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Title: A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents: Ulysses S. Grant

Author: James D. Richardson

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Language: English

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A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON

A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE


VOLUME VII

ULYSSES S. GRANT



Prefatory Note

The election of General Grant to the Presidency by the people of the
United States was another instance illustrating the gratitude of a
republic to a successful soldier. But for the great civil war no one
supposes he would ever have been elevated to this exalted post. His
services in that heroic struggle were such as to win the highest
encomiums from his countrymen, and naturally at the first opportunity
after the closing of the war when a Chief Executive was to be chosen
they turned their eyes to the most conspicuous figure in that war and
made him President of the United States. This volume, the seventh of the
series, comprises his eight years and the four years of his successor,
Mr. Hayes. During this period of twelve years--that is, from March 4,
1869, to March 4, 1881--the legislation for the restoration of the
Southern States to their original positions in the Union was enacted,
the reunion of the States was perfected, and all sections of the land
again given full and free representation in Congress. Much of the
bitterness engendered by the war, and which had been left alive at its
closing, and which was not diminished to any appreciable extent during
President Johnson's term, was largely assuaged during President Grant's
Administration, and under that of President Hayes was further softened
and almost entirely dissipated.

It will be seen that President Grant in his papers dwelt especially
upon the duty of paying the national debt in gold and returning to
specie payments; that he urged upon Congress a proposition to annex
Santo Domingo; that during his Administration the "Quaker Peace
Commission" was appointed to deal with the Indians, the fifteenth
amendment to the Constitution of the United States was proclaimed, the
treaty of Washington was negotiated, and, with a subsequent arbitration
at Geneva, a settlement was provided of the difficulties relating to the
Alabama claims and the fisheries; that in 1870 and frequently afterwards
he urged upon Congress the need of reform in the civil service. His
appeals secured the passage of the law of March 3, 1871, under which
he appointed a civil service commission. This commission framed rules,
which were approved by the President. They provided for open competitive
examination, and went into effect January 1, 1872; and out of these grew
the present civil-service rules. One of his most important papers was
the message vetoing the "inflation bill."

The closing months of his public life covered the stormy and exciting
period following the Presidential election of 1876, when the result as
between Mr. Tilden and Mr. Hayes was so long in doubt. There is very
little, however, in any Presidential paper of that period to indicate
the great peril to the country and the severe strain to which our
institutions were subjected in that memorable contest.

The Administration of Mr. Hayes, though it began amid exciting scenes
and an unprecedented situation which threatened disasters, was rather
marked by moderation and a sympathy with what he considered true reform.
Some of his vetoes are highly interesting, and indicate independence of
character and that he was not always controlled by mere party politics.
One of the most famous and best remembered of his messages is that
vetoing the Bland-Allison Act, which restored the legal-tender quality
to the silver dollar and provided for its limited coinage.

Other papers of interest are his message recommending the resumption of
specie payments; vetoes of a bill to restrict Chinese immigration, of
an Army appropriation bill, of a legislative, executive, and judicial
appropriation bill, and of the act known as the "funding act of 1881."
It was during Mr. Hayes's Administration, when the Forty-fifth Congress
met in extraordinary session on March 18, 1879, that for the first time
since the Congress that was chosen with Mr. Buchanan in 1856 the
Democratic party was in control of both Houses.

JAMES D. RICHARDSON,

FEBRUARY 22, 1898.




Ulysses S. Grant

March 4, 1869, to March 4, 1877




Ulysses S. Grant

Ulysses S. Grant was born at Point Pleasant, Clermont County, Ohio,
April 27, 1822. He was of Scotch ancestry, but his family had been
American in all its branches for several generations. Was a descendant
of Mathew Grant, who arrived at Dorchester, Mass., in May, 1630. His
father was Jesse R. Grant and his mother Hannah Simpson; they were
married in Clermont County, Ohio, in June, 1821. In the fall of 1823 his
parents removed to Georgetown, the county seat of Brown County, Ohio.
Ulysses, the eldest of six children, spent his boyhood in assisting his
father on the farm, which was more congenial than working in the tannery
of which his father was proprietor. From an early age until 17 years
old attended the subscription schools of Georgetown, except during
the winters of 1836-37 and 1838-39, which were spent at schools in
Maysville, Ky., and Ripley, Ohio. In the spring of 1839, at the age of
17, was appointed to a cadetship in the Military Academy at West Point
by Thomas L. Hamer, a Member of Congress, and entered the Academy July
1, 1839. The name given him at birth was Hiram Ulysses, but he was
always called by his middle name. Mr. Hamer, thinking Ulysses his first
name, and that his middle name was probably that of his mother's family,
inserted in the official appointment the name of Ulysses S. Grant. The
officials of the Academy were notified by Cadet Grant of the error, but
they did not feel authorized to correct it, and it was acquiesced in and
became the name by which he was always known. Graduated from the Academy
in 1843, twenty-first in a class of thirty-nine members. Was attached to
the Fourth United States Infantry as brevet second lieutenant July 1,
1843; was appointed second lieutenant, Seventh Infantry, September 30,
1845, and transferred to the Fourth Infantry November 15, 1845. During
the Mexican War (1846-1848) took part with his regiment in active
service, and was in all the battles fought by Generals Scott and Taylor
except that of Buena Vista. Was brevetted for gallant conduct at the
battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, but declined the honor. At
the battle of Monterey distinguished himself by volunteering to run the
gantlet and bring ammunition for the troops into the city. September 8,
1847, was appointed brevet first lieutenant for gallant conduct at
Molino del Rey. Acted as regimental quartermaster April 1, 1847, to July
23, 1848, and from November 17, 1848, to August 5, 1853. September 13,
1847, was brevetted captain for gallant conduct at the battle of
Chapultepec, and on September 16 was appointed first lieutenant. At San
Cosme was mentioned in special orders by his commanders--regimental,
brigade, and division. After the Mexican War his regiment was sent to
Pascagoula, Miss., and afterwards to Sacketts Harbor, N.Y., and Detroit,
Mich. August 22, 1848, married Miss Julia Dent, of St. Louis, Mo. In
1852 his regiment was sent to the Pacific Coast. August 5, 1853, was
appointed captain. Resigned July 31, 1854, and went to live on a farm
near St. Louis, but in 1858 gave up farming on account of his health,
and entered into the real-estate business in St. Louis. In May, 1860,
removed to Galena, Ill., and became a clerk in his father's store.
In April, 1861, after President Lincoln's call for troops, presided
at a public meeting in Galena, which resulted in the organization of a
company of volunteers, which he drilled and accompanied to Springfield,
Ill. Was employed by Governor Yates in the adjutant-general's office,
and appointed mustering officer. Offered his services to the National
Government in a letter written May 24, 1861, but no answer was ever
made to it. June 17, 1861, was appointed colonel of the Twenty-first
Illinois Volunteers, and served until August 7, when he was appointed
brigadier-general of volunteers by the President, his commission to date
from May 17, 1861. Was assigned September 1 to command the District
of Southeastern Missouri. September 4 established his headquarters at
Cairo, and on the 6th captured Paducah, Ky. February 2, 1862, advanced
from Cairo; on the 6th captured Fort Henry, and on the 16th Fort
Donelson. Soon afterwards was made a major-general of volunteers, his
commission dating from February 16. March 4 was relieved from his
command and ordered to remain at Fort Henry, but on the 13th was
restored. Commanded at the battle of Shiloh, April 6 and 7, 1862.
General Halleck on April 11 assumed command of the combined armies, and
General Grant became second in command during the advance upon and the
siege of Corinth. In July Halleck became general in chief of all the
armies, and General Grant was placed in command of the District of West
Tennessee. In September fought the battle of Iuka, Miss., and in October
the battle of Corinth. January 29, 1863, moved down the Mississippi
River and took command of the troops opposite Vicksburg. On March 29
sent one corps of his army across the peninsula opposite Vicksburg, and
on April 16 ran the batteries with seven gunboats and three transports.
April 22 six other transports ran the batteries. His army was now below
Vicksburg, and on the 29th bombarded Grand Gulf. May 1 fought the battle
at Port Gibson, and on May 3 captured Grand Gulf. May 12 defeated the
Confederates at Raymond; and on the 14th captured Jackson, Miss. After
several engagements the Confederates were driven by him into Vicksburg,
when he began the siege of that city, which was surrendered July 4,
1863. On the same day was commissioned a major-general in the United
States Army. In August went to New Orleans to confer with General Banks,
and while reviewing the troops there was injured by his horse falling on
him. About the middle of October was assigned to the command of the
Military Division of the Mississippi, which included Rosecran's army at
Chattanooga, Tenn. Arrived at Chattanooga October 23, and the next day
issued orders which resulted in the battle of Wauhatchie on the 29th.
Attacked the Confederates under General Bragg on November 23, and
after three days' fighting captured Missionary Ridge, whereupon the
Confederates retreated to Dalton, Ga. For his successes Congress, in
December, 1863, passed a resolution of thanks to him and the officers
and soldiers of his command, and presented him with a gold medal. The
bill restoring the grade of lieutenant-general became a law in February,
1864, and on March 1 he was nominated for the position and was confirmed
the succeeding day. On March 12 assumed command of all the armies of the
United States, and immediately began the plan of campaign that kept all
of the armies in motion until the war ended. About May 4, 1864, this
campaign, the greatest of the war, began, and lasted until the surrender
of the Confederates in April, 1865. During this period there were fought
some of the bloodiest battles of the world. On April 9, 1865, General
Lee surrendered his army at Appomattox, Va., to General Grant, who then
displayed the greatest magnanimity to the Confederates, and won for
himself from his late enemies their warmest gratitude. His magnanimity
will always be remembered by the Confederate soldiers, and will stand
in history as long as nobility of character shall be appreciated by
mankind. On the closing of the war directed his attention to mustering
out of service the great army under his command and the disposal of the
enormous quantity of stores of the Government. In the discharge of his
duties visited different sections of the country and was received
everywhere with enthusiasm. The citizens of Philadelphia presented him
with a handsome residence in that city; his old neighbors in Galena gave
him a pretty home in their town; the people of New York presented to him
a check for $105,000. In November and December, 1865, traveled through
the Southern States, and made a report to the President upon the
conditions there. In May, 1866, submitted a plan to the Government for
the reorganization of the Regular Army of the United States, which
became the basis of its reorganization. July 25 Congress passed an act
creating the grade of general of the armies of the United States,
and on the same day he was appointed to this rank. August 12, 1867, was
appointed by President Johnson Secretary of War _ad interim_, which
position he held until January 14, 1868. At the national convention
of the Republican party which met in Chicago on May 20, 1868, was
unanimously nominated for President on the first call of States. His
letter of acceptance of that nomination was brief, and contained the
famous sentence, "Let us have peace." At the election in November was
chosen to be President, receiving 214 electoral votes, while Horatio
Seymour received 80. Was renominated by his party in national convention
in Philadelphia June 6, 1872, and at the election in November received
286 electoral votes, against 66 which would have been cast for Horace
Greeley if he had lived. Retired from office March 4, 1877. After his
retirement made a journey into foreign countries, and was received with
great distinction and pomp by all the governments and peoples he
visited. An earnest effort was made to nominate him for a third term,
but it failed. By special act of Congress passed March 3, 1885, was
placed as general on the retired list of the Army. He died July 23,
1885, at Mount McGregor, N.Y., and was buried at Riverside Park, New
York City, on the Hudson River.




FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

_Citizens of the United States_:

Your suffrages having elected me to the office of President of the
United States, I have, in conformity to the Constitution of our country,
taken the oath of office prescribed therein. I have taken this oath
without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best
of my ability all that is required of me. The responsibilities of the
position I feel, but accept them without fear. The office has come to me
unsought; I commence its duties untrammeled. I bring to it a conscious
desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the
satisfaction of the people.

On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always express
my views to Congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when
I think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of
interposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose; but all laws will
be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.

I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforce
against the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike--those
opposed as well as those who favor them. I know no method to secure the
repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent
execution.

The country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many
questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years
which preceding Administrations have never had to deal with. In meeting
these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without
prejudice, hate, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good
to the greatest number is the object to be attained.

This requires security of person, property, and free religious and
political opinion in every part of our common country, without regard
to local prejudice. All laws to secure these ends will receive my best
efforts for their enforcement.

A great debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity
the Union. The payment of this, principal and interest, as well as the
return to a specie basis as soon as it can be accomplished without
material detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large,
must be provided for. To protect the national honor, every dollar
of Government indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise
expressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood that no
repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in public
place, and it will go far toward strengthening a credit which ought to
be the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to replace the
debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay. To this should be
added a faithful collection of the revenue, a strict accountability to
the Treasury for every dollar collected, and the greatest practicable
retrenchment in expenditure in every department of Government.

When we compare the paying capacity of the country now, with the ten
States in poverty from the effects of war, but soon to emerge, I trust,
into greater prosperity than ever before, with its paying capacity
twenty-five years ago, and calculate what it probably will be
twenty-five years hence, who can doubt the feasibility of paying every
dollar then with more ease than we now pay for useless luxuries? Why,
it looks as though Providence had bestowed upon us a strong box in the
precious metals locked up in the sterile mountains of the far West, and
which we are now forging the key to unlock, to meet the very contingency
that is now upon us.

Ultimately it may be necessary to insure the facilities to reach these
riches, and it may be necessary also that the General Government should
give its aid to secure this access; but that should only be when a
dollar of obligation to pay secures precisely the same sort of dollar
to use now, and hot before. Whilst the question of specie payments is
in abeyance the prudent business man is careful about contracting debts
payable in the distant future. The nation should follow the same rule.
A prostrate commerce is to be rebuilt and all industries encouraged.

The young men of the country--those who from their age must be its
rulers twenty-five years hence--have a peculiar interest in maintaining
the national honor. A moment's reflection as to what will be our
commanding influence among the nations of the earth in their day, if
they are only true to themselves, should inspire them with national
pride. All divisions--geographical, political, and religious--can join
in this common sentiment. How the public debt is to be paid or specie
payments resumed is not so important as that a plan should be adopted
and acquiesced in. A united determination to do is worth more than
divided counsels upon the method of doing. Legislation upon this subject
may not be necessary now, nor even advisable, but it will be when the
civil law is more fully restored in all parts of the country and trade
resumes its wonted channels.

It will be my endeavor to execute all laws in good faith, to collect
all revenues assessed, and to have them properly accounted for and
economically disbursed. I will to the best of my ability appoint to
office those only who will carry out this design.

In regard to foreign policy, I would deal with nations as equitable law
requires individuals to deal with each other, and I would protect the
law-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever his
rights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats. I would
respect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own.
If others depart from this rule in their dealings with us, we may be
compelled to follow their precedent.

The proper treatment of the original occupants of this land--the
Indians--is one deserving of careful study. I will favor any course
toward them which tends to their civilization and ultimate citizenship.

The question of suffrage is one which is likely to agitate the public
so long as a portion of the citizens of the nation are excluded from
its privileges in any State. It seems to me very desirable that this
question should be settled now, and I entertain the hope and express
the desire that it may be by the ratification of the fifteenth article
of amendment to the Constitution.

In conclusion I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout
the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his
share toward cementing a happy union; and I ask the prayers of the
nation to Almighty God in behalf of this consummation.

MARCH 4, 1869.

[NOTE.--The Forty-first Congress, first session, met March 4, 1869,
in accordance with the act of January 22, 1867.]




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


WASHINGTON, D.C., _March 6, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

Since the nomination and confirmation of Alexander T. Stewart to the
office of Secretary of the Treasury I find that by the eighth section
of the act of Congress approved September 2, 1789, it is provided as
follows, to wit:


  _And be it further enacted_, That no person appointed to any office
  instituted by this act shall, directly or indirectly, be concerned or
  interested in carrying on the business of trade or commerce; or be
  owner, in whole or in part, of any sea vessel; or purchase, by himself
  or another in trust for him, any public lands or other public property;
  or be concerned in the purchase or disposal of any public securities of
  any State or of the United States; or take or apply to his own use any
  emolument or gain for negotiating or transacting any business in the
  said Department other than what shall be allowed by law; and if any
  person shall offend against any of the prohibitions of this act he shall
  be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor and forfeit to the United States
  the penalty of $3,000, and shall upon conviction be removed from office
  and forever thereafter incapable of holding any office under the United
  States: _Provided_, That if any other person than a public prosecutor
  shall give information of any such offense, upon which a prosecution and
  conviction shall be had, one-half the aforesaid penalty of $3,000, when
  recovered, shall be for the use of the person giving such information.


In view of these provisions and the fact that Mr. Stewart has been
unanimously confirmed by the Senate, I would ask that he be exempted by
joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress from the operations of
the same.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 9, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in compliance with its resolution of the 5th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State, communicating a list of
the public and private acts and resolutions passed at the third session
of the Fortieth Congress which have become laws, either by approval or
otherwise.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 9, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I have the honor to request to be permitted to withdraw from the Senate
of the United States my message of the 6th instant, requesting the
passage of a joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress to relieve
the Secretary of the Treasury from the disabilities imposed by section 8
of the act of Congress approved September 2, 1789.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 15, 1869_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I invite the attention of Congress to the accompanying communication[1]
of this date, which I have received from the Secretary of the Interior.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 1: Report of the Government directors of the Union Pacific
Railroad relative to an injunction issued by Judge Barnard, of the
supreme court of the city of New York, restraining and prohibiting an
election of officers or directors on the day directed by the law of
December 20, 1867.]



WASHINGTON, _March 16, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 11th instant,
asking if the first installment due from the Government of Venezuela
pursuant to the convention of April 25, 1866, has been paid, I transmit
a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was
referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 24, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the
1st instant, a report from the Secretary of State, together with
accompanying papers.[2]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 2: Correspondence with the United states minister and the
secretary of legation at Madrid.]



WASHINGTON, _March 29, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In compliance with the request contained in the resolution of the Senate
of the 17th instant, in regard to certain correspondence[3] between
James Buchanan, then President of the United States, and Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State, I transmit a report from the Department of State,
which is accompanied by a copy of the correspondence referred to.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 3: Regarding the policy to be pursued to avert civil war, then
threatening, which correspondence led to the resignation of Mr. Cass.]



WASHINGTON, _March 31, 1869_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
30th of January last, calling for the papers relative to the claim of
Owen Thorn and others against the British Government, I transmit a
report from the Secretary of State, together with copies of the papers
referred to in said resolution.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 3, 1869_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the
28th of January last, requesting information concerning the destruction
during the late war by rebel vessels of certain merchant vessels of
the United States, and concerning the damages and claims resulting
therefrom, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the
tabular statement which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _April 5, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit herewith, for the constitutional action of the Senate,
certain articles of agreement made and concluded at the Kaw Indian
Agency, Kans., on the 13th ultimo, between the commissioners on the part
of the United States and certain chiefs or headmen of the Kansas or Kaw
tribe of Indians on behalf of said tribe, together with a letter from
the Secretary of the Interior, to which attention is invited.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 7, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 27th of May last, in
relation to the subject of claims against Great Britain, I transmit a
report from the Secretary of State and the papers which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _April 7, 1869_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

While I am aware that the time in which Congress proposes now to remain
in session is very brief, and that it is its desire, as far as is
consistent with the public interest, to avoid entering upon the general
business of legislation, there is one subject which concerns so deeply
the welfare of the country that I deem it my duty to bring it before
you.

I have no doubt that you will concur with me in the opinion that
it is desirable to restore the States which were engaged in the
rebellion to their proper relations to the Government and the country
at as early a period as the people of those States shall be found
willing to become peaceful and orderly communities and to adopt and
maintain such constitutions and laws as will effectually secure the
civil and political rights of all persons within their borders.
The authority of the United States, which has been vindicated and
established by its military power, must undoubtedly be asserted for the
absolute protection of all its citizens in the full enjoyment of the
freedom and security which is the object of a republican government; but
whenever the people of a rebellious State are ready to enter in good
faith upon the accomplishment of this object, in entire conformity with
the constitutional authority of Congress, it is certainly desirable that
all causes of irritation should be removed as promptly as possible, that
a more perfect union may be established and the country be restored to
peace and prosperity.

The convention of the people of Virginia which met in Richmond on
Tuesday, December 3, 1867, framed a constitution for that State, which
was adopted by the convention on the 17th of April, 1868, and I desire
respectfully to call the attention of Congress to the propriety of
providing by law for the holding of an election in that State at some
time during the months of May and June next, under the direction of
the military commander of that district, at which the question of the
adoption of that constitution shall be submitted to the citizens of
the State; and if this should seem desirable, I would recommend that a
separate vote be taken upon such parts as may be thought expedient, and
that at the same time and under the same authority there shall be an
election for the officers provided under such constitution, and that
the constitution, or such parts thereof as shall have been adopted by
the people, be submitted to Congress on the first Monday of December
next for its consideration, so that if the same is then approved the
necessary steps will have been taken for the restoration of the State
of Virginia to its proper relations to the Union. I am led to make this
recommendation from the confident hope and belief that the people of
that State are now ready to cooperate with the National Government in
bringing it again into such relations to the Union as it ought as soon
as possible to establish and maintain, and to give to all its people
those equal rights under the law which were asserted in the Declaration
of Independence in the words of one of the most illustrious of its sons.

I desire also to ask the consideration of Congress to the question
whether there is not just ground for believing that the constitution
framed by a convention of the people of Mississippi for that State, and
once rejected, might not be again submitted to the people of that State
in like manner, and with the probability of the same result.

U.S. GRANT.




PROCLAMATION.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas objects of interest to the United States require that the Senate
should be convened at 12 o'clock on the 12th day of April, 1869, to
receive and act upon such communications as may be made to it on the
part of the Executive:

Now, therefore, I, U.S. Grant, President of the United States, have
considered it to be my duty to issue this my proclamation, declaring
that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the United States
to convene for the transaction of business at the Capitol, in the city
of Washington, on the 12th day of April, 1869, at 12 o'clock noon on
that day, of which all who shall at that time be entitled to act as
members of that body are hereby required to take notice.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington,
the 8th day of April, A.D. 1869, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the ninety-third.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


WASHINGTON, _April 16, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to ratification,
a convention between the United States and the Emperor of the French,
signed this day by the plenipotentiaries of the parties, for the mutual
protection of trade-marks of their respective citizens and subjects.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 21, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution adopted in
executive session on the 16th of February last, requesting copy of the
official correspondence of Mr. Buchanan during his residence at St.
Petersburg as minister of the United States, a report from the Secretary
of State, with the accompanying papers.

U.S. GRANT.




PROCLAMATIONS.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

In pursuance of the provisions of the act of Congress approved April
10, 1869, I hereby designate the 6th day of July, 1869, as the time
for submitting the constitution passed by the convention which met in
Richmond, Va., on Tuesday, the 3d day of December, 1867, to the voters
of said State registered at the date of such submission, viz, July 6,
1869, for ratification or rejection.

And I submit to a separate vote the fourth clause of section I of
article 3 of said constitution, which is in the following words:

  Every person who has been a Senator or Representative in Congress, or
  elector of President or Vice-President, or who held any office, civil
  or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having
  previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of
  the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an
  executive or judicial officer of any State, shall have engaged in
  insurrection or rebellion against the same or given aid or comfort to
  the enemies thereof. This clause shall include the following officers:
  Governor, lieutenant-governor, secretary of state, auditor of public
  accounts, second auditor, register of the land office, State treasurer,
  attorney-general, sheriffs, sergeant of a city or town, commissioner
  of the revenue, county surveyors, constables, overseers of the poor,
  commissioner of the board of public works, judges of the supreme court,
  judges of the circuit court, judges of the court of hustings, justices
  of the county courts, mayor, recorder, alderman, councilmen of a city
  or town, coroners, escheators, inspectors of tobacco, flour, etc.,
  clerks of the supreme, district, circuit, and county courts and of the
  court of hustings, and attorneys for the Commonwealth: _Provided_,
  That the legislature may, by a vote of three-fifths of both houses,
  remove the disabilities incurred by this clause from any person
  included therein, by a separate vote in each case.


And I also submit to a separate vote the seventh section of article 3 of
the said constitution, which is in the words following:

  In addition to the foregoing oath of office, the governor,
  lieutenant-governor, members of the general assembly, secretary of
  state, auditor of public accounts, State treasurer, attorney-general,
  and all persons elected to any convention to frame a constitution for
  this State or to amend or revise this constitution in any manner, and
  mayor and council of any city or town, shall, before they enter on the
  duties of their respective offices, take and subscribe the following
  oath or affirmation: _Provided_, The disabilities therein contained may
  be individually removed by a three-fifths vote of the general assembly:

  "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I have never voluntarily borne
  arms against the United States since I have been a citizen thereof;
  that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or
  encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I
  have never sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the functions
  of any office whatever under any authority or pretended authority in
  hostility to the United States; that I have not yielded a voluntary
  support to any pretended government, authority, power, or constitution
  within the United States hostile or inimical thereto. And I do further
  swear (or affirm) that, to the best of my knowledge and ability, I
  will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against
  all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and
  allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without
  any mental reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and
  faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to
  enter. So help me God."


The above oath shall also be taken by all the city and county officers
before entering upon their duties, and by all other State officers not
included in the above provision. I direct the vote to be taken upon each
of the above-cited provisions alone, and upon the other portions of the
said constitution in the following manner, viz:

Each voter favoring the ratification of the constitution (excluding the
provisions above quoted) as framed by the convention of December 3,
1867, shall express his judgment by voting for the constitution.

Each voter favoring the rejection of the constitution (excluding the
provisions above quoted) shall express his judgment by voting against
the constitution.

Each voter will be allowed to cast a separate ballot for or against
either or both of the provisions above quoted.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 14th day of May, A.D. 1869, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-third.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the act of Congress approved June 25, 1868, constituted, on and
after that date, eight hours a day's work for all laborers, workmen, and
mechanics employed by or on behalf of the Government of the United
States, and repealed all acts and parts of acts inconsistent therewith:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States, do
hereby direct that from and after this date no reduction shall be made
in the wages paid by the Government by the day to such laborers,
workmen, and mechanics on account of such reduction of the hours of
labor.

In testimony whereof I have hereto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 19th day of May, A.D. 1869, and of
the Independence of the United States the ninety-third.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory evidence has been received by me from His
Majesty the Emperor of France, through the Count Faverney, his chargé
d'affaires, that on and after this date the discriminating duties
heretofore levied in French ports upon merchandise imported from the
countries of its origin in vessels of the United States are to be
discontinued and abolished:

Now, therefore, I, U.S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by an act of Congress
of the 7th day of January, 1824, and by an act in addition thereto of
the 24th day of May, 1828, do hereby declare and proclaim that on and
after this date, so long as merchandise imported from the countries of
its origin into French ports in vessels belonging to citizens of the
United States is admitted into French ports on the terms aforesaid, the
discriminating duties heretofore levied upon merchandise imported from
the countries of its origin into ports of the United States in French
vessels shall be, and are hereby, discontinued and abolished.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 12th day of June, A.D. 1869, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-third.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

In pursuance of the provisions of the act of Congress approved April
10, 1869, I hereby designate Tuesday, the 30th day of November, 1869,
as the time for submitting the constitution adopted on the 15th day of
May, 1868, by the convention which met in Jackson, Miss., to the voters
of said State registered at the date of such submission, viz, November
30, 1869.

And I submit to a separate vote that part of section 3 of Article VII of
said constitution which is in the following words:

  That I am not disfranchised in any of the provisions of the acts known
  as the reconstruction acts of the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congress,
  and that I admit the political and civil equality of all men. So help me
  God: _Provided_, If Congress shall at any time remove the disabilities
  of any person disfranchised in said reconstruction acts of the said
  Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congress (and the legislature of this State
  shall concur therein), then so much of this oath, and so much only, as
  refers to the said reconstruction acts shall not be required of such
  person so pardoned to entitle him to be registered.


And I further submit to a separate vote section 5 of the same article
of said constitution, which is in the following words:

  No person shall be eligible to any office of profit or trust, civil or
  military, in this State who, as a member of the legislature, voted for
  the call of the convention that passed the ordinance of secession, or
  who, as a delegate to any convention, voted for or signed any ordinance
  of secession, or who gave voluntary aid, countenance, counsel, or
  encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility to the United
  States, or who accepted or attempted to exercise the functions of any
  office, civil or military, under any authority or pretended government,
  authority, power, or constitution within the United States hostile or
  inimical thereto, except all persons who aided reconstruction by voting
  for this convention or who have continuously advocated the assembling
  of this convention and shall continuously and in good faith advocate
  the acts of the same; but the legislature may remove such disability:
  _Provided_, That nothing in this section, except voting for or signing
  the ordinance of secession, shall be so construed as to exclude from
  office the private soldier of the late so-called Confederate States
  army.


And I further submit to a separate vote section 5 of Article XII of the
said constitution, which is in the following words:

  The credit of the State shall not be pledged or loaned in aid of any
  person, association, or corporation; nor shall the State hereafter
  become a stockholder in any corporation or association.

And I further submit to a separate vote part of the oath of office
prescribed in section 26 of Article XII of the said constitution, which
is in the following words:

  That I have never, as a member of any convention, voted for or signed
  any ordinance of secession; that I have never, as a member of any State
  legislature, voted for the call of any convention that passed any such
  ordinance.


The above oath shall also be taken by all the city and county officers
before entering upon their duties, and by all other State officials not
included in the above provision. I direct the vote to be taken upon each
of the above-cited provisions alone, and upon the other portions of the
said constitution in the following manner, viz:

Each voter favoring the ratification of the constitution (excluding the
provisions above quoted), as adopted by the convention of May 15, 1868,
shall express his judgment by voting for the constitution.

Each voter favoring the rejection of the constitution (excluding the
provisions above quoted) shall express his judgment by voting against
the constitution.

Each voter will be allowed to cast a separate ballot for or against
either or both of the provisions above quoted.

It is understood that sections 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14,
and 15 of Article XIII, under the head of "Ordinance," are considered
as forming no part of the said constitution.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 13th day of July, A.D. 1869, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fourth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

In pursuance of the provisions of the act of Congress approved April 10,
1869, I hereby designate Tuesday, the 30th day of November, 1869, as the
time for submitting the constitution adopted by the convention which met
in Austin, Tex., on the 15th day of June, 1868, to the voters of said
State registered at the date of such submission, viz:

I direct the vote to be taken upon the said constitution in the
following manner, viz:

Each voter favoring the ratification of the constitution as adopted by
the convention of the 15th of June, 1868, shall express his judgment by
voting for the constitution.

Each voter favoring the rejection of the constitution shall express his
judgment by voting against the constitution.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of July, A.D. 1869, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fourth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

The year which is drawing to a close has been free from pestilence;
health has prevailed throughout the land; abundant crops reward the
labors of the husbandman; commerce and manufactures have successfully
prosecuted their peaceful paths; the mines and forests have yielded
liberally; the nation has increased in wealth and in strength; peace has
prevailed, and its blessings have advanced every interest of the people
in every part of the Union; harmony and fraternal intercourse restored
are obliterating the marks of past conflict and estrangement; burdens
have been lightened; means have been increased; civil and religious
liberty are secured to every inhabitant of the land, whose soil is trod
by none but freemen.

It becomes a people thus favored to make acknowledgment to the Supreme
Author from whom such blessings flow of their gratitude and their
dependence, to render praise and thanksgiving for the same, and devoutly
to implore a continuance of God's mercies.

Therefore I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States, do
recommend that Thursday, the 18th day of November next, be observed as
a day of thanksgiving and of praise and of prayer to Almighty God, the
creator and the ruler of the universe; and I do further recommend to
all the people of the United States to assemble on that day in their
accustomed places of public worship and to unite in the homage and
praise due to the bountiful Father of All Mercies and in fervent prayer
for the continuance of the manifold blessings he has vouchsafed to us
as a people.

[SEAL.]

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed, this 5th day of October, A.D. 1869, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fourth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by the proclamation of the President of the United States of the
12th day of June last the levying of discriminating duties on
merchandise imported into the United States in French vessels from the
countries of its origin was discontinued; and

Whereas satisfactory information has since been received by me that the
levying of such duties on all merchandise imported into France in
vessels of the United States, whether from the countries of its origin
or from other countries, has been discontinued:

Now, therefore, I, U.S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by an act of Congress
of the 7th day of January, 1824, and by an act in addition thereto of
the 24th day of May, 1828, do hereby declare and proclaim that on and
after this date, so long as merchandise imported into France in vessels
of the United States, whether from the countries of its origin or from
other countries, shall be admitted into the ports of France on the terms
aforesaid, the discriminating duties heretofore levied upon merchandise
imported into the United States in French vessels, either from the
countries of its origin or from any other country, shall be, and are,
discontinued and abolished.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 20th day of November, A.D. 1869,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
ninety-fourth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.




EXECUTIVE ORDERS.


GENERAL ORDERS, No. 10.


HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, March 5, 1869_.

The President of the United States directs that the following orders be
carried into execution as soon as practicable:

1. The Department of the South will be commanded by Brigadier and Brevet
Major General A.H. Terry.

2. Major-General G.G. Meade is assigned to command the Military Division
of the Atlantic, and will transfer his headquarters to Philadelphia,
Pa. He will turn over his present command temporarily to Brevet
Major-General T.H. Ruger, colonel Thirty-third Infantry, who is assigned
to duty according to his brevet of major-general while in the exercise
of this command.

3. Major-General P.H. Sheridan is assigned to command the Department of
Louisiana, and will turn over the command of the Department of the
Missouri temporarily to the next senior officer.

4. Major-General W.S. Hancock is assigned to command the Department of
Dakota.

5. Brigadier and Brevet Major General E.R.S. Canby is assigned to
command the First Military District, and will proceed to his post as
soon as relieved by Brevet Major-General Reynolds.

6. Brevet Major-General A.C. Gillem, colonel Twenty-fourth Infantry,
will turn over the command of the Fourth Military District to the next
senior officer and join his regiment.

7. Brevet Major-General J.J. Reynolds, colonel Twenty-sixth Infantry, is
assigned to command the Fifth Military District, according to his brevet
of major-general.

8. Brevet Major-General W.H. Emory, colonel Fifth Cavalry, is assigned
to command the Department of Washington, according to his brevet of
major-general.

By command of the General of the Army:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 11.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, March 8, 1869_.

The following orders of the President of the United States are published
for the information and government of all concerned:

WAR DEPARTMENT,

_Washington City, March 5, 1869_.

By direction of the President, General William T. Sherman will assume
command of the Army of the United States.

The chiefs of staff corps, departments, and bureaus will report to and
act under the immediate orders of the General Commanding the Army.

All official business which by law or regulations requires the action of
the President or Secretary of War will be submitted by the General of
the Army to the Secretary of War, and in general all orders from the

President or Secretary of War to any portion of the Army, line or staff,
will be transmitted through the General of the Army.

J.M. SCHOFIELD, _Secretary of War_.

By command of the General of the Army:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.



SPECIAL ORDERS, No. 55.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, March 9, 1869_.

       *       *       *       *       *

6. By direction of the President, Brevet Major-General Adelbert Ames,
lieutenant-colonel Twenty-fourth United States Infantry, is hereby
assigned to command the Fourth Military District, according to his
brevet rank.

       *       *       *       *       *

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 18.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, March 16, 1869_.

By direction of the President of the United States, the following
changes are made in military divisions and department commands:

I. Lieutenant-General P.H. Sheridan is assigned to command the Military
Division of the Missouri.

II. Major-General H.W. Halleck is assigned to the command of the
Military Division of the South, to be composed of the Departments of
the South and Louisiana, of the Fourth Military District, and of the
States composing the present Department of the Cumberland; headquarters,
Louisville, Ky. Major-General Halleck will proceed to his new command as
soon as relieved by Major-General Thomas.

III. Major-General G.H. Thomas is assigned to command the Military
Division of the Pacific.

IV. Major-General J.M. Schofield is assigned to command the Department
of the Missouri. The State of Illinois and post of Fort Smith, Ark., are
transferred to this department.

V. Brigadier and Brevet Major General O.O. Howard is assigned to command
the Department of Louisiana. Until his arrival the senior officer,
Brevet Major-General J.A. Mower, will command, according to his brevet
of major-general.

VI. The Department of Washington will be discontinued and merged in the
Department of the East. The records will be sent to the Adjutant-General
of the Army.

VII. The First Military District will be added to the Military Division
of the Atlantic.

VIII. As soon as Major-General Thomas is ready to relinquish command of
the Department of the Cumberland, the department will be discontinued,
and the States composing it will be added to other departments, to be
hereafter designated. The records will be forwarded to the
Adjutant-General of the Army.

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.



WAR DEPARTMENT, _Washington City, March 26, 1869_.

By direction of the President, the order of the Secretary of War dated
War Department, March 5, 1869, and published in General Orders, No. 11,
Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant-General's Office, dated March 8,
1869, except so much as directs General W.T. Sherman to "assume command
of the Army of the United States," is hereby rescinded.

All official business which by law or regulations requires the action of
the President or Secretary of War will be submitted by the chiefs of
staff corps, departments, and bureaus to the Secretary of War.

All orders and instructions relating to military operations issued by
the President or Secretary of War will be issued through the General of
the Army.

JNO. A. RAWLINS,

_Secretary of War_.



SPECIAL ORDERS, No. 75.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, March 31, 1869_.

       *       *       *       *       *

16. By direction of the President of the United States, Brevet
Major-General A.S. Webb, United States Army, is assigned to command the
First Military District, according to his brevet of major-general, until
the arrival of Brevet Major-General Canby to relieve him. He will
accordingly repair to Richmond, Va., without delay.

17. By direction of the President, Brevet Major-General George Stoneman,
colonel Twenty-first United States Infantry, is hereby relieved from the
temporary command of the First Military District, and will accompany his
regiment to the Military Division of the Pacific.

       *          *          *          *         *          *

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., June 3, 1869_.

A commission of citizens having been appointed under the authority of
law to cooperate with the administrative departments in the management
of Indian affairs, consisting of William Welsh, of Philadelphia; John V.
Farwell, of Chicago; George H. Stuart, of Philadelphia; Robert Campbell,
St. Louis; W.E. Dodge, New York; E.S. Tobey, Boston; Felix R. Brunot,
Pittsburg; Nathan Bishop, New York, and Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, the
following regulations will till further directions control the action of
said commission and of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in matters coming
under their joint supervision:

1. The commission will make its own organization and employ its own
clerical assistants, keeping its "necessary expenses of transportation,
subsistence, and clerk hire when actually engaged in said service"
within the amount appropriated therefor by Congress.

2. The commission shall be furnished with full opportunity to inspect
the records of the Indian Office and to obtain full information as to
the conduct of all parts of the affairs thereof.

3. They shall have full power to inspect, in person or by subcommittee,
the various Indian superintendencies and agencies in the Indian country,
to be present at payment of annuities, at consultations or councils with
the Indians, and when on the ground to advise superintendents and agents
in the performance of their duties.

4. They are authorized to be present, in person or by subcommittee, at
purchases of goods for Indian purposes, and inspect said purchases,
advising the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in regard thereto.

5. Whenever they shall deem it necessary or advisable that instructions
of superintendents or agents be changed or modified, they will
communicate such advice through the office of Commissioner of Indian
Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior, and in like manner their
advice as to changes in modes of purchasing goods or conducting the
affairs of the Indian Bureau proper. Complaints against superintendents
or agents or other officers will in the same manner be forwarded to the
Indian Bureau or Department of the Interior for action.

6. The commission will at their board meetings determine upon the
recommendations to be made as to the plans of civilizing or dealing
with the Indians, and submit the same for action in the manner above
indicated, and all plans involving the expenditure of public money will
be acted upon by the Executive or the Secretary of the Interior before
expenditure is made under the same.

7. The usual modes of accounting with the Treasury can not be changed,
and all expenditures, therefore, must be subject to the approvals now
required by law and the regulations of the Treasury Department, and all
vouchers must conform to the same laws and requirements and pass through
the ordinary channels.

8. All the officers of the Government connected with the Indian service
are enjoined to afford every facility and opportunity to said commission
and their subcommittees in the performance of their duties, and to give
the most respectful heed to their advice within the limits of such
officers' positive instructions from their superiors; to allow such
commissioners full access to their records and accounts, and to
cooperate with them in the most earnest manner to the extent of their
proper powers in the general work of civilizing the Indians, protecting
them in their legal rights, and stimulating them to become industrious
citizens in permanent homes, instead of following a roving and savage
life.

9. The commission will keep such records or minutes of their proceedings
as may be necessary to afford evidence of their action, and will provide
for the manner in which their communications with and advice to the
Government shall be made and authenticated.

U.S. GRANT.



[From the Daily Morning Chronicle, Washington, September 8, 1869.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, September 7, 1869_. [4]

It is my melancholy duty to inform you that the Hon. John A. Rawlins,
Secretary of War, departed this life at twelve minutes past 4 o'clock
on yesterday afternoon. In consequence of this afflicting event the
President directs that the Executive Departments of the Government
will be careful to manifest every observance of honor which custom has
established as appropriate to the memory of one so eminent as a public
functionary and so distinguished as a citizen.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

HAMILTON FISH.

[Footnote 4: Addressed to the heads of the Executive Departments.]



[From the Daily Morning Chronicle, Washington, September 8, 1869.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, September 7, 1869_.

SIR:[5] I have the honor to inform you that the President directs me to
communicate to you his order that in honor of the memory of the Hon.
John A. Rawlins, late Secretary of War, who died yesterday at twelve
minutes past 4 o'clock p.m., the Executive Departments shall be draped
in mourning for a period of thirty days, and that they be closed from
the morning of the 8th instant until after the obsequies of the deceased
shall have been solemnized.

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,

HAMILTON FISH.

[Footnote 5: Addressed to the heads of the Executive Departments.]



DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, September 7, 1869_.

The remains of the Hon. John A. Rawlins, late Secretary of War, will be
interred with military honors, under the direction of the General of the
Army, on Thursday, the 9th instant, at 10 o'clock a.m. The following
persons will officiate as pallbearers on the occasion:

Brevet Major-General Edward D. Townsend, Adjutant-General; Brevet
Major-General Randolph B. Marcy, Inspect or-General; Brevet
Major-General Joseph Holt, Judge-Advocate-General; Brevet Major-General
Montgomery C. Meigs, Quartermaster-General; Brevet Major-General Amos B.
Eaton, Commissary-General; Brevet Major-General Joseph K. Barnes,
Surgeon-General; Brevet Major-General B.W. Brice, Paymaster-General;
Brevet Major-General A.A. Humphreys, Chief of Engineers; Brevet
Major-General Alexander B. Dyer, Chief of Ordnance; Brevet
Brigadier-General Albert J. Myer, Chief Signal Officer; Brevet
Major-General O.O. Howard; Brevet Major-General John E. Smith; Commodore
Melancton Smith, Chief Bureau Equipment; Brigadier-General Jacob Zeilin,
Marine Corps; Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, Second Assistant
Postmaster-General; Hon. Sayles J. Bowen, mayor of Washington.

On the day of the funeral the customary number of guns will be fired
from all arsenals, forts, and navy-yards in the United States and from
the Military and Naval Academies. Flags will be kept at half-mast,
custom-houses closed, and all public work suspended during the day.

The General of the Army and heads of the several Executive Departments
will issue the orders necessary for carrying these directions into
effect.

By order of the President:

HAMILTON FISH, _Secretary of State_.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 69.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, October 9, 1869_.

I. The following order of the President has been received from the War
Department:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, October 8, 1869_.

The painful duty devolves upon the President of announcing to the people
of the United States the death of one of his honored predecessors,
Franklin Pierce, which occurred at Concord early this morning.

Eminent in the public councils and universally beloved in private life,
his death will be mourned with a sorrow befitting the loss which his
country sustains in his decease.

As a mark of respect to his memory, it is ordered that the Executive
Mansion and the several Departments at Washington be draped in mourning,
and all business suspended on the day of the funeral.

It is further ordered that the War and Navy Departments cause suitable
military and naval honors to be paid on the occasion to the memory of
this illustrious citizen who has passed from us.

U.S. GRANT.


