Glasses, Kombes, Babes on horsebacke and on foote, with innumerable
other such fansies and toyes: thereby to allure and entice the people to
some familiaritie against other yeeres.

Thus hauing finished all things we departed the Countrey, as I sayd before:
but because the Busse had not lading enough in her, she put into Beares
sound to take in a little more. In the meane while the Admirall, and the
rest without at Sea stayed for her. And that night fell such an outragious
tempest, beating on our shipps with such vehement rigor, that anchor and
cable auailed nought: for we were driuen on rockes and Islands of yce,
insomuch that (had not the great goodnesse of God bene miraculously shewed
to vs) we had bene cast away euery man. This danger was more doubtfull and
terrible, then any that preceded or went before: for there was not any one
shippe (I thinke) that escaped without damage. Some lost anchor and also
cables, some botes, some Pinnesses: some anchor, cables, boates, and
Pinnisses.

This boystrous storme so seuered vs from one another, that one shippe knewe
not what was become of another. The Admirall knewe not where to finde the
Viceadmirall or Rearadmirall, or any other ship of our company. Our
Generall being on land in Beares sound could not come to his shippe, but
was compelled to goe aboord the Gabriel where he continued all the way
homeward: for the boystrous blasts continued so extreamely and so long a
time, that they sent vs homewarde (which was Gods fauour towardes vs) will
we, nill we, in such haste as not any one of vs were able to keepe in
company with other, but were separated. And if by chance any one Shippe did
ouertake other, by swiftnesse of sayle, or mette, as they often did: yet
was the rigour of the wind so hidious, that they could not continue company
together the space of one whole night.

[Sidenote: Our entring the coastes dangerous.] Thus our iourney outward was
not so pleasant, but our comming thither, entering the coasts and countrey,
by narrow Streights, perillous yce, and swift tides, our times of aboade
there in snowe and stormes, and our departure from thence the 31. of August
with dangerous blustering windes and tempests, which that night arose, was
as vncomfortable: separating vs so as we sayled, that not any of vs mette
together, vntill the 28. of September, which day we fell on the English
coastes, betweene Sylley and the landes ende, and passed the channell,
vntill our arriuall in the riuer of Thames.

       *       *       *       *       *

The report of Thomas Wiars passenger in the Emanuel, otherwise called the
  Busse of Bridgewater, wherein Iames Leech was Master, one of the ships in
  the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the
  discouerie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September.

The Busse of Bridgewater was left in Beares sound at Meta incognita, the
second day of September behinde the Fleete in some distresse, through much
winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out vpon
the hazard of her cables and anchors, which were all aground but two. The
third of September being fayre weather, and the winds North northwest she
set sayle, and departed thence, and fell with Frisland on the 8. day of
September at sixe of the clocke at night, and then they set off from the
Southwest point of Frisland, the wind being at East, and East Southeast,
but that night the winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that
night: but on the tenth day in the morning, the wind at West northwest
faire weather, they steered Southeast, and by south, and continued that
course vntil the 12. day of September, when about 11. a clocke before
noone, they descryed a lande, which was from them about fiue leagues, and
the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them, and the
Northermost next, North Northeast, or Northeast. The master accompted that
the Southeast poynt of Frisland was from him at that instant when hee first
descryed this new Islande, Northwest by North, 50. leagues. [Sidenote: The
Island in length 25 leagues. This Iland is in the latitude of 57. degrees
and 1 second part.] They account this Island to be 25. leagues long, and
the longest way of it Southeast, and Northwest. The Southerne part of it is
in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1 second part or there about. They
continued in sight of it, from the 12. day at a 11. of the clocke, till the
13. day three of the clocke in the afternoone, when they left it: and the
last part they saw of it, bare from them Northwest by North. [Sidenote: Two
harboroughs in this Island.] There appeared two Harboroughs vpon that
coast: the greatest of them seuen leagues to the Northwards of the
Southermost poynt, the other but foure leagues. There was very much yce
neere the same land, and also twenty or thirty leagues from it, for they
were not cleare of yce, till the 15. day of September after noone. They
plyed their Voyage homewards, and fell with the West part of Ireland about
Galway, and had first sight of it on the 25. day of September.

       *       *       *       *       *

Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Esquire, giuen to
  certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in his Northwest
  discouerie, for their directions: And not vnfit to be committed to print,
  considering the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of such
  other things, not vnmeete in such new voyages as may be attempted
  hereafter.

That the first Seate be chosen on the seaside, so as (if it may be) you may
haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riuer or lake, within your Seate safe from
the enemie: and so as the enemie shalbe forced to lie in open rode abroade
without, to be dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise.
Thus seated you shall be least subiect to annoy of the enemie, so may you
by your Nauie within passe out to all parts of the world, and so may the
Shippes of England haue accesse to you to supply all wants, so may your
commodities be caryed away also. This seat is to be chosen in a temperate
Climat, in sweete ayre, where you may possesse alwayes sweete water, wood,
seacoles or turfe, with fish, flesh, graine, fruites, herbes, and rootes,
or so many of those as may suffice every necessitie for the life of such as
shall plant there. And for the possessing of mines of golde, of siluer,
copper, quicksiluer, or of any such precious thing, the wants of those
needful things may be supplyed from some other place by sea, &c.

Stone to make Lyme of; Slate stone to tyle withall, or such clay as maketh
tyle; Stone to wall withall, if Brycke may not bee made; Timber for
buylding easely to be conueied to the place; Reede to couer houses or such
like, if tyle or slate be not--are to be looked for as things without which
no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together.

The people there to plant and to continue are eyther to liue without
traffique, or by traffique and by trade of marchandise. If they shall liue
without sea traffique, at the first they become naked by want of linnen and
woollen, and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise ensue,
and so will they be forced of themselues to depart, or else easely they
will be consumed by the Spanyards, by the Frenchmen, or by the naturall
inhabitants of the countrey, and so the enterprise becomes reprochfull to
our Nation, and a let to many other good purposes that may be taken in
hand.

And by trade of marchandise they can not liue, except the Sea or the Land
there may yeelde comoditie. And therefore you ought to haue most speciall
regard of that poynt, and so to plant, that the naturall commodities of the
place and seate may draw to you accesse of Nauigation for the same, or that
by your owne Nauigation you may cary the same out, and fetch home the
supply of the wants of the seate.

Such Nauigation so to be employed shall, besides the supply of wants, be
able to encounter with forreine force.

And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you out of
England by Sea, standeth a matter of great consequence, it behoueth that
all humanitie and curtesie and much forbearing of reuenge to the Inland
people be vsed: so shall you haue firme amitie with your neighbours, so
shall you haue their inland commodities to mainteine traffique, and so
shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diuers and seuerall commodities of
the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your hands, without the
ayde of some portable or Nauigable riuer, or ample lake, and therefore to
haue the helpe of such a one is most requisite: And so is it of effect for
the dispersing of your owne commodities in exchange into the inlands.

Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people then familiarity.
For so may you best discouer all the natural commodities of their countrey,
and also all their wants, al their strengths, all their weaknesse, and with
whom they are in warre, and with whom confederate in peace and amitie, &c.
which knowen you may worke many great effects of greatest consequence.

And in your planting the consideration of the clymate and of the soyle be
matters that are to be respected. For if it be so that you may let in the
salt sea water, not mixed with the fresh into flats, where the sunne is of
the heate that it is at Rochel, in the Bay of Portugal, or in Spaine, then
may you procure a man of skill, and so you haue wonne one noble commoditie
for the fishing, and for trade of marchandize by making of Salt.

Or if the soyle and clymate be such as may yeeld you the Grape as good as
that at Burdeaux, as that in Portugal, or as that about Siuil in Spaine, or
that in the Islands of the Canaries, then there resteth but a workeman to
put in execution to make Wines, and to dresse Resigns[56] of the sunne and
other, &c.

Or if ye finde a soyle of the temperature of the South part of Spaine or
Barbarie in the which you finde the Oliue tree to growe; Then you may be
assured of a noble marchandize for this Realme, considering that our great
trade of clothing doeth require oyle, and weying how deere of late it is
become by the vent they haue of that commoditie in the West Indies, and if
you finde the wilde Oliue there it may be graffed.

Or if you can find the berrie of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles,
or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood or earth fitte for dying, you winne a
notable thing fitte for our state of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall
in the West Indies on that firme.

Or if you haue Hides of beasts fitte for sole Lether, &c. It will be a
marchandize right good, and the Sauages there yet can not tanne Lether
after our kinde, yet excellently after their owne manner.

Or if the soyle shall yeeld Figges, Almonds, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Orenges,
Lemonds, Potatoes, &c. there may arise some trade and traffique by Figs,
Almonds, Sugar, Marmelade, Sucket, &c.

Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypres, chests may be made, if
they be of some kinde of trees, Pitch and Tarre may be made, if they be of
some other, then they may yeeld Rosin, Turpentine, &c. and all for trade
and traffique, and Caskes for wine and oyle may be made, likewise, ships
and houses, &c.

And because traffique is a thing so materiall, I wish that great
obseruation be taken what euery soyle yeeldeth naturally, in what
commoditie soeuer, and what it may be made to yeelde by indeuour, and to
send vs notice home, that thereupon we may deuise what meanes may be
thought of to raise trades.

Now admit that we might not be suffered by the Sauages to enioy any whole
country or any more than the scope of a citie, yet if we might enioy
traffique, and be assured of the same, we might be much inriched, our Nauie
might be increased, and a place of safetie might there be found, if change
of religion or ciuil warres should happen in this realme, which are things
of great benefit. But if we may enioy any large territorie of apt soyle, we
might so vse the matter, as we should not depend vpon Spaine for oyles,
sacks, resignes, orenges, lemonds, Spanish skins, &c. Nor vpon France for
woad, baysalt, and Gascoyne wines, nor on Eastland for flaxe, pitch, tarre,
mastes, &c. So we should not so exhaust our treasure, and so exceedingly
inrich our doubtfull friends, as we doe, but should purchase the
commodities that we want for halfe the treasure that now wee doe: and
should by our owne industries and the benefities of the soyle there cheaply
purchase oyles, wines, salt, fruits, pitch, tarre, flaxe, hempe, mastes,
boords, fish, golde, siluer, copper, tallow, hides and many commodies:
besides if there be no flatts to make salt on, if you haue plentie of wood
you may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vses at home there.

If you can keepe a safe Hauen, although you haue not the friendship of the
neere neighbours, yet you may haue traffique by sea vpon one shore or
other, vpon that firme in time to come, if not present.

If you find great plentie of tymber on the shore side or vpon any portable
riuer, you were best to cut downe of the same the first winter, to be
seasoned for ships, barks, boates, and houses.

And if neere such wood there be any riuer or brooke vpon the which a sawing
mill may be placed, it would doe great seruice, and therefore consideration
would be had of such places.

And if such port and chosen place of settling were in possession and after
fortified by arte, although by the land side our Englishmen were kept in,
and might not enioy any traffique with the next neighbours, nor any
victuals: yet might they victuall themselues of fish to serue every
necessitie, and enter into amitie with the enemies of their next
neighbours, and so haue vent of their marchandize of England and also haue
victual, or by meanes hereupon to be vsed, to force the next neighbours to
amitie. And keeping a nauy at the settling place, they should find out
along the tract of the land to haue traffique, and at diuers Islands also.
And so this first seat might in time become a stapling place of the
commodities of many countreys and territories, and in time this place might
become of all the prouinces round about the only gouernor. And if the place
first chosen should not so well please our people, as some other more
lately found out: There might be an easie remoue, and that might be raised,
or rather kept for others of our nation to auoyd an ill neighbour.

If the soyles adioyning to such conuenient Hauen and setling places be
found marshie and boggie, then men skilful in drayning are to be caryed
thither. For arte may worke wonderful effects therein, and make the soyle
rich for many vses.

To plant vpon an Island in the mouth of some notable riuer, or vpon the
point of the land entring into the riuer, if no such Island be, were to
great end. For if such riuer were nauigable or portable farre into the
land, then would arise great hope of planting in fertil soyles, and
traffike on the one or on the other side of the riuer, or on both, or the
linking in amitie with one or other pettie king contending there for
dominion.

Such riuers found, both Barges and Boates may be made for the safe passage
of such as shall pierce the same. These are to be couered with doubles of
course linnen artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the
sauage from the rower.

Since euery soile of the worlde by arte may be made to yeeld things to
feede and to clothe man, bring in your returne a perfect note of the soile
without and within, and we shall deuise if neede require to amend the same,
and to draw it to more perfection. And if you finde not fruites in your
planting place to your liking, we shall in fiue drifats[57] furnish you
with such kindes of plants to be carryed thither the winter after your
planting, as shall the very next summer following yeeld you some fruite,
and the yeere next following, as much as shall suffice a towne as bigge as
Calice, and that shortly after shall be able to yeeld you great store of
strong durable good sider to drinke, and these trees shall be able to
encrease you within lesse then seuen yeeres as many trees presently to
beare, as may suffice the people of diuers parishes, which at the first
setling may stand you in great stead, if the soile haue not the commoditie
of fruites of goodnesse already. And because you ought greedily to hunt
after things that yeeld present reliefe, without trouble of carriage
thither, therefor I make mention of these thus specially, to the end you
may haue it specially in minde.

       *       *       *       *       *

A true discourse of the three Voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a
  passage to Cathaya, by the Northwest, vnder the conduct of Martin
  Frobisher Generall: Before which as a necessary Preface is prefixed a
  twofolde discourse, conteining certaine reasons to proue all partes of
  the World habitable. Penned by Master George Best, a Gentleman employed
  in the same voyages.

What commodities and instructions may be reaped by diligent reading this
Discourse.

1 First, by example may be gathered, how a Discouerer of new Countries is
to proceede in his first attempt of any Discouerie.

2 Item, how he should be prouided of shipping, victuals, munition, and
choice of men.

3 How to proceede and deale with strange people, be they neuer so
barbarous, cruell and fierce, either by lenitie or otherwise.

4 How trade of Merchandize may be made without money.

5 How a Pilot may deale, being inuironed with mountaines of yce in the
frozen sea.

6 How length of dayes, change of seasons, Summers and Winters doe differ in
sundry regions.

7 How dangerous it is to attempt new Discoueries, either for the length of
the voyage, or the ignorance of the language, the want of Interpreters, new
and vnaccustomed Elements and ayres, strange and vnsauoury meates, danger
of theeues and robbers, fiercenesse of wilde beastes and fishes, hugenesse
of woods, dangerousnesse of Seas, dread of tempestes, feare of hidden
rockes, steepnesse of mountaines, darknesse of sudden falling fogges,
continuall paines taking without any rest, and infinite others.

8. How pleasant and profitable it is to attempt new Discoueries, either for
the sundry sights and shapes of strange beastes and fishes, the wonderfull
workes of nature, the different maners and fashions of diuers nations, the
sundry sortes of gouernment, the sight of strange trees, fruite, foules,
and beasts, the infinite treasure of Pearle, Golde and Siluer, the newes of
newe found landes, the sundry positions of the Sphere, and many others.

9. How valiant Captaines vse to deale vpon extremitie, and otherwise.

10 How trustie souldiers dutifully vse to serue.

11 Also here may bee seene a good example to be obserued of any priuate
person, in taking notes, and making obseruations of all such things as are
requisite for a Discouerer of newe Countries.

12 Lastly, the Reader here may see a good paterne of a well gouerned
seruice, sundry instructions of matters of Cosmographie, Geographie, and
Nauigation, as in reading more at large may be seene.


Experiences and reasons of the Sphere, to prooue all partes of the worlde
  habitable, and thereby to confute the position of the fiue Zones.

[Sidenote: Experience to proue that Torrida Zone is habitable.] First, it
may be gathered by experience of our Englishmen in Anno 1553. For Captaine
Windam made a Voyage with Merchandise to Guinea, and entred so farre within
the Torrida Zona, that he was within three or foure degrees of the
Equinoctiall, and his company abiding there certaine Moneths, returned,
with gaine.

Also the Englishmen made another Voyage very prosperous and gainefull, An.
1554. to the coasts of Guinea, within 3. degrees of the Equinoctiall. And
yet it is reported of a trueth, that all the tract from Cape de las Palmas
trending by C. de tres puntas alongst by Benin, vnto the Ile of S. Thomas
(which is perpendiculer under the Equinoctial)[58] all that whole Bay is
more subiect to many blooming and smoothering heates, with infectious and
contagious ayres, then any other place in all Torrida Zona: and the cause
thereof is some accidents in the land. For it is most certaine, that
mountains, Seas, woods and lakes, &c, may cause through their sundry kinde
of situation, sundry strange and extraordinary effects, which the reason of
the clyme otherwise would not giue. I mention these Voyages of our
Englishmen, not so much to prooue that Torrida Zona may bee, and is
inhabited, as to shew their readinesse in attempting long and dangerous
Nauigations. Wee also among vs in England, haue blacke Moores, Æthiopians,
out of all partes of Torrida Zona, which after a small continuance, can
well endure the colde of our Countrey, and why should not we as well abide
the heate of their Countrey? But what should I name any more experiences,
seeing that all the coastes of Guinea and Benin are inhabited of Portugals,
Spanyardes, French, and some Englishmen, who there haue built Castles and
Townes. [Sidenote: Marochus more hote then about the Equinoctiall.] Onely
this I will say to the Merchants of London, that trade yeerely to Marochus,
it is very certaine, that the greatest part of the burning Zone is farre
more temperate and coole in Iune, then the Countrey of Marochus, as shall
appeare by these reasons and experiences following. For let vs first
consider the bignesse of this burning Zone (which as euery man knoweth, is
47. degrees) each Tropicke, which are the bounders thereof, being 28.
degrees and a halfe distant from the Equinoctiall. Imagine againe two other
Parallels, on each side the Equinoctiall about 20. degrees, which Paralels
may be described either of them twice a yeere by the Sunne, being in the
first degrees of Gemini the 11. of May, and in Leo the 13. of Iuly, hauing
North Latitude. And againe, the Sunne being in the first degrees of
Sagittarius, the 12. of Nouember, and in Aquarius the 9. of Ianuary, hauing
South latitude, I am to prooue by experience and reason that all that
distance included betweene these two Paralels last named (conteyning 40.
degrees in latitude, going round about the earth, according to longitude)
is not onely habitable, but the same most fruitfull and delectable, and
that if any extremitie of heate bee, the same not to be within the space of
twenty degrees of the Equinoctiall on either side, but onely vnder and
about the two Tropickes, and so proportionally the nearer you doe approch
to eyther Tropicke, the more you are subiect to extremitie of heate (if any
such be) and so Marochus being situate but sixe or seuen degrees from the
Tropicke of Cancer, shall be more subiect to heate, then any place vnder or
neere the Equinoctiall line.[59]

[Sidenote: Marueilous fruitfull soile vnder the Equinoctiall.] And first by
the experience of sundry men, yea thousands, Trauailers and Merchants, to
the East and West Indies in many places, both directly vnder, and hard by
the Equinoctiall, they with one consent affirme, that it aboundeth in the
middest of Torrida Zona with all manner of Graine, Hearbes, grasse, fruite,
wood and cattell, that we haue heere, and thousandes other sortes, farre
more wholesome, delectable and precious, then any wee haue in these
Northerne climates, as very well shall appeare to him that will reade the
Histories and Nauigations of such as haue traueiled Arabia, India intra and
extra Gangem, the Islands Moluccæ, America, &c. which all lye about the
middle of the burning Zone, where it is truely reported, that the great
hearbes, as are Radish, Lettuce, Colewortes, Borage, and such like, doe
waxe ripe, greater, more sauourie and delectable in taste then ours, within
sixteene dayes after the seede is sowen. Wheate being sowed the first of
Februarie, was found ripe the first of May, and generally, where it is
lesse fruitfull, the wheate will be ripe the fourth moneth after the seed
is sowne, and in some places will bring foorth an eare as bigge as the
wrist of a mans arme containing 1000. graines; Beanes, peace, &c. are there
ripe twice a yeere. Also grasse being cut downe, will grow vp in sixe dayes
aboue one foote high. If our cattell be transported thither, within a small
time their young ones become of bigger stature, and more fat than euer they
would haue bene in these countreys. [Sidenote: Great trees.] There are
found in euery wood in great numbers, such timber trees as twelue men
holding handes together are not able to fathome. [Sidenote: Commodities and
pleasures vnder the Equinoctiall.] And to be short, all they that haue bene
there with one consent affirme, that there are the goodliest greene medowes
and plaines, the fairest mountaines couered with all sorts of trees and
fruites, the fairest valleys, the goodliest pleasant fresh riuers, stored
with infinite kinde of fishes, the thickest woods, green and bearing fruite
all the whole yeere, that are in all the world. And as for gold, siluer,
and all other kinde of Metals, all kinde of spices and delectable fruites,
both for delicacie and health, are there in such abundance, as hitherto
they haue bene thought to haue beene bred no where else but there. And in
conclusion, it is nowe thought that no where else but vnder the
Equinoctiall, or not farre from thence, is the earthly Paradise, and the
onely place of perfection in this worlde. And that these things may seeme
the lesse strange, because it hath bene accompted of the olde Philosophers,
that there coulde nothing prosper for the extreme heat of the Sunne
continually going ouer their heades in the Zodiacke, I thought good here to
alleadge such naturall causes as to me seeme very substantiall and sure
reasons.

[Sidenote: Heat is caused by two meanes that is by his maner of Angle and
by his continuance.] First you are to vnderstand that the Sunne doeth worke
his more or lesse heat in these lower parts by two meanes, the one is by
the kinde of Angle that the Sunne beames doe make with the earth, as in all
Torrida Zona it maketh perpendicularly right Angles in some place or other
at noone, and towards the two Poles very oblique and vneuen Angles. And the
other meane is the longer or shorter continuance of the Sunne aboue the
Horizon. So that wheresoeuer these two causes do most concurre, there is
most excesse of heat: and when the one is wanting, the rigor of the heat is
lesse. For though the Sunne beames do beat perpendicularly vpon any region
subiect vnto it, if it hath no continuance or abode aboue the Horizon, to
worke his operation in, there can no hote effect proceed. For nothing can
be done in a moment. [Sidenote: Note this reason.] And this second cause
mora Solis supra Horizontem, the time of the sunnes abiding aboue the
Horizon, the old Philosophers neuer remembred, but regarded onely the maner
of Angles that the Sunne beames made with the Horizon, which if they were
equall and right, the heat was the greater, as in Torrida Zona: if they
were vnequall and oblique, the heat was the lesse, as towards both Poles,
which reason is very good and substantiall: for the perpendicular beames
reflect and reuerberate in themselues, so that the heat is doubled, euery
beame striking twice, and by vniting are multiplied, and continue strong in
forme of a Columne. But in our latitude of 50. and 60. degrees, the Sunne
beames descend oblique and slanting wise, and so strike but once and
depart, and therefore our heat is the lesse for any effect that the Angle
of the Sunne beames make. Yet because wee haue a longer continuance of the
Sunnes presence aboue our Horizon then they haue vnder the Equinoctial; by
this continuance the heat is increased, for it shineth to vs 16. or 18.
houres sometime, when it continueth with them but twelue houres alwayes.

And againe, our night is very short, wherein cold vapours vse to abound,
being but sixe or eight houres long, whereas theirs is alwayes twelue
houres long, by which two aduantages of long, dayes and short nights,
though we want the equalitie of Angle, it commeth to passe that in Sommer
our heat here is as great as theirs is there, as hath bene proued by
experience, and is nothing dissonant from good reason. Therefore whosoeuer
will rightly way the force of colde and heat in any region, must not onely
consider the Angle that the Sunne beames make, but also the continuance of
the same aboue the Horizon. As first to them vnder the Equinoctiall the
Sunne is twice a yeere at noone in their Zenith perpendicular ouer their
heads, and therefore during the two houres of those two dayes the heat is
very vrgent, and so perhaps it will be in foure or fiue dayes more an houre
euery day, vntill the Sunne in his proper motion haue crossed the
Equinoctiall; so that this extreme heat caused by the perpendicular Angle
of the Sunne beames, endureth but two houres of two dayes in a yeere. But
if any man say the Sunne may scalde a good while before and after it come
to the Meridian, so farre foorth as reason leadeth, I am content to allow
it, and therefore I will measure and proportion the Sunnes heat, by
comparing the Angles there, with the Angles made here in England, because
this temperature is best knowen vnto vs. As for example, the 11. day of
March, when vnder the Equinoctiall it is halfe houre past eight of the
clocke in the morning, the Sunne will he in the East about 38. degrees
aboue the Horizon, because there it riseth alwayes at six of the clocke,
and moueth euery houre 15. degrees, and so high very neere will it be with
vs at London the said eleuenth day of March at noone. And therefore looke
what force the Sunne hath with vs at noone, the eleventh of March, the same
force it seemeth to haue vnder the Equinoctial at half an houre past eight
in the morning, or rather lesse force vnder the Equinoctiall, For with vs
the Sunne had bene already sixe houres aboue the horizon, and so had
purified and clensed all the vapours, and thereby his force encreased at
noone; but vnder the Equinoctiall, the Sunne hauing bene vp but two houres
and an halfe, had sufficient to doe, to purge and consume the cold and
moyst vapours of the long night past, and as yet had wrought no effect of
heate. And therefore I may boldly pronounce, that there is much lesse heate
at halfe an houre past eight vnder the Equinoctiall, then is with vs at
noone: à fortiori. But in March we are not onely contented to haue the
Sunne shining, but we greatly desire the same. Likewise the 11. of Iune,
the Sunne in our Meridian is 62 degrees high at London: and vnder the
Equinoctiall it is so high after 10 of the clocke, and seeing then it is
beneficial with vs; à fortiori it is beneficiall to them after 10 of the
clocke.

And thus haue wee measured the force of the Sunnes greatest heate, the
hottest dayes in the yeere, vnder the Equinoctiall, that is in March and
September, from sixe till after tenne of the clocke in the morning, and
from two vntill Sunne set. And this is concluded, by respecting onely the
first cause of heate, which is the consideration of the Angle of the Sunne
beames, by a certaine similitude, that whereas the Sunne shineth neuer
aboue twelue houres, more then eight of them would bee coole and pleasant
euen to vs, much more to them that are acquainted alwayes with such warme
places. So there remaineth lesse then foure houres of excessiue heate, and
that onely in the two Sommer dayes of the yeere, that is the eleueuth day
of March, and the fourteenth of September: for vnder the Equinoctiall they
haue two Sommers, the one in March, and the other in September, which are
our Spring and Autumne: and likewise two Winters, in Iune and December,
which are our Sommer and Winter, as may well appeare to him that hath onely
tasted the principles of the Sphere. But if the Sunne bee in either
Tropicke, or approaching neere thereunto, then may wee more easily measure
the force of his Meridian altitude, that it striketh vpon the Equinoctiall.
As for example, the twelfth of Iune the Sunne will be in the first degree
of Cancer. Then look what force the heate of the Sunne hath vnder the
Equinoctiall, the same force and greater it hath in all that Parallel,
where the Pole is eleuated betweene fourtie and seuen, and fourtie and
eight degrees. [Sidenote: Paris in France is as hote as vnder the
Equinoctiall in Iune.] And therefore Paris in France the twelfth day of
Iune sustaineth more heate of the Sunne, then Saint Thomas Iland lying
neere the same Meridian doeth likewise at noone, or the Ilands Traprobana,
Molluccæ, or the firme lande of Peru in America, which all lye vnderneath
the Equinoctiall. For vpon the twelfth day of Iune aforesaide, the Sunne
beames at noone doe make an Isoscheles Triangle, whose Vertex is the Center
of the Sunne, the Basis a line extended from Saint Thomas Iland vnder the
Equinoctiall, vnto Paris in France neere the same Meridian: therefore the
two Angles of the Base must needs be equal per 5. primi,[60] Ergo the force
of the heat equal, if there were no other cause then the reason of the
Angle, as the olde Philosophers haue appointed. [Sidenote: In Iune is
greater heat at Paris then vnder the Equinoctiall.] But because at Paris
the Sunne riseth two houres before it riseth to them vnder the
Equinoctiall, and setteth likewise two houres after them, by meanes of the
obliquitie of the Horizon, in which time of the Sunnes presence foure
houres in one place more then the other, it worketh some effect more in one
place then in the other, and being of equall height at noone, it must then
needs follow to be more hote in the Parallel of Paris, then it is vnder the
Equinoctiall.