II. In compliance with the instructions of the President and of the
Secretary of War, on the day after the receipt of this order at each
military post the troops will be paraded at 10 o'clock a.m. and the
order read to them, after which all labors for the day will cease.

The national flag will be displayed at half-staff.

At dawn of day thirteen guns will be fired, and afterwards at intervals
of thirty minutes between the rising and setting sun a single gun, and
at the close of the day a national salute of thirty-seven guns.

The officers of the Army will wear crape on the left arm and on their
swords and the colors of the several regiments will be put in mourning
for the period of thirty days.

By command of General Sherman:

J.C. KELTON,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.



GENERAL ORDER.


NAVY DEPARTMENT, _Washington, October 9, 1869_.

The death of ex-President Franklin Pierce is announced in the following
order of the President of the United States:

[For order see preceding page.]

In pursuance of the foregoing order, it is hereby directed that
twenty-one guns be fired, at intervals of one minute each, at the
several navy-yards and stations, on the day of the funeral where this
order may be received in time, otherwise on the day after its receipt,
commencing at noon, and also on board the flagships in each fleet. The
flags at the several navy-yards, naval stations, marine barracks, and
vessels in commission will be placed at half-mast from sunrise to sunset
on the day when the minute guns are fired.

All officers of the Navy and Marine Corps will wear the usual badge of
mourning attached to the sword hilt and on the left arm for thirty days.

GEO. M. ROBESON, _Secretary of the Navy_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

EXECUTIVE ORDER.

WASHINGTON, _October 19, 1869_.

All communications in writing intended for the executive department
of this Government and relating to public business of whatever kind,
including suggestions for legislation, claims, contracts, employment,
appointments, and removals from office, and pardons, must be transmitted
through the Department to which the care of the subject-matter of the
communication properly belongs. Communications otherwise transmitted
will not receive attention.

By order of the President:

HAMILTON FISH, _Secretary of State_.




FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., December 6, 1869_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In coming before you for the first time as Chief Magistrate of this
great nation, it is with gratitude to the Giver of All Good for the many
benefits we enjoy. We are blessed with peace at home, and are without
entangling alliances abroad to forebode trouble; with a territory
unsurpassed in fertility, of an area equal to the abundant support of
500,000,000 people, and abounding in every variety of useful mineral in
quantity sufficient to supply the world for generations; with exuberant
crops; with a variety of climate adapted to the production of every
species of earth's riches and suited to the habits, tastes, and
requirements of every living thing; with a population of 40,000,000 free
people, all speaking one language; with facilities for every mortal to
acquire an education; with institutions closing to none the avenues to
fame or any blessing of fortune that may be coveted; with freedom of
the pulpit, the press, and the school; with a revenue flowing into the
National Treasury beyond the requirements of the Government. Happily,
harmony is being rapidly restored within our own borders. Manufactures
hitherto unknown in our country are springing up in all sections,
producing a degree of national independence unequaled by that of any
other power.

These blessings and countless others are intrusted to your care and
mine for safe-keeping for the brief period of our tenure of office.
In a short time we must, each of us, return to the ranks of the people,
who have conferred upon us our honors, and account to them for our
stewardship. I earnestly desire that neither you nor I may be condemned
by a free and enlightened constituency nor by our own consciences.

Emerging from a rebellion of gigantic magnitude, aided, as it was,
by the sympathies and assistance of nations with which we were at
peace, eleven States of the Union were, four years ago, left without
legal State governments. A national debt had been contracted; American
commerce was almost driven from the seas; the industry of one-half of
the country had been taken from the control of the capitalist and placed
where all labor rightfully belongs--in the keeping of the laborer. The
work of restoring State governments loyal to the Union, of protecting
and fostering free labor, and providing means for paying the interest
on the public debt has received ample attention from Congress. Although
your efforts have not met with the success in all particulars that might
have been desired, yet on the whole they have been more successful than
could have been reasonably anticipated.

Seven States which passed ordinances of secession have been fully
restored to their places in the Union. The eighth (Georgia) held an
election at which she ratified her constitution, republican in form,
elected a governor, Members of Congress, a State legislature, and all
other officers required. The governor was duly installed, and the
legislature met and performed all the acts then required of them by the
reconstruction acts of Congress. Subsequently, however, in violation of
the constitution which they had just ratified (as since decided by the
supreme court of the State), they unseated the colored members of the
legislature and admitted to seats some members who are disqualified by
the third clause of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution--an
article which they themselves had contributed to ratify. Under these
circumstances I would submit to you whether it would not be wise,
without delay, to enact a law authorizing the governor of Georgia to
convene the members originally elected to the legislature, requiring
each member to take the oath prescribed by the reconstruction acts, and
none to be admitted who are ineligible under the third clause of the
fourteenth amendment.

The freedmen, under the protection which they have received, are making
rapid progress in learning, and no complaints are heard of lack of
industry on their part where they receive fair remuneration for their
labor. The means provided for paying the interest on the public debt,
with all other expenses of Government, are more than ample. The loss
of our commerce is the only result of the late rebellion which has not
received sufficient attention from you. To this subject I call your
earnest attention. I will not now suggest plans by which this object may
be effected, but will, if necessary, make it the subject of a special
message during the session of Congress.

At the March term Congress by joint resolution authorized the Executive
to order elections in the States of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, to
submit to them the constitutions which each had previously, in convention,
framed, and submit the constitutions, either entire or in separate
parts, to be voted upon, at the discretion of the Executive. Under this
authority elections were called. In Virginia the election took place on
the 6th of July, 1869. The governor and lieutenant-governor elected
have been installed. The legislature met and did all required by this
resolution and by all the reconstruction acts of Congress, and abstained
from all doubtful authority. I recommend that her Senators and
Representatives be promptly admitted to their seats, and that the State
be fully restored to its place in the family of States. Elections were
called in Mississippi and Texas, to commence on the 30th of November,
1869, and to last two days in Mississippi and four days in Texas. The
elections have taken place, but the result is not known. It is to be
hoped that the acts of the legislatures of these States, when they meet,
will be such as to receive your approval, and thus close the work of
reconstruction.

Among the evils growing out of the rebellion, and not yet referred to,
is that of an irredeemable currency. It is an evil which I hope will
receive your most earnest attention. It is a duty, and one of the
highest duties, of Government to secure to the citizen a medium of
exchange of fixed, unvarying value. This implies a return to a specie
basis, and no substitute for it can be devised. It should be commenced
now and reached at the earliest practicable moment consistent with a
fair regard to the interests of the debtor class. Immediate resumption,
if practicable, would not be desirable. It would compel the debtor class
to pay, beyond their contracts, the premium on gold at the date of their
purchase, and would bring bankruptcy and ruin to thousands. Fluctuation,
however, in the paper value of the measure of all values (gold) is
detrimental to the interests of trade. It makes the man of business an
involuntary gambler, for in all sales where future payment is to be made
both parties speculate as to what will be the value of the currency
to be paid and received. I earnestly recommend to you, then, such
legislation as will insure a gradual return to specie payments and put
an immediate stop to fluctuations in the value of currency.

The methods to secure the former of these results are as numerous as are
the speculators on political economy. To secure the latter I see but one
way, and that is to authorize the Treasury to redeem its own paper, at
a fixed price, whenever presented, and to withhold from circulation all
currency so redeemed until sold again for gold.

The vast resources of the nation, both developed and undeveloped, ought
to make our credit the best on earth. With a less burden of taxation
than the citizen has endured for six years past, the entire public debt
could be paid in ten years. But it is not desirable that the people
should be taxed to pay it in that time. Year by year the ability to pay
increases in a rapid ratio. But the burden of interest ought to be
reduced as rapidly as can be done without the violation of contract.
The public debt is represented in great part by bonds having from five
to twenty and from ten to forty years to run, bearing interest at the
rate of 6 per cent and 5 per cent, respectively. It is optional with the
Government to pay these bonds at any period after the expiration of the
least time mentioned upon their face. The time has already expired when
a great part of them may be taken up, and is rapidly approaching when
all may be. It is believed that all which are now due may be replaced by
bonds bearing a rate of interest not exceeding 4-1/2 per cent, and as
rapidly as the remainder become due that they may be replaced in the
same way. To accomplish this it may be necessary to authorize the
interest to be paid at either of three or four of the money centers
of Europe, or by any assistant treasurer of the United States, at
the option of the holder of the bond. I suggest this subject for the
consideration of Congress, and also, simultaneously with this, the
propriety of redeeming our currency, as before suggested, at its market
value at the time the law goes into effect, increasing the rate at which
currency shall be bought and sold from day to day or week to week, at
the same rate of interest as Government pays upon its bonds.

The subjects of tariff and internal taxation will necessarily receive
your attention. The revenues of the country are greater than the
requirements, and may with safety be reduced. But as the funding of
the debt in a 4 or a 4-1/2 per cent loan would reduce annual current
expenses largely, thus, after funding, justifying a greater reduction
of taxation than would be now expedient, I suggest postponement of this
question until the next meeting of Congress.

It may be advisable to modify taxation and tariff in instances where
unjust or burdensome discriminations are made by the present laws, but
a general revision of the laws regulating this subject I recommend the
postponement of for the present. I also suggest the renewal of the tax
on incomes, but at a reduced rate, say of 3 per cent, and this tax to
expire in three years.

With the funding of the national debt, as here suggested, I feel safe in
saying that taxes and the revenue from imports may be reduced safely
from sixty to eighty millions per annum at once, and may be still
further reduced from year to year, as the resources of the country are
developed.

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows the receipts of the
Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1869, to be $370,943,747,
and the expenditures, including interest, bounties, etc., to be
$321,490,597. The estimates for the ensuing year are more favorable to
the Government, and will no doubt show a much larger decrease of the
public debt.

The receipts in the Treasury beyond expenditures have exceeded
the amount necessary to place to the credit of the sinking fund, as
provided by law. To lock up the surplus in the Treasury and withhold it
from circulation would lead to such a contraction of the currency as to
cripple trade and seriously affect the prosperity of the country. Under
these circumstances the Secretary of the Treasury and myself heartily
concurred in the propriety of using all the surplus currency in the
Treasury in the purchase of Government bonds, thus reducing the
interest-bearing indebtedness of the country, and of submitting to
Congress the question of the disposition to be made of the bonds
so purchased. The bonds now held by the Treasury amount to about
seventy-five millions, including those belonging to the sinking fund.
I recommend that the whole be placed to the credit of the sinking fund.

Your attention is respectfully invited to the recommendations of the
Secretary of the Treasury for the creation of the office of commissioner
of customs revenue; for the increase of salaries to certain classes of
officials; the substitution of increased national-bank circulation to
replace the outstanding 3 per cent certificates; and most especially to
his recommendation for the repeal of laws allowing shares of fines,
penalties, forfeitures, etc., to officers of the Government or to
informers.

The office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue is one of the most
arduous and responsible under the Government. It falls but little, if
any, short of a Cabinet position in its importance and responsibilities.
I would ask for it, therefore, such legislation as in your judgment
will place the office upon a footing of dignity commensurate with its
importance and with the character and qualifications of the class of
men required to fill it properly.

As the United States is the freest of all nations, so, too, its people
sympathize with all people struggling for liberty and self-government;
but while so sympathizing it is due to our honor that we should abstain
from enforcing our views upon unwilling nations and from taking an
interested part, _without invitation_, in the quarrels between different
nations or between governments and their subjects. Our course should
always be in conformity with strict justice and law, international and
local. Such has been the policy of the Administration in dealing with
these questions. For more than a year a valuable province of Spain, and
a near neighbor of ours, in whom all our people can not but feel a deep
interest, has been struggling for independence and freedom. The people
and Government of the United States entertain the same warm feelings
and sympathies for the people of Cuba in their pending struggle that
they manifested throughout the previous struggles between Spain and
her former colonies in behalf of the latter. But the contest has at
no time assumed the conditions which amount to a war in the sense of
international law, or which would show the existence of a _de facto_
political organization of the insurgents sufficient to justify a
recognition of belligerency.

The principle is maintained, however, that this nation is its own judge
when to accord the rights of belligerency, either to a people struggling
to free themselves from a government they believe to be oppressive or to
independent nations at war with each other.

The United States have no disposition to interfere with the existing
relations of Spain to her colonial possessions on this continent. They
believe that in due time Spain and other European powers will find their
interest in terminating those relations and establishing their present
dependencies as independent powers--members of the family of nations.
These dependencies are no longer regarded as subject to transfer from
one European power to another. When the present relation of colonies
ceases, they are to become independent powers, exercising the right of
choice and of self-control in the determination of their future
condition and relations with other powers.

The United States, in order to put a stop to bloodshed in Cuba, and in
the interest of a neighboring people, proposed their good offices to
bring the existing contest to a termination. The offer, not being
accepted by Spain on a basis which we believed could be received by
Cuba, was withdrawn. It is hoped that the good offices of the United
States may yet prove advantageous for the settlement of this unhappy
strife. Meanwhile a number of illegal expeditions against Cuba have been
broken up. It has been the endeavor of the Administration to execute the
neutrality laws in good faith, no matter how unpleasant the task, made
so by the sufferings we have endured from lack of like good faith toward
us by other nations.

On the 26th of March last the United States schooner _Lizzie Major_ was
arrested on the high seas by a Spanish frigate, and two passengers taken
from it and carried as prisoners to Cuba. Representations of these facts
were made to the Spanish Government as soon as official information of
them reached Washington. The two passengers were set at liberty, and the
Spanish Government assured the United States that the captain of the
frigate in making the capture had acted without law, that he had been
reprimanded for the irregularity of his conduct, and that the Spanish
authorities in Cuba would not sanction any act that could violate the
rights or treat with disrespect the sovereignty of this nation.

The question of the seizure of the brig _Mary Lowell_ at one of
the Bahama Islands by Spanish authorities is now the subject of
correspondence between this Government and those of Spain and Great
Britain.

The Captain-General of Cuba about May last issued a proclamation
authorizing search to be made of vessels on the high seas. Immediate
remonstrance was made against this, whereupon the Captain-General issued
a new proclamation limiting the right of search to vessels of the United
States so far as authorized under the treaty of 1795. This proclamation,
however, was immediately withdrawn.

I have always felt that the most intimate relations should be cultivated
between the Republic of the United States and all independent nations on
this continent. It may be well worth considering whether new treaties
between us and them may not be profitably entered into, to secure more
intimate relations--friendly, commercial, and otherwise.

The subject of an interoceanic canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans through the Isthmus of Darien is one in which commerce is greatly
interested. Instructions have been given to our minister to the Republic
of the United States of Colombia to endeavor to obtain authority for a
survey by this Government, in order to determine the practicability of
such an undertaking, and a charter for the right of way to build, by
private enterprise, such a work, if the survey proves it to be
practicable.

In order to comply with the agreement of the United States as to a
mixed commission at Lima for the adjustment of claims, it became
necessary to send a commissioner and secretary to Lima in August last.
No appropriation having been made by Congress for this purpose, it is
now asked that one be made covering the past and future expenses of the
commission.

The good offices of the United States to bring about a peace between
Spain and the South American Republics with which she is at war having
been accepted by Spain, Peru, and Chile, a congress has been invited to
be held in Washington during the present winter.

A grant has been given to Europeans of an exclusive right of transit
over the territory of Nicaragua, to which Costa Rica has given its
assent, which, it is alleged, conflicts with vested rights of citizens
of the United States. The Department of State has now this subject under
consideration.

The minister of Peru having made representations that there was a state
of war between Peru and Spain, and that Spain was constructing, in and
near New York, thirty gunboats, which might be used by Spain in such a
way as to relieve the naval force at Cuba, so as to operate against
Peru, orders were given to prevent their departure. No further steps
having been taken by the representative of the Peruvian Government to
prevent the departure of these vessels, and I not feeling authorized to
detain the property of a nation with which we are at peace on a mere
Executive order, the matter has been referred to the courts to decide.

The conduct of the war between the allies and the Republic of Paraguay
has made the intercourse with that country so difficult that it has been
deemed advisable to withdraw our representative from there.

Toward the close of the last Administration a convention was
signed at London for the settlement of all outstanding claims between
Great Britain and the United States, which failed to receive the
advice and consent of the Senate to its ratification. The time and the
circumstances attending the negotiation of that treaty were unfavorable
to its acceptance by the people of the United States, and its provisions
were wholly inadequate for the settlement of the grave wrongs that had
been sustained by this Government, as well as by its citizens. The
injuries resulting to the United States by reason of the course adopted
by Great Britain during our late civil war--in the increased rates
of insurance; in the diminution of exports and imports, and other
obstructions to domestic industry and production; in its effect upon the
foreign commerce of the country; in the decrease and transfer to Great
Britain of our commercial marine; in the prolongation of the war and the
increased cost (both in treasure and in lives) of its suppression--could
not be adjusted and satisfied as ordinary commercial claims, which
continually arise between commercial nations; and yet the convention
treated them simply as such ordinary claims, from which they differ more
widely in the gravity of their character than in the magnitude of their
amount, great even as is that difference. Not a word was found in the
treaty, and not an inference could be drawn from it, to remove the sense
of the unfriendliness of the course of Great Britain in our struggle for
existence, which had so deeply and universally impressed itself upon the
people of this country.

Believing that a convention thus misconceived in its scope and
inadequate in its provisions would not have produced the hearty, cordial
settlement of pending questions, which alone is consistent with the
relations which I desire to have firmly established between the United
States and Great Britain, I regarded the action of the Senate in
rejecting the treaty to have been wisely taken in the interest of peace
and as a necessary step in the direction of a perfect and cordial
friendship between the two countries. A sensitive people, conscious of
their power, are more at ease under a great wrong wholly unatoned than
under the restraint of a settlement which satisfies neither their ideas
of justice nor their grave sense of the grievance they have sustained.
The rejection of the treaty was followed by a state of public feeling on
both sides which I thought not favorable to an immediate attempt at
renewed negotiations. I accordingly so instructed the minister of the
United States to Great Britain, and found that my views in this regard
were shared by Her Majesty's ministers. I hope that the time may soon
arrive when the two Governments can approach the solution of this
momentous question with an appreciation of what is due to the rights,
dignity, and honor of each, and with the determination not only to
remove the causes of complaint in the past, but to lay the foundation of
a broad principle of public law which will prevent future differences
and tend to firm and continued peace and friendship.

This is now the only grave question which the United States has with any
foreign nation.

The question of renewing a treaty for reciprocal trade between the
United States and the British Provinces on this continent has not been
favorably considered by the Administration. The advantages of such a
treaty would be wholly in favor of the British producer. Except,
possibly, a few engaged in the trade between the two sections, no
citizen of the United States would be benefited by reciprocity. Our
internal taxation would prove a protection to the British producer
almost equal to the protection which our manufacturers now receive from
the tariff. Some arrangement, however, for the regulation of commercial
intercourse between the United States and the Dominion of Canada may be
desirable.

The commission for adjusting the claims of the "Hudsons Bay and Puget
Sound Agricultural Company" upon the United States has terminated
its labors. The award of $650,000 has been made and all rights and
titles of the company on the territory of the United States have been
extinguished. Deeds for the property of the company have been delivered.
An appropriation by Congress to meet this sum is asked.

The commissioners for determining the northwestern land boundary between
the United States and the British possessions under the treaty of 1856
have completed their labors, and the commission has been dissolved.

In conformity with the recommendation of Congress, a proposition was
early made to the British Government to abolish the mixed courts created
under the treaty of April 7, 1862, for the suppression of the slave
trade. The subject is still under negotiation.

It having come to my knowledge that a corporate company, organized under
British laws, proposed to land upon the shores of the United States and
to operate there a submarine cable, under a concession from His Majesty
the Emperor of the French of an exclusive right for twenty years of
telegraphic communication between the shores of France and the United
States, with the very objectionable feature of subjecting all messages
conveyed thereby to the scrutiny and control of the French Government,
I caused the French and British legations at Washington to be made
acquainted with the probable policy of Congress on this subject, as
foreshadowed by the bill which passed the Senate in March last. This
drew from the representatives of the company an agreement to accept as
the basis of their operations the provisions of that bill, or of such
other enactment on the subject as might be passed during the approaching
session of Congress; also, to use their influence to secure from the
French Government a modification of their concession, so as to permit
the landing upon French soil of any cable belonging to any company
incorporated by the authority of the United States or of any State in
the Union, and, on their part, not to oppose the establishment of any
such cable. In consideration of this agreement I directed the withdrawal
of all opposition by the United States authorities to the landing of the
cable and to the working of it until the meeting of Congress. I regret
to say that there has been no modification made in the company's
concession, nor, so far as I can learn, have they attempted to secure
one. Their concession excludes the capital and the citizens of the
United States from competition upon the shores of France. I recommend
legislation to protect the rights of citizens of the United States,
as well as the dignity and sovereignty of the nation, against such
an assumption. I shall also endeavor to secure, by negotiation, an
abandonment of the principle of monopolies in ocean telegraphic cables.
Copies of this correspondence are herewith furnished.

The unsettled political condition of other countries, less fortunate
than our own, sometimes induces their citizens to come to the United
States for the sole purpose of becoming naturalized. Having secured
this, they return to their native country and reside there, without
disclosing their change of allegiance. They accept official positions of
trust or honor, which can only be held by citizens of their native land;
they journey under passports describing them as such citizens; and it
is only when civil discord, after perhaps years of quiet, threatens
their persons or their property, or when their native state drafts them
into its military service, that the fact of their change of allegiance
is made known. They reside permanently away from the United States,
they contribute nothing to its revenues, they avoid the duties of
its citizenship, and they only make themselves known by a claim of
protection. I have directed the diplomatic and consular officers of the
United States to scrutinize carefully all such claims for protection.
The citizen of the United States, whether native or adopted, who
discharges his duty to his country, is entitled to its complete
protection. While I have a voice in the direction of affairs I shall not
consent to imperil this sacred right by conferring it upon fictitious or
fraudulent claimants.

On the accession of the present Administration it was found that the
minister for North Germany had made propositions for the negotiation
of a convention for the protection of emigrant passengers, to which no
response had been given. It was concluded that to be effectual all the
maritime powers engaged in the trade should join in such a measure.
Invitations have been extended to the cabinets of London, Paris,
Florence, Berlin, Brussels, The Hague, Copenhagen, and Stockholm to
empower their representatives at Washington to simultaneously enter
into negotiations and to conclude with the United States conventions
identical in form, making uniform regulations as to the construction of
the parts of vessels to be devoted to the use of emigrant passengers, as
to the quality and quantity of food, as to the medical treatment of the
sick, and as to the rules to be observed during the voyage, in order
to secure ventilation, to promote health, to prevent intrusion, and to
protect the females; and providing for the establishment of tribunals in
the several countries for enforcing such regulations by summary process.

Your attention is respectfully called to the law regulating the tariff
on Russian hemp, and to the question whether to fix the charges on
Russian hemp higher than they are fixed upon manila is not a violation
of our treaty with Russia placing her products upon the same footing
with those of the most favored nations.

Our manufactures are increasing with wonderful rapidity under the
encouragement which they now receive. With the improvements in machinery
already effected, and still increasing, causing machinery to take the
place of skilled labor to a large extent, our imports of many articles
must fall off largely within a very few years. Fortunately, too,
manufactures are not confined to a few localities, as formerly, and it
is to be hoped will become more and more diffused, making the interest
in them equal in all sections. They give employment and support to
hundreds of thousands of people at home, and retain with us the means
which otherwise would be shipped abroad. The extension of railroads in
Europe and the East is bringing into competition with our agricultural
products like products of other countries. Self-interest, if not
self-preservation, therefore dictates caution against disturbing any
industrial interest of the country. It teaches us also the necessity of
looking to other markets for the sale of our surplus. Our neighbors
south of us, and China and Japan, should receive our special attention.
It will be the endeavor of the Administration to cultivate such
relations with all these nations as to entitle us to their confidence
and make it their interest, as well as ours, to establish better
commercial relations.

Through the agency of a more enlightened policy than that heretofore
pursued toward China, largely due to the sagacity and efforts of one of
our own distinguished citizens, the world is about to commence largely
increased relations with that populous and hitherto exclusive nation.
As the United States have been the initiators in this new policy, so
they should be the most earnest in showing their good faith in making it
a success. In this connection I advise such legislation as will forever
preclude the enslavement of the Chinese upon our soil under the name
of coolies, and also prevent American vessels from engaging in the
transportation of coolies to any country tolerating the system. I also
recommend that the mission to China be raised to one of the first class.

On my assuming the responsible duties of Chief Magistrate of the United
States it was with the conviction that three things were essential to
its peace, prosperity, and fullest development. First among these is
strict integrity in fulfilling all our obligations; second, to secure
protection to the person and property of the citizen of the United
States in each and every portion of our common country, wherever he may
choose to move, without reference to original nationality, religion,
color, or politics, demanding of him only obedience to the laws and
proper respect for the rights of others; third, union of all the States,
with equal rights, indestructible by any constitutional means.

To secure the first of these, Congress has taken two essential steps:
First, in declaring by joint resolution that the public debt shall be
paid, principal and interest, in coin; and, second, by providing the
means for paying. Providing the means, however, could not secure the
object desired without a proper administration of the laws for the
collection of the revenues and an economical disbursement of them.
To this subject the Administration has most earnestly addressed
itself, with results, I hope, satisfactory to the country. There has
been no hesitation in changing officials in order to secure an efficient
execution of the laws, sometimes, too, when, in a mere party view,
undesirable political results were likely to follow; nor any hesitation
in sustaining efficient officials against remonstrances wholly
political.

It may be well to mention here the embarrassment possible to arise from
leaving on the statute books the so-called "tenure-of-office acts," and
to earnestly recommend their total repeal. It could not have been the
intention of the framers of the Constitution, when providing that
appointments made by the President should receive the consent of the
Senate, that the latter should have the power to retain in office
persons placed there by Federal appointment against the will of the
President. The law is inconsistent with a faithful and efficient
administration of the Government. What faith can an Executive put in
officials forced upon him, and those, too, whom he has suspended for
reason? How will such officials be likely to serve an Administration
which they know does not trust them?

For the second requisite to our growth and prosperity time and a firm
but humane administration of existing laws (amended from time to time as
they may prove ineffective or prove harsh and unnecessary) are probably
all that are required.

The third can not be attained by special legislation, but must be
regarded as fixed by the Constitution itself and gradually acquiesced in
by force of public opinion.

From the foundation of the Government to the present the management
of the original inhabitants of this continent--the Indians--has been
a subject of embarrassment and expense, and has been attended with
continuous robberies, murders, and wars. From my own experience upon
the frontiers and in Indian countries, I do not hold either legislation
or the conduct of the whites who come most in contact with the Indian
blameless for these hostilities. The past, however, can not be undone,
and the question must be met as we now find it. I have attempted a new
policy toward these wards of the nation (they can not be regarded in any
other light than as wards), with fair results so far as tried, and which
I hope will be attended ultimately with great success. The Society of
Friends is well known as having succeeded in living in peace with the
Indians in the early settlement of Pennsylvania, while their white
neighbors of other sects in other sections were constantly embroiled.
They are also known for their opposition to all strife, violence,
and war, and are generally noted for their strict integrity and fair
dealings. These considerations induced me to give the management of
a few reservations of Indians to them and to throw the burden of the
selection of agents upon the society itself. The result has proven most
satisfactory. It will De found more fully set forth in the report of the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. For superintendents and Indian agents
not on the reservations, officers of the Army were selected. The reasons
for this are numerous. Where Indian agents are sent, there, or near
there, troops must be sent also. The agent and the commander of troops
are independent of each other, and are subject to orders from different
Departments of the Government. The army officer holds a position for
life; the agent, one at the will of the President. The former is
personally interested in living in harmony with the Indian and in
establishing a permanent peace, to the end that some portion of his life
may be spent within the limits of civilized society; the latter has no
such personal interest. Another reason is an economic one; and still
another, the hold which the Government has upon a life officer to secure
a faithful discharge of duties in carrying out a given policy.

The building of railroads, and the access thereby given to all the
agricultural and mineral regions of the country, is rapidly bringing
civilized settlements into contact with all the tribes of Indians. No
matter what ought to be the relations between such settlements and the
aborigines, the fact is they do not harmonize well, and one or the other
has to give way in the end. A system which looks to the extinction of a
race is too horrible for a nation to adopt without entailing upon itself
the wrath of all Christendom and engendering in the citizen a disregard
for human life and the rights of others, dangerous to society. I see no
substitute for such a system, except in placing all the Indians on large
reservations, as rapidly as it can be done, and giving them absolute
protection there. As soon as they are fitted for it they should be
induced to take their lands in severalty and to set up Territorial
governments for their own protection. For full details on this subject
I call your special attention to the reports of the Secretary of the
Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

The report of the Secretary of War shows the expenditures of the War
Department for the year ending June 30, 1869, to be $80,644,042, of
which $23,882,310 was disbursed in the payment of debts contracted
during the war, and is not chargeable to current army expenses. His
estimate of $34,531,031 for the expenses of the Army for the next fiscal
year is as low as it is believed can be relied on. The estimates of
bureau officers have been carefully scrutinized, and reduced wherever it
has been deemed practicable. If, however, the condition of the country
should be such by the beginning of the next fiscal year as to admit of a
greater concentration of troops, the appropriation asked for will not be
expended.

The appropriations estimated for river and harbor improvements and for
fortifications are submitted separately. Whatever amount Congress may
deem proper to appropriate for these purposes will be expended.

The recommendation of the General of the Army that appropriations be
made for the forts at Boston, Portland, New York, Philadelphia, New
Orleans, and San Francisco, if for no other, is concurred in. I also ask
your special attention to the recommendation of the general commanding
the Military Division of the Pacific for the sale of the seal islands of
St. Paul and St. George, Alaska Territory, and suggest that it either be
complied with or that legislation be had for the protection of the seal
fisheries from which a revenue should be derived.

The report of the Secretary of War contains a synopsis of the reports of
the heads of bureaus, of the commanders of military divisions, and of
the districts of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, and the report of the
General of the Army in full. The recommendations therein contained have
been well considered, and are submitted for your action. I, however,
call special attention to the recommendation of the Chief of Ordnance
for the sale of arsenals and lands no longer of use to the Government;
also, to the recommendation of the Secretary of War that the act of 3d
March, 1869, prohibiting promotions and appointments in the staff corps
of the Army, be repealed. The extent of country to be garrisoned and the
number of military posts to be occupied is the same with a reduced Army
as with a large one. The number of staff officers required is more
dependent upon the latter than the former condition.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy accompanying this shows the
condition of the Navy when this Administration came into office and the
changes made since. Strenuous efforts have been made to place as many
vessels "in commission," or render them fit for service if required, as
possible, and to substitute the sail for steam while cruising, thus
materially reducing the expenses of the Navy and adding greatly to its
efficiency. Looking to our future, I recommend a liberal, though not
extravagant, policy toward this branch of the public service.

The report of the Postmaster-General furnishes a clear and comprehensive
exhibit of the operations of the postal service and of the financial
condition of the Post Office Department. The ordinary postal revenues
for the year ending the 30th of June, 1869, amounted to $18,344,510, and
the expenditures to $23,698,131, showing an excess of expenditures over
receipts of $5,353,620. The excess of expenditures over receipts for the
previous year amounted to $6,437,992. The increase of revenues for 1869
over those of 1868 was $2,051,909, and the increase of expenditures was
$967,538. The increased revenue in 1869 exceeded the increased revenue
in 1868 by $996,336, and the increased expenditure in 1869 was
$2,527,570 less than the increased expenditure in 1868, showing by
comparison this gratifying feature of improvement, that while the
increase of expenditures over the increase of receipts in 1868 was
$2,439,535, the increase of receipts over the increase of expenditures
in 1869 was $1,084,371.

Your attention is respectfully called to the recommendations made by the
Postmaster-General for authority to change the rate of compensation to
the main trunk railroad lines for their services in carrying the mails;
for having post-route maps executed; for reorganizing and increasing the
efficiency of the special-agency service; for increase of the mail
service on the Pacific, and for establishing mail service, under the
flag of the Union, on the Atlantic; and most especially do I call your
attention to his recommendation for the total abolition of the franking
privilege. This is an abuse from which no one receives a commensurate
advantage; it reduces the receipts for postal service from 25 to 30 per
cent and largely increases the service to be performed. The method by
which postage should be paid upon public matter is set forth fully in
the report of the Postmaster-General.

The report of the Secretary of the Interior shows that the quantity of
public lands disposed of during the year ending the 30th of June, 1869,
was 7,666,152 acres, exceeding that of the preceding year by 1,010,409
acres. Of this amount 2,899,544 acres were sold for cash and 2,737,365
acres entered under the homestead laws. The remainder was granted to aid
in the construction of works of internal improvement, approved to the
States as swamp land, and located with warrants and scrip. The cash
receipts from all sources were $4,472,886, exceeding those of the
preceding year $2,840,140.

During the last fiscal year 23,196 names were added to the pension rolls
and 4,876 dropped therefrom, leaving at its close 187,963. The amount
paid to pensioners, including the compensation of disbursing agents, was
$28,422,884, an increase of $4,411,902 on that of the previous year.
The munificence of Congress has been conspicuously manifested in its
legislation for the soldiers and sailors who suffered in the recent
struggle to maintain "that unity of government which makes us one
people." The additions to the pension rolls of each successive year
since the conclusion of hostilities result in a great degree from the
repeated amendments of the act of the 14th of July, 1862, which extended
its provisions to cases not falling within its original scope. The large
outlay which is thus occasioned is further increased by the more liberal
allowance bestowed since that date upon those who in the line of duty
were wholly or permanently disabled. Public opinion has given an
emphatic sanction to these measures of Congress, and it will be conceded
that no part of our public burden is more cheerfully borne than that
which is imposed by this branch of the service. It necessitates for the
next fiscal year, in addition to the amount justly chargeable to the
naval pension fund, an appropriation of $30,000,000.

During the year ending the 30th of September, 1869, the Patent Office
issued 13,762 patents, and its receipts were $686,389, being $213,926
more than the expenditures.

I would respectfully call your attention to the recommendation of the
Secretary of the Interior for uniting the duties of supervising the
education of freedmen with the other duties devolving upon the
Commissioner of Education.

If it is the desire of Congress to make the census which must be taken
during the year 1870 more complete and perfect than heretofore, I would
suggest early action upon any plan that may be agreed upon. As Congress
at the last session appointed a committee to take into consideration
such measures as might be deemed proper in reference to the census and
report a plan, I desist from saying more.

I recommend to your favorable consideration the claims of the
Agricultural Bureau for liberal appropriations. In a country so
diversified in climate and soil as ours, and with a population so
largely dependent upon agriculture, the benefits that can be conferred
by properly fostering this Bureau are incalculable.

I desire respectfully to call the attention of Congress to the
inadequate salaries of a number of the most important offices of the
Government. In this message I will not enumerate them, but will specify
only the justices of the Supreme Court. No change has been made in their
salaries for fifteen years. Within that time the labors of the court
have largely increased and the expenses of living have at least doubled.
During the same time Congress has twice found it necessary to increase
largely the compensation of its own members, and the duty which it owes
to another department of the Government deserves, and will undoubtedly
receive, its due consideration.

There are many subjects not alluded to in this message which might with
propriety be introduced, but I abstain, believing that your patriotism
and statesmanship will suggest the topics and the legislation most
conducive to the interests of the whole people. On my part I promise
a rigid adherence to the laws and their strict enforcement.

U.S. GRANT.




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I submit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, an additional article to the convention of the 24th of
October, 1867, between the United States of America and His Majesty the
King of Denmark.

U.S. GRANT.


WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1869_

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I submit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a convention between the United States and His Hawaiian
Majesty, signed in this city on the 8th day of May last, providing for
the extension of the term for the exchange of the ratifications of the
convention for commercial reciprocity between the same parties, signed
on the 21st day of May, 1867.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I submit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a protocol, signed in this city on the 23d of October
last, to the convention upon the subject of claims between the United
States and the Mexican Republic, signed the 4th of July, 1868.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate, the accompanying copy
of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the minister
of the United States at Berlin, in relation to the exchange of the
ratifications of the naturalization convention dated July 27, 1868,
between the United States and the Government of Wurtemberg, which was
not effected within the time named in the convention.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:


I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate, the accompanying copy
of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the legation
of the United States at Brussels, in relation to the exchange of the
ratifications of the consular convention with Belgium signed on the 5th
of December, 1868, which was not effected within the time named in the
convention.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate a copy of a correspondence, a list of which is
hereto annexed, between the Secretary of State and the minister resident
of the United States at Constantinople, and invite its consideration of
the question as to the correct meaning of the fourth article of the
treaty of 1830 between the United States and Turkey.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _December 9, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 6th instant,
requesting reports of the military commander of the district of which
Georgia is a part in regard to the political and civil condition of that
State, the accompanying papers are submitted.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 9, 1869_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, in answer to a
resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, asking to be
informed what legislatures have ratified the proposed fifteenth
amendment of the Constitution of the United States.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1869_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit a further report from the Secretary of State in answer to the
resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, making
known that official notice has been received at the Department of State
of the ratification by the legislature of the State of Alabama of the
amendment to the Constitution recently proposed by Congress as Article
XV.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1869_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 13th
instant, requesting a copy of official correspondence on the subject of
Cuba, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the
resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., December 15, 1869_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of December 9, 1869, requesting a copy
of the charges, testimony, findings, and sentence in the trial by
court-martial of Passed Assistant Surgeon Charles L. Green, United
States Navy, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of the
Navy, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., December 20, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I hereby request the return of such part of my message of December 9, in
response to Senate resolution of December 6, requesting the reports of
the military commander of the district of which Georgia is a part, to
wit, an anonymous letter purporting to be from "a Georgia woman." By
accident the paper got with those called for by the resolution, instead
of in the wastebasket, where it was intended it should go.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 20, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in relation to their resolution of the 8th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[6]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 6: Relating to the revolution in Cuba and the political and
civil condition of that island.]



WASHINGTON, _December 22, 1869_.

_To the Senate:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 20th instant, in
relation to correspondence between the United States and Great Britain
concerning questions pending between the two countries since the
rejection of the claims convention by the Senate, I transmit a report
from the Secretary of State upon the subject and the papers by which it
was accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 22, 1869_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 8th
instant, a report[7] from the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 7: Stating that neither correspondence nor negotiation upon
the subject of trade and commerce between the United States and Canada
had been entered into.]



WASHINGTON, _January 10, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to its
ratification, a convention between the United States and the Dominican
Republic for a lease to the former of the bay and peninsula of Samana.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 10, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to its
ratification, a treaty for the annexation of the Dominican Republic to
the United States, signed by the plenipotentiaries of the parties on the
29th of November last.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., January 10, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In response to the resolution of the Senate of December 9, 1869,
requesting the information in possession of the President or any of the
Departments relating to the action which has been had in the District of
Virginia under the act "authorizing the submission of the constitutions
of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas to a vote of the people, and
authorizing the election of State officers provided by the said
constitutions, and Members of Congress," approved April 10, 1869, I have
the honor to transmit herewith the reports of the Secretary of State,
the Secretary of War, and the Attorney-General, to whom, severally, the
resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., January 21, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution passed by the House of Representatives on
the 17th instant, requesting to be informed "under what act of Congress
or by other authority appropriations for the Navy are diverted to the
survey of the Isthmus of Darien," I transmit a report by the Secretary
of the Navy, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., January 29, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I herewith transmit to Congress a report, dated 29th instant, with
the accompanying papers,[8] received from the Secretary of State, in
compliance with the requirements of the eighteenth section of the act
entitled "An act to regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of
the United States," approved August 18, 1856.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 8: Report of fees collected, etc., by consular officers of
the United States for 1868, and tariff of consular fees.]



WASHINGTON, _February 1, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in compliance with its resolution of the 31st
ultimo, a report from the Secretary of State, communicating information
in relation to the action of the legislature of the State of Mississippi
on the proposed fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United
States.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 2, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 8th ultimo, I transmit a
report[9] from the Secretary of State and the papers which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 9: Relating to the insurrection in the Red River settlement,
in British North America.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 4, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I herewith lay before the Senate, for the consideration and action of
that body in connection with a treaty of December 4, 1868, with the
Seneca Nation of Indians, now pending, amendments to said treaty
proposed at a council of said Indians held at their council house on
the Catteraugus Reservation, in New York, on the 26th ultimo.

A letter of the Secretary of the Interior, of the 3d instant,
accompanies the papers.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 4, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

For the reasons stated in the accompanying communication from the
Secretary of the Interior, I respectfully request to withdraw the
treaties hereinafter mentioned, which are now pending before the Senate:

First. Treaty concluded with the Great and Little Osages May 27, 1868.

Second. Treaty concluded with the Sacs and Foxes of the Missouri and
Iowa tribes of Indians February 11, 1869.

Third. Treaty concluded with the Otoc and Missouria Indians February 13,
1869.

Fourth. Treaty concluded with the Kansas or Kaw Indians March 13, 1869.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 8, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the
3d instant, calling for the number of copies of the tributes of the
nations to Abraham Lincoln now in possession of the Department of
State, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the paper
which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 11, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives
requesting me to furnish any information which may have been received by
the Government in relation to the recent assault upon and reported
murder of one or more American citizens in Cuba, I communicate a report
from the Secretary of State, with the papers accompanying it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON CITY, _February 11, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

The papers in the case of Commander Jonathan Young, of the United States
Navy, show--

That when the naval promotions were made in 1866 the name of Commander
Jonathan Young was not included among them, and he was passed over,
while Commander George W. Young was not passed over; that among other
testimonials is one from Vice-Admiral D.D. Porter stating that
"Commander Jonathan Young was passed over by mistake; that he was
recommended for promotion, while Commander George W. Young was not
recommended for promotion, and by some singular mistake the latter was
promoted, while the former was passed over."

That eminent officers, formerly _junior_ to Commander Young, but
promoted over his head, desire his restoration to his former position,
because they consider such restoration due to his character, ability,
and services.

In view, therefore, of these facts, and of the general good standing
of Commander Jonathan Young, and of his gallant and efficient services
during the war, and to remedy so far as is now possible what is believed
to have been a clerical error of the Department, which has worked to
his injury, the Department now recommends that he be restored to his
original standing upon the navy list.

For these reasons I nominate Commander Jonathan Young to be restored to
his original position, to take rank from the 25th July, 1866, and next
after Commander William T. Truxtun.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _February 11, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 4th instant, requesting
information in regard to the proceedings had in the State of Georgia in
pursuance of the recent act of Congress entitled "An act to promote
the reconstruction of the State of Georgia," and in relation to the
organization of the legislature of that State since the passage of that
act, I herewith transmit the report of the Secretary of War, to whom the
resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 15, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In reply to a resolution of the Senate of the 9th instant, in relation
to the Central Branch, Union Pacific Railroad Company, I transmit a copy
of a letter addressed to me on the 27th ultimo by the Secretary of the
Interior. It contains all the information in my possession touching
the action of any of the Departments on the claim of that company to
continue and extend its road and to receive in aid of the construction
thereof lands and bonds from the United States.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 16, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In response to the resolution of the Senate of the 8th instant, asking
"how much of the appropriations heretofore made, amounting to $100,000,
to provide for the defense of certain suits now pending in the Court of
Claims, known as the cotton cases, has been expended, and to whom the
same has been paid; for what services rendered, and the amount paid to
each of said persons; and also the number of clerks in the Treasury
Department, and other persons, with their names, engaged or occupied
in the defense of said suits," I herewith transmit the report of the
Secretary of the Treasury, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 16, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the
10th instant, I transmit a report[10] from the Secretary of State, with
accompanying documents.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 10: Relating to the payment in currency, instead of coin, of
the semiannual installments of interest due to the United States under
the convention with Spain concluded February 17, 1834, and opinion of
the Attorney-General relative thereto.]



WASHINGTON, _February 17, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 24th
ultimo, the report from the Secretary of State, with accompaniments.[11]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 11: Lists of officers commissioned by the Department of State,
their compensation, etc.]



WASHINGTON, _February 18, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in further answer to their
resolution requesting information in relation to the recent assault upon
and reported murder of one or more American citizens in Cuba, a report
from the Secretary of State, with accompanying papers.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 19, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 11th instant, requesting
"any information which may have been received by the Government of the
recently reported engagement of Colonel Baker with the Indians,[86] with
copies of all orders which led to the same," I transmit a report from
the Secretary of War, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 12: Piegan in Montana.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., February 21, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their resolution
of the 7th instant, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[13]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 13: Correspondence relative to affairs connected with Cuba and
to the struggle for independence in that island.]



WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 14th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[14]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 14: Correspondence of the United States minister to Japan
relative to American interests in that country.]



WASHINGTON, _February 24, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 21st instant, directing
the Secretary of State to furnish the Senate with copies of all
correspondence relating to the imprisonment of Mr. Davis Hatch by the
Dominican Government, I transmit a report of the Secretary of State upon
the subject.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 28, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant,
requesting to be informed "if any officer of the Government has,
contrary to the treaty of July 19, 1866, with the Cherokee Nation,
enforced or sought to enforce the payment of taxes by Cherokees on
products manufactured in the Cherokee Nation and sold within the Indian
Territory," I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, to
whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 28, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th
instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State upon the
subject,[15] and the papers by which it was accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 15: Imprisonment of American citizens in Great Britain for
political offenses.]



WASHINGTON, _March 1, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit to Congress a communication from the Secretary of State, with
the accompanying documents, relative to the claims of citizens of the
United States on the Government of Venezuela which were adjusted by the
commission provided for by the convention with that Republic of April
25, 1866.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., March 3, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith, in response to the resolution of the House asking
for information in relation to the repairs of Spanish war vessels at the
docks of the United States, the report of the Secretary of the Navy, to
whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., March 8, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

Herewith I have the honor to transmit a communication from the Secretary
of the Interior, relative to the obligation of Congress to make the
necessary appropriations to carry out the Indian treaties made by what
is known as the Peace Commission of 1867.

The history of those treaties and the consequences of noncompliance with
them by the Government are so clearly set forth in this statement that
I deem it better to communicate it in full than to ask the necessary
appropriation in a shorter statement of the reasons for it. I earnestly
desire that if an Indian war becomes inevitable the Government of the
United States at least should not be responsible for it. Pains will be
taken, and force used if necessary, to prevent the departure of the
expeditions referred to by the Secretary of the Interior.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 10, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 4th instant, in
relation to the "Transcontinental, Memphis, El Paso and Pacific Railroad
Company," I transmit reports from the Secretary of State and the
Secretary of the Interior, with accompanying papers.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 10, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 28th
ultimo, a report[90] from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 16: Relating to legislation necessary to insure the
administration of justice and the protection of American interests in
China and Japan.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., March 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In reply to your resolution of the 14th of February, requesting to be
informed whether I desire that any of the Indian treaties now pending
before you be considered confidentially, I have to inform you that there
are none of them which I object to having discussed in open session.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., March 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I would respectfully call your attention to a treaty now before you for
the acquisition of the Republic of St. Domingo, entered into between the
agents of the two Governments on the 29th of November, 1869, and by its
terms to be finally acted upon by the people of St. Domingo and the
Senate of the United States within four months from the date of signing
the treaty. The time for action expires on the 29th instant, a fact to
which I desire expressly to call your attention. I would also direct
your notice to the fact that the Government of St. Domingo has no agent
in the United States who is authorized to extend the time for further
deliberation upon its merits.

The people of St. Domingo have already, so far as their action can go,
ratified the treaty, and I express the earnest wish that you will not
permit it to expire by limitation. I also entertain the sincere hope
that your action may be favorable to the ratification of the treaty.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 15, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, in answer to a
resolution of the Senate of the 3d instant, asking to be informed what
States have ratified the amendment known as the fifteenth amendment to
the Constitution of the United States, so far as official notice thereof
has been transmitted to the Department of State, and that information
from time to time may be communicated to that body, as soon as
practicable, of such ratification hereafter by any State.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., March 23, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In the Executive message of December 6, 1869, to Congress the importance
of taking steps to revive our drooping merchant marine was urged, and
a special message promised at a future day during the present session,
recommending more specifically plans to accomplish this result. Now that
the committee of the House of Representatives intrusted with the labor
of ascertaining "the cause of the decline of American commerce" has
completed its work and submitted its report to the legislative branch of
the Government, I deem this a fitting time to execute that promise.

The very able, calm, and exhaustive report of the committee points out
the grave wrongs which have produced the decline in our commerce. It is
a national humiliation that we are now compelled to pay from twenty to
thirty million dollars annually (exclusive of passage money, which we
should share with vessels of other nations) to foreigners for doing the
work which should be done by American vessels, American built, American
owned, and American manned. This is a direct drain upon the resources of
the country of just so much money, equal to casting it into the sea, so
far as this nation is concerned.

A nation of the vast and ever-increasing interior resources of the
United States, extending, as it does, from one to the other of the
great oceans of the world, with an industrious, intelligent, energetic
population, must one day possess its full share of the commerce of these
oceans, no matter what the cost. Delay will only increase this cost and
enhance the difficulty of attaining the result.

I therefore put in an earnest plea for early action in this matter, in
a way to secure the desired increase of American commerce. The advanced
period of the year and the fact that no contracts for shipbuilding will
probably be entered into until this question is settled by Congress, and
the further fact that if there should be much delay all large vessels
contracted for this year will fail of completion before winter sets in,
and will therefore be carried over for another year, induces me to
request your early consideration of this subject.

I regard it of such grave importance, affecting every interest of the
country to so great an extent, that any method which will gain the end
will secure a rich national blessing. Building ships and navigating them
utilizes vast capital at home; it employs thousands of workmen in their
construction and manning; it creates a home market for the products of
the farm and the shop; it diminishes the balance of trade against us
precisely to the extent of freights and passage money paid to American
vessels, and gives us a supremacy upon the seas of inestimable value in
case of foreign war.

Our Navy at the commencement of the late war consisted of less than 100
vessels, of about 150,000 tons and a force of about 8,000 men. We drew
from the merchant marine, which had cost the Government nothing, but
which had been a source of national wealth, 600 vessels, exceeding
1,000,000 tons, and about 70,000 men, to aid in the suppression of the
rebellion.

This statement demonstrates the value of the merchant marine as a means
of national defense in time of need.

The Committee on the Causes of the Reduction of American Tonnage, after
tracing the causes of its decline, submit two bills, which, if adopted,
they believe will restore to the nation its maritime power. Their report
shows with great minuteness the actual and comparative American tonnage
at the time of its greatest prosperity; the actual and comparative
decline since, together with the causes; and exhibits all other
statistics of material interest in reference to the subject. As the
report is before Congress, I will not recapitulate any of its
statistics, but refer only to the methods recommended by the committee
to give back to us our lost commerce.

As a general rule, when it can be adopted, I believe a direct money
subsidy is less liable to abuse than an indirect aid given to the same
enterprise. In this case, however, my opinion is that subsidies, while
they may be given to specified lines of steamers or other vessels,
should not be exclusively adopted, but, in addition to subsidizing very
desirable lines of ocean traffic, a general assistance should be given
in an effective way. I therefore commend to your favorable consideration
the two bills proposed by the committee and referred to in this message.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 25, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In reply to a Senate resolution of the 24th instant, requesting to
be furnished with a report, written by Captain Selfridge, upon the
resources and condition of things in the Dominican Republic, I have
to state that no such report has been received.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 25, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 15th ultimo, I transmit
a report, with accompanying paper,[17] from the Secretary of the Navy,
to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 17: Statement of the number and character of the ironclad
vessels of the Navy, their cost, by whom designed, who recommended their
construction, and their condition.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 29, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

In reply to your resolution of December 20, 1869, asking "whether any
citizens of the United States are imprisoned or detained in military
custody by officers of the Army of the United States, and, if any, to
furnish their names, date of arrest, the offenses charged, together
with a statement of what measures have been taken for the trial and
punishment of the offenders," I transmit herewith the report of the
Secretary of War, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 30, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

It is unusual to notify the two Houses of Congress by message of
the promulgation, by proclamation of the Secretary of State, of the
ratification of a constitutional amendment. In view, however, of the
vast importance of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, this day
declared a part of that revered instrument, I deem a departure from the
usual custom justifiable. A measure which makes at once 4,000,000 people
voters who were heretofore declared by the highest tribunal in the land
not citizens of the United States, nor eligible to become so (with the
assertion that "at the time of the Declaration of Independence the
opinion was fixed and universal in the civilized portion of the white
race, regarded as an axiom in morals as well as in politics, that black
men had no rights which the white man was bound to respect"), is indeed
a measure of grander importance than any other one act of the kind from
the foundation of our free Government to the present day.

Institutions like ours, in which all power is derived directly from the
people, must depend mainly upon their intelligence, patriotism, and
industry. I call the attention, therefore, of the newly enfranchised
race to the importance of their striving in every honorable manner to
make themselves worthy of their new privilege. To the race more favored
heretofore by our laws I would say, Withhold no legal privilege of
advancement to the new citizen. The framers of our Constitution firmly
believed that a republican government could not endure without
intelligence and education generally diffused among the people. The
Father of his Country, in his Farewell Address, uses this language:

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the
general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a
government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public
opinion should be enlightened.

In his first annual message to Congress the same views are forcibly
presented, and are again urged in his eighth message.

I repeat that the adoption of the fifteenth amendment to the
Constitution completes the greatest civil change and constitutes the
most important event that has occurred since the nation came into life.
The change will be beneficial in proportion to the heed that is given to
the urgent recommendations of Washington. If these recommendations were
important then, with a population of but a few millions, how much more
important now, with a population of 40,000,000, and increasing in a
rapid ratio. I would therefore call upon Congress to take all the means
within their constitutional powers to promote and encourage popular
education throughout the country, and upon the people everywhere to see
to it that all who possess and exercise political rights shall have the
opportunity to acquire the knowledge which will make their share in the
Government a blessing and not a danger. By such means only can the
benefits contemplated by this amendment to the Constitution be secured.

U.S. GRANT.



HAMILTON FISH, SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES.

_To all to whom these presents may come, greeting:_

Know ye that the Congress of the United States, on or about the 27th
day of February, in the year 1869, passed a resolution in the words
and figures following, to wit:

A RESOLUTION proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United
States.

_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled_ (_two-thirds of both Houses
concurring_), That the following article be proposed to the legislatures
of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United
States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said legislatures,
shall be valid as a part of the Constitution, viz;

ARTICLE XV.

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not
be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account
of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

SEC. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
appropriate legislation.

And further, that it appears from official documents on file in this
Department that the amendment to the Constitution of the United States,
proposed as aforesaid, has been ratified by the legislatures of the
States of North Carolina, West Virginia, Massachusetts, Wisconsin,
Maine, Louisiana, Michigan, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, Arkansas,
Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, New York, New Hampshire,
Nevada, Vermont, Virginia, Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, Ohio, Iowa,
Kansas, Minnesota, Rhode Island, Nebraska, and Texas; in all,
twenty-nine States;

And further, that the States whose legislatures have so ratified the
said proposed amendment constitute three-fourths of the whole number
of States in the United States;

And further, that it appears from an official document on file in this
Department that the legislature of the State of New York has since
passed resolutions claiming to withdraw the said ratification of the
said amendment, which had been made by the legislature of that State,
and of which official notice had been filed in this Department;

And further, that it appears from an official document on file in this
Department that the legislature of Georgia has by resolution ratified
the said proposed amendment:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Hamilton Fish, Secretary of State of
the United States, by virtue and in pursuance of the second section of
the act of Congress approved the 20th day of April, in the year 1818,
entitled "An act to provide for the publication of the laws of the
United States, and for other purposes," do hereby certify that the
amendment aforesaid has become valid to all intents and purposes as
part of the Constitution of the United States.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the Department of State to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this 30th day of March, A.D. 1870, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-fourth.

HAMILTON FISH.



WASHINGTON, _March 31, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit, for consideration with a view to its ratification, a treaty
between the United States and the United States of Colombia for the
construction of an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama or
Darien, signed at Bogota on the 26th of January last.

A copy of a dispatch of the 1st ultimo to the Secretary of State from
General Hurlbut, the United States minister at Bogota, relative to the
treaty, is also transmitted for the information of the Senate.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 31, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit to Congress a further communication from the Secretary of
State, with the accompanying documents, relative to the claims of
citizens of the United States on the Government of Venezuela which were
adjusted by the commission provided for by the convention with that
Republic of April 25, 1866.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 31, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 7th
instant, relating to fisheries in British waters, I transmit a report
from the Secretary of State and the papers which accompanied it, and I
have to state that the commanding officer of the naval steamer ordered
to the fishing grounds will be instructed to give his attention, should
circumstances require it, to cases which may arise under any change
which may be made in the British laws affecting fisheries within British
jurisdiction, with a view to preventing, so far as it may be in his
power, infractions by citizens of the United States of the first article
of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain of 1818, the
laws in force relating to fisheries within British jurisdiction, or any
illegal interference with the pursuits of the fishermen of the United
States.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 5, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 28th
ultimo, I transmit a report[18] from the Secretary of State, to whom the
resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 18: Declining to communicate a copy of the list of privileges
accompanying or relating to the San Domingo treaty while the subject is
pending before the Senate in executive session.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 6, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to your resolution of the 7th ultimo, requesting to be
furnished with a copy of orders, correspondence, reports of councils
with Indians by military and civil officers of the Government, in
possession of the Interior and War Departments, relating to difficulties
with the Cheyenne, Comanche, Arapahoe, Apache, and Kiowa tribes of
Indians during the year 1867, etc., I herewith transmit the reports
received from those Departments.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit to Congress a report from the Secretary of State, relative
to results of the proceedings of the joint commission at Lima under the
convention between the United States and Peru of 4th of December, 1868,
and recommend that an appropriation be made to discharge the obligation
of the United States in the case of the claim of Esteban G. Montano, to
which the report refers.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 20, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to your resolution of the 21st ultimo, requesting to be
informed "whether any portion of the military forces of the United
States has been sent into the counties of Bourbon, Crawford, and
Cherokee, in the State of Kansas, and, if so, when, what number, for
what purpose, and on whose procurement; and also whether they have been
required to erect there any winter quarters, forts, fortifications, or
earth-works, and, if so, what, for what purpose, and at whose expense,
and at what probable expense to the Government have all said acts been
done," I transmit herewith a report, dated 18th instant, from the
Secretary of War, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 26, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th
instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the
paper[19] which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 19: Supplemental report to the Department of State by Samuel
B. Ruggles, United States delegate to the International Monetary
Conference at Paris, 1867.]



WASHINGTON, _May 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 26th ultimo, I transmit
a report from the Secretary of State and the papers[20] by which it was
accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 20: Dispatches of J. Somers Smith, commercial agent of the
United States at San Domingo, relative to the imprisonment of Davis
Hatch by the Dominican Government.]



WASHINGTON, _May 21, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 18th
instant, calling for information relative to the passage of any English
or Canadian steamer through the canal of Sault Ste. Marie, a report from
the Secretary of State, with accompanying papers.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 23, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In response to your resolution of the 12th instant, requesting
information "in relation to an organized band of persons at Cheyenne, in
the Territory of Wyoming, or vicinity, the number and designs of such
persons," I transmit herewith the reports of the Secretary of War and
the Secretary of the Interior, to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 23, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their
resolution of the 5th instant, a report from the Secretary of State and
its accompanying papers.[21]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 21: Relating to the claims of United States citizens against
Venezuela.]



WASHINGTON, _May 26, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I have the satisfaction of transmitting to the Senate, for consideration
with a view to its ratification, a convention between the United States
and Her Britannic Majesty, relative to naturalization, signed in London
on the 13th instant.

The convention is substantially the same as the protocol on the subject
signed by Mr. Reverdy Johnson and Lord Stanley on the 9th of October,
1868, and approved by the Senate on the 13th April, 1869.

If the instrument should go into effect, it will relieve the parties
from a grievance which has hitherto been a cause of frequent annoyance
and sometimes of dangerous irritation.

A copy of Mr. Motley's dispatch on the subject and of the act of
Parliament of May 12, 1870, are also transmitted.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 28, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 24th instant, I
transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the document[22] by
which it was accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 22: Dispatch from Henry T. Blow, United States minister to
Brazil, relative to the commercial interests of the United States with
South America.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 31, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to its
ratification, an additional article to the treaty of the 29th of
November last, for the annexation of the Dominican Republic to the
United States, stipulating for an extension of the time for exchanging
the ratifications thereof, signed in this city on the 14th instant by
the plenipotentiaries of the parties.

It was my intention to have also negotiated with the plenipotentiary of
San Domingo amendments to the treaty of annexation to obviate objections
which may be urged against the treaty as it is now worded; but on
reflection I deem it better to submit to the Senate the propriety of
their amending the treaty as follows: First, to specify that the
obligations of this Government shall not exceed the $1,500,000
stipulated in the treaty; secondly, to determine the manner of
appointing the agents to receive and disburse the same; thirdly, to
determine the class of creditors who shall take precedence in the
settlement of their claims; and, finally, to insert such amendments as
may suggest themselves to the minds of Senators to carry out in good
faith the conditions of the treaty submitted to the Senate of the United
States in January last, according to the spirit and intent of that
treaty. From the most reliable information I can obtain, the sum
specified in the treaty will pay every just claim against the Republic
of San Domingo and leave a balance sufficient to carry on a Territorial
government until such time as new laws for providing a Territorial
revenue can be enacted and put in force.

I feel an unusual anxiety for the ratification of this treaty, because
I believe it will redound greatly to the glory of the two countries
interested, to civilization, and to the extirpation of the institution
of slavery.

The doctrine promulgated by President Monroe has been adhered to by
all political parties, and I now deem it proper to assert the equally
important principle that hereafter no territory on this continent shall
be regarded as subject of transfer to a European power.

The Government of San Domingo has voluntarily sought this annexation.
It is a weak power, numbering probably less than 120,000 souls, and yet
possessing one of the richest territories under the sun, capable of
supporting a population of 10,000,000 people in luxury. The people of
San Domingo are not capable of maintaining themselves in their present
condition, and must look for outside support.

They yearn for the protection of our free institutions and laws, our
progress and civilization. Shall we refuse them?

I have information which I believe reliable that a European power stands
ready now to offer $2,000,000 for the possession of Samana Bay alone.
If refused by us, with what grace can we prevent a foreign power from
attempting to secure the prize?

The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geographical
position. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea and the Isthmus
transit of commerce. It possesses the richest soil, best and most
capacious harbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valuable
products of the forests, mine, and soil of any of the West India
Islands. Its possession by us will in a few years build up a coastwise
commerce of immense magnitude, which will go far toward restoring to us
our lost merchant marine. It will give to us those articles which we
consume so largely and do not produce, thus equalizing our exports and
imports.

In case of foreign war it will give us command of all the islands
referred to, and thus prevent an enemy from ever again possessing
himself of rendezvous upon our very coast.

At present our coast trade between the States bordering on the Atlantic
and those bordering on the Gulf of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas and
the Antilles. Twice we must, as it were, pass through foreign countries
to get by sea from Georgia to the west coast of Florida.

San Domingo, with a stable government, under which her immense resources
can be developed, will give remunerative wages to tens of thousands of
laborers not now on the island.

This labor will take advantage of every available means of
transportation to abandon the adjacent islands and seek the blessings of
freedom and its sequence--each inhabitant receiving the reward of his
own labor. Porto Rico and Cuba will have to abolish slavery, as a
measure of self-preservation to retain their laborers.

San Domingo will become a large consumer of the products of Northern
farms and manufactories. The cheap rate at which her citizens can be
furnished with food, tools, and machinery will make it necessary that
the contiguous islands should have the same advantages in order to
compete in the production of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropical fruits,
etc. This will open to us a still wider market for our products.

The production of our own supply of these articles will cut off more
than one hundred millions of our annual imports, besides largely
increasing our exports. With such a picture it is easy to see how our
large debt abroad is ultimately to be extinguished. With a balance of
trade against us (including interest on bonds held by foreigners and
money spent by our citizens traveling in foreign lands) equal to the
entire yield of the precious metals in this country, it is not so easy
to see how this result is to be otherwise accomplished.

The acquisition of San Domingo is an adherence to the "Monroe doctrine;"
it is a measure of national protection; it is asserting our just claim
to a controlling influence over the great commercial traffic soon to
flow from east to west by the way of the Isthmus of Darien; it is to
build up our merchant marine; it is to furnish new markets for the
products of our farms, shops, and manufactories; it is to make slavery
insupportable in Cuba and Porto Rico at once and ultimately so in
Brazil; it is to settle the unhappy condition of Cuba, and end an
exterminating conflict; it is to provide honest means of paying our
honest debts, without overtaxing the people; it is to furnish our
citizens with the necessaries of everyday life at cheaper rates than
ever before; and it is, in fine, a rapid stride toward that greatness
which the intelligence, industry, and enterprise of the citizens of the
United States entitle this country to assume among nations.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C. June 2, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In reply to your resolution of the 1st instant, requesting, "in
confidence," any information in possession of the President "touching
any proposition, offer, or design of any foreign power to purchase or
obtain any part of the territory of San Domingo or any right to the
Bay of Samana," I transmit herewith a copy of a letter, dated 27th of
April, 1870. addressed to "Colonel J.W. Fabens, Dominican minister,
Washington," by "E. Herzberg Hartmount, Dominican consul-general in
London."

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _June 3, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 18th
ultimo, a report from the Secretary of State, with an accompanying
paper.[23]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 23: Communication from George Bancroft, United States minister
at Berlin, relative to political questions in Germany.]



WASHINGTON, _June 3, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to its
ratification, an additional convention to the treaty of the 7th of
April, 1862, for the suppression of the African slave trade, which
additional convention was signed on this day in the city of Washington
by the plenipotentiaries of the high contracting parties.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _June 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 3d
instant, the accompanying report[24] from the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 24: Stating that he has received no official information
relative to a reported persecution and massacre of Israelites in
Roumania.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 13, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In my annual message to Congress at the beginning of its present session
I referred to the contest which had then for more than a year existed in
the island of Cuba between a portion of its inhabitants and the
Government of Spain, and the feelings and sympathies of the people and
Government of the United States for the people of Cuba, as for all
peoples struggling for liberty and self-government, and said that "the
contest has at no time assumed the conditions which amount to war in the
sense of international law, or which would show the existence of a _de
facto_ political organization of the insurgents sufficient to justify a
recognition of belligerency."

During the six months which have passed since the date of that message
the condition of the insurgents has not improved, and the insurrection
itself, although not subdued, exhibits no signs of advance, but seems to
be confined to an irregular system of hostilities, carried on by small
and illy armed bands of men, roaming without concentration through the
woods and the sparsely populated regions of the island, attacking from
ambush convoys and small bands of troops, burning plantations and the
estates of those not sympathizing with their cause.

But if the insurrection has not gained ground, it is equally true that
Spain has not suppressed it. Climate, disease, and the occasional bullet
have worked destruction among the soldiers of Spain; and although the
Spanish authorities have possession of every seaport and every town on
the island, they have not been able to subdue the hostile feeling which
has driven a considerable number of the native inhabitants of the island
to armed resistance against Spain, and still leads them to endure the
dangers and the privations of a roaming life of guerrilla warfare.

On either side the contest has been conducted, and is still carried on,
with a lamentable disregard of human life and of the rules and practices
which modern civilization has prescribed in mitigation of the necessary
horrors of war. The torch of Spaniard and of Cuban is alike busy in
carrying devastation over fertile regions; murderous and revengeful
decrees are issued and executed by both parties. Count Valmaseda and
Colonel Boet, on the part of Spain, have each startled humanity and
aroused the indignation of the civilized world by the execution, each,
of a score of prisoners at a time, while General Quesada, the Cuban
chief, coolly and with apparent unconsciousness of aught else than a
proper act, has admitted the slaughter, by his own deliberate order,
in one day, of upward of 650 prisoners of war.

A summary trial, with few, if any, escapes from conviction, followed by
immediate execution, is the fate of those arrested on either side on
suspicion of infidelity to the cause of the party making the arrest.

Whatever may be the sympathies of the people or of the Government of the
United States for the cause or objects for which a part of the people of
Cuba are understood to have put themselves in armed resistance to the
Government of Spain, there can be no just sympathy in a conflict carried
on by both parties alike in such barbarous violation of the rules of
civilized nations and with such continued outrage upon the plainest
principles of humanity.

We can not discriminate in our censure of their mode of conducting their
contest between the Spaniards and the Cubans. Each commit the same
atrocities and outrage alike the established rules of war.

The properties of many of our citizens have been destroyed or embargoed,
the lives of several have been sacrificed, and the liberty of others has
been restrained. In every case that has come to the knowledge of the
Government an early and earnest demand for reparation and indemnity has
been made, and most emphatic remonstrance has been presented against
the manner in which the strife is conducted and against the reckless
disregard of human life, the wanton destruction of material wealth,
and the cruel disregard of the established rules of civilized warfare.

I have, since the beginning of the present session of Congress,
communicated to the House of Representatives, upon their request, an
account of the steps which I had taken in the hope of bringing this sad
conflict to an end and of securing to the people of Cuba the blessings
and the right of independent self-government. The efforts thus made
failed, but not without an assurance from Spain that the good offices of
this Government might still avail for the objects to which they had been
addressed.

During the whole contest the remarkable exhibition has been made of
large numbers of Cubans escaping from the island and avoiding the risks
of war; congregating in this country, at a safe distance from the scene
of danger, and endeavoring to make war from our shores, to urge our
people into the fight which they avoid, and to embroil this Government
in complications and possible hostilities with Spain. It can scarce be
doubted that this last result is the real object of these parties,
although carefully covered under the deceptive and apparently plausible
demand for a mere recognition of belligerency.

It is stated on what I have reason to regard as good authority that
Cuban bonds have been prepared to a large amount, whose payment is made
dependent upon the recognition by the United States of either Cuban
belligerency or independence. The object of making their value thus
contingent upon the action of this Government is a subject for serious
reflection.

In determining the course to be adopted on the demand thus made for a
recognition of belligerency the liberal and peaceful principles adopted
by the Father of his Country and the eminent statesmen of his day, and
followed by succeeding Chief Magistrates and the men of their day, may
furnish a safe guide to those of us now charged with the direction and
control of the public safety.

From 1789 to 1815 the dominant thought of our statesmen was to keep
the United States out of the wars which were devastating Europe. The
discussion of measures of neutrality begins with the State papers of
Mr. Jefferson when Secretary of State. He shows that they are measures
of national right as well as of national duty; that misguided individual
citizens can not be tolerated in making war according to their own
caprice, passions, interests, or foreign sympathies; that the agents of
foreign governments, recognized or unrecognized, can not be permitted
to abuse our hospitality by usurping the functions of enlisting or
equipping military or naval forces within our territory. Washington
inaugurated the policy of neutrality and of absolute abstinence from
all foreign entangling alliances, which resulted, in 1794, in the first
municipal enactment for the observance of neutrality.

The duty of opposition to filibustering has been admitted by every
President. Washington encountered the efforts of Genčt and of the French
revolutionists; John Adams, the projects of Miranda; Jefferson, the
schemes of Aaron Burr. Madison and subsequent Presidents had to deal
with the question of foreign enlistment or equipment in the United
States, and since the days of John Quincy Adams it has been one of the
constant cares of Government in the United States to prevent piratical
expeditions against the feeble Spanish American Republics from leaving
our shores. In no country are men wanting for any enterprise that holds
out promise of adventure or of gain.

In the early days of our national existence the whole continent of
America (outside of the limits of the United States) and all its islands
were in colonial dependence upon European powers.

The revolutions which from 1810 spread almost simultaneously through all
the Spanish American continental colonies resulted in the establishment
of new States, like ourselves, of European origin, and interested in
excluding European politics and the questions of dynasty and of balances
of power from further influence in the New World.

The American policy of neutrality, important before, became doubly so
from the fact that it became applicable to the new Republics as well as
to the mother country.

It then devolved upon us to determine the great international question
at what time and under what circumstances to recognize a new power
as entitled to a place among the family of nations, as well as the
preliminary question of the attitude to be observed by this Government
toward the insurrectionary party pending the contest.

Mr. Monroe concisely expressed the rule which has controlled the action
of this Government with reference to revolting colonies pending their
struggle by saying:

  As soon as the movement assumed such a steady and consistent form as
  to make the success of the Provinces probable, the rights to which
  they were entitled by the laws of nations as equal parties to a civil
  war were extended to them.


The strict adherence to this rule of public policy has been one of
the highest honors of American statesmanship, and has secured to this
Government the confidence of the feeble powers on this continent,
which induces them to rely upon its friendship and absence of designs
of conquest and to look to the United States for example and moral
protection. It has given to this Government a position of prominence and
of influence which it should not abdicate, but which imposes upon it the
most delicate duties of right and of honor regarding American questions,
whether those questions affect emancipated colonies or colonies still
subject to European dominion.

The question of belligerency is one of fact, not to be decided by
sympathies for or prejudices against either party. The relations
between the parent state and the insurgents must amount in fact to
war in the sense of international law. Fighting, though fierce and
protracted, does not alone constitute war. There must be military forces
acting in accordance with the rules and customs of war, flags of truce,
cartels, exchange of prisoners, etc.; and to justify a recognition
of belligerency there must be, above all, a _de facto_ political
organization of the insurgents sufficient in character and resources
to constitute it, if left to itself, a state among nations capable
of discharging the duties of a state and of meeting the just
responsibilities it may incur as such toward other powers in the
discharge of its national duties.

Applying the best information which I have been enabled to gather,
whether from official or unofficial sources, including the very
exaggerated statements which each party gives to all that may prejudice
the opposite or give credit to its own side of the question, I am unable
to see in the present condition of the contest in Cuba those elements
which are requisite to constitute war in the sense of international law.

The insurgents hold no town or city; have no established seat of
government; they have no prize courts; no organization for the receiving
and collecting of revenue; no seaport to which a prize may be carried or
through which access can be had by a foreign power to the limited
interior territory and mountain fastnesses which they occupy. The
existence of a legislature representing any popular constituency is more
than doubtful.

In the uncertainty that hangs around the entire insurrection there is no
palpable evidence of an election, of any delegated authority, or of any
government outside the limits of the camps occupied from day to day by
the roving companies of insurgent troops; there is no commerce, no
trade, either internal or foreign, no manufactures.

The late commander in chief of the insurgents, having recently come to
the United States, publicly declared that "all commercial intercourse or
trade with the exterior world has been utterly cut off;" and he further
added: "To-day we have not 10,000 arms in Cuba."

It is a well-established principle of public law that a recognition by
a foreign state of belligerent rights to insurgents under circumstances
such as now exist in Cuba, if not justified by necessity, is a
gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion. Such
necessity may yet hereafter arrive, but it has not yet arrived, nor is
its probability clearly to be seen.

If it be war between Spain and Cuba, and be so recognized, it is
our duty to provide for the consequences which may ensue in the
embarrassment to our commerce and the interference with our revenue.

If belligerency be recognized, the commercial marine of the United
States becomes liable to search and to seizure by the commissioned
cruisers of both parties; they become subject to the adjudication of
prize courts.

Our large coastwise trade between the Atlantic and the Gulf States and
between both and the Isthmus of Panama and the States of South America
(engaging the larger part of our commercial marine) passes of necessity
almost in sight of the island of Cuba. Under the treaty with Spain of
1795, as well as by the law of nations, our vessels will be liable
to visit on the high seas. In case of belligerency the carrying of
contraband, which now is lawful, becomes liable to the risks of
seizure and condemnation. The parent Government becomes relieved from
responsibility for acts done in the insurgent territory, and acquires
the right to exercise against neutral commerce all the powers of a party
to a maritime war. To what consequences the exercise of those powers may
lead is a question which I desire to commend to the serious
consideration of Congress.

In view of the gravity of this question, I have deemed it my duty to
invite the attention of the war-making power of the country to all the
relations and bearings of the question in connection with the
declaration of neutrality and granting of belligerent rights.

There is not a _de facto_ government in the island of Cuba sufficient to
execute law and maintain just relations with other nations. Spain has
not been able to suppress the opposition to Spanish rule on the island,
nor to award speedy justice to other nations, or citizens of other
nations, when their rights have been invaded.

There are serious complications growing out of the seizure of American
vessels upon the high seas, executing American citizens without proper
trial, and confiscating or embargoing the property of American citizens.
Solemn protests have been made against every infraction of the rights
either of individual citizens of the United States or the rights of our
flag upon the high seas, and all proper steps have been taken and are
being pressed for the proper reparation of every indignity complained
of.

The question of belligerency, however, which is to be decided upon
definite principles and according to ascertained facts, is entirely
different from and unconnected with the other questions of the manner in
which the strife is carried on on both sides and the treatment of our
citizens entitled to our protection.

The questions concern our own dignity and responsibility, and they have
been made, as I have said, the subjects of repeated communications with
Spain and of protests and demands for redress on our part. It is hoped
that these will not be disregarded, but should they be these questions
will be made the subject of a further communication to Congress.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 17, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 8th instant, requesting
the President "to communicate, in confidence, the instructions of the
Navy Department to the navy officers in command on the coast of Dominica
and Hayti, and the reports of such officers to the Navy Department,
from the commencement of the negotiation of the treaty with Dominica,"
I herewith transmit the papers received from the Secretary of the Navy,
to whom the resolution was referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 25, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the 22d instant, requesting to be
furnished with "proposals received from any company or citizens of
the United States for constructing and placing iron steamships in
transatlantic service," I transmit herewith the only proposal of that
nature received by me.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _July 9, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolutions of the Senate of the 26th of May and of
the 14th of June last, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State
thereupon, and the papers[25] by which it was accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 25: Lists of American vessels seized by Spanish authorities in
Cuba; of American citizens executed and imprisoned in Cuba; of American
citizens whose property was confiscated or embargoed in Cuba, and of
decrees under which the Spanish authorities acted, and correspondence
showing steps taken by the United States Government in reference
thereto.]



WASHINGTON, _July 12, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to ratification,
a convention between the United States and Austria, concerning the
rights, privileges, and immunities of consuls in the two countries,
signed at Washington on the 11th instant.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _July 13, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 8th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State and the papers[26] which
accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 26: Instructions to the minister to Spain stating the basis
on which the United States offered its good offices for the purpose of
terminating the war in Cuba, correspondence relative thereto, etc.]



WASHINGTON, _July 13, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to their resolution of the 8th instant, I transmit to the
Senate a report from the Secretary of State and the papers[27] which
accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 27: Correspondence between the United States and Great Britain
concerning questions pending between the two countries.]



WASHINGTON, _July 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 7th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.

U.S. GRANT.



DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, July 14, 1870_.

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the
Senate requesting the President "to institute an inquiry, by such means
as in his judgment shall be deemed proper, into the present condition
of the commercial relations between the United States and the Spanish
American States on this continent, and between those countries and other
nations, and to communicate to the Senate full and complete statements
regarding the same, together with such recommendations as he may think
necessary to promote the development and increase of our commerce with
those regions and to secure to the United States that proportionate
share of the trade of this continent to which their close relations of
geographical contiguity and political friendship with all the States
of America justly entitle them," has the honor to report:

The resolution justly regards the commercial and the political relations
of the United States with the American States of Spanish origin as
necessarily dependent upon each other. If the commerce of those
countries has been diverted from its natural connection with the United
States, the fact may probably be partly traced to political causes,
which have been swept away by the great civil convulsion in this
country.

For the just comprehension of the position of this Government in the
American political system, and for the causes which have failed to give
it hitherto the influence to which it is properly entitled by reason of
its democratic system and of the moderation and sense of justice which
have distinguished its foreign policy through successive Administrations
from the birth of the nation until now, it is necessary to make a brief
notice of such measures as affect our present relations to the other
parts of this continent.

The United States were the first of the European colonies in America to
arrive at maturity as a people and assume the position of an independent
republic. Since then important changes have taken place in various
nations and in every part of the world. Our own growth in power has been
not the least remarkable of all the great events of modern history.

When, at the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, having conquered by
arms our right to exist as a sovereign state, that right was at length
recognized by treaties, we occupied only a narrow belt of land along the
Atlantic coast, hemmed in at the north, the west, and the south by the
possessions of European Governments, or by uncultivated wastes beyond
the Alleghanies, inhabited only by the aborigines. But in the very
infancy of the United States far-sighted statesmen saw and predicted
that, weak in population and apparently restricted in available
territory as the new Republic then was, it had within it the germs of
colossal grandeur, and would at no remote day occupy the continent of
America with its institutions, its authority, and its peaceful
influence.

That expectation has been thus far signally verified. The United States
entered at once into the occupation of their rightful possessions
westward to the banks of the Mississippi. Next, by the spontaneous
proffer of France, they acquired Louisiana and its territorial
extension, or right of extension, north to the line of the treaty
demarcation between France and Great Britain, and west to the Pacific
Ocean. Next, by amicable arrangement with Spain, they acquired the
Floridas, and complete southern maritime frontiers upon the Gulf of
Mexico. Then came the union with the independent State of Texas,
followed by the acquisitions of California and New Mexico, and then of
Arizona. Finally, Russia has ceded to us Alaska, and the continent of
North America has become independent of Europe, except so much of it as
continues to maintain political relations with Great Britain.

Meanwhile, partly by natural increase and partly by voluntary
immigration from Europe, our population has risen from 3,000,000 to
nearly 40,000,000; the number of States and Territories united under
the Constitution has been augmented from thirteen to forty-seven; the
development of internal wealth and power has kept pace with political
expansion; we have occupied in part and peopled the vast interior of
the continent; we have bound the Pacific to the Atlantic by a chain of
intervening States and organized Territories; we have delivered the
Republic from the anomaly and the ignominy of domestic servitude; we
have constitutionally fixed the equality of all races and of all men
before the law; and we have established, at the cost of a great civil
war--a cost, however, not beyond the value of such a result--the
indissoluble national unity of the United States.

In all these marked stages of national progress, from the Declaration
of Independence to the recent amendments of the Constitution, it is
impossible not to perceive a providential series and succession of
events, intimately attached one to the other, and possessed of definite
character as a whole, whatever incidental departures from such
uniformity may have marked, or seemed to mark, our foreign policy under
the influence of temporary causes or of the conflicting opinions of
statesmen.

In the time of Washington, of the first Adams, of Jefferson, and of
Madison the condition of Europe, engaged in the gigantic wars of the
French Revolution and of the Empire, produced its series of public
questions and gave tone and color to our foreign policy. In the time of
Monroe, of the second Adams, and of Jackson, and subsequently thereto,
the independence of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of America
produced its series of questions and its apparent modification of our
public policy. Domestic questions of territorial organization, of social
emancipation, and of national unity have also largely occupied the minds
and the attention of the later Administrations.

The treaties of alliance and guaranty with France, which contributed so
much to our independence, were one source of solicitude to the early
Administrations, which were endeavoring to protect our commerce from the
depredations and wrongs to which the maritime policy of England and the
reaction of that policy on France subjected it. For twenty years we
struggled in vain to accomplish this, and at last drifted into war.

The avoidance of entangling alliances, the characteristic feature of the
foreign policy of Washington, sprang from this condition of things. But
the entangling alliances which then existed were engagements made with
France as a part of the general contract under which aid was furnished
to us for the achievement of our independence. France was willing to
waive the letter of the obligation as to her West India possessions, but
demanded in its stead privileges in our ports which the Administration
was unwilling to concede. To make its refusal acceptable to a public
which sympathized with France, the Cabinet of General Washington
exaggerated the principle into a theory tending to national isolation.

The public measures designed to maintain unimpaired the domestic
sovereignty and the international neutrality of the United States
were independent of this policy, though apparently incidental to it.
The municipal laws enacted by Congress then and since have been but
declarations of the law of nations. They are essential to the
preservation of our national dignity and honor; they have for their
object to repress and punish all enterprises of private war, one of the
last relics of mediaeval barbarism; and they have descended to us from
the fathers of the Republic, supported and enforced by every succeeding
President of the United States.

The foreign policy of these early days was not a narrow one. During
this period we secured the evacuation by Great Britain of the country
wrongfully occupied by her on the Lakes; we acquired Louisiana; we
measured forces on the sea with France, and on the land and sea with
England; we set the example of resisting and chastising the piracies of
the Barbary States; we initiated in negotiations with Prussia the long
line of treaties for the liberalization of war and the promotion of
international intercourse; and we steadily demanded, and at length
obtained, indemnification from various governments for the losses we
had suffered by foreign spoliations in the wars of Europe.

To this point in our foreign policy we had arrived when the
revolutionary movements in Spanish and Portuguese America compelled a
modification of our relations with Europe, in consequence of the rise of
new and independent states in America.

The revolution which commenced in 1810, and extended through all the
Spanish American continental colonies, after vain efforts of repression
on the part of Spain, protracted through twenty years, terminated in
the establishment of the independent States of Mexico, Guatemala, San
Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador,
Peru, Chile, Bolivia, the Argentine Republic, Uruguay, and Paraguay,
to which the Empire of Brazil came in time to be added. These events
necessarily enlarged the sphere of action of the United States, and
essentially modified our relations with Europe and our attitude to the
rest of this continent.

The new States were, like ourselves, revolted colonies. They continued
the precedent we had set, of separating from Europe. Their assumption of
independence was stimulated by our example. They professedly imitated
us, and copied our National Constitution, sometimes even to their
inconvenience.

The Spanish American colonies had not the same preparation for
independence that we had. Each of the British colonies possessed
complete local autonomy. Its formal transition from dependence to
independence consisted chiefly in expelling the British governor of the
colony and electing a governor of the State, from which to the organized
Union was but a step. All these conditions of success were wanting in
Spanish America, and hence many of the difficulties in their career
as independent states; and, further, while the revolution in British
America was the exclusive result of the march of opinion in the British
colonies, the simultaneous action of the separate Spanish colonies,
though showing a desire for independence, was principally produced by
the accident of the invasion of Spain by France.

The formation of these new sovereignties in America was important to us,
not only because of the cessation of colonial monopolies to that extent,
but because of the geographical relations to us held by so many new
nations, all, like ourselves, created from European stock and interested
in excluding European politics, dynastic questions, and balances of
power from further influence in the New World.

Thus the United States were forced into new lines of action, which,
though apparently in some respects conflicting, were really in harmony
with the line marked out by Washington. The avoidance of entangling
political alliances and the maintenance of our own independent
neutrality became doubly important from the fact that they became
applicable to the new Republics as well as to the mother country.
The duty of noninterference had been admitted by every President.
The question came up in the time of the first Adams, on the occasion
of the enlistment projects of Miranda. It appeared again under Jefferson
(anterior to the revolt of the Spanish colonies) in the schemes of Aaron
Burr. It was an ever-present question in the Administrations of Madison,
Monroe, and the younger Adams, in reference to the questions of foreign
enlistment or equipment in the United States, and when these new
Republics entered the family of nations, many of them very feeble, and
all too much subject to internal revolution and civil war, a strict
adherence to our previous policy and a strict enforcement of our laws
became essential to the preservation of friendly relations with them;
for since that time it has been one of the principal cares of those
intrusted with the administration of the Government to prevent piratical
expeditions against these sister Republics from leaving our ports.
And thus the changed condition of the New World made no change in the
traditional and peaceful policy of the United States in this respect.

In one respect, however, the advent of these new States in America did
compel an apparent change of foreign policy on our part. It devolved
upon us the determination of the great international question at what
time and under what circumstances to recognize a new power as entitled
to a place among the family of nations. There was but little of
precedent to guide us, except our own case. Something, indeed, could be
inferred from the historical origin of the Netherlands and Switzerland.
But our own case, carefully and conscientiously considered, was
sufficient to guide us to right conclusions. We maintained our position
of international friendship and of treaty obligations toward Spain, but
we did not consider that we were bound to wait for its recognition of
the new Republics before admitting them into treaty relations with us
as sovereign states. We held that it was for us to judge whether or
not they had attained to the condition of actual independence, and the
consequent right of recognition by us. We considered this question of
fact deliberately and coolly. We sent commissioners to Spanish America
to ascertain and report for our information concerning their actual
circumstances, and in the fullness of time we acknowledged their
independence; we exchanged diplomatic ministers, and made treaties of
amity with them, the earliest of which, negotiated by Mr. John Quincy
Adams, served as the model for the subsequent treaties with the Spanish
American Republics. We also, simultaneously therewith, exerted our good
offices with Spain to induce her to submit to the inevitable result and
herself to accept and acknowledge the independence of her late colonies.
We endeavored to induce Russia to join us in these representations.
In all this our action was positive, in the direction of promoting the
complete political separation of America from Europe.