[Sidenote: The twilights are shorter, and the nights darker vnder the
Equinoctiall then at Paris.] Also this is an other reason, that when the
Sunne setteth to them vnder the Equinoctiall, it goeth very deepe and lowe
vnder their Horizon, almost euen to their Antipodes, whereby their
twilights are very short, and their nights are made very extreeme darke and
long, and so the moysture and coldnesse of the long nights wonderfully
encreaseth, so that at length the Sunne rising can hardly in many houres
consume and driue away the colde humours and moyst vapours of the night
past, which is cleane contrary in the Parallel of Paris: for the Sunne
goeth vnder their Horizon but very little, after a sloping sort, whereby
their nights, are not very darke, but lightsome, as looking into the North
in a cleare night without cloudes it doeth manifestly appeare, their
twilights are long: for the Parallel of Cancer cutteth not the Horizon of
Paris at right Angles, but at Angles very vneuen, and vnlike as it doeth
the Horizon of the Equinoctiall. Also the Sommer day at Paris is sixteene
houres long, and the night but eight: where contrarywise vnder the
Equinoctiall the day is but twelue houres long, and so long is also the
night, in whatsoeuer Parallel the Sunne be: and therefore looke what oddes
and difference of proportion there is betweene the Sunnes abode aboue the
Horizon in Paris, and the abode it hath vnder the Equinoctiall, (it being
in Cancer) the same proportion would seeme to be betweene the heate of the
one place, and heate of the other: for other things (as the Angle of the
whole arke of the Sunnes progresse that day in both places) are equall.

But vnder the Equinoctiall the presence and abode of the Sunne aboue the
Horizon is equall to his absence, and abode vnder the Horizon, eche being
twelue houres. And at Paris the continuance and abode of the Sunne is aboue
the Horizon sixteene houres long, and but eight houres absence, which
proportion is double, from which if the proportion of the equalitie be
subtracted to finde the difference, there will remaine still a double
proportion, whereby it seemeth to follow, that in Iune the heate of Paris
were double to the heate vnder the equinoctiall. For (as I haue said) the
Angles of the Sunne beames are in all points equall, and the cause of
difference is, Mora Solis supra Horizontem, the stay of the Sunne in the
one Horizon more then in the other. [Sidenote: In what proportion the Angle
of the Sun beames heateth.] Therefore, whosoeuer could finde out in what
proportion the Angle of the Sunne beames heateth, and what encrease the
Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto, it might expresly be set downe,
what force of heat and cold is in all regions.

Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly
acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places, that vnder the
Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat, but a temperate aire rather
tendering to cold. [Sidenote: They vse and haue neede of fire vnder the
Equinoctiall.] For as they haue there for the most part a continuall
moderate heat, so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde, and
vse the benefite of fire as well as we, especially in the euening when they
goe to bed, for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of
the house, so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed, of which
two fires, the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits, and
the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights.

[Sidenote: Colde intermingled with heate vnder the Equinoctiall.] Also in
many places of Torrida Zona, especially in the higher landes somewhat
mountainous, the people a little shrincke at the colde, and are often
forced to prouide themselues clothing, so that the Spaniards haue found in
the West Indies many people clothed, especially in Winter, whereby
appeareth, that with their heat there is colde intermingled, else would
they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing, which to them is rather a
griefe and trouble then otherwise. For when they goe to warres, they will
put off all their apparel, thinking it to be cumbersome, and will alwayes
goe naked, that they thereby might be more nimble in their fight.

Some there be that thinke the middle Zone extremely hot, because the people
of the countrey can, and doe liue without clothing, wherein they childishly
are deceiued: for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde, because
wee cannot liue without clothing: for this our double lining, furring, and
wearing so many clothes, is a remedy against extremetie, and argueth not
the goodnesse of the habitation, but inconuenience and iniury of colde: and
that is rather the moderate, temperate, and delectable habitation, where
none of these troublesome things are required, but that we may liue naked
and bare, as nature bringeth vs foorth.

[Sidenote: Ethiopians blacke, with curled haire.] Others againe imagine the
middle Zone to be extreme hot, because the people of Africa, especially the
Ethiopians, are so cole blacke, and their haire like wooll curled short,
which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the
parching heat of the Sunne, which how it should be possible I cannot see:
for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America, and in the East Indies; and in
the Ilands Moluccæ the people are not blacke, but tauney and white, with
long haire vncurled as wee haue, so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came
by the heate of the Sunne, why should not those Americans and Indians also
be as blacke as they, seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both,
they abiding in one Parallel: for the concaue and conuexe Superficies of
the Orb of the Sunne is concentrike, and equidistant to the earth; except
any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis, and Oppositum, which
indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other.
[Sidenote: The Sunne heateth not by his neerenesse, but onely by
reflection.] But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat, but by way
of Angle in reflection, and not by his neerenesse to the earth: for
throughout all Africa, yea in the middest of the middle Zone, and in all
other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow, which
is nearer to the Orbe of the sunne, then the people are in the valley, by
so much as the height of these moantaines amount vnto, and yet the Sunne
notwithstanding his neerenesse, can not the melt snow for want of
conuenient place of reflections. Also the middle region of the aire where
all the haile, frost, and snow is engendred, is neerer vnto the Sunne then
the earth is, and yet there continueth perpetuall cold, because there is
nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against, whereby appeareth that
the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing.

[Sidenote: A blacke Moores sonne borne in England.] Therefore to returne
againe to the blacke Moores. I myself haue seen an Ethiopian as blacke as a
cole brought into England, who taking a faire English woman to wife, begat
a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was, although England were
his natiue countrey; and an English woman his mother: whereby it seemeth
this blacknes proceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which
was so strong, that neither the nature of the Clime, neither the good
complexion of the mother concurring, coulde any thing alter, and therefore
wee cannot impute it to the natureof the Clime. [Sidenote: The colour of
the people in Meta Incognita. The complexion of the people of Meta
incognita.] And for a more fresh example, our people of Meta Incognita (of
whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande) that were brought this
last yeere into England, were all generally of the same colour that many
nations be, lying in the middest of the middle Zone. And this their colour
was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire, but also in
their bodies, which were still couered with garments as ours are, yea the
very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his sonne of the very same
colour that most haue vnder the equinoctiall, which thing cannot proceed by
reason of the Clime, for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes
the North then wee in England are, No, the Sunne neuer commeth neere their
Zenith by fourtie degrees: for in effect, they are within three or foure
degrees of that which they call the frozen Zone, and as I saide, fourtie
degrees from the burning Zone, whereby it followeth, that there is some
other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion, that
should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse. And the most probable cause
to my judgement is, that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall
infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey, and so all the whole
progenie of them descended, are still polluted with the same blot of
infection. Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose, to examine
the first originall of these blacke men, and howe by a lineall discent they
haue hitherto continued thus blacke.

[Sidenote: The cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse.] It manifestly and
plainely appeareth by Holy Scripture, that after the generall inundation
and ouerflowing of the earth, there remained no moe men aliue but Noe his
three sonnes, Sem, Cham, and Iaphet, who onely were left to possesse and
inhabite the whole face of the earth: therefore all the sundry discents
that vntil this day haue inhabited the whole earth, must needes come of the
off-spring either of Sem, Cham, or Iaphet, as the onely sonnes of Noe, who
all three being white, and their wiues also, by course of nature should
haue begotten and brought foorth white children. But the enuie of our great
and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such, that as hee coulde not
suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicite and Angelike state
wherein hee was first created, but tempting him sought and procured his
ruine and fall: so againe, finding at this flood none but a father and
three sonnes liuing, hee so caused one of them to transgresse and disobey
his fathers commaundement, that after him all his posterity shoulde bee
accursed. [Sidenote: The Arke of Noe.] The fact of disobedience was this:
When Noe at the commandement of God had made the Arke and entred therein,
and the floud-gates of heauen were opened, so that the whole face of the
earth, euery tree and mountaine was couered with abundance or water, hee
straitely commaunded his sonnes and their wiues, that they should with
reuerence and feare beholde the iustice and mighty power of God, and that
during the time of the flood while they remained in the Arke, they should
vse continencie, and abstaine from carnall copulation with their wines: and
many other precepts bee gaue vnto them, and admonitions touching the
iustice of God, in renenging sinne, and his mercie in deliuering them, who
nothing deserued it. Which good instructions and exhortations
notwithstanding his wicked sonne Cham disobeyed, and being perswaded that
the first childe borne after the flood (by right and Lawe of nature) should
inherite and possesse all the dominions of the earth, hee contrary to his
fathers commandement while they were yet in the Arke, vsed company with his
wife, and craftily went about thereby to dis-inherite the off-spring of his
other two brethren: for the which wicked and detestable fact, as an example
for contempt of Almightie God, and disobedience of parents, God would a
sonne should bee borne whose name was Chus, who not [Sidenote: Chus the
sonne of Cham accursed.] onely it selfe, but all his posteritie after him
should bee so blacke and lothsome, that it might remaine a spectacle of
disobedience to all the worlde. And of this blacke and cursed Chus came all
these blacke Moores which are in Africa, for after the water was vanished
from off the face of the earth, and that the lande was dry, Sem chose that
part of the land to inhabite in, which nowe is called Asia, and Iaphet had
that which now is called Europa, wherein wee dwell, and Africa remained for
Cham and his blacke sonne [Sidenote: Africa was called Chamesis.] Chus, and
was called Chamesis after the fathers name, being perhaps a cursed, dry,
sandy, and vnfruitfull ground, fit for such a generation to inhabite in.

Thus you see, that the cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse is the curse and
naturall infection of blood, and not the distemperature of the Climate;
Which also may bee prooued by this example, that these blacke men are found
in all parts of Africa, as well without the Tropickes, as within, euen vnto
Capo de buona Speranza Southward, where, by reason of the Sphere, should be
the same temperature that is in Sicilia, Morea and Candie, where al be of
very good complexions. Wherefore I conclude, that the blacknesse proceedeth
not of the hotenesse of the Clime, but as I saide, of the infection of
blood, and therefore this their argument gathered of the Africans
blacknesse is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle Zone. Wee
may therefore very well bee assertained, that vnder the Equinoctiall is the
most pleasant and delectable place of the worlde to dwell in; where
although the Sunne for two houres in a yeere be direct ouer their heades,
and therefore the heate at that time somewhat of force, yet [Sidenote:
Greatest temperature vnder the Equinoctial] because it commeth so seldome,
and continueth so small a time, when it commeth, it is not to bee wayed,
but rather the moderate heate of other times in all the yeere to be
remembred. And if the heate at any time should in the short day waxe
somewhat vrgent, the coldnesse of the long night there would easily refresh
it, according as Henterus sayeth, speaking of the temperature vnder the
Equinoctiall.

    Quodque die solis violento incanduit æstu,
    Humida nox reficit, paribusque refrigerat horis.

If the heate of the Sunne in the day time doe burne or parch any thing, the
moysture of the night doeth coole and refresh the same againe, the Sunne
being as long absent in the night, as it was present in the day.

Also our Aucthour of the Sphere, Johannes de Sacro Bosco, in the Chapter of
the Zodiacke, deriueth the Etymologie of Zodiacus, of the Greeke word Zoe,
which in Latine signifieth Vita, life; for out of Aristotle hee alleadgeth,
that Secundum accessum et recessum solis in Zodiaco, fiunt generationes et
corruptiones in rebus inferioribus: according to the Sunnes going to and
fro in the Zodiake, the inferiour bodies take their causes of generation
and corruption. [Sidenote: Vnder the Equinoctiall is greatest generation.]
Then it followeth, that where there is most going to and fro, there is most
generation and corruption: which must needes be betweene the two Tropikes;
for there the Sunne goeth to and fro most, and no where else but there.
Therefore betweene the two Tropikes, that is, in the middle Zone, is
greatest increase, multiplication, generation, and corruption of things,
which also wee finde by experience; for there is Sommer twice in the yeere,
and twice Winter, so that they haue two Haruests in the yeere, and
continuall Spring. Seeing then the middle Zone falleth out so temperate, it
resteth to declare where the hottest part of the world should bee, for we
finde some places more hote then others.

To answere this doubt, reason perswadeth, the hotest place in[61] the world
to bee vnder and about the two Tropikes; for there more then in any other
place doe both the [Sidenote: Greatest heate vnder the Tropicks.] causes of
heate concurre, that is, the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames, at
right angles, and a greater continuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon, the
Pole there being eleuated three or foure and twentie degrees. And as before
I concluded, that though the Sunne were perpendicular to them vnder the
Equinoctiall, yet because the same continued but a small time (their dayes
being short, and their nights long) and the speedie departure of the Sunne
from their Zenith, because of the suddeine crossing of the Zodiake with the
Equinoctiall, and that by such continuall course and recourse of hote and
colde, the temperature grew moderate, and very well able to bee endured: so
nowe to them vnder the two Tropikes, the Sunne hauing once by his proper
motion declined twentie degrees from the Equinoctial, beginneth to drawe
neere their Zenith, which may bee (as before) about the eleuenth day of
May, and then beginneth to sende his beames almost at right Angles, about
which time the Sunne entreth into the first degree of Gemini, and with this
almost right Angle the Sunne beames will continue vntill it bee past
Cancer, that is, the space of two moneths euery day at noone, almost
perpendicular ouer their heades, being then the time of Solstitium
Aestiuale: which so long continuance of the Sunne about their Zenith may
cause an extreeme heate (if any be in the world) but of necessitie farre
more heate then can bee vnder the Equinoctiall, where the Sunne hath no
such long abode in the Zenith, but passeth away there hence very quickly.
Also vnder the Tropikes, the day is longer by an houre and a halfe, then it
is vnder the Equinoctiall; wherefore the heate of the Sunne hauing a longer
time of operation, must needes be encreased, especially seeing the night
wherein colde and moysture doe abound vnder the Tropickes, is lesse then it
is vnder the Equinoctiall. Therefore I gather, that vnder the Tropickes is
the hotest place, not onely of Torrida Zona, but of any other part of the
world, especially because there both causes of heate doe concurre, that is,
the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames two monethes together, and
the longer abode of the Sunnes presence aboue the Horison. And by this
meanes more at large is prooued, that Marochus in Summer is farre more
hote, then at any time vnder the Enoctiall, because it is situate so neere
the Tropick of Cancer, and also for the length of their dayes. Neither yet
doe I thinke, that the Regions situate vnder the Tropicks are not
habitable, for they are found to be very fruitfull also; although Marochus
and some other parts of Afrike neere the Tropike for the drinesse of the
natiue sandie soile, and some accidents may seeme to some to be intemperate
for ouer much heat. For Ferdinandus Ouiedus[62] speaking of Cuba and
Hispaniola, Ilands of America, lying hard vnder, or by the Tropike of
Cancer, saith, that these Ilands haue as good pasture for cattell, as any
other countrey in the world.

Also, they haue most holesome and cleare water, and temperate aire, by
reason whereof the heards of beastes are much bigger, fatter, and of better
taste, then any in Spaine, because of the ranke pasture, whose moysture is
better digested in the hearbe or grasse, by continuall and temperate heate
of the Sunne, whereby being made more fat and vnctious, it is of better and
more stedfast nourishment: For continuall and temperate heate doeth not
onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the nourishment of such
things as growe, and are engendred in that Clime, but doeth also by
moderation preserue the same from putrifying, digesting also, and
condensating or thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gumme and
vnctious substance, whereby appeareth also, that vnder the Tropikes is both
holesome, fruitefull, and pleasant habitation, whereby lastly it followeth,
that all the [Sidenote: Vnder the Tropickes is moderate temperature.]
middle Zone, which vntill of late dayes hath bene compted and called the
burning, broyling, and parched Zone, is now found to be the most delicate,
temperate, commodious, pleasant and delectable part of the world, and
especially vnder the Equinoctiall.

Hauing now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle
Zone, it remaineth to speake somewhat also of the moderate and continuall
heate in colde Regions, as well in the night as in the day all the Sommer
long, and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabitants of the
same, contrary to the opinion of the olde writers.


Of the temperature of colde Regions all the Sommer long, and also how in
  Winter the same is habitable, especially to the inhabitants thereof.

The colde Regions of the world are those, which tending toward the Poles
Arctike, and Antarctike, are without the circuite or boundes of the seuen
Climates: which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the olde Writers, is
found and set out in our authour of the Sphere, Iohannes de Sacrobosco,
where hee plainely saith, that without the seuenth Climate, which is
bounded by a Parallel passing at fiftie degrees in Latitude, all the
habitation beyonde is discommodious and intolerable. [Sidenote: Nine
Climates.] But Gemma Frisius a late writer finding England and Scotland to
be without the compasse of those Climates, wherein hee knewe to bee very
temperate and good habitation, added thereunto two other Climates, the
vttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude, and therein
comprehendeth ouer and aboue the first computation, England, Scotland,
Denmarke, Moscouia, &c which all are rich and mightie kingdomes.

[Sidenote: A comparison betweene Marochus and England.] The olde writers
perswaded by bare conjecture, went about to determine of those places, by
comparing them to their owne complexions, because they felt them to bee
hardly tolerable to themselues, and so took thereby an argument of the
whole habitable earth; as if a man borne in Marochus, or some other part of
Barbarie, should at the latter end of Sommer vpon the suddeine, either
naked, or with his thinne vesture, bee brought into England, hee would
judge this Region presently not to bee habitable, because hee being brought
vp in so warme a Countrey, is not able here to liue, for so suddeine an
alteration of the colde aire: but if the same man had come at the beginning
of Sommer, and so afterward by little and little by certaine degrees, had
felt and acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne, it would haue
seemed by degrees to harden him, and so to make it farre more tollerable,
and by vse after one yeere or two, the aire would seeme to him more
temperate. It was compted a great matter in the olde time, that there was a
brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus, which after was
brought and shewed in Delphis, in token of a miraculous colde region and
winter, and therefore consecrated to the Temple of Apollo.

This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie three degrees in
Latitude, it was presently counted a place very hardly and vneasily to be
inhabited for the great colde. And how then can such men define vpon other
Regions very farre without that Parallel, whether they were inhabited or
not, seeing that in so neere a place they so grossely mistooke the matter,
and others their followers being contented with the inuentions of the olde
Authors, haue persisted willingly in the same opinion, with more confidence
then consideration of the cause: so lightly was that opinion receiued, as
touching the vnhabitable Clime neere and vnder the Poles.

[Sidenote: All the North regions are habitable.] Therefore I am at this
present to proue, that all the land lying betweene the last climate euen
vnto the point directly vnder either poles, is or may be inhabited,
especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred therein. For indeed
it is to be confessed, that some particular liuing creature cannot liue in
euery particular place or region, especially with the same ioy and
felicitie, as it did where it was first bred, for the certeine agreement of
nature that is betweene the place and the thing bred in that place; as
appeareth by the Elephant, which being translated and brought out of the
second or third climat, though they may liue, yet will they neuer ingender
or bring forth yong.[63] Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and
herbs; for example, the Orange trees, although in Naples they bring forth
fruit abundantly, in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene
leaues, but not any fruit: and translated into England, they will hardly
beare either flowers, fruit, or leaues, but are the next Winter pinched and
withered with cold: yet it followeth not for this, that England, Rome, and
Florence should not be habitable.

[Sidenote: Two causes of heat.] In the prouing of these colde regions
habitable, I shalbe very short, because the same reasons serve for this
purpose which were alleged before in the proouing the middle Zone to be
temperate, especially seeing all heat and colde proceed from the Sunne, by
the meanes either of the Angle which his beames do make with the Horizon,
or els by the long or short continuance of the Suns presence aboue ground:
so that if the Sunnes beames do beat perpendicularly at right Angles, then
there is one cause of heat, and if the Sunne do also long continue aboue
the Horizon, then the heat thereby is much increased by accesse of this
other cause, and so groweth to a kinde of extremitie. And these two causes,
as I sayd before, do most concurre vnder the two Tropicks, and therefore
there is the greatest heat of the world. And likewise, where both these
causes are most absent, there is greatest want of heat, and increase of
colde (seeing that colde is nothing but the priuation and absence of heate)
and if one cause be wanting, and the other present the effect will grow
indifferent. Therefore this is to be vnderstood, that the neerer any region
is to the Equinoctiall, the higher the Sunne doth rise ouer their heads at
noone, and so maketh either right or neere right Angles, but the Sunne
tarieth with them so much the shorter time, and causeth shorter dayes, with
longer and colder nights, to restore the domage of the day past, by reason
of the moisture consumed by vapour. But in such regions, ouer the which the
Sunne riseth lower (as in regions extended towards either pole) it maketh
there vnequall Angles, but the Sunne continueth longer, and maketh longer
dayes, and causeth so much shorter and warmer nights, as retaining warme
vapours of the day past. For there are found by experience Summer nights in
Scotland and Gothland very hot, when vnder the Equinoctiall they are found
very cold. [Sidenote: Hote nights nere the pole. Colde nights vnder the
Equinoctiall.] This benefit of the Sunnes long continuance and increase of
the day, doth argument so much the more in colde regions as they are nerer
the poles, and ceaseth not increasing vntill it come directly vnder the
point of the pole Arcticke, where the Sunne continueth aboue ground the
space of sixe moneths or halfe a yere together, and so the day is halfe a
yere long, that is the time of the Sunnes being in the North signes, from
the first degree of Aries vntill the last of Virgo, that is all the time
from our 10 day of March vntill the 14 of September. [Sidenote: One day of
sixe moneths.] The Sunne therefore during the time of these sixe moneth
without any offence or hinderance of the night, giueth his influence vpon
those lands with heat that neuer ceaseth during that time, which maketh to
the great increase of Summer, by reason of the Sunnes continuance.
[Sidenote: Moderate heat vnder the poles.] Therefore it followeth, that
though the Sunne be not there very high ouer their heads, to cause right
angle beames, and to giue great heat, yet the Sun being there sometimes
about 24 degrees high doth cast a conuenient and meane heate, which there
continueth without hindrance of the night the space of sixe moneths (as is
before sayd) during which time there followeth to be a conuenient, moderate
and temperate heat: or els rather it is to be suspected the heat there to
be very great, both for continuance, and also, Quia virtus vnita crescit,
the vertue and strength of heat vnited in one increaseth. If then there be
such a moderate heate vnder the poles, and the same to continue so long
time; what should mooue the olde writers to say there cannot be place for
habitation. And that the certainty of this temperate heat vnder both the
poles might more manifestly appeare, let vs consider the position and
quality of the sphere, the length of the day, and so gather the height of
the Sunne at all times, and by consequent the quality of his angle, and so
lastly the strength of his heat.

Those lands and regions lying vnder the pole, and hauing the pole for their
Zenith, must needs haue the Equinoctiall circle for their Horizon:
therefore the Sun entring into the North signes, and describing euery 24
houres a parallel to the Equinoctiall by the diurnall motion of Primum
mobile, the same parallels must needs be wholly aboue the Horizon:
[Sidenote: The Sunne neuer setteth in 182 dayes.] and so looke how many
degrees there are from the first of Aries to the last of Virgo, so many
whole reuolutions there are aboue their Horizon that dwell vnder the pole,
which amount to 182, and so many of our dayes the Sunne continueth with
them. During which time they haue there continuall day and light, without
any hindrance of moist nights. [Sidenote: Horizon and Equinoctiall all one
vnder the pole.] Yet it is to be noted, that the Sunne being in the first
degree of Aries, and last degree of Virgo, maketh his reuolution in the
very horizon, so that in these 24 houres halfe the body of the Sunne is
aboue the horizon, and the other halfe is vnder his only center, describing
both the horizon and the equinoctiall circle.

And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the Sunne is almost 24
degrees, it followeth, his greatest height in those countries to be almost
24 degrees. [Sidenote: London.] And so high is the Sun at noone to vs in
London about the 29 of October, being in the 15 degree of Scorpio, and
likewise the 21 of Ianuary being in the 15 of Aquarius. Therefore looke
what force the Sun at noone hath in London the 29 of October, the same
force of heat it hath, to them that dwell vnder the pole, the space almost
of two moneths, during the time of the Summer solstitium, and that without
intermingling of any colde night; so that if the heat of the Sunne at noone
could be well measured in London (which is very hard to do because of the
long nights which ingender great moisture and cold) then would manifestly
appeare by expresse numbers the maner of the heat vnder the poles, which
certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very commodious and profitable,
if it incline not to ouermuch heat, and if moisture do not want.

For as in October in England we finde temperate aire, and haue in our
gardens hearbs and floures notwithstanding our cold nights, how much more
should they haue the same good aire, being continuall without night. This
heat of ours continueth but one houre, while the Sun is in that meridian,
but theirs continueth a long time in one height. This our heat is weake,
and by the coolnesse of the night vanisheth, that heat is strong, and by
continuall accesse is still increased and strengthened. [Sidenote:
Comodious dwelling vnder the poles.] And thus by a similitude of the equal
height of the Sun in both places appeareth the commodious and moderate heat
of the regions vnder the poles.

And surely I cannot thinke that the diuine prouidence hath made any thing
vncommunicable, but to haue giuen such order to all things, that one way or
other the same should be imployed, and that euery thing and place should be
tollerable to the next: but especially all things in this lower world be
giuen to man to haue dominion and vse thereof. Therefore we need no longer
to doubt of the temperate and commodious habitation vnder the poles during
the time of Summer.

[Sidenote: The night vnder the poles.] But all the controuersie consisteth
in the Winter, for then the Sunne leaueth those regions, and is no more
seene for the space of other sixe moneths, in the which time all the Sunnes
course is vnder their horizon for the space of halfe a yere, and then those
regions (say some) must needs be deformed with horrible darknesse, and
continuall night, which may be the cause that beasts can not seeke their
food, and that also the colde should then be intollerable. By which double
euils all liuing creatures should be constrained to die, and were not able
to indure the extremity and iniury of Winter, and famine insuing thereof,
but that all things should perish before the Summer following, when they
should bring foorth their brood and yoong, and that for these causes the
sayd Clime about the pole should be desolate and not habitable. To all
which objections may be answered in this maner: First, that though the
Sunne be absent from them those six moneths, yet it followeth not that
there should be such extreme darknesse; for as the Sunne is departed vnder
their horizon, so is it not farre from them: and not so soone as the Sunne
falleth so suddenly commeth the darke night; but the euening doth
substitute and prolong the day a good while after by twilight. After which
time the residue of the night receiueth light of the Moone and Starres,
vntill the breake of the day, which giueth also a certaine light before the
Sunnes rising; so that by these meanes the nights are seldome darke; which
is verified in all parts of the world, but least in the middle Zone vnder
the Equinoctiall, where the twilights are short, and the nights darker then
in any other place, because the Sunne goeth vnder their horizon so deepe,
even to their antipodes. We see in England in the Summer nights when the
Sunne goeth not farre vnder the horizon, that by the light of the Moone and
Starres we may trauell all night, and if occasion were, do some other
labour also. And there is no man that doubteth whether our cattell can see
to feed in the nights, seeing we are so well certified thereof by our
experience: and by reason of the sphere our nights should be darker then
any time vnder the poles.

The Astronomers consent that the Sunne descending from our vpper hemisphere
at the 18 parallel vnder the horizon maketh an end of twilight, so that at
length the darke night insueth, and that afterward in the morning the Sun
approching againe within as many parallels, doth driue away the night by
accesse of the twilight. Againe, by the position of the sphere vnder the
pole, the horizon, and the equinoctiall are all one. These reuolutions
therefore that are parallel to the equinoctiall are also parallel to the
horizon, so that the Sunne descending vnder that horizon, and there
describing certaine parallels not farre distant, doth not bring darke
nights to those regions vntill it come to the parallels distant 18 degrees
from the equinoctiall, that is, about the 21 degree of Scorpio, which will
be about the 4 day of our Nouember, and after the Winter solstitium, the
Sunne returning backe againe to the 9 degree of Aquarius, which will be
about the 19 of January; [Sidenote: The regions vnder the poles want
twilights but sixe weeks.] during which time onely, that is, from the 4 day
of Nouember vntill the 19 day of Ianuary, which is about six weeks space,
these regions do want the commodity of twilights: therefore, during the
time of these sayd six moneths of darknesse vnder the poles, the night is
destitute of the benefit of the Sunne and the sayd twilights onely for the
space of six weeks or thereabout. And yet neither this time of six weeks is
without remedy from heauen; for the Moone with her increased light hath
accesse at that time, and illuminateth the moneths lacking light euery one
of themselues seuerally halfe the course of that moneth, by whose benefit
it commeth to passe that the night named extreame darke possesseth those
regions no longer then one moneth, neither that continually, or all at one
time, but this also diuided into two sorts of shorter nights, of the which
either of them indureth for the space of 15 dayes, and are illuminate of
the Moone accordingly. [Sidenote: Winter nights vnder the pole tolerable to
liuing creatures.] And this reason is gathered out of the sphere, whereby
we may testifie that the Summers are warme and fruitfull, and the Winters
nights vnder the pole are tolerable to liuing creatures. And if it be so
that the Winter and time of darknesse there be very colde, yet hath not
nature left them vnprouided therefore: for there the beastes are couered
with haire so much the thicker in how much the vehemency of colde is
greater; by reason whereof the best and richest furres are brought out of
the coldest regions. Also the fowles of these colde countreys haue thicker
skinnes, thicker feathers; and more stored of downe then in other hot
places. Our English men that trauell to S. Nicholas, and go a fishing to
Wardhouse, enter farre within the circle Artike, and so are in the frozen
Zone, and yet there, aswell as in Island and all along those Northern Seas,
they finde the greatest store of the greatest fishes that are; as Whales,
&c. and also abundance of meane fishes; as Herrings, Cods, Haddocks, Brets,
&c. which argueth that the sea as well as the land may be and is well
frequented and inhabited in the colde countreys.