A vast field was thus opened to the statesmen of the United States for
the peaceful introduction, the spread, and the permanent establishment
of the American ideas of republican government, of modification of the
laws of war, of liberalization of commerce, of religious freedom and
toleration, and of the emancipation of the New World from the dynastic
and balance of power controversies of Europe.

Mr. John Quincy Adams, beyond any other statesman of the time in this
country, had the knowledge and experience, both European and American,
the comprehension of thought and purpose, and the moral convictions
which peculiarly fitted him to introduce our country into this new field
and to lay the foundation of an American policy. The declaration known
as the Monroe doctrine, and the objects and purposes of the congress of
Panama, both supposed to have been largely inspired by Mr. Adams, have
influenced public events from that day to this as a principle of
government for this continent and its adjacent islands.

It was at the period of the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle and of
Laybach, when the "Holy Alliance" was combined to arrest all political
changes in Europe in the sense of liberty, when they were intervening
in southern Europe for the reestablishment of absolutism, and when they
were meditating interference to check the progress of free government
in America, that Mr. Monroe, in his annual message of December, 1823,
declared that the United States would consider any attempt to extend
the European system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to
our peace and safety. "With the existing colonies or dependencies of
any European power," he said, "we have not interfered and shall not
interfere; but with the governments who have declared their independence
and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great
consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view
any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in
any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light
than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United
States."

This declaration resolved the solution of the immediate question of the
independence of the Spanish American colonies, and is supposed to have
exercised some influence upon the course of the British cabinet in
regard to the absolutist schemes in Europe as well as in America.

It has also exercised a permanent influence on this continent. It was at
once invoked in consequence of the supposed peril of Cuba on the side of
Europe; it was applied to a similar danger threatening Yucatan; it was
embodied in the treaty of the United States and Great Britain as to
Central America; it produced the successful opposition of the United
States to the attempt of Great Britain to exercise dominion in Nicaragua
under the cover of the Mosquito Indians; and it operated in like manner
to prevent the establishment of a European dynasty in Mexico.

The United States stand solemnly committed by repeated declarations and
repeated acts to this doctrine, and its application to the affairs of
this continent. In his message to the two Houses of Congress at the
commencement of the present session the President, following the
teachings of all our history, said that the existing "dependencies are
no longer regarded as subject to transfer from one European power to
another. When the present relation of colonies ceases, they are to
become independent powers, exercising the right of choice and of
self-control in the determination of their future condition and
relations with other powers."

This policy is not a policy of aggression; but it opposes the creation
of European dominion on American soil, or its transfer to other European
powers, and it looks hopefully to the time when, by the voluntary
departure of European Governments from this continent and the adjacent
islands, America shall be wholly American.

It does not contemplate forcible intervention in any legitimate contest,
but it protests against permitting such a contest to result in the
increase of European power or influence; and it ever impels this
Government, as in the late contest between the South American Republics
and Spain, to interpose its good offices to secure an honorable peace.

The congress of Panama was planned by Bolivar to secure the union of
Spanish America against Spain. It had originally military as well as
political purposes. In the military objects the United States could take
no part; and, indeed, the necessity for such objects ceased when the
full effects of Mr. Monroe's declarations were felt. But the pacific
objects of the congress--the establishment of close and cordial
relations of amity, the creation of commercial intercourse, of
interchange of political thought, and of habits of good understanding
between the new Republics and the United States and their respective
citizens--might perhaps have been attained had the Administration of
that day received the united support of the country. Unhappily, they
were lost; the new States were removed from the sympathetic and
protecting influence of our example, and their commerce, which we might
then have secured, passed into other hands, unfriendly to the United
States.

In looking back upon the Panama congress from this length of time it is
easy to understand why the earnest and patriotic men who endeavored to
crystallize an American system for this continent failed.

Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams were far-sighted statesmen, but, unfortunately,
they struck against the rock of African slavery. One of the questions
proposed for discussion in the conference was "the consideration of
the means to be adopted for the entire abolition of the African slave
trade," to which proposition the committee of the United States Senate
of that day replied: "The United States have not certainly the right,
and ought never to feel the inclination, to dictate to others who may
differ with them upon this subject; nor do the committee see the
expediency of insulting other states with whom we are maintaining
relations of perfect amity by ascending the moral chair and proclaiming
from thence mere abstract principles, of the rectitude of which each
nation enjoys the perfect right of deciding for itself." The same
committee also alluded to the possibility that the condition of the
islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, still the possessions of Spain and
still slaveholding, might be made the subject of discussion and of
contemplated action by the Panama congress. "If ever the United States,"
they said, "permit themselves to be associated with these nations in any
general congress assembled for the discussion of common plans in any way
affecting European interests, they will by such act not only deprive
themselves of the ability they now possess of rendering useful
assistance to the other American States, but also produce other effects
prejudicial to their own interests."

Thus the necessity at that day of preserving the great interest of the
Southern States in African slavery, and of preventing a change in the
character of labor in the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, lost to the
United States the opportunity of giving a permanent direction to the
political and commercial connections of the newly enfranchised Spanish
American States, and their trade passed into hands unfriendly to the
United States, and has remained there ever since.

Events subsequent to that date have tended to place us in a position to
retrieve our mistakes, among which events may be particularly named the
suppression of the rebellion, the manifestation of our undeveloped and
unexpected military power, the retirement of the French from Mexico, and
the abolition of slavery in the United States.

There is good reason to believe that the latter fact has had an
important influence in our favor in Spanish America. It has caused us
to be regarded there with more sympathetic as well as more respectful
consideration. It has relieved those Republics from the fear of
filibusterism which had been formerly incited against Central America
and Mexico in the interest of slave extension, and it has produced
an impression of the stability of our institutions and of our public
strength sufficient to dissipate the fears of our friends or the hopes
of those who wish us ill.

Thus there exists in the Spanish American Republics confidence toward
the United States. On our side they find a feeling of cordial amity and
friendship, and a desire to cultivate and develop our common interests
on this continent. With some of these States our relations are more
intimate than with others, either by reason of closer similarity of
constitutional forms, of greater commercial intercourse, of proximity in
fact, or of the construction or contemplated construction of lines of
transit for our trade and commerce between the Atlantic and the Pacific.
With several of them we have peculiar treaty relations. The treaty of
1846 between the United States and New Granada contains stipulations
of guaranty for the neutrality of that part of the Isthmus within the
present territory of Colombia, and for the protection of the rights
of sovereignty and property therein belonging to Colombia. Similar
stipulations appear in the treaty of 1867 with Nicaragua, and of July,
1864, with Honduras. Those treaties (like the treaty of alliance made
with France in 1778 by Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee)
constitute _pro tanto_ a true protective alliance between the United
States and each of those Republics. Provisions of like effect appear
in the treaty of April 19, 1850, between Great Britain and the United
States.

Brazil, with her imperial semblance and constitutional reality, has
always held relations of amity with us, which have been fortified by
the opening of her great rivers to commerce. It needs only that, in
emulation of Russia and the United States, she should emancipate her
slaves to place her in more complete sympathy with the rest of America.

It will not be presumptuous, after the foregoing sketch, to say, with
entire consideration for the sovereignty and national pride of the
Spanish American Republics, that the United States, by the priority
of their independence, by the stability of their institutions, by the
regard of their people for the forms of law, by their resources as a
government, by their naval power, by their commercial enterprise, by the
attractions which they offer to European immigration, by the prodigious
internal development of their resources and wealth, and by the
intellectual life of their population, occupy of necessity a prominent
position on this continent, which they neither can nor should abdicate,
which entitles them to a leading voice, and which imposes upon them
duties of right and of honor regarding American questions, whether those
questions affect emancipated colonies or colonies still subject to
European dominion.

The public questions which existed as to all European colonies prior to
and during the revolutions in the continental colonies of Spain and
Portugal still exist with reference to the European colonies which
remain; and they now return upon us in full force, as we watch events in
Cuba and Porto Rico.

Whatever may be the result of the pending contest in Cuba, it appears
to be the belief of some of the leading statesmen of Spain that the
relations which now exist between the island and the mother country can
not be long continued. It is understood that the resources for carrying
on the struggle have been supplied mainly from Cuba, by the aid of that
portion of the population which does not desire to see its political
destinies intrusted to the persons who direct the movements of the
insurgents; but it does not follow that its political relations with
Spain are to remain unchanged, or that even the party which is now
dominant in the island will wish to forever continue colonists.

These facts give reason to think that when the contest shall close,
Cuba, with her resources strained, but unexhausted (whatever may be
her political relations), will resume and continue her old commercial
relations with the United States; and it is not impossible that at some
day, not far distant when measured by the course of history, she will be
called upon to elect her position in the family of nations.

Although the resolution of the Senate does not in terms apply to the
islands of the Antilles, it is impossible to answer it without speaking
of them. They outlie the southern coast of the United States and guard
the approaches to the ports of Mexico, Venezuela, and the Isthmus, by
which we reach from the east the western coasts of Mexico and of the
Spanish States. The people of the Spanish islands speak the language
and share the traditions, customs, ideas, and religion of the Spanish
American States of the continent, and will probably, like them, become
at some time independent of the mother country. It would, therefore,
be unwise, while shaping a commercial policy for the continent, to
disregard the islands which lie so much nearer to our seaports.

With the Spanish islands of Cuba and Porto Rico we maintain, in spite of
their adverse legislation, a large commerce by reason of our necessities
and of their proximity. In the year ending June 30, 1869, we imported
from them merchandise valued at $65,609,274. During the same time we
sent them goods to the value only of $15,313,919.

The prohibitory duties forced upon them by the policy of Spain
shut out much that we might supply. Their tropical productions, for
instance, are too valuable to allow their lands to be given up to the
growth of breadstuffs; yet, instead of taking these articles from the
superabundant fields of their nearest neighbors, they are forced to
go to the distant plains of Spain. It will be for the interest of the
United States to shape its general policy so that this relation of
imports and exports shall be altered in Cuba when peace is restored
and its political condition is satisfactorily established.

With none of the other Spanish American States in North and South
America are our commercial relations what they should be. Our total
imports in the year ending June 30, 1869, from these countries were less
than $25,000,000 (or not one-half the amount from Cuba alone), and our
exports for the same time to them were only $17,850,313; and yet these
countries have an aggregate population nearly or quite as great as that
of the United States; they have republican forms of government, and they
profess to be, and probably really are, in political sympathy with us.

This Department is not able to give with entire accuracy the imports
and exports of Great Britain with the same countries during the
corresponding period. It is believed, however, the following figures
will be found to be not far from correct: Imports to Great Britain,
$42,820,942; exports from Great Britain, $40,682,102.

It thus appears that notwithstanding the greater distance which
the commerce has to travel in coming to and from Great Britain,
notwithstanding the political sympathy which ought naturally to exist
between republics, notwithstanding the American idea which has been
so prominently and so constantly put forward by the Government of the
United States, notwithstanding the acknowledged skill of American
manufacturers, notwithstanding the ready markets which the great cities
of the United States afford for the consumption of tropical productions,
the inhabitants of the Spanish American continent consume of the
products of Great Britain more than twice the quantity they take of
the products of the United States, and that they sell to us only
three-fifths of the amount they sell to Great Britain.

The Secretary of State appends to this report the tables on which these
statements are founded. That their commerce with the United States is
not large may be partially explained by the fact that these States have
been subject to many successive revolutions since the failure of the
congress of Panama. These revolutions not only exhaust their resources
and burden them with debt, but they check emigration, prevent the flow
of foreign capital into the country, and stop the enterprise which needs
a stable government for its development.

These suggestions are, however, applicable to the British commerce as
well as to our own, and they do not explain why we, with the natural
advantages in our favor, fall so far behind. The Isthmus of Panama is
the common point where the commerce of the western coasts of Mexico and
South America meets. When it arrives there, why should it seek Liverpool
and London rather than New York?

The political causes which have operated to divert this commerce from us
the Secretary of State has endeavored to explain. A favorable time has
now come for removing them--for laying the foundation of an American
policy which shall bind in closer union the American Republics. Let
them understand that the United States do not covet their territories;
that our only desire is to see them peaceful, with free and stable
governments, increasing in wealth and population, and developing in the
lines in which their own traditions, customs, habits, laws, and modes
of thought will naturally take them. Let them feel that, as in 1826,
so now, this Government is ready to aid them to the full extent of its
constitutional power in any steps which they may take for their better
protection against anarchy. Let them be convinced that the United States
is prepared, in good faith and without ulterior purposes, to join them
in the development of a peaceful American commercial policy that may in
time include this continent and the West Indian Islands. Let this be
comprehended, and there will be no political reason why we may not
"secure to the United States that proportionate share of the trade of
this continent to which their close relations of geographical contiguity
and political friendship with all the States of America justly entitle
them."

It may not be enough to remove the political obstacles only. The
financial policy which the war made necessary may have operated
injuriously upon our commerce with these States. The resolution of the
Senate calls, on these points, for detailed information which is not
within the control of the Secretary of State, and for recommendations
for the future which he is not prepared to give without that
information. To fully answer the Senate's call, it would probably be
necessary to employ some competent agent, familiar with the Spanish
American States, to collate and arrange the information asked for.
For this there is no appropriation by Congress.

Respectfully submitted.

HAMILTON FISH.


_Commerce of the United States with the countries on this continent and
adjacent islands for the year ended June 30, 1860_.

[Compiled from the Annual Report on Commerce and Navigation.]

  Countries.      Imports.    Exports.   Reexports.   Total      Total
                                                     exports.   commerce.
  _______________________________________________________________________
  Dominion of
    Canada      $3,353,010 $18,188,613 $2,858,782 $21,047,395 $51,400,405
  All other
    British
    possessions
    in North
    America      1,737,304   2,703,173    446,664   3,149,837   4,887,141
  British West
    Indies       6,682,391   9,142,344    101,760   9,244,104  15,926,495
               ==========================================================
  Total         38,772,705  30,034,130  3,407,206  33,441,336  72,214,041
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------
  Cuba          58,201,374  12,643,955  7,064,787  19,708,742  77,910,116
  Porto Rico     7,407,900   2,669,964    114,037   2,784,001  10,191,901
               ==========================================================
  Total         65,609,274  15,313,919  7,178,824  22,492,743  88,102,017
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------
  French
    possessions
    in America     696,952   1,174,056     45,514   1,219,570   1,916,522
  Danish West
    Indies         638,550   1,500,000     39,121   1,539,121   2,177,671
  Dutch West
    Indies and
    Guiana         999,099     926,051     29,595     955,646   1,954,745
  Hayti and
    San Domingo    729,632   1,349,438    129,462   1,478,900   2,208,532
  Sandwich
    Islands      1,298,065     700,962     86,665     787,627   2,085,712
               ==========================================================
  Total          4,362,318   5,650,507    330,357   5,980,864  10,343,182
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------
  Mexico         7,232,006   3,836,699  1,047,408   4,884,107  12,116,113
  Central
    American
    States         733,296   1,324,336     52,146   1,376,482   2,109,778
  Colombia       5,291,706   4,900,075    180,267   5,080,342  10,372,048
  Peru           1,386,310   1,556,434    116,911   1,673,445   3,059,755
  Chile          1,186,982   1,969,580    115,905   2,085,485   3,272,467
  Argentine
    Republic     5,162,966   2,235,089    272,425   2,507,514   7,670,480
  Uruguay        1,472,608     835,112     58,270     894,382   2,366,990
  Brazil        24,912,450   5,910,565    158,514   6,069,079  30,981,529
  Venezuela      2,431,760   1,191,888     29,176   1,221,064   3,652,824
               ==========================================================
  Total         49,810,084  23,760,878  2,031,022  25,791,900  75,601,984
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------
  Grand
    total      158,554,381  74,759,434 12,947,409  87,706,843 246,261,224
               ==========================================================
  Total
    commerce
    of
    United
    States     437,314,255 413,954,615 25,173,414 439,128,029 876,442,284
  _______________________________________________________________________

  _Imports and exports of Great Britain with Spanish America and some
  of the West India Islands for parts of the years 1868 and 1869_.

                                    Year.     Imports.     Exports.
  ==================================================================
  Cuba and Porto Rico               1869     Ł3,228,292   Ł1,374,242
  French possessions in America     1868          4,252        3,002
  Danish West Indies                1868        295,102        9,211
  Dutch West Indies and Guiana      1868        148,882        4,444
  Hayti and San Domingo             1868        220,806        6,043
  Sandwich Islands                  1868         33,336          917
  Mexico                            1868        350,664       92,077
  Central American States           1868        939,827      173,611
  Colombia                          1869        971,396    2,500,039
  Peru                              1869      2,734,784    1,180,931
  Chile                             1869      3,211,174    1,596,905
  Argentine Republic                1869      1,034,445    1,841,953
  Uruguay                           1869        535,015    1,009,425
  Brazil                            1869      7,754,526    5,477,439
  Venezuela                         1868         69,997       10,452
  ==================================================================



WASHINGTON, _July 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate with a view to
ratification, a convention between the United States and His Majesty the
King of Sweden and Norway, relative to the citizenship of natives of the
one country who may emigrate to the other. A protocol on the subject is
also herewith transmitted.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _July 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for consideration with a view to its ratification, a
convention between the United States and the Republic of Salvador for
the surrender of fugitive criminals, signed at San Salvador on the 23d
day of May last.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _July 15, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

Your attention is respectfully called to the necessity of passing an
Indian appropriation bill before the members of Congress separate.
Without such appropriation Indian hostilities are sure to ensue, and
with them suffering, loss of life, and expenditures vast as compared
with the amount asked for.

The latest intelligence from Europe indicates the imminence of a
war between France and North Germany. In view of this a sound policy
indicates the importance of some legislation tending to enlarge the
commercial marine of this country. The vessels of this country at the
present time are insufficient to meet the demand which the existence of
a war in Europe will impose upon the commerce of the United States, and
I submit to the consideration of Congress that the interests of the
country will be advanced by the opportunity afforded to our citizens to
purchase vessels of foreign construction for the foreign trade of the
country. An act to this effect may be limited in its duration to meet
the immediate exigency.

The foreign-mail service of the United States is in a large degree
dependent upon the Bremen and Hamburg lines of steamers. The Post-Office
Department has entered into contracts in writing with the two companies
above named, and with the Williams and Guion lines, respectively, for a
regular and continuous service of two years. The only arrangement that
could be made with the Inman and Cunard lines is temporary, and may be
broken off at any time.

The North German lines are first class in point of speed and equipment,
their steamers usually making the trip across the Atlantic in from
twenty-four to thirty-six hours in advance of the Williams and Guion
lines.

Should the North German steamers be blockaded or impeded by France, our
postal intercourse with foreign nations will be greatly embarrassed
unless Congress shall interpose for its relief.

I suggest to Congress the propriety of further postponing the time for
adjournment, with the view of considering the questions herein
communicated.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _July 15, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to their resolution of the 9th instant, I transmit a report[28]
from the Secretary of State and the papers which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 28: Relating to the importation of Chinese coolies into the
United States.]




VETO MESSAGES.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., January 11, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I return herewith without my approval Senate bill No. 273, entitled
"An act for the relief of Rollin White," for the reasons set forth in
the accompanying communication, dated December n, 1869, from the Chief
of Ordnance.

U.S. GRANT.



ORDNANCE OFFICE, WAR DEPARTMENT, _Washington, December 11, 1869_.

Hon. W.W. BELKNAP,

_Secretary of War_.

SIR: In the year 1855 Rollin White obtained letters patent for
improvements in repeating pistols, in (among other things) extending the
chambers of the rotating cylinder through to the rear, so as to enable
the chambers to be charged at the rear by hand or by a self-acting
charger.

Some time afterwards, and prior to the breaking out of the rebellion,
he assigned this patent to Smith & Wesson, of Springfield, Mass., for
the sum of $500 in cash and their obligation to pay him 25 cents royalty
on each pistol manufactured under the patent, binding himself to apply
for and to use his influence to procure a renewal of the patent. He
afterwards surrendered this original patent and obtained a reissue
in three divisions. Two years before the expiration of the latter he
applied to the Commissioner of Patents for an extension, upon the
ground of insufficiency of compensation. The Commissioner rejected the
application for an extension, without assigning any reason, and the
patents expired by limitation on the 3d of April, 1869, and the
invention became public property.

On the 9th of April, 1869, a bill authorizing the Commissioner of
Patents to reconsider the application of Rollin White for extension of
his patents was introduced in the Senate and passed without debate. It
passed the House without debate on the 10th of April, but failed to
receive the signature of the Vice-President before Congress adjourned.
It is understood that it has now been signed by that officer, and only
awaits the approval of the President to become a law.

Unless the ends of justice require the extension of this patent, it
should not be renewed. So far as I have been able to ascertain, justice
to the Government and to the public forbids this patent from being
renewed.

The validity of the patent has been questioned for many years, and it is
understood that it was only affirmed by the Supreme Court by a tie vote,
four of the justices voting affirmatively and an equal number
negatively.

Its renewal is urged by Rollin White upon the ground that he has not
been sufficiently compensated for his invention. Rollin White has
received nearly $71,000 as royalty. Smith & Wesson, for the years 1862,
1863, 1864, 1865, 1866, 1867, and 1868, returned incomes amounting in
the aggregate to about $1,000,000. This was derived chiefly from the
manufacture of firearms under Rollin White's patent, that firm holding
the exclusive right to manufacture under it and being engaged almost
exclusively in their manufacture.

It is believed that the Government suffered inconvenience and
embarrassment enough during the war in consequence of the inability of
manufacturers to use this patent, and that its further extension will
operate prejudicially to its interest by compelling it to pay to parties
already well paid a large royalty for altering its revolvers to use
metallic cartridges.

For these reasons I respectfully request that you will call the
attention of the President of the United States to this subject before
he acts upon the bill which is now before him.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

A.B. DYER,

_Brevet Major-General, Chief of Ordnance_.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _July 14, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I herewith return without my approval Senate bill No. 476, "An act to
fix the status of certain Federal soldiers enlisting in the Union Army
from the States of Alabama and Florida," for the reasons embodied in the
following facts, which have been obtained from the office of the Second
Comptroller:

The First Regiment of Florida Cavalry, composed of six companies, was
organized from December, 1862, to August, 1864, to serve three years.
It was mustered out of service November 17, 1865, by reason of general
order from the War Department discharging all cavalry organizations east
of the Mississippi.

The men of this regiment enlisting prior to July 18, 1864, received $25
advance bounty at muster-in, and the discharged soldiers and heirs of
those deceased have been paid the same bounty under act of July 22,
1861, joint resolution of January 13, 1864, an act of July 28, 1866,
as men enlisted at the same time in other volunteer organizations.

The Second Regiment of Florida Cavalry, composed of seven companies, was
organized from December, 1863, to June, 1864, to serve three years. It
was mustered out November 29, 1865, by reason of the order discharging
cavalry organizations east of the Mississippi. Most of the men received
the $25 advance bounty at muster-in, and the discharged men and heirs of
deceased men have received bounty under the several acts of Congress
cited above, subject to the same conditions which apply to men who
enlisted at the same time in other volunteer organizations.

The First Alabama Cavalry was originally organized as a one-year
regiment from December, 1862, to September, 1863, and two companies
of three-years men (Companies I and K) were added to complete its
organization. These companies were formerly Companies D and E of the
First Middle Tennessee Cavalry. Prior to the expiration of the term
of the one-year men, the Adjutant-General of the Army, of date May 15,
1863, authorized General Dodge to fill up this command, and in accordance
therewith the places of the companies discharged by reason of expiration
of term were filled by companies of men enlisted for three years. The
original companies, A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, and L, were organized from
December, 1862, to September 25, 1863, and were discharged by companies
from December 22, 1863, to September 28, 1864, in order as the term (one
year) of each company expired. Companies I and K, mustered in August,
1862, to serve three years, were discharged in July, 1865, by reason
of expiration of term of service. As reorganized under the order above
mentioned, the regiment consisted of Companies A, B, C, D, E, and G,
organized from February 5, 1864, to October, 1864, to serve three years;
Companies F, L, and M, organized from December 28, 1863, to October 31,
1864, to serve one and three years; Company H, organized in March and
April, 1865, to serve three years, and Companies I and K, of the old
organization described above. The men of the First Alabama Cavalry who
enlisted for three years have been paid bounty under the several acts
of Congress upon the same principles which apply to other three-years
volunteers. The one-year men enlisted prior to July 18, 1864, received
no bounty, but $100 bounty has been paid the proper heirs of the
one-year men of this organization who died in the service, in accordance
with the act of July 22, 1861, under which the regiment was originally
organized.

Some of the men of these organizations were erroneously paid by the Pay
Department at the time of their muster out of service, they having been
paid but $100, when they should have been allowed $300 under the joint
resolution of January 13, 1864. The balance of bounty due these men is
being paid by the proper accounting officers. It will be seen by
comparing the above statement with the act under consideration that the
effect of the act will be to give the one-year men of the First Alabama
Cavalry, nearly all of whom enlisted in 1862 and 1863, a bounty of $100
each, or a proportionate part, according to the time served. It would
give each man of Companies I and K of the First Alabama Cavalry $100
more bounty. The bounty of the other three-years men of the First
Alabama Cavalry, First Florida Cavalry, and Second Florida Cavalry, who
enlisted prior to December 25, 1863, and from April 1, 1864, to July 17,
1864, inclusive, and who were discharged by reason of orders from the
War Department, will not be affected.

The men enlisting in these organizations under joint resolution of
January 13, 1864, receive under existing laws $100 more bounty than they
would be entitled to receive if the act under consideration becomes a
law.

In case of deceased men the working of the act is still more perplexing,
as the prescribed order of inheritance under the act of July 4, 1864, is
entirely different from that under all other acts.

A large proportion of the claims in case of the deceased men have been
settled, and the bounties have been paid fathers, mothers, brothers,
and sisters, the proper heirs under existing laws, which under this act
would go only to the widow, children, and widowed mother. Bounty has
also been paid to parents under act of July 28, 1866, which this act
would require to be paid to the widow, although she may have remarried.

Under the act of July 28, 1866, children of age are not entitled, but
this act makes them joint heirs with the minor children.

In case of the deceased one-year men, and the three-years men enlisted
under joint resolution of January 13, 1864, the effect of this act would
only be to change the prescribed order of inheritance.

In case of the three-years men enlisted under act of July 22, 1861, the
order of inheritance is changed by this act, and the heirs entitled
(widow, children, and widowed mother) will receive $100 more bounty than
they are now entitled to receive.

It may be well to state that November 14, 1864, the War Department gave
authority to enlist men who had deserted from the rebel army as recruits
for the First Alabama Cavalry, with the distinct understanding that they
were to receive no bounty. Such recruits have not been paid bounty, and
it may be a question whether the act under consideration would entitle
them to any.

U.S. GRANT.




PROCLAMATIONS.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, pursuant to the first section of the act of Congress approved
the 11th day of June, 1864, entitled "An act to provide for the
execution of treaties between the United States and foreign nations
respecting consular jurisdiction over the crews of vessels of such
foreign nations in the waters and ports of the United States," it is
provided that before that act shall take effect as to the ships and
vessels of any particular nation having such treaty with the United
States the President of the United States shall have been satisfied that
similar provisions have been made for the execution of such treaty by
the other contracting party, and shall have issued his proclamation to
that effect, declaring that act to be in force as to such nation; and

Whereas due inquiry having been made and satisfactory answers having
been received that similar provisions are in force in France, Prussia
and the other States of the North German Union, and Italy:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the
United States of America, do hereby proclaim the same accordingly.

Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of February, A.D. 1870,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
ninety-fourth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



ULYSSES S. GRANT, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

_To all whom it may concern:_

An exequatur, bearing date the 17th day of June, 1865, having been
issued to Joaquin de Palma, recognizing him as vice-consul of Portugal
at Savannah, Ga., and declaring him free to exercise and enjoy such
functions, powers, and privileges as are allowed to vice-consuls by the
law of nations or by the laws of the United States and existing treaty
stipulations between the Government of Portugal and the United States;
but for satisfactory reasons it is deemed advisable that the said
Joaquin de Palma should no longer be permitted to continue in the
exercise of said functions, powers, and privileges:

These are therefore to declare that I no longer recognize the said
Joaquin de Palma as vice-consul of Portugal at Savannah, Ga., and will
not permit him to exercise or enjoy any of the functions, powers, or
privileges allowed to a consular officer of that nation; and that I do
hereby wholly revoke and annul the said exequatur heretofore given, and
do declare the same to be absolutely null and void from this day
forward.

In testimony whereof I have caused these letters to be made patent and
the seal of the United States of America to be hereunto affixed.

[SEAL.]

Given under my hand, at Washington, this 12th day of May, A.D. 1870, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fourth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it has come to my knowledge that sundry illegal military
enterprises and expeditions are being set on foot within the territory
and jurisdiction of the United States with a view to carry on the same
from such territory and jurisdiction against the people and district of
the Dominion of Canada, within the dominions of Her Majesty the Queen of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, with whom the United
States are at peace:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States, do
hereby admonish all good citizens of the United States and all persons
within the territory and jurisdiction of the United States against
aiding, countenancing, abetting, or taking part in such unlawful
proceedings; and I do hereby warn all persons that by committing such
illegal acts they will forfeit all right to the protection of the
Government or to its interference in their behalf to rescue them from
the consequences of their own acts; and I do hereby enjoin all officers
in the service of the United States to employ all their lawful authority
and power to prevent and defeat the aforesaid unlawful proceedings and
to arrest and bring to justice all persons who may be engaged therein.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 24th day of May, A.D. 1870, and of
the Independence of the United States the ninety-fourth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas a state of war unhappily exists between France on the one side
and the North German Confederation and its allies on the other side; and

Whereas the United States are on terms of friendship and amity with all
the contending powers and with the persons inhabiting their several
dominions; and

Whereas great numbers of the citizens of the United States reside within
the territories or dominions of each of the said belligerents and carry
on commerce, trade, or other business or pursuits therein, protected by
the faith of treaties; and

Whereas great numbers of the subjects or citizens of each of the said
belligerents reside within the territory or jurisdiction of the United
States and carry on commerce, trade, or other business or pursuits
therein; and

Whereas the laws of the United States, without interfering with the free
expression of opinion and sympathy, or with the open manufacture or sale
of arms or munitions of war, nevertheless impose upon all persons who
may be within their territory and jurisdiction the duty of an impartial
neutrality during the existence of the contest:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States,
in order to preserve the neutrality of the United States and of their
citizens and of persons within their territory and jurisdiction, and to
enforce their laws, and in order that all persons, being warned of the
general tenor of the laws and treaties of the United States in this
behalf and of the law of nations, may thus be prevented from an
unintentional violation of the same, do hereby declare and proclaim that
by the act passed on the 20th day of April, A.D. 1818, commonly known as
the "neutrality law," the following acts are forbidden to be done, under
severe penalties, within the territory and jurisdiction of the United
States, to wit:

1. Accepting and exercising a commission to serve either of the said
belligerents, by land or by sea, against the other belligerent.

2. Enlisting or entering into the service of either of the said
belligerents as a soldier or as a marine or seaman on board of any
vessel of war, letter of marque, or privateer.

3. Hiring or retaining another person to enlist or enter himself in the
service of either of the said belligerents as a soldier or as a marine
or seaman on board of any vessel of war, letter of marque, or privateer.

4. Hiring another person to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the
United States with intent to be enlisted as aforesaid.

5. Hiring another person to go beyond the limits of the United States
with intent to be entered into service as aforesaid.

6. Retaining another person to go beyond the limits of the United States
with intent to be enlisted as aforesaid.

7. Retaining another person to go beyond the limits of the United States
with intent to be entered into service as aforesaid. (But the said act
is not to be construed to extend to a citizen or subject of either
belligerent who, being transiently within the United States, shall, on
board of any vessel of war which at the time of its arrival within the
United States was fitted and equipped as such vessel of war, enlist or
enter himself, or hire or retain another subject or citizen of the same
belligerent who is transiently within the United States to enlist or
enter himself, to serve such belligerent on board such vessel of war,
if the United States shall then be at peace with such belligerent.)

8. Fitting out and arming, or attempting to fit out and arm, or
procuring to be fitted out and armed, or knowingly being concerned in
the furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any ship or vessel with intent
that such ship or vessel shall be employed in the service of either of
the said belligerents.

9. Issuing or delivering a commission within the territory or
jurisdiction of the United States for any ship or vessel to the intent
that she may be employed as aforesaid.

10. Increasing or augmenting, or procuring to be increased or augmented,
or knowingly being concerned in increasing or augmenting, the force of
any ship of war, cruiser, or other armed vessel which at the time of her
arrival within the United States was a ship of war, cruiser, or armed
vessel in the service of either of the said belligerents, or belonging
to the subjects or citizens of either, by adding to the number of guns
of such vessel, or by changing those on board of her for guns of a
larger caliber, or by the addition thereto of any equipment solely
applicable to war.

11. Beginning or setting on foot or providing or preparing the means
for any military expedition or enterprise to be carried on from the
territory or jurisdiction of the United States against the territories
or dominions of either of the said belligerents.

And I do further declare and proclaim that by the nineteenth article of
the treaty of amity and commerce which was concluded between His Majesty
the King of Prussia and the United States of America on the 11th day of
July, A.D. 1799, which article was revived by the treaty of May 1, A.D.
1828, between the same parties, and is still in force, it was agreed
that "the vessels of war, public and private, of both parties shall
carry freely, wheresoever they please, the vessels and effects taken
from their enemies, without being obliged to pay any duties, charges, or
fees to officers of admiralty, of the customs, or any others; nor shall
such prizes be arrested, searched, or put under legal process when they
come to and enter the ports of the other party, but may freely be
carried out again at any time by their captors to the places expressed
in their commissions, which the commanding officer of such vessel shall
be obliged to show."

And I do further declare and proclaim that it has been officially
communicated to the Government of the United States by the envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the North German
Confederation at Washington that private property on the high seas will
be exempted from seizure by the ships of His Majesty the King of
Prussia, without regard to reciprocity.

And I do further declare and proclaim that it has been officially
communicated to the Government of the United States by the envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of
the French at Washington that orders have been given that in the conduct
of the war the commanders of the French forces on land and on the seas
shall scrupulously observe toward neutral powers the rules of
international law and that they shall strictly adhere to the principles
set forth in the declaration of the congress of Paris of the 16th of
April, 1856; that is to say:

First. That privateering is and remains abolished.

Second. That the neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception
of contraband of war.

Third. That neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are
not liable to capture under the enemy's flag.

Fourth. That blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective--that
is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to
the coast of the enemy; and that, although the United States have not
adhered to the declaration of 1856, the vessels of His Majesty will not
seize enemy's property found on board of a vessel of the United States,
provided that property is not contraband of war.

And I do further declare and proclaim that the statutes of the United
States and the law of nations alike require that no person within the
territory and jurisdiction of the United States shall take part,
directly or indirectly, in the said war, but shall remain at peace with
each of the said belligerents and shall maintain a strict and impartial
neutrality, and that whatever privileges shall be accorded to one
belligerent within the ports of the United States shall be in like
manner accorded to the other.

And I do hereby enjoin all the good citizens of the United States and
all persons residing or being within the territory or jurisdiction of
the United States to observe the laws thereof and to commit no act
contrary to the provisions of the said statutes or in violation of the
law of nations in that behalf.

And I do hereby warn all citizens of the United States and all persons
residing or being within their territory or jurisdiction that while the
free and full expression of sympathies in public and private is not
restricted by the laws of the United States, military forces in aid of
either belligerent can not lawfully be originated or organized within
their jurisdiction; and that while all persons may lawfully and without
restriction, by reason of the aforesaid state of war, manufacture and
sell within the United States arms and munitions of war and other
articles ordinarily known as "contraband of war," yet they can not carry
such articles upon the high seas for the use or service of either
belligerent, nor can they transport soldiers and officers of either,
or attempt to break any blockade which may be lawfully established and
maintained during the war, without incurring the risk of hostile capture
and the penalties denounced by the law of nations in that behalf.

And I do hereby give notice that all citizens of the United States
and others who may claim the protection of this Government who may
misconduct themselves in the premises will do so at their peril, and
that they can in no wise obtain any protection from the Government of
the United States against the consequences of their misconduct.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 22d day of August, A.D. 1870, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas on the 22d day of August, 1870, my proclamation was issued
enjoining neutrality in the present war between France and the North
German Confederation and its allies, and declaring, so far as then
seemed to be necessary, the respective rights and obligations of the
belligerent parties and of the citizens of the United States; and

Whereas subsequent information gives reason to apprehend that armed
cruisers of the belligerents may be tempted to abuse the hospitality
accorded to them in the ports, harbors, roadsteads, and other waters of
the United States, by making such waters subservient to the purposes of
war:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, do hereby proclaim and declare that any frequenting and use of
the waters within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States by
the armed vessels of either belligerent, whether public ships or
privateers, for the purpose of preparing for hostile operations or as
posts of observation upon the ships of war or privateers or merchant
vessels of the other belligerent lying within or being about to enter
the jurisdiction of the United States, must be regarded as unfriendly
and offensive and in violation of that neutrality which it is the
determination of this Government to observe; and to the end that the
hazard and inconvenience of such apprehended practices may be avoided, I
further proclaim and declare that from and after the 12th day of October
instant, and during the continuance of the present hostilities between
France and the North German Confederation and its allies, no ship of war
or privateer of either belligerent shall be permitted to make use of any
port, harbor, roadstead, or other waters within the jurisdiction of the
United States as a station or place of resort for any warlike purpose or
for the purpose of obtaining any facilities of warlike equipment; and
no ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall be permitted to
sail out of or leave any port, harbor, roadstead, or waters subject to
the jurisdiction of the United States from which a vessel of the other
belligerent (whether the same shall be a ship of war, a privateer, or a
merchant ship) shall have previously departed until after the expiration
of at least twenty-four hours from the departure of such last-mentioned
vessel beyond the jurisdiction of the United States. If any ship
of war or privateer of either belligerent shall, after the time this
notification takes effect, enter any port, harbor, roadstead, or waters
of the United States, such vessel shall be required to depart and to
put to sea within twenty-four hours after her entrance into such port,
harbor, roadstead, or waters, except in case of stress of weather or of
her requiring provisions or things necessary for the subsistence of her
crew or for repairs, in either of which cases the authorities of the
port or of the nearest port (as the case may be) shall require her to
put to sea as soon as possible after the expiration of such period of
twenty-four hours, without permitting her to take in supplies beyond
what may be necessary for her immediate use; and no such vessel which
may have been permitted to remain within the waters of the United States
for the purpose of repair shall continue within such port, harbor,
roadstead, or waters for a longer period than twenty-four hours after
her necessary repairs shall have been completed, unless within such
twenty-four hours a vessel, whether ship of war, privateer, or merchant
ship, of the other belligerent shall have departed therefrom, in which
case the time limited for the departure of such ship of war or privateer
shall be extended so far as may be necessary to secure an interval of
not less than twenty-four hours between such departure and that of any
ship of war, privateer, or merchant ship of the other belligerent which
may have previously quit the same port, harbor, roadstead, or waters.
No ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall be detained in
any port, harbor, roadstead, or waters of the United States more than
twenty-four hours by reason of the successive departures from such
port, harbor, roadstead, or waters of more than one vessel of the other
belligerent. But if there be several vessels of each or either of the
two belligerents in the same port, harbor, roadstead, or waters, the
order of their departure therefrom shall be so arranged as to afford
the opportunity of leaving alternately to the vessels of the respective
belligerents and to cause the least detention consistent with the
objects of this proclamation. No ship of war or privateer of either
belligerent shall be permitted, while in any port, harbor, roadstead,
or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States, to take in any
supplies except provisions and such other things as may be requisite
for the subsistence of her crew, and except so much coal only as may be
sufficient to carry such vessel, if without sail power, to the nearest
European port of her own country, or, in case the vessel is rigged to go
under sail and may also be propelled by steam power, then with half the
quantity of coal which she would be entitled to receive if dependent
upon steam alone; and no coal shall be again supplied to any such ship
of war or privateer in the same or any other port, harbor, roadstead, or
waters of the United States, without special permission, until after the
expiration of three months from the time when such coal may have been
last supplied to her within the waters of the United States, unless such
ship of war or privateer shall, since last thus supplied, have entered a
European port of the Government to which she belongs.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 8th day of October, A.D. 1870, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas divers evil-disposed persons have at sundry times within the
territory or jurisdiction of the United States begun or set on foot, or
provided or prepared the means for, military expeditions or enterprises
to be carried on thence against the territories or dominions of powers
with whom the United States are at peace, by organizing bodies
pretending to have powers of government over portions of the territories
or dominions of powers with whom the United States are at peace, or, by
being or assuming to be members of such bodies, by levying or collecting
money for the purpose or for the alleged purpose of using the same in
carrying on military enterprises against such territories or dominions
by enlisting and organizing armed forces to be used against such powers,
and by fitting out, equipping, and arming vessels to transport such
organized armed forces to be employed in hostilities against such
powers; and

Whereas it is alleged and there is reason to apprehend that such
evil-disposed persons have also at sundry times within the territory and
jurisdiction of the United States violated the laws thereof by accepting
and exercising commissions to serve by land or by sea against powers
with whom the United States are at peace by enlisting themselves or
other persons to carry on war against such powers by fitting out and
arming vessels with intent that the same shall be employed to cruise or
commit hostilities against such powers, or by delivering commissions
within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States for such
vessels to the intent that they might be employed as aforesaid; and

Whereas such acts are in violation of the laws of the United States in
such case made and provided, and are done in disregard of the duties and
obligations which all persons residing or being within the territory or
jurisdiction of the United States owe thereto, and are condemned by all
right-minded and law-abiding citizens:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, do hereby declare and proclaim that all persons hereafter found
within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States committing any
of the aforerecited violations of law or any similar violations of the
sovereignty of the United States for which punishment is provided by
law will be rigorously prosecuted therefor, and, upon conviction and
sentence to punishment, will not be entitled to expect or receive the
clemency of the Executive to save them from the consequences of their
guilt; and I enjoin upon every officer of this Government, civil or
military or naval, to use all efforts in his power to arrest for trial
and punishment every such offender against the laws providing for the
performance of our sacred obligations to friendly powers.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 12th day of October, A.D. 1870, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it behooves a people sensible of their dependence on the
Almighty publicly and collectively to acknowledge their gratitude for
his favors and mercies and humbly to beseech for their continuance; and

Whereas the people of the United States during the year now about to end
have special cause to be thankful for general prosperity, abundant
harvests, exemption from pestilence, foreign war, and civil strife:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the
United States, concurring in any similar recommendations from chief
magistrates of States, do hereby recommend to all citizens to meet in
their respective places of worship on Thursday, the 24th day of November
next, there to give thanks for the bounty of God during the year about
to close and to supplicate for its continuance hereafter.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 21st day of October, A.D. 1870, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.




EXECUTIVE ORDERS.


GENERAL ORDERS, No. 83.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, December 24, 1869_.

Brevet Major-General A.H. Terry, in addition to his duties as commander
of the Department of the South, is, by order of the President of the
United States, appointed to exercise the duties of commanding general of
the District of Georgia, as defined by the act of Congress approved
December 22, 1869.

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,
  _Adjutant-General_.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., December 24, 1869_.

The painful duty devolves upon the President of announcing to the people
of the United States the death of one of her most distinguished citizens
and faithful public servants, the Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, which occurred
in this city at an early hour this morning.