[Sidenote: An obiection of Meta incognita.] But some perhaps will maruell
there should be such temperate places in the regions about the poles, when
at vnder 62 degrees in latitude our captaine Frobisher and his company were
troubled with so many and so great mountaines of fleeting ice, with so
great stormes of colde, with such continuall snow on tops of mountaines,
and with such barren soile, there being neither wood nor trees, but low
shrubs, and such like. To all which obiections may be answered thus: First,
those infinite Islands of ice were ingendred and congealed in time of
Winter, and now by the great heat of Summer were thawed, and then by ebs,
flouds, winds, and currents, were driuen to and fro, and troubled the
fleet; so that this is an argument to proue the heat in Summer there to be
great, that was able to thaw so monstrous mountaines of ice. As for
continuall snow on tops of mountaines, it is there no otherwise then is in
the hotest part of the middle Zone, where also lieth great snow all the
Summer long vpon tops of mountaines, because there is no sufficient space
for the Sunnes reflexion, whereby the snow should be molten. Touching the
colde stormy winds and the barrennesse of the country, it is there as it is
in Cornwall and Deuonsbire in England, which parts though we know to be
fruitfull and fertile, yet on the North side thereof all alongst the coast
within seuen or eight miles off the sea there can neither hedge nor tree
grow, although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto: and the
cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds, which comming from the sea
are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong and tender plants,
and suffer scarse any thing to grow; and so it is in the Islands of Meta
incognita, which are subiect most to East and Northeastern winds, which the
last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly
lecouer their port. [Sidenote: Meta Incognita inhabited.] Yet
notwithstanding all the obiections that may be, the countrey is habitable;
for there are men, women, children, and sundry kind of beasts in great
plenty, as beares, deere, hares, foxes and dogs: all kinde of flying
fowles, as ducks, seamewes, wilmots, partridges, larks, crowes, hawks, and
such like, as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large. Then
it appeareth that not onely the middle Zone but also the Zones about the
poles are habitable.

[Sidenote: Captaine Frobishers first voyage.] Which thing being well
considered, and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher,
aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and
all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation, as also for the
confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and
land, and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo
de buona Sperança, which the Portugals yerely vse: he began first with
himselfe to deuise, and then with his friends to conferre, and layed a
plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the
Northwest, but also he could proue easie to be performed. And farther, he
determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof, and
to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth, or els neuer to
returne againe, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was
left yet vndone, whereby a notable minde might be made famous and
fortunate. But although his will were great to performe this notable
voyage, whereof he had concerned in his minde a great hope by sundry sure
reasons and secret intelligence, which here for sundry causes I leaue
vntouched, yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward, and
performe the same. Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these
secrets; and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect
vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted
the same, as by good witnesse shall well appeare (albeit some euill willers
which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly
iniured him in the reports of the same, saying that they haue bene the
first authours of that action, and that they haue learned him the way,
which themselues as yet haue neuer gone) but perceiuing that hardly he was
hearkened vnto of the merchants, which neuer regard, vertue without sure,
certaine, and present gaines, he repaired to the Court (from whence, as
from the fountaine of our Common wealth, all good causes haue their chiefe
increase and maintenance) and there layed open to many great estates and
learned men the plot and summe of his deuice. And amongst many honourable
minds which fauoured his honest and commendable enterprise, he was
specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle
of Warwicke, whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene
ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and
executors of the same: and so by meanes of my lord his honourable
countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause, and by litle and litle,
with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and
had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might
well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall.

He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece,
wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being
furnished with the foresayd two barks, and one small pinnesse of ten tun
burthen, hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths
prouision, he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune
anno Domini 1576.

One of the barks wherein he went was named the Gabriel, and the other The
Michael; and sailing Northwest from England vpon the II of Iuly he had
sight of an high and ragged land, which he iudged to be Frisland (whereof
some authors haue made mention) but durst not approch the same by reason of
the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast, and the great mists that
troubled them not a litle. Not farre from thence he lost company of his
small pinnesse, which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be
swallowed vp of the Sea, wherein he lost onely foure men.

[Sidenote: The Michael returned home.] Also the other barke named The
Michael mistrusting the matter, conueyed themselues priuily away from him,
and returned home, with great report that he was cast away.

The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts, although his mast
was sprung, and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule
weather, continued his course towards the Northwest, knowing that the sea
at length must needs haue an ending, and that some land should haue a
beginning that way; and determined therefore at the least to bring true
proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards,
beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered. And the twentieth of Iuly
he had sight of an high land, which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland,
after her Maiesties name. And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast, he
descried another forland with a great gut, bay, or passage, diuided as it
were two maine lands or continents asunder. There be met with store of
exceeding great ice all this coast along, and coueting still to continue
his course to the Northwards, was alwayes by contrary winde deteined
ouerthwart these straights, and could not get beyond. [Sidenote: Frobishers
first entrance within the streights.] Within few dayes after he perceived
the ice to be well consumed and gone, either there ingulfed in by some
swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southwards of the same
straights, or els conueyed some other way: wherefore he determined to make
proofe of this place, to see how farre that gut had continuance, and
whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the
backe side, whereof he conceiued no small hope, and so entred the same the
one and twentieth of Iuly, and passed aboue fifty leagues therein, as he
reported, hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent. And that land
vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of
Asia, and there to be diuided from the firme of America, which lieth vpon
the left hand ouer against the same.

[Sidenote: Frobishers streights.] This place he named after his name,
Frobishers streights, like as Magellanus at the Southwest end of the world,
hauing discouered the passage to the South sea (where America is diuided
from the continent of that land, which lieth vnder the South pole) and
called the same straights, Magellanes straits.

After he had passed 60 leagues into this foresayd straight, he went ashore,
and found signes where fire had bene made.

He saw mighty deere that seemed to be mankinde, which ranne at him, and
hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where he was faine to vse
defence and policy to saue his life.

In this place he saw and perceiued sundry tokens of the peoples resorting
thither. [Sidenote: The first sight of the Sauages.] And being ashore vpon
the top of a hill, he perceiued a number of small things fleeting in the
sea afarre off, which he supposed to be porposes or seales, or some kinde
of strange fish; but comming neerer, he discouered them to be men in small
boats made of leather. And before he could descend downe from the hill,
certaine of those people had almost cut off his boat from him, hauing
stollen secretly behinde the rocks for that purpose, where he speedily
hasted to his boat, and bent himselfe to his halberd, and narrowly escaped
the danger, and saued his boat. Afterwards he had sundry conferences with
them, and they came aboord his ship, and brought him salmon and raw flesh
and fish, and greedily deuoured the same before our mens faces. And to shew
their agility, they tried many masteries vpon the ropes of the ship after
our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes, and
nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of scales, and beares skinnes,
and such like with our men; and receiued belles, looking glasses, and other
toyes, in recompense thereof againe. [Sidenote: Fiue Englishmen intercepted
and taken.] After great curtesie, and many meetings, our mariners, contrary
to their captaines direction, began more easily to trust them; and fiue of
our men going ashore were by them intercepted with their boat, and were
neuer since heard of to this day againe: so that the captaine being
destitute of boat, barke, and all company, had scarsely sufficient number
to conduct backe his barke againe. He could neither conuey himselfe ashore
to rescue his men (if he had bene able) for want of a boat; and againe the
subtile traitours were so wary, as they would after that neuer come within
our mens danger. The captaine notwithstanding desirous to bring some token
from thence of his being there, was greatly discontented that he had not
before apprehended some of them: and therefore to deceiue the deceiuers he
wrought a pretty policy; for knowing wel how they greatly delighted in our
toyes, and specially in belles, he rang a pretty lowbell, making signes
that he would giue him the same that would come and fetch it. [Sidenote:
Taking of the first Sauage.] And because they would not come within his
danger for feare, he flung one bell vnto them, which of purpose he threw
short, that it might fall into the sea and be lost, And to make them more
greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, so that in the end one of them
came nere the ship side to receiue the bel; which when he thought to take
at the captaines hand, he was thereby taken himselfe: for the captaine
being readily prouided let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and
plucked him with maine force boat and all into his barke out of the sea.
Whereupon when he found himselfe in captiuity, for very choler and disdaine
he bit his tongue in twaine within his mouth: notwithstanding, he died not
thereof, but liued vntill he came in England, and then he died of cold
which he had taken at sea.

[Sidenote: Frobishers returne.] Now with this new pray (which was a
sufficient witnesse of the captaines farre and tedious trauell towards the
vnknowen parts of the world, as did well appeare by this strange infidell,
whose like was neuer seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language
was neither knowen nor vnderstood of any) the sayd captaine Frobisher
returned homeward, and arriued in England in Harwich the 2 of October
following, and thence came to London 1576, where he was highly commended of
all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the
great hope he brought of the passage to Cataya.

And it is especially to be remembred that at their first arriuall in those
parts there lay so great store of ice all the coast along so thicke
together, that hardly his boate could passe vnto the shore. [Sidenote: The
taking possession of Meta incognita.] At length, after diuers attempts he
commanded his company, if by any possible meanes they could get ashore, to
bring him whatsoeuer thing they could first finde, whether it were liuing
or dead, stocke or stone, in token of Christian possession, which thereby
he tooke in behalfe of the Queenes most excellent Maiesty, thinking that
thereby he might iustify the hauing and inioying of the same things that
grew in these vnknowen parts.

[Sidenote: How the ore was found by chance.] Some of his company brought
floures, some greene grasse; and one brought a piece of blacke stone much
like to a sea cole in colour, which by the waight seemed to be some kinde
of mettall or minerall. This was a thing of no account in the iudgment of
the captaine at first sight; and yet for nouelty it was kept in respect of
the place from whence it came.

After his arriuall in London, being demanded of sundry his friends what
thing he had brought them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to
present them withall but a piece of this blacke stone. And it fortuned a
gentlewoman one of the aduenturers wiues to haue a piece thereof, which by
chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being
taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistened with a bright
marquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some question, it
was brought to certaine Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof, who
gaue out that it held golde, and that very richly for the quantity.
[Sidenote: Many aduenturers.] Afterwards, the same Goldfiners promised
great matters thereof if there were any store to be found, and offered
themselues to aduenture for the searching of those parts from whence the
same was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to
haue a lease at her Maiesties hands of those places, whereby to inioy the
masse of so great a publike profit vnto their owne priuate gaines.

In conclusion, the hope of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a
great opinion in the hearts of many to aduance the voyage againe.
[Sidenote: In the second voyage commission was giuen onely for the bringing
of ore.] Whereupon preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere
folowing, and the captaine more specially directed by commission for the
searching more of this golde ore then for the searching any further
discouery of the passage. And being well accompanied with diuers resolute
and forward gentlemen, her Maiesty then lying at the right honourable the
lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his leaue, and kissing her
hignesse hands, with gracious countenance and comfortable words departed
toward his charge.


A true report of such things as happened in the second voyage of captaine
  Frobisher, pretended for the discouery of a new passage to Cataya, China
  and the East India, by the Northwest. Ann. Dom. 1577.

Being furnished with one tall ship of her Maiesties, named The Ayde, of two
hundred tunne, and two other small barks, the one named The Gabriel, the
other The Michael, about thirty tun a piece, being fitly appointed with
men, munition, victuals, and all things necessary for the voyage, the sayd
captaine Frobisher, with the rest of his company came aboord his ships
riding at Blackwall, intending (with Gods helpe) to take the first winde
and tide seruing him, the 25 day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577.

The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discouery, and the number of
souldiers and mariners in ech ship, as followeth.

Aboord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of 100 men of all sorts,
whereof 30 or moe were Gentlemen and Souldiers, the rest sufficient and
tall Sailers.

Aboord the Gabriel being Viceadmirall, were in all 18 persons, whereof sixe
were Souldiers, the rest Mariners.

Aboord the Michael were 16 persons, whereof fiue were Souldiers, the rest
Mariners.

Aboord the Ayde was:

Generall of the whole company for her Maiestie: Martin Frobisher.

His Lieutenant             George Best.
His Ensigne                Richard Philpot.
Corporall of the shot      Francis Forfar.

The rest of the gentlemen: Henry Carew.
                           Edmund Stafford.
                           John Lee.
                           M. Haruie.
                           Mathew Kinersley.
                           Abraham Lins.
                           Robert Kinersley.
                           Francis Brakenbury.
                           William Armshow.

The Master                 Christopher Hall.
The Mate                   Charles Iackman.
The Pilot                  Andrew Dier.
The Master gunner          Richard Cox.

Aboord the Gabriell was:

Captaine                   Edward Fenton
One Gentleman              William Tamfield.
The Maister                William Smyth.

Aboord the Michaell was:

Captaine                   Gilbert Yorke.
One Gentleman              Thomas Chamberlaine.
The Maister                Iames Beare.

On Whitsunday being the 26 of May, Anno 1577, early in the morning, we
weighed anker at Blackwall, and fell that tyde downe to Grauesend, where we
remained vntill Monday, at night.

[Sidenote: They receiued the communion.] On Monday morning the 27 of May,
aboord the Ayde we receiued all the Communion by the Minister of Grauesend,
and prepared vs as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for all
fortunes: and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope.

[Sidenote: The number of men in this voyage.] Tuesday the eight and twenty
of May, about nine of the clocke at night, we arriued at Harwitch in Essex
and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, vntill Friday
being the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes
of the Councell, straightly commanding our General, not to exceede his
complement and number appointed him, which was, one hundred and twentie
persons: whereupon he discharged many proper men which with vnwilling
mindes departed.

[Sidenote: The condemned men discharged.] He also dismissed all his
condemned men, which he thought for some purposes very needefull for the
voyage, and towards night vpon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set
saile, and put to the Seas againe. [Sidenote: The first arriuall after our
departing from England.] And sailing Northward alongst the East coasts of
England and Scotland, the seuenth day of Iune we arriued in Saint Magnus
sound in Orkney Ilands, called in Latine Orcades, and came to ancker on the
South side of the Bay, and this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we
set saile first   leagues.[64]

Here our companie going on lande, the Inhabitants of these Ilandes beganne
to flee as from the enemie, whereupon the Lieutenant willed euery man to
stay togither, and went himselfe vnto their houses, to declare what we were
and the cause of our comming thither, which being vnderstood after their
poore maner they friendly entreated vs, and brought vs for our money such
things as they had. [Sidenote: A Mine of siluer found in Orkney.] And here
our gold finders found a Mine of siluer.

Orkney is the principall of the Isles of the Orcades, and standeth in the
latitude of fiftie nine degrees and a halfe. The countrey is much subiect
to colde, answerable for such a climate, and yet yeeldeth some fruites, and
sufficient maintenance for the people contented so poorely to liue.

There is plentie ynough of Poultrey, store of egges, fish, and foule.

For their bread they haue Oaten Cakes, and their drinke is Ewes milke, and
in some partes Ale.

Their houses are but poore without and sluttish ynough within, and the
people in nature thereunto agreeable.

For their fire they burne heath and turffe, the Countrey in most parts
being voide of wood.

They haue great want of Leather, and desire our old Shoes, apparell, and
old ropes (before money) for their victuals, and yet are they not ignorant
of the value of our coine. [Sidenote: Kyrway the chiefe towne of Orkney.]
The chiefe towne is called Kyrway.[65]

[Sidenote: S. Magnus sound why so called.] In this Island hath bene
sometime an Abbey or a religious house called Saint Magnus, being on the
West side of the Ile, whereof this sound beareth name, through which we
passed. Their Gouernour chiefe Lord is called the Lord Robert Steward, who
at our being there, as we understood, was in durance at Edenburgh, by the
Regents commandement of Scotland.

After we had prouided vs here of matter sufficient for our voyage the eight
of Iune wee set sayle againe, and passing through Saint Magnus sound hauing
a merrie winde by night, came cleare and lost sight of all the land, and
keeping our course West Northwest by the space of two dayes, the winde
shifted vpon vs so that we lay in trauerse on the Seas, with contrary
windes, making good (as neere as we could) our course to the westward, and
sometime to the Northward, as the winde shifted. And hereabout we met with
3 saile of English fishermen from Iseland, bound homeward, by whom we wrote
our letters vnto our friends in England. [Sidenote: Great bodies of trees
driuing in the seas.] We trauersed these Seas by the space of 26 dayes
without sight of any land, and met with much drift wood, and whole bodies
of trees. [Sidenote: Monstrous fish and strange foule liuing onely by the
Sea.] We sawe many monsterous fishes and strange foules, which seemed to
live onely by the Sea, being there so farre distant from any land. At
length God fauoured vs with more prosperous windes, and after wee had
sayled foure dayes with good winde in the Poop, the fourth of Iuly the
Michael being foremost a head shot off a peece of Ordinance, and stroke all
her sayles, supposing that they had descryed land which by reason of the
thicke mistes they could not make perfit: [Sidenote: Water being blacke and
smooth signifieth land to be neere.] howbeit, as well our account as also
the great alteration of the water, which became more blacke and smooth, did
plainely declare we were not farre off the coast. [Sidenote: Ilands of
yce.] Our Generall sent his Master aboord the Michaell (who had beene with
him the yeere before) to beare in with the place to make proofe thereof,
who descryed not the land perfect, but sawe sundry huge Ilands of yce,
which we deemed to be not past twelue leagues from the shore, [Sidenote:
The first sight of Frisland the 4. of Iuly.] for about tenne of the clocke
at night being the fourth of Iuly, the weather being more cleare, we made
the land perfect and knew it to be Frislande. And the heigth being taken
here, we found ourselues to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a halfe,
and were fallen with the Southermost part of this land. Betweene Orkney and
Frisland are reckoned    leagues.[66]

[Sidenote: Frisland described.] This Frislande sheweth a ragged and high
lande, hauing the mountaines almost couered ouer with snow alongst the
coast full of drift yce, and seemeth almost inaccessable, and is thought to
be an Iland in bignesse not inferiour to England, and is called of some
Authors, West Frislande, I thinke because it lyeth more West then any part
of Europe. It extendeth in latitude to the Northward very farre as seemed
to vs, and appeareth by a description set out by two brethren Venetians,
Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni, who being driuen off from Ireland with a
violent tempest made shipwracke here, and were the first knowen Christians
that discouered this land about two hundred yeares sithence, and they haue
in their Sea cardes set out euery part thereof and described the condition
of the inhabitants, declaring them to be as ciuill and religous people as
we. And for so much of this land as we haue sayled alongst, comparing their
Carde with the coast, we finde it very agreeable. [Sidenote: An easie kind
of Fishing.] This coast seemeth to haue good fishing, for we lying becalmed
let falle a hooke without any bayte and presently caught a great fish
called a Hollibut, who serued the whole companie for a dayes meate, and is
dangerous meate for surfetting. [Sidenote: White Corrall got by sounding.]
And sounding about fiue leagues off from the shore, our leade brought vp in
the tallow a kinde of Corrall almost white, and small stones as bright as
Christall: and it is not to be doubted but that this land may be found very
rich and beneficial if it were thoroughly discovered, although we sawe no
creature there but little birdes. [Sidenote: Monstrous Isles of yce, in
taste fresh, wherehence they are supposed to come.] It is a maruellous
thing to behold of what great bignesse and depth some Ilands of yce be
here, some seuentie, some eightie fadome vnder water, besides that which is
aboue, seeming Ilands more then halfe a mile in circuit. All these yce are
in tast fresh, and seeme to be bredde in the sounds thereabouts, or in some
lande neere the pole, and with the winde and tides are driuen alongst the
coastes. [Sidenote: The opinion of the frozen seas is destroyed by
experience.] We found none of these Ilands of yce salt in taste, whereby it
appeareth that they were not congealed of the Ocean Sea water which is
alwayes salt, but of some standing or little moouing lakes or great fresh
waters neere the shore, caused eyther by melted snowe from tops of
mountaines, or by continuall accesse of fresh riuers from the land, and
intermingling with the Sea water, bearing yet the dominion (by the force of
extreame frost) may cause some part of salt water to freese so with it, and
so seeme a little brackish, but otherwise the maine Sea freeseth not, and
therefore there is no Mare Glaciale or frosen Sea, as the opinion hitherto
hath bene. Our Generall prooued landing here twice, but by the suddaine
fall of mistes (whereunto this coast is much subiect) he was like to loose
sight of his ships, and being greatly endangered with the driuing yce
alongst the coast, was forced aboord and faine to surcease his pretence
till a better opportunitie might serue: and hauing spent foure dayes and
nights sayling alongst this land, finding the coast subiect to such bitter
colde and continuall mistes he determined to spend no more time therein,
but to beare out his course towards the streights called Frobishers
streights after the Generals name, who being the first that euer passed
beyond 58 degrees to the Northwardes, for any thing that hath beene yet
knowen of certaintie of New found land, otherwise called the continent or
firme land of America, discouered the saide straights this last yere 1576.

[Sidenote: The Stirrage of the Michaell broken by tempest.] Betweene
Frisland and the Straights we had one great storme, wherein the Michaell
was somewhat in danger, hauing her Stirrage broken, and her toppe Mastes
blowen ouer boord, and being not past 50 leagues short of the Straights by
our account, we stroke sayle and lay a hull, fearing the continuance of the
storme, the winde being at the Northeast, and hauing lost companie of the
Barkes in that flaw of winde, we happily met againe the seuenteenth day of
Iuly, hauing the euening before seene diuers Ilands of fleeting yce, which
gaue an argument that we were not farre from land. [Sidenote: The first
entrance of the Straights.] Our Generall in the morning from the maine top
(the weather being reasonable cleare) descried land, but to better assured
he sent the two Barkes two contrarie courses, whereby they might discry
either the South or North foreland, the Ayde lying off and on at Sea, with
a small sayle by an Iland of yce, which was the marke for vs to meet
together againe. [Sidenote: Halles Iland.] And about noone, the weather
being more cleare, we made the North foreland perfite, which otherwise is
called Halles Iland, and also the small Iland bearing the name of the sayd
Hall whence the Ore was taken vp which was brought into England this last
yeere 1576 the said Hall being present at the finding and taking vp
thereof, who was then Maister in the Gabriell with Captaine Frobisher. At
our arriuall here all the Seas about this coast were so couered ouer with
huge quantitie of great yce, that we thought these places might onely
deserue the name of Mare Glaciale, and be called the Isie Sea.

[Sidenote: The description of the straights.] This North forland is thought
to be deuided from the continent of the Northerland, by a little sound
called Halles sound, which maketh it an Iland, and is thought little lesse
then the Ile of Wight, and is the first entrance of the Straights vpon the
Norther side, and standeth in the latitude of sixtie two degrees and fiftie
minutes, and is reckoned from Frisland   leagues.[67] God hauing blessed vs
with so happie a land-fall, we bare into the Straights which runne in next
hand, and somewhat further vp to the Northwarde, and came as neere the
shore as wee might for the yce, and vpon the eighteenth day [Sidenote: No
more gold Ore found in the first Iland.] of Iuly our Generall taking the
Goldfiners with him, attempted to goe on shore with a small rowing
Pinnesse, vpon the small Islande where the Ore was taken vp, to prooue
whether there were any store thereof to be found, but he could not get in
all that Iland a peece so bigge as a Walnut, where the first was found. But
our men which sought the other Ilands thereabouts found them all to haue
good store of the Ore, whereupon our Generall with these good tidings
returned aboord about tenne of the clocke at night, and was ioyfully
welcommed of the company with a volie of shot. [Sidenote: Egs and foules of
Meta incognita. Snares set to catch birds withall.] He brought egges,
foules, and a young Seale aboord, which the companie had killed ashore, and
hauing found vpon those Ilands ginnes set to catch fowle, and stickes newe
cut, with other things, he well perceiued that not long before some of the
countrey people had resorted thither.

Hauing therefore found those tokens of the peoples accesse in those parts,
and being in his first voyage well acquainted with their subtill and cruell
disposition, hee prouided well for his better safetie, and on Friday the
nineteenth of Iuly in the morning early, with his best companie of
Gentlemen and souldiers to the number of fortie persons, went on shore,
aswell to discouer the Inland and habitation of the people, as also to
finde out some fit harborowe for our shippes. And passing towardes the
shoare with no small difficultie by reason of the abundance of yce which
lay alongst the coast so thicke togither that hardly any passage through
them might be discouered, we arriued at length vpon the maine of Halles
greater Iland, and found there also aswell as in the other small Ilands
good store of the Ore. [Sidenote: The building of a Columne, called Mount
Warwicke.] And leauiug his boates here with sufficient guarde we passed vp
into the countrey about two English miles, and recouered the toppe of a
high hill, on the top whereof our men made a Columne or Crosse of stones
heaped vp of a good heigth togither in good sort, and solemnly sounded a
Trumpet, and saide certaine prayers kneeling about the Ensigne, and
honoured the place by the name of Mount Warwicke, in remembrance of the
Right Honorable the Lord Ambrose Dudley Earle of Warwicke, whose noble mind
and good countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gaue great
encouragement and good furtherance. This done, we retyred our companies not
seeing any thing here worth further discouerie, the countrey seeming barren
and full of ragged mountaines and in most parts couered with snow.

[Sidenote: The first sight of countrie people, wafting with a flagge.] And
thus marching towards our botes, we espied certaine countrey people on the
top of Mount Warwick with a flag wafting vs backe againe and making great
noise with cries like the mowing of Buls seeming greatly desirous of
conference with vs: whereupon the Generall being therewith better
acquainted, answered them againe with the like cries, whereat and with the
noise of our trumpets they seemed greatly to reioice, skipping, laughing,
and dancing for ioy. And hereupon we made signes vnto them, holding vp two
fingers, commanding two of our men to go apart from our companies, whereby
they might do the like. [Sidenote: The meeting apart of two Englishmen with
two of that countrey.] So that forthwith two of our men and two of theirs
met together a good space from company, neither partie hauing their weapons
about them. Our men gaue them pins and points and such trifles as they had.
And they likewise bestowed on our men two bow cases and such things as they
had. They earnestly desired our men to goe vp into their countrey, and our
men offered them like kindnesse aboord our ships, but neither part (as it
seemed) admitted or trusted the others courtesie. [Sidenote: The order of
their traffique.] Their maner of traffique is thus, they doe vse to lay
downe of their marchandise vpon the ground, so much as they meane to part
withal, and so looking that the other partie with whom they make trade
should do the like, they themselues doe depart, and then if they doe like
of their Mart they come againe, and take in exchange the others
marchandise, otherwise if they like not, they take their owne and depart.
The day being thus well neere spent, in haste wee retired our companies
into our boates againe, minding foorthwith to search alongst the coast for
some harborow fit for our shippes, for the present necessitie thereof was
much, considering that all this while they lay off and on betweene the two
landes, being continually subiect aswell to great danger of fleeting yce,
which enuironed them, as to the sodaine flawes which the coast seemeth much
subiect vnto. But when the people perceiued our departure, with great
tokens of affection they earnestly called vs backe againe, following vs
almost to our boates: whereupon our Generall taking his Master with him,
who was best acquainted with their maners, went apart vnto two of them,
meaning, if they could lay sure hold vpon them, forcibly to bring them
aboord, with intent to bestow certaine toyes and apparell vpon the one, and
so to dismisse him with all arguments of curtesie, and retaine the other
for an Interpreter. [Sidenote: Another meeting of two of our men with two
of theirs.] The Generall and his Maister being met with their two
companions togither, after they had exchanged certaine things the one with
the other, one of the Saluages for lacke of better marchandise, cut off the
tayle of his coat (which is a chiefe ornament among them) and gaue it vnto
our Generall for a present. But he presently vpon a watchword giuen with
his Maister sodainely laid hold vpon the two Saluages. But the ground
vnderfoot being slipperie with the snow on the side of the hill, their
handfast fayled and their prey escaping ranne away and lightly recouered
their bow and arrowes, which they had hid not farre from them behind the
rockes. [Sidenote: The Englishmen chased to their boates.] And being onely
two Saluages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury
assaulted and pursued our Generall and his Master, being altogether
vnarmed, and not mistrusting their subtiltie that they chased them to their
boates, and hurt the Generall in the buttocke with an arrow, who the rather
speedily fled backe, becasuse they suspected a greater number behind the
rockes. Our souldiers (which were commanded before to keepe their boates)
perceiuing the danger, and hearing our men calling for shot came speedily
to rescue, thinking there had bene a greater number. But when the Saluages
heard the shot of one of our caliuers (and yet hauing first bestowed their
arrowes) they ranne away, our men speedily following them. [Sidenote: One
of that Countreymen taken.] But a seruant of my Lorde of Warwick, called
Nicholas Conger a good footman, and vncumbred with any furniture hauing
only a dagger at his backe ouertooke one of them, and being a Cornishman
and a good wrastler, shewed his companion such a Cornish tricke, that he
made his sides ake against the ground for a moneth after. And so being
stayed, he was taken aliue and brought away, but the other escaped. Thus
with their strange and new prey our men repaired to their boates, and
passed from the maine to a small Iland of a mile compasse, where they
resolued to tarrie all night; for euen now a sodaine storme was growen so
great at sea, that by no meanes they could recouer their ships. And here
euery man refreshed himselfe with a small portion of victuals which was
laide into the boates for their dinners, hauing neither eate nor drunke all
the day before. But because they knewe not how long the storme might last,
nor how farre off the shippes might be put to sea, nor whether they should
euer recouer them againe or not, they made great spare of their victuals,
as it greatly behoued them: For they knew full well that the best cheare
the countrey could yeeld them, was rockes and stones, a hard food to liue
withall, and the people more readie to eate them then to giue them
wherewithall to eate. And thus keeping verie good watch and warde, they lay
there all night vpon hard cliffes of snow and yce both wet, cold, and
comfortlesse.

These things thus hapning with the company on land, the danger of the ships
at Sea was no lesse perilous. [Sidenote: The Ayde set on fire.] For within
one houre after the Generals departing in the morning by negligence of the
Cooke in ouer-heating, and the workman in making the chimney, the Ayde was
set on fire, and had bene the confusion of the whole if by chance a boy
espying it, it had not bene speedily with great labour and Gods helpe well
extinguished,

[Sidenote: The great danger of these rockes of yce.] This day also were
diuerse stormes and flawes, and by nine of the clocke at night the storme
was growen so great, and continued such vntill the morning, that it put our
ships at sea in no small perill: for hauing mountaines of fleeting yce on
euery side, we went roomer for one, and loofed for another, some scraped
vs, and some happily escaped vs, that the least of a M. were as dangerous
to strike as any rocke, and able to haue split asunder the strongest ship
of the world. We had a scope of cleare without yce, (as God would) wherein
we turned, being otherwise compassed on euery side about: but so much was
the winde and so litle was our sea roome, that being able to beare onely
our forecourse we cast so oft about, that we made fourteene bordes in eight
glasses running, being but foure houres: [Sidenote: Night without darknes
in that countrey.] but God being our best Steresman, and by the industry of
Charles Iackman and Andrew Dyer then masters mates, both very expert
Mariners and Richard Cox the maister Gunner, with other very carefull
sailers, then within bord, and also by the helpe of the cleare nights which
are without darknesse, we did happily auoide those present dangers, whereat
since wee haue more maruelled then in the present danger feared, for that
euery man within borde, both better and worse had ynough to doe with his
hands to hale ropes, and with his eyes to looke out for danger. But the
next morning being the 20 of Iuly, as God would, the storme ceased, and the
Generall espying the ships with his new Captiue and whole company, came
happily abord, and reported what had passed a shoare, whereupon altogither
vpon our knees we gaue God humble and hartie thankes, for that it had
pleased him, from so speedy peril to send vs such speedy deliuerance, and
so from this Northerne shore we stroke ouer towards the Southerland.

[Sidenote: Our first comming on the Southerland of the sayd straights.] The
one and twentieth of Iuly, we discovered a bay which ranne into the land,
that seemed a likely harborow for our ships, wherefore our Generall rowed
thither with his boats, to make proofe thereof, and with his goldfiners to
search for Ore, hauing neuer assayed any thing on the South shore as yet,
and the first small Island which we landed vpon. [Sidenote: A Mine of
Blacke-lead.] Here all the sands and clifts did so glister and had so
bright a marquesite, that it seemed all to be gold, but vpon tryall made it
prooued no better then black-lead, and verified the prouerb. All is not
gold that glistereth.

Vpon the two and twentieth of Iuly we bare into the sayde sound, and came
to ancker a reasonable bredth off the shore, where thinking our selues in
good securitie, we were greatly endangered with a peece of drift yce, which
the Ebbe brought forth of the sounds and came thwart vs ere we were aware.
But the gentlemen and souldiers within bord taking great paines at this
pinch at the Capstone, overcame the most danger thereof, and yet for all
that might be done, it stroke on our sterne such a blow, that we feared
least it had striken away our rudder, and being forced to cut our Cable in
the hawse, we were faine to set our fore saile to runne further vp within,
and if our stirrage had not bene stronger then in the present time we
feared, we had runne the ship vpon the rockes, hauing a very narrow
Channell to turne in, but as God would, all came well to passe. [Iackmans
sound.] And this was named Iackmans sound, after the name of the Masters
mate, who had first liking vnto the place.

[Sidenote: Smiths Iland.] Vpon a small Iland, within this sound called
Smithes Iland (because he first set vp his forge there) was found a Mine of
siluer, but was not wonne out of the rockes without great labour. Here our
goldfiners made say of such Ore as they found vpon the Northerland, and
found foure sortes thereof to holde golde in good quantitie. Vpon another
small Iland here was also found a great dead fish, which as it should
seeme, had bene embayed with yce, and was in proportion round like to a
Porpose, being about twelue foote long, and in bignesse answerable, hauing
a horne of two yards long growing out of the snoute or nostrels. [Sidenote:
The finding of an Vnicornes horne.] This horne is wreathed and straite,
like in fashion to a Taper made of waxe, and may truely be thought to be
the sea Vnicorne.[68] This home is to be seene and reserued as a Iewell by
the Queenes Maiesties commandement, in her Wardrope of Robes.

Tuesday the three and twentieth of Iuly, our Generall with his best company
of gentlemen, souldiers and saylers, to the number of seuentie persons in
all, marched with ensigne displayde, vpon the continent of the Southerland
(the supposed continent of America) where, commanding a Trumpet to sound a
call for euery man to repaire to the ensigne, he declared to the whole
company how much the cause imported for the seruice of her Maiestie, our
countrey, our credits, and the safetie of our owne liues, and therefore
required euery man to be conformable to order, and to be directed by those
he should assigne. And he appointed for leaders, Captaine Fenton, Captaine
Yorke, and his Lieutenant George Beste: which done, we cast our selues into
a ring, and altogether vpon our knees, gaue God humble thanks for that it
had pleased him of his great goodnesse to preserue vs from such imminent
dangers, beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirite, so to
deliuer vs in safetie into our Countrey, whereby the light and truth of
these secrets being knowen, it might redound to the more honour of his holy
name, and consequently to the aduancement of our common wealth. And so, in
as good sort as the place suffered, we marched towards the tops of the
mountaines, which were no lesse painfull in climbing then dangerous in
descending, by reason of their steepenesse and yce. And hauing passed about
fiue miles, by such vnwieldie wayes, we returned vnto our ships without
sight of any people, or likelihood of habitation. Here diuerse of the
Gentlemen desired our Generall to suffer them to the number of twentie or
thirtie persones to march vp thirtie or fortie leagues in the countrey, to
the end they might discouer the Inland, and doe some acceptable seruice for
their countrey. But he not contented with the matter he sought for, and
well considering the short time he had in hand, and the greedie desire our
countrey hath to a present sauor and returne of gaine, bent his whole
indeuour only to find a Mine to fraight his ships, and to leave the rest
(by Gods helpe) hereafter to be well accomplished. And therefore the
twentie sixe of Iuly he departed ouer to the Northland, with the two
barkes, leauing the Ayde ryding in Iackmans sound; and ment (after hee had
found conuenient harborow, and fraight there for his ships) to discouer
further for the passage. The Barkes came the same night to ancker in a
sound vpon the Northerland, where the tydes did runne so swift, and the
place was so subiect to indrafts of yce; that by reason thereof they were
greatly endangered, and hauing found a very rich Myne, as they supposed,
and got almost twentie tunne of Ore together, vpon the 28 of Iuly the yce
came driuing into the sound where the Barkes rode, in such sort, that they
were therewith greatly distressed. And the Gabriell riding asterne the
Michael, had her Cable gauld asunder in the hawse with a peece of driuing
yce, and lost another ancker, and hauing but one cable and ancker left, for
she had lost two before, and the yce still driuing vpon her, she was (by
Gods helpe) well fenced from the danger of the rest, by one great Iland of
yce, which came a ground hard a head of her, which if it had not so
chanced, I thinke surely shee had bene cast vpon the rockes with the yce.
The Michael mored ancker vpon this great yce, and roade vnder the lee
thereof: but about midnight, by the weight of it selfe, and the setting of
the Tydes, the yce brake within halfe the Barkes length, and made vnto the
companie within boord a sodaine and fearefull noyse. [Sidenote: Beares
sound. Lecesters Iland.] The next flood toward the morning we weyed ancker,
and went further vp the straights, and leauing our Ore behind vs which we
had digged, for hast left the place by the name of Beares sound after the
masters name of the Michaell, and named the Iland Lecesters Iland.
[Sidenote: A tombe with a dead mans bones in it.] In one of the small
Ilands here we founde a Tombe, wherein the bones of a dead man lay
together, and our Sauage Captiue being with vs, and being demanded by
signes whether his countreymen had not slaine this man and eat his flesh so
from the bones, he made signes to the contrary, and that he was slaine with
Wolues and wild beasts. Here also was found hid vnder stones good store of
fish, and [Sidenote: Bridles, kniues, and other instruments found hid among
the rockes.] sundry other things of the inhabitants; as sleddes, bridles,
kettels of fish-skinnes, kniues of bone, and such other like. And our
Sauage declared vnto vs the vse of all those things. [Sidenote: They vse
great dogs to draw sleds, and little dogs for their meat.] And taking in
his hand one of those countrey bridles, he caught one of our dogges and
hampred him handsomely therein, as we doe our horses, and with a whip in
his hand, he taught the dogge to drawe in a sled as we doe horses in a
coach, setting himselfe thereupon like a guide: so that we might see they
vse dogges for that purpose that we do our horses. And we found since by
experience, that the lesser sort of dogges they feede fatte, and keepe them
as domesticall cattell in their tents for their eating, and the greater
sort serue for the vse of drawing their sleds.

The twentie ninth of Iuly, about fiue leagues from Beares sound, we
discouered a Bay which being fenced on ech side with smal Ilands lying off
the maine, which breake the force of the tides, and make the place free
from any indrafts of yce, did prooue a very fit harborow for our ships,
where we came to ancker vnder a small Ilande, which now together with the
sound is called by the name of that right Honourable and vertuous Ladie,
Anne Countesse of Warwicke. [Sidenote: Thirty leagues discouered within the
straites.] And this is the furthest place that this yeere we haue entred vp
within the streits, and is reckoned from the Cape of the Queenes foreland,
which is the entrance of the streites not aboue 30 leagues. Vpon this Iland
was found good store of Ore, which in the washing helde golde to our
thinking plainly to be seene: whereupon it was thought best rather to load
here, where there was store and indifferent good, then to seeke further for
better, and spend time with ieoperdie. [Sidenote: A good president of a
good Captain shewed by Captain Frobisher.] And therefore our Generall
setting the Myners to worke, and shewing first a good president of a
painefull labourer and a goode Captaine in himselfe, gaue good examples for
other to follow him: whereupon euery man both better and worse, with their
best endeuours willingly layde to their helping hands. And the next day,
being the thirtieth of Iuly, the Michaell was sent ouer to Iackmans sound,
for the Ayde and the whole companie to come thither. [Sidenote: The maner
of their houses in this country.] Vpon the maine land ouer against the
Countesses Iland we discouered and behelde to our greate maruell the poore
caues and houses of those countrey people, which serue them (as it should
seeme) for their winter dwellings, and are made two fadome vnder grounde,
in compasse round, like to an Ouen, being ioyned fast one by another,
hauing holes like to a Foxe or Conny berry, to keepe and come togither.
They vndertrenched these places with gutters so, that the water falling
from the hilles aboue them, may slide away without their annoyance: and are
seated commonly in the foote of a hill, to shield them better from the cold
windes, hauing their doore and entrance euer open towards the South.
[Sidenote: Whales bones vsed in stead of timber.] From the ground vpward
they builde with whales bones, for lacke of timber, which bending one ouer
another, are handsomely compacted in the top together, and are couered ouer
with Seales skinnes, which in stead of tiles, fence them from the raine. In
which house they haue only one roome, hauing the one halfe of the floure
raised with broad stones a foot higher than the other, whereon strawing
Mosse, they make their nests to sleep in. [Sidenote: The sluttishness of
these people.] They defile these dennes most filthily with their beastly
feeding, and dwell so long in a place (as we thinke) vntill their
sluttishnes lothing them, they are forced to seeke a sweeter ayre, and a
new seate, and are (no doubt) a dispersed and wandring nation, as the
Tartarians, and liue in hords and troupes, without any certaine abode, as
may appeare by sundry circumstances of our experience.

[Sidenote: A signe set vp by the sauage captiue, and the meaning thereof.]
Here our captiue being ashore with vs, to declare the vse of such things as
we saw, stayd himselfe alone behind the company, and did set vp fiue small
stickes round in a circle one by another, with one smal bone placed iust in
the middest of all: which thing when one of our men perceiued, he called vs
backe to behold the matter, thinking that hee had meant some charme or
witchcraft therein. But the best coniecture we could make thereof was, that
hee would thereby his countreymen should vnderstand, that for our fiue men
which they betrayed the last yeere (whom he signified by the fiue stickes)
he was taken and kept prisoner, which he signified by the bone in the
midst. [Sidenote: The sauage captiue amazed at his countreimans picture.]
For afterwards when we shewed him the picture of his countreman, which the
last yeere was brought into England (whose counterfeit we had drawen with
boate and other furniture, both as he was in his own, and also in English
apparel) he was vpon the sudden much amazed thereat, and beholding
aduisedly the same with silence a good while, as though he would streine
courtesie whether should begin the speech (for he thought him no doubt a
liuely creature) at length began to question with him, as with his
companion, and finding him dumb and mute, seemed to suspect him, as one
disdeinfull, and would with a little helpe haue growen into choller at the
matter, vntill at last by feeling and handling, hee found him but a
deceiuing picture. And then with great noise and cryes, ceased not
wondring, thinking that we could make men liue or die at our pleasure.

And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance, he gaue vs plainely to
vnderstand by signes, that he had knowledge of the taking of our fiue men
the last yeere, and confessing the maner of ech thing, numbred the fiue men
vpon his fiue fingers, and pointed vnto a boat in our ship, which was like
vnto that wherein our men were betrayed: And when we made him signes, that
they were slaine and eaten, he earnestly denied, and made signes to the
contrary.

[Sidenote: Another shew of twenty persons of that countrey in one boate.]
The last of Iuly the Michael returned with the Aide to vs from the
Southerland, and came to anker by vs in the Countesse of Watwicks sound,
and reported that since we departed from Iackmans sound there happened
nothing among them there greatly worth the remembrance, vntill the
thirtieth of Iuly, when certaine of our company being a shoare vpon a small
Island within the sayd Iackmans sound, neere the place where the Aide rode,
did espie a long boat with diuers of the countrey people therein, to the
number of eighteene or twenty persons, whom so soone as our men perceiued,
they returned speedily aboord, to giue notice thereof vnto our company.
They might perceiue these people climbing vp to the top of a hill, where
with a flagge, they wafted vnto our ship, and made great out cries and
noyses, like so many Buls. Hereupon our men did presently man foorth a
small skiffe, hauing not aboue sixe or seuen persons therein, which rowed
neere the place where those people were, to prooue if they could haue any
conference with them. But after this small boate was sent a greater, being
wel appointed for their rescue, if need required.

As soone as they espied our company comming neere them, they tooke their
boates and hasted away, either for feare, or else for pollicie, to draw our
men from rescue further within their danger: wherefore our men construing
that their comming thither was but to seeke aduantage, followed speedily
after them, but they rowed so swiftly away, that our men could come nothing
neere them. Howbeit they failed not of their best indeuour in rowing, and
hauing chased them aboue two miles into the sea, returned into their ships
againe.

[Sidenote: Yorkes sound.] The morning following being the first of August,
Captaine Yorke with the Michael came into Iackmans sound, and declared vnto
the company there, that the last night past he came to anker in a certaine
baye (which sithens was named Yorkes sound) about foure leagues distant
from Iackmans sound, being put to leeward of that place for lacke of winde,
where he discouered certaine tents of the countrey people, where going with
his company ashore, he entred into them, but found the people departed, as
it should seeme, for feare of their comming. But amongst sundry strange
things which in these tents they found, there was rawe and new killed flesh
of vnknowen sorts, with dead carcases and bones of dogs, and I know not
what. [Sidenote: The apparel found againe of our English men which the yere
before were taken.] They also beheld (to their greatest marueile) a dublet
of Canuas made after the English fashion, a shirt, a girdle, three shoes
for contrary feete, and of vnequall bignesse, which they well coniectured
to be the apparell of our fiue poore countreymen, which were intercepted
the last yeere by these Countrey people, about fiftie leagues from this
place, further within the Straights. [Sidenote: A good deuise of Captaine
Yorke.] Whereupon our men being in good hope, that some of them might be
here, and yet liuing: the Captaine deuising for the best left his mind
behind him in writing, with pen, yncke, and paper also, whereby our poore
captiue countrymen, if it might come to their hands, might know their
friends minds, and of their arriuall, and likewise returne their answere.
And so without taking any thing away in their tents, leauing there also
looking glasses, points, and other of our toyes (the better to allure them
by such friendly meanes) departed aboord his Barker, with intent to make
haste to the Aide, to giue notice vnto the company of all such things as he
had there discouered: and so meant to returne to these tents againe, hoping
that he might by force or policie intrappe or intice the people to some
friendly conference. Which things when he had deliuered to the whole
company there, they determined forthwith to go in hand with the matter.
Hereupon Captaine Yorke with the master of the Aide and his mate (who the
night before had bene at the tents, and came ouer from the other side in
the Michael with him) being accompanied with the Gentlemen and souldiors to
the number of thirty or forty persons in two small rowing Pinnasses made
towards the place, where the night before they discovered the tents of
those people, and setting Charles Iackman, being the Masters mate, ashore
with a convenient number, for that he could best guide them to the place,
they marched ouer land, meaning to compasse them on the one side, whilest
the Captaine with his boates might entrap them on the other side. But
landing at last at the place where the night before they left them, they
found them with their tents remoued. Notwithstanding, our men which marched
vp into the countrey, passing ouer two or three mountaines, by chance
espied certaine tents in a valley vnderneath them neere vnto a creeke by
the Sea side, which because it was not the place where the guide had bene
the night before, they iudged them to be another company, and be setting
them about, determined to take them if they could. [Sidenote: The Sauages
haue boats of sundry bignes.] But they having quickly descried our
companie, launched one great and another smal boat, being about 16 or 18
persons, and very narrowly escaping, put themselues to sea. [Sidenote: The
Englishmen pursue those people of that countrey. The swift rowing of those
people.] Whereupon our souldiers discharged their Caliuers, and followed
them, thinking the noise therof being heard to our boats at sea, our men
there would make what speede they might to that place. [Sidenote: The
bloody point. Yorkes sound.] And thereupon indeede our men which were in
the boates (crossing vpon them in the mouth of the sound whereby their
passage was let from getting sea roome, wherein it had bene impossible for
vs to ouertake them by rowing) forced them to put themselues ashore vpon a
point of land within the sayd sound (which vpon the occasion of the
slaughter there, was since named The bloody point) whereunto our men so
speedily followed, that they had little leisure left them to make any
escape. But so soone as they landed each of them brake his Oare, thinking
by that meanes to preuent vs, in carrying away their boates for want of
Oares. [Sidenote: A hot skirmish betweene the English and them of that
countrey.] And desperately returning vpon our men, resisted them manfully
in their landing, so long as their arrowes and dartes lasted, and after
gathering vp those arrowes which our men shot at them, yea, and plucking
our arrowes out of their bodies incountred fresh againe, and maintained
their cause vntill both weapons and life fayled them. [Sidenote: The
desperate nature of those people.] And when they found they were mortally
wounded, being ignorant what mercy meaneth, with deadly fury they cast
themselues headlong from off the rockes into the sea, least perhaps their
enemies should receiue glory or prey of their dead carcaises, for they
supposed vs belike to be Canibals or eaters of mans flesh. [Sidenote: The
taking of the woman and her child.] In this conflict one of our men was
dangerously hurt in the belly with one of their arrowes, and of them were
slaine fiue or sixe, the rest by flight escaping among the rockes, sauing
two women, whereof the one being old and vgly, our men thought shee had
bene a deuill or some witch, and therefore let her goe: the other being
yong, and cumbred with a sucking childe at her backe, hiding her selfe
behind the rockes, was espied by one of our men, who supposing she had bene
a man, shot through the haire of her head, and pierced through the childs
arme, whereupon she cried out, and our Surgeon meaning to heale her childes
arme, applyed salues thereunto. [Sidenote: A prety kind of surgery which
nature teacheth.] But she not acquainted with such kind of surgery, plucked
those salues away, and by continuall licking with her owne tongue, not much
vnlike our dogs, healed vp the childes arme. And because the day was
welneere spent our men made haste vnto the rest of our company which on the
other side of the water remained at the tents, where they found by the
apparell, letter, and other English furniture, that they were the same
company which Captaine Yorke discouered the night before, hauing remoued
themselues from the place where he left them.

And now considering their sudden flying from our men, and their desperate
maner of fighting, we began to suspect that we had heard the last newes of
our men which the last yere were betrayed of these people. And considering
also their rauenous and bloody disposition in eating any kind of raw flesh
or carrion howsoeuer stinking, it is to bee thought that they had slaine
and deuoured our men: For the dublet which was found in their tents had
many holes therein being made with their arrowes and darts.

But now the night being at hand, our men with their captiues and such poore
stuffe as they found in their tents, returned towards their ships, when
being at sea, there arose a sudden flaw of winde, which was not a little
dangerous for their small boates: but as God would they came all safely
aboord. And with these good newes they returned (as before mentioned) into
the Countesse of Warwicks sound vnto vs. [Sidenote: The narrowest place of
the Straites is 9. leagues ouer.] And betweene Iackmans sound, from whence
they came, and the Countesse of Warwicks sound betweene land, and land,
being thought the narrowest place of the Straights were iudged nine leagues
ouer at the least: [Sidenote: The Queenes Cape.] and Iackmans sound being
vpon the Southerland, lyeth directly almost ouer against the Countesses
sound, as is reckoned scarce thirty leagues within the Straights from the
Queenes Cape, which is the entrance of the Streits of the Southerland. This
Cape being named Queene Elizabeths Cape, standeth in the latitude of 62
degrees and a halfe to the Northwards of New found land, and vpon the same
continent, for any thing that is yet knowen to the contrary. [Sidenote: The
maner of the meeting of the two captiues, and their entertainment.] Hauing
now got a woman captiue for the comfort of our man, we brought them both
together, and euery man with silence desired to behold the maner of their
meeting and entertainment, the which was more worth the beholding than can
be well expressed by writing. At their first encountring they beheld each
the other very wistly a good space, without speech or word vttered, with
great change of colour and countenance, as though it seemed the griefe and
disdeine of their captiuity had taken away the vse of their tongues and
vtterance: the woman at the first very suddenly, as though she disdeined or
regarded not the man, turned away, and began to sing as though she minded
another matter: but being againe brought together, the man brake vp the
silence first, and with sterne and stayed countenance, began to tell a long
solemne tale to the woman, whereunto she gaue good hearing, and interrupted
him nothing, till he had finished, and afterwards, being growen into more
familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned together, so that (I
thinke) the one would hardly haue liued without the comfort of the other.
And for so much as we could perceiue, albeit they liued continually
together, yet they did neuer vse as man and wife, though the woman spared
not to doe all necessary things that appertained to a good housewife
indifferently for them both, as in making cleane their Cabin, and euery
other thing that appertained to his ease: for when he was seasicke, she
would make him cleane, she would kill and flea the dogs for their eating,
and dresse his meate. [Sidenote: The shamefastess and chastity of those
Sauage captiues.] Only I think it worth the noting, the continencie of them
both: for the man would neuer shift hemselfe, except he had first caused
the woman to depart out of his cabin, and they both were most shamefast,
least any of their priue parts should be discouered, either of themselues,
or any other body.

[Sidenote: Another appearance of the countrey people.] On Munday the sixth
of August, the Lieutenant with all the Souldiers, for the better garde of
the Myners and other things a shore, pitched their tents in the Countesses
Island, and fortifyed the place for their better defence as well as they
could, and were to the number of forty persons, when being all at labour,
they might perceiue vpon the top of a hill ouer against them a number of
the countrey people wafting with a flag, and making great outcries vnto
them, and were of the same companie, which had encountred lately our men
vpon the other shore, being come to complaine their late losses, and to
entreate (as it seemed) for restriction of the woman and child, which our
men in the late conflict had taken and brought away; whereupon, the
Generall taking the sauage captiue with him, and setting the woman where
they might best perceiue her in the highest place in the Island, went ouer
to talke with them. This captiue at his first encounter of his friends fell
so out into teares that he could not speake a word in a great space, but
after a while, ouercomming his kindnesse, he talked at full with his
companions, and bestowed friendly vpon them such toyes and trifles as we
had giuen him, whereby we noted, that they are very kind one to another,
and greatly sorrowfull for the losse of their friends. Our Generall by
signes required his fiue men which they tooke captiue the last yeere, and
promised them, not only to release those which he had taken, but also to
reward them with great gifts and friendship. [Sidenote: Those people know
the vse of writing.] Our Sauage made signes in answere from them that our
men should be deliuered vs, and were yet liuing, and made signes likewise
vnto vs that we should write our letters vnto them, for they knew very well
the vse we haue of writing, and receiued knowledge thereof, either of our
poore captiue countreymen which they betrayed, or else by this our new
captiue who hath seene vs dayly write and repeate againe such words of his
language as we desired to learne: but they for this night, because it was
late, departed without any letter, although they called earnestly in hast
for the same. [Sidenote: A letter sent vnto the fiue English captiues.] And
the next morning early being the seuenth of August, they called againe for
the letter, which being deliuered vnto them, they speedily departed, making
signes with three fingers, and pointing to the Sunne, that they meant to
returne within 3 dayes, vntill which time we heard no more of them, and
about the time appointed they returned, in such sort as you shal afterwards
heare.

This night because the people were very neere vnto vs, the Lieutenant
caused the Trumpet to sound a call, and euery man in the Island repayring
to the Ensigne, he put them in minde of the place so farre from their
countrey wherein they liued, and the danger of a great multitude which they
were subiect vnto, if good watch and warde were not kept, for at euery low
water the enimie might come almost dryfoot from the mayne vnto vs,
wherefore he willed euery man to prepare him in good readinesse vpon all
sudden occasions, and so giuing the watch their charge, the company
departed to rest.

I thought the Captaines letter well worth the remembring, not for the
circumstance of curious enditing, but for the substance and good meaning
therein contained, and therefore haue repeated here the same, as by
himselfe it was hastily written.


The forme of M. Martin Frobishers letter to the English captiues.

In the name of God, in whom we all beleeue, who (I trust) hath preserued
your bodies and soules amongst these infidels, I commend me vnto you. I
will be glad to seeke by al meanes you can deuise for your deliuerance,
either with force, or with any commodities within my ships, which I will
not spare for your sakes, or any thing else I can doe for you. I haue
aboord, of theirs, a man, a woman, and a child, which I am contented to
deliuer for you, but the man which I caried away from hence the last yeere
is dead in England. Moreouer you may declare vnto them, that if they
deliuer you not, I will not leaue a man aliue in their countrey. And thus,
if one of you can come to speake with mee, they shall haue either the man,
woman, or childe in pawne for yon. And thus vnto God whom I trust you doe
serue, in hast I leaue you, and to him wee will dayly pray for you. This
Tuesday morning the seuenth of August. Anno 1577.

Yours to the vttermost of my power,

MARTIN FROBISHER.

[Sidenote: Postscript.] I haue sent you by these bearers, penne, ynke and
paper to write backe vnto me againe, if personally you cannot come to
certifie me of your estate.

[Sidenote: The cause why M. Frobisher entred no further within the streits
this yere.] Now had the Generall altered his determination for going any
further into the Streites at this time for any further discouery of the
passage, hauing taken a man and a woman of that countrey, which he thought
sufficient for the vse of the language: and hauing also met with these
people here, which intercepted his men the last yere, (as the apparell and
English furniture which was found in their tents, very well declared) he
knew it was but a labour lost to seeke further off, when he had found them
there at hand. And considering also the short time he had in hand, he
thought it best to bend his whole endeuour for the getting of Myne, and to
leaue the passage further to be discouered hereafter. For his commission
directed him in this voyage, onely for the searching of the Ore, and to
deferre the further discouery of the passage vntill another time.