He was distinguished in the councils of the nation during the entire
period of its recent struggle for national existence--first as
Attorney-General, then as Secretary of War: He was unceasing in his
labors, earnest and fearless in the assumption of responsibilities
necessary to his country's success, respected by all good men, and
feared by wrongdoers. In his death the bar, the bench, and the nation
sustain a great loss, which will be mourned by all.

As a mark of respect to his memory it is ordered that the Executive
Mansion and the several Departments at Washington be draped in mourning,
and that all business be suspended on the day of the funeral.

U.S. GRANT.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 1.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, January 4, 1870_.

By direction of the President of the United States, so much of General
Orders, No. 103, dated Headquarters Third Military District (Department
of Georgia, Florida, and Alabama), Atlanta, Ga., July 22, 1868, and
so much of General Orders, No. 55, dated Headquarters of the Army,
Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, July 28, 1868, as refers to the
State of Georgia is hereby countermanded. Brevet Major-General Terry
will until further orders exercise within that State the powers of the
commander of a military district, as provided by the act of March 2,
1867, and the acts supplementary thereto, under his assignment by
General Orders, No. 83, dated Headquarters of the Army,
Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, December 24, 1869.

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Adjutant-General_.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 11.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, January 29, 1870_.

I. The Senators and Representatives from the State of Virginia having
been admitted to their respective Houses of Congress, the command known
as the First Military District has ceased to exist.

II. By direction of the President, the States of Maryland, Virginia,
West Virginia, and North Carolina will compose the Department of
Virginia, under the command of Brevet Major-General E.R.S. Canby,
headquarters at Richmond, Va., and will form a part of the Military
Division of the Atlantic.

III. Commanding officers of all posts and detachments now serving in the
limits of the new department will report to General Canby for
instructions. The companies of the Eighth Infantry now serving in the
State of North Carolina will be relieved as early as possible, and
report to Brevet Major-General A.H. Terry, commanding Department of the
South, for orders.

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Adjutant-General_.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 25.


HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, February 26, 1870_.

I. The Senators and Representatives from the State of Mississippi having
been admitted to their respective Houses of Congress, the command known
as the Fourth Military District has ceased to exist.

II. By direction of the President, the State of Mississippi is attached
to the Department of the Cumberland, and the officers and troops within
the late Fourth Military District will accordingly report to Brevet
Major-General Cooke, commanding the department.

III. The general commanding the late Fourth Military District will
complete the records of that district as soon as practicable and send
them to the Adjutant-General of the Army, except such military records
as should properly be retained at the headquarters of the department,
which he will send there.

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Adjutant-General_.



GENERAL ORDERS, No. 35.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, March 31, 1870_.

I. By order of the President of the United States, the State of
Texas having been admitted to representation in Congress, the command
heretofore known as the Fifth Military District will cease to exist, and
will hereafter constitute a separate military department, headquarters
Austin, Tex., Brevet Major-General J.J. Reynolds commanding.

II. The department known as the Department of Louisiana will be
broken up; the State of Louisiana is hereby added to the Department of
Texas, and the State of Arkansas to the Department of the Missouri.
The commanding general Department of the Missouri will, as soon as
convenient, relieve the garrison at Little Rock by a detachment from the
Sixth Infantry, and the commanding officer of the troops now in Arkansas
will report to General J.J. Reynolds for orders, to take effect as soon
as replaced.

III. The new Department of Texas will form a part of the Military
Division of the South.

By command of General Sherman:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Adjutant-General_.




SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 5, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

A year of peace and general prosperity to this nation has passed since
the last assembling of Congress. We have, through a kind Providence,
been blessed with abundant crops, and have been spared from
complications and war with foreign nations. In our midst comparative
harmony has been restored. It is to be regretted, however, that a free
exercise of the elective franchise has by violence and intimidation been
denied to citizens in exceptional cases in several of the States lately
in rebellion, and the verdict of the people has thereby been reversed.
The States of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas have been restored to
representation in our national councils. Georgia, the only State now
without representation, may confidently be expected to take her place
there also at the beginning of the new year, and then, let us hope, will
be completed the work of reconstruction. With an acquiescence on the
part of the whole people in the national obligation to pay the public
debt created as the price of our Union, the pensions to our disabled
soldiers and sailors and their widows and orphans, and in the changes to
the Constitution which have been made necessary by a great rebellion,
there is no reason why we should not advance in material prosperity and
happiness as no other nation ever did after so protracted and
devastating a war.

Soon after the existing war broke out in Europe the protection of the
United States minister in Paris was invoked in favor of North Germans
domiciled in French territory. Instructions were issued to grant
the protection. This has been followed by an extension of American
protection to citizens of Saxony, Hesse and Saxe-Coburg, Gotha,
Colombia, Portugal, Uruguay, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Chile,
Paraguay, and Venezuela in Paris. The charge was an onerous one,
requiring constant and severe labor, as well as the exercise of
patience, prudence, and good judgment. It has been performed to the
entire satisfaction of this Government, and, as I am officially
informed, equally so to the satisfaction of the Government of North
Germany.

As soon as I learned that a republic had been proclaimed at Paris and
that the people of France had acquiesced in the change, the minister
of the United States was directed by telegraph to recognize it and to
tender my congratulations and those of the people of the United States.
The reestablishment in France of a system of government disconnected
with the dynastic traditions of Europe appeared to be a proper subject
for the felicitations of Americans. Should the present struggle
result in attaching the hearts of the French to our simpler forms
of representative government, it will be a subject of still further
satisfaction to our people. While we make no effort to impose our
institutions upon the inhabitants of other countries, and while we
adhere to our traditional neutrality in civil contests elsewhere, we can
not be indifferent to the spread of American political ideas in a great
and highly civilized country like France.

We were asked by the new Government to use our good offices, jointly
with those of European powers, in the interests of peace. Answer was
made that the established policy and the true interests of the United
States forbade them to interfere in European questions jointly with
European powers. I ascertained, informally and unofficially, that the
Government of North Germany was not then disposed to listen to such
representations from any power, and though earnestly wishing to see the
blessings of peace restored to the belligerents, with all of whom the
United States are on terms of friendship, I declined on the part of this
Government to take a step which could only result in injury to our true
interests, without advancing the object for which our intervention was
invoked. Should the time come when the action of the United States
can hasten the return of peace by a single hour, that action will be
heartily taken. I deemed it prudent, in view of the number of persons
of German and French birth living in the United States, to issue, soon
after official notice of a state of war had been received from both
belligerents, a proclamation[29] defining the duties of the United
States as a neutral and the obligations of persons residing within
their territory to observe their laws and the laws of nations. This
proclamation was followed by others,[30] as circumstances seemed to call
for them. The people, thus acquainted in advance of their duties and
obligations, have assisted in preventing violations of the neutrality
of the United States.

It is not understood that the condition of the insurrection in Cuba has
materially changed since the close of the last session of Congress. In
an early stage of the contest the authorities of Spain inaugurated a
system of arbitrary arrests, of close confinement, and of military trial
and execution of persons suspected of complicity with the insurgents,
and of summary embargo of their properties, and sequestration of their
revenues by executive warrant. Such proceedings, so far as they affected
the persons or property of citizens of the United States, were in
violation of the provisions of the treaty of 1795 between the United
States and Spain.

Representations of injuries resulting to several persons claiming to be
citizens of the United States by reason of such violations were made to
the Spanish Government. From April, 1869, to June last the Spanish
minister at Washington had been clothed with a limited power to aid in
redressing such wrongs. That power was found to be withdrawn, "in view,"
as it was said, "of the favorable situation in which the island of Cuba"
then "was," which, however, did not lead to a revocation or suspension
of the extraordinary and arbitrary functions exercised by the executive
power in Cuba, and we were obliged to make our complaints at Madrid. In
the negotiations thus opened, and still pending there, the United States
only claimed that for the future the rights secured to their citizens
by treaty should be respected in Cuba, and that as to the past a
joint tribunal should be established in the United States with full
jurisdiction over all such claims. Before such an impartial tribunal
each claimant would be required to prove his case. On the other hand,
Spain would be at liberty to traverse every material fact, and thus
complete equity would be done. A case which at one time threatened
seriously to affect the relations between the United States and Spain
has already been disposed of in this way. The claim of the owners of the
_Colonel Lloyd Aspinwall_ for the illegal seizure and detention of that
vessel was referred to arbitration by mutual consent, and has resulted
in an award to the United States, for the owners, of the sum of
$19,702.50 in gold. Another and long-pending claim of like nature, that
of the whaleship _Canada_, has been disposed of by friendly arbitrament
during the present year. It was referred, by the joint consent of Brazil
and the United States, to the decision of Sir Edward Thornton, Her
Britannic Majesty's minister at Washington, who kindly undertook the
laborious task of examining the voluminous mass of correspondence and
testimony submitted by the two Governments, and awarded to the United
States the sum of $100,740.09 in gold, which has since been paid by the
Imperial Government. These recent examples show that the mode which the
United States have proposed to Spain for adjusting the pending claims is
just and feasible, and that it may be agreed to by either nation without
dishonor. It is to be hoped that this moderate demand may be acceded
to by Spain without further delay. Should the pending negotiations,
unfortunately and unexpectedly, be without result, it will then become
my duty to communicate that fact to Congress and invite its action on
the subject.

The long-deferred peace conference between Spain and the allied South
American Republics has been inaugurated in Washington under the auspices
of the United States. Pursuant to the recommendation contained in the
resolution of the House of Representatives of the 17th of December,
1866, the executive department of the Government offered its friendly
offices for the promotion of peace and harmony between Spain and the
allied Republics. Hesitations and obstacles occurred to the acceptance
of the offer. Ultimately, however, a conference was arranged, and was
opened in this city on the 29th of October last, at which I authorized
the Secretary of State to preside. It was attended by the ministers of
Spain, Peru, Chile, and Ecuador. In consequence of the absence of a
representative from Bolivia, the conference was adjourned until the
attendance of a plenipotentiary from that Republic could be secured or
other measures could be adopted toward compassing its objects.

The allied and other Republics of Spanish origin on this continent may
see in this fact a new proof of our sincere interest in their welfare,
of our desire to see them blessed with good governments, capable of
maintaining order and of preserving their respective territorial
integrity, and of our sincere wish to extend our own commercial and
social relations with them. The time is not probably far distant when,
in the natural course of events, the European political connection with
this continent will cease. Our policy should be shaped, in view of this
probability, so as to ally the commercial interests of the Spanish
American States more closely to our own, and thus give the United States
all the preeminence and all the advantage which Mr. Monroe, Mr. Adams,
and Mr. Clay contemplated when they proposed to join in the congress of
Panama.

During the last session of Congress a treaty for the annexation of the
Republic of San Domingo to the United States failed to receive the
requisite two-thirds vote of the Senate. I was thoroughly convinced then
that the best interests of this country, commercially and materially,
demanded its ratification. Time has only confirmed me in this view.
I now firmly believe that the moment it is known that the United States
have entirely abandoned the project of accepting as a part of its
territory the island of San Domingo a free port will be negotiated for
by European nations in the Bay of Samana. A large commercial city will
spring up, to which we will be tributary without receiving corresponding
benefits, and then will be seen the folly of our rejecting so great
a prize. The Government of San Domingo has voluntarily sought this
annexation. It is a weak power, numbering probably less than 120,000
souls, and yet possessing one of the richest territories under the sun,
capable of supporting a population of 10,000,000 people in luxury. The
people of San Domingo are not capable of maintaining themselves in their
present condition, and must look for outside support. They yearn for
the protection of our free institutions and laws, our progress and
civilization. Shall we refuse them?

The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geographical
position. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea and the Isthmus
transit of commerce. It possesses the richest soil, best and most
capacious harbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valuable
products of the forests, mine, and soil of any of the West India
Islands. Its possession by us will in a few years build up a coastwise
commerce of immense magnitude, which will go far toward restoring to us
our lost merchant marine. It will give to us those articles which we
consume so largely and do not produce, thus equalizing our exports and
imports. In case of foreign war it will give us command of all the
islands referred to, and thus prevent an enemy from ever again
possessing himself of rendezvous upon our very coast. At present our
coast trade between the States bordering on the Atlantic and those
bordering on the Gulf of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas and the
Antilles, Twice we must, as it were, pass through foreign countries
to get by sea from Georgia to the west coast of Florida.

San Domingo, with a stable government, under which her immense resources
can be developed, will give remunerative wages to tens of thousands of
laborers not now upon the island. This labor will take advantage of
every available means of transportation to abandon the adjacent islands
and seek the blessings of freedom and its sequence--each inhabitant
receiving the reward of his own labor. Porto Rico and Cuba will have
to abolish slavery, as a measure of self-preservation, to retain their
laborers.

San Domingo will become a large consumer of the products of Northern
farms and manufactories. The cheap rate at which her citizens can be
furnished with food, tools, and machinery will make it necessary that
contiguous islands should have the same advantages in order to compete
in the production of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropical fruits, etc. This
will open to us a still wider market for our products. The production
of our own supply of these articles will cut off more than one hundred
millions of our annual imports, besides largely increasing our exports.
With such a picture it is easy to see how our large debt abroad is
ultimately to be extinguished. With a balance of trade against us
(including interest on bonds held by foreigners and money spent by our
citizens traveling in foreign lands) equal to the entire yield of the
precious metals in this country, it is not so easy to see how this
result is to be otherwise accomplished.

The acquisition of San Domingo is an adherence to the "Monroe doctrine;"
it is a measure of national protection; it is asserting our just claim
to a controlling influence over the great commercial traffic soon to
flow from west to east by way of the Isthmus of Darien; it is to build
up our merchant marine; it is to furnish new markets for the products of
our farms, shops, and manufactories; it is to make slavery insupportable
in Cuba and Porto Rico at once, and ultimately so in Brazil; it is to
settle the unhappy condition of Cuba and end an exterminating conflict;
it is to provide honest means of paying our honest debts without
overtaxing the people; it is to furnish our citizens with the necessaries
of everyday life at cheaper rates than ever before; and it is, in fine,
a rapid stride toward that greatness which the intelligence, industry,
and enterprise of the citizens of the United States entitle this country
to assume among nations.

In view of the importance of this question, I earnestly urge upon
Congress early action expressive of its views as to the best means of
acquiring San Domingo. My suggestion is that by joint resolution of
the two Houses of Congress the Executive be authorized to appoint a
commission to negotiate a treaty with the authorities of San Domingo
for the acquisition of that island, and that an appropriation be made
to defray the expenses of such a commission. The question may then
be determined, either by the action of the Senate upon the treaty or
the joint action of the two Houses of Congress upon a resolution of
annexation, as in the case of the acquisition of Texas. So convinced am
I of the advantages to flow from the acquisition of San Domingo, and of
the great disadvantages--I might almost say calamities--to flow from
nonacquisition, that I believe the subject has only to be investigated
to be approved.

It is to be regretted that our representations in regard to the
injurious effects, especially upon the revenue of the United States,
of the policy of the Mexican Government in exempting from impost
duties a large tract of its territory on our borders have not only been
fruitless, but that it is even proposed in that country to extend the
limits within which the privilege adverted to has hitherto been enjoyed.
The expediency of taking into your serious consideration proper measures
for countervailing the policy referred to will, it is presumed, engage
your earnest attention.

It is the obvious interest, especially of neighboring nations, to
provide against impunity to those who may have committed high crimes
within their borders and who may have sought refuge abroad. For this
purpose extradition treaties have been concluded with several of the
Central American Republics, and others are in progress.

The sense of Congress is desired, as early as may be convenient, upon
the proceedings of the commission on claims against Venezuela, as
communicated in my messages of March 16, 1869, March 1, 1870, and March
31, 1870. It has not been deemed advisable to distribute any of the
money which has been received from that Government until Congress shall
have acted on the subject.

The massacres of French and Russian residents at Tien-Tsin, under
circumstances of great barbarity, was supposed by some to have been
premeditated, and to indicate a purpose among the populace to
exterminate foreigners in the Chinese Empire. The evidence fails to
establish such a supposition, but shows a complicity between the local
authorities and the mob. The Government at Peking, however, seems to
have been disposed to fulfill its treaty obligations so far as it was
able to do so. Unfortunately, the news of the war between the German
States and France reached China soon after the massacre. It would appear
that the popular mind became possessed with the idea that this contest,
extending to Chinese waters, would neutralize the Christian influence
and power, and that the time was coming when the superstitious masses
might expel all foreigners and restore mandarin influence. Anticipating
trouble from this cause, I invited France and North Germany to make
an authorized suspension of hostilities in the East (where they were
temporarily suspended by act of the commanders), and to act together for
the future protection in China of the lives and properties of Americans
and Europeans.

Since the adjournment of Congress the ratifications of the treaty with
Great Britain for abolishing the mixed courts for the suppression of the
slave trade have been exchanged. It is believed that the slave trade is
now confined to the eastern coast of Africa, whence the slaves are taken
to Arabian markets.

The ratifications of the naturalization convention between Great Britain
and the United States have also been exchanged during the recess, and
thus a long-standing dispute between the two Governments has been
settled in accordance with the principles always contended for by the
United States.

In April last, while engaged in locating a military reservation near
Pembina, a corps of engineers discovered that the commonly received
boundary line between the United States and the British possessions
at that place is about 4,700 feet south of the true position of the
forty-ninth parallel, and that the line, when run on what is now
supposed to be the true position of that parallel, would leave the fort
of the Hudsons Bay Company at Pembina within the territory of the United
States. This information being communicated to the British Government,
I was requested to consent, and did consent, that the British occupation
of the fort of the Hudsons Bay Company should continue for the present.
I deem it important, however, that this part of the boundary line should
be definitely fixed by a joint commission of the two Governments, and
I submit herewith estimates of the expense of such a commission on the
part of the United States and recommend that an appropriation be made
for that purpose. The land boundary has already been fixed and marked
from the summit of the Rocky Mountains to the Georgian Bay. It should
now be in like manner marked from the Lake of the Woods to the summit
of the Rocky Mountains.

I regret to say that no conclusion has been reached for the adjustment
of the claims against Great Britain growing out of the course adopted
by that Government during the rebellion. The cabinet of London, so far
as its views have been expressed, does not appear to be willing to
concede that Her Majesty's Government was guilty of any negligence,
or did or permitted any act during the war by which the United States
has just cause of complaint. Our firm and unalterable convictions are
directly the reverse. I therefore recommend to Congress to authorize
the appointment of a commission to take proof of the amount and the
ownership of these several claims, on notice to the representative
of Her Majesty at Washington, and that authority be given for the
settlement of these claims by the United States, so that the Government
shall have the ownership of the private claims, as well as the
responsible control of all the demands against Great Britain. It can
not be necessary to add that whenever Her Majesty's Government shall
entertain a desire for a full and friendly adjustment of these claims
the United States will enter upon their consideration with an earnest
desire for a conclusion consistent with the honor and dignity of both
nations.

The course pursued by the Canadian authorities toward the fishermen
of the United States during the past season has not been marked by a
friendly feeling. By the first article of the convention of 1818 between
Great Britain and the United States it was agreed that the inhabitants
of the United States should have forever, in common with British
subjects, the right of taking fish in certain waters therein defined.
In the waters not included in the limits named in the convention (within
3 miles of parts of the British coast) it has been the custom for many
years to give to intruding fishermen of the United States a reasonable
warning of their violation of the technical rights of Great Britain.
The Imperial Government is understood to have delegated the whole or a
share of its jurisdiction or control of these inshore fishing grounds
to the colonial authority known as the Dominion of Canada, and this
semi-independent but irresponsible agent has exercised its delegated
powers in an unfriendly way. Vessels have been seized without notice or
warning, in violation of the custom previously prevailing, and have been
taken into the colonial ports, their voyages broken up, and the vessels
condemned. There is reason to believe that this unfriendly and vexatious
treatment was designed to bear harshly upon the hardy fishermen of the
United States, with a view to political effect upon this Government.
The statutes of the Dominion of Canada assume a still broader and more
untenable jurisdiction over the vessels of the United States. They
authorize officers or persons to bring vessels hovering within 3 marine
miles of any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors of Canada into
port, to search the cargo, to examine the master on oath touching the
cargo and voyage, and to inflict upon him a heavy pecuniary penalty if
true answers are not given; and if such a vessel is found "preparing
to fish" within 3 marine miles of any of such coasts, bays, creeks, or
harbors without a license, or after the expiration of the period named
in the last license granted to it, they provide that the vessel,
with her tackle, etc., shall be forfeited. It is not known that any
condemnations have been made under this statute. Should the authorities
of Canada attempt to enforce it, it will become my duty to take such
steps as may be necessary to protect the rights of the citizens of the
United States.

It has been claimed by Her Majesty's officers that the fishing vessels
of the United States have no right to enter the open ports of the
British possessions in North America, except for the purposes of shelter
and repairing damages, of purchasing wood and obtaining water; that they
have no right to enter at the British custom-houses or to trade there
except in the purchase of wood and water, and that they must depart
within twenty-four hours after notice to leave. It is not known that any
seizure of a fishing vessel carrying the flag of the United States has
been made under this claim. So far as the claim is founded on an alleged
construction of the convention of 1818, it can not be acquiesced in by
the United States. It is hoped that it will not be insisted on by Her
Majesty's Government.

During the conferences which preceded the negotiation of the convention
of 1818 the British commissioners proposed to expressly exclude the
fishermen of the United States from "the privilege of carrying on trade
with any of His Britannic Majesty's subjects residing within the limits
assigned for their use;" and also that it should not be "lawful for the
vessels of the United States engaged in said fishery to have on board
any goods, wares, or merchandise whatever, except such as may be
necessary for the prosecution of their voyages to and from the said
fishing grounds; and any vessel of the United States which shall
contravene this regulation may be seized, condemned, and confiscated,
with her cargo."

This proposition, which is identical with the construction now put
upon the language of the convention, was emphatically rejected by the
American commissioners, and thereupon was abandoned by the British
plenipotentiaries, and Article I, as it stands in the convention, was
substituted.

If, however, it be said that this claim is founded on provincial or
colonial statutes, and not upon the convention, this Government can not
but regard them as unfriendly, and in contravention of the spirit, if
not of the letter, of the treaty, for the faithful execution of which
the Imperial Government is alone responsible.

Anticipating that an attempt may possibly be made by the Canadian
authorities in the coming season to repeat their unneighborly acts
toward our fishermen, I recommend you to confer upon the Executive the
power to suspend by proclamation the operation of the laws authorizing
the transit of goods, wares, and merchandise in bond across the
territory of the United States to Canada, and, further, should such an
extreme measure become necessary, to suspend the operation of any laws
whereby the vessels of the Dominion of Canada are permitted to enter the
waters of the United States.

A like unfriendly disposition has been manifested on the part of Canada
in the maintenance of a claim of right to exclude the citizens of the
United States from the navigation of the St. Lawrence. This river
constitutes a natural outlet to the ocean for eight States, with an
aggregate population of about 17,600,000 inhabitants, and with an
aggregate tonnage of 661,367 tons upon the waters which discharge into
it. The foreign commerce of our ports on these waters is open to British
competition, and the major part of it is done in British bottoms.

If the American seamen be excluded from this natural avenue to the
ocean, the monopoly of the direct commerce of the lake ports with the
Atlantic would be in foreign hands, their vessels on transatlantic
voyages having an access to our lake ports which would be denied to
American vessels on similar voyages. To state such a proposition is
to refute its justice.

During the Administration of Mr. John Quincy Adams Mr. Clay unanswerably
demonstrated the natural right of the citizens of the United States to
the navigation of this river, claiming that the act of the congress of
Vienna in opening the Rhine and other rivers to all nations showed the
judgment of European jurists and statesmen that the inhabitants of a
country through which a navigable river passes have a natural right to
enjoy the navigation of that river to and into the sea, even though
passing through the territories of another power. This right does not
exclude the coequal right of the sovereign possessing the territory
through which the river debouches into the sea to make such regulations
relative to the police of the navigation as may be reasonably necessary;
but those regulations should be framed in a liberal spirit of comity,
and should not impose needless burdens upon the commerce which has the
right of transit. It has been found in practice more advantageous to
arrange these regulations by mutual agreement. The United States are
ready to make any reasonable arrangement as to the police of the St.
Lawrence which may be suggested by Great Britain.

If the claim made by Mr. Clay was just when the population of States
bordering on the shores of the Lakes was only 3,400,000, it now derives
greater force and equity from the increased population, wealth,
production, and tonnage of the States on the Canadian frontier. Since
Mr. Clay advanced his argument in behalf of our right the principle
for which he contended has been frequently, and by various nations,
recognized by law or by treaty, and has been extended to several other
great rivers. By the treaty concluded at Mayence in 1831 the Rhine was
declared free from the point where it is first navigable into the sea.
By the convention between Spain and Portugal concluded in 1835 the
navigation of the Douro throughout its whole extent was made free for
the subjects of both Crowns. In 1853 the Argentine Confederation by
treaty threw open the free navigation of the Parana and the Uruguay to
the merchant vessels of all nations. In 1856 the Crimean War was closed
by a treaty which provided for the free navigation of the Danube.
In 1858 Bolivia by treaty declared that it regarded the rivers Amazon
and La Plata, in accordance with fixed principles of national law, as
highways or channels opened by nature for the commerce of all nations.
In 1859 the Paraguay was made free by treaty, and in December, 1866,
the Emperor of Brazil by imperial decree declared the Amazon to be open
to the frontier of Brazil to the merchant ships of all nations. The
greatest living British authority on this subject, while asserting the
abstract right of the British claim, says:

  It seems difficult to deny that Great Britain may ground her refusal
  upon strict _law_, but it is equally difficult to deny, first, that in
  so doing she exercises harshly an extreme and hard law; secondly, that
  her conduct with respect to the navigation of the St. Lawrence is in
  glaring and discreditable inconsistency with her conduct with respect
  to the navigation of the Mississippi. On the ground that she possessed
  a small domain in which the Mississippi took its rise, she insisted on
  the right to navigate the entire volume of its waters. On the ground
  that she possesses both banks of the St. Lawrence, where it disembogues
  itself into the sea, she denies to the United States the right of
  navigation, though about one-half of the waters of Lakes Ontario, Erie,
  Huron, and Superior, and the whole of Lake Michigan, through which the
  river flows, are the property of the United States.


The whole nation is interested in securing cheap transportation from
the agricultural States of the West to the Atlantic Seaboard. To the
citizens of those States it secures a greater return for their labor; to
the inhabitants of the seaboard it affords cheaper food; to the nation,
an increase in the annual surplus of wealth. It is hoped that the
Government of Great Britain will see the justice of abandoning the
narrow and inconsistent claim to which her Canadian Provinces have urged
her adherence.

Our depressed commerce is a subject to which I called your special
attention at the last session, and suggested that we will in the future
have to look more to the countries south of us, and to China and Japan,
for its revival. Our representatives to all these Governments have
exerted their influence to encourage trade between the United States and
the countries to which they are accredited. But the fact exists that the
carrying is done almost entirely in foreign bottoms, and while this
state of affairs exists we can not control our due share of the commerce
of the world; that between the Pacific States and China and Japan is
about all the carrying trade now conducted in American vessels. I would
recommend a liberal policy toward that line of American steamers--one
that will insure its success, and even increased usefulness.

The cost of building iron vessels, the only ones that can compete with
foreign ships in the carrying trade, is so much greater in the United
States than in foreign countries that without some assistance from the
Government they can not be successfully built here. There will be
several propositions laid before Congress in the course of the present
session looking to a remedy for this evil. Even if it should be at some
cost to the National Treasury, I hope such encouragement will be given
as will secure American shipping on the high seas and American
shipbuilding at home.

The condition of the archives at the Department of State calls for the
early action of Congress. The building now rented by that Department
is a frail structure, at an inconvenient distance from the Executive
Mansion and from the other Departments, is ill adapted to the purpose
for which it is used, has not capacity to accommodate the archives, and
is not fireproof. Its remote situation, its slender construction, and
the absence of a supply of water in the neighborhood leave but little
hope of safety for either the building or its contents in case of the
accident of a fire. Its destruction would involve the loss of the
rolls containing the original acts and resolutions of Congress, of the
historic records of the Revolution and of the Confederation, of the
whole series of diplomatic and consular archives since the adoption of
the Constitution, and of the many other valuable records and papers
left with that Department when it was the principal depository of the
governmental archives. I recommend an appropriation for the construction
of a building for the Department of State.

I recommend to your consideration the propriety of transferring to the
Department of the Interior, to which they seem more appropriately to
belong, all powers and duties in relation to the Territories with which
the Department of State is now charged by law or usage; and from the
Interior Department to the War Department the Pension Bureau, so far
as it regulates the payment of soldiers' pensions. I would further
recommend that the payment of naval pensions be transferred to one of
the bureaus of the Navy Department.

The estimates for the expenses of the Government for the next fiscal
year are $18,244,346.01 less than for the current one, but exceed the
appropriations for the present year for the same items $8,972,127.56.
In this estimate, however, is included $22,338,278.37 for public works
heretofore begun under Congressional provision, and of which only so
much is asked as Congress may choose to give. The appropriation for
the same works for the present fiscal year was $11,984,518.08.

The average value of gold, as compared with national currency, for the
whole of the year 1869 was about 134, and for eleven months of 1870 the
same relative value has been about 115. The approach to a specie basis
is very gratifying, but the fact can not be denied that the instability
of the value of our currency is prejudicial to our prosperity, and tends
to keep up prices, to the detriment of trade. The evils of a depreciated
and fluctuating currency are so great that now, when the premium on gold
has fallen so much, it would seem that the time has arrived when by wise
and prudent legislation Congress should look to a policy which would
place our currency at par with gold at no distant day.

The tax collected from the people has been reduced more than $80,000,000
per annum. By steadiness in our present course there is no reason why in
a few short years the national taxgatherer may not disappear from the
door of the citizen almost entirely. With the revenue stamp dispensed
by postmasters in every community, a tax upon liquors of all sorts and
tobacco in all its forms, and by a wise adjustment of the tariff, which
will put a duty only upon those articles which we could dispense with,
known as luxuries, and on those which we use more of than we produce,
revenue enough may be raised after a few years of peace and consequent
reduction of indebtedness to fulfill all our obligations. A further
reduction of expenses, in addition to a reduction of interest account,
may be relied on to make this practicable. Revenue reform, if it means
this, has my hearty support. If it implies a collection of all the
revenue for the support of the Government, for the payment of principal
and interest of the public debt, pensions, etc., by directly taxing the
people, then I am against revenue reform, and confidently believe the
people are with me. If it means failure to provide the necessary means
to defray all the expenses of Government, and thereby repudiation of
the public debt and pensions, then I am still more opposed to such kind
of revenue reform. Revenue reform has not been defined by any of its
advocates to my knowledge, but seems to be accepted as something which
is to supply every man's wants without any cost or effort on his part.

A true revenue reform can not be made in a day, but must be the work
of national legislation and of time. As soon as the revenue can be
dispensed with, all duty should be removed from coffee, tea, and other
articles of universal use not produced by ourselves. The necessities of
the country compel us to collect revenue from our imports. An army of
assessors and collectors is not a pleasant sight to the citizen, but
that or a tariff for revenue is necessary. Such a tariff, so far as it
acts as an encouragement to home production, affords employment to labor
at living wages, in contrast to the pauper labor of the Old World, and
also in the development of home resources.

Under the act of Congress of the 15th day of July, 1870, the Army has
gradually been reduced, so that on the 1st day of January, 1871, the
number of commissioned officers and men will not exceed the number
contemplated by that law.

The War Department building is an old structure, not fireproof, and
entirely inadequate in dimensions to our present wants. Many thousands
of dollars are now paid annually for rent of private buildings to
accommodate the various bureaus of the Department. I recommend an
appropriation for a new War Department building, suited to the present
and growing wants of the nation.

The report of the Secretary of War shows a very satisfactory reduction
in the expenses of the Army for the last fiscal year. For details you
are referred to his accompanying report.

The expenses of the Navy for the whole of the last year--i.e.,
from December 1, 1869, the date of the last report--are less than
$19,000,000, or about $1,000,000 less than they were the previous year.
The expenses since the commencement of this fiscal year--i.e., since
July 1--show for the five months a decrease of over $2,400,000 from
those of the corresponding months last year. The estimates for the
current year were $28,205,671.37. Those for next year are $20,683,317,
with $955,100 additional for necessary permanent improvements. These
estimates are made closely for the mere maintenance of the naval
establishment as it now is, without much in the nature of permanent
improvement. The appropriations made for the last and current years were
evidently intended by Congress, and are sufficient only, to keep the
Navy on its present footing by the repairing and refitting of our old
ships.

This policy must, of course, gradually but surely destroy the Navy, and
it is in itself far from economical, as each year that it is pursued
the necessity for mere repairs in ships and navy-yards becomes more
imperative and more costly, and our current expenses are annually
increased for the mere repair of ships, many of which must soon become
unsafe and useless. I hope during the present session of Congress to be
able to submit to it a plan by which naval vessels can be built and
repairs made with great saving upon the present cost.

It can hardly be wise statesmanship in a Government which represents a
country with over 5,000 miles of coast line on both oceans, exclusive
of Alaska, and containing 40,000,000 progressive people, with relations
of every nature with almost every foreign country, to rest with such
inadequate means of enforcing any foreign policy, either of protection
or redress. Separated by the ocean from the nations of the Eastern
Continent, our Navy is our only means of direct protection to our
citizens abroad or for the enforcement of any foreign policy.

The accompanying report of the Postmaster-General shows a most
satisfactory working of that Department. With the adoption of the
recommendations contained therein, particularly those relating to a
reform in the franking privilege and the adoption of the "correspondence
cards," a self-sustaining postal system may speedily be looked for, and
at no distant day a further reduction of the rate of postage be
attained.

I recommend authorization by Congress to the Postmaster-General and
Attorney-General to issue all commissions to officials appointed through
their respective Departments. At present these commissions, where
appointments are Presidential, are issued by the State Department.
The law in all the Departments of Government, except those of the
Post-Office and of Justice, authorizes each to issue its own
commissions.

Always favoring practical reforms, I respectfully call your attention to
one abuse of long standing which I would like to see remedied by this
Congress. It is a reform in the civil service of the country. I would
have it go beyond the mere fixing of the tenure of office of clerks
and employees who do not require "the advice and consent of the Senate"
to make their appointments complete. I would have it govern, not the
tenure, but the manner of making all appointments. There is no duty
which so much embarrasses the Executive and heads of Departments as
that of appointments, nor is there any such arduous and thankless labor
imposed on Senators and Representatives as that of finding places for
constituents. The present system does not secure the best men, and often
not even fit men, for public place. The elevation and purification of
the civil service of the Government will be hailed with approval by the
whole people of the United States.

Reform in the management of Indian affairs has received the special
attention of the Administration from its inauguration to the present
day. The experiment of making it a missionary work was tried with a few
agencies given to the denomination of Friends, and has been found to
work most advantageously. All agencies and superintendencies not so
disposed of were given to officers of the Army. The act of Congress
reducing the Army renders army officers ineligible for civil positions.
Indian agencies being civil offices, I determined to give all the
agencies to such religious denominations as had heretofore established
missionaries among the Indians, and perhaps to some other denominations
who would undertake the work on the same terms--i.e. as a missionary
work. The societies selected are allowed to name their own agents,
subject to the approval of the Executive, and are expected to watch over
them and aid them as missionaries, to Christianize and civilize the
Indian, and to train him in the arts of peace. The Government watches
over the official acts of these agents, and requires of them as strict
an accountability as if they were appointed in any other manner.
I entertain the confident hope that the policy now pursued will in a
few years bring all the Indians upon reservations, where they will live
in houses, and have schoolhouses and churches, and will be pursuing
peaceful and self-sustaining avocations, and where they may be visited
by the law-abiding white man with the same impunity that he now visits
the civilized white settlements. I call your special attention to the
report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for full information on
this subject.

During the last fiscal year 8,095,413 acres of public land were disposed
of. Of this quantity 3,698,910.05 acres were taken under the homestead
law and 2,159,515.81 acres sold for cash. The remainder was located with
military warrants, college or Indian scrip, or applied in satisfaction
of grants to railroads or for other public uses. The entries under the
homestead law during the last year covered 961,545 acres more than those
during the preceding year. Surveys have been vigorously prosecuted to
the full extent of the means applicable to the purpose. The quantity of
land in market will amply supply the present demand. The claim of the
settler under the homestead or the preemption laws is not, however,
limited to lands subject to sale at private entry. Any unappropriated
surveyed public land may, to a limited amount, be acquired under the
former laws if the party entitled to enter under them will comply
with the requirements they prescribe in regard to the residence and
cultivation. The actual settler's preference right of purchase is even
broader, and extends to lands which were unsurveyed at the time of his
settlement. His right was formerly confined within much narrower limits,
and at one period of our history was conferred only by special statutes.
They were enacted from time to time to legalize what was then regarded
as an unauthorized intrusion upon the national domain. The opinion that
the public lands should be regarded chiefly as a source of revenue is no
longer maintained. The rapid settlement and successful cultivation of
them are now justly considered of more importance to our well-being than
is the fund which the sale of them would produce. The remarkable growth
and prosperity of our new States and Territories attest the wisdom
of the legislation which invites the tiller of the soil to secure a
permanent home on terms within the reach of all. The pioneer who incurs
the dangers and privations of a frontier life, and thus aids in laying
the foundation of new commonwealths, renders a signal service to his
country, and is entitled to its special favor and protection. These laws
secure that object and largely promote the general welfare. They should
therefore be cherished as a permanent feature of our land system.

Good faith requires us to give full effect to existing grants. The
time-honored and beneficent policy of setting apart certain sections
of public land for educational purposes in the new States should be
continued. When ample provision shall have been made for these objects,
I submit as a question worthy of serious consideration whether the
residue of our national domain should not be wholly disposed of under
the provisions of the homestead and preemption laws.

In addition to the swamp and overflowed lands granted to the States in
which they are situated, the lands taken under the agricultural-college
acts and for internal-improvement purposes under the act of September,
1841, and the acts supplemental thereto, there had been conveyed up to
the close of the last fiscal year, by patent or other equivalent title,
to States and corporations 27,836,257.63 acres for railways, canals, and
wagon roads. It is estimated that an additional quantity of 174,735,523
acres is still due under grants for like uses. The policy of thus aiding
the States in building works of internal improvement was inaugurated
more than forty years since in the grants to Indiana and Illinois, to
aid those States in opening canals to connect the waters of the Wabash
with those of Lake Erie and the waters of the Illinois with those of
Lake Michigan. It was followed, with some modifications, in the grant to
Illinois of alternate sections of public land within certain limits of
the Illinois Central Railway. Fourteen States and sundry corporations
have received similar subsidies in connection with railways completed
or in process of construction. As the reserved sections are rated
at the double minimum, the sale of them at the enhanced price has
thus in many instances indemnified the Treasury for the granted lands.
The construction of some of these thoroughfares has undoubtedly given a
vigorous impulse to the development of our resources and the settlement
of the more distant portions of the country. It may, however, be well
insisted that much of our legislation in this regard has been
characterized by indiscriminate and profuse liberality. The United
States should not loan their credit in aid of any enterprise undertaken
by States or corporations, nor grant lands in any instance, unless the
projected work is of acknowledged national importance. I am strongly
inclined to the opinion that it is inexpedient and unnecessary to bestow
subsidies of either description; but should Congress determine otherwise
I earnestly recommend that the right of settlers and of the public be
more effectually secured and protected by appropriate legislation.

During the year ending September 30, 1870, there were filed in the
Patent Office 19,411 applications for patents, 3,374 caveats, and 160
applications for the extension of patents. Thirteen thousand six hundred
and twenty-two patents, including reissues and designs, were issued,
1,010 extended, and 1,089 allowed, but not issued by reason of the
non-payment of the final fees. The receipts of the office during the
fiscal year were $136,304.29 in excess of its expenditures.

The work of the Census Bureau has been energetically prosecuted. The
preliminary report, containing much information of special value and
interest, will be ready for delivery during the present session. The
remaining volumes will be completed with all the dispatch consistent
with perfect accuracy in arranging and classifying the returns. We shall
thus at no distant day be furnished with an authentic record of our
condition and resources. It will, I doubt not, attest the growing
prosperity of the country, although during the decade which has just
closed it was so severely tried by the great war waged to maintain its
integrity and to secure and perpetuate our free institutions.

During the last fiscal year the sum paid to pensioners, including the
cost of disbursement, was $27,780,811.11, and 1,758 bounty-land warrants
were issued. At its close 198,686 names were on the pension rolls.

The labors of the Pension Office have been directed to the severe
scrutiny of the evidence submitted in favor of new claims and to the
discovery of fictitious claims which have been heretofore allowed. The
appropriation for the employment of special agents for the investigation
of frauds has been judiciously used, and the results obtained have been
of unquestionable benefit to the service.

The subjects of education and agriculture are of great interest to the
success of our republican institutions, happiness, and grandeur as a
nation. In the interest of one a bureau has been established in the
Interior Department--the Bureau of Education; and in the interest of
the other, a separate Department, that of Agriculture. I believe great
general good is to flow from the operations of both these Bureaus if
properly fostered. I can not commend to your careful consideration too
highly the reports of the Commissioners of Education and of Agriculture,
nor urge too strongly such liberal legislation as to secure their
efficiency.

In conclusion I would sum up the policy of the Administration to be a
thorough enforcement of every law; a faithful collection of every tax
provided for; economy in the disbursement of the same; a prompt payment
of every debt of the nation; a reduction of taxes as rapidly as the
requirements of the country will admit; reductions of taxation and
tariff, to be so arranged as to afford the greatest relief to the
greatest number; honest and fair dealings with all other peoples, to the
end that war, with all its blighting consequences, may be avoided, but
without surrendering any right or obligation due to us; a reform in the
treatment of Indians and in the whole civil service of the country;
and finally, in securing a pure, untrammeled ballot, where every man
entitled to cast a vote may do so, just once at each election, without
fear of molestation or proscription on account of his political faith,
nativity, or color.

U.S. GRANT.


[Footnote 29: See pp. 86-89.]

[Footnote 30: See pp. 89-92.]




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


DECEMBER 6, 1870.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In pursuance of the provisions of the second section of an act approved
June 20, 1864, entitled "An act making appropriations for the consular
and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the year ending June 30,
1865, and for other purposes," I inform Congress that Louis W. Viollier,
a consular clerk, was, on the 26th day of September last, removed from
office for the following causes, namely: For disobedience of orders and
continued absence from duty after orders to proceed to his post.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I herewith transmit to Congress a report, dated the 5th instant, with
the accompanying papers,[31] received from the Secretary of State, in
compliance with the requirements of the eighteenth section of the act
entitled "An act to regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of the
United States," approved August 18, 1856.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 31: Report of fees collected, etc., by consular officers of
the United States for 1868, and tariff of consular fees prescribed by
the President October 1, 1870.]



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a convention for the surrender of criminals between the
United States of America and the Republic of Guatemala, signed on the
11th day of October last, together with correspondence on the subject,
a list of which is given.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a convention for the extradition of criminals fugitives
from justice between the United States of America and the Republic of
Nicaragua, signed at the city of Nicaragua on the 5th day of June last,
together with correspondence upon the subject, of which a list is
annexed.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a treaty for the extradition of criminals fugitives from
justice between the United States and the Republic of Peru, signed at
Lima on the 12th day of September last. As this treaty contains some
stipulations of an unusual character, the special attention of the
Senate is called to them.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between
the United States of America and the Republic of Peru, signed at the
city of Lima on the 6th day of September last, together with the
correspondence in relation thereto, a list of which is annexed.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

Referring to my message of the 1st of February last, transmitting to
the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a treaty
between the United States and the United States of Colombia for the
construction of an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of Panama or
Darien, signed at Bogota on the 26th of January last, I herewith submit
correspondence upon the subject between the Secretary of State and the
minister of the United States at Bogota, a list of which is hereto
appended.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 8, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States:_

In answer to its resolution of the 1st of July, 1870, I transmit to the
House of Representatives a report[32] from the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 32: Stating that the correspondence relative to the arrest and
detention of American fishing vessels in the Straits of Canso by armed
vessels flying the British flag had been communicated to Congress with
the President's annual message on the 5th instant.]