[Sidenote: Bests bulwarke.] On Thursday the ninth of August we began to
make a small Fort for our defence in the Countesse Island, and entrenched a
corner of a cliffe, which on three parts like a wall of good height was
compassed and well fenced with the sea, and we finished the rest with
caskes of the earth, to good purpose, and this was called Bests bulwarke,
after the Lieutenants name, who first deuised the same. This was done for
that wee suspected more lest the desperate men might oppresse vs with
multitude, then any feare we had of their force, weapons, or policie of
battel; but as wisdome would vs in such place (so farre from home) not to
be of our selues altogether carelesse: [Sidenote: Their King called
Catchoe.] so the signes which our captiue made vnto vs, of the comming
downe of his Gouernour or Prince, which he called Catchoe, gaue vs occasion
to foresee what might ensue thereof, for he shewed by signes that this
Catchoe was a man of higher stature farre then any of our nation is,
[Sidenote: How he is honoured.] and he is accustomed to be caried vpon mens
shoulders.

About midnight the Lieutenant caused a false Alarme to be giuen in the
Island, to proue as well the readines of the company there ashore, as also
what helpe might be hoped for vpon the sudden from the ships if need so
required, and euery part was found in good readines vpon such a sudden.

Saturday the eleuenth of August the people shewed themselues againe, and
called vnto vs from the side of a hil ouer against vs. The General (with
good hope to heare of his men, and to haue answere of his letter) went ouer
vnto them, where they presented themselues not aboue three in sight, but
were hidden indeede in greater numbers behinde the rockes, and making
signes of delay with vs to entrappe some of vs to redeeme their owne, did
onely seek aduantage to traine our boat aboue a point of land from sight of
our companie: [Sidenote: A bladder changed for a looking glasse.] whereupon
our men iustly suspecting them, kept aloofe without their danger, and yet
set one of our company ashore which tooke vp a great bladder which one of
them offered vs, and leauing a looking glasse in the place, came into the
boate againe. [Sidenote: No newes of the English captives.] In the meane
while our men which stood in the Countesses Island to beholde, who might
better discerne them, then those of the boate, by reason they were on
higher ground, made a great outcrie vnto our men in the boate, for that
they saw diuers of the Sauages creeping behind the rockes towards our men,
wherupon the Generall presently returned without tidings of his men.

[Sidenote: To what end the bladder was delivered.] Concerning this bladder
which we receiued, our Captiue made signes that it was giuen him to keepe
water and drinke in, but we suspected rather it was giuen him to swimme and
shift away withall, for he and the woman sought diuers times to escape,
hauing loosed our boates from asterne our ships, and we neuer a boate left
to pursue them withall, and had preuailed very farre, had they not bene
very timely espied and preuented therein.

[Sidenote: Those people dancing vpon the hil toppes.] After our Generals
comming away from them they mustred themselues in our sight, vpon the top
of a hill, to the number of twenty in a rancke, all holding hands ouer
their heads, and dancing with great noise and songs together: we supposed
they made this dance and shew for vs to vnderstand that we might take view
of their whole companies and forced, meaning belike that we should doe the
same. And thus they continued vpon the hill tops vntill night, when hearing
a piece of our great Ordinance, which thundred in the hollownesse of the
high hilles, it made vnto them so fearefull a noise, that they had no great
will to tarie long after. And this was done more to make them know our
force then to doe them any hurt at all.

[Sidenote: A skirmish shewed to those people.] On Sunday the 12 of August,
Captaine Fenton trained the company, and made the souldiers maintaine a
skirmish among themselues, as well for their exercise, as for the countrey
people to behold in what readines our men were alwaies to be found, for it
was to be thought, that they lay hid in the hilles thereabout, and obserued
all the maner of our proceedings.

[Sidenote: Their flags made of bladders.] On Wednesday the fourteenth of
August, our Generall with two small boates well appointed, for that hee
suspected the countrey people to lie lurking thereabout, went vp a certaine
Bay within the Countesses sound, to search for Ore, and met againe with the
countrey people, who so soone as they saw our men made great outcries, and
with a white flag made of bladders sewed together with the guts and sinewes
of beasts, wafted vs amaine vnto them, but shewed not aboue three of their
company. But when wee came neere them, wee might perceiue a great multitude
creeping behinde the rockes, which gaue vs good cause to suspect their
traiterous meaning: whereupon we made them signes, that if they would lay
their weapons aside, and come foorth, we would deale friendly with them,
although their intent was manifested vnto vs: but for all the signes of
friendship we could make them they came still creeping towards vs behind
the rocks to get more aduantage of vs, as though we had no eyes to see
them, thinking belike that our single wits could not discouer so bare
deuises and simple drifts of theirs. Their spokesman earnestly perswaded vs
with many intising shewes, to come eate and sleepe ashore, with great
arguments of courtesie, and clapping his bare hands ouer his head in token
of peace and innocencie, willed vs to doe the like. [Sidenote: Great
offers.] But the better to allure our hungry stomackes, he brought vs a
trimme baite of raw flesh, which for fashion sake with a boat-hooke wee
caught into our boate: but when the cunning Cater perceiued his first cold
morsell could nothing sharpen our stomacks, he cast about for a new traine
of warme flesh to procure our appetites, wherefore be caused one of his
fellowes in halting maner, to come foorth as a lame man from behind the
rockes, and the better to declare his kindnes in caruing, he hoised him
vpon his shoulders, and bringing him hard to the water side where we were,
left him there limping as an easie prey to be taken of vs. His hope was
that we would bite at this baite, and speedily leape ashore within their
danger, wherby they might haue apprehended some of vs, to ransome their
friends home againe, which before we had taken. The gentlemen and souldiers
had great will to encounter them ashore, but the Generall more carefull by
processe of time to winne them, then wilfully at the first to spoile them,
would in no wise admit that any man should put himselfe in hazard ashore,
considering the matter he now intended was for the Ore, and not for the
Conquest: notwithstanding to prooue this cripples footemanship, he gaue
liberty for one to shoote: whereupon the cripple hauing a parting blow,
lightly recouered a rocke and went away a true and no fained cripple, and
hath learned his lesson for euer halting afore such cripples againe. But
his fellowes which lay hid before, full quickly then appeared in their
likenesse, and maintained the skirmish with their slings, bowes and arrowes
very fiercely, and came as neere as the water suffred them: and with as
desperate minde as hath bene seene in any men, without feare of shotte or
any thing, followed vs all along the coast, but all their shot fell short
of vs, and are of little danger. [Sidenote: An hundreth Sauages.] They had
belayed all the coast along for vs, and being dispersed so, were not well
to be numbred, but wee might discerne of them aboue an hundreth persons,
and had cause to suspect a greater number. And thus without losse or hurt
we returned to our ships againe.

Now our worke growing to an end, and hauing, onely with fiue poore Miners,
and the helpe of a few gentlemen and souldiers, brought aboord almost two
hundreth tunne of Ore in the space of twenty dayes, euery man therewithall
well comforted, determined lustily to worke a fresh for a bone[69] voyage,
to bring our labour to a speedy and happy ende.

And vpon Wednesday at night, being the one and twentieth of August, we
fully finished the whole worke. And it was now good time to leaue, for as
the men were well wearied, so their shooes and clothes were well worne,
their baskets bottoms torne out, their tooles broken, and the ships
reasonably well filled. Some with ouer-straining themselues receiued hurts
not a little dangerous, some hauing their bellies broken, and others their
legs made lame. And about this time the yce began to congeale and freeze
about our ships sides a night, which gaue vs a good argument of the Sunnes
declining Southward, and put vs in mind to make more haste homeward.

It is not a little worth the memorie, to the commendation of the gentlemen
and souldiers herein, who leauing all reputation apart, with so great
willingnesse and with couragious stomackes, haue themselues almost ouercome
in so short a time the difficultie of this so great a labour. And this to
be true, the matter, if it bee well weyed without further proofe, now
brought home doth well witnesse.

Thursday the 22 of August, we plucked downe our tents, and euery man hasted
homeward, and making bonefires vpon the top of the highest Mount of the
Island, and marching with Ensigne displayed round about the Island, wee
gaue a vollie of shotte for a farewell, in honour of the right honourable
Lady Anne, Countesse of Warwicke, whose name it beareth: and so departed
aboord.

[Sidenote: They returne.] The 23 of August hawing the wind large at West,
we set saile from out of the Countesses sound homeward, but the wind
calming we came to anker within the point of the same sound againe.

The 24 of August about three of the clocke in the morning, hauing the wind
large at West, we set saile againe, and by nine of the clocke at night, wee
left the Queenes Foreland asterne of vs, and being cleere of the Streites,
we bare further into the maine Ocean, keeping our course more Southerly, to
bring our selues the sooner vnder the latitude of our owne climate.

[Sidenote: Snow halfe a foote deepe in August.] The wind was very great at
sea, so that we lay a hull all night, and had snow halfe a foote deepe on
the hatches.

From the 24 vntil the 28 we had very much wind, but large, keeping our
course Southsoutheast, and had like to haue lost the Barkes, but by good
hap we met againe. The height being taken, we were in  [70]degrees and a
halfe.

The 29 of August the wind blew much at Northeast, so that we could beare
but onely a bunt of our foresaile, and the Barkes were not able to cary any
sayle at all.

The Michael lost company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because
that way was better knowne vnto them, and arriued at Yermouth.

[Sidenote: The Master of the Gabriell strooken ouerboord.] The 30 of August
with the force of the wind, and a surge of the sea, the Master of the
Gabriel and the boatswain were striken both ouerboord, and hardly was the
boatswain recouered, hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea,
and yet the barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within
boorde.

This Master was called William Smith, being but a yong man and a very
sufficient mariner, who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant,
told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord, and that the
Boatswain had him by the hand, and could not saue him, and so immediately
vpon the end of his tale, his dreame came right euilly to passe, and indeed
the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand, hauing hold on a rope with
the other, vntill his force fayled, and the Master drowned. The height
being taken we found ourselues to be in the latitude of  [71] degrees and a
halfe, and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two
hundreth leagues.

The last of August about midnight, we had two or three great and sudden
flawes or stormes.

The first of September the storme was growen very great, and continued
almost the whole day and night, and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes
our ship was much beaten with the seas, euery sea almost ouertaking our
poope, so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out,
and ease the rolling of our ship. And so the Gabriel not able to beare any
sayle to keepe company with vs, and our ship being higher in the poope, and
a tall ship, whereon the winde had more force to driue, went so fast away
that we lost sight of them, and left them to God and their good fortune of
Sea. [Sidenote: The Rudder of the Aide torne in twain.] The second day of
September in the morning, it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a
calme, whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine, and
almost ready to fall away. Wherefore taking the benefite of the time, we
flung half a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord, who taking great
paines vnder water, driuing plankes, and binding with ropes, did well
strengthen and mend the matter, who returned the most part more then halfe
dead out of the water, and as Gods pleasure was, the sea was calme vntill
the worke was finished. The fift of September, the height of the Sunne
being taken, we found our selues to be in the latitude of   [72] degrees
and a halfe. [Sidenote: How the latitudes were alwayes taken in this voyage
rather with the Staffe then Astrolabe.] In this voyage commonly wee tooke
the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne, because the long day
taketh away the light not onely of the Polar, but also of all other fixed
Starres. And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon,
that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued, and the degrees in
the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes: Therefore wee alwaies vsed
the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse.

Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary
winde, making our Souther way good as neere as we could, to raise our
degrees to bring ourselues with the latitude of Sylley, wee tooke the
height the tenth of September, and found our selues in the latitude
of   [73] degrees and ten minutes. The eleuenth of September about sixe a
clocke at night the winde came good Southwest, we vered sheat and set our
course Southeast.

And vpon Thursday, the twelfth of September, taking the height, we were in
the latitude of   [74] and a halfe, and reckoned our selues not past one
hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley, the weather faire, the winde
large at Westsouthwest, we kept our course Southeast.

The thirteenth day the height being taken, wee found our selues to be in
the latitude of   [75] degrees, the wind Westsouthwest, then being in the
height of Sylley, and we kept our course East, to run in with the sleeue or
chanel so called, being our narrow seas, and reckoned vs short of Sylley
twelue leagues.

Sonday, the 15 of September about foure of the clocke, we began to sound
with our lead, and had ground at 61 fadome depth, white small sandy ground,
and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley, and set our course East and by
North, Eastnortheast, and Northeast among.

The sixteenth of September, about eight of the clocke in the morning
sounding, we had 65. fadome osey[76] sand, and thought our selues thwart of
S. Georges channell a little within the banks. And bearing a small saile
all night, we made many soundings, which were about fortie fadome, and so
shallow, that we could not well tell where we were.

The seuenteenth of September we sounded, and had forty fadome, and were not
farre off the lands end, finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle
shells, and were shotte betweene Sylley and the lands ende, and being
within the bay, we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by
East way, but were faine to make another boord, the wind being at Southwest
and by West, and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands
end, to beare along the channell: and the weather cleered vp when we were
hard aboord the shore, and we made the lands end perfit, and so put vp
along Saint Georges channel. [Sidenote: The arriual of the Aide at Padstow
in Cornewall.] And the weather being very foule at sea, we coueted some
harborough, because our steerage was broken, and so came to ancor in
Padstow road in Cornewall. But riding there a very dangerous roade, we were
aduised by the Countrey, to put to Sea againe, and of the two euils, to
chose the lesse, for there was nothing but present perill where we rode:
[Sidenote: Our comming to Milford Hauen.] whereupon we plyed along the
channell to get to Londy, from whence we were againe driuen, being but an
open roade, where our anker came home, and with force of weather put to
Seas againe, and about the three and twentieth of September, arriued at
Milford Hauen in Wales, which being a very good harborough, made vs happy
men, that we had receiued such long desired safetie.

About one moneth after our arriuall here, by order from the Lords of the
Counsell, the ship came up to Bristow, where the Ore was committed to
keeping in the Castel there. [Sidenote: The arriuall of the Gabriel at
Bristow.] Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes, arriued in good
safetie, who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home
the ship, after the Master was lost, by good fortune, when she came vpon
the coast, met with a ship of Bristow at sea, who conducted her in safety
thither.

[Sidenote: The Michael arriued in the North parts. Only one man died the
voyage.] Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke
called the Michael, in the North parts, which was not a little ioyful vnto
vs, that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe, and wee
lost in all that voyage only one man, besides one that dyed at sea, which
was sicke before he came aboord, and was so desirous to follow this
enterprise, that he rather chose to dye therein, then not to be one to
attempt so notable a voyage.


The third voyage of Captaine Frobisher, pretended for the discouery of
  Cataia, by Meta Incognita, Anno Do, 1578.

The Generall being returned from the second voyage, immediately after his
arriuall in England repaired with all hast to the Court being then at
Windsore, to aduertise her Majestie of his prosperous proceeding, and good
successe in this last voyage, and of the plenty of gold Ore, with other
matters of importance which he had in those Septentrionall parts
discouered. [Sidenote: M. Frobisher commended of her Maiestie.] He was
courteously enterteyned, and heartily welcommed of many noble men, but
especially for his great aduenture, commended of her Maiestie, at whose
hands he receiued great thankes, and most gracious countenance, according
to his deserts. [Sidenote: The Gentlemen commended.] Her Highnesse also
greatly commended the rest of the Gentlemen in this seruice, for their
great forwardnes in this so dangerous an attempt: but especially she
reioyced very much, that among them there was so good order of gouernment,
so good agreement, euery man so ready in his calling, to do whatsoeuer the
Generall should command, which due commendation gratiously of her Maiestie
remembred, gaue so great encouragement to all the Captaines and Gentlemen,
that they to continue her Highnesse so good and honourable opinion of them,
haue since neither spared labour, limme, nor life, to bring this matter (so
well begun) to a happie and prosperous ende. [Sidenote: Commissioners
appointed to examine the goodnesse of the Ore.] And finding that the matter
of the golde Ore had appearance and made shew of great riches and profit,
and the hope of the passage to Cataya, by this last voyage greatly
increased, her Maiestie appointed speciall Commissioners chosen for this
purpose, gentlemen of great iudgement, art, and skill, to looke thorowly
into the cause, for the true triall and due examination thereof, and for
the full handling of all matters thereunto appertaining. [Sidenote: A name
giuen to the place new discouered.] And because that place and countrey
hath neuer heretofore bene discouered, and therefore had no speciall name,
by which it might be called and knowen, her Maiestie named it very properly
Meta Incognita, as a marke and bound vtterly hitherto vnknowen. The
commissioners after sufficient triall and proofe made of the Ore, and
hauing vnderstood by sundrie reasons, and substantiall grounds, the
possibilitie and likelyhood of the passage, aduertised her highnesse, that
the cause was of importance, and the voyage greatly worthy to be aduanced
againe. Wherevpon preparation was made of ships and all other things
necessary, with such expedition, as the time of the yeere then required.
And because it was assuredly made accompt of, that the commoditie of Mines,
there already discouered, would at the least counteruaille in all respects
the aduenturers charge, and giue further hope and likelyhood of greater
matters to follow: [Sidenote: The hope of the passage to Cataya.] it was
thought needfull, both for the better guard of those parts already found,
and for further discouery of the Inland and secrets of those countreys, and
also for further search of the passage to Cataya (whereof the hope
continually more and more increaseth) that certaine numbers of chosen
souldiers and discreet men for those purposes should be assigned to
inhabite there. [Sidenote: A forte to be built in Meta Incognita.]
Wherevpon there was a strong fort or house of timber, artificially framed,
and cunningly deuised by a notable learned man here at home, in ships to be
caried thither, wherby those men that were appointed to winter and stay
there the whole yere, might as well bee defended from the danger of snow
and colde ayre, as also fortified from the force or offence of those
countrey people, which perhaps otherwise with too great multitudes might
oppresse them. And to this great aduenture and notable exploit many well
minded and forward yong Gentlemen of our countrey willingly haue offered
themselues. And first Captaine Fenton Lieutenant generall for Captaine
Frobisher, and in charge of the company with him there, Captaine Best, and
Captaine Filpot, vnto whose good discretions the gouernment of that seruice
was chiefly commended, who, as men not regarding peril in respect of the
profit and common wealth of their countrey, were willing to abide the first
brunt and aduenture of those dangers among a sauage and brutish kinde of
people, in a place hitherto euer thought for extreme cold not habitable.
[Sidenote: A hundreth men appointed to inhabite there.] The whole number of
men which had offered, and were appointed to inhabite Meta Incognita all
the yeere, were one hundreth persons, whereof 40 should be mariners for the
vse of ships, 30 Miners for gathering the gold Ore together for the next
yere, and 30 souldiers for the better guard of the rest, within which last
number are included the Gentlemen, Goldfiners, Bakers, Carpenters, and all
necessary persons. To each of the Captaines was assigned one ship, as wel
for the further searching of the coast and countrey there, as for to
returne and bring backe their companies againe, if the necessity of the
place so vrged, or by miscarying of the fleet the next yere, they might be
disappointed of their further prouision. Being therefore thus furnished
with al necessaries, there were ready to depart vpon the said voyage 15
saile of good ships, whereof the whole number was to returne again with
their loding of gold Ore in the end of the sommer, except those 3 ships,
which should be left for the vse of those Captains which should inhabite
there the whole yere. And being in so good readinesse, the Generall with
all the Captaines came to the Court, then lying at Greenwich, to take their
leaue of her Maiestie, at whose hands they all receiued great
encouragement, and gracious countenance. [Sidenote: A chaine of gold giuen
to M. Frobisher.] Her highnesse besides other good gifts, and greater
promises, bestowed on the Generall a faire chaine of golde, and the rest of
the Captaines kissed her hand, tooke their leaue, and departed euery man
towards their charge.


The names of the Ships with their seuerall Captaines.

1 In the Aide being Admirall, was the Generall Captaine Frobisher.

2 In the Thomas Allen Viceadmirall Captaine Yorke.

3 In the Iudith Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton.

4 In the Anne Francis Captaine Best.

5 In the Hopewell Captaine Carew.

6 In the Beare Captaine Filpot.

7 In the Thomas of Ipswich Captaine Tanfield.

8 In the Emmanuel of Exceter Captaine Courtney.

9 In the Francis of Foy Captaine Moyles.

10 In the Moone Captaine Vpcot.

11 In the Emmanuel of Bridgewater Captaine Newton.

12 In the Salomon of Weymouth Captaine Randal.

13 In the Barke Dennis Captaine Kendal.

14 In the Gabriel Captaine Haruey.

15 In the Michael Captaine Kinnersly.

The sayd fifteene saile of ships arriued and met together at Harwich, the
seuen and twentieth day of May Anno 1578, where the Generall and the other
Captaines made view, and mustred their companies. And euery seuerall
Captaine receiued from the Generall certaine Articles of direction, for the
better keeping of order and company together in the way, which Articles are
as followeth.


Articles and orders to be obserued for the Fleete, set downe by Captaine
  Frobisher Generall, and deliuered in writing to euery Captaine, as well
  for keeping company, as for the course, the 31 of May.

1 In primis, to banish swearing, dice, and card-playing, and filthy
communication, and to serue God twice a day, with the ordinary seruice
vsuall in Churches of England, and to cleare the glasse, according to the
old order of England.

2 The Admirall shall carie the light, and after his light be once put out,
no man to goe a head of him, but euery man to fit his sailes to follow as
neere as they may, without endangering one another.

3 That no man shall by day or by night depart further from the Admirall
then the distance of one English mile, and as neere as they may, without
danger one of another.

4 If it chance to grow thicke, and the wind contrary, either by day or by
night, that the Admirall be forced to cast about, before her casting about
shee shall giue warning, by shooting off a peece, and to her shall answere
the Viceadmirall and the Rereadmirall each of them with a piece, if it bee
by night, or in a fogge; and that the Viceadmirall shall answere first, and
the Rereadmirall last.

5 That no man in the fleete descrying any sayle or sayles, giue vpon any
occasion any chace before he haue spoken with the Admirall.

6 That euery euening all the Fleete come vp and speake with the Admirall,
at seuen of the Clocke or betweene that and eight and if the weather will
not serue them all to speake with the Admirall, then some shall come to the
Viceadmirall, and receiue the order of their course of Master Hall chiefe
Pilot of the Fleete, as he shall direct them.

7 If to any man in the Fleete there happen any mischance, they shall
presently shoote off two peeces by day, and if it be by night, two peeces,
and shew two lights.

8 If any man in the fleete come vp in the night, and hale his fellow,
knowing him not, he shall giue him this watch-word, Before the world was
God. The other shal answere him (if he be one of our Fleete) After God came
Christ his Sonne. So that if any be found amongst vs, not of our owne
company, he that first descrieth any such sayle or sayles, shall giue
warning to the Admirall by himselfe or any other, that he can speake to,
that sailes better then he, being neerest vnto him.

9 That every ship in the fleete in the time of fogs, which continually
happen with little winds, and most part calmes, shal keepe a reasonable
noise with trumpet, drumme, or otherwise, to keepe themselues cleere one of
another.

10 If it fall out so thicke or mistie that we lay it to hull, the Admirall
shall giue warning with a piece, and putting out three lights one ouer
another, to the end that euery man may take in his sailes, and at his
setting of sayles againe doe the like if it be not cleere.

11 If any man discover land by night, that he giue the like warning, that
he doth for mischances, two lights, and two pieces, if it be by day one
piece, and put out his flagge, and strike all his sailes he hath aboord.

12 If any ship shall happen to lose company by force of weather, then any
such ship or ships shall get her into the latitude of   [77] and so keepe
that latitude vntill they get Frisland. And after they be past the West
parts of Frisland, they shall get them into the latitude of   [78] and
[79] and not to the Northward of   [80] and being once entred within the
Streites, al such ships shal euery watch shoote off a good piece, and looke
out well for smoke and fire, which those that get in first shall make euery
night, vntill all the fleete be come together.

13 That vpon the sight of an ensigne in the mast of the Admirall (a piece
being shot off) the whole fleete shall repaire to the Admirall, to
vnderstand such conference as the Generall is to haue with them.

14 If we chance to meete with any enemies, that foure ships shall attend
vpon the Admirall, viz. the Francis of Foy, the Moone, the Barke Dennis,
and the Gabriel: and foure vpon my Lieutenant generall in the Iudith, viz.
the Hopewel, the Armenal, the Beare, and the Salomon: and the other foure
vpon the Vizadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, the
Emmanuel, and the Michael.

15 If there happen any disordred person in the Fleete, that he be taken and
kept in safe custodie vntill he may conueniently be brought aboord the
Admirall, and there to receiue such punishment as his or their offences
shall deserue.

By me Martin Frobisher.


Our departure from England.

Hauing receiued these articles of direction we departed from Harwich the
one and thirtieth of May. [Sidenote: Cape Cleare the sixt of Iune.] And
sayling along the South part of England Westward, we at length came by the
coast of Ireland at Cape Cleare the sixth of Iune, and gaue chase there to
a small barke which was supposed to be a Pyrat, or Rouer on the Seas, but
it fell out indeede that they were poore men of Bristow, who had met with
such company of Frenshmen as had spoiled and slaine many of them, and left
the rest so sore wounded that they were like to perish in the sea, hauing
neither hand nor foote hole to helpe themselues with, nor victuals to
sustaine their hungry bodies. [Sidenote: A charitable deede.] Our Generall,
who well vnderstood the office of a Souldier and an Englishman, and knew
well what the necessitie of the Sea meaneth, pitying much the miserie of
the poore men, relieved them with Surgerie and Salues to heale their
hurtes, and with meate and drinke to comfort their pining hearts: some of
them hauing neither eaten nor dronke more then oliues and stinking water in
many dayes before, as they reported. And after this good deede done, hauing
a large wind, we kept our course vpon our sayd voyage without staying for
the taking in of fresh water, or any other prouision, whereof many of the
fleete were not throughly furnished: [Sidenote: Marke this current.] and
sayling towards the Northwest parts from Ireland, we mette with a great
current from out of the Southwest, which caried vs (by our reckoning) one
point to the Northeastwards of our sayd course, which current seemed to vs
to continue it selfe towards Norway, and other the Northeast parts of the
world, whereby we may be induced to beleeue, that this is the same which
the Portugals meete at Capo de buona Speranza,[81] where striking ouer from
thence to the Streites of Magellan, and finding no passage there for the
narrownesse of the sayde Streites, runneth along into the great Bay of
Mexico, where also hauing a let of land, it is forced to strike backe
againe towards the Northeast,[82] as we not onely here, but in another
place also, further to the Northwards, by good experience this yeere haue
found, as shalbe hereafter in his place more at large declared.

Now had we sayled about fourteene dayes, without sight of any land, or any
other liuing thing, except certaine foules, as Wilmots, Nodies, Gulles, &c.
which there seeme onely to liue by sea.

[Sidenote: West England.] The twentieth of Iune, at two of the clocke in
the morning, the Generall descried land, and found it to be West Frisland,
now named west England. Here the Generall, and other Gentlemen went ashore,
being the first knowen Christians that we haue true notice of, that euer
set foot vpon that ground: and therefore the Generall took possession
thereof to the vse of our Soueraigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie, and
discouered here a goodly harborough for the ships, where were also certaine
little boates of that countrey. And being there landed, they espied
certaine tents and people of that countrey, which were (as they iudge) in
all sorts, very like those of Meta Incognita, as by their apparell, and
other things which we found in their tents, appeared.

The Sauage and simple people so soone as they perceiued our men comming
towards them (supposing there had bene no other world but theirs) fled
fearefully away, as men much amazed at so strange a sight, and creatures of
humane shape, so farre in apparell, complexion, and other things different
from themselues. They left in their tents all their furniture for haste
behind them, where amongst other things were found a boxe of small nailes,
and certaine red Herrings, boords of Firre tree well cut, with diuers other
things artificially wrought: whereby it appeareth, that they haue trade
with some ciuill people, or else are indeede themselues artificiall
workmen.

Our men brought away with them onely two of their dogs, leauing in
recompense belles, looking-glasses, and diuers of our countrey toyes
behinde them.

This countrey, no doubt, promiseth good hope of great commoditie and
riches, if it may be well discouered. The description whereof you shall
finde more at large in the second voyage.

[Sidenote: Frisland supposed to be continent with Greenland.] Some are of
opinion, that this West England is firme land with the Northeast partes of
Meta Incognita, or else with Groenland. And their reason is, because the
people, apparel, boates, and other things are so like to theirs: and
another reason is, the multitude of Islands of yce, which lay betweene it
and Meta Incognita, doth argue, that on the North side there is a bay,
which cannot be but by conioyning of the two lands together.

[Sidenote: The 23rd of Iune.] And hauing a faire and large winde we
departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites, the three and twentieth
of Iune. [Sidenote: Charing Crosse.] But first wee gaue name to a high
cliffe in West England, the last that was in our sight, and for a certaine
sinulitude we called it Charing crosse. Then wee bare Southerly towards the
Sea, because to the Northwardes of this coast we met with much driuing yce,
which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might haue bene some
trouble vnto vs.

On Munday the last of Iune, wee met with many great Whales, as they had
bene Porposes.

[Sidenote: A Whale strooke a ship.] The same day the Salamander being vnder
both her corses and bonets, happened to strike a great Whale with her full
stemme, with such a blow that the ship stoode still, and stirred neither
forward or backward. The Whale thereat made a great and vgly noyse, and
cast vp his body and taile, and sowent vnder water, and within two dayes
after, there was found a great Whale dead swimming aboue water, which wee
supposed was that which the Salamander strooke.

[Sidenote: Frobishers Streites choked vp with yce.] The second day of Iuly
early in the morning we had sight of the Queenes Foreland, and bare in with
the land all the day, and passing thorow great quantity of yce, by night
were entred somewhat within the Streites, perceiuing no way to passe
further in, the whole place being frozen ouer from the one side to the
other, and as it were with many walles, mountaines, and bulwarks of yce,
choked vp the passage, and denied vs entrance. And yet doe I not thinke
that this passage or Sea hereabouts is frozen ouer at any time of the yere:
albeit it seemed so vnto vs by the abundance of yce gathered together,
which occupied the whole place. But I doe rather suppose these yce to bee
bred in the hollow soundes and freshets thereabouts: which by the heate of
the Summers Sunne, being loosed, doe emptie themselues with the ebbes into
the sea, and so gather in great abundance there together.

And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in
these parts: I doe thinke it to be rather a bare coniecture of men, then
that euer any man hath made experience of any such Sea. And that which they
speake of Mare glaciale, may be truely thought to be spoken of these parts:
[Sidenote: Salt water cannot freeze.] for this may well be called indeede
the ycie sea, but not the frozen sea, for no sea consisting of salt water
can be frozen, as I haue more at large herein shewed my opinion in my
second voyage, for it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen, which
hath his course of ebbing and flowing, especially in those places where the
tides doe ebbe and flowe aboue ten fadome. And also all these aforesayd
yce, which we sometime met a hundredth mile from lande, being gathered out
of the salt Sea, are in taste fresh, and being dissolued, become sweete and
holesome water.[83]

And the cause why this yere we haue bene more combred with yce then at
other times before, may be by reason of the Easterly and Southerly winds,
which brought vs more timely thither now then we looked for. Which blowing
from the sea directly vponn the place of our Streites, hath kept in the
yce, and not suffered them to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea,
where they would in more short time have bene dissolued. And all these
fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so
neere together, that a man may passe sometimes tenne or twelue miles as it
were vpon one firme Island of yce: but also for that they open and shut
together againe in such sort with the tides and sea-gate, that whilst one
ship followeth the other with full sayles, the yce which was open vnto the
foremost will ioyne and close together before the latter can come to follow
the first, whereby many times our shippes were brought into great danger,
as being not able so sodainely to take in our sayles or stay the swift way
of our ships.

We were forced many times to stemme and strike great rockes of yce, and so
as it were make way through mighty mountaines. By which meanes some of the
fleete, where they found the yce to open, entred in, and passed so farre
within the danger thereof, with continuall desire to recouer their port,
that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they euer escaped safe,
or were euer heard of againe. For euen at this present we missed two of the
fleete, that is, the Iudith, wherein was the Lieutenant Generall Captaine
Fenton; and the Michael, whom both we supposed had bene vtterly lost,
hauing not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes before.

[Sidenote: Barke Dennis sunke.] And one of our fleete named the Barke
Dennis, being of an hundreth tunne burden, seeking way in amongst these
yce, receiued such a blow with a rocke of yce that she sunke downe
therewith in the sight of the whole fleete. Howbeit hauing signified her
danger by shooting off a peece of great Ordinance, new succour of other
ships came so readily vnto them, that the men were all saued with boats.

[Sidenote: Part of the house lost.] Within this ship that was drowned there
was parcell of our house which was to bee erected for them that should stay
all the Winter in Meta Incognita.

This was a more fearefull spectacle for the Fleete to beholde, for that the
outragious storme which presently followed, threatned them the like fortune
and danger. For the Fleete being thus compassed (as aforesayd) on euery
side with yce, having left much behinde them, thorow which they passed, and
finding more before them, thorow which it was not possible to passe, there
arose a sudden terrible tempest at the Southeast, which blowing from the
maine sea, directly vpon the place of the Streites, brought together all
the yce a sea-boorde of vs vpon our backes, and thereby debard vs of
turning backe to recouer sea-roome againe: so that being thus compassed
with danger on euery side, sundry men with sundry deuises sought the best
way to saue themselues. Some of the ships, where they could find a place
more cleare of yce, and get a little birth of sea roome, did take in their
sayles, and there lay a drift. Other some fastened and mored Anker vpon a
great Island of yce, and roade vnder the Lee thereof, supposing to be
better guarded thereby from the outragious winds, and the danger of the
lesser fleeting yce. And againe some were so fast shut vp, and compassed in
amongst an infinite number of great countreys and Islands of yce, that they
were faine to submit themselues and their ships to the mercy of the
vnmerciful yce, and strengthened the sides of their shipps with iuncks of
cables, beds, Mastes, plankes and such like, which being hanged ouerboard
on the sides of their ships, might the better defend them from the
outragious sway and strokes of the said yce. But as in greatest distresse,
men of best valor are best to be discerned, so it is greatly worthy
commendation and noting with what inuincible minde euery Captaine
encouraged his company, and with what incredible labour the painefull
Mariners and poore Miners (vnacquainted with such extremities) to the
euerlasting renowne of our nation, did ouercome the brunt of these so great
and extreme dangers: for some, even without boord vpon the yce, and some
within boord vpon the sides of their ships, hauing poles, pikes, pieces of
timber, and Ores in their handes, stoode almost day and night without any
rest, bearing off the force, and breaking the sway of the yce with such
incredible paine and perill, that it was wonderfull to beholde, which
otherwise no doubt had striken quite through and through the sides of their
ships, notwithstanding our former prouision: for plankes of timber more
then three inches thicke, and other things of greater force and bignesse,
by the surging of the sea and billowe, with the yce were shiuered and cut
in sunder, at the sides of our ships, so that it will seeme more then
credible to be reported of. And yet (that which is more) it is faithfully
and plainely to bee prooued, and that by many substantiall witnesses, that
our ships, euen those of greatest burdens, with the meeting of contrary
waues of the sea, were heaued vp betweene Islands of yce, a foote welneere
out of the sea aboue their watermarke, hauing their knees and timbers
within boord both bowed and broken therewith.

And amidst these extremes, whilest some laboured for defence of the ships,
and sought to saue their bodies, other some of more milder spirit sought to
saue the soule by deuout prayer and meditation to the Almightie, thinking
indeede by no other meanes possible then by a diuine Miracle to haue their
deliuerance: so that there was none that were either idle, or not well
occupied, and he that helde himselfe in best securitie had (God knoweth)
but onely bare hope remayning for his best safetie.

Thus all the gallant Fleete and miserable men without hope of euer getting
foorth againe, distressed with these extremities remayned here all the
whole night and part of the next day, excepting foure ships, that is the
Annie Francis, the Moone, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriell, which being
somewhat a Seaboord of the Fleete, and being fast ships by a winde, hauing
a more scope of cleare, tryed it out all the time of the storme vnder
sayle, being hardly able to beare a coast of each.

And albeit, by reason of the fleeting yce, which were dispersed here almost
the whole sea ouer, they were brought many times to the extreamest point of
perill, mountaines of yce tenne thousand times scaping them scarce one
ynch, which to have striken had bene their present destruction, considering
the swift course and way of the ships, and the unwieldinesse of them to
stay and turne as a man would wish: yet they esteemed it their better
safetie, with such perill to seeke Sea-roome, then without hope of euer
getting libertie to lie striuing against the streame, and beating against
the Isie mountaines, whose hugenesse and monstrous greatnesse was such,
that no man would credite, but such as to their paines sawe and felt it.
And these foure shippes by the next day at noone got out to Sea, and were
first cleare of the yce, who now enioying their owne libertie, beganne a
new to sorrow and feare for their fellowes safeties. And deuoutly kneeling
about their maine Mast, they gaue vnto God humble thankes, not only for
themselues, but besought him likewise highly for their friendes
deliuerance. And euen now whilst amiddest these extremities this gallant
Fleete and valiant men were altogither ouerlaboured and forewatched, with
the long and fearefull continuance of the foresayd dangers, it pleased God
with his eyes of mercie to looke downe from heauen to sende them helpe in
good time, giuing them the next day a more favourable winde at the West
Northwest, which did not onely disperse and driue foorth the yce before
them, but also gaue them libertie of more scope and Sea-roome, and they
were by night of the same day following perceiued of the other foure
shippes, where (to their greatest comfort) they enioyed againe the
fellowship one of another. Some in mending the sides of their ships, some
in setting vp their top Mastes, and mending their sayles and tacklings;
Againe, some complayning of their false Stemme borne away, some in stopping
their leakes, some in recounting their dangers past, spent no small time
and labour. So that I dare well auouch, there were neuer men more
dangerously distressed, nor more mercifully by Gods prouidence deliuered.
And hereof both the torne ships, and the forwearied bodies of the men
arriued doe beare most euident marke and witnesse. And now the whole Fleete
plyed off to Seaward, resoluing there to abide vntill the Sunne might
consume, or the force of winde disperse these yce from the place of their
passage; and being a good birth off the shore, they tooke in their sailes,
and lay adrift.

[Sidenote: Another assault.] The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet
dismayed, we cast about towards the inward, and had sight of land, which
rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights, which some of the
Fleete, and those not the worst Marriners, iudged to be the North Foreland:
howbeit other some were of contrary opinion. [Sidenote: Fogge, snow, and
mistes hinder the Mariners markes.] But the matter was not well to be
discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the
coast, and the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the
land, and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes. And by reason of the
darke mists which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither, this
doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous. [Sidenote: A swift current
from the Northeast.] For whereas indeede we thought ourselues to be vpon
the Northeast side of Frobishers straights, we were now caried to the
Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland, and being deceiued by a swift
current comming from the Northeast, were brought to the Southwestwards of
our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to
passe. The cause whereof we haue since found, and it shall be at large
hereafter declared.

[Sidenote: A current.] Here we made a point of land which some mistooke for
a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke: but how we should be so
farre shot vp so suddainely within the said straights the expertest
Mariners began to maruell, thinking it a thing impossible that they could
be so farre ouertaken in their accounts, or that any current could deceiue
them here which they had not by former experience prooued and found out.
Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then
before time they had obserued. And truely it was wonderfull to heare and
see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so
violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned sometimes round
about euen in a moment, after the maner of a whirlepoole, and the noyse of
the streame no lesse to be heard afarre off, then the waterfall of London
Bridge.

[Sidenote: Iames Beare a good Mariner.] But whilst the Fleete lay thus
doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight
of Sunne, whereby to take the height, and so to know the true eleuation of
the pole, and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast, the
Generall with the Captaines and Masters of his ships, began doubtfully to
question of the matter, and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each man's
opinion, and specially of Iames Beare, Master of the Anne Francis, who was
knowen to be a sufficient and skillfull Mariner, and hauing bene there the
yere before, had wel obserued the place, and drawen out Cardes of the
coast. [Sidenote: Christopher Hall chiefe Pylot.] But the rather this
matter grew the more doubtfull, for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of
the voyage, deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the
whole Fleete, that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before, and that
he not could make it for any place of Frobishers Streits, as some of the
Fleete supposed, and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like, that the
best Mariners therein may bee deceiued.

The tenth of Iuly, the weather still continuing thicke and darke, some of
the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the
fleete, and wandering to and fro, with doubtfull opinion whether it were
best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce, or to
follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea, Bay, or Streites they knew not, or
along a coast, whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not
discerne the dangers, if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie of
the place, as commonly in these parts it doth.

The Viceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the
Pylot Hall, who was with him in the Thomas Allen, hauing lost sight of the
Fleete, turned backe to sea againe hauing two other ships in company with
him.

Also the Captain of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost companie of the
Fleete, and being all alone, held it for best to turne it out to sea
againe, vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude,
and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place, into
the open Sea againe, being so narrowly distressed by the way, by meanes of
continuall fogge and yce, that they were many times ready to leapt vpon an
Island of yce to auoide the present danger, and so hoping to prolong life
awhile meant rather to die a pining death.

[Sidenote: Hard shifts to saue mens liues.] Some hoped to saue themselues
on chestes, and some determined to tie the Hatches of the ships togither,
and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto, and so to be
towed with the ship bote ashore, which otherwise could not receiue halfe of
the companie, by which meanes if happily they had arriued they should
eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate, or else should themselues
haue beene eaten of those rauenous, bloodie, and Men-eating people.

The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them
the way, passing vp aboue sixtie leagues [Sidenote: The coast along the
Southside of Gronland 60 leagues.] within the saide doubtfull and supposed
straights, hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side,
and a continuance still of an open Sea before them.

[Sidenote: Mistaken straights which indeed are no straights.] The Generall
albeit with the first perchance he found out the error, and that this was
not the olde straights, yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were
in their right course, and knowen straights. Howbeit I suppose he rather
dissembled his opinion therein then otherwise, meaning by that policie
(being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discouerie) to
induce the Fleete to follow him, to see a further proofe of that place.
[Sidenote: Frobisher could haue passed to Cataia.] And as some of the
companie reported, he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the
charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships, he both would and
could haue gone through to the South Sea, called Mar del Sur, and dissolued
the long doubt of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey
of Cataya.

1 Of which mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we haue great
cause to confirme our opinion, to like and hope well of the passage in this
place. [Sidenote: Faire open way.] For the foresaid Bay or Sea, the further
we sayled therein, the wider we found it, with great likelihood of endlesse
continuance. [Sidenote: Reasons to prooue a passage here.] And where in
other places we were much troubled with yce, as in the entrance of the
same, so after we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let
of yce or other thing at all, as in other places we found.

[Sidenote: Great indrafts.] 2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous
great indraft, and draweth vnto it most of the drift yce, and other things
which doe fleete in the Sea, either to the North or Eastwards of the same,
as by good experience we haue found.

[Sidenote: A current to the West.] 3 For here also we met with boordes,
lathes, and diuers other things driuing in the Sea, which was of the wracke
of the ship called the Barke Dennis, which perished amongst the yce as
beforesaid, being lost at the first attempt of the entrance ouerthwart the
Queenes forelande in the mouth of Frobishers straights, which could by no
meanes haue bene so brought thither, neither by winde nor tyde, being lost
so many leagues off, if by force of the said current the same had not bene
violently brought. For if the same had bene brought thither by tide of
flood, looke how farre the said flood had carried it, the ebbe would haue
recarried it as farre backe againe, and by the winde it could not so come
to passe, because it was then sometime calme, and most times contrarie.

[Sidenote: Nine houres flood to three houres ebbe.] And some Mariners doe
affirme that they haue diligently obserued, that there runneth in this
place nine houres flood to three ebbe, which may thus come to passe by
force of the sayd current: for whereas the Sea in most places of the world,
doth more or lesse ordinarily ebbe and flow once euery twelue houres with
sixe houres ebbe, and sixe houres flood, so also would it doe there, were
it not for the violence of this hastening current, which forceth the flood
to make appearance to beginne before his ordinary time one houre and a
halfe, and also to continue longer than his naturall course by an other
houre and a halfe, vntill the force of the ebbe be so great that it will no
longer be resisted: according to the saying, Naturam expellas furca licet,
vsque recurret. Although nature and naturall courses be forced and resisted
neuer so much, yet at last they will haue their owne sway againe.

4 [Unnumbered in original--KTH] Moreouer it is not possible that so great
course of floods and current, so high swelling tides with continuance of so
deepe waters, can be digested here without vnburdening themselues into some
open Sea beyond this place, which argueth the more likelihood of the
passage to be hereabouts. Also we suppose these great indrafts doe grow and
are made by the reuerberation and reflection of that same currant, which at
our comming by Ireland, met and crossed vs, of which in the first part of
this discourse I spake, which comming from the bay of Mexico, passing by
and washing the Southwest parts of Ireland, reboundeth ouer to the
Northeast parts of the world, as Norway, Island, &c. where not finding any
passage to an open Sea, but rather being there encreased by a new accesse,
and another current meeting with it from the Scythian Sea, passing the bay
of Saint Nicholas Westward, it doth once againe rebound backe, by the
coastes of Groenland, and from thence vpon Frobishers straights being to
the Southwestwardes of the same.

[Sidenote: The Sea moueth continually from East to West.] 5 And if that
principle of Philosophie be true, that Inferiora corpora reguntur à
superioribus, that is, if inferior bodies be gouerned, ruled, and carried
after the maner and course of the superiors, then the water being an
inferior Element, must needes be gouerned after the superior heauen, and so
follow the course of Primum from East to West.[84]

[Sidenote: Authoritie.] 6 But euery man that hath written or considered any
thing of this passage, hath more doubted the returne by the same way by
reason of a great downefall of water, which they imagine to be thereabouts
(which we also by experience partly find) than any mistrust they haue of
the same passage at all. [Sidenote: Hard but yet possible turning backe
again.] For we find (as it were) a great downefall in this place, but yet
not such but that we may returne, although with much adoe. For we were
easier carried in one houre then we could get forth againe in three. Also
by another experience at another time, we found this current to deceiue vs
in this sort: That wheras we supposed it to be 15 leagues off, and lying a
hull, we were brought within two leagues of the shore contrarie to all
expectation.

Our men that sayled furthest in the same mistaken straights (hauing the
maine land vpon their starboord side) affirme that they met with the outlet
or passage of water which commeth thorow Frobishers straights, and
followeth as all one into this passage.

Some of our companie also affirme that they had sight of a continent vpon
their larboord side being 60 leagues within the supposed straights: howbeit
except certaine Ilands in the entrance hereof we could make no part perfect
thereof. All the foresaid tract of land seemeth to be more fruitfull and
better stored of Grasse, Deere, Wilde foule, as Partridges, Larkes,
Seamewes, Guls, Wilmots, Falcons and Tassel gentils, Rauens, Beares, Hares,
Foxes, and other things, than any other part we haue yet discouered, and is
more populous. [Sidenote: Traffique.] And here Luke Ward, a Gentleman of
the companie, traded marchandise, and did exchange kniues, bels, looking
glasses, &c. with those countrey people, who brought him foule, fish,
beares skinnes, and such like, as their countrey yeeldeth for the same.
Here also they saw of those greater boats of the countrey, with twentie
persons in a peece.

Now after the Generall had bestowed these many dayes here, not without many
dangers, he returned backs againe. And by the way sayling alongst this
coast (being the backeside of the supposed continent of America) and the
Queenes Foreland, he perceiued a great sound to goe thorow into Frobishers
straights. [Sidenote: Returne out of the mistaken straights.] Whereupon he
sent the Gabriel the one and twentieth of Iuly, to prooue whether they
might goe thorow and meete againe with him in the straights, which they
did: and as wee imagined before, so the Queenes foreland prooued an Iland,
as I thinke most of these supposed continents will. And so he departed
towardes the straights, thinking it were high time now to recouer his Port,
and to prouide the Fleete of their lading, whereof he was not a little
carefull, as shall by the processe and his resolute attempts appeare. And
in his returne with the rest of the fleete he was so entangled by reason of
the darke fogge amongst a number of Ilands and broken ground that lye off
this coast, that many of the shippes came ouer the top of rockes, which
presently after they might perceiue to lie dry, hauing not halfe a foote
water more then some of their ships did draw. And by reason they could not
with a smal gale of wind stemme the force of the flood, whereby to goe
cleare off the rockes, they were faine to let an anker fall with two bent
of Cable togither, at an hundred and odde fadome depth, where otherwise
they had bene by the force of the tides caried vpon the rockes againe, and
perished: [Sidenote: Great dangers.] so that if God in these fortunes (as a
mercifull guide, beyond the expectation of man) had not carried vs thorow,
we had surely perished amidst these dangers. For being many times driuen
hard aboord the shore without any sight of land, vntill we were ready to
make shipwracke thereon, being forced commonly with our boats to sound
before our ships, least we might light thereon before we could discerne the
same; it pleased God to giue vs a cleare of Sunne and light for a short
time to see and auoyde thereby the danger, hauing bene continually darke
before, and presently after. Manie times also by meanes of fogge and
currents being driuen neere vpon the coast, God lent vs euen at the very
pinch one prosperous breath of winde or other, whereby to double the land,
and auoid the perill, and when that we were all without hope of helpe,
euery man recommending himselfe to death, and crying out, Lord now helpe or
neuer, now Lord looke downe from heauen and saue vs sinners, or else our
safetie commeth too late: euen then the mightie maker of heauen, and our
mercifull God did deliuer vs: so that they who haue bene partakers of these
dangers doe euen in their soules confesse, that God euen by miracle hath
sought to saue them, whose name be praysed euermore.

Long time now the Anne Francis had layne beating off and on all alone
before the Queenes foreland, not being able to recouer their Port for yce,
albeit many times they dangerously attempted it, for yet the yce choaked vp
the passage, and would not suffer them to enter. [Sidenote: Anne Francis
met with some of the fleete.] And hauing neuer seene any of the fleete
since twenty dayes past, when by reason of the thicke mistes they were
seuered in the mistaken straights, they did now this present 23 of Iuly
ouerthwart a place in the straights called Hattons Hedland, where they met
with seuen ships of the Fleete againe, which good hap did not onely reioyce
them for themselues, in respect of the comfort which they receiued by such
good companie, but especially that by this meanes they were put out of
doubt of their deare friends, whose safeties long time they did not a
little suspect, and feare.

At their meeting they haled the Admirall after the maner of the Sea, and
with great ioy welcommed one another with a thundring volly of shot. And
now euery man declared at large the fortunes and dangers which they had
passed.

[Sidenote: Francis of Foy.] The foure and twentieth of Iuly we met with the
Francis of Foy, who with much adoe sought way backe againe, through the yce
from out of the mistaken straights, where (to their great perill) they
prooued to recouer their Port. [Sidenote: Bridgwater ship.] They brought
the first newes of the Vizadmirall Captaine Yorke, who many dayes with
themselues, and the Busse of Bridgewater was missing. They reported that
they left the Vizeadmirall reasonably cleare of the yce, but the other ship
they greatly feared, whom they could not come to helpe, being themselues so
hardly distressed as neuer men more. Also they told vs of the Gabriel, who
hauing got thorow from the backside, and Western point of the Queenes
foreland, into Frobishers straights, fell into their company about the cape
of Good hope.

And vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, the ship of Bridgewater got out
of the yce and met with the Fleete which lay off and on vnder Hattons
Hedland. They reported of their maruellous accidents and dangers, declaring
their ship to be so leake that they must of necessitie seeke harborow,
hauing their stem so beaten within their huddings, that they had much adoe
to keepe themselues aboue water. They had (as they say) fiue hundreth
strokes at the pump in lesse then halfe a watch, being scarce two houres;
their men being so ouerwearied therewith, and with the former dangers that
they desired helpe of men from the other ships. [Sidenote: The Streits
frozen ouer.] Moreouer they declared that there was nothing but yce and
danger where they had bene, and that the straights within were frozen vp,
and that it was the most impossible thing of the world, to passe vp vnto
the Countesse of Warwicks sound, which was the place of our Port.

The report of these dangers by these ships thus published amongst the
fleete, with the remembrance of the perils past, and those present before
their face, brought no small feare and terror into the hearts of many
considerate men. So that some beganne priuily to murmure against the
Generall for this wilfull manner of proceeding. Some desired to discouer
some harborow therebouts to refresh themselues and reform their broken
vessels for a while, vntill the North and Northwest windes might disperse
the yce, and make the place more free to passe. Other some forgetting
themselues, spake more vndutifully in this behalfe, saying: that they had
as leeue be hanged when they came home, as without hope of safetie to seeke
to passe, and so to perish amongst the yce.

[Sidenote: A valiant mind of M. Frobisher.] The Generall not opening his
eares to the peeuish passion of any priuate person, but chiefly respecting
the accomplishment of the cause he had vndertaken (wherein the chiefe
reputation and fame of a Generall and Captaine consisteth) and calling to
his remembrance the short time he had in hand to prouide so great number of
ships their loading, determined with this resolution to passe and recouer
his Port, or else there to burie himselfe with his attempt.

Notwithstanding somewhat to appease the feeble passions of the fearefuller
sort, and the better to entertaine time for a season, whilest the yce might
the better be dissolued, he haled on the Fleete with beleefe that he would
put them in harborow: thereupon whilest the shippes lay off and on under
Hattons Hedland, he sought to goe in with his Pinnesses amongst the Ilandes
there, as though hee meant to search for harborowe, where indeede he meant
nothing lesse, but rather sought if any Ore might be found in that place,
as by the sequele appeared.

In the mean time whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull without any certaine
resolution what to do, being hard aboord the lee-shore, there arose a
sodaine and terrible tempest at the Southsoutheast, whereby the yce began
maruellously to gather about vs.

Whereupon euery man, as in such case of extremitie he thought best, sought
the wisest way for his owne safety. The most part of the Fleete which were
further shot vp within the straights, and so farre to the leeward, as that
they could not double the land following the course of the Generall, who
led them the way, tooke in their Sayles, and layde it a hull amongst the
yce, and so passed ouer the storme, and had no extremitie at all, but for a
short time in the same place.

Howbeit the other ships which plyed out to Seaward, had an extreme storme
for a long season. And the nature of the place is such, that it is subiect
diuersely to diuers windes, according to the sundry situation of the great
Alps and mountaines there, euery mountaine causing a seuerall blast, and
parrie, after the maner of a Leuant.

[Sidenote: Snow in Iuly.] In this storme being the sixe and twentieth of
Iuly, there fell so much snow, with such bitter cold aire, that we could
not scarse see one another for the same, nor open our eyes to handle, our
ropes and sayles, the snow being aboue halfe a foote deepe vpon the hatches
of our ship, which did so wet thorow our poore Mariners clothes, that hee
that had fiue or sixe shifts of apparell had scarce one drie threed to his
backe, which kinde of wet and coldnesse, together with the ouerlabouring of
the poore men amiddest the yce, bred no small sicknesse amongst the fleete,
[Sidenote: Extreme winter.] which somewhat discouraged some of the poore
men, who had not experience of the like before, euery man perswading
himselfe that the winter there must needes be extreme, where they found so
vnseasonable a Sommer.

[Sidenote: Great heat in Meta Incognita.] And yet notwithstanding this cold
aire, the Sunne many times hath a maruellous force of heate amongst those
mountaines; [Sidenote: Vnconstant weather.] insomuch that when there is no
breth of winde to bring the colde aire from the dispersed yce vpon vs, we
shall be wearie of the blooming heate and then sodainely with a perry[85]
of winde which commeth downe from the hollownesse of the hilles, we shall
haue such a breth of heate brought vpon our faces as though we were entred
within some bathstoue or hote-house, and when the first of the pirry and
blast is past, we shall haue the winde sodainely a new blow cold againe.

In this storme the Anne Francis, the Moone, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who
found themselues able to hold it vp with a saile, and could double about
the Cape of the Queenes foreland, plyed out to the Seaward, holding it for
better policie and safetie to seeke Sea roome, then to hazard the
continuance of the storme, the danger of the yce, and the leeshore.

And being vncertaine at this time of the Generals priuate determinations,
the weather being so darke that they could not discerne one another, nor
perceiue which way he wrought, betooke themselues to this course for best
and safest.

[Sidenote: The Generall recouereth his port.] The Generall, notwithstanding
the great storme, following his own former resolution, sought by all meanes
possible, by a shorter way to recouer his Port, and where he saw the yce
neuer so little open, he gate in at one gappe and out at another, and so
himselfe valiantly led the way thorow before to induce the Fleete to follow
after, and with incredible paine and perill at length gat through the yce,
and vpon the one and thirtieth of Iuly recouered his long wished Port after
many attempts and sundry times being put backe, and came to anker in the
Countesse of Warwicks sound, in the entrance whereof, when he thought all
perill past, he encountred a great Iland of yce which gaue the Ayde such a
blow, hauing a little before wayed her anker a cocke bill, that it stroke
the anker fluke through the ships bowes vnder the water, which caused so
great a leake, that with much adoe they preserued the ship from sinking.

At their arriuall here they perceiued two ships at anker within the
harborough, whereat they began much to maruell and greatly to reioyce, for
those they knew to be the Michael, wherein was the Lieutenant generall
Captaine Fenton, and the small Barke called the Gabriel, who so long time
were missing, and neuer heard of before, whom euery man made the last
reckoning, neuer to heare of againe.