WASHINGTON, _December 8, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to a resolution of the 5th instant, I transmit to the Senate
a report[33] from the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 33: Stating that the correspondence with the United States
minister at Paris relative to the Franco-Prussian war had been
communicated with the President's annual message on the 5th instant.]



WASHINGTON, _December 12, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I submit to the Senate, for their consideration with a view to
ratification, a convention relating to naturalization between the United
States and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, signed at Vienna on the 20th of
September, 1870, which is accompanied by the papers mentioned in the
subjoined list.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 13, 1870_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, in answer to the resolution of the Senate of June 14, 1870,
a report from the Secretary of State and the papers[34] by which it was
accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 34: Relating to charges for messages made by the International
Ocean Telegraph Company.]



WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th
of April, 1869, I herewith transmit a report[35] from the Secretary of
State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 35: Stating that all the correspondence relative to the
condition of affairs in Paraguay believed to be required by the public
interest had been made public.]



WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 20th
of January last, I herewith transmit a report[36] from the Secretary of
State, with accompanying documents.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 36: Stating that the claim for indemnity in the case of the
ship _Canada_, wrecked on the coast of Brazil in 1865, had been referred
to the British minister as arbiter, and submitting a summary of the
case, correspondence connected with it, and a copy of the award of the
arbiter.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 19, 1870_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:_

I transmit herewith a report[37] of the Secretary of the Treasury,
made in compliance with section 2 of the act approved July n, 1870,
"making appropriations for the consular and diplomatic expenses of the
Government for the year ending June 30, 1871, and for other purposes."

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 37: Transmitting reports of consular agents.]



WASHINGTON, _December 19, 1870_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary of
State and the papers[38] by which it was accompanied, in answer to its
resolution of the 7th instant.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 38: Relating to the seizure at Port Hood, Nova Scotia, by a
Canadian revenue cutter, of the schooner _Granada_, of Provincetown,
Mass.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 4, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their
resolution of the 12th of December, 1870, a report from the Secretary of
State, with accompanying documents.[39]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 39: Correspondence relative to public documents or libraries
in the care of legations of the United States.]



WASHINGTON, _January 9, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 5th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[40]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 40: The last correspondence with Mr. Motley, including
telegraphic dispatches, etc., relative to his recall as minister to the
Court of St. James.]



WASHINGTON, _January 9, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their
resolution of the 5th instant, a report from the Secretary of State,
with the accompanying documents.[41]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 41: Correspondence, etc., in 1844 and 1845 relative to the
resources and condition of the Dominican Republic.]



WASHINGTON, D.C., _January 9, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for consideration with a view to its ratification, a treaty
of amity, commerce, and consular privileges between the United States
and the Republic of Salvador, signed at the city of San Salvador on the
6th of December last.

A copy of the official correspondence relating to the instrument is also
herewith transmitted.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 11, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In view of a proclamation having been published in newspapers of the
United States purporting to emanate from Cabral, a chieftain who opposed
the constitutional authorities of the Republic of San Domingo, I deem it
but just to communicate to the Senate of the United States the views of
that chieftain and his followers, as voluntarily communicated by him
through the United States minister to the Republic of Hayti in June
last. It will be observed by the letter of Minister Bassett that Cabral
did not wish his views to be made public before the question of
annexation was disposed of, in a way to work prejudice to his interest.
But as the object which Cabral had already in view was to declare to
the treaty-making power of the United States his views and those of his
followers upon the subject of annexation of the Republic of San Domingo,
and as the Senate is a branch of that power, I deem it no breach of
confidence to communicate this letter to the Senate. I ask, however,
that it may be read in executive session and that the request of Cabral
be observed, so that in no case they shall be made public or used
against him until the question of annexation is disposed of.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 11, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith, in reply to the resolution of the House of
Representatives of the 5th instant, copies of the reports of Captain
George B. McClellan upon the Dominican Republic, made in the year 1854.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 13, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 16th of December, 1870,
requesting to be furnished with information relative to the organization
of disloyal persons in North Carolina having in view resistance of the
United States laws, denial of protection, and the enjoyment of the
rights and liberties secured under the United States, etc., I transmit
herewith abstracts of reports and other papers on file in the War
Department relative to outrages in North Carolina, and also, for the
information of the Senate, those relative to outrages in the other
Southern States. The original reports and papers are too voluminous to
be copied in season to be used by the present Congress, but are easily
accessible for reference, and copies of such papers can be furnished as
the Senate may deem necessary.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 16, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of 4th instant,
a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying documents,
relating to the proposed annexation of the Dominican portion of the
island of San Domingo.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 17, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to their resolution of the 16th of December, 1870, I herewith
transmit copies of certain reports received at the War Department
relative to disloyal organizations in the State of North Carolina,
intended to resist the laws or to deprive the citizens of the United
States of the protection of law or the enjoyment of their rights under
the Constitution of the United States. These reports are in addition to
the abstracts of those sent to the Senate on the 13th instant.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 24, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to your resolution of the 21st December, 1870, requesting the
President "to furnish the Senate with the amount of money expended by
the United States for freight and passage to the Pacific Coast by the
way of the Isthmus and Cape Horn during the twelve months now last
past," I herewith transmit reports from the Secretary of the Treasury,
of War, and of the Navy, to whom, respectively, the resolution was
referred.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 27, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith, for the consideration of Congress, a report of the
Secretary of State and the papers which accompanied it, concerning
regulations for the consular courts of the United States in Japan.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 27, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for consideration with a view to its ratification, a treaty
of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States and
the Oriental Republic of Uruguay, which was signed at Montevideo, it is
presumed, in the course of last month, though the precise date has
inadvertently been omitted.

A copy of the correspondence relating to the instrument is also herewith
transmitted. From this it will be seen that the treaty is substantially
the same as one between the same parties which has already been approved
by the Senate and ratified by the President of the United States, but
the ratifications of which have never been exchanged. If the Senate
should approve the new treaty, it is suggested that their resolution to
that effect should include authority to insert the precise date when
that shall have been ascertained.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 30, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith an official copy of the proceedings of the council
of Indian tribes held at Ocmulgee in December last, which resulted in
the adoption of a declaration of rights and a constitution for their
government, together with a copy of the report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs and the views of the Secretary of the Interior thereon.

It would seem highly desirable that the civilized Indians of the country
should be encouraged in establishing for themselves forms of Territorial
government compatible with the Constitution of the United States and
with the previous customs toward communities lying outside of State
limits.

I concur in the views expressed by the Secretary of the Interior,
that it would not be advisable to receive the new Territory with the
constitution precisely as it is now framed. As long as a Territorial
form of government is preserved, Congress should hold the power of
approving or disapproving of all legislative action of the Territory,
and the Executive should, with "the advice and consent of the Senate,"
have the power to appoint the governor and judicial officers (and
possibly some others) of the Territory.

This is the first indication of the aborigines desiring to adopt
our form of government, and it is highly desirable that they become
self-sustaining, self-relying, Christianized, and civilized. If
successful in this their first attempt at Territorial government, we may
hope for a gradual concentration of other Indians in the new Territory.
I therefore recommend as close an adherence to their wishes as is
consistent with safety.

It might be well to limit the appointment of all Territorial officials
appointed by the Executive to native citizens of the Territory. If any
exception is made to this rule, I would recommend that it should be
limited to the judiciary.

It is confidently hoped that the policy now being pursued toward the
Indian will fit him for self-government and make him desire to settle
among people of his own race where he can enjoy the full privileges of
civil and enlightened government.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 7, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

The union of the States of Germany into a form of government similar in
many respects to that of the American Union is an event that can not
fail to touch deeply the sympathies of the people of the United States.

This union has been brought about by the long-continued, persistent
efforts of the people, with the deliberate approval of the governments
and people of twenty-four of the German States, through their regularly
constituted representatives.

In it the American people see an attempt to reproduce in Europe some
of the best features of our own Constitution, with such modifications
as the history and condition of Germany seem to require. The local
governments of the several members of the union are preserved, while
the power conferred upon the chief imparts strength for the purposes
of self-defense, without authority to enter upon wars of conquest and
ambition.

The cherished aspiration for national unity which for ages has
inspired the many millions of people speaking the same language,
inhabiting a contiguous and compact territory, but unnaturally separated
and divided by dynastic jealousies and the ambition of short-sighted
rulers, has been attained, and Germany now contains a population of
about 34,000,000, united, like our own, under one Government for its
relations with other powers, but retaining in its several members the
right and power of control of their local interests, habits, and
institutions.

The bringing of great masses of thoughtful and free people under a
single government must tend to make governments what alone they should
be--the representatives of the will and the organization of the power
of the people.

The adoption in Europe of the American system of union under the control
and direction of a free people, educated to self-restraint, can not fail
to extend popular institutions and to enlarge the peaceful influence of
American ideas.

The relations of the United States with Germany are intimate and
cordial. The commercial intercourse between the two countries is
extensive and is increasing from year to year; and the large number of
citizens and residents in the United States of German extraction and the
continued flow of emigration thence to this country have produced an
intimacy of personal and political intercourse approaching, if not equal
to, that with the country from which the founders of our Government
derived their origin.

The extent of these interests and the greatness of the German Union
seem to require that in the classification of the representatives of
this Government to foreign powers there should no longer be an apparent
undervaluation of the importance of the German mission, such as is
made in the difference between the compensation allowed by law to
the minister to Germany and those to Great Britain and France. There
would seem to be a great propriety in placing the representative
of this Government at Berlin on the same footing with that of its
representatives at London and Paris. The union of the several States of
Germany under one Government and the increasing commercial and personal
intercourse between the two countries will also add to the labors and
the responsibilities of the legation.

I therefore recommend that the salaries of the minister and of the
secretary of legation at Berlin be respectively increased to the same
amounts as are allowed to those at London and Paris.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 7, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to that part of your resolution of the 4th of January last
requesting copies of "instructions to the commander of our naval
squadron in the waters of the island [of San Domingo] since the
commencement of the late negotiations, with the reports and
correspondence of such commander," I herewith transmit a report, with
accompanying papers, received from the Secretary of the Navy.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 8, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith an extract of a paper addressed to the President,
the Secretary of the Interior, and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by
the committee of Friends on Indian affairs having charge of the northern
superintendency, in relation to a desire of certain Indian tribes to
sell a portion of the lands owned by them, with a view of locating on
other lands that they may be able to purchase, together with the report
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs thereon and a letter of the
Secretary of the Interior Department approving the report of the
Commissioner.

I submit the draft of a bill which has been prepared, and which it is
believed will effect the object desired by the committee, and request
the consideration thereof by Congress.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 9, 1871_.

_To the Senate:_

The British minister accredited to this Government recently, in
compliance with instructions from his Government, submitted a proposal
for the appointment of a "joint high commission," to be composed of
members to be named by each Government, to hold its session at
Washington, and to treat and discuss the mode of settling the different
questions which have arisen out of the fisheries, as well as those which
affect the relations of the United States toward the British possessions
in North America.

I did not deem it expedient to agree to the proposal unless the
consideration of the questions growing out of the acts committed by
the vessels which have given rise to the claims known as the "Alabama
claims" were to be within the subject of discussion and settlement by
the commission. The British Government having assented to this, the
commission is expected shortly to meet. I therefore nominate as such
commissioners, jointly and separately, on the part of the United States:

Hamilton Fish, Secretary of State.

Robert C. Schenck, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to
Great Britain.

Samuel Nelson, an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United
States.

Ebenezer R. Hoar, of Massachusetts.

George H. Williams, of Oregon.

I communicate herewith the correspondence which has passed on this
subject between the Secretary of State and the British minister.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 10, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I submit herewith, for the information of Congress, the second annual
report of the Board of Indian Commissioners to the Secretary of the
Interior.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 13, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith, in answer to the resolution of the House of the 6th
instant, copies of the correspondence between the governor of the State
of California and the President of the United States in the month of
October, 1868, relative to the use of the military forces of the
National Government in preserving the peace at the approaching State
election.

U.S. GRANT.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 15, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I have this day transmitted to the Senate the announcement that Senate
bill No. 218, "An act prescribing an oath of office to be taken by
persons who participated in the late rebellion, but who are not
disqualified from holding office by the fourteenth amendment to the
Constitution of the United States," has become a law in the manner
prescribed by the Constitution, without the signature of the President.

If this were a bill for the repeal of the "test oath" required of
persons "elected or appointed to offices of honor or trust," it would
meet my approval. The effect of the law, however, is to relieve from
taking a prescribed oath all those persons whom it was intended to
exclude from such offices and to require it from all others. By this
law the soldier who fought and bled for his country is to swear to
his loyalty before assuming official functions, while the general who
commanded hosts for the overthrow of his Government is admitted to place
without it. I can not affix my name to a law which discriminates against
the upholder of his Government.

I believe, however, that it is not wise policy to keep from office by an
oath those who are not disqualified by the Constitution, and who are the
choice of legal voters; but while relieving them from an oath which they
can not take, I recommend the release also of those to whom the oath has
no application.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 17, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to your resolution of the 19th of December last, requesting
the President "to furnish the Senate with the entire cost of
transportation of mails and freights of every description to the Pacific
Coast, also to all intermediate points west of the Missouri River, from
the annexation of California to July 1, 1864; and also the expenses of
the War Department and Indian Bureau during the same period in guarding
the overland route from the Missouri River to California against Indians
and Mormons, and the cost of the Indian service on the same line,
including in all cases freights and all other expenditures," I transmit
herewith reports received from the Secretary of the Interior, the
Secretary of War, and the Postmaster-General.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 27, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a convention between the United States and Great Britain,
concluded at Washington on the 23d instant, supplemental to the
convention between the two countries concluded May 13, 1870, concerning
the citizenship of citizens or subjects of either country emigrating to
the other.

The conclusion of the supplemental convention now submitted was found to
be expedient in view of the stipulation contained in Article II of the
before-named convention of May 13, 1870, that the two Governments should
agree upon the manner in which the renunciation within the periods
specified, by naturalized citizens and subjects of either country, of
their naturalization should be effected.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 3, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 2d
instant, a report of the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[42]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 42: Correspondence from the United States legation at
Constantinople relative to restrictions on the passage of the straits of
the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus by the ships of other nations.]



WASHINGTON, _March 3, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of February
1, 1871, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[43]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 43: Dispatches, etc., from the United States minister to the
Court of Brazil relative to the Paraguayan war, the culture of cotton in
Brazil, trade with Brazil, etc.]




VETO MESSAGES.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 4, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I herewith return without my approval House bill No. 1395, entitled "An
act for the relief of Charles Cooper, Goshorn A. Jones, Jerome Rowley,
William Hannegan, and John Hannegan," for the following reasons:

The act directs the discontinuance of an action at law said to be now
pending in the United States district court for the northern district
of Ohio for the enforcement of the bond executed by said parties to the
United States, whereas in fact no such suit is pending in the district
court, but such a suit is now pending in the circuit court of the United
States for the sixth circuit and northern district of Ohio.

Neither the body of said act nor the proviso requires the obligors in
said bond, who are released from all liability to the United States on
account thereof, to abandon or release their pretended claim against the
Government.

Since these parties have gone to Congress to ask relief from liability
for a large sum of money on account of the failure of the principals in
the bond to execute their contract, it is but just and proper that they
at the same time should abandon the claim heretofore asserted by them
against the Government growing out of the same transaction.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 7, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I hereby return without my approval Senate resolution No. 92, entitled
"A resolution for the relief of certain contractors for the construction
of vessels of war and steam machinery," for the following reasons:

The act of March 2, 1867 (14 U.S. Statutes at Large, p. 424), directs
the Secretary of the Navy--

  to investigate the claims of all contractors for building vessels of
  war and steam machinery for the same under contracts made after the 1st
  day of May, 1861, and prior to the 1st day of January, 1864; and said
  investigation to be made upon the following basis: He shall ascertain
  the additional cost which was necessarily incurred by each contractor
  in the completion of his work by reason of any changes or alterations
  in the plans and specifications required, and delays in the prosecution
  of the work occasioned by the Government, which were not provided for
  in the original contract; but no allowance for any advance in the price
  of labor or material shall be considered unless such advance occurred
  during the prolonged time for completing the work rendered necessary by
  the delay resulting from the action of the Government aforesaid, and
  then only when such advance could not have been avoided by the exercise
  of ordinary prudence and diligence on the part of the contractor. * * *


The present joint resolution transfers the investigation to the Court of
Claims, and repeals "so much of said act as provides against considering
any allowance in favor of any such parties for any advance in the price
of labor or material, unless such advance could have been avoided
by the exercise of ordinary diligence and prudence on the part of the
contractor." It seems to me that the provision thus repealed is a very
reasonable one. It prevents the contractor from receiving any allowance
for an advance in the price of labor and material when he could have
avoided that advance by the exercise of ordinary prudence and diligence.
The effect of the repeal will be to relieve contractors from the
consequences of their own imprudence and negligence. I see no good
reason for thus relieving contractors who have not exercised ordinary
prudence and diligence in their business transactions.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 28, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I herewith return without my approval House bill No. 2566, entitled
"An act for the relief of Henry Willman, late a private in the Third
Regiment of Indiana Cavalry," for the following reasons:

The records of the War Department show that Henry Willman was mustered
into the military service April 4, 1862, and that he was mounted on a
private horse. It appears from evidence presented by himself that his
horse died May 18, 1862; that he remounted himself on June 8, 1862, and
so continued mounted till October 1, 1862, when his horse was killed by
the enemy, and that he was not afterwards mounted upon a private horse.

Upon presenting a claim against the United States for the legal value
of the two horses lost by him in the public service, the claim, after
investigation, was allowed; but it being discovered that he had
erroneously been paid for the use and risk of a private horse from May
18 to June 8, 1862, and from October 1, 1862, to April 30, 1864, during
which periods he had no horse in the public service, the amount so
overpaid was offset against his claim, leaving the latter fully
liquidated and the claimant indebted to the United States in an amount
not yet refunded.

The person named in the act is not, in law or equity, entitled to the
relief therein provided, and has no unsatisfied demands against the
United States.

U.S. GRANT.




PROCLAMATION.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory evidence was given to me on the 17th day of this
month by the Government of Portugal that the discriminating duties
heretofore levied in the ports of Portugal on merchandise imported in
vessels of the United States into said ports from other countries than
those of which said merchandise was the growth, production, or
manufacture have been abolished:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by an act of Congress
of January 7, 1824, and by an act in addition thereto of May 24, 1828,
do hereby declare and proclaim that the discriminating duties heretofore
levied in ports of the United States upon merchandise imported in
Portuguese vessels from countries other than those of which such
merchandise is the growth, produce, or manufacture shall be, and are
hereby, suspended and discontinued, this suspension or discontinuance to
take effect on and after the said 17th day of this month and to continue
so long as the reciprocal exemption of merchandise belonging to citizens
of the United States from such discriminating duties shall be granted in
the ports of Portugal.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 25th day of February, A.D. 1871,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.





[NOTE.--The Forty-second Congress, first session, met March 4, 1871, in
accordance with the act of January 22, 1867.]




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


WASHINGTON, _March 17, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in compliance with its resolution of the
14th instant, a report from the Secretary of State, making known that
official notice has been received at the Department of State of the
ratification by the legislature of one, and only one, additional
State--to wit, that of New Jersey--of the fifteenth amendment to the
Constitution of the United States since the 30th of March, 1870, the
date of his certificate that three-fourths of the whole number of States
in the United States had ratified that amendment and that it had become
valid to all intents and purposes as part of the Constitution of the
United States.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _March 23, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

A condition of affairs now exists in some of the States of the Union
rendering life and property insecure and the carrying of the mails and
the collection of the revenue dangerous. The proof that such a condition
of affairs exists in some localities is now before the Senate. That
the power to correct these evils is beyond the control of the State
authorities I do not doubt; that the power of the Executive of the
United States, acting within the limits of existing laws, is sufficient
for present emergencies is not clear.

Therefore I urgently recommend such legislation as in the judgment of
Congress shall effectually secure life, liberty, and property and the
enforcement of law in all parts of the United States.

It may be expedient to provide that such law as shall be passed in
pursuance of this recommendation shall expire at the end of the next
session of Congress.

There is no other subject upon which I would recommend legislation
during the present session.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 28, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 16th instant, I
transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the papers[44] which
accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 44: Reports, communications, etc., relative to the
International Statistical Congress held at The Hague in 1869.]



WASHINGTON, _March 30, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for consideration with a view to its ratification, a treaty
of commerce and navigation between the United States and the Kingdom of
Italy, signed at Florence on the 26th of last month.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 31, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to your resolution of the 17th instant, requesting, "if not
incompatible with the public service, the report recently made by a
board of officers of the Engineer Department on the condition of the
Mississippi River near Vicksburg, Miss., with such remarks, suggestions,
or recommendations as may be made by the Chief Engineer of the Army,"
I herewith transmit a report, dated 28th instant, with accompanying
papers, received from the Secretary of War.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 5, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I have the honor to submit herewith to the two Houses of Congress the
report of the commissioners appointed in pursuance of joint resolution
approved January 12, 1871.

It will be observed that this report more than sustains all that I have
heretofore said in regard to the productiveness and healthfulness of the
Republic of San Domingo, of the unanimity of the people for annexation
to the United States, and of their peaceable character.

It is due to the public, as it certainly is to myself, that I should
here give all the circumstances which first led to the negotiation of a
treaty for the annexation of the Republic of San Domingo to the United
States.

When I accepted the arduous and responsible position which I now hold,
I did not dream of instituting any steps for the acquisition of insular
possessions. I believed, however, that our institutions were broad
enough to extend over the entire continent as rapidly as other peoples
might desire to bring themselves under our protection. I believed
further that we should not permit any independent government within the
limits of North America to pass from a condition of independence to one
of ownership or protection under a European power.

Soon after my inauguration as President I was waited upon by an agent of
President Baez with a proposition to annex the Republic of San Domingo
to the United States. This gentleman represented the capacity of
the island, the desire of the people, and their character and habits
about as they have been described by the commissioners whose report
accompanies this message. He stated further that, being weak in numbers
and poor in purse, they were not capable of developing their great
resources; that the people had no incentive to industry on account of
lack of protection for their accumulations, and that if not accepted by
the United States--with institutions which they loved above those of any
other nation--they would be compelled to seek protection elsewhere.
To these statements I made no reply and gave no indication of what I
thought of the proposition. In the course of time I was waited upon by
a second gentleman from San Domingo, who made the same representations,
and who was received in like manner.

In view of the facts which had been laid before me, and with an earnest
desire to maintain the "Monroe doctrine," I believed that I would be
derelict in my duty if I did not take measures to ascertain the exact
wish of the Government and inhabitants of the Republic of San Domingo in
regard to annexation and communicate the information to the people of
the United States. Under the attending circumstances I felt that if I
turned a deaf ear to this appeal I might in the future be justly charged
with a flagrant neglect of the public interests and an utter disregard
of the welfare of a downtrodden race praying for the blessings of a free
and strong government and for protection in the enjoyment of the fruits
of their own industry.

Those opponents of annexation who have heretofore professed to be
preeminently the friends of the rights of man I believed would be my
most violent assailants if I neglected so clear a duty. Accordingly,
after having appointed a commissioner to visit the island, who declined
on account of sickness, I selected a second gentleman, in whose
capacity, judgment, and integrity I had, and have yet, the most
unbounded confidence.

He visited San Domingo, not to secure or hasten annexation, but,
unprejudiced and unbiased, to learn all the facts about the Government,
the people, and the resources of that Republic. He went certainly as
well prepared to make an unfavorable report as a favorable one, if the
facts warranted it. His report fully corroborated the views of previous
commissioners, and upon its receipt I felt that a sense of duty and a
due regard for our great national interests required me to negotiate a
treaty for the acquisition of the Republic of San Domingo.

As soon as it became publicly known that such a treaty had been
negotiated, the attention of the country was occupied with allegations
calculated to prejudice the merits of the case and with aspersions upon
those whose duty had connected them with it. Amid the public excitement
thus created the treaty failed to receive the requisite two-thirds vote
of the Senate, and was rejected; but whether the action of that body was
based wholly upon the merits of the treaty, or might not have been in
some degree influenced by such unfounded allegations, could not be known
by the people, because the debates of the Senate in secret session are
not published.

Under these circumstances I deemed it due to the office which I hold
and due to the character of the agents who had been charged with the
investigation that such proceedings should be had as would enable the
people to know the truth. A commission was therefore constituted, under
authority of Congress, consisting of gentlemen selected with special
reference to their high character and capacity for the laborious work
intrusted to them, who were instructed to visit the spot and report
upon the facts. Other eminent citizens were requested to accompany the
commission, in order that the people might have the benefit of their
views. Students of science and correspondents of the press, without
regard to political opinions, were invited to join the expedition,
and their numbers were limited only by the capacity of the vessel.

The mere rejection by the Senate of a treaty negotiated by the
President only indicates a difference of opinion between two coordinate
departments of the Government, without touching the character or
wounding the pride of either. But when such rejection takes place
simultaneously with charges openly made of corruption on the part of the
President or those employed by him the case is different. Indeed, in
such case the honor of the nation demands investigation. This has been
accomplished by the report of the commissioners herewith transmitted,
and which fully vindicates the purity of the motives and action of those
who represented the United States in the negotiation.

And now my task is finished, and with it ends all personal solicitude
upon the subject. My duty being done, yours begins; and I gladly hand
over the whole matter to the judgment of the American people and of
their representatives in Congress assembled. The facts will now be
spread before the country, and a decision rendered by that tribunal
whose convictions so seldom err, and against whose will I have no policy
to enforce. My opinion remains unchanged; indeed, it is confirmed by the
report that the interests of our country and of San Domingo alike invite
the annexation of that Republic.

In view of the difference of opinion upon this subject, I suggest that
no action be taken at the present session beyond the printing and
general dissemination of the report. Before the next session of Congress
the people will have considered the subject and formed an intelligent
opinion concerning it, to which opinion, deliberately made up, it will
be the duty of every department of the Government to give heed; and no
one will more cheerfully conform to it than myself. It is not only the
theory of our Constitution that the will of the people, constitutionally
expressed, is the supreme law, but I have ever believed that "all men
are wiser than any one man;" and if the people, upon a full presentation
of the facts, shall decide that the annexation of the Republic is not
desirable, every department of the Government ought to acquiesce in that
decision.

In again submitting to Congress a subject upon which public sentiment
has been divided, and which has been made the occasion of acrimonious
debates in Congress, as well as of unjust aspersions elsewhere, I may,
I trust, be indulged in a single remark.

No man could hope to perform duties so delicate and responsible as
pertain to the Presidential office without sometimes incurring the
hostility of those who deem their opinions and wishes treated with
insufficient consideration; and he who undertakes to conduct the affairs
of a great government as a faithful public servant, if sustained by the
approval of his own conscience, may rely with confidence upon the candor
and intelligence of a free people whose best interests he has striven to
subserve, and can bear with patience the censure of disappointed men.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 5, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit confidentially, for the information and consideration of the
Senate, a copy of a dispatch of the 25th of February last relative to
the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Department of
State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the United States at
Honolulu. Although I do not deem it advisable to express any opinion or
to make any recommendation in regard to the subject at this juncture,
the views of the Senate, if it should be deemed proper to express them,
would be very acceptable with reference to any future course which there
might be a disposition to adopt.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 11, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their resolution
of March 31, 1871, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
documents.[45]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 45: Dispatches from the United States minister at Florence
relative to the occupation of Rome by the King of Italy.]



[The following messages were sent to the special session of the Senate
convened by proclamation (see pp. 133-134) of April 20, 1871.]


WASHINGTON, _May 10, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to ratification,
a treaty between the United States and Great Britain for the settlement
of pending questions between the two countries, signed at Washington on
the 8th instant by the commissioners of the United States and Great
Britain, respectively.

Copies of the powers and instructions to the commissioners on the part
of the United States and the protocols of the conferences are also
transmitted.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 15, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 10th
instant, a report[46] from the Secretary of State and the papers which
accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 46: Relating to claims of the subjects of foreign nations
growing out of the War of the Rebellion.]



WASHINGTON, _May 17, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to a resolution of the Senate of the 15th instant, I transmit
herewith a report [47] from the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 47: Relating to claims under the treaty of Washington of May 8
1871.]




PROCLAMATIONS.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is provided in the Constitution of the United States that the
United States shall protect every State in this Union, on application of
the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature can not be
convened), against domestic violence; and

Whereas it is provided in the laws of the United States that in
all cases of insurrection in any State or of obstruction to the laws
thereof it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, on
application of the legislature of such State, or of the executive (when
the legislature can not be convened), to call forth the militia of any
other State or States, or to employ such part of the land and naval
force as shall be judged necessary for the purpose of suppressing such
insurrection or of causing the laws to be duly executed; and

Whereas I have received information that combinations of armed men,
unauthorized by law, are now disturbing the peace and safety of the
citizens of the State of South Carolina and committing acts of violence
in said State of a character and to an extent which render the power of
the State and its officers unequal to the task of protecting life and
property and securing public order therein; and

Whereas the legislature of said State is not now in session and can not
be convened in time to meet the present emergency, and the executive of
said State has therefore made application to me for such part of the
military force of the United States as may be necessary and adequate
to protect said State and the citizens thereof against the domestic
violence hereinbefore mentioned and to enforce the due execution of
the laws; and

Whereas the laws of the United States require that whenever it may be
necessary, in the judgment of the President, to use the military force
for the purpose aforesaid, he shall forthwith, by proclamation, command
such insurgents to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective
abodes within a limited time:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States, do
hereby command the persons composing the unlawful combinations aforesaid
to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within
twenty days from this date.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 24th day of March, A.D. 1871, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas objects of interest to the United States require that the Senate
should be convened at 12 o'clock on Wednesday, the 10th day of May next,
to receive and act upon such communications as may be made to it on the
part of the Executive:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States,
have considered it to be my duty to issue this my proclamation,
declaring that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the
United States to convene for the transaction of business at the Capitol,
in the city of Washington, on Wednesday, the 10th day of May next, at 12
o'clock on that day, of which all who shall at that time be entitled to
act as members of that body are hereby required to take notice.

[SEAL.]

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington,
the 20th day of April, A.D. 1871, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the ninety-fifth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION

The act of Congress entitled "An act to enforce the provisions of
the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States,
and for other purposes," approved April 20, A.D. 1871, being a law of
extraordinary public importance, I consider it my duty to issue this my
proclamation, calling the attention of the people of the United States
thereto enjoining upon all good citizens, and especially upon all public
officers, to be zealous in the enforcement thereof, and warning all
persons to abstain from committing any of the acts thereby prohibited.

This law of Congress applies to all parts of the United States and
will be enforced everywhere to the extent of the powers vested in the
Executive. But inasmuch as the necessity therefor is well known to have
been caused chiefly by persistent violations of the rights of citizens
of the United States by combinations of lawless and disaffected persons
in certain localities lately the theater of insurrection and military
conflict, I do particularly exhort the people of those parts of the
country to suppress all such combinations by their own voluntary efforts
through the agency of local laws and to maintain the rights of all
citizens of the United States and to secure to all such citizens the
equal protection of the laws.

Fully sensible of the responsibility imposed upon the Executive by the
act of Congress to which public attention is now called, and reluctant
to call into exercise any of the extraordinary powers thereby conferred
upon me except in cases of imperative necessity, I do, nevertheless,
deem it my duty to make known that I will not hesitate to exhaust the
powers thus vested in the Executive whenever and wherever it shall
become necessary to do so for the purpose of securing to all citizens
of the United States the peaceful enjoyment of the rights guaranteed
to them by the Constitution and laws.

It is my earnest wish that peace and cheerful obedience to law may
prevail throughout the land and that all traces of our late unhappy
civil strife may be speedily removed. These ends can be easily reached
by acquiescence in the results of the conflict, now written in our
Constitution, and by the due and proper enforcement of equal, just, and
impartial laws in every part of our country.

The failure of local communities to furnish such means for the
attainment of results so earnestly desired imposes upon the National
Government the duty of putting forth all its energies for the protection
of its citizens of every race and color and for the restoration of peace
and order throughout the entire country.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 3d day of May, A.D. 1871, and of
the Independence of the United States the ninety-fifth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas unlawful combinations and conspiracies have long existed and do
still exist in the State of South Carolina for the purpose of depriving
certain portions and classes of the people of that State of the rights,
privileges, immunities, and protection named in the Constitution of the
United States and secured by the act of Congress approved April 20,
1871, entitled "An act to enforce the provisions of the fourteenth
amendment to the Constitution of the United States;" and

Whereas in certain parts of said State, to wit, in the counties of
Spartanburg, York, Marion, Chester, Laurens, Newberry, Fairfield,
Lancaster, and Chesterfield, such combinations and conspiracies do
so obstruct and hinder the execution of the laws of said State and of
the United States as to deprive the people aforesaid of the rights,
privileges, immunities, and protection aforesaid and do oppose and
obstruct the laws of the United States and their due execution and
impede and obstruct the due course of justice under the same; and

Whereas the constituted authorities of said State are unable to protect
the people aforesaid in such rights within the said counties; and

Whereas the combinations and conspiracies aforesaid, within the counties
aforesaid, are organized and armed and are so numerous and powerful as
to be able to defy the constituted authorities of said State and of the
United States within the said State, and by reason of said causes the
conviction of such offenders and the preservation of the public peace
and safety have become impracticable in said counties:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States
of America, do hereby command all persons composing the unlawful
combinations and conspiracies aforesaid to disperse and to retire
peaceably to their homes within five days of the date hereof, and to
deliver either to the marshal of the United States for the district of
South Carolina, or to any of his deputies, or to any military officer of
the United States within said counties, all arms, ammunition, uniforms,
disguises, and other means and implements used, kept, possessed, or
controlled by them for carrying out the unlawful purposes for which the
combinations and conspiracies are organized.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 12th day of October, A.D. 1871, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-sixth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by an act of Congress entitled "An act to enforce the provisions
of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States,
and for other purposes," approved the 20th day of April, A.D. 1871,
power is given to the President of the United States, when in his
judgment the public safety shall require it, to suspend the privileges
of the writ of _habeas corpus_ in any State or part of a State whenever
combinations and conspiracies exist in such State or part of a State for
the purpose of depriving any portion or class of the people of such
State of the rights, privileges, immunities, and protection named in the
Constitution of the United States and secured by the act of Congress
aforesaid; and whenever such combinations and conspiracies do so
obstruct and hinder the execution of the laws of any such State and of
the United States as to deprive the people aforesaid of the rights,
privileges, immunities, and protection aforesaid, and do oppose and
obstruct the laws of the United States and their due execution, and
impede and obstruct the due course of justice under the same; and
whenever such combinations shall be organized and armed, and so numerous
and powerful as to be able by violence either to overthrow or to set at
defiance the constituted authorities of said State and of the United
States within such State; and whenever by reason of said causes the
conviction of such offenders and the preservation of the public peace
shall become in such State or part of a State impracticable; and

Whereas such unlawful combinations and conspiracies for the purposes
aforesaid are declared by the act of Congress aforesaid to be rebellion
against the Government of the United States; and

Whereas by said act of Congress it is provided that before the President
shall suspend the privileges of the writ of _habeas corpus_ he shall
first have made proclamation commanding such insurgents to disperse; and

Whereas on the 12th day of the present month of October the President of
the United States did issue his proclamation, reciting therein, among
other things, that such combinations and conspiracies did then exist in
the counties of Spartanburg, York, Marion, Chester, Laurens, Newberry,
Fairfield, Lancaster, and Chesterfield, in the State of South Carolina,
and commanding thereby all persons composing such unlawful combinations
and conspiracies to disperse and retire peaceably to their homes within
five days from the date thereof, and to deliver either to the marshal of
the United States for the district of South Carolina, or to any of his
deputies, or to any military officer of the United States within said
counties, all arms, ammunition, uniforms, disguises, and other means and
implements used, kept, possessed, or controlled by them for carrying out
the unlawful purposes for which the said combinations and conspiracies
are organized; and

Whereas the insurgents engaged in such unlawful combinations and
conspiracies within the counties aforesaid have not dispersed and
retired peaceably to their respective homes, and have not delivered to
the marshal of the United States, or to any of his deputies, or to any
military officer of the United States within said counties, all arms,
ammunition, uniforms, disguises, and other means and implements used,
kept, possessed, or controlled by them for carrying out the unlawful
purposes for which the combinations and conspiracies are organized, as
commanded by said proclamation, but do still persist in the unlawful
combinations and conspiracies aforesaid:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution of
the United States and the act of Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare
that in my judgment the public safety especially requires that the
privileges of the writ of _habeas corpus_ be suspended, to the end that
such rebellion may be overthrown, and do hereby suspend the privileges
of the writ of _habeas corpus_ within the counties of Spartanburg,
York, Marion, Chester, Laurens, Newberry, Fairfield, Lancaster, and
Chesterfield, in said State of South Carolina, in respect to all persons
arrested by the marshal of the United States for the said district of
South Carolina, or by any of his deputies, or by any military officer of
the United States, or by any soldier or citizen acting under the orders
of said marshal, deputy, or such military officer within any one of said
counties, charged with any violation of the act of Congress aforesaid,
during the continuance of such rebellion.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 17th day of October, A.D. 1871, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-sixth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  J.C. BANCROFT DAVIS,
    _Acting Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

The process of the seasons has again enabled the husbandman to garner
the fruits of successful toil. Industry has been generally well
rewarded. We are at peace with all nations, and tranquillity, with few
exceptions, prevails at home. Within the past year we have in the main
been free from ills which elsewhere have afflicted our kind. If some of
us have had calamities, these should be an occasion for sympathy with
the sufferers, of resignation on their part to the will of the Most
High, and of rejoicing to the many who have been more favored.

I therefore recommend that on Thursday, the 30th day of November next,
the people meet in their respective places of worship and there make the
usual annual acknowledgments to Almighty God for the blessings He has
conferred upon them, for their merciful exemption from evils, and invoke
His protection and kindness for their less fortunate brethren, whom in
His wisdom He has deemed it best to chastise.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 28th day of October, A.D. 1871, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-sixth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas in my proclamation of the 12th day of October, in the year 1871,
it was recited that certain unlawful combinations and conspiracies
existed in certain counties in the State of South Carolina for the
purpose of depriving certain portions and classes of the people of that
State of the rights, privileges, and immunities and protection named in
the Constitution of the United States and secured by the act of Congress
approved April 20, 1871, entitled "An act to enforce the provisions of
the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States," and
the persons composing such combinations and conspiracies were commanded
to disperse and to retire peaceably to their homes within five days from
said date; and

Whereas by my proclamation of the 17th day of October, in the year 1871,
the privileges of the writ of _habeas corpus_ were suspended in the
counties named in said proclamation; and

Whereas the county of Marion was named in said proclamations as one of
the counties in which said unlawful combinations and conspiracies for
the purposes aforesaid existed, and in which the privileges of the writ
of _habeas corpus_ were suspended; and

Whereas it has been ascertained that in said county of Marion said
combinations and conspiracies do not exist to the extent recited in said
proclamations; and

Whereas it has been ascertained that unlawful combinations and
conspiracies of the character and to the extent and for the purposes
described in said proclamations do exist in the county of Union in said
State:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States
of America, do hereby revoke, as to the said county of Marion, the
suspension of the privileges of the writ of _habeas corpus_ directed
in my said proclamation of the 17th day of October, 1871.

And I do hereby command all persons in the said county of Union
composing the unlawful combinations and conspiracies aforesaid to
disperse and to retire peaceably to their homes within five days of the
date hereof, and to deliver either to the marshal of the United States
for the district of South Carolina, or to any of his deputies, or to any
military officer of the United States within said county, all arms,
ammunition, uniforms, disguises, and other means and implements used,
kept, possessed, or controlled by them for carrying out the unlawful
purposes for which the combinations and conspiracies are organized.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 3d day of November, A.D. 1871, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-sixth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by an act of Congress entitled "An act to enforce the provisions
of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States,
and for other purposes," approved the 20th day of April, A.D. 1871,
power is given to the President of the United States, when in his
judgment the public safety shall require it, to suspend the privileges
of the writ of _habeas corpus_ in any State or part of a State whenever
combinations and conspiracies exist in such State or part of a State for
the purpose of depriving any portion or class of the people of such
State of the rights, privileges, immunities, and protection named in the
Constitution of the United States and secured by the act of Congress
aforesaid; and whenever such combinations and conspiracies do so
obstruct and hinder the execution of the laws of any such State and of
the United States as to deprive the people aforesaid of the rights,
privileges, immunities, and protection aforesaid, and do oppose and
obstruct the laws of the United States and their due execution, and
impede and obstruct the due course of justice under the same; and
whenever such combinations shall be organized and armed and so numerous
and powerful as to be able by violence either to overthrow or to set at
defiance the constituted authorities of said State and of the United
States within such State; and whenever by reason of said causes the
conviction of such offenders and the preservation of the public peace
shall become in such State or part of a State impracticable; and

Whereas such unlawful combinations and conspiracies for the purposes
aforesaid are declared by the act of Congress aforesaid to be rebellion
against the Government of the United States; and

Whereas by said act of Congress it is provided that before the President
shall suspend the privileges of the writ of _habeas corpus_ he shall
first have made proclamation commanding such insurgents to disperse; and

Whereas on the 3d day of the present month of November the President
of the United States did issue his proclamation, reciting therein,
among other things, that such combinations and conspiracies did then
exist in the county of Union, in the State of South Carolina, and
commanding thereby all persons composing such unlawful combinations and
conspiracies to disperse and retire peaceably to their homes within five
days from the date thereof, and to deliver either to the marshal of
the United States for the district of South Carolina, or to any of his
deputies, or to any military officer of the United States within said
county, all arms, ammunition, uniforms, disguises, and other means and
implements used, kept, possessed, or controlled by them for carrying out
the unlawful purposes for which the said combinations and conspiracies
are organized; and

Whereas the insurgents engaged in such unlawful combinations and
conspiracies within the county aforesaid have not dispersed and retired
peaceably to their respective homes, and have not delivered to the
marshal of the United States, or to any of his deputies, or to any
military officer of the United States within said county, all arms,
ammunition, uniforms, disguises, and other means and implements used,
kept, possessed, or controlled by them for carrying out the unlawful
purposes for which the combinations and conspiracies are organized, as
commanded by said proclamation, but do still persist in the unlawful
combinations and conspiracies aforesaid:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution of
the United States and the act of Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare
that in my judgment the public safety especially requires that the
privileges of the writ of _habeas corpus_ be suspended, to the end that
such rebellion may be overthrown, and do hereby suspend the privileges
of the writ of _habeas corpus_ within the county of Union, in said State
of South Carolina, in respect to all persons arrested by the marshal of
the United States for the said district of South Carolina, or by any of
his deputies, or by any military officer of the United States, or by any
soldier or citizen acting under the orders of said marshal, deputy, or
such military officer within said county, charged with any violation of
the act of Congress aforesaid, during the continuance of such rebellion.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of November, A.D. 1871,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
ninety-sixth.

[SEAL.]

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.




EXECUTIVE ORDER.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

EXECUTIVE ORDER.

WASHINGTON, _March 31, 1871_.

The act of June 15, 1852, section 1 (10 U.S. Statutes at Large, p. 10),
provides:

  That whenever any officer of either of the Territories of the United
  States shall be absent therefrom and from the duties of his office no
  salary shall be paid him during the year in which such absence shall
  occur, unless good cause therefor shall be shown to the President of
  the United States, who shall officially certify his opinion of such
  cause to the proper accounting officer of the Treasury, to be filed
  in his office.


It has been the practice under this law for the Territorial officers who
have desired to be absent from their respective Territories to apply for
leaves to the head of the proper Department at Washington, and when such
leave has been given the required certificate of the President has been
granted as a matter of course.