[Sidenote: Master Wolfall Preacher.] Here euery man greatly reioyced of
their happie meeting, and welcommed one another, after the Sea manner with
their great Ordinance, and when each partie had ripped vp their sundry
fortunes and perils past, they highly praysed God, and altogither vpon
their knees gaue him due, humble and heartie thankes, and Maister Wolfall a
learned man, appointed by her Maiesties Councell to be their Minister and
Preacher made vnto them a godly sermon, exhorting them especially to be
thankfull to God for their strange and miraculous deliuerance in those so
dangerous places, and putting them in mind of the vncertaintie of mans
life, willed them to make themselues alwayes readie as resolute men to
enioy and accept thankefully whatsoeuer aduenture his diuine Prouidence
should appoint. This maister Wolfall being well seated and settled at home
in his owne Countrey, with a good and large liuing, hauing a good honest
woman to wife and very towardly children, being of good reputation among
the best, refused not to take in hand this painefull voyage, for the onely
care he had to saue soules, and to reforme those Infidels if it were
possible to Christiantie: and also partly for the great desire he had that
this notable voyage so well begunne, might be brought to perfection: and
therefore he was contented to stay there the whole yeare if occasion had
serued, being in euery necessary action as forward as the resolutest men of
all. Wherefore in this behalfe he may rightly be called a true Pastor and
minister of God's word, which for the profite of his flocke spared not to
venture his owne life.

[Sidenote: The aduentures of Captain Fenton and his companie.] But to
returne againe to Captaine Fentons company, and to speake somewhat of their
dangers (albeit they be more then by writing can be expressed) they
reported that from the night of the first storme which was about the first
day of Iuly vntill seuen dayes before the Generals arriuall, which was the
sixe and twentith of the same, they neuer saw any one day or houre, wherin
they were not troubled with continuall danger and feare of death, and were
twentie dayes almost togither fast amongst the yce. They had their ship
stricken through and through on both sides, their false stemme borne quite
away, and could goe from their ships in some places vpon the yce very many
miles, and might easily haue passed from one Iland of yce to another euen
to the shore, [Sidenote: Extremitie causeth men to deuise new arts and
remedies.] and if God had not wonderfully prouided for them and their
necessitie, and time had not made them more cunning and wise to seeke
strange remedies for strange kindes of dangers, it had bene impossible for
them euer to haue escaped: for among other deuises, wheresoeuer they found
any Iland of yce of greater bignesse then the rest (as there be some of
more then halfe a mile compasse about, and almost forty fadome high) they
commonly coueted to recouer the same, and thereof to make a bulwarke for
their defence, whereon hauing mored anker, they road vnder the lee therof
for a time, being therby garded from the danger of the lesser driuing yce.
[Sidenote: Hard shifts.] But when they must needes forgoe this new found
fort by meanes of other yce, which at length would vndermine and compasse
them round about, and when that by heauing of the billow they were
therewith like to be brused in peeces, they vsed to make fast the shippe
vnto the most firme and broad peece of yce they could find, and binding her
nose fast thereunto, would fill all their sayles whereon the winde hauing
great power, would force forward the ship, and so the shippe bearing before
her the yce, and so one yce driuing forward another, should at length get
scope and searoome. And hauing by this meanes at length put their enemies
to flight, they occupyed the cleare place for a prettie season among sundry
mountaines and Alpes of yce. One there was found by measure to be 65 fadome
aboue water, which for a kind of similitude, was called Solomons porch.
Some thinke those Ilands eight times so much vnder water as they are aboue,
because of their monstrous weight. [Sidenote: Strange wonders.] But now I
remember I saw very strange wonders, men walking, running, leaping and
shooting vpon the mayne seas 40. myles from any land, without any Shippe or
other vessel vnder them. Also I saw fresh Riuers running amidst the salt
Sea a hundred myle from land, which if any man will not belieue let him
know that many of our company leapt out of their Shippe vpon Ilandes of
yce, and running there vp and downe, did shoote at Buts vpon the yce, and
with their Caliuers did kill great Seales, which vse to lye and sleepe vpon
the yce, and this yce melting aboue at the toppe by reflection of the
Sunne, came downe in sundry streames, which vniting together, made a pretie
Brooke able to driue a Mill.

The sayde Captaine Fenton recouered his Port tenne dayes before any man,
and spent good tyme in searching for Mine, and hee found good store
thereof. He also discouered about tenne Miles vp into the Countrey, where
he perceiued neither Towne, Village, nor likelihoode of habitation, but it
seemeth (as he sayeth) barren, as the other parts, which as yet we haue
entred vpon: but their victuals and prouision went so scant with them, that
they had determined to returne homeward within seuen dayes after, if the
Fleete had not then arriued.

The Generall after his arriual in the Countesses sound, spent no time in
vaine, but immediately at his first landing called the chiefe Captaines of
his Councell together, and consulted with them for the speedier execution
of such things as then they had in hand. As first, for searching and
finding out good Minerall for the Miners to be occupyed on. Then to giue
good Orders to bee obserued of the whole company on shore. And lastly, to
consider for the erecting vp of the Fort and House for the vse of them
which were to abide there the whole yeere. For the better handling of
these, and all other like important causes in this seruice, it was ordeined
from her Maiestie and the Councell, that the Generall should call vnto him
certaine of the chiefe Captaines and Gentlemen in Councell, to conferre,
consult and determine of all occurrents in this seruice, whose names are as
here they follow.

    Captaine Fenton.
    Captaine Yorke.
    Captaine Best.
    Captaine Carew.
    Captaine Philpot.

And in Sea causes to haue as assistants, Christopher Hall and Charles
Iackman, being both very good Pilots, and sufficient Mariners, whereof the
one was chiefe Pilot of the Voyage, and the other for the discouerie. From
the place of our habitation Westward, Master Selman was appointed Notarie,
to register the whole maner of proceeding in these affaires, that true
relation thereof might be made, if it pleased her Maiestie to require it.

The first of August euery Captaine by order, from the Generall and his
councell, was commanded to bring ashoare vnto the Countesses iland all such
Gentlemen, souldiers, and Myners, as were vnder their charge, with such
prouision as they had of victuals, tents, and things necessary for the
speedy getting together of Mine, and fraight for the shippes.

The Muster of the men being taken, and the victuals with all other things
viewed and considered, euery man was set to his charge, as his place and
office required. The Myners were appointed where to worke, and the Mariners
discharged their shippes.

Vpon the second of August were published and proclaymed vpon the Countesse
of Warwickes Iland with sound of Trumpet, certaine Orders by the Generall
and his councell, appoynted to be obserued of the company during the time
of their abiding there.

In the meane time, whilst the Mariners plyed their worke, the Captaines
sought out new Mynes, the Goldfiners made tryall of the Ore, the Mariners
discharged their shippes, the Gentlemen for example sake laboured heartily,
and honestly encouraged the inferior sort to worke. So that the small time
of that little leisure that was left to tarrie, was spent in vaine.

The second of August the Gabriel arriued, who came from the Vizeadmirall,
and beeing distressed sore with Yce, put into Harborough neere vnto Mount
Oxford. And now was the whole Fleete arriued safely at their Port,
excepting foure, besides the Shippe that was lost: that is, the Thomas
Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Moone, whose
absence was some lette unto the workes and other proceedings, aswell for
that these Shippes were furnished with the better sorte of Myners, as with
other prouision for the habitation.

[Sidenote: Consultation for inhabiting Meta incognita.] The ninth of August
the Generall with the Captaynes of his counsell assembled together, and
began to consider and take order for the erecting vp of the house or Fort
for them that were to inhabite there the whole yeere, and that presently
the Masons and Carpenters might goe in hande therewith. First therefore
they perused the Bils of lading, what euery man receiued into his Shippe,
and found that there was arriued only the Eastside, and the Southside of
the house, and yet not that perfect and entier: for many pieces thereof
were vsed for fenders in many Shippes, and so broken in pieces whilest they
were distressed in the yce. [Sidenote: An hundred men appointed to
inhabite.] Also after due examination had, and true account taken, there
was found want of drinke and fuel to serue one hundreth men, which was the
number appoynted first to inhabite there, because their greatest store was
in the Shippes which were not yet arriued. Then Captaine Fenton seeing the
scarcitie of the necessary things aforesayd, was contented, and offred
himselfe to inhabite there with sixtie men. Whereupon they caused the
Carpenters and Masons to come before them, and demanded in what time they
would take vpon them to erect vp a lesse house for sixtie men. They
required eight or nine weekes, if there were Tymber sufficient, whereas now
they had but sixe and twentie dayes in all to remayne in that Countrey.
[Sidenote: No habitation this yeere.] Wherefore it was fully agreed vpon,
and resolued by the Generall and his counsell, that no habitation should be
there this yeere. And therefore they willed Master Selman the Register to
set downe this decree with all their consents, for the better satisfying of
her Maiestie, the Lords of the Counsell, and the Aduenturers.

The Anne Francis, since she was parted from the Fleete, in the last storme
before spoken of, could neuer recouer above fiue leagues within the
streights, the winde being sometime contrary, and most times the Yce
compassing them round about. And from that time, being about the seuen and
twentieth of Iuly, they could neither heare nor have sight of any of the
Fleete, vntill the 3. of August, when they descryed a sayle neere vnto
Mount Oxford, with whom when they had spoken, they could vnderstand no
newes of any of the Fleete at all. And this was the Thomas of Ipswich, who
had layne beating off and on at Sea with very fowle weather, and contrary
windes euer since that foresayd storme, without sight of any man. They kept
company not long together, but were forced to loose one another againe, the
Moone being consort always with the Anne Francis, and keeping very good
company plyed vp together into the streights, with great desire to recouer
their long wished Port: and they attempted as often, and passed as farre as
possible the winde, weather, and yce gaue them leaue, which commonly they
found very contrary. For when the weather was cleare and without fogge,
then commonly the winde was contrary. And when it was eyther Easterly or
Southerly, which would serue their turnes, then had they so great a fogge
and darke miste therewith, that eyther they could not discerne way thorow
the yce, or els the yce lay so thicke together, that it was impossible for
them to passe. And on the other side, when it was calme, the Tydes had
force to bring the yce so suddenly about them, that commonly then they were
most therewith distressed, hauing no Winde to carry them from the danger
thereof.

And by the sixt of August being with much adoe got vp as high as Leicester
point, they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare, and so to
passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull
openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights
before spoken of, they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by
meanes of the swift Tydes which ran in that place, that they were neuer
afore so hardly beset as now. And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the
darke weather, the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships, who
being likewise hardly distressed, signified their danger, as they since
reported, by shooting off their ordinance, which the other could not heare,
nor if they had heard, could haue giuen them any remedie, being so busily
occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles.

[Sidenote: The Moone.] The Fleeboate called the Moone, was here heaued
aboue the water with the force of the yce, and receiued a great leake
thereby. Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Anne Francis were sore
bruised at that instant, hauing their false stemmes borne away, and their
ship sides stroken quite through.

Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries, and the little
leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes, besides that euery
night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen, that a man could not
handle them without cutting his handes, together with the great doubt they
had of the Fleetes safety, thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe
vnto their Port, as well for that they saw themselues, as for that they
heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before, who
affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within: They thought it
now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet
left together. [Sidenote: The Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich and the
Moone consult.] And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes,
desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with
them of these matters. Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of
Ipswich, with his Pilot Richard Cox, and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone, with
his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to
consult of these causes. And being assembled together in the Captaines
Cabin, sundry doubts were there alledged. For the fearefuller sort of
Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers,
coueted to returne homeward, saying that they would not againe tempt God so
much, who had giuen them so many warnings, and deliuered them from so
wonderfull dangers: that they rather desired to lose wages, fraight, and
all, then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes. Againe, their
Ships were so leake, and the men so wearie, that to amend the one, and
refresh the other, they must of necessitie seeke into harborough.

But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary, that to seeke
into harborough thereabouts, was but to subject themselues to double
dangers: if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring,
yet being in, they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the
Ice, which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most
harboroughs thereabouts, and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder, driue
them vpon the shoare, and bring them to much trouble. Also the coast is so
much subiect to broken ground and rockes, especially in the mouth and
entrance of euery Harborough, that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and
ouer againe, yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers. For the
bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the land, being full of
hils, dales, and ragged Rockes, suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe
and keepe a true gesse of the depth. For you shall sound vpon the side or
hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water, and haue a hundreth, fiftie,
or fourtie fadome depth: and before the next cast, yer[86] you shall be
able to heaue your lead againe, you shall be vpon the toppe thereof, and
come aground to your vtter confusion.

Another reason against going to harborough was, that the colde ayre did
threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds, seeing that euery night there
was new congealed yce, euen of that water which remayned within their
shippes. And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at
Sea, then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough, to hazard
by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere.

After many such dangers and reasons alleged, and large debating of these
causes on both sides, the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his
opinion vnto the company to this effect. [Sidenote: Captain Bests
resolution.] First concerning the question of returning home, hee thought
it so much dishonorable, as not to grow in any farther question: and againe
to returne home at length (as at length they must needes) and not to be
able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete, whether they were liuing or
lost, or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not, in the
Countesses sound, (as it was to bee thought the most part would if they
were liuing) hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want
of courage or discretion in them, as hee resolued rather to fall into any
danger, then so shamefully to consent to returne home, protesting that it
should neuer bee spoken of him, that hee would euer returne without doing
his endeuour to finde the Fleete, and knowe the certaintie of the Generals
safetie. [Sidenote: A Pinnesse for the inhabiters.] Hee put his company in
remembrance of a Pinnesse of fiue tunne burthen, which hee had within his
Shippe, which was caryed in pieces, and vnmade vp for the vse of those
which should inhabite there the whole yeere, the which, if they could finde
meanes to ioyne together, hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith,
whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce, whereby the Shippe
might bee brought in after, and might also thereby giue true notice, if any
of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not.

But notwithstanding, for that he well perceiued that the most part of his
company were addicted to put into harborough, hee was willing the rather
for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto. As first, to search alongst
the same coast, and the soundes thereabouts, hee thought it to be to good
purpose, for that it was likely to finde some of the Fleete there, which
being leake, and sore brused with the yce, were the rather thought likely
to be put into an yll harborough, being distressed with foule weather in
the last storme, then to hazard their vncertaine safeties amongst the yce:
for about this place they lost them, and left the Fleete then doubtfully
questioning of harborough.

It was likely also, that they might finde some fitte harborough
thereabouts, which might bee behoouefull for them against another time. It
was not likewise impossible to finde some Ore or Mine thereabouts
wherewithall to fraight their Shippes, which would bee more commodious in
this place, for the neerenesse to Seaward, and for a better outlet, then
farther within the streights, being likely heere alwayes to loade in a
shorter time, howsoeuer the streight should be pestered with yce within, so
that if it might come to passe that thereby they might eyther finde the
Fleete, Mine, or conuenient harborough, any of these three would serue
their present turnes, and giue some hope and comfort vnto their companies,
which now were altogether comfortlesse. But if that all fortune should fall
out so contrary, that they could neyther recouer their Port, nor any of
these aforesayde helpes, that yet they would not depart the Coast, as long
as it was possible for them to tary there, but would lye off and on at Sea
athwart the place. Therefore his finall conclusion was set downe thus,
First, that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone should consort and keepe
company together carefully with the Anne Francis, as neere as they could,
and as true Englishmen and faithfull friends, should supply one anothers
want in all fortunes and dangers. In the morning following, euery Shippe to
send off his Boate with a sufficient Pylot, to search out and sound the
harborougbs for the safe bringing in of their Shippes. And beeing arriued
in harborough, where they might finde conuenient place for the purpose,
they resolued foorthwith to ioyne and sette together the Pinnesse,
wherewithall the Captaine of the Anne Francis might, according to his
former determination, discouer vp into the streights.

After these determinations thus set downe, the Thomas of Ipswich the night
following lost company of the other Shippes, and afterward shaped a
contrary course homeward, which fell out as it manifestly appeared, very
much against their Captaine Master Tanfields minde, as by due examination
before the Lordes of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell it hath
since bene prooued, to the great discredite of the Pilot Cox, who specially
persuaded his company against the opinion of his sayd Captaine, to returne
home.

And as the Captaine of the Anne Francis doeth witnesse, euen at their
conference togither, Captaine Tanfield tolde him, that he did not a little
suspect the sayd Pilot Cox, saying that he had opinion in the man neither
of honest duetie, manhoode, nor constancie. Notwithstanding the sayde
Shippes departure, the Captaine of the Anne Francis being desirous to put
in execution his former resolutions, went with his Shippe boate (being
accompanied also with the Moones Skiffe) to prooue amongst the Ilands which
lye vnder Hattons Hedland, if any conuenient harborough, or any knowledge
of the Fleete, or any good Ore were there to be found. The Shippes lying
off and on at Sea the while vnder Sayle, searching through many sounds,
they sawe them all full of many dangers and broken ground: yet one there
was, which seemed an indifferent place to harborough in, and which they did
very diligently sound ouer, and searched againe.

Here the sayde Captaine found a great blacke Island, whereunto hee had good
liking, and certifying the company thereof, they were somewhat comforted,
and with the good hope of his wordes rowed cheerefully vnto the place:
where when they arriued, they found such plentie of blacke Ore of the same
sort which was brought into England this last yeere, that if the goodnesse
might answere the great plentie thereof, it was to be thought that it might
reasonably suffice all the golde-gluttons of the worlde. [Sidenote: Bestes
blessing.] This Iland the Captaine for cause of his good hap, called after
his own name, Bestes blessing, and with these good tydings returning abord
his Ship the ninth of August about tenne of the clocke at night, hee was
ioyfully welcommed of his company, who before were discomforted, and
greatly expected some better fortune at his handes.

The next day being the tenth of August, the weather reasonably fayre, they
put into the foresayde Harborough, hauing their Boate for the better
securitie sounding before their Shippe. [Sidenote: Anne Francis in danger.]
But for all the care and diligence that could bee taken in sounding the
Channell ouer and ouer againe, the Anne Francis came aground vpon a suncken
Rocke within the Harborough, and lay thereon more then halfe drye vntill
the next flood, when by Gods Almighty prouidence, contrary almost to all
expectation, they came afloat againe, being forced all that time to
vndersette their Shippe with their mayne Yarde, which otherwise was likely
to ouerset and put thereby in danger the whole company. They had aboue two
thousand strokes together at the Pumpe, before they could make their Shippe
free of the water againe, so sore shee was in brused by lying vpon the
Rockes. [Sidenote: The Moone in harborough.] The Moone came safely, and
roade at anchor by the Anne Francis, whose helpe in their necessitie they
could not well haue missed.

Now whilest the Mariners were romaging their Shippes, and mending that
which was amisse, the Miners followed their labour for getting together of
sufficient quantitie of Ore, and the Carpenters indeuoured to doe their
best for the making vp of the Boate or Pinnesse: which to bring to passe,
they wanted two speciall and most necessarie things, that is, certaine
principall tymbers that are called knees, which are the chiefest strength
of any Boate and also nayles, wherewithall to ioyne the plancks together.
Whereupon hauing by chance a Smyth amongst them, (and yet vnfurnished of
his necessary tooles to worke and make nayles withall) they were faine of a
gunne chamber to make an Anuile to worke vpon, and to vse a pickaxe in
stead of a sledge to beate withall, and also to occupy two small bellowes
in steade of one payre of greater Smiths bellowes. And for lacke of small
Yron for the easier making of the nayles, they were forced to breake their
tongs, grydiron, and fireshouell in pieces.

[Sidenote: Hattons Hedland.] The eleuenth of August the Captaine of the
Anne Francis taking the Master of his Shippe with him, went vp to the top
of Hattons Hedland, which is the highest land of all the straights, to the
ende to descry the situation of the Countrey vnderneath, and to take a true
plotte of the place, whereby also to see what store of Yce was yet left in
the straights, as also to search what Mineral matter or fruite that soyle
might yeeld: And the rather for the honour the said Captaine doeth owe to
that Honourable name[87] which himselfe gaue thereunto the last yeere, in
the highest part of this Hedland he caused his company to make a Columne or
Crosse of stone, in token of Christian possession. [Sidenote: Pretie
stones.] In this place there is plentie of Blacke Ore, and diuers pretie
stones.

[Sidenote: A mightie white Beare.] The seuenteenth of August the Captaines
with their companies chased and killed a great white Beare, which
aduentured and gaue a fierce assault vpon twentie men being weaponed. And
he serued them for good meate many dayes.

[Sidenote: A Pinnesse there built.] The eighteenth of August the Pinnesse
with much adoe being set together, the sayd Captaine Best determined to
depart vp the straights, to prooue and make tryall, as before was
pretended, some of his companie greatly persuading him to the contrary, and
specially the Carpenter that set the same together, who sayde that hee
would not aduenture himselfe therein for fiue hundreth pounds, for that the
boate hung together but onely by the strength of the nayles, and lacked
some of her principall knees and tymbers.

These wordes some what discouraged some of the company which should haue
gone therein. Whereupon the Captaine, as one not altogether addicted to his
owne selfe-will, but somewhat foreseeing how it might be afterwards spoken,
if contrary fortune should happen him (Lo he hath followed his owne opinion
and desperate resolutions, and so thereafter it is befallen him) calling
the Master and Mariners of best iudgement together, declared vnto them how
much the cause imported him to his credite to seeke out the Generall, as
well to conferre with him of some causes of weight, as otherwise to make
due examination and tryall of the Goodnesse of the Ore, whereof they had no
assurance but by gesse of the eye, and it was well like the other: which so
to cary home, not knowing the goodnesse thereof, might be as much as if
they should bring so many stones. And therefore hee desired them to deliuer
their plaine and honest opinion, whether the Pinnesse were sufficient for
him so to aduenture in or no. It was answered, that by careful heede taking
thereunto amongst the yce, and the foule weather, the Pinnesse might
suffice. And hereupon the Masters mate of the Anne Francis called Iohn
Gray, manfully and honestly offering himselfe vnto his Captaine in this
aduenture and seruice, gaue cause to others of his Mariners to follow the
attempt.

[Sidenote: They aduenture by the streights in a weake Pinnesse.] And vpon
the nineteenth of August the sayd Captaine being accompanied with Captaine
Vpcote of the Moone, and eighteene persons in the small Pinnesse, hauing
conuenient portions of victuals and things necessary, departed upon the
sayd pretended Voyage, leauing their shippe at anchor in a good readinesse
for the taking in of their fraight. And hauing little winde to sayle
withall, they plyed alongst the Souther shore, and passed aboue 30.
leagues, hauing the onely helpe of mans labour with Oares, and so intending
to keepe that shore aboord vntil they were got vp to the farthest and
narrowest of the streights, minded there to crosse ouer and to search
likewise alongst the Northerland vnto the Countesses sound, and from thence
to passe all that coast along, whereby if any of the Fleete had bene
distressed by wrecke of rocke or yce, by that meanes they might be
perceiued of them, and so they thereby to giue them such helpe and reliefe
as they could. They did greatly feare, and euer suspect that some of the
Fleete were surely cast away, and driuen to seeke sowre sallets amongst the
colde cliffes.

[Sidenote: 40 leagues within the streights.] And being shotte vp about
fortie leagues within the Streights, they put ouer towardes the Norther
shore, which was not a little dangerous for their small boates. [Sidenote:
Gabriels Ilands.] And by meanes of a sudden flawe were dryuen, and faine to
seeke harborough in the night amongst all the rockes and broken ground of
Gabriels Ilands, a place so named within the streights aboue the Countesse
of Warwicks sound: And by the way where they landed, they did finde
certaine great stones set vp by the Countrey people as it seemed for
markes, where they also made many Crosses of stone, in token that
Christians had been there. The 22. of August they had sight of the
Countesses sound, and made the place perfect from the toppe of a hill, and
keeping along the Norther shore, perceiued the smoke of a fire vnder a hils
side: whereof they diuersely deemed. When they came neere the place, they
perceiued people which wafted vnto them, as it seemed, with a flagge or
ensigne. And because the Countrey people had vsed to do the like, when they
perceiued any of our boats to passe by, they suspected them to be the same.
And comming somewhat neerer, they might perceiue certaine tents, and
discerne this ensigne to be of mingled colours, blacke and white, after the
English Fashion. But because they could see no Shippe, nor likelihood of
harborough within fiue or sixe leagues about, and knewe that none of our
men were woont to frequent those partes, they could not tell what to iudge
thereof, but imagined that some of the ships being carried so high with the
storme and mistes, had made shipwracke amongst the yce or the broken
Islands there, and were spoyled by the countrey people, who might vse the
sundry coloured flagge for a policie, to bring them likewise within their
danger. Whereupon the sayd Captaine with his companies, resolued to recouer
the same ensigne, if it were so, from those base people, or els to lose
their liues and all together. In the ende they discerned them to be their
countreymen, and then they deemed them to haue lost their Ships, and so to
be gathered together for their better strength. On the other side, the
companie ashoare feared that the Captaine hauing lost his Shippe, came to
seeke forth the Fleete for his reliefe in his poore Pinnesse, so that their
extremities caused eche part to suspect the worst.

[Sidenote: Proximus sum egomet mihi.] The Captaine now with his Pinnisse
being come neere the shoare, commanded his Boate carefully to be kept
aflote, lest in their necessitie they might winne the same from him, and
seeke first to saue themselues: for euery man in that case is next
himselfe. They haled one another according to the manner of the Sea, and
demaunded what cheere? and either partie answered the other, that all was
well: whereupon there was a sudden and ioyful outshoote, with great
flinging vp of caps, and a braue voly of shotte to welcome one another. And
truely it was a most strange case to see how ioyfull and gladde euery
partie was to see themselues meete in safetie againe, after so strange and
incredible dangers: Yet to be short, as their dangers were great, so their
God was greater.

[Sidenote: Captain York arriued.] And here the company were working vpon
new Mines, which Captaine York being here arriued not long before, had
found out in this place, and it is named the Countesse of Sussex Mine.

After some conference with our friends here, the captaine of the Anne
Francis departed towards the Countesse of Warwicks sound, to speake with
the Generall, and to haue tryall made of such mettall as he had brought
thither, by the Goldfiners. And so he determined to dispatch againe towards
his ship. And hauing spoken with the General, he receiued order for all
causes, direction as well for the bringing vp of the Shippe to the
Countesses sound, as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he
himselfe had found, which vpon triall made, was supposed to be very good.

The 23. of August, the sayde Captaine mette together with the other
Captaines (Commissioners in counsell with the Generall) aboorde the Ayde,
where they considered and consulted of sundry causes, which being
particularly registred by the Notarie, were appoynted where and how to be
done against another yeere.

The 24. of August, the Generall with two Pinnesses and good numbers of men
went to Beares sound, commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to
attend the seruice, to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the
people: for sundry times they shewed themselues busie thereabouts,
sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company, as though they minded
to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines, in no
great numbers. [Sidenote: None of the people will be taken.] But when they
perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade (being belike more
amazed at the countenance of a Shippe, and a more number of men) they did
neuer shewe themselues againe there at all. Wherefore our men sought with
their Pinnesses to compasse about the Iland where they did vse, supposing
there suddenly to intercept some of them. But before our men could come
neere, hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines, they
conueyed themselues priuilly away, and left (as it should seeme) one of
their great dartes behinde them for haste, which we found neere to a place
of their caues and housing. Therefore, though our Generall were very
desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into England, they
being now growen more wary by their former losses, would not at any time
come within our dangers. About midnight of the same day, the captaine of
the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the straights
towards Hattons Hedland, being about 15. leagues ouer, and returned aboord
his Shippe the 25. of August to the great comfort of his company, who long
expected his comming, where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden.
Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the
Countesses sound, where he arriued the 28. of the same. By the way he set
his Miners ashore at Beares sound, for the better dispatch and gathering
the Ore togither; for that some of the ships were behind hand with their
fraight, the time of the yeere passing suddenly away.

The thirtieth of August the Anne Francis was brought aground, and had 8.
great leakes mended which she had receiued by meanes of the rockes and yce.
[Sidenote: A house builded and left there.] This day the Masons finished a
house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the
Countesse of Warwickes Island, to the ende we might proue against the next
yeere, whither the snow could ouerwhelme it, the frost brake it vp, or the
people dismember the same. And the better to allure those brutish and
vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming, we left
therein diuers of our Countrey toyes, as belles, and kniues, wherein they
specially delight, one for the necessary vse, and the other for the great
pleasure thereof. Also pictures of men and women in lead, men on
horsebacke, looking glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in the house was
made an Ouen, and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste.

We buried the timber of our pretended fort. Also here we sowed pease,
corne, and other graine, to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against
the next yeere.