The unusual number of applications for leave of absence which have
been lately made by Territorial officers has induced the President to
announce that he expects the gentlemen who hold those offices to stay in
their respective Territories and to attend strictly to their official
duties. They have been appointed for service in the Territory and for
the benefit and convenience of the Territorial population. He expects
them by their personal presence to identify themselves with the people
and acquire local information, without which their duties can not be
well performed. Frequent or long absence makes them in some degree
strangers, and therefore less acceptable to the people. Their absence,
no matter with what substitution, must often put the people to
inconvenience. Executive officers may be required for emergencies which
could not be foreseen. Judges should be at hand, not only when the
courts are in session, but for matters of bail, _habeas corpus_, orders
in equity, examination of persons charged with crime, and other similar
business, which often arises in vacation.

These and similar considerations no doubt induced Congress to pass the
law above quoted.

It is therefore directed that in future the heads of Departments shall
grant leaves of absence to Territorial officers only for reasons of the
most urgent character, and then only for the shortest possible time.

By order of the President:

HAMILTON FISH, _Secretary of State_.




THIRD ANNUAL MESSAGE.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 4, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In addressing my third annual message to the law-making branch of the
Government it is gratifying to be able to state that during the past
year success has generally attended the effort to execute all laws found
upon the statute books. The policy has been not to inquire into the
wisdom of laws already enacted, but to learn their spirit and intent and
to enforce them accordingly.

The past year has, under a wise Providence, been one of general
prosperity to the nation. It has, however, been attended with more than
usual chastisements in the loss of life and property by storm and fire.
These disasters have served to call forth the best elements of human
nature in our country and to develop a friendship for us on the part
of foreign nations which goes far toward alleviating the distresses
occasioned by these calamities. The benevolent, who have so generously
shared their means with the victims of these misfortunes, will reap
their reward in the consciousness of having performed a noble act and
in receiving the grateful thanks of men, women, and children whose
sufferings they have relieved.

The relations of the United States with foreign powers continue to be
friendly. The year has been an eventful one in witnessing two great
nations, speaking one language and having one lineage, settling by
peaceful arbitration disputes of long standing and liable at any time to
bring those nations into bloody and costly conflict. An example has thus
been set which, if successful in its final issue, may be followed by
other civilized nations, and finally be the means of returning to
productive industry millions of men now maintained to settle the
disputes of nations by the bayonet and the broadside.

I transmit herewith a copy of the treaty alluded to, which has been
concluded since the adjournment of Congress with Her Britannic Majesty,
and a copy of the protocols of the conferences of the commissioners by
whom it was negotiated. This treaty provides methods for adjusting the
questions pending between the two nations.

Various questions are to be adjusted by arbitration. I recommend
Congress at an early day to make the necessary provision for the
tribunal at Geneva and for the several commissioners on the part of the
United States called for by the treaty.

His Majesty the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss Confederation,
and His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil have each consented, on the joint
request of the two powers, to name an arbiter for the tribunal at
Geneva. I have caused my thanks to be suitably expressed for the
readiness with which the joint request has been complied with, by the
appointment of gentlemen of eminence and learning to these important
positions.

His Majesty the Emperor of Germany has been pleased to comply with the
joint request of the two Governments, and has consented to act as the
arbitrator of the disputed water boundary between the United States and
Great Britain.

The contracting parties in the treaty have undertaken to regard as
between themselves certain principles of public law, for which the
United States have contended from the commencement of their history.
They have also agreed to bring those principles to the knowledge of the
other maritime powers and to invite them to accede to them. Negotiations
are going on as to the form of the note by which the invitation is to be
extended to the other powers.

I recommend the legislation necessary on the part of the United States
to bring into operation the articles of the treaty relating to the
fisheries and to the other matters touching the relations of the United
States toward the British North American possessions, to become
operative so soon as the proper legislation shall be had on the part of
Great Britain and its possessions. It is much to be desired that this
legislation may become operative before the fishermen of the United
States begin to make their arrangements for the coming season.

I have addressed a communication, of which a copy is transmitted
herewith, to the governors of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana,
Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin, urging upon the governments of those
States, respectively, the necessary action on their part to carry into
effect the object of the article of the treaty which contemplates the
use of the canals, on either side, connected with the navigation of the
lakes and rivers forming the boundary, on terms of equality, by the
inhabitants of both countries. It is hoped that the importance of the
object and the benefits to flow therefrom will secure the speedy
approval and legislative sanction of the States concerned.

I renew the recommendation for an appropriation for determining the true
position of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude where it forms the
boundary between the United States and the British North American
possessions, between the Lake of the Woods and the summit of the Rocky
Mountains. The early action of Congress on this recommendation would put
it in the power of the War Department to place a force in the field
during the next summer.

The resumption of diplomatic relations between France and Germany has
enabled me to give directions for the withdrawal of the protection
extended to Germans in France by the diplomatic and consular
representatives of the United States in that country. It is just to add
that the delicate duty of this protection has been performed by the
minister and the consul-general at Paris, and the various consuls in
France under the supervision of the latter, with great kindness as well
as with prudence and tact. Their course has received the commendation of
the German Government, and has wounded no susceptibility of the French.

The Government of the Emperor of Germany continues to manifest a
friendly feeling toward the United States, and a desire to harmonize
with the moderate and just policy which this Government maintains in
its relations with Asiatic powers, as well as with the South American
Republics. I have given assurances that the friendly feelings of that
Government are fully shared by the United States.

The ratifications of the consular and naturalization conventions with
the Austro-Hungarian Empire have been exchanged.

I have been officially informed of the annexation of the States of the
Church to the Kingdom of Italy, and the removal of the capital of that
Kingdom to Rome. In conformity with the established policy of the
United States, I have recognized this change. The ratifications of the
new treaty of commerce between the United States and Italy have been
exchanged. The two powers have agreed in this treaty that private
property at sea shall be exempt from capture in case of war between
the two powers. The United States have spared no opportunity of
incorporating this rule into the obligation of nations.

The Forty-first Congress, at its third session, made an appropriation
for the organization of a mixed commission for adjudicating upon the
claims of citizens of the United States against Spain growing out of
the insurrection in Cuba. That commission has since been organized. I
transmit herewith the correspondence relating to its formation and its
jurisdiction. It is to be hoped that this commission will afford the
claimants a complete remedy for their injuries.

It has been made the agreeable duty of the United States to preside over
a conference at Washington between the plenipotentiaries of Spain and
the allied South American Republics, which has resulted in an armistice,
with the reasonable assurance of a permanent peace.

The intimate friendly relations which have so long existed between the
United States and Russia continue undisturbed. The visit of the third
son of the Emperor is a proof that there is no desire on the part of his
Government to diminish the cordiality of those relations. The hospitable
reception which has been given to the Grand Duke is a proof that on our
side we share the wishes of that Government. The inexcusable course of
the Russian minister at Washington rendered it necessary to ask his
recall and to decline to longer receive that functionary as a diplomatic
representative. It was impossible, with self-respect or with a just
regard to the dignity of the country, to permit Mr. Catacazy to continue
to hold intercourse with this Government after his personal abuse of
Government officials, and during his persistent interferences, through
various means, with the relations between the United States and other
powers. In accordance with my wishes, this Government has been relieved
of further intercourse with Mr. Catacazy, and the management of the
affairs of the imperial legation has passed into the hands of a
gentleman entirely unobjectionable.

With Japan we continue to maintain intimate relations. The cabinet of
the Mikado has since the close of the last session of Congress selected
citizens of the United States to serve in offices of importance in
several departments of Government. I have reason to think that this
selection is due to an appreciation of the disinterestedness of the
policy which the United States have pursued toward Japan. It is our
desire to continue to maintain this disinterested and just policy with
China as well as Japan. The correspondence transmitted herewith shows
that there is no disposition on the part of this Government to swerve
from its established course.

Prompted by a desire to put an end to the barbarous treatment of our
shipwrecked sailors on the Korean coast, I instructed our minister at
Peking to endeavor to conclude a convention with Korea for securing the
safety and humane treatment of such mariners.

Admiral Rodgers was instructed to accompany him with a sufficient force
to protect him in case of need.

A small surveying party sent out, on reaching the coast was
treacherously attacked at a disadvantage. Ample opportunity was given
for explanation and apology for the insult. Neither came. A force was
then landed. After an arduous march over a rugged and difficult country,
the forts from which the outrages had been committed were reduced by a
gallant assault and were destroyed. Having thus punished the criminals,
and having vindicated the honor of the flag, the expedition returned,
finding it impracticable under the circumstances to conclude the desired
convention. I respectfully refer to the correspondence relating thereto,
herewith submitted, and leave the subject for such action as Congress
may see fit to take.

The Republic of Mexico has not yet repealed the very objectionable laws
establishing what is known as the "free zone" on the frontier of the
United States. It is hoped that this may yet be done, and also that more
stringent measures may be taken by that Republic for restraining lawless
persons on its frontiers. I hope that Mexico by its own action will soon
relieve this Government of the difficulties experienced from these
causes.

Our relations with the various Republics of Central and South America
continue, with one exception, to be cordial and friendly.

I recommend some action by Congress regarding the overdue installments
under the award of the Venezuelan Claims Commission of 1866. The
internal dissensions of this Government present no justification for the
absence of effort to meet their solemn treaty obligations.

The ratification of an extradition treaty with Nicaragua has been
exchanged.

It is a subject for congratulation that the great Empire of Brazil has
taken the initiatory step toward the abolition of slavery. Our relations
with that Empire, always cordial, will naturally be made more so by this
act. It is not too much to hope that the Government of Brazil may
hereafter find it for its interest, as well as intrinsically right, to
advance toward entire emancipation more rapidly than the present act
contemplates.

The true prosperity and greatness of a nation is to be found in the
elevation and education of its laborers.

It is a subject for regret that the reforms in this direction which were
voluntarily promised by the statesmen of Spain have not been carried out
in its West India colonies. The laws and regulations for the apparent
abolition of slavery in Cuba and Porto Rico leave most of the laborers
in bondage, with no hope of release until their lives become a burden to
their employers.

I desire to direct your attention to the fact that citizens of the
United States, or persons claiming to be citizens of the United States,
are large holders in foreign lands of this species of property,
forbidden by the fundamental law of their alleged country. I recommend
to Congress to provide by stringent legislation a suitable remedy
against the holding, owning, or dealing in slaves, or being interested
in slave property, in foreign lands, either as owners, hirers, or
mortgagors, by citizens of the United States.

It is to be regretted that the disturbed condition of the island of Cuba
continues to be a source of annoyance and of anxiety. The existence
of a protracted struggle in such close proximity to our own territory,
without apparent prospect of an early termination, can not be other than
an object of concern to a people who, while abstaining from interference
in the affairs of other powers, naturally desire to see every country in
the undisturbed enjoyment of peace, liberty, and the blessings of free
institutions.

Our naval commanders in Cuban waters have been instructed, in case it
should become necessary, to spare no effort to protect the lives and
property of _bona fide_ American citizens and to maintain the dignity
of the flag.

It is hoped that all pending questions with Spain growing out of the
affairs in Cuba may be adjusted in the spirit of peace and conciliation
which has hitherto guided the two powers in their treatment of such
questions.

To give importance to and to add to the efficiency of our diplomatic
relations with Japan and China, and to further aid in retaining the good
opinion of those peoples, and to secure to the United States its share
of the commerce destined to flow between those nations and the balance
of the commercial world, I earnestly recommend that an appropriation
be made to support at least four American youths in each of those
countries, to serve as a part of the official family of our ministers
there. Our representatives would not even then be placed upon an
equality with the representatives of Great Britain and of some other
powers. As now situated, our representatives in Japan and China have to
depend for interpreters and translators upon natives of those countries
who know our language imperfectly, or procure for the occasion the
services of employees in foreign business houses or the interpreters to
other foreign ministers.

I would also recommend liberal measures for the purpose of supporting
the American lines of steamers now plying between San Francisco and
Japan and China, and the Australian line--almost our only remaining
lines of ocean steamers--and of increasing their services.

The national debt has been reduced to the extent of $86,057,126.80
during the year, and by the negotiation of national bonds at a lower
rate of interest the interest on the public debt has been so far
diminished that now the sum to be raised for the interest account is
nearly $17,000,000 less than on the 1st of March, 1869. It was highly
desirable that this rapid diminution should take place, both to
strengthen the credit of the country and to convince its citizens
of their entire ability to meet every dollar of liability without
bankrupting them. But in view of the accomplishment of these desirable
ends; of the rapid development of the resources of the country; its
increasing ability to meet large demands, and the amount already
paid, it is not desirable that the present resources of the country
should continue to be taxed in order to continue this rapid payment.
I therefore recommend a modification of both the tariff and
internal-tax law. I recommend that all taxes from internal sources
be abolished, except those collected from spirituous, vinous, and
malt liquors, tobacco in its various forms, and from stamps.

In readjusting the tariff I suggest that a careful estimate be made of
the amount of surplus revenue collected under the present laws, after
providing for the current expenses of the Government, the interest
account, and a sinking fund, and that this surplus be reduced in such a
manner as to afford the greatest relief to the greatest number. There
are many articles not produced at home, but which enter largely into
general consumption through articles which are manufactured at home,
such as medicines compounded, etc., etc., from which very little revenue
is derived, but which enter into general use. All such articles I
recommend to be placed on the "free list." Should a further reduction
prove advisable, I would then recommend that it be made upon those
articles which can best bear it without disturbing home production or
reducing the wages of American labor.

I have not entered into figures, because to do so would be to repeat
what will be laid before you in the report of the Secretary of the
Treasury. The present laws for collecting revenue pay collectors
of customs small salaries, but provide for moieties (shares in all
seizures), which, at principal ports of entry particularly, raise the
compensation of those officials to a large sum. It has always seemed
to me as if this system must at times work perniciously. It holds out
an inducement to dishonest men, should such get possession of those
offices, to be lax in their scrutiny of goods entered, to enable them
finally to make large seizures. Your attention is respectfully invited
to this subject.

Continued fluctuations in the value of gold, as compared with the
national currency, has a most damaging effect upon the increase and
development of the country, in keeping up prices of all articles
necessary in everyday life. It fosters a spirit of gambling, prejudicial
alike to national morals and the national finances. If the question
can be met as to how to get a fixed value to our currency, that value
constantly and uniformly approaching par with specie, a very desirable
object will be gained.

For the operations of the Army in the past year, the expense of
maintaining it, the estimate for the ensuing year, and for continuing
seacoast and other improvements conducted under the supervision of the
War Department, I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary
of War.

I call your attention to the provisions of the act of Congress approved
March 3, 1869, which discontinues promotions in the staff corps of the
Army until provided for by law. I recommend that the number of officers
in each grade in the staff corps be fixed, and that whenever the number
in any one grade falls below the number so fixed, that the vacancy may
be filled by promotion from the grade below. I also recommend that when
the office of chief of a corps becomes vacant the place may be filled by
selection from the corps in which the vacancy exists.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows an improvement in the
number and efficiency of the naval force, without material increase in
the expense of supporting it. This is due to the policy which has been
adopted, and is being extended as fast as our material will admit, of
using smaller vessels as cruisers on the several stations. By this means
we have been enabled to occupy at once a larger extent of cruising
grounds, to visit more frequently the ports where the presence of our
flag is desirable, and generally to discharge more efficiently the
appropriate duties of the Navy in time of peace, without exceeding the
number of men or the expenditure authorized by law.

During the past year the Navy has, in addition to its regular service,
supplied the men and officers for the vessels of the Coast Survey, and
has completed the surveys authorized by Congress of the isthmuses of
Darien and Tehuantepec, and, under like authority, has sent out an
expedition, completely furnished and equipped, to explore the unknown
ocean of the north.

The suggestions of the report as to the necessity for increasing and
improving the _matériel_ of the Navy, and the plan recommended for
reducing the _personnel_ of the service to a peace standard, by the
gradual abolition of certain grades of officers, the reduction of
others, and the employment of some in the service of the commercial
marine, are well considered and deserve the thoughtful attention of
Congress.

I also recommend that all promotions in the Navy above the rank of
captain be by selection instead of by seniority. This course will secure
in the higher grades greater efficiency and hold out an incentive to
young officers to improve themselves in the knowledge of their
profession.

The present cost of maintaining the Navy, its cost compared with that of
the preceding year, and the estimates for the ensuing year are contained
in the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy.

The enlarged receipts of the Post-Office Department, as shown by the
accompanying report of the Postmaster-General, exhibit a gratifying
increase in that branch of the public service. It is the index of the
growth of education and of the prosperity of the people, two elements
highly conducive to the vigor and stability of republics. With a vast
territory like ours, much of it sparsely populated, but all requiring
the services of the mail, it is not at present to be expected that this
Department can be made self-sustaining. But a gradual approach to this
end from year to year is confidently relied on, and the day is not far
distant when the Post-Office Department of the Government will prove a
much greater blessing to the whole people than it is now.

The suggestions of the Postmaster-General for improvements in the
Department presided over by him are earnestly recommended to your
special attention. Especially do I recommend favorable consideration of
the plan for uniting the telegraphic system of the United States with
the postal system. It is believed that by such a course the cost of
telegraphing could be much reduced, and the service as well, if not
better, rendered. It would secure the further advantage of extending the
telegraph through portions of the country where private enterprise will
not construct it. Commerce, trade, and, above all, the efforts to bring
a people widely separated into a community of interest are always
benefited by a rapid intercommunication. Education, the groundwork of
republican institutions, is encouraged by increasing the facilities to
gather speedy news from all parts of the country. The desire to reap the
benefit of such improvements will stimulate education. I refer you to
the report of the Postmaster-General for full details of the operations
of last year and for comparative statements of results with former
years.

There has been imposed upon the executive branch of the Government the
execution of the act of Congress approved April 20, 1871, and commonly
known as the Kuklux law, in a portion of the State of South Carolina.
The necessity of the course pursued will be demonstrated by the report
of the Committee to Investigate Southern Outrages. Under the provisions
of the above act I issued a proclamation[48] calling the attention of
the people of the United States to the same, and declaring my reluctance
to exercise any of the extraordinary powers thereby conferred upon me,
except in case of imperative necessity, but making known my purpose to
exercise such powers whenever it should become necessary to do so for
the purpose of securing to all citizens of the United States the
peaceful enjoyment of the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution
and the laws.

After the passage of this law information was received from time to time
that combinations of the character referred to in this law existed and
were powerful in many parts of the Southern States, particularly in
certain counties in the State of South Carolina.

Careful investigation was made, and it was ascertained that in nine
counties of that State such combinations were active and powerful,
embracing a sufficient portion of the citizens to control the local
authority, and having, among other things, the object of depriving
the emancipated class of the substantial benefits of freedom and of
preventing the free political action of those citizens who did not
sympathize with their own views. Among their operations were frequent
scourgings and occasional assassinations, generally perpetrated at night
by disguised persons, the victims in almost all cases being citizens of
different political sentiments from their own or freed persons who had
shown a disposition to claim equal rights with other citizens. Thousands
of inoffensive and well-disposed citizens were the sufferers by this
lawless violence.

Thereupon, on the 12th of October, 1871, a proclamation[49] was issued,
in terms of the law, calling upon the members of those combinations to
disperse within five days and to deliver to the marshal or military
officers of the United States all arms, ammunition, uniforms, disguises,
and other means and implements used by them for carrying out their
unlawful purposes.

This warning not having been heeded, on the 17th of October another
proclamation[50] was issued, suspending the privileges of the writ of
_habeas corpus_ in nine counties in that State.

Direction was given that within the counties so designated persons
supposed, upon creditable information, to be members of such unlawful
combinations should be arrested by the military forces of the United
States and delivered to the marshal, to be dealt with according to law.
In two of said counties, York and Spartanburg, many arrests have been
made. At the last account the number of persons thus arrested was 168.
Several hundred, whose criminality was ascertained to be of an inferior
degree, were released for the present. These have generally made
confessions of their guilt.

Great caution has been exercised in making these arrests, and,
notwithstanding the large number, it is believed that no innocent person
is now in custody. The prisoners will be held for regular trial in the
judicial tribunals of the United States.

As soon as it appeared that the authorities of the United States were
about to take vigorous measures to enforce the law, many persons
absconded, and there is good ground for supposing that all of such
persons have violated the law. A full report of what has been done under
this law will be submitted to Congress by the Attorney-General.

In Utah there still remains a remnant of barbarism, repugnant to
civilization, to decency, and to the laws of the United States.
Territorial officers, however, have been found who are willing to
perform their duty in a spirit of equity and with a due sense of the
necessity of sustaining the majesty of the law. Neither polygamy nor
any other violation of existing statutes will be permitted within the
territory of the United States. It is not with the religion of the
self-styled Saints that we are now dealing, but with their practices.
They will be protected in the worship of God according to the dictates
of their consciences, but they will not be permitted to violate the laws
under the cloak of religion.

It may be advisable for Congress to consider what, in the execution of
the laws against polygamy, is to be the status of plural wives and their
offspring. The propriety of Congress passing an enabling act authorizing
the Territorial legislature of Utah to legitimize all children born
prior to a time fixed in the act might be justified by its humanity to
these innocent children. This is a suggestion only, and not a
recommendation.

The policy pursued toward the Indians has resulted favorably, so far
as can be judged from the limited time during which it has been in
operation. Through the exertions of the various societies of Christians
to whom has been intrusted the execution of the policy, and the board of
commissioners authorized by the law of April 10, 1869, many tribes of
Indians have been induced to settle upon reservations, to cultivate the
soil, to perform productive labor of various kinds, and to partially
accept civilization. They are being cared for in such a way, it is
hoped, as to induce those still pursuing their old habits of life to
embrace the only opportunity which is left them to avoid extermination.

I recommend liberal appropriations to carry out the Indian peace policy,
not only because it is humane, Christianlike, and economical, but
because it is right.

I recommend to your favorable consideration also the policy of granting
a Territorial government to the Indians in the Indian Territory west
of Arkansas and Missouri and south of Kansas. In doing so every right
guaranteed to the Indian by treaty should be secured. Such a course
might in time be the means of collecting most of the Indians now between
the Missouri and the Pacific and south of the British possessions into
one Territory or one State. The Secretary of the Interior has treated
upon this subject at length, and I commend to you his suggestions.

I renew my recommendation that the public lands be regarded as a
heritage to our children, to be disposed of only as required for
occupation and to actual settlers. Those already granted have been in
great part disposed of in such a way as to secure access to the balance
by the hardy settler who may wish to avail himself of them, but caution
should be exercised even in attaining so desirable an object.

Educational interest may well be served by the grant of the proceeds of
the sale of public lands to settlers. I do not wish to be understood as
recommending in the least degree a curtailment of what is being done by
the General Government for the encouragement of education.

The report of the Secretary of the Interior submitted with this will
give you all the information collected and prepared for publication in
regard to the census taken during the year 1870; the operations of the
Bureau of Education for the year; the Patent Office; the Pension Office;
the Land Office, and the Indian Bureau.

The report of the Commissioner of Agriculture gives the operations of
his Department for the year. As agriculture is the groundwork of our
prosperity, too much importance can not be attached to the labors of
this Department. It is in the hands of an able head, with able
assistants, all zealously devoted to introducing into the agricultural
productions of the nation all useful products adapted to any of the
various climates and soils of our vast territory, and to giving all
useful information as to the method of cultivation, the plants, cereals,
and other products adapted to particular localities. Quietly but surely
the Agricultural Bureau is working a great national good, and if
liberally supported the more widely its influence will be extended and
the less dependent we shall be upon the products of foreign countries.

The subject of compensation to the heads of bureaus and officials
holding positions of responsibility, and requiring ability and character
to fill properly, is one to which your attention is invited. But few of
the officials receive a compensation equal to the respectable support
of a family, while their duties are such as to involve millions of
interest. In private life services demand compensation equal to the
services rendered; a wise economy would dictate the same rule in the
Government service.

I have not given the estimates for the support of Government for the
ensuing year, nor the comparative statement between the expenditures
for the year just passed and the one just preceding, because all these
figures are contained in the accompanying reports or in those presented
directly to Congress. These estimates have my approval.

More than six years having elapsed since the last hostile gun was
fired between the armies then arrayed against each other--one for the
perpetuation, the other for the destruction, of the Union--it may well
be considered whether it is not now time that the disabilities imposed
by the fourteenth amendment should be removed. That amendment does not
exclude the ballot, but only imposes the disability to hold offices upon
certain classes. When the purity of the ballot is secure, majorities are
sure to elect officers reflecting the views of the majority. I do not
see the advantage or propriety of excluding men from office merely
because they were before the rebellion of standing and character
sufficient to be elected to positions requiring them to take oaths
to support the Constitution, and admitting to eligibility those
entertaining precisely the same views, but of less standing in their
communities. It may be said that the former violated an oath, while the
latter did not; the latter did not have it in their power to do so.
If they had taken this oath, it can not be doubted they would have
broken it as did the former class. If there are any great criminals,
distinguished above all others for the part they took in opposition to
the Government, they might, in the judgment of Congress, be excluded
from such an amnesty.

This subject is submitted for your careful consideration.

The condition of the Southern States is, unhappily, not such as all
true patriotic citizens would like to see. Social ostracism for
opinion's sake, personal violence or threats toward persons entertaining
political views opposed to those entertained by the majority of the old
citizens, prevents immigration and the flow of much-needed capital into
the States lately in rebellion. It will be a happy condition of the
country when the old citizens of these States will take an interest in
public affairs, promulgate ideas honestly entertained, vote for men
representing their views, and tolerate the same freedom of expression
and ballot in those entertaining different political convictions.

Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved February 21, 1871,
a Territorial government was organized in the District of Columbia. Its
results have thus far fully realized the expectations of its advocates.
Under the direction of the Territorial officers, a system of
improvements has been inaugurated by means of which Washington is
rapidly becoming a city worthy of the nation's capital. The citizens of
the District having voluntarily taxed themselves to a large amount for
the purpose of contributing to the adornment of the seat of Government,
I recommend liberal appropriations on the part of Congress, in order
that the Government may bear its just share of the expense of carrying
out a judicious system of improvements.

By the great fire in Chicago the most important of the Government
buildings in that city were consumed. Those burned had already become
inadequate to the wants of the Government in that growing city, and,
looking to the near future, were totally inadequate. I recommend,
therefore, that an appropriation be made immediately to purchase the
remainder of the square on which the burned buildings stood, provided it
can be purchased at a fair valuation, or provided that the legislature
of Illinois will pass a law authorizing its condemnation for Government
purposes; and also an appropriation of as much money as can properly be
expended toward the erection of new buildings during this fiscal year.

The number of immigrants ignorant of our laws, habits, etc., coming into
our country annually has become so great and the impositions practiced
upon them so numerous and flagrant that I suggest Congressional action
for their protection. It seems to me a fair subject of legislation by
Congress. I can not now state as fully as I desire the nature of the
complaints made by immigrants of the treatment they receive, but will
endeavor to do so during the session of Congress, particularly if the
subject should receive your attention.

It has been the aim of the Administration to enforce honesty and
efficiency in all public offices. Every public servant who has
violated the trust placed in him has been proceeded against with all the
rigor of the law. If bad men have secured places, it has been the fault
of the system established by law and custom for making appointments,
or the fault of those who recommend for Government positions persons
not sufficiently well known to them personally, or who give letters
indorsing the characters of office seekers without a proper sense
of the grave responsibility which such a course devolves upon them.
A civil-service reform which can correct this abuse is much desired.
In mercantile pursuits the business man who gives a letter of
recommendation to a friend to enable him to obtain credit from a
stranger is regarded as morally responsible for the integrity of his
friend and his ability to meet his obligations. A reformatory law which
would enforce this principle against all indorsers of persons for public
place would insure great caution in making recommendations. A salutary
lesson has been taught the careless and the dishonest public servant in
the great number of prosecutions and convictions of the last two years.

It is gratifying to notice the favorable change which is taking place
throughout the country in bringing to punishment those who have proven
recreant to the trusts confided to them and in elevating to public
office none but those who possess the confidence of the honest and the
virtuous, who, it will always be found, comprise the majority of the
community in which they live.

In my message to Congress one year ago I urgently recommended a
reform in the civil service of the country. In conformity with that
recommendation Congress, in the ninth section of "An act making
appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government, and for
other purposes," approved March 3, 1871, gave the necessary authority
to the Executive to inaugurate a civil-service reform, and placed upon
him the responsibility of doing so. Under the authority of said act I
convened a board of gentlemen eminently qualified for the work to devise
rules and regulations to effect the needed reform. Their labors are not
yet complete, but it is believed that they will succeed in devising a
plan that can be adopted to the great relief of the Executive, the heads
of Departments, and members of Congress, and which will redound to the
true interest of the public service. At all events, the experiment shall
have a fair trial.

I have thus hastily summed up the operations of the Government during
the last year, and made such suggestions as occur to me to be proper for
your consideration. I submit them with a confidence that your combined
action will be wise, statesmanlike, and in the best interests of the
whole country.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 48: See pp. 134-135.]

[Footnote 49: See pp. 135-136.]

[Footnote 50: See pp. 136-138.]




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 4, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In compliance with section 2 of the act making appropriations for the
consular and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the year ending
June 30, 1871, approved July 11, 1870, I herewith transmit the names and
reports of and the amounts paid to consular agents of the United States.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 4, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith to Congress a report, dated November 8, 1871,
received from the Secretary of State, in compliance with the requirement
of the act of March 3, 1871, making appropriations, among other things,
for the increase of expenses and compensation of certain diplomatic
and consular officers of the United States on account of the late war
between France and Prussia. The expenditures therein mentioned have
been made on my approval.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 4, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I herewith transmit to Congress a report, dated the 4th instant, with
the accompanying papers,[51] received from the Secretary of State, in
compliance with the requirements of the eighteenth section of the act
entitled "An act to regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of the
United States," approved August 18, 1856.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 51: Report of fees collected, etc., by consular officers of
the United States for 1870, and tariff of consular fees prescribed by
the President October 1, 1870.]



WASHINGTON, _December 5, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In pursuance of the provisions of the second section of the act approved
June 20, 1864, entitled "An act making appropriations for the consular
and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the year ending the 30th
of June, 1865, and for other purposes," I inform Congress that William
Heine, a consular clerk, was on the 30th of August last removed from
office for the following cause, viz: Insubordination, disobedience of
orders, and disrespectful conduct toward his superiors.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _December 6, 1871_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 5th
instant, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
papers.[52]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 52: Correspondence relative to the retirement of Constantin de
Catacazy, minister from Russia to the United States.]


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 19, 1871_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In accordance with the act of Congress approved March 3, 1871,
I convened a commission of eminent gentlemen to devise rules and
regulations for the purpose of reforming the civil service. Their labors
are now completed, and I transmit herewith their report,[53] together
with the rules which they recommend for my action. These rules have been
adopted and will go into effect on the 1st day of January, 1872.

Under the law referred to, as I interpret it, the authority is already
invested in the Executive to enforce these regulations, with full power
to abridge, alter, or amend them, at his option, when changes may be
deemed advisable.

These views, together with the report of the commissioners, are
submitted for your careful consideration as to whether further
legislation may be necessary in order to carry out an effective and
beneficial civil-service reform. If left to me, without further
Congressional action, the rules prescribed by the commission, under the
reservation already mentioned, will be faithfully executed; but they are
not binding, without further legislation, upon my successors.

Being desirous of bringing this subject to the attention of Congress
before the approaching recess, I have not time to sufficiently examine
the accompanying report to enable me to suggest definite legislative
action to insure the support which may be necessary in order to give
a thorough trial to a policy long needed.

I ask for all the strength which Congress can give me to enable
me to carry out the reforms in the civil service recommended by the
commission, and adopted to take effect, as before stated, on January 1,
1872.

The law which provides for the convening of a commission to devise
rules and regulations for reforming the civil service authorizes,
I think, the permanent organization of a primary board under whose
general direction all examinations of applicants for public office shall
be conducted. There is no appropriation to continue such a board beyond
the termination of its present labors. I therefore recommend that a
proper appropriation be made to continue the services of the present
board for another year, and in view of the fact that three members of
the board held positions in the public service, which precludes them
from receiving extra compensation, under existing laws, that they be
authorized to receive a fair compensation for extra services rendered
by them in the performance of this duty.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 53: Omitted.]


RULES FOR THE CIVIL SERVICE.

1. No person shall be admitted to any position in the civil service
within the appointment of the President or the heads of Departments who
is not a citizen of the United States; who shall not have furnished
satisfactory evidence in regard to character, health, and age, and who
shall not have passed a satisfactory examination in speaking, reading,
and writing the English language.

2. An advisory board of suitable persons, to be employed by the
President under the ninth section of the act of March 3, 1871, entitled
"An act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the
Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1872, and for other
purposes," shall, so far as practicable, group the positions in each
branch of the civil service according to the character of the duties to
be performed, and shall grade each group from lowest to highest for the
purpose of promotion within the group. Admission to the civil service
shall always be to the lowest grade of any group; and to such positions
as can not be grouped or graded admission shall be determined as
provided for the lowest grade.

3. A vacancy occurring in the lowest grade of any group of offices shall
be filled, after due public notice, from all applicants who shall
present themselves, and who shall have furnished the evidence and
satisfied the preliminary examination already mentioned, and who shall
have passed a public competitive examination to test knowledge, ability,
and special qualifications for the performance of the duties of the
office. The board conducting such competitive examination shall prepare,
under the supervision of the Advisory Board, a list of the names of the
applicants in the order of their excellence as proved by such
examination, beginning with the highest, and shall then certify to the
nominating or appointing power, as the case may be, the names standing
at the head of such list, not exceeding three, and from the names thus
certified the appointment shall be made.

4. A vacancy occurring in any grade of a group of offices above the
lowest shall be filled by a competitive examination of applicants from
the other grades of that group, and the list of names from which the
appointment is to be made shall be prepared and certified as provided
in the preceding rule; but if no such applicants are found competent
the appointment shall be made upon an examination of all applicants,
conducted in accordance with the provisions for admission to the lowest
grade.

5. Applicants certified as otherwise qualified for appointment as
cashiers of collectors of customs, cashiers of assistant treasurers,
cashiers of postmasters, superintendents of money-order divisions in
post-offices, and such other custodians of large sums of money as may
hereafter be designated by the Advisory Board, and for whose pecuniary
fidelity another officer is responsible, shall, nevertheless, not be
appointed except with the approval of such other officer.

6. Postmasters whose annual salary is less than $200 may be appointed
upon the written request of applicants, with such evidence of character
and fitness as shall be satisfactory to the head of the Department.

7. The appointment of all persons entering the civil service in
accordance with these regulations, excepting persons appointed by the
President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, postmasters,
and persons appointed to any position in a foreign country, shall be
made for a probationary term of six months, during which the conduct and
capacity of such persons shall be tested; and if at the end of said
probationary term satisfactory proofs of their fitness shall have been
furnished by the board of examiners to the head of the Department in
which they shall have been employed during said term, they shall be
reappointed.

8. The President will designate three persons in each Department of
the public service to serve as a board of examiners, which, under the
supervision of the Advisory Board and under regulations to be prescribed
by it, and at such times and places as it may determine, shall conduct,
personally or by persons approved by the Advisory Board, all
investigations and examinations for admission into said Departments or
for promotion therein.

9. Any person who, after long and faithful service in a Department,
shall be incapacitated by mental or bodily infirmity for the efficient
discharge of the duties of his position may be appointed by the head of
the Department, at his discretion, to a position of less responsibility
in the same Department.

10. Nothing in these rules shall prevent the appointment of aliens to
positions in the consular service which by reason of small compensation
or of other sufficient cause are, in the judgment of the appointing
power, necessarily so filled, nor the appointment of such persons within
the United States as are indispensable to a proper discharge of the
duties of certain positions, but who may not be familiar with the
English language or legally capable of naturalization.

11. No head of a Department nor any subordinate officer of the
Government shall, as such officer, authorize or permit or assist in
levying any assessment of money for political purposes, under the form
of voluntary contributions or otherwise, upon any person employed under
his control, nor shall any such person pay any money so assessed.

12. The Advisory Board shall at any time recommend to the President such
changes in these rules as it may consider necessary to secure the
greater efficiency of the civil service.

13. From these rules are excepted the heads of Departments, Assistant
Secretaries of Departments, Assistant Attorneys-General, and First
Assistant Postmaster-General, Solicitor-General, Solicitor of the
Treasury, Naval Solicitor, Solicitor of Internal Revenue, examiner of
claims in the State Department, Treasurer of the United States, Register
of the Treasury, First and Second Comptrollers of the Treasury, judges
of the United States courts, district attorneys, private secretary of
the President, ambassadors and other public ministers, Superintendent
of the Coast Survey, Director of the Mint, governors of Territories,
special commissioners, special counsel, visiting and examining boards,
persons appointed to positions without compensation for services,
dispatch agents, and bearers of dispatches.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 20, 1871_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 6th
instant, requesting information in regard to certain measures with
reference to the Spanish West Indies, I transmit reports from the
Secretary of State and of the Navy, with the documents by which they
were accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 8, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 6th of
December, requesting to be informed if any further action is necessary
by Congress to secure the immediate temporary preservation of the
archives or public records now in the State Department, I transmit a
report and accompanying papers from the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 9, 1872_.

_To the Senate:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th of December
last, calling for certain correspondence relating to the subject of
international coinage not heretofore furnished, I transmit herewith a
report from the Secretary of State, with the papers which accompanied
it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 15, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate with a view to
ratification, a convention between the United States and His Majesty the
Emperor of Austria-Hungary, relative to the protection of trade-marks.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 15, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate with a view to
ratification, a convention between the United States and His Majesty the
Emperor of Germany, relative to the rights, privileges, and duties of
consuls and to the protection of trade-marks, signed at Berlin on the
11th ultimo.

A copy of the dispatch of the 11th ultimo from Mr. Bancroft, which
accompanied the convention, is also transmitted for the information of
the Senate.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _January 16, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 16th of May last,
calling for papers, correspondence, and information relating to the case
of the ship _Hudson_ and schooner _Washington_[54] I transmit reports
from the Secretaries of State and of the Navy and the papers by which
they were accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 54: Seized by British authorities at the Falkland Islands in
1854.]



WASHINGTON, _January 30, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th
instant, calling for certain correspondence relating to the release of
the Fenian prisoner William G. Halpine, I transmit herewith a report of
the Secretary of State.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 2, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 16th
ultimo, a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying
papers.[55]

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 55: Correspondence relative to the seizure and detention of
the American steamers _Hero, Dudley Buck, Nutrias_, and _San Fernando_,
property of the Venezuela Steam Transportation Company, and the virtual
imprisonment of the officers of those vessels.]



WASHINGTON, _February 13, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution adopted by the Senate on the 19th of
December last, relative to questions with Spain growing out of affairs
in Cuba and to instructions to our naval commanders in Cuban waters,
I transmit reports from the Secretaries of State and of the Navy.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 13, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 8th instant, I transmit
a report from the Secretary of State and the copy of the case of the
United States presented to the tribunal of arbitration at Geneva, which
accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit herewith, for the consideration of the Senate, a preliminary
report of Dr. E.C. Wines, appointed under a joint resolution of Congress
of the 7th of March, 1871, as commissioner of the United States to the
international congress on the prevention and repression of crime,
including penal and reformatory treatment.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 11, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith a report,[56] dated the 5th instant, received from
the Secretary of State, in compliance with the resolution of the House
of Representatives of the 28th of February ultimo.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 56: Relative to the number of consular and commercial agents
of the United States abroad who speak or write the language of the
country in which their districts are situated.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 15, 1872_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I have the honor herewith to transmit to Congress a recommendation from
Hon. M.D. Leggett, Commissioner of Patents, for the reorganization of
his office, and also the letter of the Secretary of the Interior
accompanying it.

I concur with the Secretary of the Interior in the views expressed in
his letter, and recommend the careful consideration of Congress to the
subject of this communication, and action which will secure a more
efficient performance of the duties of the Patent Office than is
practicable under present legislation.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 16, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith a report,[57] dated the 16th instant, received from
the Secretary of State, in compliance with the resolution of the House
of Representatives of the 7th instant.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 57: Stating that there are no papers in the Department of
State to show that the inhabitants of the Navigators Islands, in the
Pacific Ocean, have made application to have the protection of the
United States extended over said islands.]



WASHINGTON, _March 19, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to its
ratification, a "general convention of friendship, commerce, and
extradition" between the United States and the Orange Free State, signed
at Bloemfontein on the 22d of December last by W.W. Edgcomb, consul of
the United States at Cape Town, acting on behalf of this Government, and
by Mr. F.K. Höhne on behalf of the Orange Free State.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _March 20, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith a report,[58] dated the 20th instant, received from
the Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the House
of Representatives of the 28th ultimo.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 58: Transmitting a translation of the Spanish royal decree of
July 6, 1860, prescribing regulations for the introduction of Chinese
laborers into Cuba, and translation of a decree of Count Valmaseda,
Captain-General of Cuba, of December 13, 1871, relative to the decree of
July 6, 1860.]



WASHINGTON, _March 23, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States:_

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 20th
instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, with a list
of the newspapers[59] which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 59: Selected to publish the laws of the United States for the
second session of the Forty-second Congress.]



WASHINGTON, _March 28, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their
resolution of the 19th instant, a report of the Secretary of State and
the papers[60] which accompany the same.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 60: Correspondence relative to the imprisonment by Spanish
authorities of Dr. J.R. Houard, a citizen of the United States, charged
with complicity in the insurrection in Cuba.]



WASHINGTON, _April 2, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 18th of January last,
relating to British light-house dues, I transmit herewith a report from
the Secretary of State and the documents which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 4, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 14th
of January last, I transmit herewith a report[61] of the Secretary of
State.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 61: Stating that the report of Richard D. Cutts on the
marketable products of the sea was transmitted with the message of
President Johnson of February 17, 1869.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 19, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 25th
of January last, I have the honor to submit the following, accompanied
by the report of the Attorney-General, to whom the resolution was
referred:

Representations having been made to me that in certain portions of South
Carolina a condition of lawlessness and terror existed, I requested the
then Attorney-General (Akerman) to visit that State, and after personal
examination to report to me the facts in relation to the subject.
On the 16th of October last he addressed me a communication from South
Carolina, in which he stated that in the counties of Spartanburg,
York, Chester, Union, Laurens, Newberry, Fairfield, Lancaster, and
Chesterfield there were combinations for the purpose of preventing the
free political action of citizens who were friendly to the Constitution
and the Government of the United States, and of depriving emancipated
classes of the equal protection of the laws.

"These combinations embrace at least two-thirds of the active white men
of those counties, and have the sympathy and countenance of a majority
of the one-third. They are connected with similar combinations in other
counties and States, and no doubt are part of a grand system of criminal
associations pervading most of the Southern States. The members are
bound to obedience and secrecy by oaths which they are taught to regard
as of higher obligation than the lawful oaths taken before civil
magistrates.

"They are organized and armed. They effect their objects by personal
violence, often extending to murder. They terrify witnesses; they
control juries in the State courts, and sometimes in the courts of
the United States. Systematic perjury is one of the means by which
prosecutions of the members are defeated. From information given by
officers of the State and of the United States and by credible private
citizens I am justified in affirming that the instances of criminal
violence perpetrated by these combinations within the last twelve
months in the above-named counties could be reckoned by thousands."

I received information of a similar import from various other sources,
among which were the Joint Select Committee of Congress upon Southern
Outrages, the officers of the State, the military officers of the United
States on duty in South Carolina, the United States attorney and
marshal, and other civil officers of the Government, repentant and
abjuring members of those unlawful organizations, persons specially
employed by the Department of Justice to detect crimes against the
United States, and from other credible persons.

Most, if not all, of this information, except what I derived from the
Attorney-General, came to me orally, and was to the effect that said
counties were under the sway of powerful combinations, properly known as
"Kuklux Klans," the objects of which were by force and terror to prevent
all political action not in accord with the views of the members; to
deprive colored citizens of the right to bear arms and of the right to a
free ballot; to suppress schools in which colored children were taught,
and to reduce the colored people to a condition closely akin to that of
slavery; that these combinations were organized and armed, and had
rendered the local laws ineffectual to protect the classes whom they
desired to oppress; that they had perpetrated many murders and hundreds
of crimes of minor degree, all of which were unpunished; and that
witnesses could not safely testify against them unless the more active
members were placed under restraint.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 20, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit, for the information of the House of Representatives, a
report from the Secretary of State and the copy of the counter case of
the United States in the matter of the claims against Great Britain, as
presented to the board of arbitration at Geneva, which accompanies it.