[Sidenote: M. Wolfall a godly preacher.] Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace
preached a godly sermon, which being ended, he celebrated also a Communion
vpon the land, at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne
Francis, and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers, Mariners, and Miners with
him. The celebration of the diuine mystery was the first signe, seale, and
confirmation of Christs name, death, and passion euer knowen in these
quarters. The said M. Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion at
sundry other times, in seuerall and sundry ships, because the whole company
could neuer meet together at any one place. [Sidenote: Consultation for a
further discouery.] The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their
lading, the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to
consult, told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery
should be attempted, and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home
his ships laden with Ore, but also meant to bring some certificate of a
further discouery of the Countrey, which thing to bring to passe (hauing
sometime therein consulted) they found very hard, and almost inuincible.
And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the
trending and fashion of the mistaken straites, therefore it could not be
sayd, but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery, and
that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased, as
appeared before in the discourse thereof. Yet notwithstanding if any meanes
might be further deuised, the Captaines were contented and willing, as the
Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund, to take any enterprise in hand.
Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible, and that
rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward, especially for
these causes following. First the darke foggy mists, the continuall falling
snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with, and now daily
euer more and more increased, haue no small argument of the Winters drawing
neere. And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the
sound, that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary
winds, it was greatly to be feared, that they should be shut vp there fast
the whole yeere, which being vtterly vnprouided, would be their vtter
destruction. Againe, drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes
of the great leakage, that not onely the prouision which was layd in for
the habitation was wanting and wasted, but also each shippes seuerall
prouision spent and lost, which many of our company to their great griefe
found in their returne since, for all the way homewards they dranke nothing
but water. And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was, for that
the great timber and seacole, which lay so weighty vpon the barrels, brake,
bruised, and rotted the hoopes insunder. [Sidenote: Broken Ilands in maner
of an Archipelagus.] Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleaged the
Generall himselfe (willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines euery
man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading, that against a day
appointed, they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward) went in a
Pinnesse and discouered further Northward in the straights, and found that
by Beares sound and Halles Island, the land was not firme, as it was first
supposed, but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus, and so with
other secret intelligence to himselfe, he returned to the Fleet. Where
presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound, he began to take order
for their returning homeward, and first caused certaine Articles to be
proclaimed, for the better keeping of orders and courses in their returne,
which Articles were deliuered to euery Captaine.


The Fleetes returning homeward.

[Sidenote: Returne homeward.] Hauing now receiued articles and directions
for our returne homewards, all other things being in forwardnesse and in
good order, the last day of August the whole Fleete departed from the
Countesses sound, excepting the Iudith, and the Anne Francis, who stayed
for the taking in of fresh water and came the next day and mette the Fleete
off and on, athwart Beares sound, who stayed for the Generall, which then
was gone ashore to despatch the two Barkes and the Busse of Bridgewater,
for their loading, whereby to get the companies and other things aboord.
The Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing most part of his company ashore,
the first of September went also to Beares sound in his Pinnesse to fetch
his men aboord, but the wind grewe so great immediatly vpon their landing,
that the shippes at sea were in great danger, and some of them forcibly put
from their ankers, and greatly feared to be vtterly lost, as the Hopewell,
wherein was Captaine Carew and others, who could not tell on which side
their danger was most: for hauing mightie rockes threatening on the one
side, and driuing Islands of cutting yce on the other side, they greatly
feared to make shipwracke, the yce driuing so neere them that it touched
their bolt-sprit. And by meanes of the Sea that was growne so hie, they
were not able to put to sea with their small Pinnesses to recouer their
shippes. And againe, the shippes were not able to tarie or lie athwart for
them, by meanes of the outragious windes and swelling seas. The Generall
willed the Captaine of the Anne Francis with his company, for that night to
lodge aboord the Busse of Bridgewater, and went himselfe with the rest of
his men aboord the Barkes. But their numbers were so great, and the
prouision of the Barkes so scant, that they pestered one another
exceedingly. They had great hope that the next morning the weather would be
faire whereby they might recouer their shippes. But in the morning
following it was much worse, for the storme continued greater, the Sea
being more swollen, and the Fleete gone quite out of sight. So that now
their doubts began to grow great: for the ship of Bridgewater which was of
greatest receit, and whereof they had best hope and made most account,
roade so farre to leeward of the harborowes mouth, that they were not able
for the rockes (that lay betweene the wind and them) to lead it out to Sea
with a saile. And the Barks were already so pestered with men, and so
slenderly furnished with prouision, that they had scarce meat for sixe
dayes for such numbers.

The Generall in the morning departed to Sea in the Gabriel to seeke the
Fleete, leauing the Busse of Bridgewater, and the Michael behind in Beares
sound. The Busse set sayle, and thought by turning in the narrow channell
within the harborow to get to windward: but being put to leeward more, by
that meanes was faine to come to anker for her better safetie, amongst a
number of rockes, and there left in great danger of euer getting forth
againe. The Michael set sayle to follow the Generall, and could giue the
Busse no reliefe, although they earnestly desired the same. And the
Captaine of the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two euils: eyther
to abide his fortune with the Busse of Bridgewater, which was doubtfull of
euer getting forth, or else to bee towed in his small Pinnesse at the
sterne of the Michael thorow the raging Seas, for that the Barke was not
able to receiue or relieue halfe his company, wherein his danger was not a
little perillous.

So after hee resolued to commit himselfe with all his company vnto that
fortune of God and Sea, and was dangerously towed at the sterne of the
Barke for many miles, vntill at length they espyed the Anne Francis vnder
sayle, hard vnder their Lee, which was no small comfort vnto them. For no
doubt, both those and a great number more had perished for lacke of
victuals, and conuenient roome in the Barks without the helpe of the said
Ship. But the honest care that the Master of the Anne Francis had of his
Captaine, and the good regarde of duetie towardes his Generall, suffered
him not to depart, but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous roade all the
night long, notwithstanding all the stormy weather, when all the Fleete
besides departed. And the Pinnesse came no sooner aboord the shippe, and
the men entred, but shee presently shiuered and fell to pieces and sunke at
the ships sterne, with all the poore mens furniture: so weake was the boat
with towing, and so forcible was the sea to bruise her in pieces, But (as
God would) the men were all saued.

At this present in this storme many of the Fleete were dangerously
distressed, and were seuered almost all asunder. Yet, thanks be to God, all
the Fleete arriued safely in England about the first of October, some in
one place and some in another. [Sidenote: An vnknowen channell into the
Northeast discouered by the Busse of Bridgewater.] But amongst other, it
was most maruellous how the Busse of Bridgewater got away, who being left
behind the Fleete in great danger of neuer getting forth, was forced to
seeke a way Northward thorow an vnknowen channell full of rocks, vpon the
backe side of Beares sound, and there by good hap found out a way into the
North sea, a very dangerous attempt; save that necessitie, which hath no
law, forced them to trie masteries. This aforesayd North sea is the same
which lyeth vpon the backe side of Frobishers straits, where first the
Generall himselfe in his Pinnesses, and after some other of our company
haue discouered (as they affirme) a great foreland, where they would also
haue a great likelihood of the greatest passage towards the South sea, or
Mar del Sur.

[Sidenote: A fruitful new Island discouered.] The Busse of Bridgewater, as
she came homeward, to the Southeastward of Friseland, discouered a great
Island in the latitude of 57 degrees and an halfe, which was neuer yet
found before, and sailed three dayes alongst the coast, the land seeming to
be fruitfull, full of woods, and a champion[88] countrey.

There died in the whole Fleete in all this voyage not aboue forty persons,
which number is not great, considering how many ships were in the Fleet,
and how strange fortunes we passed.


A generall and briefe description of the Countrey, and condition of the
  people, which are found in Meta Incognita.

Hauing now sufficiently and truly set forth the whole circumstance, and
particuler handling of euery occurrent in the 3. voyages of our worthy
Generall, Captaine Frobisher, it shal not be from the purpose to speake
somewhat in generall of the nature of this Countrey called Meta Incognita,
and the condition of the sauages there inhabiting.

[Sidenote: A Topographical description of Meta Incognita.] First therefore
touching the Topographical description of the place. It is now found in the
last voyage, that Queene Elizabeths Cape being situate in latitude at 61.
degrees and a halfe, which before was supposed to be part of the firme land
of America, and also al the rest of the South side of Frobishers straites,
are all seuerall Islands and broken land, and like wise so will all the
North side of the said straites fall out to be as I thinke. And some of our
company being entred aboue 60. leagues within the mistaken straites in the
third voyage mentioned, thought certainely that they had discryed the firme
land of America towards the South, which I thinke will fall out so to be.

These broken lands and Islands being very many in number, do seeme to make
there an Archipelagus, which as they all differ in greatnesse, forme, and
fashion one from another; so are they in goodnesse, colour, and soyle much
vnlike. They all are very high lands, mountaines, and in most parts couered
with snow euen all the Sommer long. The Norther lands haue lesse store of
snow, more grasse, and are more plaine Countreys: the cause whereof may be,
for that the Souther Ilands receiue all the snow, that the cold winds and
piercing ayre bring out of the North. And contrarily, the North parts
receiue more warme blasts of milder ayre from the South, whereupon may grow
the cause why the people couet to inhabit more vpon the North parts then
the South, as farre as we yet by our experience perceiue they doe.
[Sidenote: The people of Meta Incognita like vnto Samoeds.] These people I
iudge to be a kind of Tartar, or rather a kind of Samoed, of the same sort
and condition of life that the Samoeds bee to the Northeastwards beyond
Moscouy, who are called Samoeds, which is as much to say in the Moscouy
tongue as eaters of themselues, and so the Russians their borderers doe
name them. And by late conference with a friend of mine (with whom I did
sometime trauell in the parts of Moscouy) who had great experience of those
Samoeds and people of the Northeast, I find that in all their maner of
liuing, those people of the Northeast, and those of the Northwest are like.
[Sidenote: Their natiue colour.] They are of the colour of a ripe Oliue,
which how it may come to passe, being borne in so cold a climate I referre
to the iudgement of others, for they are naturally borne children of the
same colour and complexion that all the Americans are, which dwell vnder
the Equinoctiall line.

They are men very actiue and nimble. They are a strong people and very
warlike, for in our sight vpon the toppes of the hilles they would often
muster themselues, and after the maner of a skirmish trace their ground
very nimbly, and mannage their bowes and dartes with great dexterity.
[Sidenote: Their apparel.] They go clad in coates made of the skinnes of
beasts, as of Seales, Deere, Beares, Foxes, and Hares. They haue also some
garments of feathers, being made of the cases of Foules, finely sowed and
compact togither. Of all which sorts wee brought home some with vs into
England, which we found in their tents. In Sommer they vse to weare the
hairie side of their coates outward, and sometime goe naked for too much
heate. And in Winter (as by signes they haue declared) they weare foure or
fiue folde vpon their bodies with the haire (for warmth) turned inward.
Hereby it appeareth, that the ayre there is not indifferent, but either it
is feruent hote, or els extreme cold, and farre more excessiue in both
qualities, then the reason of the climate should yeeld. For there it is
colder, being vnder 62 degrees in latitude, then it is at Wardhouse in the
voyage to Saint Nicholas in Moscouie, being at about aboue 72. degrees in
latitude. [Sidenote: The accidental cause of cold ayre at Meta Incognita.]
The reason hereof may be, that this Meta Incognita is much frequented and
vexed with Easterne and Northeastern winds, which from the sea and yce
bringeth often an intollerable cold ayre, which was also the cause that
this yeere our straits were so long shut vp with so great store of yce. But
there is great hope and likelihood, that further within the Straights it
will bee more constant and temperate weather.

These people are in nature very subtill and sharpe witted, ready to
conceiue our meaning by signes, and to make answere well to be vnderstood
againe. And if they haue not seene the thing whereof you aske them, they
will wincke, or couer their eyes with their hands, as who would say, it
hath bene hid from their sight. If they vnderstand you not whereof you
should aske them, they wil stop their eares. They will teach vs the names
of each thing in their language which wee desire to learne, and are apt to
learne any thing of vs. [Sidenote: The sauages delight in Musicke.] They
delight in Musicke aboue measure, and will keepe time and stroke to any
tune which you shall sing, both with their voyce, head, hand and feete, and
will sing the same tune aptly after you. They will row with our Ores in our
boates, and keepe a true stroke with our Mariners, and seeme to take great
delight therein. [Sidenote: Hard kind of Living.] They liue in Caues of the
earth, and hunt for their dinners or praye, euen as the beare or other wild
beastes do. They eat raw flesh and fish, and refuse no meat howsoeuer it be
stinking. They are desperate in their fight, sullen of nature, and rauenous
in their maner of feeding.

Their sullen and desperate nature doth herein manifestly appeare, that a
company of them being enuironed by our men on the top of a hie cliffe, so
that they could by no meanes escape our hands, finding themselues in this
case distressed, chose rather to cast themselues headlong down the rocks
into the sea, and so be bruised and drowned, rather than to yeeld
themselues to our mens mercies.

[Sidenote: Their weapons.] For their weapons to offend their enemies or
kill their prey withall, they haue darts, slings, bowes, and arrowes headed
with sharpe stones, bones, and some with yron. They are exceeding friendly
and kind hearted one to the other, and mourne greatly at the losse or harme
of their fellowes, and expresse their griefe of mind, when they part one
from another with a mourneful song, and Dirges.

[Sidenote: Their chastity.] They are very shamefast in betraying the
secrets of nature, and very chaste in the maner of their liuing: for when
the man, which wee brought from thence into England the last voyage, should
put off his coat or discouer his whole body for change, he would not suffer
the woman to bee present, but put her forth of his Cabin. And in all the
space of two or three moneths, while the man liued in company of the woman,
there was neuer any thing seene or perceiued betweene them, more then ought
haue passed betweene brother and sister: but the woman was in all things
very seruiceable for the man, attending him carefully when he was sicke,
and he likewise in all the meates which they did eate together, woulde
carue vnto her of the sweetest, fattest, and best morsels they had. They
wondred much at all our things, and were afraid of our horses and other
beasts out of measure. They began to grow more ciuill, familiar, pleasant,
and docible amongst vs in very short time.

[Sidenote: Their boates.] They haue boates made of leather, and couered
cleane ouer sauing one place in the middle to sit in, planked within with
timber, and they vse to row therein with one Ore, more swiftly a great
deale, then we in our boates can doe with twentie. They haue one sort of
greater boates wherein they can carrie aboue twentie persons, and haue a
Mast with a saile thereon, which saile is made of thinne skinnes or
bladders, sowed togither with the sinewes of fishes.

They are good Fishermen, and in their small Boates being disguised with
their coates of Seales skinnes, they deceiue the fish, who take them rather
for their fellow Seales, then for deceiuing men.

They are good marke-men. With their dart or arrow they will commonly kill a
Ducke, or any other foule in the head, and commonly in the eye.

When they shoote at a great fish with any of their darts, they vse to tye a
bladder thereunto, whereby they may the better find them againe, and the
fish not able to cary it so easily away (for that the bladder doth boy the
dart) will at length be wearie, and dye therewith.

[Sidenote: Traffique with some other nation vnknowen.] They vse to traffike
and exchange their commodities with some other people, of whom they haue
such things as their miserable Countrey, and ignorance of Art to make,
denieth them to haue, as barres of yron, heads of yron for their darts,
needles made foure square, certaine buttons of copper, which they vse to
weare vpon their forehads for ornament, as our Ladies in the Court of
England doe vse great pearle.

[Sidenote: Gold.] Also they haue made signes vnto vs, that they haue seene
gold, and such bright plates of mettals, which are vsed for ornaments
amongst some people with whom they haue conference.

We found also in their tents a Guiny Beane of redde colour, the which doth
vsually grow in the hote Countreys: whereby it appeareth they trade with
other nations which dwell farre off, or else themselues are great
trauellers.

[Sidenote: Their fewell.] They haue nothing in vse among them to maker fire
withall, sauing a kinde of Heath and Mosse which groweth there.

[Sidenote: How they make fire.] And they kindle their fire with continuall
rubbing and fretting one sticke against another, as we doe with flints.
They drawe with dogges in sleads vpon the yce, and remooue their tents
therewithall wherein they dwell in Sommer, when they goe a hunting for
their praye and prouision against Winter. [Sidenote: Their kettles and
pannes.] They doe sometime parboyle their meat a little and seeth the same
in kettles made of beast skins; they haue also pannes cut and made of
stones very artificially; they vse prety ginnes wherewith they take foule.
The women carry their sucking children at their backes, and doe feede them
with raw flesh, which first they do a little chaw in their owne mouths. The
women haue their faces marked or painted ouer with small blewe spots: they
haue blacke and long haire on their heads, and trimme the same in a decent
order. The men haue but little haire on their faces, and very thinne
beards. For their common drinke, they eate yce to quench their thirst
withall. [Sidenote: The people eate grasse and shrubs.] Their earth
yeeldeth no graine or fruit of sustenance for man, or almost for beast to
liue vpon: and the people will eate grasse and shrubs of the ground, euen
as our kine doe. They haue no wood growing in their Countrey thereabouts,
and yet wee finde they haue some timber among them, which we thinke doth
growe farre off to the Southwards of this place, about Canada, or some
other part of New found land: for there belike, the trees standing on the
cliffes of the sea side, by the waight of yce and snow in Winter
ouercharging them with waight, when the Sommers thaw commeth aboue, and the
Sea vnderfretting beneath, which winneth dayly of the land, they are
vndermined and fall downe from those cliffes into the Sea, and with the
tydes and currents are driuen to and fro vpon the coastes further off, and
by conjecture are taken vp here by these Countrey people, to serue them to
planke and strengthen their boates withall, and to make dartes, bowes, and
arrowes, and such other things necessarie for their vse. And of this kind
of drift wood we find all the Seas ouer great store, which being cut or
sawed asunder, by reason of long driuing in the Sea is eaten of wormes, and
full of holes, of which sort theirs is found to be.

[Sidenote: A strange kind of gnat.] We haue not yet found any venomous
Serpent or other hurtfull thing in these parts, but there is a kind of
small flie or gnat that stingeth and offendeth sorely, leauing many red
spots in the face, and other places where she stingeth. They haue snow and
haile in the best time of their Sommer, and the ground frosen three fadome
deepe.

[Sidenote: Inchanters.] These people are great inchanters, and vse many
charmes of witchcraft: for when their heads doe ake, they tye a great stone
with a string vnto a sticke, and with certaine prayers and wordes done to
the sticke, they lift vp the stone from ground, which sometimes with all a
mans force they cannot stirre, and sometime againe they lift as easily as a
fether, and hope thereby with certaine ceremonious wordes to haue ease and
helpe. And they made vs by signes to vnderstand, lying groueling with their
faces vpon the ground, and making a noise downeward, that they worship the
deuill vnder them.

[Sidenote: The beasts and foules of the Countrey.] They have great store of
Deere, Beares, Hares, Foxes, and innumerable numbers of sundry sorts of
wild foule, as Seamewes, Gulles, Wilmotes, Ducks, &c. whereof our men
killed in one day fifteene hundred. They haue also store of haukes, as
Falkons, Tassels, &c. whereof two alighted vpon one of our ships at their
returne, and were brought into England, which some thinke wil proue very
good.

There are also great store of rauens, larkes, and partriges, whereof the
countrey people feed.

All these foules are farre thicker clothed with downe and fethers, and haue
thicker skinnes then any in England haue: for as that countrey is colder,
so nature hath provided a remedie thereunto.

Our men haue eaten of the Beares, Hares, Patriges, Larkes, and of their
wild foule, and find them reasonable good meat, but not so delectable as
ours.

Their wild foule must be all fleine, their skins are so thicke: and they
tast best fryed in pannes.

The Countrey seemeth to be much subiect to Earthquakes.

The ayre is very subtile, piercing and searching, so that if any corrupted
or infected body, especially with the disease called Morbus Gallicus come
there, it will presently breake forth and shew it selfe, and cannot there
by any kind of salue or medicine be cured.

Their longest Sommers day is of great length, without any darke night, so
that in Iuly al the night long, we might perfitly and easily write and
reade whatsoeuer had pleased vs, which lightsome nights were very
beneficiall vnto vs, being so distressed with abundance of yce as we were.

[Sidenote: The length of their day.] The Sunne setteth to them in the
Euening at a quarter of an houre after tenne of the clocke, and riseth
againe in the morning, at three quarters of an houre after one of the
clocke, so that in Sommer their Sunne shineth to them twenty houres and a
halfe, and in the night is absent three houres and a halfe. And although
the Sunne bee absent these 3. houres and a halfe, yet it is not darke that
time, for that the Sunne is neuer aboue three or foure degrees vnder the
edge of their Horizon; the cause is that the Tropicke of Cancer doth cut
their Horizon at very vneuen and oblique Angles.

[Sidenote: A full reuolution of the Moone aboue their Horizon.] But the
Moone at anytime of the yeere being in Cancer, hauing North latitude; doth
make a full revolution aboue their Horizon, so that sometime they see the
Moone about 24. houres togither. Some of our company of the more ignorant
sort, thought we might continually haue seene the Sunne and the Moone, had
it not bene for two or three high mountaines.

The people are now become so warie, and so circumspect, by reason of their
former losses, that by no meines we can apprehend any of them, although wee
attempted often in this last voyage. But to say trueth wee could not bestow
any great time in pursuing them, because of our great businesse in lading,
and other things.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Letters patents of the Queenes Maiestie, granted to Master Adrian
  Gylbert and others, for the search and discouery of the Northwest Passage
  to China.

Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland Queene,
defender of the faith, &c. To all, to whome these presents shall come,
greeting: Forasmuch as our trustie and welbeloued subiect Adrian Gylbert of
Sandridge in the Countie of Deuon, Gentleman, to his great costes and
charges, hath greatly and earnestly trauelled and sought, and yet doth
trauell and seeke, and by diuers meanes indeuoureth and laboureth, that the
Passage vnto China and the Iles of the Moluccas, by the Northwestward,
Northeastward, or Northward, vnto which part of the world, none of our
loyall Subiects haue hitherto had any traffique or trade, may be
discouered, knowen, and frequented by the Subiects of this our Realme:
Knowe yee therefore that for the considerations aforesayd and for diuers
other good considerations vs thereunto specially moouing. We of our grace
especiall, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, haue giuen and granted,
and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe giue and grant
free libertie, power, and full authoritie to the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and
to any other person by him or his heires to be assigned, and to those his
associates and assistants, whose names are written in a Scedule hereunto
annexed, and to their heires, and to one assigne of each of them, and each
of their heires at all times, and at any time or times after the date of
these presents, vnder our Banners and Ensignes freely, without let,
interruption, or restraint, of vs, our heires or successors, any law,
statute proclamation, patent charter, or prouiso to the contrary
notwithstanding, to saile, make voyage, and by any maner of meanes to passe
and to depart out of this our Realme of England, or any our Realmes,
Dominions, or Territories into all or any Isles, Countreys, Regions,
Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Portes, Bayes, Creekes, armes of the
Sea, and all Hauens, and all maner of other places whatsoeuer, that by the
sayde Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, is to be by him, his
associates or assignes discouered, and for and in the sayd sayling, voyage,
and passage, to haue and vse so many shippes, Barkes, Pinnesses, or any
vessels of any qualitie or burthen, with all the furniture, of men,
victuals, and all maner of necessary prouision, armour, weopons,
ordinance, targets, and appurtinances, whatsoeuer, as to such a voyage
shall or may be requisite, conuenient or commodious, any lawe, statute,
ordinance or prouiso to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. And also we
doe giue and grant to the sayde Adrian Gylbert, and his sayde associates,
and to such assignee of him, and his heires, and to the heires and one
assignee of euery of his sayde associates for euer, full power and absolute
authoritie to trade and make their residance in any of the sayde Isles,
Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Portes, Bayes,
and Hauens, and all maner of other places whatsoeuer with all commodities,
profites, and emoluments in the sayde places or any of them, growing and
arising, with all maner of priuiledges, prerogatives, iurisdictions and
royalties both by sea and land whatsoeuer, yeelding and paying therefore
vnto vs, our heires and successors, the tenth part of all such golde and
siluer oare, pearles, iewels, and precious stones, or the value thereof, as
the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associates, their heires and assignes,
servants, factors, or workemen, and euery or any of them shall finde, the
sayd tenth to bee deliuered duely to our Customer, or other officers by vs,
our heires or successors thereunto assigned, in the Fortes of London,
Dartmouth, or Plimmouth, at which three places onely the sayde Adrian
Gylbert and his sayde associates, their sayde heires and assignes, shall
lade, charge, arriue, and discharge all maner of wares, goods, and
merchandizes whatsoeuer to the sayde voyage, and newe trade belonging or
appertaining. And moreouer, wee haue giuen, granted, and authorized, and by
these presents for vs, our heires and successors, of our grace especiall,
certaine knowledge, and meere motion, doe giue, graunt, and authorize the
said Adrian Gilbert, and his said associats for euer, their heires and
their said assignes and euery of them, that if the aforesayd Isles,
Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Ports, Bayes, or
Hauens, or any other of the premises by the sayd Adrian Gylbert or his
associates, their heires and their said assignes or any of them, to be
found by them, discouered and traffiqued vnto by any trade as aforesayd,
shall be by any other our subiects visited, frequented, haunted, traded
vnto or inhabited by the wayes aforesayd, without the special licence in
writing of the said Adrian Gylbert and his associats, and their heires and
assignes for euer, or by the most part of them, so that the sayd Adrian
Gilbert, his heires or assignes be one of them, that then aswell their
ship, or ships in any such voyage or voyages be vsed, as all and singuler
their goods, wares, and marchandizes, or any other things whatsoeuer, from
or to any of the places aforesayd transported, that so shall presume to
visit, frequent, haunt, trade vnto, or inhabite, shall be forfaited and
confiscated, ipso facto, the one halfe of the same goods and marchandizes,
or other things whatsoeuer, or the value thereof to be to the vse of vs,
our heires or successours, and the other moytie thereof to be to the vse of
the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his said associats their heires and assignes
for euer: [Sidenote: The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery the
Northwest passage.] and vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd
associats, their heires and assignes wee impose, giue, assigne, create and
confirme this, name peculiar to be named by, to sue and to be sued by, that
is to wit, by the name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the
discouerie of the Northwest passage, and them for vs, our heires and
successours by that name doe incorporate, and doe erect and create as one
body corporate to haue continuance for euer. Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian
Gylbert, and his said associats, and vnto their heires and their sayd
assignes for euer, by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the
discouerie of the Northwest passage, we haue giuen, granted, and confirmed,
and doe by these presents giue, grant, and confirme full power and
authoritie from time to time, and at all times hereafter, to make order,
decree and enact, constitute and ordeine, and appoynt all such ordinances,
orders, decrees, lawes, and actes, as the sayd new corporation or body
politique, Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest
passage, shall thinke meete, necessary, and conuenient, so that they or any
of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme, and of this our
present graunt.

And we by our Royall prerogatiue, and fulnesse of our authority, of our
grace especiall, certaine knowledge and meere motion, do establish,
confirme and ratifie all such ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes and acts
to be in so full and great power and authority, as we, our heires or
successours may or can in any such case graunt, confirme, or ratifie. And
further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this
discouerie, we by our Royall prerogatiue, and fulnesse of authority for vs,
our heires and successours, doe giue, graunt, establish, confirme, ordeine,
ratifie and allow by these presents, to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his
associates, and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for
euer, and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects whatsoeuer
that shall hereafter trauaile, sayle, discouer, or make voyage as aforesayd
to any of the Iles, Mainelands, Countreys or Teritories whatsoeuer, by
vertue of this our graunt to be discouered; [Sidenote: Free Denization
granted.] that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being
borne within any of the Iles, Mainelands and Countreys, or Territories
whatsoeuer before mentioned, shall haue and enioy all the privileges of
free Denizens, as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England,
or within our allegiance for euer, in such like ample maner and forme, as
if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd
Realme, any law, statute, proclamation, custome or vsage to the contrary
hereof in any wise notwithstanding.

Moreouer, for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof, we giue and
graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert, his heires and assignes for euer, free
libertie, licence and priuilege, [Sidenote: This Patent remained in force
fiue yeeres.] that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediately
ensuing the date hereof, it shall not be lawfull for any person or persons
whatsoeuer, to visit, haunt, frequent, trade, or make voyage to any Iles,
Mainlands, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Ports,
Bayes, and Hauens, nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto
not yet discouered by any of our subiects by vertue of this graunt to be
traded vnto, without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian
Gylbert, his heires or assignes first had in writing. And if any person or
persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian, his heires or assignes or any
other person or persons whatsoeuer, free of this discouery, shall do any
act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof, during the
space of the sayd fiue yeeres, that then the partie and parties so
offending, they and their heires for euer shall loose (ipso facto) the
benefite and priuilege of this our graunt, and shall stand and remaine to
all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt.

[Sidenote: Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners.] And further by
vertue hereof wee giue and graunt, for vs, our heires and successours at
all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof,
libertie and licence, and full authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and
his heires and assignes, that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship
or ships sayling on their sayd voyage, to become mutinous, seditious,
disordered, or any way vnruly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope
for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade
intended, to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending, such punishment,
correction, or execution, as the cause shall be found in iustice to require
by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto, as in such a
case apperteineth: That expresse mention of the certaintie of the
premisses, or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert
and his associats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents,
or any other lawe, act, statute, prouiso, graunt, or proclamation
heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise
notwithstanding. [Sidenote: 1583.] In witnesse whereof we haue made these
our Letters to bee made patents: Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the
sixt day of Februarie, in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne.

       *       *       *       *       *

The first voyage of M. Iohn Davis, undertaken in J