U.S. GRANT.

[The same message was sent to the Senate.]



WASHINGTON, _April 24, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States:_

In answer to a resolution of the 22d instant, I transmit to the House
of Representatives a report from the Secretary of State, with the British
case[62] and papers which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 62: Presented to the board of arbitration at Geneva.]



_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday,
I transmit a report of the Secretary of State and copies of the British
counter case,[63] and the volumes of appendixes to the British case
which accompany it.

U.S. GRANT.

APRIL 29, 1872.

[Footnote 63: Presented to the board of arbitration at Geneva.]



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 30, 1872_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I have the honor to transmit herewith the annual report of the board
of public works of the District of Columbia, submitted to me for that
purpose by the governor of the Territory in accordance with section 37
of "An act to provide a government for the District of Columbia,"
approved February 21, 1871.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, D.C., _May 7, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th
of March last, I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of State and
the papers[64] which accompanied it.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 64: Correspondence relative to the claim of the owners of
the steamer _Aroostook_ for compensation for the use of that vessel in
searching for bodies and property lost in the United States steamer
_Oneida_, wrecked in the Bay of Yedo in 1870.]



WASHINGTON, _May 7, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate with a view to its
ratification, a convention between the United States and the Republic
of Ecuador for the purpose of regulating the citizenship of persons who
emigrate from the one country to the other, which instrument was signed
in this city on the 6th instant.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 7, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I herewith communicate to the Senate a report from the Acting Secretary
of the Interior of this date, in answer to the resolution of that body
adopted on the 23d ultimo, calling for information relative to the
recent affray at the court-house in Going Snake district, Indian
Territory.

In view of the feeling of hostility which exists between the Cherokees
and the United States authorities of the western district of Arkansas,
it seems to be necessary that Congress should adopt such measures as
will tend to allay that feeling and at the same time secure the
enforcement of the laws in that Territory.

I therefore concur with the Acting Secretary of the Interior in
suggesting the adoption of a pending bill for the erection of a judicial
district within the Indian Territory, as a measure which will afford the
most immediate remedy for the existing troubles.

U.S. GRANT.

[A similar message, dated May 10, was sent to the House of
Representatives, in answer to a resolution of that body of April 29.]



WASHINGTON, _May 13, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit herewith the correspondence which has recently taken place
respecting the differences of opinion which have arisen between this
Government and that of Great Britain with regard to the powers of the
tribunal of arbitration created under the treaty signed at Washington
May 8, 1871.

I respectfully invite the attention of the Senate to the proposed
article submitted by the British Government with the object of removing
the differences which seem to threaten the prosecution of the
arbitration, and request an expression by the Senate of their
disposition in regard to advising and consenting to the formal adoption
of an article such as is proposed by the British Government.

The Senate is aware that the consultation with that body in advance
of entering into agreements with foreign states has many precedents.
In the early days of the Republic General Washington repeatedly asked
their advice upon pending questions with such powers. The most important
recent precedent is that of the Oregon boundary treaty, in 1846.

The importance of the results hanging upon the present state of the
treaty with Great Britain leads me to follow these former precedents
and to desire the counsel of the Senate in advance of agreeing to the
proposal of Great Britain.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 14, 1872_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:_

In my message to Congress at the beginning of its present session
allusion was made to the hardships and privations inflicted upon poor
immigrants on shipboard and upon arrival on our shores, and a suggestion
was made favoring national legislation for the purpose of effecting a
radical cure of the evil.

Promise was made that a special message on this subject would be
presented during the present session should information be received
which would warrant it. I now transmit to the two Houses of Congress
all that has been officially received since that time bearing upon the
subject, and recommend that such legislation be had as will secure,
first, such room and accommodation on shipboard as is necessary for
health and comfort, and such privacy and protection as not to compel
immigrants to be the unwilling witnesses to so much vice and misery;
and, second, legislation to protect them upon their arrival at our
seaports from the knaves who are ever ready to despoil them of the
little all which they are able to bring with them. Such legislation
will be in the interests of humanity, and seems to be fully justifiable.
The immigrant is not a citizen of any State or Territory upon his
arrival, but comes here to become a citizen of a great Republic, free
to change his residence at will, to enjoy the blessings of a protecting
Government, where all are equal before the law, and to add to the
national wealth by his industry.

On his arrival he does not know States or corporations, but confides
implicitly in the protecting arm of the great, free country of which
he has heard so much before leaving his native land. It is a source of
serious disappointment and discouragement to those who start with means
sufficient to support them comfortably until they can choose a residence
and begin employment for a comfortable support to find themselves
subject to ill treatment and every discomfort on their passage here, and
at the end of their journey seized upon by professed friends, claiming
legal right to take charge of them for their protection, who do not
leave them until all their resources are exhausted, when they are
abandoned in a strange land, surrounded by strangers, without employment
and ignorant of the means of securing it. Under the present system this
is the fate of thousands annually, the exposures on shipboard and the
treatment on landing driving thousands to lives of vice and shame who,
with proper humane treatment, might become useful and respectable
members of society.

I do not advise national legislation in affairs that should be regulated
by the States; but I see no subject more national in its character than
provision for the safety and welfare of the thousands who leave foreign
lands to become citizens of this Republic.

When their residence is chosen, they may then look to the laws of their
locality for protection and guidance.

The mass of immigrants arriving upon our shores, coming, as they do, on
vessels under foreign flags, makes treaties with the nations furnishing
these immigrants necessary for their complete protection. For more than
two years efforts have been made on our part to secure such treaties,
and there is now reasonable ground to hope for success.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 14, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In answer to a resolution of the Senate of the 28th of March last, I
transmit herewith copies of the correspondence between the Department of
State and the consul of the United States at Bucharest relative to the
persecution and oppression of the Israelites in the Principality of
Roumania.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 15, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I transmit herewith, for the information of the House of
Representatives, the correspondence which has recently taken place
respecting the differences of opinion which have arisen between this
Government and that of Great Britain with regard to the powers of the
tribunal of arbitration created under the treaty signed at Washington
May 8, 1871, and which has led to certain negotiations, still pending,
between the two Governments.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 17, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I herewith transmit to the Senate a communication of this date from
the Acting Secretary of the Interior, and the papers therein described,
containing information[65] called for in the Senate resolution of the 23d
ultimo, which was answered in part on the 8th [7th] instant.

U.S. GRANT.

[Footnote 65: Relating to acts of United States marshals and deputy
marshals in that portion of the western district of Arkansas comprising
the Indian country.]



WASHINGTON, _May 21, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 14th
instant, requesting information in regard to the commerce between the
United States and certain British colonial possessions, I transmit a
report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was
accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 22, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 20th
instant, requesting me to join the Italian Government in a protest
against the intolerant and cruel treatment of the Jews in Roumania, I
transmit a report from the Secretary of State relative to the subject.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 22, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration, an agreement between
the Great Chief of the island of Tutuila, one of the Samoan group, in
the South Pacific, and Commander R.W. Meade, commanding the United
States steamer _Narragansett_, bearing date the 17th of February last.
This instrument proposes to confer upon this Government the exclusive
privilege of establishing a naval station in the dominions of that chief
for the equivalent of protecting those dominions.

A copy of a letter of the 15th instant, and of its accompaniment,
addressed by the Secretary of the Navy to the Secretary of State,
descriptive of Tutuila and of other islands of the group, and of a
letter in the nature of a protest from a person claiming to be consul
of the North German Confederation in that quarter, are also herewith
transmitted. No report has yet been received from Commander Meade on the
subject. Although he was without special instructions or authority to
enter into such agreement, the advantages of the concession which it
proposes to make are so great, in view of the advantageous position
of Tutuila, especially as a coaling station for steamers between San
Francisco and Australia, that I should not hesitate to recommend its
approval but for the protection on the part of the United States
which it seems to imply. With some modification of the obligation
of protection which the agreement imports, it is recommended to the
favorable consideration of the Senate.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 23, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I have the honor to transmit herewith, in answer to the resolution
of the Senate of March 12, requesting to be informed of "the amount
of money expended by the Government of the United States during the
last three years for telegraphing by ocean cables," reports from the
different Departments of the Government, to which the resolution was
referred.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 24, 1872_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In compliance with section 2 of the act approved July 11, 1870, entitled
"An act making appropriations for the consular and diplomatic expenses
of the Government for the year ending June 30, 1871, and for other
purposes," I have the honor to transmit herewith the report of D.B.R.
Keim, agent to examine consular affairs.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 28, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In further answer to the resolution of the 14th instant of the House of
Representatives, wherein information in regard to commerce between the
United States and certain British colonial possessions is requested, I
transmit a report from the Postmaster-General and the document by which
it was accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _May 28, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 7th
instant, requesting copies of correspondence in regard to an extradition
treaty with Belgium, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and
the documents by which it was accompanied.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 31, 1872_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

I have the honor to respectfully call the attention of Congress to an
act approved July 14, 1870, directing the Secretary of War to place at
the disposal of the President certain bronze ordnance, to aid in the
erection of an equestrian statue of the late General John A. Rawlins,
and to the facts that no appropriation of money to pay for the statue
is made by the resolution and no artist is named or party designated to
whom the ordnance is to be delivered. In view of the ambiguity of the
statute, I would recommend that Congress signify what action is desired
as to the selection of the artist, and that the necessary sum required
for the erection of the monument be appropriated. A board of officers
should also be named to designate the location of the monument.

U.S. GRANT.




VETO MESSAGES.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 28, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I herewith return, for the further consideration of Congress, without
my approval, House bill No. 1550, "An act for the relief of the estate
of Dr. John F. Hanks," for the reason that the records of the Treasury
Department show that the current moneys taken by Colonel S.B. Holabird
from the Louisiana State Bank of New Orleans in the month of August,
1862, were accounted for by that officer to the Treasury Department,
and the names of the depositors given, and that the name of Dr. John
F. Hanks does not appear among them.

It also appears from the records of the Treasury Department that among
the effects taken from the Louisiana State Bank of New Orleans was the
sum of $1,729 of Confederate money, and that the said sum stood upon
the books of said bank to the credit of J.F. Hanks. It is but justice,
however, to the executors of the estate of Dr. Hanks to state that there
is every reason to believe that the money deposited by Dr. Hanks in the
Louisiana State Bank was in current funds, and that when application was
made to Congress for the recovery of the same they believed, and had
evidence to satisfy them, that such funds had found their way into the
Treasury of the United States. There has unquestionably been a mistake
made, either by the officers of the Louisiana State Bank or the persons
engaged in removing the funds of that bank, by which the estate of Dr.
Hanks is loser to the amount of relief afforded by House bill No. 1550.

Accompanying this I send the statement furnished by the Secretary of the
Treasury of the funds covered into his Department, and accounted for
through it, arising from the seizure of funds of the Louisiana State
Bank of New Orleans in the month of August, 1862.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 1, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I return herewith, for the further consideration of Congress, House
bill No. 1867, "An act for the relief of James T. Johnston," without my
approval, for the reason that the records of the Treasury Department
show that the lot sold in the name of J.T. Johnston, situate on Prince
street, Alexandria, Va., for taxes due the United States, is numbered
162, instead of 163, as represented in this bill. With the exception of
this discrepancy in the number of the lot there is no reason why the
bill should not receive my approval.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _April 10, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I have received and taken into consideration the bill entitled "An act
for the relief of the children of John M. Baker, deceased," and,
pursuant to the duty required of me by the Constitution, I return the
same with my objections to the House of Representatives, in which it
originated.

The bill proposes to pay a sum of money to the children of John M.
Baker, deceased, late United States consul at Rio Janeiro, for services
of that person as acting chargé d'affaires of the United States
in the year 1834. So far as it can be ascertained it is apprehended
that the bill may have received the sanction of Congress through some
inadvertence, for upon inquiry at the proper Department it appears that
Mr. Baker never did act as chargé d'affaires of the United States at Rio
Janeiro, and that he was not authorized so to act, but, on the contrary,
was expressly forbidden to enter into diplomatic correspondence with the
Government of Brazil.

The letter of the 8th of February, 1854, a copy of which is annexed,
addressed by William L. Marcy, then Secretary of State, to James M.
Mason, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate,
specifies objections to the claim, which it is believed have not since
diminished, and in which I fully concur.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 15, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I return without my approval an act entitled "An act granting a pension
to Abigail Ryan, widow of Thomas A. Ryan." The name of Mrs. Ryan is now
borne upon the pension rolls, pursuant to an act of Congress entitled
"An act for the relief of Mrs. Abigail Ryan," approved June 15, 1866
(14 U.S. Statutes at Large, p. 590).

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 22, 1872_.

_To the House of Representatives:_

I return herewith House resolution No. 622, entitled "An act granting
a pension to Richard B. Crawford," without my approval, for the reason
that said Crawford is now drawing a pension as a private soldier, the
wound on account of which he was pensioned having been received before
his promotion to a lieutenancy.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 14, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I have the honor to return herewith the bill (S. 955) entitled
"An act granting a pension to Mary Ann Montgomery, widow of William
W. Montgomery, late captain in Texas Volunteers," without my approval,
inasmuch as the concluding phrase, "and in respect to her minor children
under 16 years of age," has obviously no meaning whatsoever. If it were
the intention of the framer of the bill that the pension thereby granted
should revert to said minor children upon the remarriage or death of the
widow, the phrase referred to should read as follows: "And in the event
of her remarriage or death, to her minor children under 16 years of
age." I therefore return the bill for proper action.

U.S. GRANT.



WASHINGTON, _June 1, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I have examined the bill entitled "An act for the relief of J. Milton
Best," and, being unable to give it my approval, return the same to the
Senate, the House in which it originated, without my signature.

The bill appropriates the sum of $25,000 to compensate Dr. J. Milton
Best for the destruction of his dwelling house and its contents by order
of the commanding officer of the United States military forces at
Paducah, Ky., on the 26th day of March, 1864. It appears that this house
was one of a considerable number destroyed for the purpose of giving
open range to the guns of a United States fort. On the day preceding
the destruction the houses had been used as a cover for rebel troops
attacking the fort, and, apprehending a renewal of the attack, the
commanding officer caused the destruction of the houses. This, then, is
a claim for compensation on account of the ravages of war. It can not be
denied that the payment of this claim would invite the presentation of
demands for very large sums of money; and such is the supposed magnitude
of the claims that may be made against the Government for necessary and
unavoidable destruction of property by the Army that I deem it proper to
return this bill for reconsideration.

It is a general principle of both international and municipal law that
all property is held subject not only to be taken by the Government for
public uses, in which case, under the Constitution of the United States,
the owner is entitled to just compensation, but also subject to be
temporarily occupied, or even actually destroyed, in times of great
public danger, and when the public safety demands it; and in this latter
case governments do not admit a legal obligation on their part to
compensate the owner. The temporary occupation of, injuries to, and
destruction of property caused by actual and necessary military
operations are generally considered to fall within the last-mentioned
principle. If a government makes compensation under such circumstances,
it is a matter of bounty rather than of strict legal right.

If it be deemed proper to make compensation for such losses, I suggest
for the consideration of Congress whether it would not be better, by
general legislation, to provide some means for the ascertainment of the
damage in all similar cases, and thus save to claimants the expense,
inconvenience, and delay of attendance upon Congress, and at the same
time save the Government from the danger of having imposed upon it
fictitious or exaggerated claims supported wholly by _ex parte_ proof.
If the claimant in this case ought to be paid, so ought all others
similarly situated; and that there are many such can not be doubted.
Besides, there are strong reasons for believing that the amount of
damage in this case has been greatly overestimated. If this be true,
it furnishes an illustration of the danger of trusting entirely to
_ex parte_ testimony in such matters.

U.S. GRANT.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 7, 1872_.

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I have the honor to return herewith Senate bill No. 569, an act entitled
"An act for the relief of Thomas B. Wallace, of Lexington, in the State
of Missouri," without my approval.

This claim, for which $11,250 are appropriated by this bill, is of the
same nature and character as the claim of Dr. J. Milton Best, which was
returned to the Senate on the 1st instant without my signature.

The same reasons which prompted the return of that bill for
reconsideration apply in this case, which also is a claim for
compensation on account of the ravages of war, and comes under the same
general principle of both international and municipal law, that all
property is held subject not only to be taken by the Government for
public uses, in which case, under the Constitution of the United States,
the owner is entitled to just compensation, but also subject to be
temporarily occupied, or even actually destroyed, in times of great
public danger, and when the public safety demands it; and in the latter
case governments do not admit a legal obligation on their part to
compensate the owner.

The temporary occupation of, injuries to, and destruction of property
caused by actual and necessary military operations are generally
considered to fall within the last-mentioned principle, and if a
government makes compensation under such circumstances it is a matter of
bounty rather than of strict legal right. If it be deemed proper to make
compensation for such losses, I renew my recommendation that provision
be made by general legislation for all similar cases.

U.S. GRANT.




PROCLAMATIONS.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory information has been received by me, through Don
Mauricio Lopez Roberts, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary
of His Majesty the King of Spain, that the Government of that country
has abolished discriminating duties heretofore imposed on merchandise
imported from all other countries, excepting the islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico, into Spain and the adjacent islands in vessels of the United
States, said abolition to take effect from and after the 1st day of
January next:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by an act of Congress
of the 7th day of January, 1824, and by an act in addition thereto of
the 24th day of May, 1828, do hereby declare and proclaim that on and
after the said 1st day of January next, so long as merchandise imported
from any other country, excepting the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico,
into the ports of Spain and the islands adjacent thereto in vessels
belonging to citizens of the United States shall be exempt from
discriminating duties, any such duties on merchandise imported into the
United States in Spanish vessels, excepting from the islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico, shall be discontinued and abolished.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 19th day of December, A.D. 1871,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
ninety-sixth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, pursuant to the first section of the act of Congress approved
the 11th day of June, 1864, entitled "An act to provide for the
execution of treaties between the United States and foreign nations
respecting consular jurisdiction over the crews of vessels of such
foreign nations in the waters and ports of the United States," it is
provided that before that act shall take effect as to the ships and
vessels of any particular nation having such treaty with the United
States the President of the United States shall have been satisfied that
similar provisions have been made for the execution of such treaty by
the other contracting party and shall have issued his proclamation to
that effect, declaring that act to be in force as to such nation; and

Whereas due inquiry having been made and a satisfactory answer having
been received that similar provisions are in force in the United
Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the
United States of America, do hereby proclaim the same accordingly.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 11th day of May, A.D. 1872, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-sixth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the act of Congress approved June 25, 1868, constituted, on and
after that date, eight hours a day's work for all laborers, workmen, and
mechanics employed by or on behalf of the Government of the United
States; and

Whereas on the 19th day of May, A.D. 1869, by Executive proclamation it
was directed that from and after that date no reduction should be made
in the wages paid by the Government by the day to such laborers,
workmen, and mechanics on account of such reduction of the hours of
labor; and

Whereas it is now represented to me that the act of Congress and the
proclamation aforesaid have not been strictly observed by all officers
of the Government having charge of such laborers, workmen, and
mechanics:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States, do
hereby again call attention to the act of Congress aforesaid, and direct
all officers of the executive department of the Government having charge
of the employment and payment of laborers, workmen, or mechanics
employed by or on behalf of the Government of the United States to make
no reduction in the wages paid by the Government by the day to such
laborers, workmen, and mechanics on account of the reduction of the
hours of labor.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 11th day of May, A.D. 1872, and of
the Independence of the United States the ninety-sixth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the act of Congress approved May 22, 1872, removes all political
disabilities imposed by the third section of the fourteenth article of
amendments to the Constitution of the United States from all persons
whomsoever except Senators and Representatives of the Thirty-sixth and
Thirty-seventh Congresses and officers in the judicial, military, and
naval service of the United States, heads of Departments, and foreign
ministers of the United States; and

Whereas it is represented to me that there are now pending in the
several circuit and district courts of the United States proceedings
by _quo warranto_ under the fourteenth section of the act of Congress
approved May 31, 1870, to remove from office certain persons who are
alleged to hold said offices in violation of the provisions of said
article of amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and also
penal prosecutions against such persons under the fifteenth section of
the act of Congress aforesaid:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States, do
hereby direct all district attorneys having charge of such proceedings
and prosecutions to dismiss and discontinue the same, except as to
persons who may be embraced in the exceptions named in the act of
Congress first above cited.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 1st day of June, A.D. 1872, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-sixth.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory information has been received by me from His
Majesty the Emperor of Japan, through an official communication of
Mr. Arinori Mori, His Majesty's chargé d'affaires, under date of the
2d instant, that no other or higher duties of tonnage or impost are
imposed or levied in the ports of the Empire of Japan upon vessels
wholly belonging to citizens of the United States or upon the produce,
manufactures, or merchandise imported in the same from the United States
or from any foreign country than are levied on Japanese ships and their
cargoes in the same ports under like circumstances:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by an act of Congress
of the 24th day of May, 1828, do hereby declare and proclaim that from
and after the said 2d instant, so long as vessels of the United States
and their cargoes shall be exempt from discriminating duties as
aforesaid, any such duties on Japanese vessels entering the ports of the
United States, or on the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported
in such vessels, shall be discontinued and abolished.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, the 4th day of September, A.D. 1872, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-seventh.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  CHARLES HALE,
    _Acting Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the revolution of another year has again brought the time when
it is usual to look back upon the past and publicly to thank the
Almighty for His mercies and His blessings; and

Whereas if any one people has more occasion than another for such
thankfulness it is the citizens of the United States, whose Government
is their creature, subject to their behests; who have reserved to
themselves ample civil and religious freedom and equality before the
law; who during the last twelvemonth have enjoyed exemption from any
grievous or general calamity, and to whom prosperity in agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce has been vouchsafed:

Now, therefore, by these considerations, I recommend that on Thursday,
the 28th day of November next, the people meet in their respective
places of worship and there make their acknowledgments to God for His
kindness and bounty.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 11th day of October, A.D. 1872, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-seventh.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas upon information received by me from His Majesty the Emperor
of the French that discriminating duties before the date of said
information levied in French ports upon merchandise imported from
the countries of its origin in vessels of the United States were
discontinued and abolished, and in pursuance of the provisions of an
act of Congress of the 7th of January, 1824, and of an act in addition
thereto of the 24th of May, 1828, I did, on the 12th day of June, 1869,
issue my proclamation[66] declaring that the discriminating duties before
that date levied upon merchandise imported from the countries of its
origin into ports of the United States in French vessels were thereby
discontinued and abolished; and

Whereas upon information subsequently received by me that the levying of
such duties on all merchandise imported into France in vessels of the
United States, whether from the country of its origin or from other
countries, had been discontinued, I did, on the 20th of November, 1869,
in pursuance of the provisions of the said acts of Congress and by the
authority in me vested thereby, issue my proclamation[67] declaring that
the discriminating duties before that date levied upon merchandise
imported into the United States in French vessels, either from the
countries of its origin or from any other country, were thereby
discontinued and abolished; and

Whereas by the provisions of the said acts of Congress of January 7,
1824, and of the 24th of May, 1828, as well as by the terms of the said
proclamations of the 12th of June, 1869, and of the 20th of November,
1869, the said suspension of discriminating duties upon merchandise
imported into the United States in French vessels was granted by the
United States on condition that, and to continue so long as, merchandise
imported into France in vessels of the United States should be admitted
into the ports of France on the same terms of exemption from the payment
of such discriminating duties; and

Whereas information has been received by me that by a law of the French
Republic passed on the 30th of January, 1872, and published on the 3d
of February, 1872, merchandise imported into France in vessels of the
United States from countries other than the United States is (with the
exception of certain articles enumerated in said law) subjected to
discriminating duties; and

Whereas by the operation of said law of the French Republic of the
30th of January, 1872, the exemption of French vessels and their cargoes
granted by the terms of the said proclamations of the 12th of June,
1869, and of the 20th of November, 1869, in accordance with the
provisions of the acts of Congress aforesaid, has ceased to be
reciprocal on the part of France toward vessels owned by citizens of the
United States and their cargoes:

Now, therefore, I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of
America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by an act of Congress
of the 7th day of January, 1824, and by an act in addition thereto of
the 24th day of May, 1828, do hereby declare and proclaim that on and
after this date the said suspension of the collection of discriminating
duties upon merchandise imported into the United States in French
vessels from countries other than France, provided for by my said
proclamations of the 12th day of June, 1869, and the 20th day of
November, 1869, shall cease and determine, and all the provisions of the
acts imposing discriminating foreign tonnage and import duties in the
United States are hereby revived, and shall henceforth be and remain in
full force as relates to goods and merchandise imported into the United
States in French vessels from countries other than France, so long as
any discriminating duties shall continue to be imposed by France upon
goods and merchandise imported into France in vessels of the United
States from countries other than the United States.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 30th day of October, A.D. 1872, and
of the Independence of the United States the ninety-seventh.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.

[Footnote 66: See pp. 15-16.]

[Footnote 67: See p. 19.]




EXECUTIVE ORDERS


WASHINGTON, _April 16, 1872_.

The Advisory Board of the civil service, having completed the grouping
contemplated by the rules already adopted, have recommended certain
provisions for carrying the rules into effect.

The recommendations as herewith published are approved, and the
provisions will be enforced as rapidly as the proper arrangements can
be made; and the thirteenth of the rules adopted on the 19th day of
December last is amended to read as published herewith.

The utmost fidelity and diligence will be expected of all officers in
every branch of the public service. Political assessments, as they are
called, have been forbidden within the various Departments; and while
the right of all persons in official position to take part in politics
is acknowledged, and the elective franchise is recognized as a high
trust to be discharged by all entitled to its exercise, whether in the
employment of the Government or in private life, honesty and efficiency,
not political activity, will determine the tenure of office.

U.S. GRANT.

By the President:
  HAMILTON FISH,
    _Secretary of State_.


[For rules for the civil service promulgated by the President December
19, 1871, see pp. 157-159.]

  [Rule 13, as amended.]

  13. From these rules are excepted the heads of Departments, Assistant
  Secretaries of Departments, Assistant Attorneys-General, Assistant
  Postmasters-General, Solicitor-General, Solicitor of the Treasury,
  Naval Solicitor, Solicitor of Internal Revenue, examiner of claims in
  the State Department, Treasurer of the United States, Register of the
  Treasury, First and Second Comptrollers of the Treasury, other heads of
  bureaus in the several Departments, judges of the United States courts,
  district attorneys, private secretary of the President, ambassadors and
  other public ministers, Superintendent of the Coast Survey, Director
  of the Mint, governors of Territories, special commissioners, special
  counsel, visiting and examining boards, persons appointed to positions
  without compensation for services, dispatch agents, and bearers of
  dispatches.

  REGULATIONS AND CLASSIFICATION.

  1. No person will be appointed to any position in the civil service who
  shall not have furnished satisfactory evidence of his fidelity to the
  Union and the Constitution of the United States.

  2. The evidence in regard to character, health, age, and knowledge of
  the English language required by the first rule shall be furnished in
  writing, and if such evidence shall be satisfactory to the head of
  the Department in which the appointment is to be made the applicant
  shall be notified when and where to appear for examination; but when
  the applicants are so numerous that the examination of all whose
  preliminary papers are satisfactory is plainly impracticable, the head
  of the Department shall select for examination a practicable number of
  those who are apparently best qualified.

  3. Examinations to fill vacancies in any of the Executive Departments
  in Washington shall be held not only at the city of Washington, but
  also, when directed by the head of the Department in which the vacancy
  may exist, in the several States, either at the capital or other
  convenient place.

  4. The appointment of persons to be employed exclusively in the
  secret service of the Government, also of persons to be employed as
  translators, stenographers, or private secretaries, or to be designated
  for secret service, to fill vacancies in clerkships in either of the
  Executive Departments at Washington, may be excepted from the operation
  of the rules.

  5. When a vacancy occurs in a consular office of which the lawful
  annual compensation is $3,000 or more, it will be filled, at the
  discretion of the President, either by the transfer of some person
  already in the service or by a new appointment, which may be excepted
  from the operation of the rules. But if the vacancy occur in an
  office of which the lawful annual compensation, by salary or by fees
  ascertained by the last official returns, is more than $1,000 and less
  than $3,000, and it is not filled by transfer, applications will be
  addressed to the Secretary of State, inclosing proper certificates of
  character, responsibility, and capacity, and the Secretary will notify
  the applicant who upon investigation appears to be most suitable and
  competent to attend for examination; and if he shall be found qualified
  he will be nominated for confirmation, but if not found qualified, or
  if his nomination be not confirmed by the Senate, the Secretary will
  proceed in like manner with the other applicants who appear to him to
  be qualified. If, however, no applicants under this regulation shall be
  found suitable and qualified, the vacancy will be filled at discretion.
  The appointment of commercial agents and of consuls whose annual
  compensation is $1,000 or less (if derived from fees, the amount to be
  ascertained by the last official returns), of vice-consuls, deputy
  consuls, and of consular agents and other officers who are appointed
  upon the nomination of the principal officer, and for whom he is
  responsible upon his official bond, may be, until otherwise ordered,
  excepted from the operation of the rules.

  6. When a vacancy occurs in the office of collector of the customs,
  naval officer, appraiser, or surveyor of the customs in the customs
  districts of New York, Boston and Charlestown, Baltimore, San
  Francisco, New Orleans, Philadelphia, Vermont (Burlington), Oswego,
  Niagara, Buffalo Creek, Champlain, Portland and Falmouth, Corpus
  Christi, Oswegatchie, Mobile, Brazos de Santiago (Brownsville), Texas
  (Galveston, etc.), Savannah, Charleston, Chicago, or Detroit, the
  Secretary of the Treasury shall ascertain if any of the subordinates in
  the customs districts in which such vacancy occurs are suitable persons
  qualified to discharge efficiently the duties of the office to be
  filled; and if such persons be found he shall certify to the President
  the name or names of those subordinates, not exceeding three, who in
  his judgment are best qualified for the position, from which the
  President will make the nomination to fill the vacancy; but if no such
  subordinate be found qualified, or if the nomination be not confirmed,
  the nomination will be made at the discretion of the President.
  Vacancies occurring in such positions in the customs service in the
  said districts as are included in the subjoined classification will
  be filled in accordance with the rules. Appointments to all other
  positions in the customs service in said districts may be, until
  otherwise ordered, excepted from the operation of the rules.

  7. When a vacancy occurs in the office of collector, appraiser,
  surveyor, or other chief officer in any customs district not specified
  in the preceding regulation, applications in writing from any
  subordinate or subordinates in the customs service of the district,
  or from other person or persons residing within the said district,
  may be addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing proper
  certificates of character, responsibility, and capacity; and if any
  of the subordinates so applying shall be found suitable and qualified,
  the name or names, not exceeding three, of the best qualified shall
  be certified by the board of examiners to the Secretary, and from
  this list the nomination or appointment will be made; but if no such
  subordinate be found qualified, the said board shall certify to the
  Secretary the name or names, not exceeding three, of the best qualified
  among the other applicants, and from this list the nomination or
  appointment will be made. If, however, no applicants under this
  regulation shall be found suitable and qualified, the vacancy will
  be filled at discretion. Appointments to all other positions in the
  customs service in said districts may be, until otherwise ordered,
  excepted from the operation of the rules.

  8. When a vacancy occurs in the office of postmaster in cities having,
  according to the census of 1870, a population of 20,000 or more, the
  Postmaster-General shall ascertain if any of the subordinates in such
  office are suitable persons qualified to discharge efficiently the
  duties of postmaster, and if such are found he shall certify to the
  President the name or names of those subordinates, not exceeding three
  in number, who in his judgment are best qualified for the position,
  from which list the President will make the nomination to fill the
  vacancy; but if no such subordinate be found so qualified, or if the
  nomination be not confirmed by the Senate, the nomination will be
  made at the discretion of the President. Vacancies occurring in such
  positions in the said post-office as are included in the subjoined
  classification will be filled in accordance with the rules.
  Appointments to all other positions in the said post-offices may be,
  until otherwise ordered, excepted from the operation of the rules.

  9. When a vacancy occurs in the office of postmaster of a class
  not otherwise provided for, applications for the position from any
  subordinate or subordinates in the office, or from other persons
  residing within the delivery of the office, may be addressed to the
  Postmaster-General, inclosing proper certificates of character,
  responsibility, and capacity; and if any of the subordinates so
  applying shall be found suitable and qualified, the name or names of
  the best qualified, not exceeding three, shall be certified by the
  board of examiners to the Postmaster-General, and from them the
  nomination or appointment shall be made; but if no subordinate be
  found qualified, the said board shall certify to the Postmaster-General
  the name or names, not exceeding three, of the best qualified among the
  other applicants, and from them the nomination or appointment shall be
  made. If, however, no applicants under this regulation shall be found
  suitable and qualified, the vacancy will be filled at discretion.
  Appointments to all other positions in the said post-offices may be,
  until otherwise ordered, excepted from the operation of the rules.

  10. Special agents of the Post-Office Department shall be appointed by
  the Postmaster-General at discretion from persons already in the postal
  service, and who shall have served therein for a period of not less
  than one year immediately preceding the appointment; but if no person
  within the service shall, in the judgment of the Postmaster-General,
  be suitable and qualified, the appointment shall be made from all
  applicants under the rules.

  11. Mail-route messengers shall be appointed in the manner provided for
  the appointment of postmasters whose annual salary is less than $200.

  12. When a vacancy occurs in the office of register or receiver of
  the land office, or of pension agent, applications in writing from
  residents in the district in which the vacancy occurs may be addressed
  to the Secretary of the Interior, inclosing proper certificates of
  character, responsibility, and capacity; and if any of the applicants
  shall be found suitable and qualified, the name or names, not exceeding
  three, of the best qualified shall be certified by the board of
  examiners to the Secretary, and from this list the nomination will be
  made. If, however, no applicants under this regulation shall be found
  suitable and qualified, the nomination will be made at discretion.

  13. When a vacancy occurs in the office of United States marshal,
  applications in writing from residents in the district in which the
  vacancy occurs may be addressed to the Attorney-General of the United
  States, inclosing proper certificates of character, responsibility,
  and capacity; and if any of the applicants shall be found suitable
  and qualified, the name or names, not exceeding three, of the best
  qualified shall be certified by the board of examiners to the
  Attorney-General, and from this list the nomination will be made.
  If, however, no applicants under this regulation shall be found
  suitable and qualified, the nomination will be made at discretion.

  14. Appointments to fill vacancies occurring in offices in the several
  Territories, excepting those of judges of the United States courts,
  Indian agents, and superintendents, will be made from suitable and
  qualified persons domiciled in the Territory in which the vacancy
  occurs, if any such are found.

  15. It shall be the duty of the examining board in each of the
  Departments to report to the Advisory Board such modifications in the
  rules and regulations as in the judgment of such examining board are
  required for appointments to certain positions to which, by reason of
  distance, or of difficult access, or of other sufficient cause, the
  rules and regulations can not be applied with advantage; and if the
  reason for such modifications shall be satisfactory to the Advisory
  Board, said board will recommend them for approval.

  16. Nothing in these rules and regulations shall prevent the
  reappointment at discretion of the incumbents of any office the term of
  which is fixed by law, and when such reappointment is made no vacancy
  within the meaning of the rules shall be deemed to have occurred.

  17. Appointments to all positions in the civil service not included in
  the subjoined classification, nor otherwise specially provided for by
  the rules and regulations, may, until otherwise ordered, be excepted
  from the operation of the rules.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, D.C., May 27, 1872_.

SIR:[68] The President directs me to say that the several Departments of
the Government will be closed on the 30th instant, in order to enable
the employees of the Government to participate, in connection with the
Grand Army of the Republic, in the decoration of the graves of the
soldiers who fell during the rebellion.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

HORACE PORTER, _Secretary_.

[Footnote 68: Addressed to the heads of the Executive Departments, etc.]



DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, October 11, 1872_.

The undersigned is charged by the President with the painful duty of
announcing to the people of the United States the death of an
illustrious citizen.

William Henry Seward, distinguished for faithful and eminent service
in varied public trusts during a long series of years, died at Auburn,
in the State of New York, yesterday, October 10. Charged with the
administration of the Department of State at a most critical period in
the history of the nation, Mr. Seward brought to the duties of that
office exalted patriotism, unwearied industry, and consummate ability.
A grateful nation will cherish his name, his fame, and his memory.

The several Executive Departments will cause appropriate honors to be
rendered to the memory of the deceased statesman at home and abroad.

HAMILTON FISH, _Secretary of State_.




FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.


EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 2, 1872_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In transmitting to you this my fourth annual message it is with
thankfulness to the Giver of All Good that as a nation we have been
blessed for the past year with peace at home, peace abroad, and a
general prosperity vouchsafed to but few peoples.

With the exception of the recent devastating fire which swept from the
earth with a breath, as it were, millions of accumulated wealth in the
city of Boston, there has been no overshadowing calamity within the year
to record. It is gratifying to note how, like their fellow-citizens
of the city of Chicago under similar circumstances a year earlier,
the citizens of Boston are rallying under their misfortunes, and the
prospect that their energy and perseverance will overcome all obstacles
and show the same prosperity soon that they would had no disaster
befallen them. Otherwise we have been free from pestilence, war, and
calamities, which often overtake nations; and, as far as human judgment
can penetrate the future, no cause seems to exist to threaten our
present peace.

When Congress adjourned in June last, a question had been raised
by Great Britain, and was then pending, which for a time seriously
imperiled the settlement by friendly arbitration of the grave
differences between this Government and that of Her Britannic Majesty,
which by the treaty of Washington had been referred to the tribunal of
arbitration which had met at Geneva, in Switzerland.

The arbitrators, however, disposed of the question which had jeoparded
the whole of the treaty and threatened to involve the two nations
in most unhappy relations toward each other in a manner entirely
satisfactory to this Government and in accordance with the views and
the policy which it had maintained.

The tribunal, which had convened at Geneva in December, concluded its
laborious session on the 14th day of September last, on which day,
having availed itself of the discretionary power given to it by the
treaty to award a sum in gross, it made its decision, whereby it awarded
the sum of $15,500,000 in gold as the indemnity to be paid by Great
Britain to the United States for the satisfaction of all the claims
referred to its consideration.

This decision happily disposes of a long-standing difference between
the two Governments, and, in connection with another award, made by the
German Emperor under a reference to him by the same treaty, leaves these
two Governments without a shadow upon the friendly relations which it is
my sincere hope may forever remain equally unclouded.

The report of the agent of the United States appointed to attend the
Geneva tribunal, accompanied by the protocols of the proceedings of the
arbitrators, the arguments of the counsel of both Governments, the award
of the tribunal, and the opinions given by the several arbitrators, is
transmitted herewith.

I have caused to be communicated to the heads of the three friendly
powers who complied with the joint request made to them under the treaty
the thanks of this Government for the appointment of arbitrators made by
them respectively, and also my thanks to the eminent personages named by
them, and my appreciation of the dignity, patience, impartiality, and
great ability with which they discharged their arduous and high
functions.

Her Majesty's Government has communicated to me the appreciation by
Her Majesty of the ability and indefatigable industry displayed by Mr.
Adams, the arbitrator named on the part of this Government during the
protracted inquiries and discussions of the tribunal. I cordially unite
with Her Majesty in this appreciation.

It is due to the agent of the United States before the tribunal to
record my high appreciation of the marked ability, unwearied patience,
and the prudence and discretion with which he has conducted the very
responsible and delicate duties committed to him, as it is also due to
the learned and eminent counsel who attended the tribunal on the part of
this Government to express my sense of the talents and wisdom which they
brought to bear in the attainment of the result so happily reached.

It will be the province of Congress to provide for the distribution
among those who may be entitled to it of their respective shares of
the money to be paid. Although the sum awarded is not payable until
a year from the date of the award, it is deemed advisable that no time
be lost in making a proper examination of the several cases in which
indemnification may be due. I consequently recommend the creation of
a board of commissioners for the purpose.

By the thirty-fourth article of the treaty of Washington the respective
claims of the United States and of Great Britain in their construction
of the treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, defining the boundary line
between their respective territories, were submitted to the arbitration
and award of His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, to decide which of
those claims is most in accordance with the true interpretation of the
treaty of 1846.

His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, having been pleased to undertake the
arbitration, has the earnest thanks of this Government and of the people
of the United States for the labor, pains, and care which he has devoted
to the consideration of this long-pending difference. I have caused an
expression of my thanks to be communicated to His Majesty. Mr. Bancroft,
the representative of this Government at Berlin, conducted the case and
prepared the statement on the part of the United States with the ability
that his past services justified the public in expecting at his hands.
As a member of the Cabinet at the date of the treaty which has given
rise to the discussion between the two Governments, as the minister to
Great Britain when the construction now pronounced unfounded was first
advanced, and as the agent and representative of the Government to
present the case and to receive the award, he has been associated with
the question in all of its phases, and in every stage has manifested a
patriotic zeal and earnestness in maintenance of the claim of the United
States. He is entitled to much credit for the success which has attended
the submission.

After a patient investigation of the case and of the statements of each
party, His Majesty the Emperor, on the 21st day of October last, signed
his award in writing, decreeing that the claim of the Government of the
United States, that the boundary line between the territories of Her
Britannic Majesty and the United States should be drawn through the
Haro Channel, is most in accordance with the true interpretation of the
treaty concluded on the 15th of June, 1846, between the Governments of
Her Britannic Majesty and of the United States.

Copies of the "case" presented on behalf of each Government, and of
the "statement in reply" of each, and a translation of the award, are
transmitted herewith.

This award confirms the United States in their claim to the important
archipelago of islands lying between the continent and Vancouvers
Island, which for more than twenty-six years (ever since the
ratification of the treaty) Great Britain has contested, and leaves us,
for the first time in the history of the United States as a nation,
without a question of disputed boundary between our territory and the
possessions of Great Britain on this continent.

It is my grateful duty to acknowledge the prompt, spontaneous action of
Her Majesty's Government in giving effect to the award. In anticipation
of any request from this Government, and before the reception in the
United States of the award signed by the Emperor, Her Majesty had given
instructions for the removal of her troops which had been stationed
there and for the cessation of all exercise or claim of jurisdiction, so
as to leave the United States in the exclusive possession of the lately
disputed territory. I am gratified to be able to announce that the
orders for the removal of the troops have been executed, and that the
military joint occupation of San Juan has ceased. The islands are now in
the exclusive possession of the United States.

It now becomes necessary to complete the survey and determination of
that portion of the boundary line (through the Haro Channel) upon which
the commission which determined the remaining part of the line were
unable to agree. I recommend the appointment of a commission to act
jointly with one which may be named by Her Majesty for that purpose.

Experience of the difficulties attending the determination of our
admitted line of boundary, after the occupation of the territory and
its settlement by those owing allegiance to the respective Governments,
points to the importance of establishing, by natural objects or other
monuments, the actual line between the territory acquired by purchase
from Russia and the adjoining possessions of Her Britannic Majesty.
The region is now so sparsely occupied that no conflicting interests
of individuals or of jurisdiction are likely to interfere to the delay
or embarrassment of the actual location of the line. If deferred until
population shall enter and occupy the territory, some trivial contest of
neighbors may again array the two Governments in antagonism. I therefore
recommend the appointment of a commission, to act jointly with one that
may be appointed on the part of Great Britain, to determine the line
between our Territory of Alaska and the conterminous possessions of
Great Britain.

In my last annual message I recommended the legislation necessary on the
part of the United States to bring into operation the articles of the
treaty of Washington of May 8, 1871, relating to the fisheries and to
other matters touching the relations of the United States toward the
British North American possessions, to become operative so soon as the
proper legislation should be had on the part of Great Britain and its
possessions.

That legislation on the part of Great Britain and its possessions had
not then been had, and during the session of Congress a question was
raised which for the time raised a doubt whether any action by Congress
in the direction